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RESEARCHES IN SPAIN: 
 
 CONTAINING THE INTpopUCT^QN TO THE:^ ' .'' 
 
 CATALOGUE OF MATERIALS IN THE AECHIVO 
 * GENERAL; J)E INPIAS FOR TIJE SlSTOEY ' 
 
 ■-- r /. -AMERIOAN ^btOTHWESTj ; 
 
 " ; - ch|rles e.- ; chapman ..*--»/: 
 
 ASSISTANT SHOPESSOR 6p HI8TOBY IN TKtE pNIVKHSirar Of CAMFOKNIA^; 
 
 
 t ■ "'-If' 
 
 UNIVERSITY Of CALIFORNIA PRESS 
 
RESEARCHES IN SPAIN 
 
 CONTAINING THE INTEODUCTION TO THE 
 
 CATALOGUE OF MATERIALS IN THE AROHIVO 
 
 GENERAL DE INDIAS FOR THE HISTORY 
 
 OF THE PACIFIC COAST AND THE 
 
 AMERICAN SOUTHWEST 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES E. CHAPMAN 
 
 ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS 
 
 BERKELEY 
 
 1918 
 
PRESS OF 
 
 THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY 
 
 LANCASTER, PA. 
 
I. The Archivo General de Indias 
 
 A. The wealth of the great archive at Seville. — In the words of a 
 Spanish writer, " The history of [Spanish] America, so far as the 
 documents are concerned, is preserved almost completely in Spain. 
 The successive amputations of her American dominions which the 
 mother country suffered have gone on increasing the wealth in docu- 
 ments, for, as her rule has come to an end, she has transported a great 
 part of their archives . . . The most essential parts of these docu- 
 ments are contained in the Archivo [General] de Indias of Seville." r 
 
 While some may take exception to the above statement, on the 
 ground that it is too sweeping, it is beyond question that the great 
 Sevillian archive is practically inexhaustible in its wealth of materials 
 on almost every conceivable subject in Spanish colonial administration 
 and is the most valuable single archive on that field in existence. 
 This is so in increasing measure, for laws have been passed and are 
 gradually being executed for the transfer of materials relating to Spain's- 
 former colonies from their present repositories in Simancas and 
 Madrid to the archive at Seville. It is true that vast quantities of 
 rich materials have been found in the archives of Spanish American 
 countries, 2 and that they often contain local details of which no 
 account was sent to Spain, but a single great repository, dealing with 
 all of the former colonies, has a decided advantage as against the 
 numerous, scattered archives of the Americas. Many colonial archives 
 have indeed but scant remains of the wealth they once possessed, as a 
 result of the removal of papers to Spain, 3 or due to the yet greater 
 disintegrating forces of foreign war, revolution, and lack of care. 4 
 
 1 Torres Lanzas in El Archivo de Indias, p. xv. For a description of this work, 
 see infra in Section D. 
 
 2 See especially Bolton, Herbert E., Guide to materials for the history of the United 
 States in the principal archives of Mexico, Washington, 1913; also Perez, Luis M., 
 Guide to the materials for American history in Cuban archives, Washington, 1907. 
 See also Chapman, Charles E., South America as a field for an historical survey, in 
 A Californian in South America (ed. by Dr. Herbert I. Priestley. Berkeley, 1917), 
 pp. 41-50. 
 
 3 For example, in the case of Cuba. 
 
 4 For example, in the case of Peru. 
 
 2 1 
 
2 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 Even in the case of those American countries whose archives retain 
 an unusual degree of completeness, 6 the meagre local materials will 
 usually be present in Spain, as well as in the land of origination, owing 
 to the incessant and systematic accumulation of minute detail, for 
 action by the authorities in Spain. 6 
 
 The value of the materials in Seville, as compared with those of 
 other archives, may be illustrated by tracing the documentation of a 
 given case. It may be supposed that Lacy, the Spanish minister to 
 Russia, reports to Grimaldi, the Spanish minister of state, that the 
 Russians are preparing to make conquests in the Californias. Grim- 
 aldi, in turn, informs Arriaga, the ministro general de Indias, and the 
 latter asks the viceroy, Bucarely, to strengthen the defences of Alta 
 California. Bucarely orders Governor Rivera of Alta California to 
 report on the state of the presidios in his province. In due time, 
 Rivera writes to the various presidial commanders, and receives their 
 replies, after which he communicates the result to Bucarely. Bucarely 
 writes to Arriaga, who asks Galvez, as one familiar with Alta Cali- 
 fornia affairs, his opinion about the Rivera report. Galvez replies, 
 and Arriaga then sends the whole file to the Council of the Indies, 
 with a request for its action. Finally, the Council informs Arriaga 
 of what it has done. In such a case, a great many other documents 
 would in fact be included in the expediente, but the above are sufficient 
 for purposes of illustration. The following would be the usual docu- 
 mentary result in the archives of Salinas (the county seat of Monterey 
 County, California), Mexico City, and Seville. 7 
 
 Salinas Mexico Seville 
 
 1. Lacy to Grimaldi — C. C. of Or. 
 
 2. Grimaldi to Arriaga — C. of Or. Or. 
 
 3. Arriaga to Bucarely — Or. Dft. 
 
 4. Bucarely to Rivera Or. Dft. Cer. 
 
 5. Rivera to the presidial commanders Dft. Cer. Cer. of Cer. 
 
 6. The presidial commanders to Rivera Or. Cer. Cer. of Cer. 
 
 7. Rivera to Bucarely Dft. Or. Cer. 
 
 8. Bucarely to Arriaga — Dft. Or. 
 
 9. Arriaga to Galvez — — Dft. 
 
 10. Galvez to Arriaga — — O' 
 
 11. Arriaga to the Council of the Indies — — D;t 
 
 12. The Council of the Indies to Arriaga — — Or. 
 
 6 For example, several of the archives of Mexico. 
 
 8 See Chapman, The founding of Spanish California, p. 170, n. 63, especially 
 the second column of page 170. 
 
 ' The abbreviations used are the same as those of the Catalogue; they are ex- 
 plained in Section IV, C, 2, of this Introduction. 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 3 
 
 In some of the above cases the document might be an uncertified 
 copy of an original or certified copy, thus operating more particularly 
 against the technical value of the file at Seville, but it will be seen, 
 from an investigation of the Catalogue, that such instances are rare. 8 
 In matters of purely local character or of minor importance, documents 
 like those from 4 to 7 may never have been sent to Spain, although 
 they may appear at Salinas and Mexico, while there is undoubtedly a 
 great body of material, like items 5 and 6, that would exist only in a 
 provincial archive. Attention should also be called to the fact that, 
 for such documents as exist in all three archives, the best technical 
 file is that of the province, the next best that of the viceroyalty, and 
 next after that the file in Spain. 9 On the other hand, the documents 
 
 8 Cf. infra Section IV, C, 6. 
 
 9 Much material of the Spanish period relating to regions now within the United 
 States is still to be found in various local archives, as may be seen from the following 
 account of the local archives of Texas, New Mexico, and California. 
 
 One of the most valuable archives of the northern Spanish frontier is that which 
 accumulated in the old Spanish province of Texas. In the early years of its history 
 the district was a part of Coahuila. For half a century, from 1722 to 1772, the 
 capital was at Los Adaes (now Robeline) in the present state of Louisiana. Thence- 
 forward, to the end of the Spanish period, the seat of government was at San Antonio 
 de Bexar. In the course of time, the provincial records became somewhat scattered. 
 The bulk of them, however, found their way into the County Courthouse of Bexar 
 County (at San Antonio"), where they remained until, some eighteen years ago, they 
 were transferred to the University of Texas, at which place they have formed the 
 basis for much of the notable historical work done at that university. Fragments 
 of the archives are at the State Historical Library, Austin, where they are known 
 as the Nacogdoches Archives. Still other fragments were found in the Lamar 
 Papers, which were purchased by the state of Texas, a few years ago. These, too, are 
 now at the State Library. The provincial records at the University of Texas are 
 well known as the Bexar Archives. They comprise about 300,000 pages of original 
 documents, consisting mainly of the correspondence of military and civil officials. 
 
 When the United States government acquired New Mexico in 1848, fairly com- 
 plete records were found in the provincial archives at Santa Fe for the period since 
 1692. Few documents were of prior date to the latter year, due to the fact that in 
 the revolt of 1680 all the records, covering the period from 1598, were burned, and 
 it was not until 1692 that the Spaniards were able to return to New Mexico. In 
 1903, the Secretary of the Interior, acting for the United States government, took 
 charge of the Spanish archives of the territory of New Mexico. During the pre- 
 ceding fifty-five years of American occupation, however, the archives had not been 
 properly cared for, and in 1870 an American governor was even guilty of the vandal 
 act of selling documents to the merchants of Santa Fe for wrapping paper. After 
 the Secretary of the Interior assumed control in 1903, the papers still remaining at 
 Santa Fe were, with the exception of a few that were retained in the Surveyor-Gen- 
 eral's office in that city, removed to the Manuscripts Division of the Library of 
 Congress. There they have been arranged in chronological order, the sheets have 
 been cleaned, and a catalogue in English has been made of them. For more detailed 
 
4 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General ale Indias 
 
 at Seville have a number of advantages. Documents like those of 
 item 1 are often at Seville in the original, as well as in copies there- 
 from, and eventually that should be the general rule, when all Spanish 
 colonial materials shall be stored at Seville, as contemplated by law. 
 Furthermore, documents like those of items 9 to 12, always of the 
 highest technical rank, are to be found only in Spain. They may be 
 described generally as intra-departmental (within the Indies depart- 
 ment itself), inter-departmental (among the various governmental 
 agencies of Spain in Europe), and private (whether as the result of 
 official requests for an opinion or arising from petitions of individuals) 
 correspondence in Europe (usually in Spain) of which official cognizance 
 was taken by the department of the Indies. Finally, the whole 
 expediente in Spain is the file upon which the highest official action 
 was based. 
 
 Whatever argument there may be as to the comparative value of 
 the documents in Seville and elsewhere as to kind, there can be none 
 as respects their number, in which particular the Archivo General de 
 Indias is far superior to any other in the same field. In 1913 there 
 were nearly 40,000 legajos in the archives. 10 When the transfers from 
 
 accounts, see Vaughan, J. H., A preliminary report on the archives of New Mexico, 
 in American Historical Association, Annual report for 1908, pp. 465-494; Twitchell, 
 Spanish archives of New Mexico, 2 vols. (Cedar Rapids, la., 1914), Prefatory note. 
 
 "Unfortunately, the Spanish provincial archives of Alta California have not 
 been kept intact, and probably the greater part of them has been destroyed. After 
 the conquest of California by the United States, the archives were placed in charge 
 of the United States Surveyor-General for California. Some of the papers were 
 later taken elsewhere, but the greater part were still in possession of that official at 
 the time of the San Francisco fire of 1906. In over three hundred volumes of Spanish 
 records, scarcely more than a score escaped the conflagration. Fortunately, however, 
 sixteen volumes of original documents, dating from 1781 to 1850, had been trans- 
 ferred, m 1858, to the Monterey County archive, in the recorder's office at Salinas, 
 and there they still remain. Five of the volumes relate to criminal matters; the 
 others are miscellaneous, containing official correspondence, private letters, public 
 addresses, and petty court papers. They comprise, without doubt, the most valuable 
 source material for the Spanish and Mexican periods of California history to be 
 found in any of the archives of California. Other records of a more local nature 
 exist in the archives ol cities which were the former pueblos of Spanish California, 
 as at Los Angeles, San Jose, and Santa Cruz (Branciforte), and still others at many 
 of the missions, especially at Santa Barbara, where an attempt has been made to 
 collect the files of all the missions. 
 
 For the material of the preceding paragraphs, the writer is indebted to Professor 
 Herbert E. Bolton, Dr. Charles W. Hackett, and Mr. Owen C. Coj', secretary of the 
 California Historical Survey Commission. 
 
 10 Roscoe R. Hill (in his Descriptive catalogue of the documents relating to the history 
 of the United States in the Papeles procedentes de Cuba deposited in the Archivo General 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 5 
 
 other Spanish archives have been completed, there should be a total 
 of 80,000 legajos. 11 While a number of legajos contain only several 
 hundred pages of manuscript material, and still others have as many 
 as six thousand, the usual size of a legajo is about two thousand pages. 
 The number of documents will vary greatly, from a single huge 
 testimonio or several bound volumes to as many as two thousand 
 documents. Counting testimonios as one item, it is probable that 
 there may be an average of four hundred documents to a legajo. 12 
 If the separate documents of testimonios are included, the number 
 may easily reach double that figure. On this basis, the ultimate 
 wealth of the Archivo General de Indias is from 32,000,000 to 64,000,- 
 000 documents, aggregating 160,000,000 pages of manuscript! The 
 vastness of these numbers and the possibilities that await the Ameri- 
 can investigator can best be appreciated, when one considers that 
 an estimate made in 1907 by a competent scholar, with the financial 
 backing of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, revealed only 
 5332 copies in the United States of documents from the archives of 
 Spain — not merely from the Archivo General de Indias 13 — although 
 many from the archive at Seville have since been added to American 
 libraries. 14 
 
 de Indias at Seville, Washington, 1916, p. vii) says " about 35,000," and in a list 
 on page ix gives a more nearly exact estimate of 35,731 legajos. William R. Shepherd 
 (in his Guide to the materials for the history of the United States in Spanish archives, 
 Washington, 1907, p. 55), says " some 40,000 legajos," and those are the figures 
 given by Sefior Torres Lanzas, head of the archive, to the writer. The two estimates 
 may be reconciled by the fact that there are some groups of papers in which the 
 legajos are so large as to be unwieldy, and it has long been planned to reduce them 
 to a more convenient size. In 1913, after Mr. Hill's departure from Seville, this 
 work began on the 1194 bundles of the Escribania de Cdmara del Consejo de Indias 
 papers, which are expected to yield about 3000 legajos of the usual size. 
 
 11 This is the estimate of Sefior Torres Lanzas. 
 
 12 Hill, Descriptive catalogue, p. xxix, estimates that there are an average of 
 five hundred documents in the legajos forming the basis of his work. In the legajos 
 investigated for the present Catalogue, it is doubtful if the average is over three 
 hundred, owing to the great number of testimonios, and it may be less. 
 
 13 Robertson, James A., List of documents in Spanish archives relating to the 
 history of the United States which have been printed or of which transcripts are pre- 
 served in American libraries. Of the 5332 items, 1075 concern printed documents, 
 but the transcript entries often include more than a single document. 
 
 14 Through the efforts of N. S. G. W. Fellows and of Dr. William E. Dunn oi 
 the University of Texas, thousands of documents have been procured for the Ban- 
 croft Library of the University of California, the Library of the University of Texas, 
 the Newberry Library of Chicago, and the Library of Congress. Thus, students in 
 the Spanish American field have an opportunity to carry on extensive work in any 
 one of four widely separated cities of this country. 
 
6 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 B. The archive building. — The history of the Casa Lonja, as the 
 archive building is called, has been told by most of the writers who 
 have dealt with the material it contains. 16 In brief, it may be stated 
 that a law was passed, on October 30, 1572, calling for the erection 
 of the building for the use of the Casa de Contratacion. The work 
 was in charge of the elder Herrera (Juan de Herrera), most famous 
 Spanish architect of all time, the builder of the Escorial and other 
 notable edifices in Spain, and the building is one of the most pleasing 
 examples of his style. On August 14, 1598, the work was completed. 
 For over a hundred years, the Lonja was the seat of the busy Casa 
 de Contratacion, but in the eighteenth century, with the removal of 
 that institution to Cadiz, it became untenanted. In 1778, the idea 
 of an archive of the Indies was suggested to the king by Juan Bautista 
 Munoz, celebrated historian and even more celebrated archivist. 
 The project was received with favor, and the Casa Lonja was proposed 
 by Jose de Galvez, at that time ministro general de Indias, as the 
 archive building. In 1785, with the arrival of a number of legajos 
 from Simancas, the Lonja was fairly embarked on its new career. 
 From that time forth, other consignments of papers were made to the 
 archive, 16 until at length the upper floor of the building, the only 
 space thus far allotted, could not conveniently house more of the 
 legajos. Laws were passed for the delivery of the lower floor for 
 archive purposes as well, and in 1913 the laws were executed. With 
 this addition, it is believed that there will be enough space, though 
 with little to spare, for the 80,000 legajos which will one day be the 
 completed store of the Archivo General de Indias. 
 
 There are practically no formalities attending admission to the 
 archive for purposes of investigation, 17 and, once there, the investi- 
 gator is allowed wide latitude for the pursuit of his studies. While 
 waiting for a legajo, he has an opportunity to consult the valuable 
 library of over a thousand volumes, which the Archivo General de 
 Indias has accumulated concerning Spanish America. While the 
 archive has no funds for the purchase of books, the library is con- 
 stantly growing through gifts; incidentally, it is a rule of courtesy 
 that students who use the materials of the archive shall donate copies 
 
 15 See especially the already cited works of Shepherd and Torres Lanzas. 
 
 16 Hill, Descriptive catalogue, p. ix, gives a table showing the different larger 
 groups of papers, their inclusive dates, the number of legajos in each, the origin of 
 the papers, and the dates when they came to the Casa Lonja. 
 
 17 On this point, see Shepherd, Guide, p. 59, and Hill, Descriptive catalogue, 
 pp. ix-xi. 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 7 
 
 of their printed works based thereon. The investigator who is unable 
 to go to Seville for his documents is free to arrange for copying through 
 the N. S. G. W. Fellows, when they are present, or he may apply 
 directly to the chiefs of the archive. 
 
 C. The arrangement of the -payers. — In the formation of the legajos, 
 of whatever set, the year 1760 is a kind of twilight zone between the 
 disorder of the older papers and the excellent arrangement of those of 
 later date; the disorder continues through that year in some legajos, 
 while in others that is the date where good order begins. Before 
 1760, expediente groupings are rarely maintained, and are often com- 
 pletely lost, through the disappearance of documents, or through 
 their having been filed in separate legajos. The arrangement of the 
 post-1760 legajos is admirable. The general rule is for a subgrouping 
 by individual years, within which the particular year's expedientes 
 appear. The expedientes are conveniently arranged, so that the 
 relationships of the documents are manifest from the very make-up 
 of the file. Occasionally, in legajos that have been used by investi- 
 gators, but especially in those from which copies have been made, an 
 ante-1760 chaos has made its appearance. Whether the fault be 
 that of an investigator or that of an archive clerk, it cannot be too 
 greatly regretted, and it is to be hoped that the evil practice may be 
 checked or done away with. 
 
 The papers are divided into twelve (or, if those styled Indiferente 
 
 General are considered separately from the Audiencia group, thirteen) 
 
 larger sets, ranging in numbers from the 105 legajos of the Estado 
 
 group, to the 18,860 of the Simancas papers (including both the 
 
 Audiencia and Indiferente General sections, of which the former 
 
 contains over 15,000). Some attempts at cataloguing the materials 
 
 have been made, but while the inventarios and indices of certain sets, 
 
 for example the Patronato Real 18 and Estado groups, have been 
 
 18 The most famous of all the sets of materials at the archive is that of the 
 Patronato Real. The title of these papers would lead one to expect them to deal 
 with the royal patronage with regard to the church, but the name has no relation to 
 the subject matter; they are so called, because they are stored in a room which 
 was formerly the office of that branch of royal administration. They represent the 
 selections of Juan Bautista Mufioz of the materials which he considered the most 
 valuable of the archive. As such, they have been used by investigators more than 
 many other equally valuable sets, and they constitute the principal source for the 
 much cited Coleccidn de documentos ineditos, relativos al descubrimiento, conquisla y 
 organizacidn de las antiguas posesiones espanolas de America y Oceania, 42 vols. 
 Madrid, 1864-1884. Cf. Chapman, The founding of Spanish California, p. 438. 
 The documents of the Patronato Real are particularly rich in materials for the era 
 
8 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 commendably well done, those of others present very meagre guides 
 to the materials referred to. This is particularly true of what is 
 perhaps the richest set of all for general purposes, as well as the 
 greatest in number of legajos. the above-mentioned Simancas papers, 
 to which three small inventarios are devoted. In the case of this 
 set, a one or two line description, with inclusive dates, is given for the 
 various groups of legajos, a single item embracing from one to as 
 many as twenty-five legajos — obviously not a very detailed clue to the 
 contents. 
 
 The names of the larger sections will occasionally convey some 
 idea as to the nature of the materials, but the basis of appellation is, 
 not subject-matter, but the office whence the papers came to the 
 archive. Thus, the Simancas papers came from the archive at 
 Simancas. The principal subgroup is called the Audiencia papers, 
 not because it deals with the activities of audiencias, but because the 
 various audiencia jurisdiction's were taken as convenient geographical 
 divisions. Similarly, the other subgroup of the Simancas papers is 
 called Indiferente General, because the documents were not easily 
 referable to any single audiencia jurisdiction. 19 The legajos are 
 located by estante (stack), cajon (compartment, or shelf), and legajo 
 (bundle) numbers, and the three together (e. g., 104-3-2) are habitually 
 termed the legajo number. The title of an individual legajo and its 
 inclusive dates will usually give a general indication of subject-matter 
 and the range, in time, of the documents, but neither is a safe clue in 
 all cases, as will be seen by reference to the section of this Catalogue 
 dealing with legajo descriptions. 20 
 
 of the conquistadores; they contain little or nothing for the eighteenth century. 
 There is still much of value in this set that has not been used, e. g., the six hundred 
 page manuscript account of the Coronado expedition by Baltasar de Obregon, 
 which was virtually unknown until found by the writer and copied for the Newberry 
 Library of Chicago; but, as a general rule, other sets will now yield far more to the 
 investigator in search of new materials. The inventarios and indices of the Patronato 
 Real are the type which has been followed with more or less success in the cataloguing 
 of other sets. The inventarios of this set (of which there are two) list the materials, 
 sometimes by expedientes, and at others document by document. The indices (of 
 which also there are two) provide an alphabetical index, usually by names of persons, 
 but in some cases by names of places and institutions as well, to the inventarios. 
 Where possible, the alphabetical index is applied within geographical units. 
 
 19 This section has also served as a category for materials which came to the 
 archive, not necessarily from Simancas, after the inventarios of other groups had 
 been made up. It is therefore a growing set. (Shepherd, Guide, p. 67.) 
 
 20 It is a temptation to write a general account of the various larger groups of 
 papers, for which the writer has notes available, but it is doubtful if much that is 
 useful could be added to the concise statements appearing in Shepherd's Guide. 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 9 
 
 D. Works dealing with the archive. — A bibliography of works 
 treating of the Archivo General de Indias is provided in Hill, Descrip- 
 tive catalogue, 21 p. vii. The following items may be added to Mr. Hill's 
 list: 
 
 El Archivo de Indias y la Sociedad de publicaciones historicas. 
 Madrid. [1912]. This is an illustrated thirty-one page pamphlet 
 in two parts. The first part, in fifteen pages, is the work of Dr. Pio 
 Zabala y Lera, referring to the publications, past and prospective, of 
 the Sociedad de Publicaciones Historicas. The second part, written 
 anonymously by Sefior Don Pedro Torres Lanzas, chief of the archive, 
 concerns the Archivo General de Indias. It ranks with Shepherd's 
 Guide 22 as the most useful description yet published of the general 
 contents of the archive. 
 
 Larrabure y Unanue, Eugenio, Les archives des Indes et la Bibli- 
 otheque Colombine de Seville. [Paris. 1914]. This is a profusely 
 illustrated eighty-eight page pamphlet, of which fifty pages are 
 devoted to the Archivo General de Indias. Practically the entire 
 space deals with the exposition of documents at that archive in 1913, 
 in celebration of the four hundredth anniversary of Balboa's discovery 
 of the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 There is an article in Archives des missions scientifiques et litteraires 
 (2), II, 367, not available to the present writer, cited in Shepherd, 
 Guide, pp. 59, 96. 
 
 More popular in character, but often containing material of value, 
 are the various reports of the N. S. G. W. Fellows, published, from time 
 to time, in the Grizzly bear magazine of Los Angeles, and articles of 
 like character by Dr. William E. Dunn of the University of Texas in 
 newspapers and magazines of Texas, e. g., Hunting old documents in 
 Spain, in The alcalde (Austin, Texas), III, pp. 345-354, Feb., 1915. 
 The most complete and most available description of the archive, for 
 American scholars, especially as regards the inventarios and indices 
 of the different sets of papers, is Shepherd's Guide, supplemented as 
 regards arrangements and archive rules since the publication of 
 Shepherd's work by Hill's Descriptive catalogue. Both of these works, 
 as well as those of Bolton, Perez, and Robertson, cited in notes 2 and 13, 
 are among the publications of the Department of Historical Research 
 of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. 
 
 21 See supra, n. 10. 
 
 22 See supra, n. 10. 
 
10 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 II, The Native Sons' Fellowships 
 A. The Native Sons of the Golden West. — The Native Sons of the 
 Golden West have the unique distinction of being perhaps the only" 
 fraternal society in the United States which devotes its efforts and its 
 funds to the promotion of state history. In so doing, they are taking 
 the logical course springing out of the circumstances of their origin 
 and membership. The idea for the founding of the order originated 
 with General A. M. Winn, who, as grand marshal of a Fourth of July 
 parade at San Francisco in 1875, had arranged for a division of march- 
 ers made up entirely of young men " born under the American flag " 
 in California. Such a group was formed, and it marched in the 
 parade, held that year on Monday, July 5. The following Sunday, 
 July 11,' a number of the participants and others within the terms of 
 General Winn's call held a meeting, and at Winn's suggestion formed a 
 society, choosing the name which still endures. In March, 1876, the 
 society was incorporated, at which time it had a membership of 113. 
 Membership was limited to men (over eighteen) born since July 7, 
 1846, the date when Commodore Sloat took formal possession for the 
 United States at Monterey. 23 In 1885, the rules were extended to 
 include native Californians born before the raising of the American 
 flag, as well as those born afterward. 
 
 The founders seem originally to have contemplated an extension 
 of the order into the various states of " the Golden West," but it is 
 perhaps fortunate for the cause of history that the order eventually 
 became purely Calif ornian in its aims. It has increased in influence, 
 until today there are 172 chapters, or " parlors," with a membership 
 (in 1916) of 20,722. Closely affiliated with it is the order of the 
 Native Daughters of the Golden West, a similar organization for 
 California women, with a total of 143 parlors. 
 
 The Native Sons have long been engaged in work tending to the 
 perpetuation of the records of California's past. To them are due 
 the marking of many historic spots and the repair and preservation 
 of the far-famecl California missions. Not the least important of 
 their measures was the founding of the Native Sons' Fellowships in 
 History at the University of California. 24 
 
 23 General Winn and G. W. Anthony were admitted as honorary members; 
 neither was a native of the state. 
 
 24 Section A is based on Jung, Fred H., What, who, and how, the Native Sons, in. 
 Grizzly bear magazine, XX, no. 6, p. 25, April, 1917. Mr. Jung is Grand Secretary 
 of the order. 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 11 
 
 B. The founding of the fellowships.— At the " Grand Parlor," or 
 general, meeting of the Native Sons at Marysville in April, 1909, a 
 resolution was adopted for the appointment of a committee of five 
 to investigate and report, at the next session of the Grand Parlor, as 
 to the feasibility of establishing a chair in California history at the 
 state university. The committee conferred with Professor H. Morse 
 Stephens, head of the history department at the University of Cali- 
 fornia, who advised them that it would first be necessary to train a 
 man for the position, since there was no one properly qualified for it. 
 Professor Stephens suggested the founding of two annual fellowships 
 of $1500 each, to enable the holders to study California history at 
 its sources in Spain and elsewhere. This idea was accepted by the 
 committee, and was recommended to the order at the next meeting 
 of the Grand Parlor, held in June, 1910, at Lake Tahoe. The reso- 
 lution was referred to the finance committee, which reported in favor of 
 a gift of $1500 to the University of California for a Native Sons' 
 Fellowship for the following year. In this form, the resolution was 
 adopted, and a committee of five was appointed to cooperate with 
 the authorities of the university in carrying out the details of the 
 grant. In June, 1911, at the Grand Parlor meeting, held at Santa 
 Cruz, the sum of $3000 was voted for two fellowships. Since that 
 time, this amount has been appropriated for this purpose annually. 25 
 
 C. Brief history of the fellowships. — While the Native Sons were 
 evolving toward the idea of the fellowships, steps were being taken 
 at the University of California which had much to do with the later 
 success which the Fellows may fairly be said to have achieved. During 
 his sabbatical year of 1909-1910, Professor Stephens spent several 
 months in Spain, with the object of finding out whether an investi- 
 gation of the archives of that country would yield much in the way of 
 materials for California history. Without attempting an intensive 
 investigation, he found enough to warrant a belief that a number of 
 years could be spent there profitably, especially at the Archivo General 
 de Indias, by students interested in the history of the Pacific coast. 
 With this information and with many valuable copies, he returned to 
 
 26 This paragraph is based upon a letter to the present writer by Mr. D. Q. 
 Troy of Oakland, historiographer of the N. S. G. W. order. The letter is dated 
 May 23, 1917; it contains much more than the brief statement given here, for which 
 reason it has been turned over to the Bancroft Library. A noteworthy source for 
 additional information is the Grizzly bear magazine, organ of the N. S. G. W. and the 
 N. S. D. W., where detailed accounts of Grand Parlor meetings are to be found. 
 
12 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 Berkeley, where he proceeded to take a fresh step in the upbuilding 
 of a school of Pacific coast history. Since he himself was not a special- 
 ist in that field, it was necessary to find somebody who could train 
 students for the problems that would confront them in making use 
 of the materials in Spain. The logic of events pointed to Professor 
 Herbert E. Bolton, then at Leland Stanford University, as the ideal 
 man for the place. For many years, Professor Bolton had been the 
 acknowledged master in the field embracing the former Spanish 
 frontier, in regions now within the United States. Furthermore, he 
 had made extended investigations of the archives of Mexico, the results 
 of which were, shortly afterward, published in his well-known Guide, 
 in the Carnegie Institution series. In 1911, Professor Stephens was 
 successful in his effort to induce this scholar to accept a position at 
 the University of California, where he was to have principal charge 
 of the graduate work in the department of history. In the meantime, 
 however, the first Native Sons' Fellow had been appointed. 
 
 To Mr. Lawrence Palmer Briggs, Native Sons' Fellow for 1911— 
 1912, all subsequent Fellows, and the writer more than all, owe a debt 
 of gratitude. His was in a measure a step in the dark. Going to 
 Spain without the benefit of Professor Bolton's training, and without 
 an adequate idea of the problems awaiting him, he was placed in a 
 more difficult position than any subsequent Fellow has been. It is 
 gratifying to know that his work has had a positive result, even 
 though he himself was not to bring it to fruition, for the publication of 
 Dr. Priestley's volume on Jose de Gdlvez 26 depended in great degree on 
 the investigations of Mr. Briggs. His experiences in Spain, however, 
 were of more particular value to the later Fellows, and especially to 
 the writer, who was the next to go to Spain. 27 
 
 The work of the writer as Native Sons' Fellow is discussed in detail 
 in Section III. On the positive side, his Founding of Spanish Cali- 
 fornia and this Catalogue, besides a number of articles, are the results 
 of his two-year term, from 1912 to 1914. Upon his return in 1914, 
 he was appointed to a position in the history department of the Uni- 
 versity of California, and became the first instructor in the history of 
 California at that university. Thus, one of the objects of the Native 
 Sons was achieved. 
 
 The other fellowship for 1912-1913, the first year in which two 
 20 See infra, n. 39. 
 
 27 Upon his return from Spain Mr. Briggs entered the United States consular 
 service, and is now stationed at Saigon, Cochin China. 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 13 
 
 were available, was divided between Mr. Joseph J. Hill and Mr. 
 Tracy B. Kittredge, both of whom, as Resident Fellows, rendered 
 service in the Bancroft Library. Mr. Hill carried on an investigation 
 concerning the history of the Mormons in California. 28 
 
 For the year 1913-1914, Mr. William Lytle Schurz was appointed, 
 serving in Spain at the same time with the writer, after which Mr. 
 Schurz was named for a second term, ending in 1915. His volume 
 on the Manila galleon is expected to be one of the next publications 
 of the University of California. 29 
 
 The second Fellow for the year 1914-1915 was Mr. Gordon C. 
 Davidson. Instead of sending him to Spain, a departure from the 
 usual practice was made when Mr. Davidson was instructed for 
 work in England. He was on board the Empress of Ireland when 
 that vessel went down at the mouth of the St. Lawrence River, losing 
 all the notes with regard to his work that he had thus far prepared. 
 Nevertheless, his year was spent to good advantage, and his History 
 of the North West Company is already listed for publication at the 
 University of California. 30 
 
 Dr. Charles H. Cunningham and Mr. Karl C. Leebrick were 
 appointed in 1915. The latter remained one year. A volume by 
 him, The English expedition to Manila in 1762, is soon to be published. 
 He also gathered materials for a catalogue, similar to the present 
 •work, covering the Duplicados de comandantes generates in the Audi- 
 encia de Guadalajara group of the Simancas papers. 31 
 
 Dr. Cunningham remained two years in Spain, from 1915 to 1917. 
 He has a volume on the Audiencia de Filipinas on the calendar for 
 publication at the University of California, and has also been carrying 
 on other institutional studies at Seville bearing upon Spanish American 
 history. 
 
 The second fellowship for 1916-1917 was awarded to Mr. Tracy 
 B. Kittredge, who almost immediately resigned. His place was 
 taken by Mr. George Leslie Albright. No finer young man or more 
 
 28 Mr. Hill is now teaching in Utah. Mr. Kittredge, after a period of service 
 with the Belgian Relief Committee, is in England at the time of going to press. 
 
 29 Dr. Schurz is now Assistant Professor of Latin American History at the 
 University of Michigan, where he is listed for courses in Latin American history and 
 the history of the Pacific area — offshoots of his service as Native Sons' Fellow. 
 
 30 Dr. Davidson is now a lieutenant in the Nineteenth Reserve Battalion of 
 Canadian Infantry, on service in France. 
 
 31 In 1917, Dr. Leebrick was appointed Instructor in Modern European History 
 at the University of California. 
 
14 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 promising scholar ever went forth from the University of California 
 than Mr. Albright. On December 15, 1916, he died at Seville, a 
 victim of typhoid fever. He had continued work at the archive up 
 to the day he was obliged to go to the bed, and, to the last, seemed 
 chiefly concerned over the check in the progress of his work. His 
 volume on the Spanish frontier of New Spain and his proposed cata- 
 logue of the viceroys' correspondence will never appear over his name, 
 but a master's thesis written by him, entitled Plans and official explora- 
 tions for Pacific railroads, has been found to be so meritorious, that it 
 will be published at the University of California. 32 
 
 Owing to the entrance of the United States into the war against 
 Germany, it has become impossible to send Fellows to Europe, for the 
 present. Four Resident Fellows have therefore been appointed for 
 1917-1918. They are Dr. Charles Wilson Hackett, Mr. John Lloyd 
 Mecham, Mr. Charles S. Mitrani, and Mr. J. Fred Rippy. Dr. 
 Hackett is already the author of a number of historical articles, and 
 has a volume entitled The uprising of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico 
 in 1680 on the calendar for publication at the University of California. 
 
 It will be noticed that the Fellows have each prepared one or more 
 volumes, all of them having a demonstrable bearing upon California 
 history, as part of their work in connection with the fellowships. 
 They have also procured copies of these publications for the use of a 
 great body of students, not only for the Bancroft Library, but for 
 other libraries and for a number of American scholars as well; they 
 have represented the University of California on formal occasions in 
 foreign lands; and, finally, they have prepared themselves for uni- 
 versity positions, whereby they may spread the gospel of " the Golden 
 West " throughout the country.* 
 
 32 At the Grand Parlor meeting of. the Native Sons, held at Redding, in April, 
 1917, a memorial estante, or legajo stack, to Mr. Albright was voted. It will be 
 placed in the Archivo General de Indias at Seville. 
 
 * Mr. Mecham and Mr. Mitrani reigned their fellowships in June, 1917, and 
 enlisted.in the ambulance service of the United States army. Their places were 
 taken by Mr. Joseph J. Hill, a former Fellow, and by Mr. Arthur S. Aiton. In 
 the fall of 1917 Dr. Cunningham became an Instructor at the University of 
 Texas, giving courses in Hispanic American history. Dr. Hackett has been ap- 
 pointed Professor and head of the Department of History in the University of 
 New Mexico, beginning work there in the fall of 1918. Lieut. Davidson is 
 reported to have been decorated by the British government for gallantry in action 
 against the Germans. He was severely wounded during 1917, but word has come 
 that he has reported again for duty. 
 
 C.E.C. April 11, 1918. 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 15 
 
 III. The Wobk Planned and Accomplished 
 
 The work done by Professor H. Morse Stephens in Spain, in 1909- 
 1910, besides providing the Bancroft Library with a number of valu- 
 able copies, had demonstrated that the Archivo General de Indias 
 was rich in materials for Pacific coast history. The work of Mr. 
 Briggs, the first Native Sons' Fellow, was of great service to the 
 writer in a different way. Mr. Briggs was instructed to do work 
 on his thesis and make copies for the Bancroft Library. Although it 
 could not have been foreseen at the time, these instructions made it 
 impossible for Mr. Briggs to accomplish as much, even with his own 
 thesis, as he might have done. With a preliminary training which 
 caused him to view each new important document that had never been 
 used before as a " find," it was only natural that he should stop to 
 take careful notes on as many such documents as he should come 
 upon. The result was unfortunate, in that there was more material 
 than could have been utilized in many years — yet all, or nearly all, 
 had to be taken into account, if the proper perspective were to be 
 gained and the best selection of documents made. Curiously enough, 
 the unexpected wealth of the archive was the most serious factor he 
 had to contend against. 
 
 It was at the writer's own suggestion, that a different program 
 was planned for his term as Native Sons' Fellow. He proposed 
 that he abandon work on his thesis until such time as he might gain a 
 wide acquaintance with the available materials at the great archive 
 in Seville. In the meantime, it was suggested that he make lists, 
 without taking notes, of all pertinent documents that he might find, 
 not only on his own subject, but also on California history in general. 
 For this work he had in a measure been prepared by cataloguing 
 certain portions of the manuscript material in the Bancroft Library. 
 This plan was accepted, and instructions were given in accordance 
 therewith. 33 He was to proceed, legajo by legajo, choosing legajos on 
 the basis of their possibilities as regards material for California history, 
 and list California material only. 
 
 Upon arrival in Spain the writer began to put the above plan 
 into operation. Problems that had not been foreseen very soon 
 began to present themselves. The methods of entry which he em- 
 ployed at the start were found to be inadequate, resulting in some 
 
 33 C. E. Chapman, The archives of the Indies: report of the Native Sons' Fellow, 
 for November, 1912, in Grizzly bear magazine, XIII, no. 3, p. 6, July, 1913. 
 
16 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 inaccuracies in the technical descriptions of the earlier entered docu- 
 ments. 34 Another question to solve was whether the separate docu- 
 ments of a teslimonio should be entered or not. It very soon became 
 clear, however, that such a practice would entail an expenditure of 
 time out of all proportion to the value of the entry. He, therefore, 
 decided to make but a single entry of testimonios. Similarly, decrees 
 and reports or other notations on the same paper with another docu- 
 ment, to which these later documents referred, were not given separate 
 entry. On the other hand, the original practice of entering the 
 subordinate documents of an expediente, where the file was composed 
 of separate documents that were tied or folded together, was retained, 
 and results, the writer believes, have justified their retention. These 
 and other problems led eventually to the preparation of the plan on 
 methods of entry which forms the concluding section of this intro- 
 duction. 
 
 A more serious problem arose in connection with the material 
 itself. It had all along been understood that the materials for Cali- 
 fornia history would include documents relating to regions in the 
 direct line of approach to California, especially Baja California and 
 Sonora, but it was not supposed that the affairs of the easterly prov- 
 inces of the northern frontier, from Nueva Vizcaya to Texas, would 
 have any noteworthy bearing upon the history of the Pacific coast. 
 The fallaciousness of this view became almost at once apparent, and 
 documents dealing with the easterly provinces that clearly bore a 
 relationship to affairs in the west were entered ; furthermore, all other 
 materials about the regions now embraced by the American south- 
 west were included. This called for an answer, not always easy to 
 give, to two obvious questions. What materials bore the required 
 relationship, and, since other names were formerly applied to regions 
 no*w within New Mexico and Texas, when did the documents refer to 
 their present-day territories? 
 
 An easy solution, in theory, would have been to list all the docu- 
 ments in any legajo selected, but this was impracticable in fact. It 
 was essential that the writer should make a good showing on Cali- 
 fornia history materials — possibly the continuance of the N. S. G. W. 
 fellowships might depend on it — and the documents had to bear an 
 
 34 The principal difficulty on this score was to determine whether a document was 
 an original, certified copy, or ordinary copy. An attempt has since been made to 
 correct the slips in this particular, and it is believed that they are now rightly de- 
 scribed. 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 17 
 
 unmistakable California mark. Even after the writer's appointment 
 for a second term, time was all too short, and funds which would have 
 enabled him to carry, on the work more expeditiously, through the 
 use of clerks for the purely mechanical tasks, were almost completely 
 lacking during the first year of his incumbency and not overwhelming 
 in amount in his second year. Furthermore, the self-evident Cali- 
 fornia material, even including items relating to lands in the Spanish 
 line of approach to California, comprised, on an average, only a little 
 more than five per cent of the total number in the legajos actually 
 investigated for cataloguing. Not only was it out of the question to 
 list legajos in entirety, but also it was deemed advisable to limit the 
 entry of materials dealing with the territory from Nueva Vizcaya to 
 Texas, since that was found in greater quantity than the more nar- 
 rowly interpreted California materials. The evident New Mexico 
 and Texas documents, those referring specifically to those regions, 
 continued, as a rule, to be entered, although with some restrictions 
 even in those cases, 35 but the Nueva Vizcaya to Nuevo Santander 
 background was not included. 
 
 The general problem came up especially in connection with the 
 question whether it would not be best to confine the cataloguing to 
 some special set of the archive, and to cover that in entirety. The 
 writer once thought of listing the Audiencia de Guadalajara papers of 
 the Simancas, or Audiencia, group of the archive, since that set would 
 almost certainly yield more richly than others for those regions of the 
 northern frontier now within the United States. But it proved to 
 contain 588 legajos, or approximately 200,000 documents — enough 
 for a sixty-volume catalogue! Later, the idea occurred to him of 
 listing some definite subdivision of the above-named set, especially 
 the exceedingly rich files of the Fortificaciones, pertrechos de guerra 
 etc. papers, or the valuable group of the Duplicados of the comandantes 
 generates of the Provincias Internas. Eventually, however, he decided 
 that it was better to make as wide a sweep of California materials as 
 possible, thus establishing the fellowships, and leaving it to later 
 Fellows to ramify from the foundation he would have laid. As matters 
 were, he was able to include the greater part of the Fortificaciones 
 
 35 For example, the greater number of the service sheets entered in the Catalogue 
 are of men known to have had more or less direct relation at some time in then- 
 career to the affairs of the Calif ornias; the service sheets of other men, even though 
 they might have served in Texas or New Mexico, were omitted. 
 
18 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 papers, and, at his suggestion, a later Fellow, Mr. Karl C. Leebrick, 
 listed the entire set of the above-mentioned Duplicados papers. 36 
 
 Nevertheless, the number of documents entered bearing upon 
 provinces east of Sonora covers a wider range, the writer believes, 
 than any manuscript catalogue for those regions that has ever been 
 published. Approximately two thousand such documents are cata- 
 logued, and they represent possibly the great majority of the most 
 important items that might have been selected. The great bulk of 
 the entered items bear directly upon California, and, except for the 
 related materials of the northeastern frontier, very few documents of 
 that character in the legajos catalogued will have escaped the search 
 that was made for them. In ail, 207 legajos were investigated, yielding 
 6257 distinct items for the Catalogue, of which number it is safe to 
 say that over 5000 had never been utilized in historical works. If the 
 separate documents of testimonios, of which there were, perhaps, an 
 unusual number in the legajos investigated, might be included in this 
 list, the total number would almost certainly reach 20,000. 37 Further- 
 more, as already indicated, 3S the materials were of the highest all- 
 round technical character, and since the Council of the Indies and the 
 ministros generates were the administrative (even though not always 
 the effective) centre for all of Spain's colonies, the larger policies 
 affecting California and the other provinces of the northern frontier 
 are to be found in the documents which passed through their hands, 
 together with an amount of detail that is a never-ending surprise to 
 the Anglo-Saxon mind. 
 
 The present Catalogue not only serves as a guide to the materials 
 indicated, but aims to be something more, as well. For much that an 
 investigator may desire, the entry in the Catalogue will suffice. This 
 statement has already been tested in works by Dr. Priestley and 
 the writer which are based on the documents entered here. 39 Natur- 
 
 36 For a brief description of both the Fortificaciones and the Duplicados papers, 
 see Part I, B, 30 and 58 of the Catalogue. 
 
 37 Testimonios of several hundred documents are not at all rare. 
 
 38 See Part I of the Introduction. 
 
 30 Priestley, Herbert I., Jose de Gdlvez, visitor-general of New Spain, Univ. Calif., 
 Publ. Hist., V, 448 pp., 1916, and Chapman, Charles E., The founding of Spanish 
 California, New York, Macmillan, 1916. In the case of the latter work, citation 
 is made to this Catalogue, but not in that of the former. It may be explained here 
 that the occasional absence of an item at a Catalogue number, as well as the presence 
 of additional items in the case of some numbers, is due to the writer's citation to 
 these materials before the final arrangement of the Catalogue. Wishing to call 
 attention to the work, and being uncertain of its eventual publication, he deemed it 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 19 
 
 ally, the materials of a more immediate bearing on an investigator's 
 subject must be had in extenso, especially in the case of the longer docu- 
 ments, to which it has been impossible to give space in the Catalogue 
 in proportion to their (usually) greater relative value. Furthermore, 
 the Catalogue is much more than a manuscript bibliography of the 
 two works just referred to. Fifty such volumes, not more alike than 
 the widely different works of Dr. Priestley and the present writer, 
 might easily be based almost entirely on the Catalogue, and any number 
 of others could make use of it, at least as an indication of desirable 
 materials. Among the subjects that might be studied with a fair 
 degree of adequacy from the materials here cited, granted that one 
 should also make use of works already in print, are the following: 
 the part played by the regular and secular clergy in Spanish conquests 
 on the northern frontier of New Spain, involving an examination of 
 such institutional topics as the mission system, the problem of secular- 
 ization, friar lands, etc.; similarly, the part played by the civil and 
 military authorities," with such institutional subjects as the presidio, 
 provincial government, the establishment of a colonial militia, affairs 
 of real hacienda, etc.; similarly, the part played by the civilian popu- 
 lation, with such topics as the influence of mining (that especially) 
 and stock raising, the use and treatment of Indians by the whites, 
 race admixture, etc.; the interrelations of the elements just named, 
 with special reference to the conflicts between them; the Indian 
 tribes of the New Spain frontier; the junta de guerra y real hacienda; 
 the fiscal of the Audiencia in actual colonial administration; Spanish 
 fear of foreign encroachment on her dominions of the Pacific, as a 
 spur to Spanish conquests; Spanish efforts at conquest of the Cali- 
 fornias in the seventeenth century; the occupation and development 
 of Baja California; the Pima revolt of 1751 and its consequences; 
 the Rubi inspection of the presidios of New Spain; early voyages to 
 Alta California; the beginnings of Spanish Arizona; the Seri wars of 
 Sonora; Apache wars on the northern frontier; the effective Spanish 
 conquest of Sonora; the Spanish occupation of Alta California; the 
 Department of San Bias; Galvez's reforms in Baja California and 
 Sonora; the administrative evolution of the Calif ornias; Spanish 
 voyages to the northwest coast in the last quarter of the eighteenth 
 century; Spain's attitude toward American voyages along the Pacific 
 
 best to take that course. Thus, it became impossible to change the former entry 
 numbers. 
 
20 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 coasts of New Spain and the Californias in the last three decades of 
 Spanish rule; the development of Alta California under Spain; a 
 detailed study of the Anza and numerous other expeditions in them- 
 selves; the rule of Teodoro de Croix; history of the comandancia 
 general of the Provincias Internas; the relation of the Spanish Ameri- 
 can revolutions to the Californias, with special reference to the naval 
 attack of the year 1818. These topics and their numerous sub- 
 divisions, especially those of a narrative character, are only a few of 
 the subjects for which materials are presented in the Catalogue. Still 
 further indications appear in the legajo descriptions, 40 which are based 
 on the entire legajo, and not merely on the entered material. 
 
 IV. Rules foe Entry of Items 
 It has been deemed necessary in order to explain the data in this 
 particular volume, and worth while as a suggestion to other investi- 
 gators who may do similar work, to give a somewhat detailed de- 
 scription of the methods employed. It is believed that the rules 
 herein given are adapted to meet the conditions of any document 
 that may be found in the Archivo General de Indias. 
 A. The first paragraph. 
 
 1. Function. — The first paragraph contains an indication of the 
 number, date, place, author, and addressee of the entered document. 
 
 2. Number. — Entries are arranged in chronological order, and 
 numbered consecutively. These numbers are then used in cross 
 references from one document to another. 
 
 3. Date. 
 
 (a) Determination of date. When the date is not stated in the 
 document, the actual date is given, in brackets, if it can be ascertained, 
 or, if it cannot, an approximate date, followed by a question mark 
 in parentheses, is entered, and the entire date entry placed within 
 brackets, e. g., [1796 (?)]. Where there is more than one of a given 
 document (see C. 14), all are taken together in determining the date, 
 and the clearest expression is used as the date entry for all; thus, if 
 one such document bore a date and the other did not, the date of the 
 first would be assigned, without brackets, as the date for both. 
 
 (b) Expediente and testimonio entries. Where a single year is 
 applied to an entire file, of documents physically bound together, 
 that is entered as the date; if no year is given, one may be supplied 
 
 *o Part I of the Catalogue. 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 21 
 
 in brackets. Inclusive dates are given, in brackets, when the file is 
 composed of but a few documents. 
 
 (c) Diaries. Inclusive dates, without brackets, are given in the 
 case of diaries,' rather than the date when the author completed, or 
 signed, his diary. 
 
 (d) Summaries. Since dates of summaries rarely appear, and 
 decrees, with dates, are usually indicated on them in the margin, the 
 date of the decree has been used, or, if that is missing, an approximate 
 date is given. Brackets are used in both cases. 
 
 (e) Abbreviations. The month is written in abbreviated form. 
 
 4. Place. 
 
 (a) Determination of place. When the place is not stated in the 
 document, the actual place, if ascertainable, is given, followed, in 
 case of doubt, by a question mark in parentheses. Brackets are used 
 in both cases. If not ascertainable, the place is omitted. 
 
 (b) Abbreviations are extended, e. g., Mexico for Mexco. 
 
 (c) Expediente, testimonio, and diary entries. No place is given. 
 
 5. Names of correspondents. 
 
 (a) Determination- of names. Rule A.4.a., with the substitution 
 of the words " author " or " addressee," is applicable here. 
 
 (b) Expediente and testimonio entries. No names are given. 
 
 (c) Spelling. Names are spelled as they appear in the particular 
 document, and abbreviations are retained. Where the name of a 
 person is supplied in brackets, however, modern spelling of Christian 
 names and modern usage as to accents are employed, but in other 
 respects the family name is given, where possible, as the individual 
 himself would have written it. If the bracketed name is that of an 
 institution, correct modern form is followed. Abbreviations are not 
 used in brackets. 
 
 (d) Anglicized words. Where a suitable English equivalent exists, 
 official titles indicating the author or addressee are translated from 
 the Spanish, e. g., " the king," " the viceroy," " the Council of the 
 Indies," etc. Exception: where a bishop or archbishop signs with 
 his official title, preceded by his Christian name, the Spanish is re- 
 tained, e. g., Francisco, Obispo de Guadalajara. 
 
 (e) Spanish terms treated as English words. Certain institutions, 
 including practically all those which are written with capital letters, 
 are not italicized, e. g., Contaduria General, Tribunal de Cuentas. 
 The Spanish plural " fiscales " of the noun " fiscal " is used, but 
 the word is not italicized. 
 
22 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 (f) Number. Not more than three names are used to indicate 
 by whom a letter was written, or to whom it was addressed. In case 
 there were more than that, a group name is used, descriptive of the 
 body which they composed, or the name of one of them, usually the 
 first-named, or occasionally the one deemed the most prominent 
 person, is entered, or in some cases three names are entered, with an 
 indication of the number of the others. 
 
 (g) Simplification of names. Official titles and personal de- 
 scriptive matter are omitted in entry of names of persons. In some 
 cases names between the Christian and the family name are omitted, 
 and occasionally also the last name, which in Spanish usage is the 
 name of the mother. The full name, minus titles and descriptive 
 matter, is retained, however, in the case of original documents — that is, 
 in those that are signed with the name and rubric of the author, in 
 his own hand. 
 
 (h) " The viceroy." The viceroy of New Spain is meant, unless 
 otherwise stated. 
 
 (i) Use of " the." The definite article is omitted before the 
 name of the author of a document where the next following word is 
 capitalized, e. g., " Conde de," " Council of," but is retained before 
 words not taking a capital letter, e. g., " The king," " The viceroy," 
 " The ministro general." It is always used before the name of an 
 institution or of a titled person being addressed, e. g., " to the Coun- 
 cil of the Indies," " to the Marques de Croix." 
 
 (j) " The ministro general," or " The ministro general de Indias." 
 This term is used for an official of changing name and functions, who 
 was apart from, and superior to, the Council of the Indies during the 
 years most intensively covered by the Catalogue. The consistent 
 employment of the correct name is not used, as it would have required 
 the time and labor of an historical monograph to ascertain it in all 
 cases, but in the vast majority of them the actual title was ascertain- 
 able and is entered. Usually it has been possible to avoid the difficulty 
 by employing the official's name. 
 
 (k) Summaries for the Council of the Indies. Where a summary 
 of a file is followed on the same document by a decree of the Council 
 of the Indies, the Council is named as the author. 
 
 6. Letter, enclosure, and filing numbers.— Numbers of letters in a 
 correspondence which has a consecutive series of numbers irrespective 
 of date (letter numbers), those assigned to a series of documents 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 23 
 
 enclosed in a letter of a given date (enclosure numbers), and those 
 placed on correspondence that has been received (filing numbers) 
 are indicated, when they appear, as the closing item of the first para- 
 graph. 
 B. The second paragraph. 
 
 1. Function. — The second paragraph contains a brief indication, 
 or catalogue, of the subject-matter of the entered document'. 
 
 2. Description of subject-matter in Spanish. — Thede scription placed 
 on the document at the time of its sending or receipt, with abbrevia- 
 tions and modes of spelling, accentuation, and punctuation exactly 
 as they appear, has nearly always been retained, when present. Where 
 both descriptions are present, the one better adapted for entry from 
 the standpoints of brevity, adequacy, and correctness has been chosen, 
 although where both are equally good, as usually happens, the de- 
 scription placed on the document in Spain has been employed; this 
 must be borne in mind in determining the meaning of an entry, e. g., 
 " este reino " in the description of a viceroy's letter will usually mean 
 Spain, not New Spain. In some cases Spanish entries that were 
 exceedingly long, or mistaken, or inadequate have been abbreviated, 
 rejected, or amplified, as the case might be. 
 
 3. Descriptions in English. 
 
 (a) When employed. The description is given in English, within 
 brackets, where no notation of a Spanish clerk appears, or where it 
 was rejected or amplified for the reasons already mentioned. 
 
 (b) Style of English used. The English employed aims to repre- 
 sent what might have been placed on the document at the time, in- 
 volving frequent use of the present and future verb instead of the 
 past, as would be required if the document were viewed purely from 
 the standpoint of the compiler of this Catalogue. The past tense is 
 more often applicable in the case of expediente and testimonio entries 
 than in the case of single documents. 
 
 (c) Spelling of proper names and use of accents. The usage of 
 
 the particular document is followed. 41 Exceptions: abbreviations are 
 
 rarely employed ; many place names of very familiar usage in English 
 
 are given in the English form, e. g., Monterey for Monterrey, Vera 
 
 Cruz for Veracruz, New Mexico, England, France, Russia, United 
 
 States. 
 
 ■" Owing to a different practice used in listing material in the legajos first cata- 
 ogued, or to occasional inadvertence later, modern spelling and accentuation appear 
 in some cases, but these instances are not numerous. 
 
24 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 (d) Use of " Provincias Internas." Where generally descriptive 
 of the region referred to, this phrase has been rendered " frontier 
 provinces; " where employed to describe the political jurisdiction of 
 the comandancia general, the Spanish phrase has been retained. 
 
 (e) Use of " Alta California " and " Baja California." For the 
 sake of consistency and in the hope of establishing a practice,, these 
 phrases are used, even though it was customary, down to the close 
 of the eighteenth century, to use " la nueva California," " California 
 septentrional," or " los establecimientos de Monterrey " for the 
 former, and " la antigua California " for the latter. 
 
 (f) Anglicized words. Rule A. 5. d. (minus the Exception) applies 
 here. 
 
 (g) Spanish terms treated as English words. Rule A. 5. e. is 
 applicable. 
 
 (h) " The viceroy." Rule A. 5. h. applies. 
 
 4. Subordinate documents. — These have been described, as well as 
 the principal document. 
 
 5. Expedientes or testimonios bound or sewed together. A single 
 entry for the whole expediente or testimonio is made; the various 
 documents composing them are not entered separately. 
 
 C. The third paragraph. 
 
 1. Function. — The third paragraph contains such technical data 
 concerning the entered document as has not already been taken up in 
 paragraph one. 
 
 2. Use of abbreviations. — The following is a list of those used: 
 Or. for Original; Dft. for Draft; Cer. for Certified copy; the abbrevi- 
 ation for months in dates of certified copies; Uns. for Unsigned; 
 Sum. for Summary; C. for Copy; Dp. for Duplicate; Tp. for Tripli- 
 cate; 4Dp., 5Dp., etc. for Quadruplicate, Quintuplicate, etc.; p. for 
 page; pp. for pages; Am. Gen. for America en General; Aud. Guad. 
 for Audiencia de Guadalajara; Aud. Mex. for Audiencia de Mexico; 
 Doc. for document; Exp. for expediente; Cuad. for cuaderno; Inf. 
 for Informe. Dec. for Decree; Inc. for Includes; Inc.in for Included 
 in; Ace. for Accompanies; Acc.by for Accompanied by; Enc. for 
 Encloses; Enc.w. for Enclosed with. The words Estante, Cajdn, 
 and Legajo are omitted in giving the location, within the archive, of a 
 document; the numbers alone appear, separated by dashes. 
 
 3. Originals. — A document is considered to be an original when it 
 is signed with the name and rubric, or the rubric alone, of the author, 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 25 
 
 or authors, of the document. The signature by the rubric alone was 
 often employed, especially by fiscales and departmental secretaries, 
 in intra-departmental correspondence. 
 
 4. Drafts. — The unsigned file copy retained in the office of origina- 
 tion of the document is called the draft. In practice, the draft was 
 written by a clerk, and corrected by the man who was to sign the 
 eventual original. Clean copies were then made and signed, be- 
 coming the original, duplicate original, etc. of documents for which 
 the draft was held as the office copy. 
 
 5. Certified copies. — These are copies of originals which are certi- 
 fied to, as agreeing with the documents from which they are copied. 42 
 The date and place of copying is given, if stated in the document. 
 The notation " Cer. of Cer." indicates a certified copy of a certified 
 copy. 
 
 6. Ordinary copies, "C." — In case a copy is not certified, it is 
 entered in this group. If it is possible to determine with certainty 
 the source of the copy, although usually it is not, that is indicated, 
 e. g., " C. of Or.," " C. of Cer." Many documents have been entered 
 as copies when they may well have been originals. This is especially 
 true of petitions, which it was the practice, oftentimes, not to sign, 
 and in the case of some of the letters of the religious, who (possibly 
 because they were frequently of non-Spanish origin) occasionally 
 omitted the rubric, the unfailing proof of an original, in signing docu- 
 ments. Many others marked copies are almost certainly copies of 
 originals or of certified copies, but it has been thought best not to 
 indulge in guesses, even though they would rarely be incorrect. 
 
 7. Duplicates, triplicates, etc. — These are documents of practically 
 equal authority with those of which they are an exact copy; thus, 
 the duplicate of an original will have the name and rubric of the 
 author of the original, and so too the triplicate, quadruplicate, etc. 
 The phrase duplicate original (" Or. Dp."), etc. is therefore con- 
 sidered appropriate in describing them. 
 
 8. Unsigned documents. — Entries so described refer to documents, 
 other than the draft, lacking the name and rubric of the author. 
 They are confined almost wholly to intra-departmental communica- 
 tions — such as a summary of a file of papers as a basis for action by 
 the Council of the Indies (although occasional extracts, or summaries, 
 
 42 In many cases copies from originals are marked " Cer." in the Catalogue, 
 even when the notarial certification was lacking on the document, but this practice 
 was abandoned ultimately. 
 
26 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 of a file were enclosed, unsigned, with letters from officials in the 
 colonies) — whereas the draft represents a document sent to some- 
 body outside the originating department. 
 
 9. Pages. 
 
 (a) Number. Number of pages is indicated by the figure pre- 
 ceding the abbreviation for the word " page " or " pages." Frac- 
 tions of pages are not considered. 
 
 (b) Size of page. This is indicated by a figure 1 or 2 following the 
 abbreviation just referred to. Figure 1 represents a page 31 by 21| 
 centimetres in size; figure 2, a page of 15| by 21| centimetres, or the 
 exact fold, or half, of the preceding. In the rare case of departure 
 from these sizes, the actual size is indicated. 
 
 (c) Amount on a page. While this varies greatly, it is almost 
 reducible to rule. By law, royal officers sending out communications 
 under their name and rubric (originals) were required to leave a 
 margin of half the page, and to have broad spaces between lines. 
 In the later eighteenth century, in which the bulk of the documents 
 entered in the Catalogue fall, the law was almost invariably observed. 
 Originals from ecclesiastical officials and from private individuals have 
 scant margins and spaces, following the practice of the person writing. 
 This is also true of all copies, but the certified copies are especially 
 lacking in these respects; the last-named will almost invariably 
 contain more than an average page of print, and will have perhaps 
 five times as many words as the originals of royal officers. An inter- 
 mediate class, using generous spacing and margins, but not so generous 
 as that employed by documents of the first-named class, is to be 
 found in royal decrees and intra-departmental correspondence. 
 
 10. Location of documents. 
 
 (a) Location of the legajo in which a document is contained. In 
 the case of the Simancas, or Audiencia, papers, three numbers are 
 used, following the indication of the number and size of pages, to 
 mark the location of the legajo in which the particular document is 
 found. The numbers stand respectively for the estante, cajon, and 
 serial number of the legajo within the cajon, but are commonly referred 
 to, all together, as the legajo number. Certain sets, of which only 
 the Estado group appears in this catalogue, are numbered on a different 
 basis; in the case of the Estado papers, a regional description follows 
 the word Estado, after which comes the serial number of the legajo 
 within the particular section of the group, e. g., Estado,Aud.Mex.,23. 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 27 
 
 (b) Location of documents within a legajo. This is usually im- 
 possible to determine, although the search, in any event, should be 
 but a matter of a few minutes. Occasionally, however, cuaderno 
 (parcel), expediente (file of papers), and document numbers appear, 
 to indicate the order of filing, and in that case they are cited, pre- 
 ceded by a comma, immediately following the legajo number, e. g., 
 Estado,Aud.Mex.23,Doc.l2. 
 
 11. Indication of documents which have not been entered. 
 
 (a) Informes. Opinions of the fiscales which are written on the 
 very document being discussed are indicated by the abbreviation 
 " Inf.," but are not entered separately. In rare instances this stands 
 for the opinion of some other official than the fiscal. 
 
 (b) Decrees. In like manner, decrees written on the document 
 under consideration are indicated, but not entered. Such decrees 
 are usually by the ministro general or by the Council of the Indies. 
 Occasionally they are important documents, but as a rule they merely 
 give directions for the handling of the document or expediente in 
 question. 
 
 (c) Nota. This marks a marginal reference other than a decree 
 or informe. Routine notations, e. g., Visto en el Consejo, are omitted. 
 
 (d) Summaries. The abbreviation " Sum." refers to a summary 
 of an expediente of which all the papers are present, obviating the 
 need for separate entry of the summary. When the expediente is 
 incomplete, such documents are entered, being technically charac- 
 terized by the abbreviation " Uns." See C.8. above. In the case 
 of summaries for the Council of the Indies, followed on the same docu- 
 ment by a decree of the Council, the technical nature of the document 
 is stated with reference to the decree; these documents will usually 
 be entered, therefore, as originals. 
 
 12. Relationships of entered documents. 
 
 (a) Cross references. Entries are given cross references only 
 with regard to their immediate principal or subordinate documents. 
 
 (b) Bases for choice of a principal document. 
 
 (1) Where the expediente is composed of an entire legajo or of 
 very many documents. If a separate sheet appears, describing the 
 nature of the file, an entry is made of that, or, if no such sheet appears, 
 an hypothetical sheet may be conceived. That item then becomes 
 the principal entry, and is held to include (Inc.) the principal docu- 
 ments of subordinate expedientes. Cf. C.12.C 
 
28 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 (2) The smaller expedientes that are in good order. Where the 
 file is in the order that it had when last used by the officials handling 
 the matter with which it deals, the first, or outside, document is 
 taken as the principal one, and is said to be accompanied by (Acc.by) 
 the documents immediately subordinate to it. This document will 
 usually be the draft of a letter of the ministro general or other supreme 
 official of the Indies; when it is not, the order of the file as it stands 
 has nevertheless been followed. This class of expediente comprises 
 the overwhelming majority of those entered in the Catalogue. 
 
 (3) The expedientes which have lost their original good order. 
 In some cases an attempt has been made to bring together material 
 dealing with the same subject-matter by subordinating other docu- 
 ments to some one of them, but no attempt has been made to change the 
 existing order of the file, even though it would not be a difficult task to 
 restore the logical order; the danger of error if investigators generally 
 should attempt this is manifest; it is precisely in legajos from which 
 copies have been made that lack of good order prevails. 
 
 (c) The use of " Inc." Where numerous documents are filed 
 together, by being placed in the same folder or tied together, in cases 
 that are differentiated from an enclosure, the abbreviation " Inc." 
 is made on a principal entry, to indicate that it includes all other 
 principal documents of lesser groups within the same file, and is 
 followed by the entry numbers of the lesser principal documents. 
 Cf. C.12.b.(l). Usually the documents in such a file are closely 
 related in subject-matter, but not always. 
 
 (d) The use of " Inc.in." The number following this abbrevia- 
 tion indicates the document to which this one is subordinated in the 
 sense just mentioned in rule c. 
 
 (e) The use of " Acc.by." This is used in a similar manner to 
 " Inc." above, but is the principal document of a single expediente, 
 whereas a number of expedientes may be subordinated to the docu- 
 ment bearing the abbreviation "Inc."; thus, a document which is 
 " Acc.by " others may be " Inc.in " another. The numbers follow- 
 ing the abbreviation " Acc.by " indicate documents, other than 
 enclosures, which have been filed with the one taken as the principal. 
 Cf. C.12.b.(2) and (3). All documents of an expediente usually 
 relate to the same subject matter, but in some cases they do not, 
 due very likely to bad filing. 
 
 (f) The use of " Ace." The number following this abbreviation 
 
for History of Pacific Coast and American Southwest 29 
 
 indicates the document to which this one has been subordinated in 
 the sense just mentioned in rule e. 
 
 (g) The use of " Enc." The numbers following " Enc." are for 
 documents which were forwarded as enclosures of this particular 
 entry. " Enc." is not used unless the enclosures appear in the ex- 
 pediente. 
 
 (h) The use of " Enc.w." The number following this abbrevi- 
 ation indicates the document with which this one was originally 
 enclosed. 
 
 (i) Order of indicating relationships. The order employed in 
 indicating relationships is as follows: " Inc.in," "Inc.," "Ace," 
 " Acc.by," " Enc.w.," " Enc." 
 
 13. General comment not otherwise provided for. 
 
 (a) Indication of the language of a document that is not in Spanish. 
 Unless the non-Spanish language is used in the description of the 
 document in paragraph two, it is noted in parentheses following the 
 technical description of the document, preceding the indication of 
 pages, e. g., Or.(in French). 2 pp.1. 
 
 (b) All other additional matter which may seem desirable of 
 entry. Such matter is placed at the end of the third paragraph. 
 The most frequent instance of such entry, perhaps, is the use of the 
 word " See," followed by numbers representing documents on the 
 same subject matter, to which attention is directed. 
 
 14. Additional paragraphs. — Where documents are duplicated by 
 others, especially if they exist in separate legajos, all are given a single 
 entry, but additional paragraphs are made subject to the same rules 
 just given for the third paragraph, with the single exception that the 
 number of pages of a document is omitted in the added paragraphs; 
 though the number may vary from that given in the third paragraph, 
 the latter is a sufficient indication of length. All such duplicates are 
 taken together in determining doubtful points with respect to the 
 first and second paragraphs. 
 
 D. Rules of a general nature. 
 
 1. Interpretation of handwriting. — Doubtful spellings and con- 
 nected or disjoined words are written in the correct form if such an 
 interpretation is possible — otherwise not. 
 
 2. Handling of abbreviations of words. — Abbreviations, usually 
 marked by the use of superior letters, have been retained in all cases 
 except those specifically excluded in the statement of these rules. 
 
30 Catalogue of Materials in Archivo General de Indias 
 
 In printing, it has been deemed best to place superior letters on the 
 line with the rest of the word. All abbreviated words, whether marked 
 in the original by superior letters or not, are followed, in printing, by a 
 period. Lack of the usual space before the next following letter will 
 show that the period is for an abbreviation, and not for a full stop. 
 
 3. Making of slips for entry. — The papeletas, or slips, should be 
 made in duplicate, by use of carbon paper and the stylographic pen. 
 This enables the investigator to retain his original legajo file with one 
 set, and to place the other in chronological order. 
 
DIFFICULTIES OF MAINTAINING THE 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF SAN BLAS, 
 
 1775-1777 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES E. CHAPMAN 
 
 compliment! of 
 
 CHARLES E Ca^PMAN 
 
 Reprint from The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, 
 January, 1916, Volume XIX, No. 3 
 
 Published by the Texas State Historical Association, Austin, Texas 
 
DIFFICULTIES OF MAINTAINING THE DEPARTMENT 
 OF SAN BLAS, 1775-1777 
 
 CHARLES E. CHAPMAN 
 
 In a recent article the writer endeavored to show how important 
 the supply ships from San Bias were in maintaining the early 
 Spanish settlements of Alta California, and how ably the viceroy 
 of New Spain performed the difficult task of getting supplies and 
 ships to the northern establishments in time to prevent abandon- 
 ment of the province. 1 The difficulties of Viceroy Bucarely and 
 the precarious existence of the new colonies will be even better 
 understood when it appears that maintenance of the Department 
 of San Bias was in itself no small problem. The period covered 
 by this article has been selected because it was long enough after 
 the founding of the department to avoid the effect of abnormal 
 conditions, and also because it was before permanence of the Alta 
 California settlements had become assured by development from 
 within. First, however, a review of the department's history to 
 1775 will be attempted. 2 
 
 The founding of the Department of San Bias grew out of the 
 need for a port as a base of supplies in conducting wars against 
 the Seris of Sonora, but it would seem to have been associated 
 from the outset in the mind of Visitador Galvez with conquests in 
 the Californias as well. As early as December, 1767, we learn that 
 Galvez was ardently at work on plans for formation of the depart- 
 ment, having charged one Bivero with the duty of establishing a 
 port there. 3 The official objects of the department are stated in 
 Viceroy Croix's instruction of January 11, 1768, for settlement 
 
 "Chapman, "The Alta, California Supply Ships, 1773-76," in The Quab- 
 tebly, XIX, 184-94. "Alta California" is used, as also in the present 
 article, for what is now California of the United States to distinguish 
 the more clearly from Baja California of Mexico, or from "California" 
 or "Californias," which formerly included both. Names of individuals 
 appearing in this account have been identified for the most part, where 
 they were important enough to require it, in the above article. 
 
 2 I have relied wholly on materials of the Archivo General de Indias 
 (A. G. I.) of Seville, Spain. Copies of some of the documents used are 
 now in the Academy of Pacific Coast History, Berkeley. 
 
 "Rada to Arriaga, Dec. 27, 1767. A. G. I., Estado Aud. Mex. 1, Doc. 99. 
 
262 The Southwestern Historical Quarterly 
 
 of San Bias. After the measures necessary for pacification of 
 Sonora and other frontier provinces should be taken, he said, it 
 had been deemed indispensable to found a port for the advantage 
 of boats employed on such expeditions and available for commerce 
 with Sonora, and for the preservation and advancement of the 
 Californias.* G-alvez proceeded to San Bias in May, 1768, and 
 established the department. -Whatever place the Sonora wars may 
 have had in the original plans, the Department of San Bias was 
 to serve primarily as a base of supplies for maintaining the two 
 Californias. The selection of San Bias for this purpose was open 
 to objection, for the port was not a good one, and the site was un- 
 healthful and not suited to either agriculture or stock-raising. 
 
 Some idea of the nature and operations of the department may 
 be gained by consulting the reglamento, or instrument of govern- 
 ment, for the Californias and San Bias of the year 1773. The 
 intimate relation of San Bias to Alta and Baja California is to be 
 noted, for they were regarded as essentially an unit. The prin- 
 pical document in the file which was eventually to become the 
 reglamento (for no single document was drawn up embodying the 
 results of deliberations to this end) was a recommendation of 
 May 19, 1773, by Juan Jose de Echeveste, at that time purchas- 
 ing agent for the Californias in Mexico City, giving detailed sug- 
 gestions as to what the reglamento should be. The document be- 
 gins with an estimate of the number of men and cost per year of 
 each of the Californias and San Bias. San Bias was considered 
 under three heads: the department proper; the arsenal or ship- 
 yard; and the fleet. The following men were needed: in the 
 department proper, a commissary, an accountant (coniador), a 
 paymaster and storekeeper, three scribes, an amanuensis, a chap- 
 lain, and a sacristan; at the shipyard, a master-workman (maestro 
 mayor), a cooper, a rope maker (corchador) , and a boatswain; in 
 the fleet: for the frigate, a captain and pilot, a second pilot, a 
 boatswain, a boatswain's mate, a steward, a carpenter, a calker, 
 two cabin boys, six steersmen, twenty-seven ship's boys (guru- 
 metes), and thirty sailors; for each of two packet boats, a cap- 
 tain and pilot, a second pilot, a boatswain, a boatswain's mate, a 
 steward, a carpenter, a calker, two cabin boys, six steersmen, ten 
 
 4 A. G. I., 104-6-15. 
 
Maintaining the Department of San Bias, 1775-1777 263 
 
 ship's boys, and sixteen sailors. The annual cost of the depart- 
 ment proper was calculated at 8,691 pesos, 4 tomines (or reales), 
 6 granos, including rations for 127 men in the Californias ; 5 of 
 the shipyard, at 12,355 pesos, 2 tomines, 6 granos, mostly for re- 
 pairs to ships; and of the fleet, at 34,037 pesos, 5 tomines. Thus 
 the total cost for San Bias would be over 55,000 pesos a year, 
 with only three boats in service. As an offset, the salt mines of 
 San Bias produced about 25,000 pesos a year. Besides the three 
 ships provided for, which were to serve as supply ships, there were 
 two other packet boats, one sloop, and a schooner in the depart- 
 ment for which no funds were assigned. Echeveste recommended 
 that very careful, detailed accounts should be kept at San Bias 
 of goods shipped to the Californias. 6 A junta de guerra y real 
 hacienda of July 8, 1773, sustained the recommendations of 
 Echeveste that have been quoted here, but recommended sale of 
 the extra four ships. Special notice was also taken of complaints 
 received from Campo, an official at San Bias, that there were not 
 enough funds on hand even to pay wages to the men, 7 and the 
 necessity was recognized for early despatch of money to San Bias 
 to cover expenses for the rest of the year 1773. 8 Bucarely's decree 
 of July 23 amounted to an agreement with the junta until the 
 king should decide upon a new reglamento. 
 
 Additional duties were placed upon the department in connec- 
 tion with Spanish voyages of exploration to the northwest to see 
 whether the Bussians had formed establishments upon American 
 soil. This called for more ships and men and officers. In a 
 letter of July 27, 1773, Bucarely asked Arriaga to send some 
 naval officers from Spain for use in the projected explorations. 9 
 Arriaga's reply of August 24 informed him that six were being 
 sent. 10 One voyage was made, however, before their arrival, that 
 
 'Except for four muleteers and the missionaries this number accounted 
 for the entire Spanish establishments of the Californias. 
 
 "In Testimonio del Reglamento Provisional, 1773, A. G. I., 104-6-16, 
 Cuad. 2. 
 
 T Campo's letters, dated January 27 and February 14, 1773, are in 
 Testimonio de las representations del Comisionado de S. Bias, A. G. I., 
 104-6-16, Cuad. 5. 
 
 "In Ibid. 
 
 "A. G. I., Estado, And. ilex. 1, Doc. 1. 
 
 "Cited in Bucarely to Arriaga, Nov. 26, 1773. A. G. I., Estado, Aud. 
 Mex. 1, Doe. 4. 
 
264 The Southwestern Historical Quarterly 
 
 of Perez in the frigate Santiago in 1774. The burden placed upon 
 San Bias was a heavy one. Bucarely expressed an opinion in his 
 July 37 letter that voyages of exploration would cost less if con- 
 ducted from Manila. Galvez suggested to Arriaga, December 18, 
 1773, that the Manila galleon should be ordered to stop at Monterey 
 on its voyage to Acapulco and leave goods for Alta California, a 
 cheaper method, he believed, than by reliance upon San Bias. 11 
 So great were the financial burdens of San Bias that one body, the 
 Tribunal de Cuentas (Tribunal of Accounts) of Mexico recom- 
 mended that the department be done away with. This extreme 
 view called forth several protests, among others from Galvez, who 
 characterized the suggestion as nonsensical, saying that the depart- 
 ment was indispensable. 12 One of the problems in the use of San 
 Bias was the great cost and labor involved in getting goods across 
 New Spain to that port, owing to the width of the viceroyalty at 
 that point and the difficulty of the route. It was virtually impos- 
 sible to get artillery across New Spain to San Bias, necessitating 
 recourse to Manila. This caused Bucarely to send one Agustin 
 Crame to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec to see if a route might be 
 found for transportation of artillery. Crame's expedition was a 
 complete success. Writing of it to Arriaga, March 27, 1774, 
 Bucarely remarked that the Tehuantepec route might be used for 
 transportation not only of artillery but also of goods for Alta 
 California and the ships employed in exploring voyages. It would 
 cost less to send goods that way than it did by way of San Bias, 
 and would take less time than it would if recourse were had to 
 Manila. 13 Despite manifold objections to it, however, San Bias 
 was to remain for many years the seat of the marine department 
 for the northern shores of the Pacific coast of New Spain. We 
 may now proceed a little more in detail to consider its difficulties 
 in the years 1775-1777. 
 
 The Perez voyage of 1774 to the far northwest was followed by 
 voyages of Heceta and Bodega in 1775, while supply ships con- 
 tinued as before to visit Alta and Baja California. It had been 
 intended to follow up the 1775 voyages to the northwest with 
 others, but even before the return of Heceta and Bodega it was 
 
 U A. a. I., 104-3-4. 
 
 12 Galvez to Arriaga, March 8, 1774, A. G. I., 104-6-16. 
 
 ,8 A. G. I., Estado, And. Ilex. 1, Doc. 9. 
 
Maintaining the Department of San Bias, 1775-1777 265 
 
 clear that there were going to be difficulties. The Department of 
 San Bias had exhausted its funds and had been obliged to borrow 
 7,976 pesos because of the expense involved in fitting out the 
 1775 voyages. Bncarely more than made up the deficiency by 
 remitting 20,000 pesos chargeable to explorations. 14 A more seri- 
 ous difficulty arose when the port of San Bias began to fill in. 
 Buearely referred to this in a letter to Arriaga of June 26, 1775. 
 The department might have to be moved to another port, he said. 16 
 On August 27, he wrote two letters to Arriaga on this subject. 
 In one, he said that he had directed Miguel de Corral, a lieutenant 
 colonel of engineers, to make soundings of San Bias and other 
 ports in the vicinity. 10 In the other, he said that he was suspend- 
 ing decision about removal of the department from San Bias, 
 until he should hear whether any Bussian establishments had been 
 found upon the northwest coasts, in which case he implied that 
 a better port than San Bias would be necessary. If no more should 
 be required than to send supplies to Alta California, San Bias 
 would answer the purpose. 17 The scant depth of the port of 
 San Bias continued to give trouble, however. On July 27, 1776, 
 we 'find Buearely writing to Galvez, who had become ministro 
 general de Indias upon the death of Arriaga, of measures that 
 had been taken in view of the filling in of San Bias. The nearby 
 ports of Chacala and Matanchel had been explored, and there was 
 something to be said in favor of moving the department to one 
 or the other. Barring urgent necessity, however, no such course 
 should be taken, for if discoveries in the northwest were to be 
 continued, either San Francisco, Alta California, or Trinidad, 
 Guatemala, would be a better site for a marine department. 18 
 Galvez's reply of January 9, 1777, gave orders to continue the 
 department at San Bias until its port should become wholly use- 
 less, and then to move it temporarily to Acapulco. Ultimately, it 
 might be established in some good port of Alta California. 19 
 None of these plans for a change of site matured. 
 
 "Buearely to Arriaga, May 27, 1775. A. G. I., 104-6-16. 
 15 A. G. I., 104-6-16. 
 "A. G. I., 104-6-17. 
 '■'Ibid. 
 
 1S A. G. T., 104-5-24. Trinidad was suggested, it would seem, because 
 more accessible by land from the Atlantic coast than was San Bias. 
 10 A. G. I., 104-5-24. 
 
266 The Southwestern Historical Quarterly 
 
 One of the greatest difficulties that the department had to en- 
 counter arose from lack of hoats enough with which to carry on 
 its duties, despite the fact that there were five boats in the de- 
 partment in 1776. Several factors arose in that year to com- 
 plicate this problem. Orders had been received for fresh voy- 
 ages of discovery to the northwest to be made in the year 1777; 
 Alta California had developed to such a point that more supplies 
 were needed than formerly; and finally, Bucarely's fiscal, Areche, 
 had been named visitador to Peru, and must needs have a ship 
 for the journey to Peru. As the writer has already indicated in 
 a former article much that was done to solve this question, 20 little 
 need be added here. Bucarely recommended that two new frigates 
 be built in Peru. 21 Gaivez informed Bucarely, December 24, 
 1776, that he approved of the suggestion, 22 and on the same day 
 gave orders to the viceroy of Peru to construct promptly two good 
 frigates for use in explorations. 23 - The chance arrival of a mer- 
 chant ship at Acapulco permitted of Areche's going to Peru in 
 that. Bucarely wrote to Gaivez, December 27, 1776, that he was 
 also sending Bodega, a. naval officer of San Bias, to Peru to see 
 if he might purchase a frigate there. 24 Gaivez approved, 25 and 
 gave orders to the viceroy of Peru that only one frigate needed to 
 be built for Bucarely, if Bodega should succeed in purchasing a 
 frigate. 26 This matter need not be pursued. The voyages of 
 exploration were officially postponed to December, 1778. One 
 boat was procured in Peru, and another built at San Bias, and 
 they left San Bias for the northwest coast in February, 1779. 
 
 It may be wondered why the ships were not built at San Bias 
 in the first place. One reason why they were not was the inability 
 of the department to procure ordinary manufactured articles of 
 which it stood in need, such as iron, tools, artillery, canvas, and 
 tackle. In a letter of August 27, 1775, Bucarely asked of Arriaga 
 that a supply of iron and tools be shipped from Spain to Vera Cruz 
 
 20 Article cited in note 1, at pp. 191-94. 
 
 ^Bucarely to Gaivez, Sept. 26, 1776. A. G. I., 104-6-17. 
 
 "A. G. I., 104-6-17. 
 
 -'Ibid. 
 
 ='A. G. I., 104-6-18. 
 
 25 Galvez to Bucarely, March 19, 1777. A. G. I., 104-6-18. 
 
 -"Gaivez to the viceroy of Peru, March 19, 1777. A. G. I., 104-6-18. 
 
Maintaining the Department of San Bias, 1775-1777 267 
 
 for use at San Bias. He had already asked for a supply of the 
 other effects from Havana, he said. 27 In a letter of September 26 
 he asked for 2,500 binding plates (planchuehis) for use in making 
 water-barrels for the San Bias ships. 28 Grimaldi, acting for Ar- 
 riaga, who was sick, gave orders that the iron and other effects 
 from Spain be assembled at Cadiz for shipment to Vera Cruz, 29 
 and that the materials sought from Havana be shipped from 
 there as soon as possible. 30 On the same day, December 22, 1775, 
 he wrote to Bucarely reciting what he had done. 31 There was a 
 comparatively prompt response to the orders as regards effects 
 sought in Spain. On April 9, 1776, Euiz informed Galvez that 
 they had been sent to Vera Cruz. 32 Articles sought in Havana, 
 however, were not forthcoming. On October 21, 1776, Bonet, the 
 naval commander at Havana, wrote to Caste] on, of the ministry 
 of marine in Spain, that it was in the interests of the service that 
 the effects desired for San Bias be procured in Peru rather than 
 at Havana. 33 Castejon addressed Galvez about the matter on 
 December 31, 3i and the latter wrote to Bucarely 35 and to the vice- 
 roy of Peru 36 on January 4, 1777, to see if they might arrange 
 as Bonet had suggested. Bucarely replied, April 26, 1777, that 
 he had written to the viceroy of Peru, remarking also that it 
 would be less expensive if the goods could be procured in that vice- 
 royalty. 37 Nearly two years had passed since he first asked for 
 them, and they seemed to be no nearer arrival than ever. 
 
 Added to these other lacks at San Bias that have been mentioned, 
 there was also a lack of the men required for operation of the 
 department. A letter from two officers of San Bias, Diego Cho- 
 quet de la Isla and Juan de la Bodega y Cuadra, to Antonio 
 Eeggio of Isla de Leon, Spain, dated February 13, 1775, recited 
 some of the needs of San Bias in this respect, telling also of the 
 
 27 A. G. I., 104-6-17. He enclosed a detailed list of the effects needed. 
 
 28 A. G. I., 104-6-17. 
 
 29 Grimaldi to Felipe Ruiz, Dec. 22, 1775. A. G. I., 104-6-17. 
 
 "Grimaldi to Macuriges, Dec. 22, 1775. A. G. I., 104-6-17. 
 
 S1 A. G. I., 104-6-17. 
 
 ''Ibid. 
 
 "A. G. I., 104-6-18. 
 
 "Ibid. "IMd. 
 
 **Ibid. 
 
 zl IUd. 
 
268 The Southwestern Historical Quarterly 
 
 vmhealthfulness of the site and disorderliness of ships' crews. 3 ' 1 
 The letter was forwarded to Arriaga, 80 who wrote to Bucarely on 
 November 3, 1775, requiring him to provide San Bias with a 
 surgeon and a chaplain, both of which were lacking at the time, 
 and to send soldiers enough to compel crews to observe a proper 
 respect for authority. 40 In a letter of February 25, 1776, Bu- 
 carely spoke of a need for carpenters, pilots, and a calker at San 
 Bias. 41 Galvez seems to have taken up the matter with Castejon, 
 for the latter wrote to him on June 14 that two pilots, two car- 
 penters, and one calker would be supplied for use at San Bias. 42 
 Francisco Manxon of the Casa de Contratacion wrote to Galvez 
 from Cadiz on July 5 that he was awaiting orders to send the 
 calker and carpenters, but that the two pilots had not yet put in 
 an appearance. 43 Galvez replied, July 12, that these men and 
 the pilots should be sent at government expense on the first boat 
 from Cadiz, 44 and on the same day he wrote to Bucarely of the 
 orders that he had given. 45 
 
 It had been contemplated that boats for the department should 
 be built in the shipyard of San Bias itself. If there were to be 
 boats, however, there had to be men who knew how to build them. 
 ■Bucarely wrote to Galvez on November 26, 1776, stating that a 
 shipbuilder, boatswain, and other shipyard employees were needed 
 at San Bias. He was seeking a builder in Havana, but wanted 
 one from Spain if he could not get one in Cuba. 46 On December 
 27, he wrote that Goya of San Bias had asked for eighty sailors, 
 two boatswains, twelve shipyard employees, jour phlebotomists, 
 two light-tenders (faroleros), and two armorers. Bucarely had 
 ordered fifty sailors, a boatswain, and twelve shipyard employees 
 sent there, and had told Goya to try in future to recruit men 
 from the neighborhood. 47 By February 24 he was able to inform 
 
 sa Ibid. 
 
 80 Reggio to Arriaga, Sept. 26, 1775. A. G. I., 104-6-18. 
 
 "A. G. 
 
 I., 104-6-18. 
 
 41 A. G. 
 
 I., 104-6-17. 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 
 '■'Ibid. 
 
 
 M A. G. 
 
 I., 104-6-18. 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 
Maintaining the Department of San Bias, 1775-1777 269 
 
 Galvez that he had procured twelve shipyard employees in Vera 
 Cruz. 48 Bonet was unable to find a ship-builder in Havana, 49 
 but Galvez wrote to Bucarely on February 15 that a ship-builder 
 would be supplied. 50 He took the matter up with Castejon, who 
 replied on April 20 that Jose Chenard had been designated to go, 51 
 and Galvez sent a letter next day to Bucarely to that effect. 52 
 Bucarely wrote at length, May 27, 177|7, reiterating the need for 
 a ship-builder, 53 for it was not until July that he learned of the 
 destination of Chenard. 54 Chenard did not go to Mexico, how- 
 ever. On October 22 Castejon informed Galvez that Chenard was 
 unable to go, and asked if there was still need for a ship-builder 
 at San Bias. 55 Galvez replied on October 27 that the king de- 
 sired that such a man be sent, 50 whereupon Castejon notified 
 Galvez on November 22 that Francisco Segurola had been appointed 
 to go. 57 Galvez sent word to Bucarely to that effect the follow- 
 ing day, 58 giving orders at the same time to one Francisco Eabago 
 of Corufia to send Segurola by the next boat. 50 This arrangement 
 did not please Segurola, who wrote to Galvez on the 30th that his 
 precipitate departure would compel him to abandon his family. 60 
 Segurola's wishes seem not to have been considered, however, for 
 we find a petition of Antonio de la Cuesta, dated December 13, 
 1777, asking that Segurola's son Bamon be allowed to take the 
 next boat to Havana, so as to join his father there, 61 a request 
 which was granted through Galvez's letter of the 23d to Eabago. 62 
 The above review is enough to give an idea of the difficulties 
 
 "Bonet to Galvez, Jan. 31, 1777. A. G. I., 104-6-18. 
 
 M A. G. I., 104-6-18. 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 '"-Ibid. 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 "Bucarely to Galvez, July 27, 1777. A. G. I., 104-6-18. 
 
 M A. G. I., 104-6-18. 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 '-"Ibid. 
 
 w Ibid. 
 
 "Hid. 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 "'Ibid. 
 
270 The Southwestern Historical Quarterly 
 
 experienced by the Department of San Bias. Bucarely did all 
 that he could to repair the deficiencies, but delays were unavoid- 
 able, for the things wanted were not always at hand or readily 
 assembled. Yet with this lame equipment he had been able to 
 sustain and develop the Californias and to carry on the exploring 
 voyages to the northwest coasts. 
 
Publications of the ;;v 
 
 Academy of Pacific Coast History /^W: 
 
 Vol. 2 No. s 
 
 EXPEDITION ON THE SACRAMENTO AND 
 SAN JOAQUIN RIVERS IN 4817 
 
 DIARY OF FRAY NARCISO DURAN 
 
 Edited by 
 
 Charles Edward Chapman 
 
 Assistant in the Academy of Pacific Coast tiistory 
 
 COMPLIMENTS OF 
 
 CHARTS ■ •; *; iAdvl'AN 
 
 University of California 
 
 Berkeley, California 
 
 December, 19" 
 
ACADEMY OF FACtFiq CQAST HISTORY 
 
 (Founded 190.1) , 
 MEMBERS OF, THE COUNCIL. ; , '' y"<., ., , J ' 
 Thomas B. Babd . , . Richabd M. Hotting. -." ' ; . ' "'- 
 
 William B. Boubn 'WillJam G. Ibwin .' 
 
 WILLIAM H. CBOciEB ' ! iiviNGSTbNfe Jenes " ' ! , 
 
 GUY C. EABL, JAMESjK. MOHPITT; 
 
 Joseph D. Gbant =• s Feedeeick W. Shabon' '.' '-'"' 
 
 Mips. Phoebe Appebson; Hearst Leon: .Sloss : \.. ',<■ V 
 
 William F. Herein Sigmund Stebn. ,' 
 
 •'■''. Rudolph J.; Taussig! ; -\ 
 
 Benjamin Ide Whrelee,- ex offieij^ ,,' V ..'.,, 
 ' '; .'. , ' ,l ' , OFFICERS. ■; '' * s * ', ,'. , 
 
 .. Henet !Mobse Stephens, 'Secretary. -> ,';' ; -V 
 Feedeeick J. Teggaetj Curator and Editor/ . 
 f PObteb Gabnett, Assistant Curator. , , 
 
 ' According to the Cpnstitutiftn pf tne Academy; there aire .still five places 
 to be filled upon' the Council. , !...:':-: 
 
 ^Extracts from the. Constitution of the Academy of Pacific 
 Coast History: ' ; 1 x . 
 
 Article I. r , . '•- f ., ,'• .,/ , 
 
 The name of- the Academy shall be the Academy of Pacific Co4,sl 'History.' 
 
 ':/',■' ARTICLE II."' .■!' '';. ' ..',...•'''" 
 Its object shall, be the promotion of the study of the political, social, '., 
 cpnwnerci&l and the industrial history, and of the ethnology, geography; , 
 and , literature of the Pacific Coast of America,; and the publication ,6f ' 
 monographs, .historical documents, '■' and other historical material- relk|$g'y 
 thereto. /'" ' '',;"• V ' '] ■ <■ i ,: , ' ■ '., { - ."'-\, 
 
 1 ■'■•■■ Abticle III. 
 
 The Regent^ of the University of Califpinia^have^ntrusli^d theMontrol 
 and administration p£ the books. and manuscripts collected. by Mr. H. H. > 
 Bancroft and known as the Bancroft Collection, together with such other 
 "historical material as is already in their ^Pssessi&n or may come into their 
 ppssession,' to 'the? Council of the Acadptny pf Pacific Coast Hisibrv, on 
 condition that the President of the Umversity! of California be', ejt Pfiicio, a y 
 member of , the-. Council, that the Secretary i of the Academy be appointed 
 by the Regents, and that the names of members of the. Council be sub- 
 imittpdltoltnp' Regents for their approval. 
 
 ''",",'"' '- Article IX. '■ -:\ ;'.'' •-,' 
 
 Any peifs^tt i approved by the^Council may become a Fellow- of the AoadV 
 emy of Pacific ,Coast History upon the recommendation of two fellows and 
 the payjmeict of ten dollars'; , and after* the first /year may continue a fellow 
 by paying an annual,' subscription of ten dollars itf- advance. On payment 
 of one hundred dollars^ (any fellow may become a life-fellow exempt from 
 further subscriptions. '','"' ' , 
 
 «'' '■. ', , >>'<' , ! . Article X. . ' -\' '. 
 
 The publications of the Acade'rty of Pacific Coast History shall be for- 
 warded free of chargp to all Fellows of the Academy: of 'i Pacific Coast His-' 
 tory,"and they shall.be entitled, to additipn^l copies oi" these publications kt 
 a reduced rate "froinr that changed to the general public,' 
 
 Applications for Fellowships in the Academy of Pacjflc; Coast 
 History may be made to the Secretary, Curator, or to the Secre- 
 tary of the Board of Regents^ University of California, Berkeley, 
 California. 
 
Publications of the 
 Academy of Pacific Coast History 
 
 Vol. 2 No. 5 
 
 EXPEDITION ON THE SACRAMENTO AND 
 SAN JOAQUIN RIVERS IN 1817 
 
 DIARY OF FRAY NARCISO DURAN 
 
 Edited by 
 
 Charles Edward Chapman 
 
 Assistant in the Academy of Pacific Coast History 
 
 University of California 
 
 Berkeley, California 
 
 December, 191 i 
 
 h\ 
 
Copyright, 1911, 
 
 BY 
 
 The Academy of Pacific Coast History 
 
 BERKELEY: THE UNIVERSITY PRE8S 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 This diary of an exploring expedition on the Sacramento and 
 San Joaquin rivers in 1817 is now published for the first time. 
 The original autograph manuscript (6 pages, 12 by 414 inches) 
 of Fray Narciso Duran came into the possession of the University 
 of California, in June, 1897, by gift of Mr. Collis P. Huntington, 
 as a part of the "Robert E. Cowan Collection." At an earlier 
 date it was among the materials gathered by General H. W. 
 Halleck for the History of California which he left unfinished. 
 
 F. J. T. 
 
 [331] 
 
DIARIO DEL FRAY NARCISO DURAN. 
 
 V.J. 
 
 Diario de la expedicion de reconocimiento heeha en el mes de 
 Mayo de 1817 por el Sr. Comandante del R 1 Pres de N. P. Sn. 
 Fran 00 ten' 6 D. Luis Arguello con su laneha Sn. Rafael alias la 
 fina, y por los PP. Fr. Ramon Abella Mintro de la M n de N. P. S. 
 Fran 00 y Fr. Narciso Duran Ministro de la del Sr. Sn. Jose con 
 la laneha nombrada Sn. Jose, alias la pescadora, en los dos unicos 
 rios que entran en el Puerto de N. P. Sn. Fran 00 llamados del 
 Sacram to y de Sn. Joaquin. 
 
 Dia 13 de Mayo. Salimos de la playa del Pres a las 10 de 
 la mafiana de este dia eon viento fresco, que nos duro hasta 
 eruzar el boquete del Puerto; y llegamos al remo a las doce del 
 dia a la Isla grande llamada de los Angeles, donde comimos. A 
 las 5 de la tarde salimos de la Isla, y habiendo doblado la punta 
 de Sn. Pablo, que es la del lado de tierra firme de Sn. Jose, 
 paramos a las 8 de la noche, habiendo andado en todo el dia 6 leg 8 
 rumbo al Nordeste. 
 
 Dia 14. Salimos a las 6 de la manana, y con viento floxo 
 llegamos a medio dia al remate del estrecho de los Chupcanes. 
 La ranch* de este nombre es Cristiana, parte de Sn. Jose, y parte 
 de Sn. Fran 00 Dista 14 leg 8 NE de la ultima, y 17 NNO de 
 aquella. Salimos desp 8 de comer con viento fresco, que a, media 
 tarde se volvio temporal, con direccion a los Ompines rumbo al 
 E. Por aqui es donde se reconocen las emboeaduras de los dos 
 
 [332] 
 
DIARY OF FRAY NARCISO DURAN. 
 
 Viva Jesus. 
 
 Diary of the exploring expedition made, in the month of May, 
 1817, by the commandant of the royal presidio of our father 
 San Francisco, Lieutenant Don Luis Argiiello, with his launch 
 San Rafael or La Fina, and by the fathers, Fray Ramon Abella, 
 minister of the mission of our father San Francisco, and Fray 
 Narciso Duran, of that of San Jose, with the launch named San 
 Jose or La Pescadora, on the only two rivers, called the Sacra- 
 mento and San Joaquin, which flow into the port of our father 
 San Francisco. 
 
 May 
 
 May 13. — We started from the beach of the presidio at ten 1817 
 o'clock this morning, with a fresh wind which lasted until we 
 crossed the entrance of the port, and at noon we came, rowing, 
 to the large island called Isla de Los Angeles, where we had 
 lunch. At five o'clock in the afternoon we set out from the 
 island, and, having doubled the Punta de San Pablo, which is 
 the point of the mainland on the San Jose side, we stopped at 
 eight o'clock at night, having travelled in the whole day six 
 leagues toward the northeast. 
 
 May 14. — We started at six o'clock in the morning, and with 
 a light wind came at midday to the end of the strait of the 
 Chupcanes. The village of this name is Christian, [belonging] 
 partly to San Jose and partly to San Francisco ; it is fourteen 
 leagues northeast of the latter, and seventeen leagues north- 
 northwest of the former. After lunch we set out with a fresh 
 wind, which in the middle of the afternoon became a storm, 
 heading for the Ompines toward the east. This is where the only 
 two rivers that flow into the port through the said strait unite. 
 
 [333] 
 
6 Academy of Pacific Coast History. 
 
 unicos rios que entran por dicho estrecho al Puerto : el uno viene 
 del N y NE y se llama del Sacramento, y el otro del E y SE y 
 se llama de Sn. Joaq n : y los dos reunidos en su embocadura 
 parecen ser el que los mapas ponen baxo un solo nombre de Eio 
 de Sn. Fran™. Los Uamo dos unicos rios, porq e parece que las 
 muchas bocas 6 brazos que forman tantas isletas de montes y 
 tulares, como tambien algunos otros rios que se encuentran arriba, 
 todos entran a descargar sus aguas en los dos dichos : de manera 
 q e aunq" las vertientes occidentales de la Sierra nevada formen 
 algunos rios, como dicen, pero todos pierden el nombre y se con- 
 funden con los dos mencionados principales. 
 
 Habiendosenos pues hecho de noche y adelantadose un poco 
 la lancha del Sr. Comand te paro en tierra firme de Sn. Jose en la 
 embocadura de Sn. Joaq n y los dos PP. con la otra lancha segui- 
 mos el rumbo acordado cogiendo la embocadura del Sacram' 
 hasta poder cojer tierra al lado opuesto en tierra de Ompines: 
 pues aunq e pasamos cerca de la otra lancha y vimos lumbre, ya 
 no fue posible retroceder por el temporal. Saltamos en un islote 
 de tule que al subir la marea se inundo, y tubimos que acomodar- 
 nos sobre unos Zarzales para def endernos del agua hasta que baxo. 
 Pasamos muy molesta noche aunq e alegremente ; y no la pasaria 
 mejor el S r Com te , porq e lo que en nosotros fue agua y sin lumbre, 
 alia fue viento sin abrigo. Andubimos en todo el dia 12 leg 8 
 rumbo NE y E. 
 
 Dia 15. El temporal ha seguido toda la noche. A las 5 de 
 la mafiana vino el Sr. Comand te a juntarse con nosotros, y llego 
 con el palo mayor quebrado sin haber sucedido desgraeia gracias 
 al Sr. que parece medio prodigioso no haber rompido la cabeza 
 6 haber matado a alguno al tiempo de su caida. Salimos luego 
 para buscar paraje comodo para decir misa por ser el dia de la 
 Ascension. Y habiendo andado 5 6 6 leg 8 rio arriba del Sacra- 
 mento con el mismo temporal saltamos en tierra seca, donde se 
 canto la Misa. Pero por ser muy desabrigado y frio el paraje 
 salimos desp 8 de comer a media tarde, y Uegamos al anochecer 
 
 [334] 
 
May 
 
 Diary op Fray Narciso Duran. 7 
 
 One comes from the north and northeast and is called the Sacra- 1817 
 mento, and the other from the east and southeast and is called 
 the San Joaquin, and the two, united at their mouth, appear to 
 be the river which the maps put down under a single name, Rio 
 de San Francisco. I call them the only two rivers, because it 
 seems that the many streams or branches which are formed by 
 numerous little wooded islands and tule-patches, as well as some 
 other rivers farther up, all discharge their waters into these two 
 rivers ; so that, although the western slopes of the Sierra Nevada 
 may form some rivers, as they say, yet all lose their identity and 
 mingle with the two principal rivers already mentioned. 
 
 Then, as night had fallen and advanced a little, the com- 
 mandant's launch stopped on the San Jose side of the mainland 
 at the mouth of the San Joaquin, and we, the two fathers, with 
 the other launch, followed the course agreed upon, entering the 
 Sacramento and ascending until we could find land on the 
 opposite side which is in the country of the Ompines; for, 
 although we passed near the other launch and saw a fire, it was 
 already impossible to go back because of the storm. We landed 
 on a small island of tule which at high tide was covered with 
 water, and we had to take refuge upon some places full of 
 brambles to protect ourselves from the water until it receded. 
 We passed a very uncomfortable night, although in good spirits ; 
 and the commandant could not have passed a better night, be- 
 cause, while we had water without fire, he had wind without 
 shelter. We travelled in the whole day twelve leagues toward 
 the northeast and east. 
 
 May 15. — The storm has continued all night. At five o 'clock 
 in the morning the commandant again joined us, arriving with 
 his mainmast broken, but without loss of life, thanks to the Lord, 
 and it seems rather miraculous that it did not break someone's 
 head or kill someone at the time of its fall. Presently we set out 
 to seek a suitable place to say mass, as it was Ascension Day. 
 Having gone five or six leagues up the Sacramento River with 
 the same storm, we alighted on dry land, where the mass was 
 sung. But, as the place was very unsheltered and cold, we 
 started in the middle of the afternoon, after lunch, and at night- 
 
 [335] 
 
8 Academy of Pacific Coast History. 
 
 al remate de las lomas de los Ompines, sirviendonos estas de 
 abrigo del temporal. El paraje esta donde llaman los Ciervos; 
 y como una legua antes de llegar, la lancha Sn. Jose dio un golpe 
 en un palo anegado que nos asusto pero reeonocida desp 8 no se 
 le ha encontrado novedad gracias a Dios. Hemos andado en todo 
 el dia 8 leguas rumbo al E y NE. 
 
 Dia 16. Ha seguido el temporal de NO toda la noche y ha 
 parado al amaneeer poniendose el cielo de neblina gruesa y casi 
 lloviendo. Salimos con viento floxo a las 8 de la mafiana rumbo 
 al NE. A la legua eneontramos una boca a, estribor con direecion 
 al E, y dicen que es vuelta que da el rio principal. En caso de 
 ser asi, aqui dexamos el dho. rio el q 1 cine la Isla llamada de los 
 Quenemsias, 1 y seguimos un brazo haciendo rumbo al N y NO con 
 animo de reeonocer la ranch* llamada de los Chucumnes. A otro 
 legua eneontramos otra boca 6 brazo a Babor, q e desde luego nos 
 parecio iba a salir a la dicha ranch*. Dexamos sin embargo esta, 
 y seguimos la antecedente. Vimos en esta mafiana algunas balsas 
 con gente, y algunas casas sin ella porq e al ruido de las lanchas 
 arrancaban. A las 6 leguas eneontramos otra boca a estribor con 
 direecion al NE. O esta, 6 la primera es la que forma el rio 
 principal del Sacramento. La dejamos, y andubimos siguiendo 
 la misma. Todo el rio esta hecho una alameda por lo poblado y 
 frondoso de las arboledas, aunq e con dificultad se puede saltar 
 en tierra porq e todo esta inundado a causa del crecimiento de los 
 rios por el derritido de las nieves. Hemos parado a las 6 habiendo 
 andado al remo 8 leg 8 rumbos NE, N, y algo al NO. 
 
 Dia 17. Toda la noche ha hecho viento fuerte. Salimos a las 
 6 de la mafiana. A la legua eneontramos la boca que dejamos 
 ayer a la izquierda. A muy poco rato eneontramos la ranch 1 de 
 los Chucumnes, aunque sin gente. Contamos 35 casas, y algunas 
 
 1 Or read : Guenemsias. 
 
 [336] 
 
Diaey op Fray Nakciso Duean. 9 
 
 fall reached the end of the Lomas de los Ompines, these hills 1817 
 
 sheltering us from the storm. This place is called Los Ciervos. 'T7~~ / 
 
 • . May 
 
 About a league before arriving, the launch San Jose struck upon 
 
 a submerged log, which frightened us, but upon examination 
 
 afterwards, it appeared that no harm was done, thank God. "We 
 
 travelled in the whole day eight leagues toward the east and 
 
 northeast. 
 
 May 16. — The storm from the northwest has continued all 
 night, stopping at dawn; there was a heavy fog, and it almost 
 rained. We started with a light wind at eight o'clock in the 
 morning going toward the northeast. After going a league we 
 came to a stream to starboard leading to the east, and they say 
 that this is the turn which the principal river makes. In case 
 that is so, we here left the said river, which surrounds the island 
 called Isla de los Quenemsias, and followed a branch with a 
 course to the north and northwest, intending to explore the 
 village called Rancheria de los Chucumnes. After going another 
 league we came upon another stream or branch to port, and 
 instantly it seemed that it was going to lead to the said village. 
 Nevertheless, we left this, and followed the same stream as before. 
 This morning we saw some rafts with people and some houses 
 without, because they rushed away at the noise of the launches. 
 After going six leagues we came to another stream to starboard, 
 toward the northeast. Either this stream or the former is the 
 main stream of the Sacramento. We left it and went on, follow- 
 ing the same stream as before. All along this river it is like a 
 park, because of the verdure and luxuriance of its groves of trees. 
 Still, it is difficult to land, because everything is inundated, due 
 to the rise in the rivers from the melting of the snow. We 
 stopped at six o'clock, having rowed eight leagues toward the 
 northeast, north, and somewhat to the northwest. 
 
 May 17. — There has been a strong wind all night. We set 
 out at six o 'clock in the morning. After going a league we came 
 to the stream that we left yesterday on our left. In a very short 
 time we came to the village of the Chucumnes, but there were no 
 people there. We counted thirty-five houses, some being from 
 
 [337] 
 
10 Academy of Pacific Coast History. 
 
 de 40 a 50 pasos de circumfereneia lo que indica bastante gente. 
 Llamamos a los gentiles; pero ninguno se ha arrimado. Esta 
 ranch a esta, en un paraje en que el rio se subdivide en unos tres 
 brazos: Uno al Sur, que es el que digo dejamos ayer a la 
 izquierda: otro al poniente, que no sabemos donde desemboea 
 aunque se presume que dando alguna vuelta al Sudoeste va a 
 juntarse con la boca del Sur; y otro al Norte. Habiendo pues 
 comido salimos a, las dos de la tarde, y tomamos dicho brazo del 
 norte. Sigue la misma alameda como ayer, y ambas riberas estan 
 inundadas. A las 6 paramos frente una boea que dicen va a 
 ranch" llamada de los Ylamnes. Anduvimos en todo el dia no 
 mas que 4 leg 8 porq e el rio trae mucha eorriente. El rumbo de 
 todo el dia ha sido NO. N. y NE. 
 
 Dia 18. Desp s de haber dicho Misa por ser Domingo salimos 
 siguiendo el mismo rio rumbo NE. A la legua (que nos costo 
 mucho trabajo andarla p r la mucha fuerza de la eorriente) en- 
 contramos el rio principal del Sacramento que corre de N. a, S. 
 Es el mismo que dexamos el dia 18 a mano dereeha 6 estribor, 
 aunque yo no puedo entender en qual de las dos bocas dichas, si 
 en la primera 6 en la ultima. Seguimos pues rio arriba el qual 
 es muy ancho y de mucha profundidad, y a la media legua para- 
 mos a. comer. Apenas acababamos de comer quando de repente se 
 alboroto nuestra gente diciendo que venian gentiles a, molestar- 
 nos ; mas ninguno parecio. Salimos a las 2 de la tarde subiendo 
 el rio, y a la legua hay una boca a. mano dereeha que da una 
 vuelta y vuelve a entrar en el mismo rio dos leg 8 mas arriba. 
 Como a las 5 descubrimos la famosa Sierra nevada por el NE 
 mediante un claro que ofrece la arboleda de la ribera. La blan- 
 eura de dha. Sierra a todos parecio nieve, aunq e tiene tambien 
 (segun dicen) una especie de piedra blanca que se parece a esta. 
 Seguimos un poco mas arriba, y paramos al ponerse el Sol, 
 habiendo andado en el dia unas 5 leg 8 rumbo NE, N, y NO. 
 
 [338 J 
 
Diary op Fray Narciso Duran. 11 
 
 forty to fifty paces in circumference, which indicates a consider- 1817 
 able people. We called to the natives, but no one appeared. ^Z' 
 This village is at a place where the river subdivides into some 
 three branches : one goes to the south, which is the one that I say 
 we passed yesterday on our left ; another, to the west, and we do 
 not know where it empties, although it is presumed that it makes 
 some turn to the southwest and goes to join the stream to the 
 south; and the other branch goes to the north. Well, we had 
 lunch and started at two o'clock in the afternoon, and took the 
 said branch to the north. The same groves as yesterday continue, 
 and both banks are under water. At six o'clock we stopped 
 in front of a stream which they say leads to the village called 
 Kancheria de los Ilamnes. In the whole day we went but four 
 leagues, because the river carries a considerable current. Our 
 course during this whole day has been northwest, north, and 
 northeast. 
 
 May 18. — After having said mass, as it was Sunday, we set 
 out toward the northeast following the same river. We went a 
 league (which cost us much labor to go, on account of the great 
 strength of the current), and came upon the main stream of the 
 Sacramento which runs from north to south. This is the same 
 that we left on our right, or to starboard, on the 18th [16th], 
 although I cannot figure out which of the two said streams it is, 
 whether the first or the second. Well, we continued up the river, 
 which is very wide and of great depth ; after going half a league 
 we stopped to eat. We had hardly finished, when our party sud- 
 denly got excited, saying that natives were coming to molest us ; 
 but no one appeared. We set out at two o 'clock in the afternoon, 
 going up the river. At a distance of a league there is a stream 
 on the right which makes a turn and leads to the same river two 
 leagues farther up. At about five o'clock, looking to the north- 
 east through a gap in the grove of the river bank, we discerned 
 the famous Sierra Nevada. The white part of this Sierra seemed 
 to all to be snow, although, as they say, it also has a species of 
 white rock which looks like snow. We went a little farther up 
 the river, and stopped at sunset, having travelled during the day 
 some five leagues toward the northeast, north, and northwest. 
 
 [339] 
 
12 Academy of Pacific Coast Histoey. 
 
 Dia 19. Salimos a las 7 de la manana siguiendo rio arriba, 
 y a. la legua encontramos una ranch" llamada Chuppumne en la 
 ribera del Bste, cuya gente se huyo al ruido de las lanchas, 
 quedando no mas de 2 vie j as de mas de 60 afios, a quienes 
 despues de catequizadas bautize porque nos parecio que se 
 moriran antes que la Divina Providencia disponga otro tiempo 
 conveniente en que pudieran bautizarse en alguna Mis n - Salimos 
 de esta ranch* a las 10, y paramos a comer a medio dia. Volvi- 
 mos a salir a las 2 de la tarde, y a, lo lejos vimos 2 ranch s eon 
 gente, y otra desamparada de mucho tiempo a flor de agua. El 
 rio esta muy erecido y derramado por ambos lados de modo que 
 apenas se puede saltar en tierra. Hemos parado al ponerse el 
 Sol, habiendo andado en el dia 10 leg 6 rumbo al N. y NO. 
 
 Dia 20. Salimos a las 6 de la manana rio arriba con animo 
 de buscar un paraje deseubierto para colocar una cruz, y aqui 
 parar en nuestra subida y retroceder rio aba jo. A las 3 leg 8 
 al atracar las lanchas a la ribera del poniente se avistaron unas 
 balsas en un tular inmediato: y yendo algunos Neof s a recono- 
 cerlos se eneontraron con una ranch 3 de gentiles que venian 
 armados sobre ellos con una griteria feroz qual ellos acostum- 
 bran. Fue luego el S r Comand te con la tropa y demas Neof s 
 para hablarles, y se apaeiguaron y dieron satisfaccion diciendo 
 que se habian armado ereyendo que eramos gente enemiga. Nos 
 regalaron torous que es una especie de amole tatemado, y se 
 fueron en paz diciendonos q e un poco mas arriba estaba su 
 ranch* que alia nos aguardarian para darnos pescado. Comimos 
 y salimos andando una legua mas arriba; pero no encontramos 
 ni vimos ranch* ni gentil sino un pobre viejo dormido sobre un 
 palo que nada habia sabido de las lanchas. Le dimos pinole y 
 lo despachamos. Viendo que nadie se acercaba hicimos una Cruz 
 en un roble, la q e bendecida y adorada de la gente sirvio de 
 termino a nuestra subida. A este paraje se puede venir por 
 tierra en tiempo de secas segun parece a la vista, porque aunq e 
 
 [340] 
 
Diaey op Pkay Narciso Duean. 13 
 
 May 19. — We started at seven o'clock in the morning, eon- 1817 
 tinuing up the river, and, after going a league, came upon a ^"' 
 village on the eastern bank called Chuppumne, whose people fled 
 at the noise of the launches, leaving but two old women, each 
 over sixty years of age. After instructing them in the Christian 
 faith, I baptized them, because we thought that they would die 
 before Divine Providence might arrange another fitting time 
 when they could be baptized at some mission. We left this village 
 at ten o'clock, and stopped to eat at midday. We again set out 
 at two o'clock in the afternoon, and in the distance saw two 
 villages with people, and another by the water abandoned some 
 time since. The river is much swollen and is flooded on both 
 sides, so that one can scarcely alight upon land. We stopped at 
 sunset, having travelled during the day ten leagues toward the 
 north and northwest. 
 
 May 20. — We started up the river at six o'clock in the morn- 
 ing, intending to look for an open place, in order to put up a 
 cross, and there to stop in our ascent, and to go back down the 
 river. We had gone three leagues, when upon the launches touch- 
 ing the western bank, some rafts were descried in a near-by tule- 
 patch. Some neophytes went to inspect them and found a village 
 of natives, who came toward them armed and with a fierce shout, 
 as is their custom. Presently the commandant went with the 
 soldiers and the other neophytes to talk to them, and they became 
 pacified and made an apology, saying that they had armed them- 
 selves in the belief that we were a hostile people. They gave us 
 torous, which is a kind of pounded soaproot, and they went away 
 in peace, telling us that their village was a little farther up the 
 river, and that they would await us there to give us some fish. 
 We had lunch and set out, going one league farther up the river ; 
 but we neither came upon nor saw either village or native, except 
 a poor old man, asleep upon a log, and he had known nothing 
 of the launches. We gave him some pinole and sent him away. 
 Seeing that no one was near we carved a cross on an oak-tree, 
 and this having been blessed and adored by the people, marked 
 the end of our ascent. One may come to this place by land in 
 the dry season, to judge by appearances, because, although one 
 
 [341] 
 
14 Academy of Pacific Coast History. 
 
 en las immediaeiones se ve tular, parece que en 8 tee todo ha de 
 quedar seeo porq e no tienen mas agua que de los derrames del 
 rio. Esto sup t0 de aqui para adelante mejor por tierra que por 
 agua podria seguirse el curso del rio, y examinar la inmensidad 
 de tierras que hay hasta el remate de la Sierra nevada, las quales 
 es regular esten pobladas de inumerble gentilidad. Y una vez 
 deseubierta la entrada en la Sierra, que parece ofrece el dieho 
 remate, se podria averiguar la verdad de lo que nos euentan los 
 indios haee algunos afios, de que al otro lado de la Sierra nevada 
 hay gentes eomo los soldados, y nunca podemos atar cabos y 
 saber si son espanoles del N. Mexico, 6 Ingleses de la Columbia, 
 6 rusos de la Bodega. 
 
 Desde aqui vimos eomo a 10 leg 8 al NO el altisimo cerro 
 llamado por la tropa que ha pasado cerca su falda jesus maeia. 
 Esta, todo nevado. Dicen que cerca de el pasa un rio caudaloso 
 del mismo nombre, el q 1 entra en el rio del Sacramento, y 
 sospechan si es algun brazo de la Columbia. Esto lo he oido a 
 algun soldado, y lo cierto quede en su lugar. Subimos hoy 4 leg 8 
 rumbo N. y NO. 
 
 A las 4 de la tarde empezamos a baxar, y al ponerse el Sol 
 paramos en la ribera occidental frente el paraje del 18 habiendo 
 andado 14 leg 8 en tres 6 4 horas por la gran fuerza de la co- 
 rriente. El rumbo es de S. y SE. 
 
 Dia 21. Salimos a, las 7 de la maiiana, y a, poco rato encon- 
 tramos a mano derecha la boca por donde el 18 entramos en el 
 rio principal. Y dexando aquella y siguiendo este, a la legua 
 encontramos una ranch a llamada de Ochejamnes de 40 casas; 
 pero sin gente. A poco rato encontramos la punta de la Isla 
 llamada de los Quenemsias. 1 Aqui dexamos el rio principal del 
 Sacramento a, mano derecha, que corre al SO, y cojimos una boca a 
 la izquierda que corre al SE en cuya entrada mataron los gentiles 
 el afio [1813] al dif'° Julio Alcalde de S n Jose. Con trabajo pasan 
 
 1 Or read : Guenemsias or Guenemsios. 
 
 [342] 
 
May 
 
 Diaey of Fray Narciso Duran. 15 
 
 sees tule-patches in the vicinity, it seems that in October every- 1817 
 thing must be dry, for there is no water except the floods from 
 the river. This being so, the course of the river from here on 
 could be followed better by land than by water, and the vast 
 lands to the end of the Sierra Nevada be examined, which lands, 
 it is likely, may be settled by innumerable natives. Once the pass 
 in the Sierra is discovered, which the said end seems to offer, we 
 would be able to ascertain the truth of what the Indians have 
 told us for some years past, that on the other side of the Sierra 
 Nevada there are people like our soldiers. We have never been 
 able to clear up the matter and know whether they are Spanish 
 from New Mexico, or English from the Columbia, or Eussians 
 from La Bodega. 
 
 At about ten leagues to the northwest of this place we saw 
 the very high hill called by soldiers that went near its slope 
 Jesus Maria. It is entirely covered with snow. They say that a 
 great river of the same name runs near it, and that it enters the 
 Sacramento Eiver, and they conjecture that it may be some 
 branch of the Columbia. This I have heard from some soldier; 
 let the truth be what it may. To-day we went four leagues up 
 the river toward the north and northwest. 
 
 At four o'clock in the afternoon we began to go down the 
 river, and at sunset stopped on the western bank in front of 
 the place where we were on the 18th, having travelled fourteen 
 leagues in three or four hours because of the great force of the 
 current. Course, toward the south and southeast. 
 
 May 21. — We started at seven o'clock in the morning, and, in 
 a little while, came to the stream on the right, by which on the 
 18th we entered the principal river. Leaving that stream and 
 continuing along this river for a league, we came upon a village 
 of forty houses called Rancheria de Ochejamnes ; but there were 
 no people there. In a little while we came upon the point of the 
 island called Isla de los Quenemisas. Here, on our right, we left 
 the principal stream of the Sacramento, which runs to the south- 
 west, and took a stream to the left which runs to the southeast, 
 at the entrance of which, in the year [1813] , the natives killed the 
 late Julio, alcalde of San Jose. The launches are proceeding 
 
 [343] 
 
16 Academy of Pacific Coast History. 
 
 las lanchas por los muehos palos que tiene. A las 6 leg 8 encon- 
 tramos la ranch 3 de los Guaypems 1 con alguna gente, en donde 
 se han bautizado 7 almas entre viejos enfermos y parvulos. Aqui 
 hemos comido, y habiendo salido a las 3 de la tarde hemos parado 
 en el paraje llamado las Cruces, eon animo de salir mafiana a 
 encontrar el rio de S n Joaq n , y subir por el hasta la ranch 8 
 llamada de los Passasimas. Andubimos en todo el dia 15 leg 8 
 navegando al S y SE. 
 
 Dia 22. Salimos a, las 7 de la mafiana, y a poco rato al 
 rematar esta boca 6 brazo en que venimos ayer se eneuentra otra 
 a mano izquierda que viene del NB. La dejamos, y seguimos al 
 S y SE un canon muy ancho que conduce al rio de Sn. Joaquin. 
 Aqui se dividieron las lanch s . La del Sr. Com te se dirigio al 
 y NO para reconocer 2 6 3 islas en que viven amadrigados unos 
 fugitivos de Sn. Jose : y nosotros con la otra lancha tomamos el 
 rumbo de S y SE. Subiendo el rio de Sn. Joaq n con deseos de 
 reconocer las ranch 8 de los tulares. A las 4 leg 8 paramos en un 
 altito fangoso a causa del extremado calor que enervaba a los 
 remadores. Salimos a las 6 de la tarde con animo de andar toda 
 la noche. 
 
 Dia 23. Hemos andado toda la noche menos algun rato de 
 parada en la misma lancha, y a las 8 Uegamos cerca de la ran- 
 cheria de los Passasimas. A mano derecha hemos dexado esta 
 noche la rancheria de los Nototemnes que ya estan Cristianos en 
 Sn. Jose, los quales vivian casi en el centro del tular. A la 
 izquierda hemos dexado a los Tauquimnes y Tatchicomnes, en 
 cuyo lado viven los mencionados Passasimas, y un poeo al NE 
 de estos los Muquelemnes. Nos han salido a recibir algunos 
 Passasimas de paz lo que no es de extrafiar porque han estado 
 muchas veces en la Mision, y hay algunos bautizados de ellos. 
 Desp 8 de comer fuimos a pie a visitar unas easas de los mismos 
 donde he bautizado 4 gentiles de 60 y 70 afios. Y habiendoles 
 
 1 Or read : Quaypems. 
 
 [344] 
 
Diary of Fray Narciso Duran. 17 
 
 with difficulty because of the many logs that there are. After 1817 
 going six leagues we came upon the village of the Guaypems, 'IT - ' 
 with some people in it; and there seven souls amongst the old, 
 the sick, and the infants, were baptized. Here we had lunch, and 
 having set out at three o'clock in the afternoon, stopped at 
 the place called Las Cruces, intending to start to-morrow to find 
 the San Joaquin River, and to ascend it to the village called 
 Rancheria de los Passasimas. In the whole day we travelled 
 fifteen leagues, steering to the south and southeast. 
 
 May 22. — We started at seven o'clock in the morning, and in 
 a little while, upon reaching the end of this stream or branch, 
 which we entered yesterday, we found another on our left which 
 comes from the northeast. "We passed it and followed a very 
 broad canyon to the south and southeast, leading to the San 
 Joaquin River. Here the launches separated. That of the com- 
 mandant headed to the west and northwest to explore two or 
 three islands where some fugitives from San Jose are living 
 together in hiding. We, with the other launch, took a course to 
 the south and southeast, ascending the San Joaquin River, being 
 desirous of exploring the villages of the tule regions. After going 
 four leagues we stopped at a miry little resting-place, because of 
 the extreme heat which enervated the rowers. We started at six 
 o 'clock in the afternoon intending to travel all night. 
 
 May 23. — We have travelled all night, except for a brief stop 
 in the launch itself, and at eight o 'clock drew near the village of 
 the Passasimas. During the night we passed on our right the 
 village of the Nototemnes who have already become Christians 
 at San Jose; they used to live almost in the center of the tule 
 region. On our left we passed the Tauquimnes and Yatchicomnes ; 
 the said Passasimas live on that side, with the Muquelemnes a 
 little to the northeast of them. Some Passasimas came out to 
 receive us in a peaceful manner, which is not surprising, because 
 they have been at the mission many times, and some of them 
 have been baptized. After lunch, we went on foot to visit some 
 houses of the same people, and there I baptized four heathen, 
 who were from sixty to seventy years of age. Having proclaimed 
 
 [345] 
 
18 Academy of Pacific Coast History. 
 
 anunciado a, Dios y la necesidad de pensar en hacerse Cristianos 
 nos hemos vuelto a la laneha aeompaiiados de los mismos gen- 
 tiles. Aqui nos han renovado los cuentos de que en el otro lado 
 de la Sierra nevada (de la q 1 distariamos 10 leg 8 ) hay gente de 
 razon, sin poder atar cabos como queda dicho en el dia 20. A 
 las 4 de la tarde nos embarcamos para volvernos por el mismo 
 eamino p r donde venimos; y a poea distaneia nos aguardaban 
 113 gentiles entre Tatchieomnes y Muquelemnes, la mitad de 
 ellos pintados y armados en aspecto de guerra. Atraeamos, y 
 desp 3 de haberles hablado depusieron las armas y pidieron paz. 
 Estos gentiles lo mas viven en tierra firme, y se les puede visitar 
 a caballo si acaso fuere necesario. Llegan hasta la falda de la 
 Sierra nevada, y dan notieia que lo que se ve blanquear es piedra 
 y no nieve; aunq e lo mas eierto parece que la Sierra tiene nieve 
 y piedra blanca q e lo pareee. A las 6 nos despedimos de ellos 
 regalandoles trigo &e, y prometiendonos que vendrian a pasear 
 en la Mision. Lo andado ayer y la noche antecedente seran onze 
 6 doce leg 8 eon rumbo S. y SE. Echamos a andar toda la noche, 
 rumbo N y NO. 
 
 Dia 24. Nos eneontro el dia eon poca difereneia en el 
 paralelo de donde salimos el dia 22, y a las 8 Uegamos al paraje 
 que llaman los Meganos frente los julpunes, en donde hemos 
 comido. Al medio dia salimos para juntarnos eon el S r Comand* 
 en el estreeho de los Chupeanes, a donde Uegamos a las 6 de la 
 tarde encontrando alii a dho. Sr. quien habia llegado por la 
 manana. Lo andado esta tarde es la emboeadura de Sn. Joaq n 
 y es menerter andarla en marea alta porq e tiene barra, y se 
 baran en ella las lanchas. La difereneia que se eneuentra entre 
 el Rio del Sacramento y el de Sn. Joaq n es que este trahe menos 
 caudal de agua aunq 6 en algunos parajes es mas ancho, y todo 
 lo que hemos andado no tiene mas que puro tule, sin tener un 
 arbol en que el navegante encuentre una sombra, ni un palo 
 
 [346] 
 
Diary op Fray Narciso Duran. 19 
 
 God to them, and the necessity of thinking about becoming 1817 
 Christians, we returned to the launch, accompanied by the self- ~^1 
 same natives. Here they again told us the stories of there being 
 civilized people on the other side of the Sierra Nevada (from 
 which we should be ten leagues distant) , without being able to 
 verify the statements, as has been said on May 20th. At four 
 o'clock in the afternoon we embarked to return by the same 
 course by which we came. We had travelled but a short distance 
 when we found waiting for us one hundred and thirteen natives, 
 part Yatchicomnes and part Muquelemnes, half of them painted 
 and armed, with an aspect of war. We overtook them, and, after 
 we had spoken to them, they put aside their arms and asked for 
 peace. Most of these natives live on the mainland, and one may 
 visit them on horseback, if, perchance, it should be necessary to 
 do so. They reach to the slope of the Sierra Nevada, and inform 
 us that that which appears white is rock and not snow, although 
 it most certainly seems that the Sierra contains snow as well as 
 white rock which looks like snow. At six o'clock we took leave 
 of them, giving them wheat, etc., and they promised us that they 
 would come on a trip to the mission. The distance travelled 
 yesterday and last night is about eleven or twelve leagues, toward 
 the south and southeast. We started to travel all night toward 
 the north and northwest. 
 
 May 24. — At daybreak we were about at the same parallel as 
 we were when we set out on May 22, and at eight o'clock we 
 arrived at the place called Los Meganos in front of Los Julpunes, 
 where we had breakfast. At midday we set out to join the com- 
 mandant at the strait of the Chupcanes, which we reached at six 
 o'clock in the afternoon, finding the said gentleman there; he 
 had arrived in the morning. We travelled this afternoon as 
 far as the mouth of the San Joaquin. It is necessary to pass 
 this at high tide, because there is a sand-bar, and the launches 
 are blocked by it. There is this difference between the Sacra- 
 mento and San Joaquin ; the latter carries less volume of water, 
 although in some places it is wider, and in all that part which 
 we have travelled there is nothing but tule, without a tree 
 under which the navigator may find shade, nor a stick of fire- 
 
 [347] 
 
20 Academy of Pacific Coast History. 
 
 de lena para calentarse. Al contrario el del Sacram t0 quando 
 no derrama tiene tierras seeas en ambas riberas, pobladas de 
 alamedas eomo queda dicho, y parece que trae mas copia de 
 agua. Lo andado en la noche antecedente y en este dia son 20 
 leg 8 rumbo al N. NO. y 0. 
 
 D[ia] 25. Amanecio dia de Pentecostes y se dijo Misa Can- 
 tada: desp 8 de la q 1 paraq 6 en los dos dias sig tes no eareeiese 
 de Misa el Pres salimos a las 9 con viento de proa y bastante 
 marejada durante todo el Estrecho, que tendra 2 leguas de largo, 
 y media poeo mas 6 menos de ancho. En saliendo de este la mar 
 estubo buena, y a las 3 de la tarde llegamos a, un paraje llamado 
 punta de Olegario cerca la Isla de los Angeles en donde hemos 
 parado habiendo andado unas 10 leguas rumbo SO. 
 
 Dia 26. A las 2 de la mafiana antes de acabar de bajar la 
 marea hemos pasado el boquete del Puerto, llegando easi al 
 amaneeer a la Playa del Pres . Desp 8 de haber dicho Misa en 
 este nos restituimos a. la Mision de N. P. Sn. Fran 00 con toda 
 felieidad gracias al Sr. de quien sea la gloria por los siglos de 
 los siglos Amen. 
 
 Fe. Narciso Duran. 
 (riibrica) 
 
 [348] 
 
May 
 
 Diary op Feay Narciso Duran. 21 
 
 wood with which to warm himself; whereas the Sacramento, 1817 
 when it is not flooded, has dry land on both banks covered with 
 poplar groves, as has been said, and it seems to carry a greater 
 abundance of water. Last night and to-day we travelled twenty 
 leagues toward the north, northwest, and west. 
 
 May 25. — The day of Pentecost dawned and a mass was sung ; 
 after this, in order that the presidio might not be without a mass 
 for the two days following, we set out at nine o'clock with a 
 head wind and a considerable head sea which lasted through the 
 whole strait; the strait is about two leagues long, and a little 
 more or less than half that in width. As we came out of this 
 the sea became calm, and at three o'clock in the afternoon we 
 arrived at a place called the Punta de Olegario near the Isla de 
 los Angeles where we stopped, having travelled some ten leagues 
 toward the southwest. 
 
 May 26. — At two o'clock in the morning, before the tide 
 stopped going out, we passed the entrance of the port, arriving 
 almost at dawn at the beach of the presidio. After having said 
 mass there, we returned to the mission of our father San Fran- 
 cisco, with all felicity, thanks to the Lord, to whom be the glory 
 forever and ever. Amen. 
 
 Pray Narciso Duran. 
 (rubric) 
 
 [349] 
 
publications of the academy of pacific 
 coast History. 
 
 ..,,;,''' , !" VOLUME 1. 
 
 1. The j8au "Francisco Clearing House Certificates of 1907-1908, by Carl 
 ' Copping Plehn, Professor of Finance, University of California. 
 1'4 pages and plate. January, 1909. , 
 
 1 2. The official account of the .Portola Expedition of 1769-1770, edited by 
 
 FBEDKBiqK J". Teggart, Curator, Academy of Pacific Coast ! History. ' 
 15 'pages; and plate. Aiigus^, 1909. > :'■; . ' < ?•" 
 
 3. Diary of Gaspar de Portola during the California Expedition of 1769- 
 
 1770, edited by Donald EpotSbte Smith, Assistant Professor of \ 
 *'-.'• History, and Geography, /University , of California, and Frederick 
 ■" /i ! aJ.''JPb^16abt, Curator, Academy of Pacific Coast History. 59 pages 
 ' arid plate. "' October, 1909. r r 
 
 4. The Narrative of the Portola Expedition of 1769-1770 by Miguel Cos- : 
 *. , tanso,. edited by Adolph van Hemeet^Engeet, Assistant in the 
 
 Academy of Paeific Coast History, and Frederick J. Teggart, 
 Curator, Academy of Pacific Coast History. 69 pages and 1 plate. 
 March, 1910. , 
 
 5. jTlfe.', United States Consulate in California, by Bayner. Wickersham 
 
 Kelsey. 107 pages. June, 1910. _.:,"'' 
 
 6. Diary of Patrick Breen, one of, the Donner Party, 1846-1847, edited 
 
 by Frederick J. Teggart, Curator, Academy of Pacific 6oast His- 
 tory. 16 pages. and plate. July, 1910: '- 
 
 '7. Papers of the San Eraticisco Committee of "Vigilance of 1851, I., edited, 
 by Portes Garnett, Assistant Qpxator, Academy of Pacific Coast 
 History. 69 pages and plate. July, 1910. ..■'',', 
 
 'Price: In parts as issued, with title-page, table of contents, and i ; 
 
 index ....:.... :.,.-.:.. -.J,,., ,. - $2.50 
 
 Sewed • (paper covers) ' .....-..^.--.j— . $2.75 
 
 - < Bound da blue 'eloth J _,„..!i.,....'.'... ...... .~~ ;$S.Q0 ;l 
 
 , .! ■'•'. | ' VOLUME 2. 
 
 1. The Portola Expedition of 1769-1770— Diary of, Vicente Vila, Com- 
 
 mander of the' San Carlos, edited by Robert SeldeNvBose, Assistant 
 •' /in Spanish," University of California.'* 119 pages and plate. July, 
 
 ." 1911,, '_ - .•." , ■■'■';,■' . " ." '' ' / | 
 
 2. Papers of the San Fjancisco Committee ;.of Vigilance of 1851, II., edited 
 - ',;•• "by Porter, Gabnett) Assistant Curator, Academy of Pacific Coast 
 
 \ i , HistoryJ 19 pages 'and plate. ■" • July, 1911. , ', , 
 ,3; Expedition to San FranciscoBay in 1770 r i -Diary of Pedro Fages* edited 
 • >■' ', " "... by Herbert Eugene Bolton, Professor qf American History, Uni- • 
 yersity of California. 19. page's. July, 1911. ^ , 
 4. tThe: Portola Expedition of 1769 r 1770— Diary of Miguel' Costansd, edited 
 • by'FREDERiCK J. Teggart; Curator, Aeadeniy of Pacific Coast History. 
 167 pages. August, 1911. 
 .5. Expedition on the Sacramento and San Joaquin Eivers in 1817 — Diary 
 of Fray Narciso Duran, edited by Charles Edward Chapman, Assist* .< 
 ant in the ACademyo^- Pacific Coast History. 21 pages. ! December^ 
 1911, , ■ \ ... 
 
THE FOUNDING OF SAN 
 FRANCISCO 
 
 By 
 
 CHARLES E.CHAPMAN 
 
 University of California 
 
 COMPLIMENTS OF 
 
 CHARLEJ E Cxi^PlviAN 
 
 REPRINTED FROM "THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY" 
 BY H. MORSE STEPHENS AND HERBERT E. BOLTON. 
 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK 
 
 Copyright, 1917, By The Macmulah Company. U. L 
 
THE FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO 
 Charles E. Chapman 
 
 So far as concerns local events preliminary to the founding of 
 San Francisco and those contemporary with it, Hubert Howe Ban- 
 croft and, more recently, Zoeth Skinner Eldredge J have written 
 in such detail that it would be hardly worth while to attempt to 
 supplement their accounts. Something may be said, however, 
 of the attitude of the Spanish government with regard to settle- 
 ment of San Francisco, and it is to that phase of the subject that 
 this paper will be devoted, summarizing the correspondence of 
 the viceroy of New Spain with the government in Spain, on the 
 one hand, and, to a less extent, with officials in California, on the 
 other. Events in connection with the founding will be given only 
 in bare outline. 2 
 
 The first Europeans to sail along the coast of California were 
 Spaniards under Cabrillo and Ferrelo, 1542^13. In upward of 
 two centuries following, a number of others passed along this 
 coast, Drake in 1579, and Vizcaino in 1602-3, coming from the 
 south, and an unrecorded number of galleons from Manila, sail- 
 ing southward to Acapulco. No settlements were made, but the 
 coast line from Cape Mendocino to Cape San Lucas became 
 fairly well known in a general way, with one striking exception, 
 — none of these voyagers, so far as can be learned, ever noted the 
 Golden Gate and the great bay behind it. This has caused some 
 writers to assert that the bay did not exist, when Drake landed 
 not far from where it now is, but was formed later by what must 
 have been a truly wonderful and beneficent convulsion of nature. 3 
 
 1 The Beginnings of San Francisco (2 vols., San Francisco, 1912). 
 
 8 Most of the materials quoted in this paper are to be found in the Archivo 
 General de Indias at Seville, Spain. Other materials are in the Archivo General 
 y Publico and the Museo Nacional of Mexico, and in the Academy of Pacific Coast 
 History. 
 
 ' The latest proponent of this view is Mrs. Gertrude Atherton in her work called 
 California : an Intimate History (New York and London, 1914) . 
 
 373 
 
374 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 
 
 At any rate, discovery of San Francisco Bay was postponed until 
 1769, when Gaspar de Portola led the first expedition by land to 
 California. Scarcity of provisions and consequent necessity of 
 returning to San Diego prevented exploration of the bay by 
 Portola. A year later, in November, 1770, Pedro Fages paid a 
 brief visit to San Francisco Bay, coming overland from Monterey, 
 but made no extensive exploration. A letter by Rivera, an officer 
 with Portola, to Viceroy Croix, March 2, 1770, indicates the 
 impression caused by the discovery upon those who took part in 
 it. He expressed an opinion that the newly-discovered port, if 
 deep enough, might prove to be better than the one at San 
 Diego. It also had all necessary requisites as a site for settle- 
 ment. 1 
 
 News of the discovery had hardly been received in Mexico 
 when Croix gave orders, November 12, 1770, for a thorough explo- 
 ration of the port, and establishment of a mission on its shores 
 to secure it from occupation by another power. The order was 
 received in May, 1771, but Fages regarded it as impossible of ful- 
 filment, because of the great number of Indians in California, and 
 his inability to furnish troops for mission guards, without which 
 missions could not be founded. 2 This drew forth a long letter 
 of complaint from the Father President of the California mis- 
 sions, Junipero Serra, to the viceroy, June 18, 1771. He believed 
 the delay unnecessary. 3 
 
 The Fages and Serra letters must have reached Mexico at about 
 the time when a new viceroy took possession of the government of 
 New Spain, Antonio Maria Bucarely y Ursiia, one of the greatest 
 rulers that New Spain ever had. Bucarely came to power in 
 September, 1771. For nearly two years thereafter, he was con- 
 cerned so far as California affairs went, primarily with main- 
 taining what had already been established, and seeking informa- 
 tion upon which to base measures for advancing the conquest. 
 In both respects he encountered difficulties. As late as February 
 24, 1773, Bucarely wrote to Julian de Arriaga, Spanish minister 
 of the Indies, that affairs in the new establishments were in a 
 
 1 Arch. Gen. y Pub., Californias, vol. 66. 
 
 5 Fages to Croix, June 20, 1771. Arch. Gen. y Pub., Califqrnias, vol. 66. 
 
 * Arch. Gen. y Pub., Californias, vol. 66. 
 
THE FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO 375 
 
 deplorable state. Discord between Fages and the missionaries 
 was so great, and desertions of soldiers so numerous, that early 
 ruin of the settlements might be expected. 1 
 
 Clearly, not much progress with the formation of San Francisco 
 could be expected under these circumstances. Something, 
 -however, had been attempted in March and April, 1772, when 
 Fages made an overland expedition to the bay. He attempted 
 to get around it, but failed, and returned to Monterey. He had 
 made no examination of the bay itself, the merits of which as a 
 port remained unknown. 
 
 By the middle of the year 1773 Bucarely had become sufficiently 
 well informed to commence a series of measures, of which the 
 founding of San Francisco formed a part, all based upon the single 
 idea of precaution against possibility of foreign attack upon the 
 Pacific coast of New Spain, particularly by Russia, of whose 
 activities in the far northwest greatly exaggerated reports had 
 been received. No attempt can be made here to trace the course 
 of these measures, except those directly affecting San Francisco, 
 but it would give a false perspective to the subject in hand, if 
 they were passed by without mention. The following are the 
 measures referred to : 
 
 On July 23, 1773, a provisional reglamento, or instrument of 
 government, for the two Californias, 2 to which Bucarely had 
 devoted considerable attention for several months, received 
 official sanction by his decree. It was supplemented on August 
 17 by instructions to Fernando Rivera, who was to lead some 
 soldier-settlers up Baja California to Monterey, and succeed 
 Fages in command of the new establishments. 
 
 On September 13 an expedition under Juan Bautista de Anza 
 was authorized to seek an overland route from Sonora to Mon- 
 terey, the land route to California never having been traversed 
 by Spaniards. The expedition started in January, 1774, achieved 
 its purpose, and returned to Sonora in May. 
 
 From December, 1773, to March, 1774, Agustin Crame was 
 employed upon an exploration of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec 
 
 1 A. G. de I., 103-6-16. 
 
 1 To wit, what is now American California and Baja California of Mexico. 
 These were nominally one government under Spain, though in fact under separate 
 rule. 
 
376 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 
 
 to see if a suitable route for transportation of artillery might be 
 found. Crame reported the finding of such a route. 
 
 More insistent reports of Russian aggression having been re- 
 ceived in July, 1773, a voyage of exploration under Juan Perez 
 to the far northwest was soon decided upon. Perez left San Bias 
 in January, 1774, got to about 55° without seeing any Russians, 
 but also without satisfactorily examining the coast, and reached 
 San Bias again in November. 
 
 Another voyage was at once prepared, and was able to leave 
 port in March, 1775. One ship under Heceta got to about 49° 
 and the other under Bodega to 58°. A somewhat better explora- 
 tion of the coast was made than on the previous voyage, but again 
 no Russians were found. By November both ships were back at 
 San Bias. 
 
 A second Anza expedition was authorized in November, 1774, 
 to go by the newly-discovered overland route to California. Not 
 only were settlers for San Francisco to form part of the expedi- 
 tion, but domestic animals were also to be taken along, there 
 being great need of them in California in order to ensure perma- 
 nence of the settlements. Anza left Sonora in October, 1775, 
 and reached Monterey in March, 1776. 
 
 In addition to these outstanding events there were many others 
 related to the same idea of precaution against foreign attack, 
 such as the sending of supply-ships to California (a vital matter), 
 measures for internal development of the province and extension 
 of religious conquest, plans for closing the gap between Sonora 
 and California with missions and presidios, an attempt to find 
 a route from New Mexico to California in 1776, preparations for 
 a new series of voyages, and even reduction of the warlike In- 
 dians of the interior provinces. A number of Bucarely's letters 
 might be cited both from his official correspondence with Arriaga 
 and Galvez, and from private correspondence with General Ale- 
 jandro O'Reilly, to prove that these measures were part of an uni- 
 form plan to forestall foreign aggression, especially by the Russians. 1 
 
 1 In a letter to Galvez of June 26, 1776 (Arch. Gen. y Pub., Cor. Vir., series I, 
 vol. 12, No. 2296), Bucarely mentions no less than forty-seven other letters bearing 
 upon measures taken as against the Russian danger, the same measures as those 
 referred to above. Nor were these all that he might have included ; for example, 
 his letter No. 1562 (A. G. de I., Estado, Aud. Mex., 1, Doc. 10), though not in- 
 cluded in the list just mentioned is decidedly in point. The O'Reilly corre- 
 
THE FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO 377 
 
 We may now proceed with measures looking to the foundation of 
 San Francisco in part fulfillment of the plan. 
 
 The instruction to Rivera, the newly-appointed commandant 
 of California, August 17, 1773, called upon him to make an early 
 exploration of the port of San Francisco, if further examination 
 were necessary, and to consult with Father Serra about the found- 
 ing of a mission there. 1 Plans soon developed for two missions at 
 San Francisco, under protection of a military colony. Serra had 
 asked for a number of new missions elsewhere in California. Writ- 
 ing to Arriaga, May 27, 1774, Bucarely announced himself as 
 favorable, but the two at San Francisco should first be established, 
 and a fresh exploration of the port be made. 2 In another letter of 
 the same date he expressed a hope that the Anza and Rivera expe- 
 ditions, which at last accounts were on the way respectively 
 from Sonora and Baja California to California, might meet. In 
 that case there would be men enough for exploration of San Fran- 
 cisco and establishment of one or more missions there. He was 
 hoping to hear that it had been done. 3 Two days before, he had 
 written to Father Palou of California to the same effect, and 
 asked for detailed information of everything tending to such a 
 result. 4 Anza left California, however, before Rivera got there; 
 so the projected occupation of San Francisco was for the time 
 delayed. 
 
 With the success of Anza's first expedition Bucarely began 
 to plan another, even before he learned of Anza's return. One 
 of the objects of the new expedition, he wrote to Arriaga, Sep- 
 tember 28, 1774, was to bring about occupation of San Francisco. 5 
 In a letter dated September 26, he wrote of Rivera's proposed 
 transfer of the presidio of Monterey to another site away from 
 the coast. Bucarely was inclined to favor the plan, assigning 
 as one of his reasons the greater nearness of the new site to San 
 Francisco. 6 Bucarely was also planning a sea expedition under 
 
 spondence is"in A. G. de I., 88-5-17, comprising most of the legajo. Bucarely 
 was in the habit of writing once a month to O'Reilly, and several of his letters refer 
 to the acts noticed above as having been done by way of precaution against the 
 Russians. 
 
 1 A. G. de I., 104-6-16. « Ibid., 104-6-15. » Ibid. 
 
 * Bucarely to Palou, May 25, 1774, in Palou, Noticias (San Francisco, 1874), 
 pp. 254-257. 
 
 6 A. G. de I., Estado, Aud. Mex., 1, Doc. 10. 
 
 s A. G. de I., 104-6-17. 
 
378 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 
 
 Miguel Manrique for exploration of the port. Manrique's ship, 
 wrote Bucarely, November 26, 1774, was to leave San Bias 
 early in 1775, going as far as California with the boats to be 
 employed in northwestward explorations, and entering San 
 Francisco Bay. "I regard the occupation of this port as indis- 
 pensable," continued Bucarely, " and to facilitate it I intend that 
 Anza, who is now at this capital, shall return to Sonora and make 
 a second expedition." 1 
 
 All of Bucarely's measures, except the proposed transfer of 
 Monterey, were approved by Arriaga. 2 In several cases the latter 
 had referred Bucarely's letters to Jose de Galvez, whose experi- 
 ence as visitador in New Spain, when he had caused occupation of 
 California, qualified him to give expert advice. In one of Galvez's 
 replies, written March 8, 1774, before he had heard of the first 
 Anza expedition, the former visitador recommended that com- 
 munications with California be established from Sonora and New 
 Mexico, especially with Monterey and San Francisco, which ought 
 to be secured at all costs. 3 
 
 Anza got to Mexico City in November, 1774. During that 
 month and the first half of the next the preliminary arrangements 
 for his new expedition were made, a detailed plan of its composi- 
 tion, equipment, and objects being drawn up, and necessary 
 approval by the authorities of the viceroyalty obtained. The 
 occupation of San Francisco being one of the principal objects of 
 the expedition, that matter was referred to many times. Perhaps 
 it will be enough here, however, to cite Bucarely's letter of Decem- 
 ber 27, telling what he had done to bring about establishment of 
 more missions in California, especially two at San Francisco. 
 Recognizing the importance of furthering the conquest in that 
 province, he had planned a second expedition from Sonora to 
 California under Anza, the latter to take as many soldiers as 
 necessary for escort of the San Francisco missions, and to erect 
 a monument there to indicate that the land belonged to Spain. 
 The expedition had just been authorized. Anza was to recruit 
 
 1 A. G. de I., Estado, Aud. Mex., 1, Doc. 11. 
 
 1 Arriaga to Bucarely, September 22, 1774. A. G. de I., 104-6-15. Same to 
 same, May 14, 1775. A. G. de I., 104-6-17. This letter also disapproved the 
 transfer of Monterey. A positive command against removal appears in Galvez 
 to Bucarely, April 10, 1776, A. G. de I., 104-6-17. 
 
 3 Ibid., 104-6-16. 
 
THE FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO 379 
 
 thirty persons, aiming to get married people, and take them, their 
 wives, and children to the port of San Francisco, with a view to 
 founding a goodly colony there, not only to guard that place, 
 but also to serve as a base for future settlements. Others were to 
 go with the expedition, but only the thirty families were destined 
 for San Francisco. Erection of the missions had been assigned 
 to Serra, and instructions had been given to Rivera requiring him 
 to lend aid. Then followed details about expense, much of which 
 had to come from the royal treasury. The missionaries were to 
 be found among the supernumerary religious in California. 1 
 Another letter of December 27 apprised Arriaga of plans for the 
 1775 voyages of exploration. Not only was Manrique to explore 
 San Francisco Bay, but Heceta had also been ordered to do 
 so, upon his return from the north. At that time it was possible 
 that Anza's troops might already have arrived. 2 Arriaga's ap- 
 provals for these measures were as usual forthcoming. 3 
 
 Appropriate orders having been given to Anza, corresponding 
 instructions were sent to Rivera and Serra. On December 15, 
 1774, Bucarely informed Rivera of the projected Anza expedition. 
 For use of Anza's settlers he was sending by sea an extra stock of 
 provisions, which were on no account to be diverted to any other 
 use. The troops brought by Anza were to be under Rivera's 
 command from the moment they reached Monterey, although 
 Anza was to assist in the exploration of the river emptying into 
 San Francisco Bay. Not only were there to be two missions at 
 San Francisco, but also a presidio between them and near the 
 coast, to aid them the more readily in case their escort of six 
 soldiers each should not suffice. 4 There was much in this letter 
 concerning the reasons for desiring settlements at San Francisco, 
 such as its importance for future conquests, and the relations of 
 Rivera and Serra in regard to the foundation, but these remarks 
 add nothing to what has already been ascribed to Bucarely in other 
 references to his correspondence. A letter in almost identical 
 terms was addressed to Serra on the same day. 6 Another letter 
 
 1 A. G. de I., 104-6-16. 
 
 2 Ibid., Estado, Aud. Mex., 1, Doc. 13. 
 
 'Arriaga to Bucarely, May 15, 1775, A. G. de I., 104-6-16. Same to same, 
 June 23, 1775, A. G. de I., Estado, Aud. Mex., 1, Doe. 13. 
 
 4 Acad. Pac. Coast Hist., Prov. St. Papers, Ben. Mis., vol. 2, pp. 20-25. 
 • Acad. Pac. Coast Hist., Arch. Mis., vol. 1, pp. 49-56. 
 
380 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 
 
 to Rivera, January 2, 1775, repeated directions as to location of 
 the fort, and ordered that a separate account be kept of expense 
 incurred in occupying San Francisco. 1 
 
 Serra clearly was ready to support the project for missions at 
 San Francisco. On September 9, 1774, he wrote to Bucarely com- 
 plaining of Perez, who had just returned from his voyage to the 
 northwest, and Rivera for not helping to found the two missions 
 at once. Perez insisted on returning to San Bias, after an earlier 
 promise to lend his aid, and Rivera claimed that he did not have 
 troops enough. 2 
 
 It is not unlikely that Rivera's caution was justified. In all 
 California between San Diego and Monterey there were but eighty 
 soldiers in two presidios and five missions, holding in check many 
 thousands of Indians. That these Indians were not as docile as 
 commonly supposed, is amply proved by two very remarkable 
 documents that may be referred to in passing. One is a memorial 
 by Pedro Fages dated at Mexico, November 30, 1775, 3 and the 
 other an account by the religious of the College of San Fernando, 
 Mexico, February 26, 1776, of discoveries from 1769 to 1776 
 between 30° 26' and 57° 18'. 4 Both discuss at great length the 
 affairs of California, the Fages report being particularly devoted 
 to characterization of the Indians. Both documents show clearly 
 that it was only by military force, small as were Spanish numbers, 
 that the province was held at all. 
 
 The families originally recruited by Rivera for California did 
 not reach San Diego until September 26, 1774, several months 
 after the arrival of their commander and after the date of Serra's 
 letter of complaint just quoted. Rivera now felt strong enough 
 to attempt the oft-enjoined exploration of San Francisco's port. 
 He headed a party which left Monterey on November 23. The 
 expedition got within the limits of the modern city of San Fran- 
 cisco, planting a cross on the hill overlooking the Seal Rocks, but 
 
 'Acad. Pac. Coast Hist., Prov. St. Papers, vol. 1, pp. 166-167. 
 
 2 A. G. de I., Estado, Aud. Guad., 1, Doc. 9. Both the Spanish and a trans- 
 lation to English appear in Historical Society of Southern California, Publications, 
 vol. 2, pp. 73-80. 
 
 » A. G. de I., 104-6-17. 
 
 4 Ibid. Both the Fages and the San Fernando documents are considered in Chap- 
 man, Importance of the military in early Spanish settlements of California, in the 
 Grizzly Bear Magazine of Los Angeles for December, 1915. 
 
THE FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO 381 
 
 encountered the early winter rains, and returned to Monterey 
 without having accomplished anything, arriving December 13. 1 
 Commenting upon the expedition in a letter to Bucarely, January 
 8, 1775, Serra showed less enthusiasm than before for the San 
 Francisco missions, but it was only because he wanted four others 
 to complete the chain between San Diego and Monterey, with a 
 corresponding increase in the military establishment. 2 
 
 Upon hearing of the Rivera expedition Bucarely wrote to 
 Rivera 3 and Serra, 4 both letters being dated May 24, 1775, and 
 substantially the same in content. He realized that the Rivera 
 expedition of the preceding November had come at a bad time 
 of year for establishment of missions, but wished Rivera to con- 
 tinue his efforts to find sites for them. It would be well to found 
 the missions that Serra had asked for, but establishment of the 
 fort and two missions at San Francisco was the most important 
 consideration. Both men were bidden to act in harmony with 
 each other. Bucarely's letter to Arriaga, May 27, 1775, was of 
 much the same tenor. Anza and Ayala had been given orders to 
 occupy San Francisco, he said. 5 
 
 Ayala had succeeded Manrique in command of the San Carlos, 
 destined to explore San Francisco Bay, Manrique having become 
 insane. 6 The San Carlos left San Bias on March 16, 7 proceeded 
 to California, and was in San Francisco Bay all of August and most 
 of September, 1775. Ayala found that there was a practicable 
 entrance, and as he reported, not merely one port within, but 
 many. Rivera had been ordered to cooperate with a land expedi- 
 tion, and the two were to erect buildings for the settlers that were 
 to come with Anza, but as some of Rivera's soldiers were tempo- 
 rarily absent, he was unwilling to draw more from his presidio, 
 and remained at Monterey. Meanwhile, Heceta, returning from 
 the north, missed the entrance to San Francisco Bay, and went 
 on to Monterey. Rivera's garrison was by that time at its full 
 
 1 For both the Rivera and Palou diaries, A. G. de I., 104-6-16. The latter is 
 also in Palou, Noticias (San Francisco, 1874), vol. 3, pp. 264-315. 
 
 1 A. G. de I., 104-6-16. 
 
 8 Acad. Pac. Coast Hist., Prov. St. Papers, vol. 1, pp. 171-174. 
 
 1 Mus. Nac, Docs. Rel. Mis. Cal., Octavo Series. 
 
 ' A. G. de I., 104-6-16. 
 
 « Bucarely to Arriaga, March 27, 1775, A. G. de I., Estado, Aud. Mex., 1, Doc. 
 16. 
 
 ' A. G. de I., Estado, Aud. Mex., 1, Doc. 15. 
 
382 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 
 
 strength. Heceta, therefore, procured troops, and made an over- 
 land trip to San Francisco and back. He reached San Francisco 
 just after Ayala's departure, and remained but two days before 
 returning. The trip had occupied from September 14 to Octo- 
 ber 1. Neither the buildings for Anza's settlers nor the missions 
 had been erected, but there was no longer any doubt of the value 
 of the port. 
 
 1 Ayala brought news of these events to the viceroy, reaching San 
 Bias, November 6, 1775. On the 9th he wrote to Bucarely about 
 his exploration of San Francisco Bay, saying that it was the best 
 port that he had seen from Cape Horn north. 1 Bucarely also 
 received a report and description of the bay of date September 7, 
 1775, by Caiiizares, Ayala's pilot. 2 In forwarding copies of these 
 two documents to Arriaga, November 26, 1775, Bucarely spoke 
 with satisfaction of the peaceful character of the Indians at San 
 Francisco, the excellence of its port, and the adaptability of the site 
 for settlement. There was plenty of fresh water, firewood, and 
 stone, and the climate was cold, but healthful, and free from the 
 fogs that Monterey experienced. 3 
 
 As already noted, Rivera had failed to cooperate with Ayala 
 in his exploration. It is doubtful if he would have, even had all 
 his soldiers been present; At any rate, he wrote to Bucarely, 
 August 8, 1775, shortly after Ayala's departure for San Francisco, 
 that he intended to postpone exploration there until Anza's 
 arrival, when he would erect the fort and two missions. At the 
 fort he intended to install two of the cannon then at Monterey. 
 Bucarely replied January 20, 1776. At that late date there 
 was nothing to do but to approve. 4 We may now turn our 
 attention to the second Anza expedition, from which so much 
 was expected. 
 
 The details of the expedition itself may be referred to briefly. 
 As the expedition left Horcasitas it contained 238 persons. Anza 
 was to make a very remarkable march indeed, for this large party, 
 travelling on a route which led across the Colorado Desert, had 
 actually increased in number by the time it reached California. 
 
 1 A. G. de I., Estado, Aud. Mex., 1, Doc. 19. * Ibid. 
 
 * Ibid. Later experience would hardly sustain the viceroy as regards the fogs. 
 
 * Acad. Pac. Coast Hist., Prov. St. Papers, vol. 1, pp. 193-194. 
 
THE FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO 383 
 
 Eight children were born during the march. Only one death 
 occurred, and that at the outset, — a woman in child-birth. The 
 most significant part of the force was the thirty soldiers and their 
 families intended as a garrison for San Francisco. Over a thou- 
 sand domestic animals were taken along, about a third of them 
 being for the new colony of San Francisco. All equipment was 
 at government expense, from a horse or a gun to a piece of ribbon. 
 Each family of settlers was to get pay for two years and rations 
 for five, involving an expense of about $800 a family, — high evi- 
 dence of the importance of the colony, when one considers how 
 scantily Spain dealt out funds for her colonies, if the return were 
 not to be immediate or certain. 
 
 The expedition left Horcasitas, Sonora, on September 29, 1775, 
 but was not fairly under way until October 23, when it left Tubac. 
 On November 28 it had reached the junction of the Gila and 
 Colorado rivers, and on January 4, 1776, was at San Gabriel mis- 
 sion, near the modern Los Angeles. 
 
 A considerable delay now occurred owing to an Indian outbreak 
 at San Diego, which Anza's presence helped to quell, although he 
 was not obliged to strike a blow. 1 The revolt affected the founda- 
 tion of San Francisco, for Rivera was now unwilling to cooperate 
 to that end, feeling that troops could not be spared. Anza 
 was eager to fulfill his orders, however, and relations between 
 the two officers got to be far from cordial. Anza, therefore, pro- 
 ceeded alone to Monterey, arriving March 10. Between March 23 
 and April 8 he led a party which made a thorough examination 
 of the site of San Francisco, and proceeded around the bay through 
 present-day Oakland and Berkeley to the San Joaquin River 
 before turning back. His examination of San Francisco had 
 proved it to be a very satisfactory site, but no buildings had been 
 erected, and the settlers remained at Monterey. He himself 
 soon returned to Mexico. 
 
 Bucarely expressed himself as much displeased, when he learned 
 that the foundation of San Francisco had not taken place. The 
 failure had been caused, he said, in a letter to G&lvez, August 27, 
 1776, by Rivera, due to his belief in the greater importance of the 
 San Diego affair, nor did Bucarely hold Anza entirely blameless. 
 > Bucarely to Arriaga, March 27, 1776, A. G. de I., 104-6-17. 
 
384 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 
 
 He had written to both, telling them that they had acted improp- 
 erly in not making the San Francisco establishments. Governor 
 Neve of Baja California, who previously had been ordered to 
 change places with Rivera, was going there in good time, thought 
 Bucarely. Bucarely had told him how annoyed he was by the 
 dissension between Anza and Rivera, which had caused a partial 
 failure of his plans, and had charged him that the foundation of 
 San Francisco was to be preferred to all else. 1 
 
 Rivera had refused to cooperate with Anza in establishing the 
 new colony, but later took steps to bring about the foundation. 
 While in San Diego on May 8 he sent an order to Jose Moraga, an 
 officer and settler who had come with Anza, to proceed to San 
 Francisco and erect a fort. Moraga's force, including the settlers 
 and their families and Fathers Palou and Cambon, proceeded to 
 San Francisco, and reached there on June 27. They passed the 
 first "Fourth of July" there, unaware how near they had come to 
 selecting a resounding date for their arrival. Meanwhile, the 
 work of erecting buildings went on, and on September 17, 1776, a 
 formal ceremony took place to indicate that the presidio of San 
 Francisco had begun its official existence. On October 9 there 
 was another solemn function, this time to signalize the founding of 
 the mission San Francisco de Asis, now more commonly called 
 Mission Dolores. 
 
 It was not for several months that news got to Mexico of the 
 
 foundation of San Francisco. Meanwhile, Bucarely's letters 
 
 made frequent references to the northern port. On July 27, 
 
 1776, Bucarely wrote to Galvez of measures taken in view of the 
 
 gradual filling in of the port of San Bias. The nearby ports of 
 
 Chacala and Matanchel were better than San Bias, but he was not 
 
 in favor of immediate removal. If voyages of discovery were to 
 
 be continued, either Trinidad, Guatemala, or San Francisco, 
 
 California, would be a better location for a marine department. 2 
 
 Galvez's reply, January 9, 1777, is interesting. Continue the 
 
 department at San Bias, he said, until that port becomes wholly 
 
 useless; then move it temporarily to Acapulco; finally, let it 
 
 be established in some good port of California. 3 In a letter of 
 
 1 A. G. de I., 104-6-17. Galvez had succeeded Arriaga in January, upon the 
 death of the latter. 
 
 * Ibid., 104-5-24. s Ibid. 
 
THE FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO 385 
 
 August 27, 1776, Bucarely told of ordering some domestic animals 
 sent from certain Baja California missions to California. Neve 
 was to distribute them as he saw fit, giving San Francisco the 
 preference, however. 1 At length, news of the founding of San 
 Francisco reached the viceroy, and details of the event were 
 recounted by him in a letter of November 26, 1776, to Galvez. 2 
 
 Three of Bucarely's letters to Galvez of December 27, 1776, 
 contain references to San Francisco that may be worthy of record. 
 Boats were so few on the Pacific that there was grave question for 
 a time whether enough supplies could be sent to California for 
 the year 1777. Bucarely had decided to send them first to San 
 Francisco, preferring that to San Diego, both because it was new, 
 and because there were more soldiers and settlers there. 3 Another 
 letter announced the return of the San Carlos from San Francisco, 
 bringing news of the rapid progress of this place. 4 Great as 
 had been that progress, wrote Bucarely in a third letter, he was 
 taking no chance of a possible decline. A surgeon, carpenter, 
 mason, and smith were being sought in Mexico City to send there, 
 and a quantity of clothing, tools, and other utensils and effects, 
 especially those for agricultural uses, were being sent to San Bias 
 by forced marches for shipment to San Francisco. News had 
 come that provisions were short there, wherefore Bucarely had 
 ordered the Santiago to sail direct for that port, without the usual 
 previous stops at San Diego and Monterey. 5 
 
 One more document may be cited, Bucarely's instruction of 
 December 25, 1776, to Felipe Neve for his guidance as governor of 
 California. San Francisco is mentioned a number of times in 
 this document. The information embodied in Bucarely's last- 
 quoted letter appears also in the instructions. Besides, there 
 were paragraphs concerning promised shipments of church uten- 
 sils, another about adding to the buildings at San Francisco, 
 another about appointment of a more competent store-keeper 
 than Hermenegildo Sal, the incumbent, and another stating that 
 a second mission ought to be erected. 6 
 
 Thus we have seen how prominent a place the foundation and 
 progress of San Francisco occupied in the viceroy's eyes. Nor 
 
 1 A. G. de I., 104^6-18. » Ibid. ' Ibid. 
 
 * Ibid. 4 Ibid. • Ibid. 
 
 2c 
 
386 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 
 
 was it confined to him ; with the single exception of the proposed 
 removal of Monterey, his superiors in Spain sustained him in 
 every project that he advanced of those mentioned in this paper. 1 
 Much had been due, however, to the eager insistence of the viceroy 
 himself. With the opening of the year 1777 a new hand was to 
 direct the affairs of California, that province having been included 
 in the new government of the frontier provinces under the ineffi- 
 cient Teodoro de Croix. Thus, though California had in Neve 
 perhaps its most able Spanish governor, projects of conquest de- 
 clined, and advancement of San Francisco got little attention. 
 It had been otherwise under Bucarely. When the great city by 
 the Golden Gate shall cast about for an early hero, let her consider 
 the great viceroy, Bucarely, for to him more than to any one else 
 is due the foundation of San Francisco and preservation of the 
 settlement in its time of precarious beginnings. 
 
 1 The following approvals not already referred to, may be noted, all citations 
 being to A. G. de I. : By Arriaga, September 6, 1775, 104-6-16 ; July 8, 1775, 
 Estado, Aud. Mex., 1, Doc. 16 ; by Galvez, December 24, 1776, 104-6-17 ; Jan- 
 uary 9, Feburary 18, and two of March 19, 1777, all four in 104-6-18. 
 
The Founding of the Review 
 
 By 
 
 CHARLES E. CHAPMAN 
 
 COMPLIMENTS OF 
 
 CHARLES E CHAPMAN 
 
 Reprinted from The Hispanic American Historical Review, 
 Vol. I, No. i, February, 1918 
 
 % 
 
Reprinted from Thb Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. I No. 1,, 1918 
 
 THE FOUNDING OF THE REVIEW 
 
 The founding of the Hispanic American Historical Review 
 is the natural result of the growing demand for a periodical which 
 could supply the technical needs of students in the Hispanic- 
 American field. Not only was there no single periodical adequate 
 to their purpose among the many devoted in whole or in part to 
 the southern countries of the Americas, but indeed in all of them 
 together there was hardly enough material of the kind which the 
 historical investigator would require. 1 There was no medium 
 for articles which would not find a ready acceptance in existing 
 periodicals of history, and especially was it true that none of the 
 latter provided the bibliographical and other technical informa- 
 tion about Hispanic America which is almost a prerequisite to 
 the successful handling of this largely unorganized field. There 
 seemed to be a general agreement, too, that Hispanic America 
 itself and the relations of the United States with, and with regard 
 to, the lands composing it were of enough consequence to merit 
 the publication of a review, and it was everywhere asserted, with 
 evident justice, that the field was a growing one, responding to 
 the ever greater importance attached in this country to questions 
 having to do with our neighbors in the south. 
 
 Such was the nature of the remarks between individuals in this 
 field, but in 1915 an exceptional opportunity was presented for a 
 more general exchange of views. In that year a special session 
 of the American Historical Association was held at San Francisco 
 and the neighboring university towns of Berkeley and Palo Alto 
 in connection with the Panama Pacific Exposition. As appears 
 from the papers published in the memorial volume of that meet- 
 
 1 It will not come as a surprise to a number that the Christian Science Monitor 
 has been regarded by some of our leading experts as the best working tool in 
 existence on Hispanic America. With all due respect to the excellent Boston 
 publication it would seem that history men should have an organ a little more akin 
 to their profession. 
 
 8 
 
THE FOUNDING OF THE REVIEW 9 
 
 ing, 2 the whole tenor of the occasion was distinctly Hispanic, 
 reflecting the activity of the historians of the Pacific Coast and the 
 Southwest in precisely those fields of history which bear a close 
 relation to the colonial endeavors of Spain. The presence of the 
 distinguished Spanish historian, Rafael Altamira, perhaps the 
 most widely known of the invited guests from foreign countries, 
 was an added factor tending in the same direction. It was Sefior 
 Altamira, indeed, who suggested the founding of just such a peri- 
 odical as is now being launched, and the matter was informally 
 discussed, although no definite steps were taken. In the follow- 
 ing year it chanced that Dr. William Spence Robertson and the 
 writer represented, respectively, the universities of Illinois and 
 California at the American Congress of Bibliography and History 
 held in Buenos Aires to commemorate the one hundredth anni- 
 versary of the Argentine Declaration of Independence (July 9, 
 1816). Perhaps the principal result of the congress was the 
 expression of a desire for the publication of a bibliographical 
 periodical which would enable students to know what scholarly 
 work was being done in all branches of learning in the various 
 countries of the Americas. It was also hoped that such a peri- 
 odical might be published in each country. In accord with the 
 spirit of the congress and having regard to the facts as they were 
 in the United States, Doctor Robertson and the writer decided to 
 make a formal proposal to the history profession in our country 
 for the founding of a review to be a little less broadly inclusive 
 than the one suggested at Buenos Aires, to deal with Hispanic- 
 American history. In conversations with the leaders of the con- 
 gress, they announced their intention, and received the hearty 
 indorsement of these men. Thereupon they sent a communica- 
 tion to the American Historical Review which was printed in the 
 number for October, 1916. The communication follows: 
 
 2 The Pacific Ocean in history, ed. by H. Morse Stephens and Herbert E. Bolton. 
 New York. 1917. 
 
10 THE HISPANIC AMEHICAN HISTORICAL BEVIEW 
 
 An Ibero-American Historical Review 
 
 To the Managing Editor of The American Historical Review: 
 
 Dear Sir: The undersigned wish to suggest to the American His- 
 torical Association, through the Review, that a section should be devoted 
 at the next meeting of the Association to a discussion of the feasibility 
 of founding an Ibero-American Historical Review. They believe that 
 the publication of such a review would be, possibly, the most practical 
 method for North American historical scholars to cooperate with the 
 permanent Congress and the American Bibliographical Institute which 
 have just be)en established by the Congreso Americano de Bibliograf fa 
 6 Historia at Buenos Aires. In connection with the project to found a 
 new historical review, the undersigned wish to make the following 
 tentative suggestions: — 
 
 1. That the said revieW should be deVoted to the history (political, 
 economic, social, and diplomatic, as well as narrative 1 ) and institutions 
 of Spain, Portugal, and the Latin-American states. 
 
 2. That it follow the general style and arrangement of the American 
 Historical Review, but with more space allotted to bibliography. 
 
 3. That articles in Spanish and Portuguese be printed as well as 
 those in English. 
 
 4. That the articles published be mainly those of such a character 
 that they cannot find ready acceptance in the regional periodicals 
 which already exist. 
 
 5. That members of the American Historical Association who may 
 be interested in the project, kindly consider it before the December 
 meeting, with special attention to its financial aspepts. 
 
 William Spence Robertson, 
 Charles Edward Chapman. 
 
 Doctor Robertson remained in South America for nearly a 
 year thereafter, but the writer reached this country in November. 
 Upon arrival in Washington he called upon Doctor Jameson, and 
 learned that no definite action had been taken on the proposal. 
 It therefore seemed clear that if anything was to be done, the 
 writer would have to do it. He wishes particularly to acknowl- 
 edge, however, the encouragement and wise counsel of Doctor 
 Jameson, whose interest and aid have been steadfast throughout 
 the period of the founding of the Review, and without which he 
 most certainly would have failed of his purpose. At Doctor 
 
THE FOUNDING OF THE REVIEW 11 
 
 Jameson's suggestion a request was made for a place on the pro- 
 gram in the annual meeting of the American Historical Associa- 
 tion, and a group dinner was arranged for the discussion of the 
 project. While in Washington the writer called at the State and 
 Treasury departments and at the Pan American Union, and 
 received unofficial declarations of interest in the proposed Review. 
 In New York Professor William R. Shepherd and Doctor Victor 
 H. Paltsits were particularly helpful with suggestions. On No- 
 vember 25, the writer sent out seventy-two letters, nearly all 
 to members of the history profession believed to have an interest 
 in Hispanic-American studies. In this letter he called attention 
 to the group dinner, invited the recipients to attend, and re- 
 quested an answer expressing their views as to the idea. Little 
 further action was taken until the meeting of the Association. 
 Indeed, it seemed unwise to do much more until the idea should 
 be indorsed; in particular, no attempt was made to procure funds. 
 In the meantime, the writer went into the subject of expense, 
 and procured data as to the probable annual cost of publication. 
 A surprisingly good record was made by the recipients of his 
 letters. Sixty out of the seventy-two answered. Six opposed the 
 project, eight were non-committal, and forty-six announced them- 
 selves in favor of it. Most of them discussed the financial prob- 
 lem, and it seemed to be the general opinion that this should be 
 satisfactorily met before the Review should be launched. Another 
 point taken up by them was that of the name of the magazine. 
 Many objections were made to the term "Ibero- American," the 
 original suggestion of Doctor Robertson and the writer. Among 
 the other names proposed were the following: Hispanic American 
 Historical Review; Latin American Historical Review; and variants 
 of these titles, employing such words as "Journal of History", 
 "Historical Journal", "Magazine of History", and "Historical 
 Magazine". Only three of the men who opposed the founding 
 of the Review stated the ground of their objection, and this 
 was that there were not enough men or sufficient equipment 
 in this country to provide first-class articles; one of the writers 
 went so far as to say that there was not enough scholarship in the 
 country to support the American Historical Review, let alone any 
 
12 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW 
 
 other historical periodical. On the other hand, most of the letters 
 expressed the opinion that on that score there could be no doubt 
 of the success of the Review. One of the prominent reasons for 
 supporting it was because of the relationships it would engender 
 with Hispanic America. Some viewed the matter from the 
 standpoint of national affairs, and others from that of our associa- 
 tions with the historians of the southern countries. Several 
 writers urged that articles by Hispanic Americans in their own 
 tongue be printed frequently. A great many alluded to the 
 purely professional advantages to our own men in the Hispanic- 
 American field. Excerpts from specimen letters are given as an 
 appendix to this article. 
 
 In the course of the sessions of the American Historical Associa- 
 tion, held in 1916, at Cincinnati, the group dinner to discuss the 
 project took place on the night of December 29 at the Hotel 
 Gibson. Despite counter attractions, about thirty persons were 
 present, two of whom were women. Among them were the fol- 
 lowing: Eugene C. Barker, Texas; E. J. Benton, "Western Re- 
 serve; M. L. Bonham, Jr., Louisiana; M. L. Burr, Cornell; C. 
 L. Chandler, South American representative of the Southern 
 Railway, Chattanooga, Tenn., and Harvard; Charles E. Chap- 
 man, California; Arthur H. Clark, Cleveland, Ohio (publisher); 
 Isaac J. Cox, Cincinnati; G. S. Godard, Hartford, Conn. ; F. H. 
 Hodder, Kansas; James A. James, Northwestern; J. F. Jameson, 
 Managing Editor, The American Historical Review and Director 
 of the Historical Research Department of Carnegie Institution 
 of Washington; J. L. Kingsbury, Normal School, Kirksville, Mo.; 
 J. G. McDonald, Indiana; T. M. Marshall, Idaho (now Colo- 
 rado); T. P. Martin, Harvard; Miss Irene T. Myers, Lexington, 
 Ky.; Victor H. Paltsits, New York Public Library; C. O. Paullin, 
 Carnegie Institution of Washington; W. W. Pierson, Jr., North 
 Carolina; T. C. Powell, vice-president Southern Railway system 
 and member Railway Priority Board; James A. Robertson, 
 Washington, D. C; William L. Schurz, Michigan; Justin H. 
 Smith, Boston, Mass. ; Mrs. M. H. Stone, Saginaw, Mich. ; Fred- 
 erick J. Turner, Harvard; and R. G. Usher, Washington Uni- 
 versity, St. Louis. Attention should be called to the distinguished 
 
THE FOUNDING OF THE REVIEW 13 
 
 character of those in attendance. Many of them were men of 
 national reputation. 
 
 The writer asked Doctor Justin H. Smith to preside, and Doctor 
 James A. Robertson (not to be confused with William Spence 
 Robertson, who was still in South America) to act as secretary. 
 The dinner over, the writer was called upon to outline the project 
 for the Review. He did so, substantially as has been indicated 
 thus far in this article. In commenting upon the communication 
 signed by Doctor William Spence Robertson and himself he made 
 the following additional suggestions: attention should be paid to 
 social, economic, and political (including diplomatic) history as 
 well as to the mere external narration of events, and some con- 
 temporary materials might be used from time to time; Hispanic 
 America should be the principal field, but that ought to be inter- 
 preted as including the entire Caribbean area and those parts of 
 the United States formerly under Spain and Mexico for the pe- 
 riods prior to their annexation to this country; articles on the 
 Philippines, in so far as they related to things Spanish, might 
 also be accepted; nevertheless, the review should in no sense 
 compete with periodicals of history embracing the same areas 
 within the United States, but, on the contrary, there should be a 
 spirit of co-operation between the several boards of editors, for 
 the new Review would rarely desire the articles which the others 
 would prefer, and vice versa. Articles in French should be wel- 
 comed as well as those in Spanish and Portuguese. 
 
 At the conclusion of his addfess the writer offered a resolution 
 in the following terms: 
 
 ' 'Resolved, by members and guests of the Amercian Historical Associa- 
 tion gathered at the group dinner to discuss the project to found an 
 Ibero-American Historical Review: 
 
 ' 'That the geneVal proj e'ct for such a Review seems to them a desirable 
 one, provided adequate financial backing can be procured. " 
 
 At the same time he submitted two motions, as follows : 
 
 ' 'That a committee of seven be chosen at this meeting, to be called the 
 Committee on Organization, with power to take all steps which may m 
 their judgment seem best to found a review coming within the general 
 objects proposed in the project for an Ibero-American Historical Re- 
 view, their power to include: 
 
14 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW 
 
 "(a) A right and a duty to seek an endowment to guarantee its 
 permanence. 
 
 "(b) A right to select a name for the periodical. 
 
 "(c) A right to define the initial editorial policy of the Review. 
 
 "(d) A right and a duty to provide for its initial organization and 
 management. 
 
 "(e) A right to set the date when publication shall begin, provided 
 that date be not later than January, 1918. 
 
 "(f) A right to dissolve without founding the Review. 
 
 "(g) A right and a duty to do anything else which may seem desir- 
 able or necessary. " 
 
 ' 'That a committee of three be chosen, to be called the Nominating 
 Committee, with a single function, to be exercised once only, viz., a 
 power, upon notification from the Committee on Organization, to make 
 nominations for the first board of editors, who shall be elected in such 
 manner as may be prescribed by the Committee on Organization." 
 
 The writer explained that according to his views the first com- 
 mittee should be composed of men who were actively engaged in 
 the Hispanic-American field, but the second should be made up of 
 men of high standing in the profession who were not Hispanic 
 Americanists; the latter committee he regarded as ne'cessary in 
 order to allow the members of the Committee on Organization to 
 work with an entirely free hand, free from suspicion that they were 
 striving in their own interests, and yet free, when the time should 
 come, to accept an election to the board of editors. There was a 
 great deal of enthusiastic discussion. Among others, Professors 
 Barker, Bonham, Brandon, Burr, and Cox, and Doctors Chandler, 
 Jameson, and Paltsits spoke on matters connected with the proj- 
 ect, and all of them indorsed it heartily. The writer was asked 
 to suggest names for the two committees, and did so, as follows : 
 
 For the Committee on Organization: 
 
 East. — James A. Robertson, Washington, D. C, chairman; William 
 R. Shepherd, Columbia; Edward L. Stevenson, Hispanic Society; 
 Hiram Bingham, Yale; Julius Klein, Harvard. 
 
 Middle West. — Isaac J. Cox, Cincinnati, or Roland G. Usher, Wash- 
 ington University. 
 
 Far West. — Herbert E. Bolton, California. 
 
THE FOUNDING OF THE REVIEW 15 
 
 Doctor Cox withdrew his name, leaving that of Doctor Usher. 
 For the Nominating Committee: Doctor J. F. Jameson, Chairman; 
 Professor Frederick J. Turner; and Doctor Justin H. Smith. 
 
 An amendment was made increasing the membership of the 
 Committee on Organization to nine, and adding the names of C. 
 L. Chandler and C. E. Chapman. On being put, the resolution 
 and the two motions, with the names suggested and the amend- 
 ment to the first motion, were carried unanimously. Other 
 motions were also carried, as follows: that three members should 
 constitute a quorum in the Committee on Organization; that on 
 the death or resignation of any member of a committee the other 
 members should be empowered to elect his successor; that Doctor 
 Chapman be instructed to inform Doctor William Spence 
 Robertson of the appreciation of those present of his scholarship 
 and work ; that a vote of thanks be extended to Doctors Chapman 
 and Smith for their conduct of the meeting. An adjournment 
 was then taken, and this very successful occasion was brought to 
 a close. Truly, as the secretary expressed in the minutes, "The 
 meeting was deeply enthusiastic and purposeful." 3 
 
 A year has passed since the group dinner of December, 1916, a 
 year which witnessed the breaking of diplomatic relations by our 
 country with Germany, followed by our entrance into the great 
 war. It was natural that the outbreak of war against such a 
 powerful enemy should tend to check enterprises like that of the 
 founding of a scholarly periodical not directly related to the con- 
 flict. Nevertheless, such progress has been made that the editors 
 feel justified in offering the Review to the public, even in the midst 
 of a war year. Whereas the writer necessarily had charge of the 
 project up to the time of the Cincinnati meeting, it has been the 
 Chairman of the Committee on Organization who has directed 
 everything done since. A summary of the achievements of 
 the Committee on Organization, in accordance with the powers 
 granted it, is herewith presented. 
 
 It was hoped that an endowment of ten thousand dollars might 
 be procured, but it early became clear that the Review could not 
 
 * The minutes of the meeting were published in A Calif omian (C. E. Chapman) 
 in South America, ed. by Herbert I. Prestley (Berkeley, 1917), pp. 51-59. 
 
16 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW 
 
 compete with Red Cross work, the Y. M. C. A., Liberty Bonds, 
 and the numerous other philanthropic and patriotic interests 
 engendered by the war. Nothing could have been done, had it 
 not been for the generosity of the Castilian-born Mr. J. C. 
 Cebrian, for forty-seven years a resident of San Francisco, and a 
 citizen of the United States, who subscribed and paid in the sum 
 of $2500. The following gentlemen have also subscribed sums 
 aggregating $1175: Robert Alter, Cincinnati; Charles E. Chap- 
 man, University of California; C. L. Chandler, Chattanooga; 
 Charles H. Cunningham, Texas; C. W. Hackett, University of 
 California; Hayden Harris, New York; C. H. Hull, Cornell Uni- 
 versity; P. A. Martin, Leland Stanford Junior University; W. S. 
 Robertson, University of Illinois; W. R. Shepherd, Columbia 
 University; Willard Straight, New York; Mr. Frederic Archer 
 Upton, head of the oldest United States business house in Brazil, 
 100 years old; D. B. Wentz, Philadelphia. Most of them have 
 already turned over the amounts opposite their names. The 
 Review begins, therefore, with an endowment of $3675 — not so 
 much as the editors would like, but representing a safe margin 
 until such time as subscriptions and further contributions shall 
 make up a more substantial sum. All funds as received from 
 guarantors were held in trust by Mr. Waldo G. Leland, Secre- 
 tary of the American Historical Association. A number of indi- 
 viduals and institutions have already announced their intention 
 of subscribing for the Review. 
 
 The question of a name for the periodical was the subject of 
 much discussion. There was a general agreement on the use of 
 the words "American" and "Historical", and the word "Review" 
 was almost equally favored over "Journal" or 'Magazine". 
 Finally, the matter was narrowed down to a consideration of the 
 terms "Hispanic" and "Latin". By a vote of six to one, with 
 two not voting, the name Hispanic American Historical Review 
 was at length chosen. The reasons for the choice of the word 
 "Hispanic" are best expressed in the words of Mr. Cebrian, the 
 principal guarantor of the Review: 
 
 An initial error, followed by thoughtless routine, has caused many- 
 people to believe that "Hispanic" means ' 'pertaining to Spain", where- 
 
THE FOUNDING OF THE BE VIEW 17 
 
 as its true meaning is "pertaining to Spain and Portugal". Hispania 
 was from the beginning, and always has been, the name of the whole 
 peninsula. The Romans divided Hispania into Tarraconensis and 
 Betica; Augustus subdivided the latter into Betica and Lusitania; 
 later, there were five provinces, but Hispania was the name of the whole. 
 During the Middle Ages there were seVeral kingdoms, one of which 
 came to be Portugal, but the name Hispania was retained in European 
 literature. The Greek name Iberia might also be applied, but with less 
 justice than Hispania, since Iberia extended into France, while His- 
 pania was restricted to the peninsula. On the other hand, the term 
 "Latin" means "pertaining to France, Italy, Spain, and Portugal". 
 It is a fact that neither France nor Italy discovered, settled, or civi- 
 lized the lands south of the United States. Spain and Portugal, 
 unaided by the other Latin countries, fashioned the new world after 
 their own image. The few spots where Danish, Dutch, or French is 
 spoken, in the West Indian Islands, are negligible quantities compared 
 with the huge mainland areas. The few thousand negroes and negroids 
 who spoil the French language in Hayti can hardly be considered Latin. 
 Furthermore their land was originally and for many years under 
 Spanish control. If we choose to call the southern peoples "Latin" 
 because their language is derived from the Latin, then we ought to call 
 the North Americans ' 'Teutonic"; indeed, there is much more German, 
 Scandinavian, and Dutch blood in the United States and Canada than 
 there is French and Italian blood in the other Americas. The world 
 very wisely has not adopted "Teutonic America" for the United States 
 and Canada, and in like manner it should not employ ' 'Latin America" 
 for the countries which are not Latin but Hispanic. The term "Latin 
 America", with its fourfold implication, is ambiguous, misleading, and 
 unscientific, while "Hispanic America", with its twofold significance, is 
 unambiguous, complete, truthful, scientific, and just. 
 
 The Committee on Organization felt that the proposal of 
 Doctor W. S. Robertson and the writer as expanded by the latter 
 in his talk at Cincinnati adequately expressed the initial editorial 
 policy of the Review. Provision was made for a board of editors 
 of six members, one of whom was to be the managing editor. 
 The managing editor was to be elected by the board and was to 
 retain his post permanently or until a successor should be chosen 
 by a majority (four members) of the board. In the case of the 
 first board, lots were to be drawn by the five members other than 
 
18 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW 
 
 the managing editor for terms of respectively one, two, three, four, 
 and five years. Thereafter, the editors chosen were to serve for 
 five years. Thus one member was to be elected each year. It 
 was agreed that members of the board might stand for re-election, 
 although it was deemed probable that most of them would not do 
 so. Except in the case of the first board (to be chosen as herein- 
 after stated), new members were to be elected by a vote of a 
 majority, exclusive of the retiring members (three out of five). 
 Legal title was vested in the board of editors, who were to pledge 
 themselves to carry on the affairs of the periodical in a way which 
 seemed to them conducive of the best results for the men in this 
 country engaged in the field of Hispanic-American history. The 
 managing editor and the other members of the board were to make 
 any further provision for the conduct of the Review which they 
 might deem to be necessary or proper. In addition, a board of 
 consulting editors was arranged for. Two were to be chosen at 
 the outset (as hereinafter stated) and others were to be added 
 whenever the active board of editors should so decide. The 
 office was to be an honorary one for men who had greatly dis- 
 tinguished themselves in the Hispanic-American field, but who 
 were unable to devote their time to the publication of the Review. 
 They were to be consulted by the active board on matters of 
 importance, and their suggestions were to be received at all times 
 with due respect and attention. 
 
 While the Review was not published as early as January, 1918, 
 no objection was made by members of the two committees or by 
 the guarantors to a later start. In any event, February was 
 deemed a better month in which to begin, because it would mean 
 that the subscribers might receive the Review in a different 
 month from those in which the other leading history quarterlies 
 arrive, besides which it would enable the complete volume to 
 coincide with a given year. On account of the war some favored 
 a long postponement of publication, but it was at length decided 
 to issue the first number under date of February, 1918. It was 
 agreed that the managing editor should receive a salary of one 
 thousand dollars a year. There were to be no other salaried 
 officers and no allowances for traveling expenses, but all inci- 
 
THE FOUNDING OP THE REVIEW 19 
 
 dental expenses for necessary office supplies, etc., were to be met 
 from the funds of the Review. Articles and other matter were 
 to be paid for at the rate of two dollars a printed page. 
 
 Finally, the Committee on Organization agreed that the Com- 
 mittee on Nominations should not only nominate the first Board 
 of Editors (active and consulting), but that election should be 
 determined by the mere fact of acceptance of the nomination. 
 On Decmber 2, 1917, the Chairman of the Committee on Organi- 
 zation (who was at that time in California) wrote to the Chairman 
 of the Committee on Nominations announcing the posts for 
 which names were desired. The report of the latter committee 
 was made at a meeting of those interested in the new Review, 
 which was held at Philadelphia (December 29) during the annual 
 conference of the American Historical Association, and was as 
 follows : 
 
 On notification from the Committee on Organization that the Com- 
 mittee on Nominations was desired to name a Board of six editors and 
 two Advisory Editors, the Committee on Nominations reports as follows : 
 Board of Editors: Charles E. Chapman, Isaac J. Cox, Julius Klein, 
 William R. Manning, James A. Robertson, and William Spence 
 Robertson. 
 Advisory Editors: Herbert E. Bolton, and 'William R. Shepherd. 
 
 J. F. Jameson, 
 [Signed] Justin H. Smith, 
 
 Frederick J. Turner. 
 
 On motion duly seconded, the report of the Committee on 
 Nominations was adopted as read, and the secretary of the meet- 
 ing (the Chairman of the Committee on Organization), by virtue 
 of the double authority vested in him, informed the nominees of 
 the action of the Committee on Nominations, it being understood 
 that election to the positions covered by the nominations should 
 be contingent on the acceptance of said nominations. Upon the 
 acceptance of the nominations by the several nominees, the Com- 
 mittee on Nominations, in accordance with the terms of its 
 appointment, ceased to exifet. 
 
 The Committee on Organization, acting through its chairman, 
 contracted with the Waverly Press of Baltimore to publish the 
 
20 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW 
 
 Review, and the material for the first number was, accordingly, 
 sent to the said company. At the meeting in Philadelphia above- 
 mentioned, a brief report was made of the operations of the Com- 
 mittee on Organisation by its chairman. On vote of the Board, 
 Doctor James A. Robertson was (in February) elected managing 
 editor. With this, it may fairly be said that the Hispanic 
 American Historical Review had become definitely estab- 
 lished. While it is probable that reports will be given from 
 time to time with regard to its inner progress, that is a matter 
 that lies in the decision of the managing editor and the board. 
 
 Charles E. Chapman. 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Excerpts from letters to Charles E. Chapman in December, 1916.* 
 
 "I am glad to hear that a plan is on foot to found an Ibero- American 
 Historical Review. Aside from the service which such a Review can 
 render to students of history in the United States, it also will serve to 
 arouse a deeper interest in the development of Latin-American countries 
 and will serve as a means of fostering closer intellectual and cultural 
 ties with these countries. The founding of such a Review will, I am 
 certain, be received with great satisfaction throughout the countries of 
 Latin America." — L. S. Rowe, University of Pennsylvania. The testi- 
 mony of a man so highly esteemed in South America as Professor Rowe 
 is decidedly worthy of consideration. 
 
 "The project seems to me extremely desirable and I shall be glad 
 to cooperate in any way in helping make it a success." — Hiram Bing- 
 ham, Yale University. Professor Bingham went on to say that he him- 
 self had proposed a similar project a few years ago. 
 
 ' 'Needless to say I am heartily in favor of the plan of launching an 
 Ibero-American Historical Review. I have long been convinced of the 
 desirability of such a publication and the present time seems particularly 
 opportune for making the venture. I shall be glad to further the plan 
 
 ' In the circular letter sent out by the writer the terms ' 'Ibero-American His- 
 torical Review'' and ' 'Latin America" were used. This helps to account for their 
 employment in many of the replies. 
 
THE FOUNDING OF THE REVIEW 21 
 
 in every possible way, even to the lending of a certain amount of finan- 
 cial assistance." — P. A. Martin, Leland Stanford Junior University. 
 This letter is inserted as characteristic of the enthusiasm with which 
 the project was received by the younger men in the Hispanic-American 
 group of our historians. It will be noticed that Doctor Martin's name 
 appears in the list of donors to the Review. 
 
 "I believe in the project for the Ibero-American Historical Review, 
 and feel sure that if it is properly planned, manned, and supported, it 
 will be a great force in the development of the vast field of Spanish- 
 American history which is so insistently claiming the attention of 
 American scholars. What is most needed now is a good journal, to 
 serve as a focal point for the interests of all students in the field, Euro- 
 pean, Anglo-American, and Latin-American. It should provide a place 
 for articles, reviews, news, notes, documents, and, especially, biblio- 
 graphical and archival lists." — Herbert E. Bolton, University of Cali- 
 fornia. The need and the function could hardly be stated more clearly 
 than this. 
 
 ' 'I want to support the idea enthusiastically. Any means of forming 
 a bond of sympathy between the history people of the two continents 
 ought to have wholesome backing from North American students. Our 
 men here like the idea. Professors Bolton and Stephens have already 
 written to you, but let me assure you that some of the younger men 
 [naming five] join with me in hoping for the enterprise a prompt and 
 successful initiation." — Herbert I. Priestley, University of California. 
 This letter is inserted to call attention to the fact that there are a number 
 of younger men in the country writing masters' and doctors' theses, 
 some of whose work would occasionally merit inclusion in the Review. 
 This means help to the Review and encouragement to students. 
 
 "To say that the project to found an 'Ibero-American Historical 
 Review' interests me is putting the case mildly .... The scope might 
 well be extended so as to embrace the history and institutions of Spain 
 and Portugal. Indeed it might be broadened enough to provide a 
 field of study for contemporaneous Spain, Portugal and Latin America, 
 affording space 1 , not only for articles on present-day conditions, political, 
 social, economic, and intellectual, but for a record of current events, 
 and for lists and reviews of works dealing with the various themes, both 
 
22 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW 
 
 of the last two items in particular being very difficult to find. My idea 
 in brief, then, would be to have the new journal represent Spain, Portu- 
 gal and their national descendants in America to the educated English- 
 speaking world, to serve as a sort of intellectual clearing-house, in a way 
 no existing periodical does. It ought to describe them not only as they 
 have been, but as they are. ... So far as I am aware, periodicals 
 printed in English and dealing with Latin America are not only silent 
 about Spain and Portugal, but they give scant heed to the history and 
 institutions of the Latin-American countries themselves. . . . We 
 need in this country an agency of information which will supply both to 
 the student and to the general reader items that will awaken interest 
 and hold it." — William R. Shepherd, Columbia University. The above 
 is only one of a number of letters since written by Professor Shepherd in 
 which the most helpful suggestions are made and emphasis is placed on 
 the importance of founding the proposed Review. The following 
 excerpt from one of them, coming as it does from such an authority 
 as Professor Shepherd, is particularly worthy of presentation. "No 
 area on earth is likely to have a more conspicuous place in the inter- 
 national affairs of mankind than that of the twenty southern republics; 
 and no foreign power can have a more immediate interest in them than 
 the United States." It is with regret that the writer feels unable to 
 insert more of Professor Shepherd's words on the subject, for they con- 
 stitute, he believes, the strongest argument he has seen of the need for 
 the new Review. It may also be pointed out that Professor Shepherd's 
 name appears in the list of donors to the Review. 
 
 ' "This project is a very interesting one, and it may be that I will be 
 able to be of some assistance to you when it is finally formulated." — 
 Willard Straight, New York City. Mr. Straight has generously sub- 
 scribed five hundred dollars. 
 
 "I am naturally interested in the proposed publication referred to 
 . . . I should be glad to learn more of your plan if, as I imagine, it 
 has in some measure taken form."— Archer M. Huntington. At the 
 time, the project could hardly be said to have taken form. It is 
 now an accomplished fact. 
 
 "It is impossible for the Pan American Union, or for myself as its 
 head and, therefore, an international officer, to endorse any project 
 
THE FOUNDING OF THE BEVIEW 23 
 
 whatever. ... I can say however, that the general idea which you 
 outline of a quarterly interests me> and, speaking from hasty judgment, 
 I think it is a field which would be appreciated by a considerable con- 
 stituency. If you go ahead towards the realization of your plan, I am 
 am quite sure that all of us connected with the Pan American Union will 
 be glad to give you such aid as we consistently can. ... I want 
 to see you succeed." — John Barrett, Pan American Union. 
 
 "Such an enterprise, in my opinion, would surely contribute sub- 
 stantially to improve Latin-American relations with the United States 
 by affording a common vehicle for the publication of historical articles 
 and discussions in which all the peoples of America have an interest. 
 It is gratifying to learn that many Latin American scholars have already 
 given assurances of support, and I have no doubt of the success of this 
 quarterly when once launched." — W. G. McAdoo, Secretary of the 
 Treasury. 
 
 The following letter to Doctor James A. Robertson dated June 2, 1917, 
 may also be inserted: "It gives me pleasure to inform you that I have 
 read with great interest the minutes of a conference on the foundation 
 of a Journal of Latin-American History, held at Cincinnati, December 
 29, 1916, and wish to say to you that I believe that a Journal of Latin- 
 American History would be of gre£,t benefit, both to the scholars of this 
 country and to those of Latin America. It would also serve the purpose 
 for which all of us have been striving both in the past, and, particularly, 
 in the present, namely the foundation of closer relationship between 
 all of the Americas." — Robert Lansing, Secretary of State. A letter 
 of the writer to Mr. Lansing was mislaid. It is interesting to observe 
 that the Secretary of State wrote, some six months afterward, when the 
 writer's letter was discovered, that he would be glad to speak a word for 
 the Review, if it were not too late. The above document was the result. 
 It is also worth while to note that Mr. McAdoo and Mr. Lansing were 
 the only United States officials who were asked to make a statement with 
 regard to the project — with the exception of President Wilson. The 
 letter of our president, published elsewhere in this number, is enough 
 in itself to justify the appearance of the Review and to entitle it to the 
 encouragmeht and support of high-minded Americans. 
 
rtME AMERICAN CONGRESS OF 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND 
 HISTORY AT BUENOS AIRES 
 
 CHARLES E. CHAPMAN' 
 
 , .compliments, of 
 
 ■ Charles' e, Ciiaman; 
 
 KKPRINTED FROM THE 
 
 VOL. XXII, NO. i r OCTOBER, 1916 
 
[Reprinted irom The American Historical Review, Vol. XXII., No. i, Oct., iui6 1 
 
 THE AMERICAN CONGRESS OF BIBLIOGRAPHY AND 
 HISTORY AT BUENOS AIRES 
 
 On July 9, 1816, a formal declaration of independence of the 
 Spanish colonies of the Rio de la Plata was made, by a congress in 
 session at Tucuman. In consequence, a series of celebrations was 
 organized in Argentina for the month of July, 1916, in honor of the 
 one hundredth anniversary of the declaration of Tucuman, and as 
 part of the programme a number of congresses, embracing a variety 
 of subjects, such as the congress " of the child ", that of social 
 science, and many others, were held. One of these congresses was 
 the one with which it is proposed to deal in this article. 
 
 It is open to question whether any other congress of the cen- 
 tenary accomplished more of real value than did the American Con- 
 gress of Bibliography and History. Its success was due in large 
 measure to the untiring efforts through two years of the organizer 
 of the congress, Dr. Nicanor Sarmiento, member of the distinguished 
 family of the former president of that name, and to the extremely 
 efficient direction of the congress by its presiding officer, Dr. David 
 Pena, founder of the Ateneo Nacional of the Argentine Repub.ic, 
 and one of the leading intellectual luminaries of South America. 
 Of no small importance, too, was the fact that the congress held its 
 meetings at the Ateneo Nacional in Buenos Aires, instead of going 
 to Tucuman, thus being free to devote its time to business, rather 
 than to the round of ceremonies which formed a delightful, but 
 somewhat too diverting, feature of the exercises at Tucuman. The 
 congress began its sessions on July 5, and, except for July 9, met 
 every day, often morning, afternoon, and night, until July 14, a sup- 
 plementary meeting taking place the night of July 18. One day 
 was given over to an excursion to the city of La Plata, but all the 
 other meetings were confined to business. Historical and biblio- 
 graphical papers were not read in open session, but were referred 
 respectively to two committees, and summaries only were submitted 
 to the congress. Thus a vast amount of time was saved, which 
 was utilized to the full, for the business proper of the congress. 
 
 The congress was attended by 225 delegates representing insti- 
 tutions in almost every country of the Americas. As was to be 
 expected, however, the greater number came from Argentina. The 
 delegates represented a wide variety of interests, not only historians 
 proper but also bibliographers, librarians, teachers, and men who 
 
 (83) 
 
84 C. E. Chapman 
 
 were none of these, but who were interested in the subject-matter, 
 being among those in attendance. National delegates were present 
 from Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Para- 
 guay, Peru, San Salvador, Spain, and Uruguay. The writer of this 
 article was formal representative of the University of California, 
 but was accorded the privileges and recognition of a national dele- 
 gate. During the greater part of the meetings he was the only 
 North American present, but in the closing days of the congress, 
 Dr. William S. Robertson, whose boat was late, arrived as repre- 
 sentative of the University of Illinois. It was unfortunate that 
 more North Americans could not have been present, although the 
 writer feels justified in saying that the mere presence of one, and 
 at length two, was not without its effect in the deliberations of the 
 sessions. Other North American universities which signified their 
 adhesion to the congress were the following : Cornell, Chicago, Har- 
 vard, Louisiana, Minnesota, Tulane, and Yale. The following in- 
 stitutions did likewise: Academy of Political Science of Philadel- 
 phia, American Association for International Peace, American His- 
 torical Association, Library of Congress, Pan-American Union, and 
 Smithsonian Institution. 
 
 The most important business concerned the organization of the 
 congress as a permanent body, and the founding of a bibliograph- 
 ical institute, both measures being prepared by a special committee 
 of which the writer was a member. A permanent council of the 
 congress was established, and provision was made for a meeting of 
 the congress at least once every three years, although the intention 
 is that it shall take place every year. The next meeting is to be 
 held at Montevideo on August 16, 1917, that date being the national 
 holiday of the Republic of Uruguay. The founding of the Insti- 
 tute calls for more extended comment. 
 
 The American Institute of Bibliography was founded, and the 
 Ateneo Nacional of Buenos Aires was named the central and direct- 
 ing body, that society having already accumulated a considerable 
 fund for this very purpose. It aims to get together the most ample 
 data concerning books and articles about the Americas or by citizens 
 of any of the American republics, and to supply such information, 
 at moderate prices, to any who may desire it. The central institu- 
 tion plans to publish a monthly bibliographical review, charging 
 from 12 to 15 pesos ($5 or $6) for an annual subscription. It also 
 proposes to edit works, publish documents, make translations of 
 notable works, prepare catalogues and guides of archives, and ac- 
 quire and exchange books. It was decided to recommend to the 
 
The American Congress at Buenos Aires 85 
 
 governments and important intellectual societies of the Americas 
 that local bibliographical institutes be founded, subordinate in a 
 measure to the Ateneo Nacional of the Argentine Republic, with a 
 view to uniformity of objects and methods, the subordinate insti- 
 tutes maintaining correspondence with the central institute. Dr. 
 David Pefia was named president of the Institute of the Ateneo 
 Nacional. 
 
 Although the programme of the Institute is exceedingly broad, 
 the writer is confident that a practical result of value to North 
 American students may be obtained. This opinion he bases on the 
 exceptional executive ability and scholarship of Dr. Pefia, and on 
 the beginning that has already been made by the Ateneo Nacional 
 on its own account. 
 
 Of the other business of the congress the following resolutions 
 embodied what is perhaps of most interest to North American 
 scholars : 
 
 That the bibliographical reviews now in existence and those which 
 may be founded be urged to publish descriptions of archives of the 
 Americas, indicating the principal divisions of documents, their state of 
 preservation, the means facilitated for their use, and any further infor- 
 mation of service to the investigator. 
 
 That the national and local governments of the Americas be urged 
 to publish documents concerning the history of the two continents, and 
 the catalogues of their archives, sending a copy of such publications to 
 the bibliographical institute of the Ateneo Nacional of the Argentine 
 Republic. 
 
 That steps be taken to urge the publication of national bibliographies 
 on a similar plan, with a view to an eventual bibliography of the Amer- 
 icas. (The scholarly proposer of this resolution, Senor Diaz Perez, chief 
 of the Biblioteca Nacional of Asuncion, has already prepared a select 
 bibliography for Paraguay which will shortly be published.) 
 
 That, with a view to a broader mutual understanding between the 
 various countries of the Americas, the congress declares itself in favor of 
 an exchange of professors between North America (the United States) 
 and the Latin American countries, and of the latter among themselves ; 
 and of a formal exchange of students between the said countries. 
 
 That institutions be urged to send copies of their publications to the 
 Ateneo Nacional of Buenos Aires, and to exchange publications among 
 themselves. 
 
 That, in the same manner, the exchange of bibliographical catalogues, 
 whether in book form or in pamphlet, be encouraged. 
 
 That a special prize be awarded for the best bibliographical work 
 presented at each succeeding meeting of the congress. 
 
 That the proceedings of the present congress be compiled and pub- 
 lished in book form. It is planned to include in this volume some of the 
 shorter bibliographical and historical articles of outstanding merit among 
 the many presented to the congress. 
 
86 C. E. Chapman 
 
 In connection with the congress, throughout the sessions, there 
 was an exposition " of the book ". Many institutions, including 
 some from North America, sent works for this exposition. Three 
 were specially noteworthy for their amplitude and value, those of 
 the University of Cordoba (Argentina), the Biblioteca Nacional of 
 Asuncion, and the private* collection of Sefior Corbacho of Lima. 
 The last-named consisted of manuscripts from the period of the 
 conquistador es to the end of Spanish rule, a truly extraordinary and 
 voluminous collection ; and if there are many more of the same type 
 in Lima, that city ought to become an attractive centre for the in- 
 vestigator who goes to the sources. 
 
 Charles E. Chapman. 
 
* v I.