f CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library DA 949.M46 1854 History of the Irish rebellion in 1798: T 1Q9/1 n5fl 199 R/in &m LIBRARY - CIRCULATION DATE DUE 'B Cornell University S) Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028122640 ■ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^E 1 1 ^^^^Ji > ^^^H if^ ^'J^^^^^^^K ^^ '^ '^^^H^^^^^^^^^H wmBr'y 1 1 ^^^^^^^^.^ ==■ ^-^^^.^^^^ ■■-■ ~.,z^ _uJS^vW^^ .^. (i/i^^ ip L^i/n-u/tz^c^-Cdf T HISTORY IRISH REBELLION IN 1798 MEMOIRS OF THE UNION, EMMETT'S INSURRECTION IN 1803. w/h; MAXWELL, Esq. Author of " The Ufe of the JHTce of Wellittgton" ^c. ^c. "Take heed How you awake the sleeping sword of war ; We charge you, in the name of God, take heed ! For never two such kingdoms did contend. Without much fall of blood." Shaespeabe. TOJTRTH BBITION. LONDON: H. G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 1854. 1^ 3)A Sq4 ^^"{^ PREFACE. A FEW remarks will be necessary in placing, in its completed state, before the public, a memoir already issued in a serial form. From works long since given to the world — documen- tary papers — manuscripts for the first time printed — and private details of men still living, and who themselves enacted a lead- ing part during that troubled era, this history has been com- piled. The records of the Insurrection of 1798, with rare exceptions, have been written by ardent partisans — who, yielding to a poli- tical bias, have coloured the narrative of the transactions of these distracted times, and detailed events, rather as they wished they should have been, than in reality as they were. Care has been taken to collate these conflicting statements, and, by strict impartiality, reach truth as nearly as it can be arrived at. That the author has been successful in the attempt, he would infer by an Irish conclusion. Ultra partisans — Tyrian and Trojan — have expressed dissatisfaction, and impugned his impartiality ; Protestant remonstrances been accompanied by Roman Catholic complaints ; one party arraigning him of a se- cret leaning to the principles of ascendancy, met, on the other side, by a countercharge of indulgency towards the disaffected. " Every man in Ireland is a partisan," was the observation of an intelligent foreigner — and the observation is correct. For the moderate of both sections, this work has been com- piled ; and, small as that section may be, their approval will be perfectly satisfactory to THE AUTHOR. London, March, 1845. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Introduction PAGE 1 CHAPTER II. Brief Notices of tiie Leaders of the United Irishmen " . . . . , . 12 I' CHAPTER III. First French attempt at Invasion in 1796 .. .. .. .. .. 28 /,, CHAPTER IV. Failure of the Dutch Expedition — ^Arrest at Oliver Bond's' — Capture and Death of Lord Edward Fitzgerald .. .. , 33 - CHAPTER V. -Outbreak of the Rebellion — Affairs in the Vicinity of Arrest of the Sheares- the Metropolis CHAPTER VI. Cruelties committed on both Sides — Attack on Monastereven— Murders by the Rebels, and their Consequences — Affair of Old KUcnllen — Subsequent Dispersion of the Rebels near Naas CHAPTER VII. Attack on Naas — Anecdotes of the Action — Insurrection in Kildare — Rebels defeated at Carlow — Amnesty of the Insurgents — Duff's Affair on the Curragh — State of the CapitsJ — Partial Disaffection in the Yeomanry — Roman Catholic Declaration — Battle of Tara — A Rebel Heroine ■Anecdote — State of -Father Murphy of CHAPTER VIII. Change in the Habits and Manners of the Peasantry— Wexford in '97 and '98 — Insurrection breaks out- Boulavogue — Atrocities committed by the Rebels CHAPTER IX. Formation of Rebel Encampments — Defeat and Destruction of the North Cork Detachment at Oulart — Notices of that Affair— Retreat on Arklow — Sufferings of the Loyalists — Attack on Enniscorthy — Rebels defeated — Garrison retire on Wexford — Observations — Progress of the Insurrection CHAPTER X. ■Detachment of the Meath Regiment cut to pieces — Wex- — Walpole's Defeat at Tubbemeering— Loftus retreats on Town of Wexford— ford Evacaated^ (Jarnew .. 53 65 71 84 91 104 VI CONTENTS CHAPTER XI. PAGE Battle of Ross — Massacre at Scullabogue .. .. .. .. ..116 CHAPTER XII. Consequences of the Rebel Deteat at Ross — Battle of Arklow • ■ ■ • 128 CHAPTER XIII. Proceedings of the Rebels after their Defeat at Arlilow — Action at Foulkes's- Mill— Capture of Vinegar-Hill 138 CHAPTER XIV. Occupation of Wexford by the Rebels — Atrocities committed in that Town — Anecdotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 CHAPTER XV. Lord Comwallis appointed Viceroy — Recovery of the Town of Wexford — Trials and Executions of the Rebel Leaders .. .. .. .. 161 CHAPTER XVI. Attack on Hacketstown— Affair at Ballyellis — Repulse at Ballyraheen — Rebels driven from the White-heaps — and afterwards Defeated and Dispersed at Ballygullen 171 CHAPTER XVII. Attack upon Clonard — Insurrection at Castlecomer — Subsequent Movements and Final Dispersion of the Rebels .. .. .. .. ..177 CHAPTER XVIII. Suppression of the Wefford Insurrection — Party Feeling afterwards — General Holt — Destruction of Property — Moral and Military Character of the Wexford Rebels 186 CHAPTER XIX. Political Retrospect of Ulster, from 1794 to 1798 194 CHAPTER XX. Outbreak in Ulster — Battles of Antrim, Saintfield, and Ballynahinch .. 204 CHAPTER XXI. Partial Outbreak in Munster — State of the Western Provinces — Lauding of the French in Killally Bay 220 CHAPTER XXII. Battle of Castlebar , . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . 228 CHAPTER XXIII. French Occupation of Castlebar— Humbert's Movement to the North — Sur- render of the French Army . . . . . . . . . , . . 237 CHAPTER XXIV. Suppression of the Western Insurrection— Military Executions — Contrast between the Wexford and Mayo Rebels 24. CHAPTER XXV. Private Diary of the Bishop of Killalla, from the Landing to the Surrender of the Fiench Army .. .. ., .. .. .. .. .. 255 CONTENTS. VIJ CHAPTER XXVI. pagb Review of the Western Insurrection— Partial Outbreaks — Their Suppression — Descent on Rutland Island 263 CHAPTER XXVII. Informers — Corruption of the Soldiery — ^Trials of the Sheares — Executions — Death of Oliver Bond 272 CHAPTER XXVIII. Severities of the Executive — The Wexford Leaders — Anecdote — Harvey and Grogan — Executioners — Excesses in the North . . . . . . . . 282 CHAPTER XXIX. Compact between the Government and Prisoners of State . . . . . . 295 CHAPTER XXX. Second Attempt to land Troops from France in KiUalla Bay — General Humbert — False Account given of his Expedition — Bompard's Defeat off Lough Swilly— Capture, Trial, and Death of Tone 304 CHAPTER XXXI. The Insurgents of '98 — Causes of their Failure— Their Leaders — The Catholic Clergy — ^Espionage Informers — M'Skimmin's Narrative — Major Sirr .. 316 CHAPTER XXXII. Proscriptions Lists — Military and Rebel Statistics — Introduction of the Legislative Union — The Temper of the Times favourable for the Attempt — First Parliamentary Division — Characters of the Marquis Comwallis — The Earl of Clare — and Lord Castlereagh 330 CHAPTER XXXIII. Venality of the Irish Parliament — Corruption of its Members — Progress of the Debate — Important Division — Anecdotes . . . . . . . . 343 CHAPTER XXXIV. Progress of the Union through the British House of Commons . . . . 355 CHAPTER XXXV. Parliamentary Progress of the Union through the Irish House of Commons — The Measure Carried 366 CHAPTER XXXVI. Summary of the Opinions in Favour of, or Opposition to, the Union , , 378 CHAPTER XXXVII. State of Ireland in 1801 399 CHAPTER XXXVIII. Trial of Robert Emmet 412 CHAPTER XXXIX. Speech of the Attorney-General — Lord Norbury's Charge — Finding of the Jury — Emmet's celebrated Speech — His Execution — Concluding Remarks 418 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Lord Cornwallis ... ... ... ... ... Frontispiece. Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald ... ... ... ... page 4 8 Surprise of the Barrack of Prosperous ... ... ... ... 61 Murder of Geo. Crawford ... ... ... ... ... ... 66 Stoppage of the Mails, and Murder of Lord GifFard 70 Plunder at the Palace of the Bishop of Ferns ... ... ... 82 Destruction of the Church of Enniscorthy ... ... ... 97 Camp on Vinegar Hill ... ... ... ... ... ... 99 Battle of Ross ... 112 The loyal little Drummer ... ... ... ... ... ... 115 Massacre at Scullabogue ... ... ... ... ... ... 125 Defeat at Vinegar Hill ... ... ... ... ... ... 144 Executions at Wexford Bridge ... ... ... ... ... 154 The Rev. Mr. M'Ghee's House successfully defended ... ... 175 Father Murphy and the Heretics ... ... ... ... ... 180 The Rebels storming the Turret at " Lieut. Tyrrel's " 224 Heroic Conduct of the Highland Sentinel ... ... ... 236 Lord Lake 286 The Capture of Colclough Harvey ... ... ... ... 288 Attack en Captain Chamney's House ... ... ... ... 293 John Fane, Earl of Westmoreland... ... ... ... ... 295 Arthur Wolf, Viscount Kil warden ... ... ... ... ... 314 John Fitzgibbon, Earl of Clare 346 Rebels destroying a House and Furniture .. . ... ... ... 384 Robert Emmett ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 398 Murder of Lord Kilwarden ... ... ... ... ... 409 Emmett preparing for the Insurrection ... ... ... ... 416 HISTORY OF THE IRISH REBELLION, CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. Like the story of a life, the history of kingdoms is generally preg- nant with vicissitude. The sudden rise or rapid dissolution oi a state is rarely brought about — the fall of empires is gradual — all have their era of danger or prosperity — and to avert the one and improve the other is the best test of an able and efficient executive. The most startling period of European history will be found to embrace that stormy interval, occurring between the outbreak of the French revolution, and the legislative act, which, abolishing a faulty home government, made Ireland an integral portion of the British empire. From political evil, political good will frequently arise ; and after a painful and sanguinary probation, that consolidation of British influence and power was accomplished, which enabled England in fifteen brief years afterwards to restore the tranquillity of Europe, while her own national dignity was amply vindicated, and lasting advantages secured. For twenty years before the French revolution broke forth in all its horrors, the evil star of England had been in the ascendant. The colonies were driven into rebellion ; and that discontent which bad government had induced was consummated by worse measures, and the states separated from the mother-country. The temper of the times was unfriendly to concession — ^when the sword was drawn the scabbard was thrown away — and sanative diplomacy was not the course resorted to by the Court of St. James to reclaim her unruly but ill-used children. To coerce, and not conciliate, was the evil policy of the personages in power — ^bad statesmanship did for America what her own exertions could not have achieved — and England, by rejecting their complaints, forced independence on her refractory colonists. 2 HISTORY OP THE The successful issue .of the American struggle for independence waa followed by results more important, though more distant, than those involved in colonial, separation. The connection already existing between Ulster and the States was intimate and affectionate : for, the colonists and the northern Protestants were not only united by the bonds of interest, but also by the ties of blood. From every rooftree numbers had emigrated : the parent, the brother, or the child, although under another sky, were striking for freedom ; the very thought that ocean rolled between kindred hearts and spirits, added to the excite- ment with which the doubtful contest was watched at home; and those, who, under other circumstances, would have looked upon a distant struggle with indifference, ardently sympathized with the revolted colonists in defeat, and openly exulted in their victories. It was a period (1779) when Britain was sorely pressed, and engaged in a triple conflict. In Europe, France and Spain were arrayed in arms against her; and, worse still, gallant spirits, who, beneath her meteor flag, should have bled and conquered, were banded against her in dangerous *and determined hostility. With justice, therefore, the most serious alarm pervaded the empire, and none could be insensible to the danger of the times. The combined fleets of France and Spain were superior to the protecting navy of Great Britain ; the Channel infested with privateers ; trade was completely interrupted ; the coast exposed to descent ; and the regular troops drained from the kingdom, when Ireland was actually threatened with invasion. Fearful of being plundered by the numerous rovers who swarmed the British seas, and whose audacity warranted the appre- hension, several of the maritime towns armed for self-defence,* — and Government, thankfully availing itself of their timely assistance, en- couraged the rising spirit of national resistance. A body, instituted for passive protection at first, grew rapidly into strength and influence,' physical and moral, which, in its earlier application, was admirably employed in the reformation of constitutional abuses and the exten- sion of civil and religious liberty, but latterly, deviating from original principles, became a cloak for revolutionary designs, and eventually tendered its extinction imperative upon an executive, who felt the danger of intimidation from a body taking an armed attitude, and ex- changing remonstrance for dictation. Beyond a summary notice, the rise, progress, and suppression of that political and most influential institution, the Irish Volunteers, would be alien to a work designed to detail the consequences, rather than the causes, of those revolutionaiy movements, which, gradually * " This gave rise to the Volunteers, of which numerous bodies were immediately raised, who at first supplied themselves with arms at their own expense ; and 60- vemraent, wishing to encourage the laudable spirit which the Irish nation shewed, distributed immense quantities among them. It is most certain, that these military asBOCiations deterred the French from attempting an invasion of the kingdom, which they meditated at that time ; and they completely preserved the police of the couu- *'^; ,.^° ^^^" immortal honour be it spoken, that, though self-embodied, armed, and disciplined, they not only shewed the greatest respect for the laws, but the utmost zeal in enforcing the execution of them." — Mvsgrme. iniSH REBELLION. 3 deviating from the sound constitutional principles of reform which were propounded by the delegates at Dungannon, in February, 1782, became infected with the unholy spirit of the times, and sought not the reformation of abuse, but the overturn of established government. Justice, however, to the memory of a body, still held by its few re- maining members in fond remembrance, requires us to say, that before suspicion had attached itself to men who had been influenced in their formation, by principles whose purity and patriotism were unquestion- able, the founders had gradually seceded. Consequences, not antici- pated when enrolled, rendered the dissolution of the body most de- sirable ; the emergency which called them into existence had passed ; to the morals and the fortunes of many individuals the system proved injurious,* and executive security was seriously endangered by the proceedings of turbulent men, who still, and without a plea for its necessity, maintained a threatening position, and, like the beggar in Gil Bias demanding alms, sought concessions with loaded muskets. The Dungannon meeting had appealed to Parliament, and its call for reform, just and temperate as it was, met very properly, with the attention it was entitled to. Emboldened by success, a fresh expe- riment was made in 1783 — the delegates adopting the infelicitous title of the American Independents, and terming themselves " a Con- gress." The Government appear to have acted on this occasion with vigour ind determination, and the prayer of the petition was indig- nantly rejected. Mortified at this unexpected failure, " the National Assembly " sought for the causes of what appeared an abated want of influence, and it required but slight inquiry to detect it. The religious prejudices of Protestants, Dissenters, and Roman Catholics, had kept the parties generally aloof. As a small section, the reformers wanted power ; and unity of purpose was absolutely essential to success. The Catholics — could a political coalition be brought about — would at once secure for them a numerical preponderance — and thus existing circum- stances pointed to an union of interests as the only practical and effective meanst of carrjdng ulterior objects. * " The volunteer institution occasioned much idleness and dissipation among the industrious part of the community, and destroyed subordination, so essential to the existence of social order ; for persons of low rank, associatilig with their superiors, lost that respect which they had entertained for them, and were inspired with levelling principles. ***** " On the 15th of May, 1784, the Belfast First Volunteer Company resolved and agreed to instruct, in the use of arms, persons of all ranks and religious persua- sions, who should present themselves for that purpose ; and they offered them the use of their own arms. ******* " On the 16th of May, 1784, the builders' corps in Dublin resolved, that their drill Serjeant should attend at Marlborough green, three days In the week, to teach persons of all ranks and religious persuasions the use of axms."^Musgr/ive's Memoirs. t " As the main strength of the nation in respect to number was conceived to rest in the Romanists, who.might constitute three-fourths of the whole population, to give these a pr&portionate weight in the system, and to interest them warmly in the plan proposed— was an object of primary ma^itude with political reformers. For the removal of those legal restrictions and disqualifications by which the Ro- manists were deprived of what was accounted their due share of political power, B 2 4 HISTORY OF THE Impressed with a sincere conviction, that from many civil advan- tages the religious prejudices of the times had unjustly excluded them, the Irish Roman Catholics had established a committee in Dublin, to devise measures for obtaining such further concessions as should be thought desirable, but limiting the prayer of their petition to the re- peal of restrictive laws.* With great moderation, they remonstrated against the perpetuation of idle and offensive disabilities, which, years before, should have been erased from the statute book. That appeal was unfortunately disregarded. To the more turbulent of the Catholic leaders, its rejection afforded an apology for loud and threatening de- clamation, at which the more moderate took alarm. The tide of popu- lar approbation ran with the violent section of the committee — the nobility and gentry seceded — and wild or mercenary demagoguest took and kept their places. Three months before, the mutual advantages which it was evident must arise from a union of political interests, had brought round a coalition between the northern republicans and the Catholic Committee. The declaration of their objects announced, that they had united " ' for the purpose of forwarding a brotherhood of affection, a communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of every religious per- suasion, and thereby obtain a complete reform in the legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political, and religious .liberty.' Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform were the avowed objects of their pursuit. By the former was undersiood a total abo- lition of political distinctions between Romanists and Protestants ; by the latter they professed to mean a completely democratic House of Commons," Such was the origin of the society of United Irishmen. In the early session of 1792 a bill passed, by which many Ro- man Catholic disabilities were removed. The bar and general practice of the law were opened — the absurd enactments against mixed mar- riages between Protestant and Catholic abrogated — and educational re- strictions, foreign and domestic, totally removed. These concessions ap- pear, however, to have had little effect in conciliating the Catholics gene- rally, and the noble lord, J through whose wisdom and influence they had been obtained, was held up as a man to be doubted by his co-reli- gionists, and his successful mediation with the Government was re- turned with rancorous abuse. A sweeping measure of reform was immediately devised — one so purely republican, as to prevent the objects of those who framed it from being mistaken for a moment. § Its effect, when promulgated, vigorous efforts were made, and various engines put in motion." — Gordon's History. * " It breathed that spirit of mildness and moderation which appeared in all their procedings, while they were regulated by the nobility and gentry of the Roman Catholic persuasion. It was signed by the Lords Fingal, Gormanstown, Kenmare, Doctor Troy, titular Archbishop of Dublin, and by most of the landholders and respectable gentlemen of their persuasion in the kingdom." — Musgrave. t January, 1792. J Lord Kenmare. § " They proposed that the Parliament should be annual ; that for the purpose of election, the whole kingdom should be divided into three hundred electorates, IRISH REBELLION. 5 had an opposite influence upon all parties. The lower orders of the Catholics, in parochial assemblies, adopted the resolutions of the de- legates, and, expressing their adhesion to the Catholic Committee, declared a fixed determination to carry out the electoral reform they had recommended. The more enlightened of the Catholic body, how- ever, rejected the scheme as destructive to the existing constitution, and, in communion with the great bulk of the Protestants, publicly thanked Parliament for rejecting a petition which had been presented the preceding session, to obtain elective franchise for members of the Church of Rome. Indeed the ulterior objects of the discontented Catholics were become perfectly apparent, and many of the warmest and most consistent of their advocates began to waver in opinion.* Acting, however, on the resolutions they had published, the committee determined to summon a convention. Circulars were issued by their leader, Edward Byrn — representatives elected in the counties — and on the 3rd of December, 1792, "the Back-lane Parliament" commenced its first session in Tailors' Hall. The daring measure of calling together an assembly, where the dele- gates debated with closed doors, was followed by a still bolder demon- stration. The discontented Romanists resolved upon making a display of physical force — and declared their intention to arm, to -" maintain their rights and efiect their objects." For this purpose large sums of money were levied, and a body was enrolled in the metropolis, under the title of " The National Guard." They were arrayed in green uni- forms, with a harp without the crown displayed upon the buttons and appointments. Orders were issued for a general muster on the 9th of December; but a proclamation, issued by the Lord Lieutenant, declared the body to be dangerous to the public peace, and directed the authori- ties to disperse the meeting should it be attempted, and employ force were it required. Many conjectures were hazarded at the time res- • each formed by a combination of parishes, and all as nearly equal as possible in point of population ; that no qualification with respect to property should be re- quired in the elector nor in the representative ; that every male of sound under- standing of the full age of twenty-one, and resident in the electorate during the last six months preceding the election, should be capable of suffrage for a representa- tive J that to be qualified for a seat in the House of Commons, a man should be twenty-five years old, resident within the kingdom, and holding neither place nor pension under Government, and that each representative should receive a reasonable stipend for his attendance in Parliament." * Sir Hercules Langrish, in his place in the Commons, thus addressed the House — " Notwithstanding my prepossessions in favour of the Roman Catholics, I was checked for some time in my ardour to serve them, by reading of late a multitude of publications and paragraphs in the newspapers, and other public prints, circulated gratis with the utmost industry, purporting to convey the senti- ments of the Catholics. — What was their import ? — they were exhortations to the people never to be satisfied at any concession, till the state itself was conceded : they were precautions against public tranquillity ; they were invitations to disorder, and covenants of discontent ; they were ostentations of strength, rather than soli- citations for favours ; rather appeals to the powers of the people, than applications to the authority of the state ; they involved the relief of the Cathohc, with the revolution of the government ; and were dissertations for democracy, rather than arguments for toleration." 6 HISTORY OP THE peoting the objects of the movement ; some asserted that it was merely intended, by an exhibition of numerical strength, to confirm unsteady friends and intimidate those that were opposed to them — others, how- ever, ascribed to the National Guards more serious and sanguinary designs — " to seize even then upon the city, and commence at once a civil war." Certain it is that the Government were led to apprehend that this muster would lead to a revolutionary movement, and accord- ingly, the most decisive measures were taken to render it abortive. To follow up the progress and proceedings of the United Irishmen throughout that unquiet period which intervened between the lieu- tenancies of Earls Westmoreland and Camden would be unnecessary. Their civil and military organization, however, shall hereafter be fully described — and a brief analysis given of their general history from the epoch where we have broken off, when the seeds of disaffection had taken a firm root, and a conspiracy was hatched, which, a few years afterwards became fatally matured, and exploded in 1798 with por- tentous violence. Under the colour of volunteering, the arming and drilling of the malcontents actively continued. A proclamation, issued the 11th of March, 1793, declared these proceedings illegal, and attached penal consequences to any who should continue them.* This and the Gun- powder Act struck heavily at the military organization of the revolu- tionists; while the Convention Aet,t subsequently passed, embarrassed the leaders of the movement so much, that an influential member of the union J afterwards declared, " That the bill was calculated to meet every part of the system, and the framer must have had their constitu- tion in his hand when he was devising its provisions." In 1794 and 95, outrages by the Defenders — a lawless confederacy, exclusively Catholic — ^became general, and the Protestants associated for self-defence. A confiiot between the rival religionists took place at a place called " the Diamond," in the county of Armagh, in which the Defenders were signally defeated. In commemoration of this success, the first Orange lodge was formed on the 21st of September, 1795,§ and the system, slowly but steadily, gained strength, until the * The preamble runs thus : — " Whereas certain seditious and Ul-affected persons, in several parts of the north, particularly in the town of Belfast, have endeavoured to foment and encourage discontent, and to defame the Government and the Parlia- ment, by seditious publications, circulated among the people ; and that several bodies of men have been collected in armed associations, and have been levied and arrayed in the said town of Belfast ; and that arms and gunpowder to a very large amount have been sent thither ; and that bodies of men have been drilled and exer- cised by day and night, under the pretext of obtaining a redress of grievances, though the obvious intention appears to be, to overawe the Parliament and the Government, and to dictate to both." f To prevent the election or other appointment, of conventions, or other un- lawful assemblies, under pretence of preparing or presenting public petitions or other addresses to his Majesty, or the Parliament. J Samuel Neilson. § " It was not established in the metropolis, though many years threatened with open rebellion, till the month of January, 1798 ; and many gentlemen of high character and considerable talents placed themselves at its head, to give the insti- tution a proper direction, and to silence the calumnious clamours of traitors against it," — Muagrave's Memoirs, Iftlsn REBELLION. 7 body was considered in the north of Ireland so numerous and effective, that the general commanding at the outbreak in 1798* assured the Government, that to these ardent supporters of the constitution the safety of Ulster might be confidently entrusted. At this period, several of the revolutionary leaders were subjected to state prosecutions for sedition. Hamilton Rowan was convicted, fined, imprisoned, but escaped in women's clothes from Newgate; Napper Tandy placed under bail, but fled the kingdom to avoid a trial ; Doctor Drennan was tried and acquitted ; Tone expatriated himself, and went with his family to America ; but Jackson, an English clergyman, and an envoy from the French Government to the Irish revolutionists, was on the 28rd of April, 1795, capitally convicted of high treason. The unhappy man committed suicide, and poisoned himself in the bar, immediately after the foreman had announced him guilty. At this period the recal of Lord Westmorland, and the appointment of Lord Fitz william, raised the sinking confidence of the Catholic party as much as it depressed the hopes of the Orangists. The well-known bias of the Earl's political opinions was warmly in favour of fresh and full concessions, and it was supposed that emancipation was at hand. While the Roman Catholics were buoyant with high expectation, arising from the noble lord's appointment to the Irish lieutenancy, a sudden recal crushed their hopes, and augmented their disaffection. From this period their hostility to any monarchical form of Govern- ment appears to have become inveterate — and the first test required of a United Irishman, one in which a reformed Parliament was distinctly recognized, was instantly exchanged for another purely democratical.t 1796 was not fated to enjoy more tranquillity than the stormy era that preceded it. A compulsory increase of military power, under the provisions of the Militia Bill, increased the general discontent, and the public uneasiness was not abated by a discovery that the French Government had undertaken to land an invading army to assist the Irish revolutionists, who, on their part, undertook to pay these auxiliaries, and eventually defray the whole expenses of the expedition. Additional powers were now demanded by the Irish executive, and the Insurrection Act,f which had passed in spring, was followed up by a suspension of habeas corpus in October. * General Knox. t The initiatory oath taken henceforward by the United Irishmen, was thus worded: — " In the awful presence of God, I, * * do voluntarily declare that I will persevere in endeavouring to form a brotherhood of affection among Irishmen of every religious persuasion, and that I will also persevere in my endeavom's to ob- tain an equal, full, and adequate representation of all the people of Ireland. I do further declare, that neither hopes, fears, rewards, or punishments, shaU ever induce me, directly or indirectly, to inform or give evidence against any member or members of this or similar societies, for any act or expression of theirs, done or made collectively or individually in or out of this society, in pursuance of the spirit of this obligation. " t This temporary act, which placed very arbitrary power in the hands of the executive, was levelled immediately against an irregular confederacy of men who, under the name of Defenders, infested the comities of Roscommon, Leitrim, Long- 8 HISTORY OP THE There is no doubt that these stringent powers were afterwards sadly and frequently abused. Arrests on secret information — districts unne- cessarily proclaimed — suspected persons sent, without the shadow of a trial, on board the fleet — ^military licence — arbitrary impressment of beasts of burden for baggage transport — abuse in billeting — a general insolence in the soldiery — all these formed constant subject for com- plaint — and unfortunately, it was seldom made without ample' pro- vocation. These severities were impolitic — they reacted against the Govern- ment — and the feelings of the lower orders became exasperated, but not subdued. The most deeply marked of innate feelings in the human breast is resistance to -oppression, whether it be real or imaginary. The peasantry assembled by night to drill or deprive the loyalists of their arms, whilst, by day, they collected in enormous numbers to harvest the crops of persons imprisoned for political offences, or, under the pretext of attending a funeral or a hurling-matoh, thev paraded, in military array, with banners and martial music. If, during their confinement, the disaffected thus evinced a warm sympathy for their imprisoned friends, by reaping their corn and securing the potato crops,* they were equally assiduous in shielding them from the penal consequences of their crimes. Bribery and inti- midation were the means commonly employed, and should these fail, assassination was not infrequent. This system of terror too frequently sheltered the guilty from the punishment they deserved ; for, dreading ford, Meath, and Kildare, despoiling in the night the peaceable inhabitants of their arms, and latterly also of their money and valuable effects. By this act the Lord Lieutenant in council was authorized to proclaim, on the requisition of seven of its magistrates assembled at a sessions of the peace, any county or district thereof, as in a state of disturbance, and thereby to invest the magistrates with an extraordinary power of seizing, imprisoning, and sending aboard his Majesty's fleet, such persons as should be found at unlawful assemblies, or otherwise acting so as to threaten the public tranquillity. * " We have hitherto abstained from mentioning the curious circumstance that has repeatedly happened of late, of multitudes of people assembling to cut down the harvest of different persons. As faithful historians of public proceedings, we give the following general view of these matters as far as we have received information of them : — ■ " Eldred Pottinger, Esq., of Mount Pottinger, had twelve acres of oats cut down in thirteen minutes and a half. A poor man in the same neighbourhood had two acres cut by the same reapers, during the time he was lighting his pipe. Mr. William Orr, near Antrim, at present in Carrickfergus gaol, had his entire harvest cut down by near six hundred of his neighbours in a few hours. Mr. Rowley Osborne of this town, now in Newgate, had forty ricks of hay stacked in a short time by an immense number of his neighbours, without the formality of a horse or car. Mr. William Weir, of Dunmurry, now in prison, had 2,360 stooks of grain and thirty-eight ricks of hay carried in and completely stacked ajid thatched In three hours. Mr. Fitzgerald, of Sandy-bay, at present, in Carrickfergus gaol, had his crop cut down in a similar manner. Mrs. Clark, of Swatragh, whose son is in prison, had her harvest cut down in two hours : in the evening of the same day they returned and carried all the hay in the meadow to the stack-yard and stacked it." — Belfast News Letter. " About 1,500 people assembled, and in seven minutes dug » field of potatoes belonging to Mr. Samuel Neilson of this town, now in Kilmainham gaol." — North- ern Star, IRISH REBELLION. 9 the consequences of conviction, witnesses prevaricated, jurors were afraid to do their duty, and the crimiual escaped. In the spring of 1797, General Lake issued a proclamation, direct- ing that all persons unauthorized to keep arms should surrender them forthwith to the proper authorities. It was declared that secret infor- mation where weapons were concealed should be liberally rewarded, and the full value of such arms as might be thus reccvered should be given to the informant. That the quantity hidden throughout the kingdom was immense, may be conceived from the fact, that within the year, and in two provinces alone, Ulster and Leinster, 129,583 weapons of various descriptions were seized or surrendered. In this number there were 48,000 firelocks, 70,000 pikes, and 22 pieces of cannon. At this period, it is probable that the United Irishmen, in point of numbers and organization, were almost as formidable as at the moment of the insurrection. In the northern provincial meetings, particular inquiries were made of the delegates assembled, " whether they consi- dei-ed themselves as being sufficiently" strong to disarm the military quartered in their respective districts," and with a few exceptions, the question received an affirmative reply. Although too successful in corrupting the soldiers, they appear to have made very erroneous cal- culations as to the number whose allegiance had been shaken. Many, both of the line and the militia, became pretended converts to republi- canism, merely to obtain the money and entertainment offered liberally by the disaffected.- Some regiments, however, became seriously tainted with disloyalty ; but generally, the active measures to coun- teract seduction adopted by the commanding officers, defeated the attempt.* While, with the confidence which strength and union give to those who meditate a revolutionary essay, the leaders of the disaffected waited with impatience the iissistanoe promised them through their agents by the French Directory, we will rapidly examine the civil and military organization of that formidable confederacy, whose origin and progress we have summarily described. " The association consisted of a multitude of societies, linked closely together, and ascending in gradation, like the component parts of a pyramid or cone, to a common apex or point of union."t At its first formation, the inferior societies extended to thirty-six merfbers, but subsequently they were limited to twelve ; when any candidates above the latter number presented themselves, after initiation, they were directed to form a fresh society for themselves — an artful and effective means of adding to the strength of the order by persuading men to be- come revolutionary proselytes, who might otherwise, from political * " The practice became so common, so general, and so fatal to the military, that the following, among other regiments, offered rewards for discovering and prosecuting any persons concerned in it: — The 9tll dragoons, the 1st fencible cavalry, the Angus-shire fencibles, the Kilkenny, Antrim, Longford, Tyrone, Wexford, and Waterford militias." — Muagrave's Memoirs. t Gordon's History. 10 HISTORY OP THE indifference, have held back from joining the society. To each of these small lodges a secretary and treasurer were attached, and the five secretaries of five inferior lodges constituted what was termed a lower baronial committee. These lower baronial committees sent a member to a superior body called the upper. There were again, in counties and great towns, supe- rior committees, composed of delegates from the upper baronial. These were termed district or county committees. From these latter, a few members were selected to form the provincial directory, to whose superintendence the societies of every gradation were confided. By these provincial committees, the grand executive directory was chosen. The members of this controlling body being limited to five, and the election secret and by ballot, the name of the person on whom the appointment fell was concealed, even from those who had elected him, and the provincial secretaries alone possessed a knowledge of the chosen few who exercised an arbitrary and uncontrolled authority over the whole body of the uni®n.* The military organizationt was engrafted on the civil, and was con- stituted in the following manner : — " The secretary of each subordinate society, composed of twelve, was appointed their petty or non-com- missioned officer. The delegate of five societies to a lower baronial committee was commonly appointed captain of a company, consisting of the five societies who had delegated him, and who made the number of sixty privates ; and then the delegate of ten lower baronials to the upper or district committee was commonly appointed colonel of a battalion, which was thus composed of six hundred. The colonels of battalions in each county sent in the names of three persons to the executive directory of the union, one of whom was appointed by them adjutant-general of the county, whose duty it was to receive and commu- nicate military orders from the executive to the colonels of battalions, * " The adoption of military organization 'produced such an increase of rob- bery and assassination in the northern counties, as to induce a necessity of en- forcing the insurrection law in them ; and accordingly Down and Armagh were proclaimed in November, 1796, Derry and Donegal in February, 1797. " Regular returns were made by the baronial to the county, and by the county to the provincial committee, and by them to the executive, of the quantity of arms and ammunition in their possession ; and of the sums of money in their treasurers' hands. " For this, and the manner of making the returns, the reader is referred to the Report of the Secret Committee, Appendix, II. 21. *' They had a regular chain or gradation of officers, from a general down to a sergeant; and about the latter end of the year 1797, or beginning of 1798, they instituted the office of adjutant-general. — Vide Report of the Secret Committee, Appendix, XVII. 142. " They used unremitted endeavours, and spared no expense in defending the con- spirators who were to be tried ; for which purpose, a sub-committee attended regu- larly at every assizes to superintend the appropriation of the money collected for that purpose." — Musgrave's Memoirs. t The organization of the Union was intended to be a complete representa- tive system. It underwent two important changes. In 1794 the Society having been forcibly dissolved, became a secret one the beginning of 1795. Its objects extended beyond reform and emancipation ; and members, on admission, were re- quired to take an oath. IRISH REBELLION. il and In general to act as officer of the revolutionary staff. They were required to inform themselves of, and report the state of the rebel regiments within their respective districts, of the number of mills, the roads, rivers, bridges, and fords, the military positions, the capacity of the towns and villages to receive troops, to communicate to the executive every movement of the euemy (meaning the King's troops), to announce the first appearance of their allies (meaning the French), and immediately to collect their forces."* Besides these, a military committee was specially appointed. Its labours were two-fold ; one was to prepare a plan for a general insur rection unsupported by foreign aid; — ^the other, to devise the best means of co-operation with a French army, in the event of the pro- mised descent being effected on the coast of Ireland. On this event the Directory calculated with such certainty in 1797, that a general order " to be ready " was issued through the provincial committees. Those who had the means to obtain them, were exhorted to procure fire- arms and ammunition — spikes were to be provided by the lower orders — and throughout three provinces the order was promptly obeyed. The organization of Connaught was fortunately still imperfect, and at the outbreak of the insurrection, the western counties were, happily for themselves, quite unprepared for action. Having described the systems, military and political, the next pre- paratory notice should be directed to the persons who planned and ma- tured a confederacy, which, for the extent to which it reached and the danger it occasioned, stands in British history without a parallel. * Musgrave's Memoirs. Repoit of the Secret Committee. J 2 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTEE II. BBIEF NOTICES OF THE LEADERS OP THE UNITED IKISHMEN. The issue of the American contest — the institution of the Irish Volunteers — the orerthrow of the French monarchy — the victories of the republican armies abroad, and the spread of infidel and revolution- ary doctrines at home — to all these the system of the United Irishmen may be traced. That numbers of those who joined the union at its first formation, were actuated by pure and patriotic notions, cannot be denied ;* but that the majority were actuated by the desire of over- turning monarchy, while ostensibly seeking for reform, is equally true. To the false principles of these times local causes were not wanting to increase the general dissafiection. The northern manufacturers were ill-disposed towards the aristocracy — and many who had acquired fortunes by trade, were jealous of the preponderating influence which lauded property conferred upon the owners of hereditary estates. For electioneering purposes the people were courted by some, and cor- rupted by others. " The virulence of opposition, in vilifying and degrading administration, and in asserting that the legislative power was more corrupt than the executive, made the people believe that a reform of parliament was necessary, and gave the republicans a specious pretext for adopting it, m, an engine to overturn the constitu- tion ; and the silly timidity of the members of administration, in com- plimenting their accusers, gave an incredible weight to their assertions in the public mind." Nor was violence of political expression confined to parliamentary discussion ;t the pulpit was desecrated by inflam- matory appeals to human passions, which every feeling of a Christian minister imperiously required him to protest against. J * " In making war on the United Irishmen of Duhlin, I attack a society, whose first establishment and principles, in their spirit and general tendency, I approved of; of which, but for some trifling accident — some lucky or unlucky circumstances, in their formation, I should myself have been a member, or proposed as such. I take liberties with a body of men, some few individuals of whom, that I have lived in a degree of intimacy with — men of considerable talents, and I believe, of much private worth — I feel a personal, and even affectionate regard for ; a body, to the great majority of whom, as individuals, I attribute perfectly good intentions towards their country, and even its constitution, so far as the majority have taken the trouble or used the means to understand it." — Joseph Pollock. t " On the 31st of January, 1793, an address of thanks to Lord Westmoreland was moved and carried in the House of Commons, for having issued this proclama- tion. In the debate on it. Lord Edward Fitzgerald arose, and said aloud, in an angry tone, ' I give my most hearty disapprobation to this ; for I do think, that the Lord-Lieutenant, and the majority of this house, are the worst men in the kingdom.' The house had serious thoughts of expelling him ; but with singular pusillanimity, pardoned him on making a slight excuse." — Musgrame'a Memoirs. t " On the 25th of June, 1795, the Reverend Mr. Birch, a Presbyterian minister, preached a sermon to a numerous body of dissenters at Saintiield, in which he re- lUISH REBELLION. 13 But a still more fatal inroad was made upon the morals of the people — speculative politics led to speculative religion. Baneful doctrines regarding government, were followed up by artful eflforts to shake the religious convictions of the lower orders." Virulent publi- cations issued from the press, distracting the unsteady, and maddening the disaffected ; and the loyalty of the subject and the faith of the believer were equally assailed, by the infamous admirers of those who figured in the reign of terror. The institutions which men venerated, the blessed hope of a hereafter, were equally contemned — and the over- throw of the throne, it would appear, was to be accompanied with the destruction of the altar. The actual establishment of the United Irish society was accom- plished by the Catholic committee, who, for political purposes, were anxious to enlist as many Protestant supporters as they could, and ac- cordingly their agents were judiciously selected by those by whom the end, and not the means, were regarded. One was a man of much talent and unsteady character — the other a gentleman by birth, specious in manner and artful in address. Both were needy men — both Protestants — both mercenaries. Tone, with an unprovided family, had failed totally through sheer idleness at the bar ; and Jones had damaged his fortunes by wild electioneering. Both, in Shake- spear's parlance, were " Weary with disaster, tugg'd with fortune;" and, hence, the better suited to become able, unscrupulous, and, consequently, the more efficient agents. Theobald Wolf Tone was the son of a coach-maker. He was de- signed and had prepared himself for the bar ; but, from his own con- fessions, the instability of his character was unsuited to the profession he had selected. After having been engaged as second in a duel between two students, in which one of them was killed, he eloped with a young lady who possessed considerable personal beauty, but no fortune. The consequences of an imprudent marriage became too soon apparent, and, slighted by his wife's family, he was obliged to throw himself upon his father for support. The old man was himself in embarrassed circumstances ; Tone brought the additional expenses of the maintenance of a wife and child upon a household already impo- verished ; and the earlier indiscretions of his life rendered the later portion of a necessitous career, a succession of desperate efforts to sur- commended the uniting persons of every religious persuasion in one family, or bro- therhood, in the bonds of philanthropy. He denominated kings butchers and scourges of the human race, who revel on the spoils of thousands, whom they have made fatherless, widows, and orphans, until the judgment of the Almighty shall oome down on those monsters, and cause them who use the sword to perish by the sword." — md. * " A large impression of Paine's Age of Reason was struck off in Belfast, and distributed gratis among the United Societies. Bundles of them were thrown into meeting-house yards on Sundays, before the congregations assembled; and small parcels were left on the sides of public roads, to contaminate the minds of those who found them."— /4«^._, By the maternal line Lord Edward was noblyl)orn — ^his mother being daughter of Charles, Duke of Richmond. When ten years old, -ihe Duke of Leinster died — and after a brief widowhood, his relic re- married with a Scotch gentleman, named Ogilvie — and removing to France, there Lord Edward commenced his education, which appears to have been hurried and imperfect. After remaining for a short time with the Sussex militia, he obtained a commission in the line, joined the 96th regiment, in Ireland, exchanged into the 19th, embarked for America, and, landing at Charlestown, was placed under the command of Lord Rawdon, and afterwards, attached to his staff. Here, the young soldier had an opportunity of witnessing field service for the £rst time — and although certainly, American warfare was not the best school in which to acquire military science, still, in one important branch of the profession — outpost duty — it afforded frequent opportunities of exhibiting tact and adresse, as well as personal courage. With these Lord Edward was abundantly gifted — and the adjutant-general — the late Sir John Doyle — narrated the following anecdote to his biographer.* The circumstances alluded to occurred in Lord Moira's (Rawdon's) attempt to relieve the garrison of " Ninety-Six," a strong fort blockaded by General Greene, and so severely pressed, as to be on the very point of surrendering. Lord Rawdon having marched to the relief, "in approaching the position of ' Ninety-Six,' " says Sir John, " the enemy's light troops in advance became more numerous, and rendered more frequent patrols necessary upon our part. " I was setting out upon a patrol, and sent to apprize Lord Edward ; but he was nowhere to be found, and I proceeded without him, when, at the end of two miles, upon emerging from the forest, I found him engaged with tico of the enemy's irregular horse ; he had wounded one of his opponents, when his eword broke in the middle, and he must have soon fallen in the unequal contest, had not his enemies fled on perceiving the head of my column. I rated him most soundly, as you may imagine, for the undisciplined act of leaving the camp at so critical a time, without the general's permission. He was, — or pre- tended to be, — very penitent, and compounded for my reporting him at the head-quarters, provided I would let him accompany me, in the hope of some other enterprise." was killed at the head of his corps (the Castletown cavalry) at the battle of Arklow ; the other was wounded at the head of his troop (the Healtford cavalry) during Colonel Maxwell's retreat from Wexford." * Mr. Thomas Moore IRISH REBELLION. 25 From ill-health, Lord Rawdon, shortly after the relief of " Ninety- Six," quitted Carolina for England ; and Lord Edward rejoined his regiment (the 1 9th) when Greene attacked Stuart at Eutaw Springs, the result of which was a gallant and very doubtful action. Lord Ed- ward was closely engaged, wounded in the leg, and left upon the field. " In this helpless situation ho was found liy a poor negro, who carried him off on his back to his hut, and there nursed him most ten- derly, till he was well enough of his wound to bear removing to Charlestown. This negro was no other than the ' faithful Tony,' whom, in gratitude for the honest creature's kindness, he now took into his service, and who continued devotedly attached to his noble master to the end of his career."* After the surrender of Cornwallis's army at York Town, Lord Edwai'd joined the staff of General O'Hara, at St. Lucia ; but after a few months, he left the West Indies, returned home, and was nomina- ted by his brother, the Duke of Leinster, member for the borough of Athy. Several years passed — his career appears to have been unset- tled and undetermined — one while studying professionally at Wool- wich — the next, visiting Gibraltar and Lisbon, and subsequently, the principal cities of Spain. In June, 1788, he returned again to Ame- rica, landed at Halifax, and proceeded to join the 54th regiment quartered at St. John's; and in the same corps held a field officer's rank, in which the celebrated political writer, Gobbett, was then acting as sergeant-major. Lord Edward appears to have been a man of nervous excita- bility. We find him occasionally enacting " Love's Slave " — and with all the ardour and inconstancy of Romeo, forgetting Rosalind for Juliet.t Had circumstances permitted, the chances are that he would have changed his military profession for the calm enjoyments of domestic happiness. ' But they did not — and hence probably " an un- easy mind," sent him a second time across the Atlantic, to seek in savage life employment for an ardent and impassioned spirit, which, under more fortunate circumstances, would have sought domestic and cultivated enjoyments. The active and careless character of his pursuits may be collected from a few extracts taken from numerous letters to his mother : — " I have been out hunting, and like it very much — it makes me tin peu sauvage, to be sure. ***** " You may guess how eager I am to try if I like the woods in winter as well as in summer. I believe I shall never again be pre- vailed on to live in a house. I long to teach you all how to make a good spruce bed. Three of the coldest nights we have had yet, I slept- in the woods with only one blanket, and was just as comfortable as in a room. It was in a party with General Oarleton, we went about twenty miles from this to look at a fine tract of land that had been passed over in winter. You may guess how I enjoyed this expedition, * Moore's Life and Death, &c. t Moore's Life, &c. — Vide pages 45, 51, 56, &c. 26 HISTORY OF TUB being where, in all probability, there had never been but one person before." This excursion, no doubt, suggested to Lord Edward his subsequent overland journey, direct from Fredericstown to Quebec. To modem adventurers, the exploit would appear a common-place essay, but at the time the expedition was devised and accomplished, few, excepting an Indian or Backwoodsman, would have voluntarily undergone the real and imaginary hardships attendant on the journey. Lord Edward's letters announce both the design and execution : — " I am to set out in two days for Canada ; it is a journey of one hundred and seventy-five miles, and I go straight through the woods. There is an officer of the regiment goes with me. We make altogether a party of five, — ^Tony, two woodsmen, the officer, and myself. We take all our provision with us on tabargins. It will appear strange to you, or any people in England, to think of starting in February, with four feet snow on the ground, to march through a desert wood of one hundred and seventy-five miles; but it is nothing. You may guess we have not much baggage. It will be a charming journey, I think, and quite new. We are to keep a reckoning the same as at sea. I am to steer, but under the direction of a woodsman." On the 13th of March, after a thirty days' pilgrimage, the young adventurer reached Quebec. A few short extracts will describe the journey : — " The officer and I used to draw part of our baggage day about, and the other day steer, which we did so well, that we made the point we intended within ten miles. We were only wrong in computing our distances. * * * . * * . * " I must, though, tell you a little more of the journey : after making the river, we fell in with some savages, and travelled with them to Quebec ; they were very kind to us, and said we were ' all one brother' — all ' one Indian.' They fed us the whole time we were with them. You would have laughed to have seen me carrying an old squaw's pack, which was so heavy, I could hardly waddle under it. However, I was well paid whenever we stopped, for she always gave me the best bits, and most soup, and took as much care of me as if I had been her own son : in short, I was quite Venfcmt ehiri." A final expedition he made, vid Detroit and Michilimaokinack, to New Orleans, from which port he subsequently embarked for Europe, seems to have confirmed his Indian predilections, and led to his adop- tion into the Bear Tribe — -an honour upon which Lord Edward, it is said, prided himself no little. Three years of his short and adventurous career passed in England and Ireland, without any important occurrence to mark them. In 1792, when France declared herself a republic, " Lord Edward, unwilling to lose such a spectacle of moral and political excitement, hastened over to Paris, without communicating his intentions even to the duchess," and to that fatal visit his subsequent misfortunes may be traced. His wild and hasty attachment to French principles — ^his introduc- IBISH REBELLION. 27 tion to Madame de Sillery (de Genlis) — his marriage to Pamela, her daughter, by the Duke of Orleans — ^his dismissal from the British army — his return to Ireland with the fair Frenchwoman, his bride^ are matters of mere personal memoir. One extract from a letter we will add, and accompany it with the comment of his biographer.* The picture is both sad and beautiful. " My little place is much improved by a few things I have done, and by all my planting ; — ^by the bye, I doubt if I told you of my flower-garden, — I got a great deal from Frescati. I have been at Kildare since Pam's lying-in, and it looked delightful, though all the leaves were off the trees, — ^but so comfortable and snug. I think I shall pass a delightful winter there. I have got two fine large clumps of turf, which look both comfortable and pretty. I have paled in my little flower-garden before my hall door, with a lath paling, like the cottage, and stuck it full of roses, sweetbrier, honeysuckles, and Spanish broom. I have got all my beds ready for my flowers ; so you may guess how I long to be down to plant them. The little fellow will be a great addition to the party. I think when I am down there with Pam and child, of a blustering evening, with a good turf fire, and a pleasant book, — coming in, after seeing my poultry put up, my garden settled, — flower-beds and plants covered for fear of frost, — the place looking comfortable, and taken care of, I shall be as happy as possible ; and sure I am I shall regret nothing but not being nearer my dearest mother, and her not being of our party. It is, indeed, a drawback and a great one, our not being more together. Dear Malvern ! how pleasant we were there : you can't think how this time of year puts me in mind of it. Love always your affectionate son. " E. F." " In reading these simple and,— to an almost feminine degree, — fond letters, it is impossible not to feel how strange and touching is the contrast between those pictures of a happy home which they so unaffectedly exhibit, and that dark and troubled sea of conspiracy and revolt into which the amiable writer of them so soon afterwards plunged ; nor can we easily bring ourselves to believe that the joyous tenant of this little Lodge, the happy husband and father, dividing the day between his child and his flowers, could be the same man who, but a year or two after, placed himself at the head of the rebel myriads, negotiated on the frontiers of France for an alliance against England, and but seldom laid down his head on his pillow at night without a prospect of being summoned thence to the scaffold or the field." * Moore's Life, &c. 28 niSTOKY OP THE CHAPTEE III. rlKST FRENCH ATTEMPT AT INVASION IN 1796. Ii has been asserted, that before the United Irishmen entered into any correspondence with the French Directory, the Defenders had been anxious to obtain foreign assistance, and had applied to the authorities in Paris, through some members of their society, who had been obliged to expatriate themselves and seek refuge abroad. Many circumstances go to prove that the application to the Directory had been made, but, as the agents were not accredited, the overtures were rejected. One of the obligatory stipulations in the Defenders' oath was, that the person who took the test " should join the French if they invaded Ireland ;" and Jackson's mission to Ireland, in 1794, had no immediate reference to the United Irishmen, although he corresponded with several members of that society. In 1796, the leaders of the Union first turned their attention seriously to the advantages they would derive from an alli- ance with the Republic, and consequently. Lord Edward Fitzgerald held a conference with General Hoche, in Switzerland, to induce the Di- rectory to supply an invading army, the munitions of war, and money to maintain it. Ten thousand men, forty thousand stand of arms, and a loan of three hundred thousand pounds, were required. Previous to the mission of Lord Edward, Tone had landed from America, presented letters of introduction to La Croix, the foreign minister, and placed himself in communication with the secretary, an Irish refugee, called Madgett. In a subsequent interview with Carnot, the state and strength of parties were discussed, and a memorial to the Directory recommended. The result did not meet Tone's expectations — the assistance offered by the French Executive was totally insuffi- cient — and the attempt was to be merely a stolen march.* But although every consideration, military and political, pointed out the absurdity of a paltry demonstration, and proved that ruin must have resulted, the weak but ambitious envoy of the United Irishmen appears to have desired little beyond an emeute, no matter how disastrous that wild and unorganised outbreak should prove to the country and the cause.t * " Madgett in the horrors. He tells me he has had a discourse yesterday for two hours with the minister, and that the succours he expected wiU fall very short of what he thought. That the marine of France is in such a state that Government will not hazard a large fleet ; and, consequently, that we must be content to steal a march: that they wiU give 2,000 of their best troops, and arms for 20,000 men; that they cannot spare Pichegru nor Jourdan ; that they will give any quantity of artillery ; and, I think he added, what money might be necessary. He also said they would first send proper persons among the Irish prisoners of war, to sound them, and exchange them on the first opportunity. To all this, at which I am not disappointed, I answered, that as to 2,000 men, they might as well send twenty." — Tone's Memoirs. t As to the project of La Croix, Tone had a sufficiency of common sense to con IRISH REBELLION. 29 Subsequent communications with the French authorities induced them to enlarge their oft'ers of assistance. A field-park of thirty guns, a brigade — say 7,000 men — and 50,000 stand of arms, were tendered and accepted — and Lazarus Hoche, one of the best of the revolutionary generals, was appointed to command the expedition. The defective condition of the French marine delayed the equipment of the fleet, and the attempt, therefore, could not be promptly carried into execution. Villaret, then in chief command of the squadrons intended for the Irish descent, displayed so much indifference, that on Hoche's remonstrance, he was superseded, and succeeded by Morard de Galles. indeed, the marine authorities appear to have taken small interest in the outfit of the expedition, and the most flimsy excuses were resorted to. The following extract from Tone's Journal speaks little for the activity of the Port admiral : " He (Colonel Shee) also, says that Bruix, who is charged with the execution of the naval department, and in whose zeal the General had great confidence, has cooled exceedingly within these few days, so much, that to-day, when the General called on him, and was pressing him on our affair, Bruix, instead of answering him, was dandling one of Ms little children. The excuse now is, that we are waiting for some charts or plans, which must be mashed in water- colours and will take two days," At last, on the second of December, the preparations were announced to be complete, and the embarkation commenced, — the expedition numbering 15 sail-of-the-line, 10 frigates, and 7 transports, which were afterwards augmented,— the whole com- prising 15,000 troops, with 40,000 extra stand of arms, a field-park of 29 pieces, 60,000 barrels of powder, and 7,000,000 cartridges. The few days which elapsed between the commencement of the embarkation, and the expedition putting to sea, afforded Tone leisure to devise another project — and it affords another proof of the wildness and inconsistency of his character. When Madgett had proposed to despatch 2,000 men and 20,000 stand of arms to Ireland, Tone very properly replied, that the Directory " might as well send twenty." In the very teeth of that declaration, he made the following proposal to the commander of the expedition : — vince him that such an effort would be ruinous. But as an Irishman formerly would row, although aware that it would eventuate in his being personally consigned to a watch-house, Tone, from his own revelations, preferred the outbreak to the end. The frivolous indifference with which he would have consented to forego the object of his mission — and instead of inducing the French Executive to make an im- posing descent, be contented with a Buccaneering expedition, proves as little in favour of his diplomatic efficiency, as the means by which he would have covered physical weakness, speak for his humanity. These are his own words — " For one, then, I am decided. We have, &t all events, the strength of num- bers, and if our lever be too short, we must only apply the greater power. If the landing be effected on the present plan, we must instantly have recourse to the strongest revolutionary measures, and put, if necessary, man, woman, and child, money, horses, and arms, stores and provisions, in requisition : ' The King shall eat, though all mankind be starved.' No consideration must be permitted to stand a moment against the establishment of our independence. I do not wish for all this, if it can be avoided, but liberty must be purchased at any price ; so ' Lay on, Macduff, and damned be he who first cries — Hold, enough ! ' We must strike the ball hard, and take the chance of the tables." 30 HISTORY OF THE "That three, or, at most, four sail of the fastest going ships should take advantage of the first favourable movement (as a dark night and a strong gale from the north-east), and slip' out with as many troops as they can carry, including, at least, a company of the Artillerie leffere, steering such a course as, though somewhat longer, should be most out of the way of the English fleet ; that they should proceed round the coast of Ireland, keeping a good offing for fear of accidents; and land the men in the North, as near Belfast as possible. If we could land 2,000 men in this manner, with as many stand of arms as we could carry besides, I have no doubt but in a week we would have possession of the entire North of Ireland, and we could certainly maintain ourselves there for a considerable time, against all the forces which could be sent against us." Of course, Morard de Galles refused to entertain a proposition which would have idly endangered part of a fleet, already inferior in strength and number to that which was cruising to intercept it — and on the 16th of December, the ships got under weigh. The departure of the expedition was attended with events of evil augury. In standing out of the Goulet, with the wind right aft, several line-of-battle ships fouled each other — ^and in running through the Raz passage in the night, the Seduisant, a seventy-four, with 550 troops on board, struck on a sunken rock, and scarcely a hundred, including crew and officers, were saved. On the 17th the fleet were separated, and the general en chef and two admirals were reported missing.* On the l&th, the weather continued thick, and according to orders, the French captains opened their letters of instruction. By these, in case of separation, they were ordered to cruise five days off Mizen Head — thence proceed to the Shannon — and in the event of not uniting the fleet or receiving further orders, the respective commanders were directed to run for the coast of France, and make Brest harbour if they could. On the 21st of December, the French fleet (thirty-four sail) opened Bantry Bay, the place of rendezvous pointed out in the sealed orders of the captains. And a few extracts from Tone's journal will tell the history of the unaccountable failure which subsequently attended an expedition, which, with the exception of half-a-dozen ships, had actually reached the point for action that it aimed at. 21st. "Stood in for the coast till twelve, when we were near enough to toss a biscuit ashore ; at twelve tacked and stood out again, so now we have begun our cruise of five days in all its forms, and shall, in obe- dience to the letter of our instructions, ruin the expedition, and destroy • Admiral Gardiner was watching De GaUes with eighteen sail-of-the-line — and the reasons assigned by the French commander for rejecting Tone's advice were very conclusive. "First, if our little squadron fell in with the enemy, we must, to a moral certainty, be taken. Next, if we got even clear, and that the remainder of the squadron fell in with the enemy and was beaten, which would most probably be the case, the whole fault would be laid on him, as having wealcened the main force by the detachment. And, lastly, that from the state of our preparations, being vic- tualled and famished for a short period, we must speedily sail, coute qui coute." IRISn RRBELLION. 31 the remnant of the French navy, with a precision and punctuality which will be truly edifying." 22nd. " This morning, at eight, we had neared Bantry Bay con- siderably, but the fleet is terribly scattered ; no news of the Fraternity ; I believe it is the first instance of an admiral in a clean frigate, with moderate weather, and moonlight nights, parting company with his fleet. Captain Grammont, our flrst lieutenant, told me his opinion is that she is either taken or lost, and, in either event, it is a terrible blow to us. All rests now upon Grouchy, and I hope he may turn out well ; he has a glorious game in his hands, if he has spirits and talent to play it. If he succeeds^ it will immortalize him." On the night of the 23rd,* it blew a gale of wind, and in the morning, half the fleet were missing, it being the fourth separation from leaving the Bay de Camaret. Tone thus notices the occur- rence : — " Sixteen sail, including nine or ten of the line, with Bouvet and Grouchy, are at anchor with us, and about twenty are blown to sea ; luckily, the gale set from the shore, so I am in hopes no mischief will ensue. The wind is still high, and, as usual, right a-head; and I dread a visit from the English, and altogether I am in great uneasi- ness. Oh ! that we were once ashore, let what might ensue after ; I am sick to the very soul of this suspense. It is curious to see how things are managed in this ' best of all possible worlds." We are here, sixteen sail, great and small, scattered up and down in a noble bay, and so dispersed that there are not two together in any spot, save in one instance, and there they are now so close, that if it blows to- night as it did last night, they will inevitably run foul of each other, unless one of them prefers driving on shore. We lie in this disorder, expecting a visit from the English every hour, without taking a single step for our defence, even to the common one of having a look-out frigate in the harbour's mouth." December the 24th. — A deputation, consisting of Tone and two stafi"-oificers, waited on Grouchy, the second in command, to urge the necessity of an instant landing — and orders were given for the fleet to beat up the bay, and debark the troops, about six or seven thousand in number. The wind was right a^head — the fleet made little progress — the fifth day of cruising in Bantry Bay passed — and on the evening of Christmas, the admiral slipped his cable, and ordered the fleet to run for the coast of France. The subsequent proceedings, and finale of the intended descent, are thus described by Tone : — In his journals. Tone mentions, that as a last and desperate alternative to returning to the coast of France, without even attempting to carry out the objects of the expedition, he had proposed to run up the Shannon, land the troops still hanging on the coast, surprise Limerick, and move northward afterwards by forced marches. This plan, feasible or not, * " This morning, to my infinite mortification and anxiety, we are but eighteen sail in company, instead of forty-three, which is our number. We conjecture, how- ever, that the remaining twenty-five have made their way through the Yroise." 32 HISTORY OP THE he was not enabled even to propose to the commanders,* and the follow- ing day concluded the history of the expedition. On the 2eth, the morning after the admiral had issued orders to cut the cables and put to sea, Tone thus describes the position in which the remnant of the invading expedition found itself. It is sufficiently graphic : — " The morning is now come, the gale continues, and the fog is so thick, that we cannot see a ship's length a-head ; so here we lie in the utmost uncertainty and anxiety. In all probability we are now left without admiral or general ; if so, Cherin will command the troops, and Bedout, the fleet ; but, at all events, there is an end of the expedition. Certainly we have been persecuted by a strange fatality, from the very night of our departure to this hour. We have lost two commanders-in-chief; of four admirals, not one remains; we have lost one ship of the line that we know of, and probably many others of which we know nothing ; we have been now six days in Bantry Bay, within 500 yards of the shore, without being able to effect a landing ; we have been dispersed four times in four days ; and at this moment, of forty- three sail, of which the expedition consisted, we can muster of all sizes but fourteen. There only wants our falling in with the English to complete our destruction." On the 27th, the weather continued stormy. Several ships were obliged to cut and run — the fleet was reduced to seven sail-of-the-line and a frigate — the troops to 4,200 men — and the artillery to two four- pounders. As a last effort, this miserable remnant of the expedition determined to seek the Shannon, which had been named as the place of rendezvous. During the whole gale which blew on the night of the 28th, a sixth separation occurred, and three seventy-fours and a frigate parted company. On the 29th, the commodore signalized the other captains to steer for France — and the last ship of an expedition intended to overthrow the British monarchy quitted the shores of Ireland, without having landed a single soldier, communicated with the dis- affected, or thrown a musquet on the shore. On the 1st of January, the Indomitable, with her three consorts, made Ushant, and anchored the same evening in Brest harbour. The run back to France, contrary to general expectation, had been fortu- nately uninterrupted — from the night they left the Raz passage, imtil they entered the Goulet on their return, although the sea swarmed with British cruisers, the French fleet had never seen a man-of-war. * " We find it impossible to communicate with the general and admiral, who are in the Immortalite, nearly two leagues a-head, and the wind is now so high and foul, and the sea so rough, that no boat can live; so all communication is impracticable, and to-morrow morning it will, most probably, be too late ; and on this circumstance perhaps the fate of the expedition and the liberty of Ireland depend. I cannot con- ceive for what reason the two commanders-in-chief/ are shut up together in a frigate. Surely they should be on board the flag-ship." IRISH REBELLION. 33 CHAPTER IV. FAILURE OF THE DUTCH EXPEDITION — ARREST AT OLIVER BOND's — CAPTURE AND DEATH OF LORD EDWARD FITZQERALD. The failure of the first attempt at an invasion was a fatal disappointment to the Irish unionists ; and although hopes were held out that a second armament would be fitted out by the French Directory without delay, the financial and political embarrassments of the republic, gave little promise that it would or could be efiected. Hoche, who did not reach France for fifteen days after Grouchy, was nominated soon after to the command of the army of the Sambre and Meuse. This appointment was heavily regretted by the agents of the United Irishmen, for there is no doubt that Ireland was to Hoche the favourite field of ambition that Egypt was afterwards to Bonaparte; and undoubtedly he was sin- cere in his expressed intentions of making the second effort at invasion,* but " dis alitur" and death prevented it. t In the meantime, Paris became filled with Irish refugees ; and their petty jealousies and cabals, as well as the discordant statements and conflicting opinions they gave to the authorities, diminished the confi- dence hitherto held by the Directory in the success of an Irish descent. So far did this feeling extend, that a serious question arose whether England or Scotland would not be a better part of the United Kingdom on which to debark an invading army. In sooth, the reports of the Irish agents tended little to encourage a fresh attempt — the gasconade of some presenting a ridiculous contrast to the gloomy disclosures of the remainder. J From another quarter, however, the Irish revolutionists obtained both sympathy and support — Lewines, the chief agent of the United Irishmen, had been accredited to Spain and Holland to request assist- ance. From the Spanish government he received, generally, an en- * " The affair," replied he, " is but suspended. You know our difficulties for money ; the repair of our ileet, and the necessary preparations, require some consi- derable time, and, in the meantime, there are 15,000 men lying idle below, and, in fact, we cannot even feed them there. The Directory has resolved, in the mean- time, to employ them usefully elsewhere, and has accepted my services ; but be assured, the moment the enterprise is resumed, that I will return with the first patrouille which embarks." — Hoche to Tone. t Hoche died of rapid consumption, 19th September, 1797, in command of the united armies of the Rhine and Sambre and Meuse. J " I have seen lately in the paper called the Bien Informe, two articles relating to Napper Tandy, which are most ridiculous rhodomontades. They describe him as an Irish general to whose standard 30,000 United Irishmen will fly the moment he displays it, and other trash of the like nature. This must come directly or indirectly from himself ; for I remember some time ago, at a dinner given to nim, Madgett, and myself, by Aherne, as soon as he got warm vrith wine, he asserted he would answer, himself, for raising all the yeomanry of Ireland, who were at least 30,000 men — precisely the number above stated. This is sad pitiful work, puffing a man's self in this manner, especially when it is not true." — Tone's Memoirs. D 34 HISTORY OP THE couraging answer 'to his memorial ; and from the Batavian executive, a positive assurance of prompt and powerful co^jpenKion from the Dutch republicans — a promise that was faithfully red^med. It was an awful epoch in British history ; and it vkaild have been difficult to say, whether at home or abroad, the politiSiI position of England was more embarrassed and portentous. Conquest had at- tended the onward march of the Kepubllcans, and victory had succeeded victory ; and while Ireland was ready to explode, public confidence was shaken to its centre, for that stay of Britain — ^her fleet — ^had failed her in this trying hour, and broken into open mutiny. Such was the ominous aspect, foreign and domestic, when the Batavian government determined to strike a blow, that, if fortunately delivered, might have gone far to dismember that island empire which had wrung from her the dominion of the seas. Holland was a power to be dreaded. France threatened and in- tended a descent, but she possessed the wish, rather than the power, to effect it. Her naval executive was wretchedly defective — ^her ma- rine and monetary resources limited and precarious; and while the dockyard authorities declared that eight weeks would be sufficient to fit out a second expedition, it was probable — and so it proved — ^that as many months must elapse before a fleet could be sent afloat. With the Dutch republic, matters' were in a different state. In the Texel, five-and-twenty line-of-battle ships and frigates were lying, manned, equipped, and ready for sea; 15,000 troops were ordered for instant embarkation ; and with a quantity of spare arms, a large artillery- pare, and plenty of money to subsist the troops when landed, the Batavian armament undauntedly determined to push out of harbour with the first fair wind, elude the blockading squadron if they could, or, if intercepted, stand an action with the British Admiral, and redeem the honour of a flag that once had been feared and respected. The Dutch government proved their sincerity of intention by the selection they made for the command of the expedition. The naval department was intrusted to De Winter, an officer of distinguished re- putation — while the troops were placed under the direction of Daendels, a man justly considered to be the best General in the service of %he republic. The feelings of the Batavian executive towards the Irish revolutionists were ardent and disinterested,* and nothing could sur- pass the enthusiastic spirit which pervaded both the military and marine. But it would appear that against invasive efforts, fortune had de- clared herself an enemy — and the same wind that prevented the landing * " General Daendels shewed me to-day his instructions from the Dutch govern- ment. They are fair and honest, and I have no doubt he will act up to them. The spirit of them is, always to maintain the character of a faithful ally, and not to in- terfere in the domestic concerns of the people ; to aid them, by every means in his power, to establish their liberty and independence, and to expect no condition in return, but that we should throw off the English yoke, and that, when all was settled on that score, we should arrange our future commerce with the Dutch re- public, on the basis of reciprocal advantage and accommodation." — Tone's Memoirs. IRISH EEBBLLION. 35 of a French armament, as obstinately resisted the sailing of the Dutch one. Day after day, fifteen' sail of the line, eight frigates, and thirty transports lay at single anchor locked up in the Texel, while a breeze, any point to northward, would have carried them to sea with eighteen battalions of infantry, four of chasseurs, eight squadrons of cavalry, and eleven companies of artillery— the whole forming an efficient and well- appointed army of 14,000 men — a force more than sufficient, under happy auspices, to have changed an empire's fate.* Foul winds continued. The spirit of troops, cooped up a month on ship-board, gradually abated, and golden opportunities slipped away. Even the most sanguine began to doubt — a coolness arose between the commanders — and De Winter at last memorialized his government, and intimated that the expedition, as far as its original destination was concerned, must be abandoned for the present. The document stated that July had been named for the attempt — and that on the 9th all was ready — that the English fleet at that time consisted, at the very most, of thirteen sail of the line, which could not make any effectual opposition — that contrary winds having prevailed ever since, without an hour's intermission, the enemy had had time to reinforce himself to the number of seventeen sail of the line, so that he had now a supe- riority in force over the Dutch fleet, which, of course, rendered the issue of an engagement, to a certain degree, doubtful — ^that, by this unforeseen delay, which might, and probably would, continue still longer, a great additional consumption of provisions had taken place, so that in a very few days, there would be barely sufficient for the voyage north-about— that the season was now rapidly passing away, and, if the foul wind continued a fortnight longer, the voyage would become highly danger- ous, if not utterly impracticable, with a fleet encumbered with so many transports, and amounting to nearly seventy sail of all kinds — and that, in consequence, even a successful action with the English would not ensure the success of the enterprise, which the very season would negative — ^that, for all these reasons, his opinion was, that the present plan was no longer advisable, and in consequence, he proposed that it should be industriously published that the expedition was given up— that the troops should be disembarked, except from 2500 to 3000 men of the ^lite of the army, who, with twenty or thirty pieces of artillery, and all the arms and ammunition, should remain on board the frigates, and one or two of the fastest-sailing transports — ^that, as the vigilance of the enemy would probably be relaxed in consequence, this flotilla * With a due abatement from the ardent and mercurial manner in which Tone conceived and delivered his opinions, the annexed extract from his diary presents a picture, and one not much overdrawn, of what might have resulted, had winds and tide seconded human efforts : — " There never was, and never will be," he says, " such an expedition as ours, if it succeeds ; it is not merely to determine which of two despots shall sit upon a throne, or whether an island shall belong to this or that state; it is to change the destiny of Europe — to emancipate one, perhaps three, nations ; to open the sea to the commerce of the world ; to found a new empire ; to demolish an ancient one ; to subvert a tyranny of six hundred years. And all this hangs to-day upon the wind ! I cannot express the anxiety I feel. WeU, no matter I I can do nothing to help myself, and that aggravates my rage." d2 36 niSTORY OP THE should profit by the first favpurable moment to put to sea, and push for their original destination, where they should land the men, arms, and artillery, and he would charge himself with the execution of this plan — that by this means, even if they failed, the Eepublic would be at no very great loss, and, if they succeededj must gain exceedingly — that she would preserve her grand fleet, which was now her last stake, and, during the winter, would be able to augment it, so as to open the next campaign — in case peace was not made ad interim — with twenty sail of the line in the North Sea. These were, most certainly, very strong reasons, and unfortunately the wind gave them, every hour, fresh weight. In accordance with De "Winter's advice, the troops were landed, and the attempt on Ireland virtually abandoned — for, although it was ordered that the invading army should be so cantoned, that it could be concentrated instantly for embarkation, its future destination was changed, and the north of Scotland was declared a fitter place for the attempt than the Irish coast. But this design was never carried out. On the 11th of October De Winter put to sea, and the memorable ac- tion of Camperdown resulted. Both fleets, in number, men, and metal, were much the same, and though the Dutch vessels were skilfully handled and most gallantly fought, their defeat was so decisive, that with this crushing blow the marine power of the States was finally extinguished. Thfe failure of the Batavian government in giving their promised assistance to the Irish malcontents, proved, in many respects, most in- jurious to the success of the conspiracy. The ardent expectations of succour from abroad, so long and ardently expected, vanished with the crowning victory of Camperdown. This heavy and irremediable disaster abated the confidence of the most sanguine, distracted the deliberations of the leaders, and hurried the lower classes into overt acts of violence, which irritated the royalists, and provoked a fearful retaliation. Indeed, on both sides, exasperated feelings had produced cruelty, and, as a conseq[uence, barbarous reaction. The troops, with the impunity attendant upon martial law, made a plea of disaffection the excuse for license and exaction ; and upon the innocent and guilty, too frequently the vengeance of the executive was indiscriminately directed. The summary infliction of corporal and capital punishment— the destruction of property — the severity attached to charges of sedi- tion, when secret enmity and vile espionage would bring ruin on the unoffending, and suspicion was held synonymous with guilt — all these severities, equally illegal and injudicious, kindled a ferocity of feeling between parties which milder measures might have allayed — accustomed men to acts of violence, from which otherwise they would have re- volted — and reconciled them to the terrible barbarities attendant upon civil war. Nor is it to be denied that cruelty in the authorities found much ex- tenuation in the crimes committed by the disaffected. That accursed crime, so alien to British feeling, became every day more prevalent ; and secret assassination was perpetrated by the ignorant, and encouraged IRISH BEBELLION. 37 by the most infamous prints which ever damned a cause. The Union Star * headed its columns with a broad encouragement to murder, and individuals were regularly branded for the knife. The Press was equally violent, but its sedition was modified — the treasonable doctrines of the one being levelled generally against public securities t — while a malignant hatred to the person, inculcated, in the leading article of the other, the assassination of those who were obnoxious.| Both these inflammatory prints were eventually prosecuted and put down ; and while no publications ever called for the intervention of the law-officers more imperiously, in justice we must add, that none were more uncon- * "The Union Star appeared at regular periods, was printed on one side of the paper to fit it for being pasted on walls, and frequently second editions were pub- lished of the same numbers. It chiefly consisted of names and abusive characters of persons supposed to have been informers against United Irishmen, or active opposers of their designs ; and to such lists were generally added the most furious exhortations to the populace to rise and take vengeance." — Gordon, t " In our opinion the issuer of these notes is a bankrupt, who in all likelihood must shortly shut up and run away. When the Government goes down, these fine notes of theirs, with stamps of hundreds and thousands ixpon them, will not fetch a penny a pound in a snuflF-shop." — The Press. J " As The Union Star is an official paper, the managers promise the public, that no characters shall be hazarded, but such as are denounced by authority, as being the partners and creatures of Pitt, and his sanguinary journeyman Luttrell (Lord Carhampton). The Star oSera to public justice the following detestable traitors as spies and perjured informers. Perhaps some arm more lucky than the rest, may reach his heart, and free the world from bondage." The length to which The Union Star proceeded in its denouncements may be imagined from a solitary extract : — " Let the indignation of man be raised against the impious wretch who profanely assumes the title of reiyning by the grace of God, and impudently tells the world lie can do no wrong. Irishmen ! is granting a patent, and offering premiums to murderers, to depopulate your country, and take your properties, no wrong ? Is taking part of the spoil no wrong ? Is the foreign despot incapable of wrong, who sharpens the sword that deprives you of life, and exposes your children to poverty and all its consequent calamities ? Oh, man ! or rather less, O king ! will the smothered groans of my countryinen, who in thy name fill the innumerable dungeons you have made, for asserting the rights of man, be considered no wrongs .' Will enlightened Irishmen believe you incapable of wrong, who offer up the most amiable of mankind daily on the scaifold or the gibbet to thy insatiable ambition .' Is burning the villages of what you call your people, and shooting the trembling sufferers, no wrong ? Is taking the church into partnership, and encouraging its idle and voluptuous drones to despoU industry of its reward, and teach a lying doctrine to sanction their injustice, no wrong ? Are the continual wars you engender and provoke to destroy mankind, no wrong ? Go, impious blasphemer, and your hypocritical sorcerers, to the fate philosophy, justice, and liberty consign thee. It is inevitable ; thy impositions are detected. Thy kind have been brought to justice. The first professor of thy trade has recently bled for the crimes of the craft : his idle and vile followers, who escaped the national axe, are walking memorials of justice, begging a miserable livelihood over those coun- tries, whose tottering thrones encourage but an uncertain asylum. Ere the grave, which is opening for thy despised person, embosoms thee, make one atonement for the vices of thy predecessors ; resist not the claims of a people reduced to every misery ; in thy name give back the properties that thy nation wrested from a suffer- ing people ; and let the descendants of those English ruffians restore to Irishmen their country, and to their country, liberty : 'tis rather late to trifle ; one fortunate breeze may do it ; and then, woe to him ^ho was a tyrant, or who is unjust ! " — Appendix to the Report, Sfc, No. 27, 38 HISTORY OP THE stitutionally disposed of — a military mob demolished the one — ^the civil authorities arbitrarily suppressed the other. To the cause which they ardently but unwisely advocated, these prints were fatally mischievous. There were two great parties in the kingdom ; one — the Eoman Catholics — ^had serious reasons for discon- tent ; for statutory enactments excluded them from civil rights — ^with the Protestants it was different — ^they had much to reform, but nothing to obtain. In the north of Ireland and part of Leinster, as it does at present, the wealth, the moral character, and hence the moral in- fluence of the kingdom might be considered as being concentrated; and, as it will ever be, the intelligence of the minor section of the Irish people overbalanced the physical superiority of the other. To one object — wild and imaginative — the efforts of the Protestant party were directed.* To another, vague, bigoted, and impracticable, the Komanists addressed themselves. Hence the combination of interests and feelings was easily disorganized — and within six months after an eternity of union had been announced as existing between reli- gionists hitherto virulently opposed, the discrepancy of intention had severed the Eoman Catholics and Dissenters so completely, that the conviction exists, had the issue come to trial, nineteen out of twenty of the northern republicans would have eventually joined the royal banner, t To follow out the intervening history of the time, omitting constant repetition of violence on the one part, and secret atrocities on the other, we will only refer to a last and most patriotic effort that was attempted — and unhappily it failed — ^to avert the calamity that im- pended. This was the conciliatory visit of Lord Moira to Ireland. Time tests the truth of all things, and statemanship is no exception. Lord Moira's objects were as sincere, as, from the spirit of the day, they * " The Catholics and Presbyterians are united in indissoluble ties, like dymg martyrs, in a common cause, priding themselves in mutual good offices, and for ever abjuring the barbarous fanaticism that made them hate each other. From the Pro- testants of the establishment, every man of worth, of talent, or of honour, has ranged himself by their side ; and nothing now remains, against Irish union, but twenty-five thousand, as near as may be, of bigots, hirelings, and dependents ; just enough to furnish the Lord Lieutenant with addresses." — The Press, 26tt Decem- ier, 1797. t "When Dickey, a rebel leader, and a Dissenter, was on the point of being hanged at Belfast, he declared, that the eyes of the Presbyterians had been opened too late J and that they were convinced by the massacres perpetrated by the Ro- manists in the province of Leinster, that they must have had to contend with them, if they had succeeded in overturning the constitution." — Musgrave's Memoirs. A similar declaration was made by Bacon, when about to suffer. He had com- menced his political career as a volunteer — and closed it, imfortunately, as a traitor. " Though deeply concerned in the conspiracy for some years, he declared, in his last moments, to Major Sandys and other gentlemen, that he did not discover, till the rebel- lion broke out and the massacre of Protestants took place, that religious bigotry had a prevailing influence in it ; and that he meant for that reason to have withdrawn him- self from it. He was bred a Protestant, and died in that profession. He was reputed an honest man, and in extensive business, till volunteering made him an ider and a speculatist in politics — and at last, a rage for political innovation led him from a peaceful industrious sphere into the vortex of rebellion." — Itid. IRISH REBELLION. 39 were likely to prove unsuccessful. He came to recommend temperate measures, rather than severe — abolish coercive policy — and, by the re- moval of their disabilities, allay Catholic discontent, while by parlia- mentary reform the disaffected Protestants should also be propitiated. " On the 19th of February, he made a motion in the House of Lords, that an humble address be presented to Lis Excellency the Lord Lieu- tenant, to state, that, as Parliament had confided to his Excellency extraordinary powers in order to support the laws and defeat trai- torous combinations in this country, we feel it our duty, as these powers have not produced the desired effect, to recommend the adop- tion of such conciliatory measures as may allay apprehension and dis- content." His lordship's motion was negatived on a division by thirty- five to ten. On the 5th of March, a similar proposition was introduced by Sir Lawrence Parsons to the Commons, and failed as signally j the division of the House negativing the motion by a most decisive majority : the dissentients being one hundred and fifty-six ; the supporters only nineteen. Advanced as the conspiracy was, it is very doubtful whether the period for concession had not psissed, but still, it is to be lamented ,that the experiment was not tried. The crisis was hurrying rapidly — the signs of the times were not equivocal — spikes were fabricated even in day-light,* and leaden gutters stripped from the houses wherewith to cast bullets. But the plot was on the eve of being disclosed — and the treachery of some, and the imprudence of others, by premature discovery, destroyed the unity of an insurrectionary movement, and threw the last chances of the revolutionists away. While the failure of the attempts on Ireland by France and Holland had thus depressed the spirits of the disaffected, from domestic treachery the conspiracy was about to receive a stunning blow, still more fatal in its consequences. From time to time individual arrests had taken place; but though the prisons of the capital were filled with men implicated in the plot, and active and influential agents, those who directed the coming storm continued at large and undiscovered, and the executive department of the United Irishmen remained intact, and in full and secret operation. Another effort to hurry assistance promised by the French Directory had been made ; and, in conjunction with two mem- bers of the Corresponding Society of London, Arthur O'Connor, and * " On Wednesday, the 9tli of May, Sheriff Hone seized some pike-heads in the house of Mr. Sweetman, who had been so long the secretary of the Catholic Committee, " On the night of May the 11th, Justice Swan, Major Sirr, and Captain Ryan discovered and seized five pieces of cannon, two six-poundera, and three four- pounders, in a brewer's yard in North King-street ; and on Thursday preceding, Major Sirr seized in Bridgefoot-street, five hundred pike-handles, from nine to four- teen feet long. " It was observed that the conspirators kept the pike-heads and the handles separate, at least in the metropolis, as they could mount them with the utmo&t celerity; and the loss of one did not involve that of the other." — Musgrave^ s Memoirs. 40 HISTORY OF THE a Roman Catholic priest, called Quickly, left London on a secret mis- sion, and endeavoured to obtain a passage across Channel undiscoyered. The attempt miscarried — some say through treachery, others from the mal-adressa of the agents themselves. At Whitstable, their luggage attracted the attention of the Custom-house oflScers, and to avoid a closer investigation, on the 28th of February they crossed the country to Margate, whore they were arrested, transmitted to London, ex- amined by the Privy Council— afterwards committed to the Tower — and eventually tried by special commission at Maidstone. While the arrest of O'Connor and his companions had seriously dis- concerted the Irish leaders, a greater misfortune was impending. The profound secrecy in which the Executive Directory of the Union had involved their persons and proceedings, had hitherto been impenetrable to the authorities — and the most intelligent of their agents failed in obtaining any clew which might lead to their detection. From the complicated machinery of the system, and the numerous functionaries who formed and kept up the chain of communication between the lower societies and the central board, the fidelity of one individual would have rendered nugatory the treachery of the rest. To reach the source, the chain of information must be continuous — for a broken link de- stroyed all traces which could lead to a discovery. Save to a chosen few, the higher executive was veiled in mystery — the revelations of common traitors would therefore prove unavailing — and he who could denounce the Secret Directory must be a member himself. At last such a one was found; and a man of infamous celebrity betrayed his associates, and dissolved the elements of the conspiracy. The private history of this individual, and his connection with the plot which he afterwards betrayed, is thus given by Sir Richard Mus- grave. The sketch is evidently drawn by a partial hand, anxious to extenuate treachery under a false plea of principle :* — * " Documents, whose authenticity cannot be called in question, are in existence, and furnish irrefragable proof of Mr. T. Reynolds having received for his disclosures, not ^500 only, but the sum of jg5,000, in four payments, at the following dates, and in the following amounts : — ' 1798, Sept. 29, Mr. T. Reynolds received £1,000 „ Nov. 16 ,, „ 2,000 1799, Jan. 19 „ „ 1,000 „ March 4 „ „ ],000 '—to complete £5,000.'— And, moreover, on the 14th of June, 1799, Mr. Rey- nolds received his annuity of £1,000, ' in full to the 25th of March, 1799 ;' from which period till his death, the 18th of August, 183G, his pension continued to be paid to him. " The amount of that pension was £1,000 Irish, or £920 British : he received it for a term of thirty-seven years. " The gross amount for the above period, at £920 per annum, is £34,040 Gratuity before the trials of Bond, M'Cann, and Byrne .. 500 Gratuities between Sept. 1798, and March 4th, 1799 ... ... 5,000 Consulship at Lisbon, four years at £1,400 per annum .„' 5,600 „ Iceland, two years at £300 "', 600 —rlAves of United Iriehmm. ' IRISH REBELLION. 41 " Mr. Thomas Reynolds, of the county of Kildare, where he had nu- merous and respectable connections, was bred to the business of a silk manufacturer, which he followed very extensively for many years in the city of Dublin; but having acquired a landed property at Kilkea castle, in his native county, he retired and resided there some years previous to the rebellion, and had considerable influence among the Romanists. " Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and Oliver Bond, two leaders in the con- spiracy, having for these reasons considered him a proper person to assist in forwarding their treasonable designs, practised every art of seduction to attach him to their cause; and having at last succeeded, he was sworn a United Irishman at the house of Oliver Bond, in Dublin ; in the beginning of the year 1797, was induced to accept the commis- sion of colonel, the offices of treasurer and representative of the county of Kildare, and at last that of delegate for the province of Leinster. " Soon after he was raised to this elevated situation in the Union, having discovered that the conspirators, instead of intending to reform the abuses of the State, and to abolish all religious distinctions, which was their professed object at first, meditated the subversion of the constitu- tion, the massacre of the leading members of Government, and of such persons as should oppose their designs, he resolved to defeat them, by embracing the first opportunity of communicating them to some person in whom he could confide. " He had very great friendship and respect for Mr. Cope, an eminent merchant of the city of Dublin, who, having lamented to him, in the course of conversation, the crimes and atrocities which were constantly committed, and which were undoubted symptoms of an approaching re- bellion, Mr. Reynolds, upon whom his conversation made a very deep impression, said, ' That he knew a person connected with the United Irishmen, who, he believed, would defeat their nefarious projects, by communicating them to Government, in order to make an atonement for the crime he had committed in joining them.' Mr. Cope assured him that such a person would obtain the highest honours and pecuniary rewards that the administration could confer ; and that he would be admired and applauded by the most virtuous and valuable portion of society. But Mr.'Reynolds said that nothing could tempt him to come forward and avow himself. However, after the most eai-nest and pressing solicitations repeatedly made on the part of Mr. Cope, for whom he had filial reverence, he said, that his friend would appear in person and disclose the particulars of the plot on the following con- ditions : That he should not prosecute any United Irishmen; that the channel through which the information came should be kept a secret, at least for a time; that as his life would be in danger upon its being known, and he must leave the country and go to England till matters were settled, which would derange his affairs, and put him to consider- able expense, he expected to receive some compensation. Mr. Cope then told him that he might draw on him for any sum not exceeding five hundred guineas. On that, he told Mr. Cope that the Leinster delegates were to meet at Oliver Bond's, on the 1 2th of March, to con- cert measures for an insurrection." 42 HISTORY OF THE The result of Reynolds' information was the arrest of the whole pro- vincial committee, consisting of fifteen members, delegates from different societies. They had assembled at the house of Oliver Bond, in Bndge- street, on the 12th of March, and were completely surprised by Captain Swan, attended by a dozen soldiers, in coloured clothes. Several im- portant papers were found upon the persons of the conspirators — some written by Byrne, and others by John McOann — and both these un- fortunate men subsequently underwent the extreme penalty of the law. The arrest at Bond's was followed up by many others, and most of the Leinster delegates were promptly seized and imprisoned, while others were denounced. Among the former were Emmet, Sweetman, Jackson, and Macnevin — among the latter, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Sampson, and McOormick. The consequences of the fatal occurrence can be readily imagined. The loss of their leaders created confusion and distrust — that they had been betrayed was evident, and yet none could point to the betrayer. No wonder that men implicated in the conspiracy trembled for themselves — treason wa^ abroad — and what added terror to that knowledge was, that none could name the indi- vidual* — and hence all was vague apprehension, more heart-depressing than actual but open danger. The effect of this fatal discoveiy was equally injurious to the in- terests of the Union abroad. " 1 have read," says Tone in his diary, " news of the most disastrous and afflicting kind, as well for me individually, as for the country at large. The English Government has arrested the whole committee of United Irishmen for the province of Leinst«r, including almost every man I know and esteem in the city of Dublin. It is by far the most terrible blow which the cause of liberty in Ireland has yet sustained. I know not whether in the whole party it would be pos- sible to replace the energy, talents, and integrity, of which we are deprived by this most unfortunate of events. I have not received such a shock from all that has passed since I left Ireland. What a triumph at this moment for Fitzgibbon! (Lord Clare). These arresta- tions, following so close on that of O'Connor, give rise to very strong suspicions of treachery in my mind. I cannot bear to write or think longer on this dreadful event.' The first care of such of the leaders as remained at liberty was to fill up the vacancies in their executive ; and while the shaken confi- dence of the unionists should be re-established, they endeavoured, by * " In making his terms with the Government, it was one of the conditions in- sisted upon by Reynolds, that the channel through which the information came should remain for some time a secret ; — a stipulation in which his employers were no less interested than himself, as, by wearing still the mask of a friend, he could retain stUl the confidence of those he was betraying, and whatever victims his first aim had missed might, from the same ambush, be made sure of afterwards. In pursuance of this policy, we find him, as he himself admits, paying a friendly visit to Mrs. Bond, two or three days after he had marked her husband for death ; and even to Lord Edward, whose place of concealment, at this moment, was kept secret, as we have seen, from his own family, this man, under the trust reposed in him, found ready admittance," IRISH REBELLION. 43 a cautiouaiy address, to repress any premature explosion, and issued on the 17th of March the following document, which was circulated throughout the kingdom with inconceivable rapidity. After alluding to the arrests on the 12th, the address thus proceeds : — " For us, the keen but momentary anxiety, occasioned by the situa- tion of our invaluable friends, subsided, on learning all the circum- stances of the case, into a calm tranquillity, a consoling conviction of mind, that they are as safe as innocence can make them now ; and to these sentiments were quickly added a redoubled energy, a tenfold activity of exertion, which has already produced the happiest effects. The organization of the capital is perfect. No vacancies existing, arrangements have been made, and are still making, to secure for our oppressed brethren, whose trials approach, the benefit of legal de- fence J and the sentinels whom you have appointed to watch over your interests, stand firm at their posts, vigilant of events, and prompt to give you notice and advice, which, on eveiy occasion at all requiring it, rely on receiving. This recital, Irishmen, is meant to guard those of you who are remote from the scene of the late events, against the consequences of misrepresentation and mistake. The most unfounded rumours have been set afloat, fabricated for the double purpose of de- lusion and intimidation. Your enemies talk of treachery, in the vain and fallacious hope of creating it ; but you, who scorn equally to be their dupes or their slaves, will meet their forgeries with dignified con- tempt, incapable of being either goaded into untimely violence, or sunk into pusillanimous despondency. Be firm. Irishmen — but be cool and cautious ; be patient yet a while ; trust to no unauthorized communications ; and above all, we warn you — again and again we warn you — against doing the work of your tyrants, by premature, by partial, or divided exertion. If Ireland shall be forced to throw away the scabbard, let it be at her own time, not at theirs." * A month wore on — every day the chances of a successful rising became more gloomy — disclosures were hourly made — and it became quite evident to the revolutionary leaders, that the Government had penetrated their most secret plans, and were prepared to crush the conspiracy. As the arms and ammunition of the malcontents were detected and seized, the hands of the executive were proportionally strengthened as the offensive power of the disaffected became less formidable. Supplementary corps of loyalists were armed and em- bodied; and those to whom the destinies of Ireland were intrusted assumed now an attitude of stern determination, equally inflexible and appalling to the guilty. Daily a French invasion appeared a more improbable event — at last the truth became apparent that it was hopeless to expect foreign assistance — and the blow must be struck by the conspirators, unaided and alone. Accordingly, the night of the 23rd of May was appointed for a general insurrection ; and the signal for a rising en masse was to be the destruction or detention of the mail coaches, after they had left the metropolis. While the counties and districts were left generally to the direction * Report, No. 25. 44 HISTORY OP THE of local leaders, the insurrectionary movement in the capital embraced a simultaneous attack on the Castle, the prisons, and military posts — the artillery barracks at Chapelizod — and the camp at Laughlinstown, seven miles south of Dublin. At this, the crisis of the conspiracy, the hopes of the disaifected almost centred in an individual — one who has left a memory behind which commands the admiration of many — the pity, I believe, of all. His earlier history we have already sketched — and the more painful duty of describing its hurried and unhappy close now devolves upon us. We need scarcely say, the person we allude to was Lord Edward Fitzgerald. Whether the high estimation in wliich his military character was held by the United Irishmen was justly merited or not, is a question that can never be determined. He had many essential qualities to command popular respect, and fit him to become a revolutionary leader — high birth, family influence, singleness of purpose, devotion not to be mistaken, and courage beyond a doubt. But he seems to have been a self-willed and most imprudent man ; and if his biography may be credited, the last person upon earth to whose absolute direction, a na- tion's fate, and the fortunes of a mighty and complicated movement, should iiave Ijeen intrusted.* It was perfectly notorious to the Government that Lord Edward was deeply implicated in the conspiracy ; that he was the life and spirit of the plot, the hope of the revolutionists, and the selected leader of the intended insurrection. When the arrests at Bond's had fallen like the stroke of a thunderbolt upon the Union,t and paralyzed the boldest, it * " Sir J. Parnel. — Mr. Emmet, while you and the executive were philosophiz- ing, Lord Edward Fitzgerald was arming and disciplining the people .' " Emmet. — Lord Edward was a military man, and if he was doing so, he probably thought that was the way in which he could be most useful to his country ; but I am sure, that if those with whom he acted were convinced that the grievances of the people were redressed, and that force was become unnecessary, he would have been persuaded to drop all arming and disciplining. " Mr. J. C. Beresford. — I knew Lord Edward well, and always found him very obstinate. " Emmet. — I knew Lord Edward right well, and have done a great deal of busi- ness with him, and have always found, when he had a reliance on the integrity and talents of the person he acted with, he was one of the most persuadable men aUve ; but if he thought a man meant dishonestly or unfairly by him, he was as obstinate as a mule." — Emmet's Examination ly the Secret Committee, \ith August, 1798. t " It is, indeed, not the least singular feature of this singular piece of history, that with a Government, strongly intrenched both in power and will, resolved to crush its opponents, and not scrupulous as to the means, there should now have elapsed two whole years of all but open rebellion, under their very eyes, without their being able, either by force or money, to obtain sufficient information to place a single one of the many chiefs of the confederacy in their power. Even now, so far from their vigilance being instrumental in the discovery, it was but to the mere accidental circumstance of a worthless member of the conspiracy being pressed for a sum of money to discharge some debts, that the Government was indebted for the treachery that, at once, laid the whole plot at their feet, — delivered up to them at one seizure almost all its leaders ; and thus disorganizing, by rendering it headless,' the entire body of the Union, was the means, it is not too much to say, of saving the country to Great Britain." — Moore's Life, Sfc. IRISH REBELLION. 45 ■was whispered in that gloomy hour that Lord Edward had escaped, and therefore, that the cause was not altogether desperate. That he had not been found at the secret meeting of the Leinster Committee was a heavy disappointment to the executive. It was true that in the seizure of the delegates, the conspiracy had received a stunning blow — ^but it was " scotched, not killed." Lord Edward was at liberty, and conse- quently the master-spirit was abroad. On the score of humanity — of policy — or both — it had been hinted by the Irish government that hia escape would be connived at, and the ports left open if he would se- cretly quit the kingdom.* The offer was conveyed to him and rejected ; and no course remained but to apprehend him if possible, and thus deprive the hydra of its head. Among others he was afterwards de- nounced by proclamation, dated the 11th of May, and £1000 offered for such secret information as might lead to his arrest. On quitting Leinster House, the first place where Lord Edward sought concealment was the domicile of a widow lady, situated on the banks of the canal. Thither, three nights after the surprise of the Leinster Committee, he was conveyed in disguise— and there he remained a month undiscovered, although, with an imprudence not pardonable in a leader on whose personal safety a mighty movement hinged, he too frequently exposed himself to detection. For the feelings of the lover-husband, that would induce him to risk every thing to visit an idolized wife and the children, even a callous heart weuld find or frame an apology ;t but circumstanced as he was, unnecessary expo- sure was unpardonable. His person might be considered a sort of public property — and yet we find him walking, most nights, along the banks of the canal — ^jumping in and out of boats to amuse a child he had made his companion — and afterwards, by sheer recklessness, falsifying the incognito of an assumed name. J * " In an interview which he, Mr. Ogilvie, had, shortly after his arrival, with Lord Clare, that nobleman expressed himself with the most friendly warmth on the sud- ject, saying, ' For God's sake get this yonng man out of the country ; the ports shall be thrown open to you, and no hindrance whatever offered.' " — Ibid. t " Her ladyship had, immediately on the disappearance of Lord Edward, re- moved from the Duke of Leinster's to a house in Denzel-street, taking with her an attached female servant, and her husband's favourite, Tony. The two latter believed, as did most people, that their master had fled to France ; and it was therefore with no small surprise that the maid-servant (as she herself told the person from whom I heard the anecdote) saw, on going into her lady's room late in the evening, his Lord- ship and Lady Edward sitting together by the hght of the fire. The youngest child had, at his desire, been brought down out of its bed for him to see it, and both he and Lady Edward were, as the maid thought, in tears." — Moore's JJfe, Sfc, t " On retiring to the lady's house, he had taken the name of Jameson — but before he was two days in the house, an occurrence took place which instances singular im- prudence and fidelity. A pair of his boots having been left outside his door to be cleaned, the man-servant, to whom they had been given for that purpose, told his mistress afterwards that he knew ' who the gentleman up-stairs was — but that she need not fear, for he would die to save him. ' He then shewed her Lord Edward's name written at full length in one of his boots. Thinking it possible that, after such a discovery, her guest might deem it dangerous to remain, Mrs. Risk mentioned the circumstance to him. But his fears were not easily awakened — ' What a noble feUow ! ' he exclaimed, ' I should like to have some talk with hjm.' In the 46 HISTORY OF THE How Lord Edwaa-d could have evaded detection bo long appears astonishing. An enormous reward was offered for his detection, and as the plot became further unfolded, the alarm of the Government for their own existence superseded every other thought, and all considera- tions of mercy were lost in their fears. At the period, therefore, where we are now arrived, the search after his lordship wa^, by the emissaries of authority, pursued with as much eagerness as political zeal, urged by fear and revenge, could inspire. Lord Edward at last seemed awakened to his danger, and it was considered by himself and friends, that a longer residence where he was, might be hazardous and lead to a discovery. Another asylum was accordingly provided for him at a feather-merchant's house in Thomas-street; and at Murphy's, as the owner was called, he remained for several days in safety. On the 30th of March, the kingdom was declared by proclamation to be " in actual rebellion," and the troops were directed to act without magisterial authority, whenever their own officers deemed it proper. That fearful order loosed a licentious soldiery upon the country, and every hope of averting bloodshed ended. As the great object of the revolutionary leaders, was to prevent a premature explosion, agents were despatched to hold out encourage- ment to the disaffected, that a French invasion would speedily be re-attempted. But a double failure had damped the expectations of the Directory ; Hoche was in his grave ; Bonaparte, bent on other objects, and unfriendly to an Irish demonstration ; and, without foreign assistance, it became evident to the conspirators, that " themselves must strike the blow." For the following fortnight. Lord Edward made Murphy's house his place of concealment. Even there he received company, walked out at night, and, in woman's clothes, visited Lady Edward in Denzel- street. He then changed his residence, and sought shelter in the houses of tradesmen in the same street, named Moore and Cormick. Some circumstances gave alarm to his friends, and Lord Edward a second time was conducted to his suburban retreat, and placed again in charge of his former hostess. On the 11th of May the proclamation that offered £1000 for his apprehension appeared ; the day for the insurrection was appointed ; John Sheares despatched to Cork to raise the southern rebels; and, for the purpose of holding a closer communion with the Dublin leaders. Lord Edward quitted the house of his faithful protectress on the 13th of May, and on the 18th he re- entered Murphy's, and only left it on the 19th for a cell, wherein to linger out a few miserable days, and expire in the common jail, without a friend or relative to watch " the spirit's parting!" On the night preceding the 18th, it had been arranged that Lord Edward should have resumed his former residence in Thomas-street, hope that it might be an incitement to the man's fidelity, the lady told him hie lord- ship's wish, but he answered, ' No, I wiU not look at him, for if they should take me up I can then, you know, swear that I never saw him.' " — Ibid. IRISH EEBELLION. 47 and he set out accordingly, under an escort of the disaffected. One of those affrays, of common occurrence in these days of terror, resulted. It is quite evident from this occurrence that he had been already betrayed, although even yet the name of the traitor remains unknown. Of Lord Edward's intended movement, Sirr, the town-major, received certain information. To the same point, two ways would have con- ducted Lord Edward — and so correctly had Sirr been apprized of the route of his intended captive, that he divided his party, and with one section occupied Watling-street, and posted the other in Dirty-lane. " A similar plan having happened to be adopted by Lord Edward's escort, there took place, in each of these two streets, a conflict between the parties ; and Major Sirr, who had almost alone to bear the brunt in his quarter, was near losing his life. In defending himself with a sword which he had snatched from one of his assailants, he lost his footing and fell ; and had not those with whom he was engaged been much more occupied with their noble charge than with him, he could hardly have escaped. But, their chief object being Lord Edward's safety, after snapping a pistol or two at Sirr, they hurried away."* On the following morning, a uniform — dark green, faced with scar- let — was delivered by an old woman to Murphy. This his " already nervous host " concealed under goat skins in his warehouse. At noon, a party of soldiers suddenly entered the street, and very suspiciously halted before Moore's house, the man who had formerly sheltered him. Alarmed for the safety of his guest, the feather-merchant conveyed him by a trap-door to the roof of his warehouse, and in one of the valleys which ran between the houses. Lord Edward remained for two or three hours, until the alarm had subsided, and the soldiers had left the street, t At the usual hour dinner was served, and Neilson, a constant and most imprudent visitor, was invited to join Murphy and his noble guest. Whoever was the betrayer of Lord Edward, the conduct of Neilson, on the fatal day of the arrest, afforded grounds for rendering him a suspected one. " The cloth," says Moore, " had not been many minutes removed, when Neilson, as if suddenly recollecting something, hurried out of the room and left the house ; shortly after which, Mr. Murphy, seeing that his guest was not inclined to drink any wine, went down- stairs. In a few minutes, however, returning, he found that his lord- ship had, in the interim, gone up to his bed-room, and, on following him thither, saw him lying, without his coat, upon the bed. There had now elapsed, from the time of Neilson's departure, not more than ten minutes, and it is asserted that he had, in going out, left the hall door open." * In this street affair, John McCabe, a very active member of the Union, was made prisoner, and afterwards tried, convicted, and executed. f During the excitement produced in the neighbourhood by the appearance of the soldiers. Lord Edward's friend, Neilson, was, in his usual flighty and inconsi- derate manner, walking up and down the street, saying occasionally, as he passed, to Murphy, who was standing in his gateway, — " Is he safe ? — Look sharp." — Moore's Life, 48 HISTOBY OP THE At this moment, Major Sirr, who had but just received an intima- tion from the Castle of the place where Lord Edward was concealed, proceeded in hackney-coaches to arrest him, attended by eight soldiers in coloured clothes, and accompanied by Captains Swan and Eyan. While Sirr was disposing the soldiers below to prevent any chance of escape, Swan hurried up-stairs, entered the apartment, and, approaching the bed, told Lord Edward that he was a prisoner. Lord Edward jumped out of bed; and Swan perceiviiig thait he was determined on resistance, snapped, or, as others say, discharged a pistol ineffectually, and then,, closing with his antagonist, both .rolled upon the bed. In the struggle which ensued. Lord Edward stabbed his opponent in the hand and body repeatedly, when Eyan entered the chamber, and rushed to the assistance'of his companion, lounging at -Lord Edward with a cane- sword, whifeh, however, turned on the ribs, and only inflicted a flesh- wound. All three fell on the floor together — in the melee which followed, Eyan received a mortal stab — a;nd when Sirr entered, he found Lord Edward on his feet endeavouring to .reach the door, while- Swan and Eyan held on desperately by the legs to prevent it. "Threatenfed as he was with a fatesiinilar to his companions, Sirr had uo alterna- tive but to fire, '. and aiming his • pistol deUberately, he lodged the cou^ tents in Lord Edward's right arm, near the shoulder. .ITie wound.fpr a moment staggered Mm ; but, as he again rallied, and was pushingjo- wards the door. Major Sirr called up the soldiers, and so desperate were their captive's struggles, thatjthey found it necessary to lay their fire- locks across him before he could be 'disarmed or bound so as to prevent further mischief." ' ■ ' An eminent surgeon waS' immmediately brought to the assistance of, the wounded men. Eyan's injury was pronounced the most.dangerousr— Swan's wounds, though numerous, were not severe — and on examina- tion, • Dri Adreen ^ expressed an opinion 'that Lord Edward's wera not mortal.* The surgeon's communication elicited a brief remarkr-j,| "I am, sorry, doctor, to hear it!" ', • ..| On the arrival of a cavalry picket and the Rainsford-Street guard,^ the wounded men were removed; and Lord Edward was taken, to the^ Castle in a sedan, and carried into the 'office of the Secretary for th^^ War department. • On, his arrest being communicated to Lord Camden, orders were/given. that the state surgeon should instantly examine an.4 dress his wounds; while, with a feeling honourable to his well-established humanity, ■ the Viceroy, transmitted by his own secretary, a private message to the noble prisoner, giving him an assurance of receiving every indulgence consistent with personal safety. The message was * Mr. Moore, in his biography, makes a statement which I have reason to believe is incorrect — he says, " It was during one of these instinctive efforts of courage that the; opportunity was, as I understand, taken by a wretched drummer to give him a Wound in the back of the neck, which, although slight, yet, from its position, con- tributed not a little to aggravate the uneasuiess of his last hours." An authority, on whose veracity / can depend, informs me that no such thing took place— no drum-boy was present at the time — and, certainly, it is not very probable, that such an agent would have been selected by Sirr, to assist him in the arrest of a daring and desperate man. IRISH BEBELLTON. 49 conveyed by Mr. Watson — and the delicacy with which it was com municated, at least absolves the Lord-Lieutenant from being party to the harshness, with which the authorities were subsequently charged.* After a delay of some hours, during which time his wounds had been carefully attended to, Lord Edward was removed to Newgate under a strong military guard, and placed in Lord Aldborongh's room. As the carriage and escort passed from the castle to the prison, the countenances and demeanour of the disaffected, indicated how deeply they felt the loss of the leader on whom they had placed so much dependence. To attempt a rescue was determined — and, in a full assurance that the effort would be made, the garrison remained under arms throughout the night. On the 31st of May, Captain Ryan died of his wounds — but it was considered, although the heat of the weather was against him, that Lord Edward would recover. Attended by a kind-hearted militia officer named Stone, and visited constantly by the State surgeon, there is no doubt that the severity attendant on his confinement, and imputed to the authorities, was exaggerated. Still, the refusal of permission to' visit a dying brother, appears harsh, impolitic, and unnecessary ; and the reasons assigned by the Chancellor for declining Lord Henry's request, though they may indicate the perilous state of the times, evince a rigour on the part of the executive, carried to an unvrarrant- able extent.f Lord Edward lingered to the 1st of June, when his wounds as- sumed an unhealthy appearance, and fever set in. There is no doubt that the death of Captain Ryan had transpired— and the knowledge that his victim was no more, added poignant sorrow to a mind already excited too seriously. It is said that the confusion and noise attend- ant on the execution of a young man named Clinch, increased this Mr. Watson's account of the melancholy interview is graphic and interesting ; " I found Lord Edward leaning back on a couple of chairs, in the office of the secre- tary iu the wai' department, his arm extended, and supported by the surgeon, who was dressing bis wound. His countenance was pallid, but serene ; and when I told him, in a low voice, not to be overheard, my Commission from the Lord-Lieutenant, and that I was going to break the inteUigence of what bad occurred to Lady Edward, asking him, with every assurance of my fidelity and secrecy, whether there was any confidential communication be wished to be made to her ladyship, or whether I could undertake any other personal act of kindness in bis service — he answered merely, but collectedly, ' No, no — thank you — nothing, nothing — only break it to her tenderly.' " •(■ " Be assured that it is not in my power to procure admission for you to Lord Edward. You will readily believe that Lord Camden's situation is critical in the extreme. The extent and enormity of the treason which has occasioned so many arrests make it essentially necessary, for the preservation of the State, that access should be denied to the friends of all the persons now in confinement for treason. Judge then, my dear lord, the situation in which Lord Camden vrill be placed, if this rule is dispensed with in one instance. Mr. Stewart has just now left me, and from his account of Lord Edward, he is in a situation which threatens his life. Per- haps, if he should get into such a state as will justify it, your request may be com- plied with ; and believe me, it will give me singular satisfaction if you can be gratified. You may rest assured that his wound is as well attended to as it can be. " Yours always truly, my dear lord, " Clare." 30 HISTORY OP TEK mental irritation. On the 2nd of June, Lord Edward became delirious, and the attendance of a keeper from a madhouse was deemed necessary. On the 3rd, reason returned, but his strength had sunk completely. Then, the authorities gave a tardy assent for his brother and sister to visit him; and the last interview between relatives who appear to have been most devotedly attached, is so touchingly detailed in a letter from Lady Louisa ConoUy, that we are tempted to give an extract : — " Thanks to the great God ! our visit was timed to the moment that the wretched situation allowed of. His mind had been agitated for two days, and the feeling was enough gone, not to be overcome by the sight of his brother and me. We had the consolation of seeing and feeling that it was a pleasure to him. I first approached his bed : he looked at me, knew me, kissed me, and said (what will never depart from my ears), ' It is heaven to me to see you !' and, shortly after, turning to the other side of his bed, he said, ' I can't see you.' I went round, and he soon after kissed my hand, and smiled at me, which I shall never forget, though I saw death in his dear face at the time. I then told him that Henry was come. He said nothing that marked surprise at his being in Ireland, but expressed joy at hearing it, and said, ' Where is he, dear fellow ?' " Henry then took my place, and the two dear brothers frequently embraced each other, to the melting a heart of stone ; and yet God enabled both Henry and myself to remain quite composed. As every one left the room, we told him we only were with him. He said, ' That is very pleasant.' However, he remained silent, and I then brought in the subject of Lady Edward, and told him that I had not left her until I saw her on board ; and Henry told him of having met her on the road well. He said, ' And the children, too ? — She is a charming woman :' and then became silent again. That expression about Lady Edward proved to me, that his senses were much lulled, and that he did not feel his situation to be what it was ; but, thank God ! they were enough alive to receive pleasure from seeing his brother and me. Dear Henry, in particular, he looked at continually with an expression of pleasure." Immediately after Lord Henry and his sister had taken leave, con- vulsions came on violently — and at two o'clock on the morning of the 4th, a gallant, generous, and enthusiastic spirit — would that it had been better directed !— parted. After an inquest, the body waa interred in the cemetery of St. Werburgh — the funeral being conducted as privately as possible, to prevent any exhibition of popular feeling, which, had it been more public, would have been certain to occur. As when Orr was executed, the hair cut from him after death, and even shreds of the clothes in which he suffered, were considered sacred relics by the disaffected,* so every thing connected with the lattei * Orr was executed for administering unlawful oaths, and it was currently re- ported tliat some of the jury, by whom he was convicted, were intojdcated when IRISH REBELLION. 51 actions and tlie end of tliis amiable but most dangerous enthusiast, will still be interesting to all, no matter whether they may admire or condemn him. From some valuable information forwarded to me by a friend,* I have selected the following extract: — " It has been observed, that the year 1797 was one rather of pre- paration than of incident. The exertions of Lord E. Fitzgerald at that period were unceaaing, and one of his modes of proceeding was not generally known. Whoever has traversed the county of Kildare, as I have done, must have been struck with the great number of ball- courts, or the remains of them, still to be found in every part of that district. Ball-playing was, at the time, a favourite amusement with the young men of Kildare, as hurling is in other counties. Lord Edward took advantage of this, and found means to have these ball-courts erected — and here, under pretext of enjoying a harmless amusement, the men of the vicinity assembled without creating any suspicion ; the young to play, the elders to deliberate, and promote general organi- zation. Lord Edward was not unfrequently a spectator on these occasions ; and though his words and actions were then tolerably guarded, a word or a sign, adroitly conveyed to some ready agent, produced the effect of volumes of orders, and were promptly attended to. Michael Eeynolds, who led the attack upon Naas on the night of the 23rd of May, was a celebrated ball-player, and went round these places ostensibly to exhibit his skill, but really, to carry out the views of Lord Edward. This was easily effected — for in those days there was no police to mingle with the persons thus assembled, and note the progress of the conspiracy." In describing the arrest at Murphy's, Musgrave asserts that Lord Edward snapped a pistolf at Captain Swan. I am inclined to think they returned their verdict. A leading witness afterwards declared that he had committed perjury ; and as the jury had recommended him to mercy, and a respite had been given, it was generally expected that a pardon would have resulted, and Orr have been saved. His execution was therefore considered an act of ruthless severity by his partisans ; and his behaviour when the sentence of law was carried into effect, enhanced the regret of his friends, and, consequently, he died in the odour of martyrdom. Sampson, an Irish fugitive to the United States, at a public dinner given him in Philadelphia, described Orr's last moments thus : — " Upon the scaffold, nearest to him, and by his side, stood a Roman Cathohc domestic, faithful and attached to him. Manacled and pinioned, he directed him to take from his pocket the watch that he had worn till now that time had ceased for him, and hours and minutes were no longer to be measures of his existence. ' You, my friend, and I must now part ; oar stations here on earth have been a little different, and our modes of worshipping the Almighty Being that we both adore. Before his presence we shall stand both equal ; farewell. Remember Orr .'" * A retired lieutenant-colonel, who was actively employed with his regiment in suppressing the insurrection. t "When an under-graduate in the Dublin University, I received from a fellow- student the present of a screw-barrelled pocket-pistol, which had been picked up from the floor after the affray at Murphy's. The handle was inlaid with silver- but it was an old-fashioned and useless weapon. That it was found in the apart- ment, and probably had been used on the occasion, the near connection of the donor with a principal actor in the scene, leaves me no reason to doubt. e2 52 HISTORY OP THE that in this statement Sir Richard is incorrect, and that Moore's ver- sion of the affair is more authentic :■ — " In the desperate resistance which he made, Lord Edward had no other weapon than a dagger, and the number of wounds he is said to have inflicted with it on his two adversaries is such as almost to exceed belief. This dagger was given by Lord Clare, a day or two after the arrest, to Mr. Brown, a gentleman well known and still living in Dublin, who has, by some accident, lost it. He describes it to me, however, aa being about the length of a large case knife, with a common buck-handle, — ^the blade, which was two-edged, being of a waved shape, like that of the sword represented in the hands of the angel in the common prints, prefixed to the last book of Paradise Lost. " The rebel uniform, belonging to his lordship, which was found at Murphy's, passed afterwards into the hands of Mr. Watson Taylor, in whose possession it remained for some time ; but the late Duke of York, who had always been much attached to Lord Edward, and had even offered, when made Commander-in-Chief, to restore him to his rank in the army, having expressed a wish to possess so curious a relic of his noble friend, Mr. Watson Taylor presented it to his Royal Highness, and what has become of it since the Duke's death, I have not been able to ascertain."* * Moore's Life, &c. IRISH REBELLION. 53 CHAPTER V. ARREST OF THE SHEARES — OUTBREAK OP THE HEBEI,LION— AFFAIRS IN THE TleiNITY OF fHE METROPOLIS. The capture of Lord Edward Fitzgerald was followed up by the arrest of the brothers Sheares; and had the Government required documentary evidence to establish the ruthless spirit with which the ends of the conspiracy would have been carried out, a military memoir found in the writing-desk of the ill-directed young nobleman, and a sanguinary manifesto* in the handwriting of John Sheares, and dis- covered in the house of his brother Henry, would have been amply suf- ficient. Lord Edward's document was purely military — and, although highly mischievous, it was defensible ; but the proclamation to be issued on the 24th of May, betrayed a ferocity of intention which no circum- stances could palliate. Every paragraph seemed traced in blood; and while the sanguinary course of action which it inculcated, deprived the unhappy author of that sympathy which his fate might have otherwise obtained, those who would rescue his memory from the odium of savage purpose, have wisely grounded its defence upon the only pardonable excuse — insanity.f * " Irishmen, your country is free, and you are about to be avAiged. That vile Government, which has so long and so cruelly oppressed you, is no more. Some of its most atrocious monsters have already paid the forfeit of their lives and the rest are in our hands. The national flag, the saered green, is at this moment flying over the ruins of despotism ! ******* " As for those degenerate wretches who turn their swords against their native country, the national vengeance awaits them. Let them find no quarter, unless they shall prove their repentance by speedily exchanging the standard of slavery for that of freedom. ****** " Under the conduct of your chosen leaders march with a steady step to victory. Heed not the glare of hired soldiery or aristocratic yeomanry : they cannot stand the vigorous shock of freedom. Their trappings and their arms will soon be yours ; and the detested Government of England, to which we vow eternal hatred, shall learn, that the treasures it exhausts on its accoutred slaves, for the purpose of butchering Irishmen, shall h\it further enable us to turn their swords on its devoted head. Attack them in every direction by day and by night ; avail yourselves of the natural advantages of your coimtry, which are innumerable, and with which you are better acquainted than they. Where you cannot oppose them in full force, con- stantly harass their rear and their flanks ; cut oif their provisions and magazines, and prevent them as much as possible from uniting their forces; let whatever moments you cannot devote to fighting for your country, be passed in learning how to fight for it, or preparing the means of war — for war, war alone must occupy every mind and every hand in Ireland, until its long-oppressed soil be purged of all its enemies. Vengeance, Irishmen, vengeance on your oppressors. Remember what thousands of your dearest friends have perished by their merciless orders — Remem- ber their burnings, their rackings, their torturings, their military massacres, and their legal murders — Remember Orr !" f " In regard to the proclamation found in his desk, I believe he was the writer of it ; though that was never fully proved. At the time when it was supposed to 54 HISTOKY OP THE Many attempte had been made to corrupt the students of Trinity College ; some of them had adopted and endeavoured to disseminate the mischievous doctrines of the revolutionary party, but, generally, their loyalty -was firm and devoted ; and having embodied themselves for self-protection, and to assist the executive at the approaching emeufe — no corps was more efficient, and none more formidable to the disafiected, than that of the University. From the construction and position of the College, next to the Castle, it was probably the strongest place d'armes in the metropolis ; and although not generally known, the seizure of the College and the destruction of its young, daring, and dreaded garrison, formed another of the insurrectionary objects. From one of the MS. journals, placed kindly at my disposal by a friend, then a young, ardent, and intelligent actor in the passing scenes, the following extract will not be uninteresting : — " The loyalists of the College were in the habit of meeting in my rooms. No. 27, Library-square. An atrocious attempt at maiming some of them was made one evening in the month of February. Between twenty and thirty young men were sitting sociably toge- ther, when a loud noise and striking at the windows, as of breaking them in, was heard — and a voice challenged the ' Orange rascals' to come out if they dare. A partial rush instantly took place j the young man nearest the door and first out was a Mr. Burton, an ex- tremely active young fellow, who fortunately, instead of running down- stairs in the ordinary way, seized the banister, and flung himself right to the bottoip at once, calling out as he did so for the others to stop. On examination it appeared that a number of the lamplighters' lad- ders had been collected, and sawed into lengths fitting the breadth of the stairs, and then placed transversely across them ; so that a number of persons rushing down hastily, as was anticipated on the alarm being given at the window, must have broken their legs. A more cowardly attempt can hardly be imagined. " A feather points out the direction of the wind, and this paltry but malignant efibrt at injury was but the forerunner of one more extensive and diabolical. A plan was laid for the surprise of the College, and the destruction of the students, in which one of the porters, named Ward, was mainly concerned. Tn those days there was a postern door, leading from the rear of the printing-house into some blind alleys and unfrequented lanes of the lowest description. Through this door. Ward was to have admitted a chosen band of desperate fellows, armed with pikes prepared for the occasion, with handles not more than five feet long, and calculated for in-door work. _ " The plan having been discovered by Major Sirr, and information given us, I was one of the party who went in search of the dep6t, and in an old cow-house near the postern door we found it sure enough. A large grave-like excavation had been dug immediately behind the have been written, he appeared so altered, that those who used to delight in listen- ing to him would scarce know him. His mind seemed to have lost it« balance." — Memoir of the Sheares, by Maria Steel. IRISH KEBEIiLION. 55 bales or stake? to which the cows' heads wore made fast, extending across the whole house ; and in this we discovered nearly 200 pilces, neatly packed. They were covered about six inches deep with clay, above which was laid hay for the cows ; they were of a superior workmanship, and the handles painted dark brown. Ward absconded, and we never heard of him afterwards." In the ^meanwhile the crisis hurried rapidly. On the morning of the 21st, the Viceroy officially announced to the Lord Mayor, and on the next day, through Lord Castlereagh, apprized the House of Com- mons, " that his Excellency had received information that the dis- affected had been daring enough to form a plan for the purpose of possessing themselves, in the course of the present week, of the metropolis, of seizing the seat of government, and those in authority within the city ; that, in consequence of that information, he had directed every military precaution to be taken which seemed expe- dient ; that he had made full communication to the magistrates, for the direction of their efforts; and that he had not a doubt, by the measures which would be pursued, the designs of the rebellious would be effectually and entirely crushed." A spirited and dutiful answer was voted by the Commons — " the Speaker and all the members immediately waited on his Excellency with the address ; and to shew their zeal, and to increase the solem- nity of the proceeding, they walked through the streets on foot, two and two, preceded by the speaker, the serjeant-at-arms, and all the officers of the house." The 23rd of May, a day that must ever carry with it deplorable , recollections, dawned upon a city, destined before another sun should rise, to undergo every horror that attends on civil war. A gloom overspread the countenance of the royalists. Enough had been commu- nicated by the executive to convince the most sceptical that the long- portending thunder-cloud was on the eve of bursting— and still the moment of actual insurrection continued veiled in impenetrable mystery. Evening came — and no positive information of the revolutionary outbreak as yet had reached the Castle. A government spy, late in the day, communicated authentic intelligence, that the picket of yeomanry cavalry at Rathfarnham, Would that night be surprised and cut off; and, consequently, instead of a Serjeant's party, the whole troop mounted for patrol. After narrowly escaping an ambush. Lieutenant La Touche ascertained that the rebels had actually risen, and an express* was immediately despatched to apprize the Lord-Lieutenant of the insurrection. The duty was truly perilous — for the rebels in great numbers wei'e collecting in the road and adjacent fields in the viciuity of Dublin. In the city, particularly the suburbs, the yeoman Saw a great number of rebels with pikes, in the gateways, alleys, * tt was carried by a private of the troop, called Bennett, and offered one of the many instances of the zeal and personal gallantry, with which the Irish yeomanry evidenced their fealty and devotion to the Government. 56 HISTORY OP THE and stable-lanes, waiting the beat of their drums, and the approach of rebel columns from the country, which they were expecting; and as he passed, they frequently cried out, animating each other, "Come on, boys! who's afraid?"* Immediately, the garrison and yeomanry drums beat to arms, and the latter hurried to their alarm-posts. The North Cork Militia were formed in Stephen's Green — and the bridges of the canals which stretch along the city, north and south, were occupied by strong pickets. Those crossing the Liffey were also secured, and the com- munications completely interrupted. In the rambling, but well-authenticated narrative of Musgrave, many indications of want of union, as well aa want of prudence, on the part of the leaders of the disaflFected will appear, and particularly in the course of action which preceded and attended the insurrectionary attempt upon the capital. " For some nights previous to the 23rd of May, fires were seen on the Wicklow mountains, whose luminous appearance by night, and whose smoke by day, served as signals to the disaffected in the metropolis, and in all the adjacent country. The same practice took place on all the mountains which extend from the Scalp in the county of Wicklow, to Mount Leinster in the county of "Wexford." Where existed any necessity for this idle and unnecessary display, when all was organized and ready ; and any striking exhibition must naturally add to an alarm, which every prudential motive should have allayed ? Why increase the fears, and consequently, the vigilance ot the executive ? In secrecy of purpose lay success, and all was in favour of it, could the authorities be lulled into a false and fatal security. The yeomanry corps, which in a few days afterwards were purified of traitors, at the moment of the outbreak abounded in United Irishmen, on whom not a shadow of suspicion had fallen yet.f The domestic servants were deeply engaged in the conspiracy, and hence every action of their employers was revealed, and the safety of every house was compromised. Even the lamp-lighters lent their as- sistance — and darkness was prearranged to assist — as it would do most effectively — a sudden outburst, by neutralizing the advantages which daylight secures to disciplined troops in a conflict with fierce but tumultuary assailants. * Musgrave's Memoirs. t " It was discovered that near nine-tenths of the Roman Catholics in the yeomanry corps were United Irishmen, and had taken an oath to be true to the rebels, in direct contradiction to their sworn allegiance; and that many of them, after having taken the united oath, had, by deliberate and predetermined perjury, joined the yeomanry corps for the purpose of getting arms in their hands, learning the use of them, and turning them against the loyalists, perhaps in the very moment of danger." I firmly believe that, in this statement. Sir Richard Musgrave is not correct. Many Roman Catholic gentlemen and their tenantry held themselves aloof from the revolutionists ; and there were not a few instances, in which those who had incor- porated themselves in Protestant companies, equally distinguished themselves for gallantry and fidelity. laiSH REBELLION. .57 It has been already mentioned, that the stoppage of the mail-coaches was to be the signal for a general rising. On the evening of the 23rd, at Santry, the Belfast mail was burned — the Limerick stopped on the Curragh of Kildare, and both guard and coachman murdered' — the Athlone coach was destroyed at Lucan, and the Cork mail at Naas. A number of petty affairs followed the instant outbreak of the rebellion, all tinged in a lesser or greater degree with the atrocity attendant upon civil war. In these affairs the rebels were generally repulsed ; but in a few they unhappily succeeded, and always by surprise, treachery, or the imprudence of the royalists. To these we shall return more particularly, when the transactions which im- mediately accompanied the outbreak in the metropolis shall have been rapidly detailed. The capture of Dublin was the grand and primary object at which the conspirators aimed; and a simultaneous movement on the capital by the Kildare rebels, was to have seconded the efforts of the disaf- fected within the city. Every thing was in favour of success ; and as the garrison was almost drained of regular troops, and its safety intrusted to the yeomanry, that circumstance was not overlooked by the rebel leaders. In barracks, soldiers cannot be easily surprised ; a few taps upon the drum, and a very few minutes are quite sufficient to place a regiment in battle order ; but to collect irregulars, dispersed, and distant from the alarm-posts they have been directed to assemble at, is a work of time, and equally difficult and precarious — as, in an attempt to reach the posts assigned, individuals and isolated parties are readily intercepted and overpowered. This was the great design of the insurgents, and nothing could have been more easily effected, when aided by the darkness of night, and the intricacies of a city crowded with houses, and intersected by narrow lanes. By an unaccountable oversight, the canals which covered two sides of Dublin had been left open, when, by stockading the bridges, they could have been easily rendered defensible, and have thus placed an impassable obstruction to any bodies who might approach the city from Kildare. Before the royalists occupied the bridges, numbers of insurgents from the country had crossed over ; and it was computed that, by one northern turnpike, more than two thousand strangers had entered the city during the evening and succeeding night. Of the chief plans propounded by the rebel leaders, the capture of the Castle, with the high authorities it contained — the cutting off the royalists in detached parties,* as they hurried to their respective alarm- posts at the beat to arms of the rebel drums — with an attack on the jail of Newgate, and the liberation of the State prisoners there incar- * " Southwell McClune, a rebel colonel, who had surrendered himself to govern- ment, and obtained his pardon, declared upon oath, that Neilson had assembled at a house in Church-lane, a noted rendezvous for rebels, fifteen colonels ; and having produced a map of Dublin, assigned to each the post which he and his regiment were to occupy that night." — Hid, 58 HISTORY OP THE cerated — formed the grand objects of the midnight movement. On these plans of action there was, however, a division of opinion among the leaders. John Sheares confined the intended operations of his fol- lowers to the two former ; while Neilson determined to attack the jail. Whether the latter would have persevered, although Sheares' opposi- tion went so far as to threaten a denouncement of the intention to the Government, it is difficult to guess. Accident interfered ; and the leader found himself at midnight the inmate of a prison, from which he had falsely calculated that he should have succeeded in liberating his confederates. At ten o'clock, Neilson,* having a body of rebels collected in some fields then contiguous to Eccles-street, proceeded to reconnoitre New- gate, and determine on the best points of attack. Escalade, supported by a commanding fire of musketry, was to be the plan adopted — and from the manner in which the prison was domineered, the attempt might have easily succeeded. Some waste ground, then covered with heaps of market-ofial, and close to the prison, enabled a person to examine the building unper- ceived ; and of this advantage, Neilson, already well acquainted with the locality, had availed himself. In the darkness he trod upon a child, and the outcry brought its mother to the spot. The woman was drunk — an angry altercation followed — and no apology which Neil- son could offer would conciliate the irritated poissarde. The noise naturally attracted attention; persons hastened to the spot ; and among others Mr. Gregg, the jailer. Neilson, having already been in his custody, was perfectly familiar to Gregg. The latter immediately arrested him — a desperate resistance was offered — a pistol snapped, and a doubtful struggle ensued. Under a belief thal^ Gregg's assault on Neilson was occasioned by his resentment of the injury offered to her child, the fish-woman so far contributed by her clamour to mystify the affray, that the line of posts which Neilson had established between Newgate and Eccles-street, thought the noise only a squabble of drunken fish- women, and waited in idle expectation for Neilson's re- turn and orders to advance, until his capture transpired in an hour or two, and the party took alarm and disbanded.f In a popular movement, failure or success at first generally decides its fortunes. The attempt on the capital signally miscarried. The master-spirit was wanting at the hour of action, and he who might have given a fatal direction to efforts ill-directed and uncombined, was, with his abler associates, immured within the walls of a prison. Upon individuals, alike wanting in courage and ability, the hurried choice of revolutionary leadership had fallen. If Neilson's imprudent visits to Lord Edward before the arrest, subjected him to a charge of * " Neilson, in his attack upon Newgate, was to hate been seconded by a large body of rebels, headed by one Seagrave, who was to have taken possession of Mr* Halpin'a distillery, at the corner of' Petticoat-lane, the windows of which flanked it, and they were to have Itept up a constant fire on the front of the prison, while another party scaled its walls in a different quarter."-"jf*!(f. t MS. Journal of a Field Officer. IRISH REBELLION. 59 treachery afterwards, his conduct, on the night he reconnoitred New- gate, proves him to have heen quite unfitted for command. That a man known to every turnkey, should have personally examined a building in which he had been so long confined, appeared, from its extreme rashness, alinost to indicate indifference to the consequences of dis- covery. The Sheares, when the hour of action came, appeared to have literally done nothing — and yet both were men of overweening vanity as to their own abilities, and blind to the superior qualifi- cations of their confederates. They forgot that the pen may pave the way for revolutionary action; but the hand which effects the final movement must grasp the sword.* Hence, the private papers of Lord Edward and John Shears stand out in powerful contrast. One ably pointed to his followers the means by which the object could be achieved ; the other, leaving more active spirits to effect it, proved amply that, by whomsoever gained, success would be un- scrupulously employed. On the morning of the 24th, two Proclamations were issued, the one from General Lake, the other from Alderman Fleming — both were stringent — but the circumstances of the times admitted of no tem- porizing measures :— " Lieutenant-General Lake, commanding his Majesty's forces in this kingdom, having received from his Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant full powers to put down the rebellion, and to punish rebels in the most summary manner, according to martial law, does hereby give notice to all his Majesty's subjects, that he is determined to exert the powers intrusted to him in the most vigorous manner for the immediate sup- pression of the same ; and that all persons acting in the present reoel- lion, or in anywise aiding or assisting therein, will be treated by him as rebels, and punished accordingly. " And Lieutenant-General Lake hereby requires all the inhabitants of the city of Dublin (the great ofiicers of state, members of the houses of parliament, privy councillors, magistrates, and military persons in uniform excepted) to remain within their respective dwellings from nine o'clock at night, till five in the morning, under pain of punishment. The Lord Mayor's Proclamation was equally strong, and equally judicious: — " Whereas, the circumstances of the present crisis demand every possible precaution : these are therefore to desire all persons who have registered arms, forthwith to give in, in writing, an exact list or inven- toiy of such arms at the town clerk's office, who will file and enter the same in a book to be kept for that purpose. And all persons who have not registered their arms are hereby required forthwith to deliver up to me, or some other of the magistrates of this city, all arms and ammunition of ev^ry kind in their possession. And if, after this Pro- * "Lord Edward Fitzgerald and John were not intimately acquainted. He thought Lord Edward's talents were only military. I doubt if either of the brothers was highly in the confidence of Lord Edward. They thought him ardent and sin- cere ; but both spoke impatiently on the subject of his talents as a leader — and more than impatiently '."—Notices of the Sheares, hy Miss Steel. 60 HISTORY OF THE clamation, any person liaving registered arms shall be found not to have given in a true list or inventory of such arms; or if any person who has not registered, shall be found to have in their power or pos- session any arms or ammunition whatever, such person or persons wiU, on such arms being discovered, be forthwith sent on board his Majesty's navy, as by law directed. " And I do hereby desire, that all housekeepers do place upon the outside of their doors, a list of all persons in their respective houses, distinguishing such as are strangers from those who actually make part of their family ; but as there may happen to be persons who, from pe- cuniary embarrassments, are obliged to conceal themselves, I do not require such names to bo placed on the outside of the door, provided their names are sent to me. And I hereby call upon his Majesty's subjects, within the county of the city of Dublin, immediately to com- ply with this regulation, as calculated for the public security; as those persons who shall wilfully neglect a regulation so easy and salutary, as well as persons giving false statements of the inmates of their houses, must, in the present crisis, abide the consequences of such neglect." We now turn to the outbreak in the immediate vicinity of the capi- tal. Slight affairs occurred on the night of the 23rd, and upon the fol- lowing day. At Eathfamham, Lucan, Lusk, Collon, and Baltinglass, the royalists and rebels came in contact, and the latter were repulsed. At Dunboyne and Barretstown the escorts of some baggage (Reay and Suffolk Fencibles) were surprised. On the succeeding day Clane, Naas, Ballymore Eustace, KilcuUen, and Prosperous were attacked — and with the exception of the latter, in every efTort the rebels were un- successful. Prosperous, a small but thriving town, then generally inhabited by persons employed in manufacturing cottons, is seventeen miles from Dublin. It was garrisoned by a detachment of the North Cork Mili- tia, some forty men under Captain Swayne, with a lieutenant and twenty of the Ancient British cavalry. 'The infantry occupied a tem- porary barrack; half the cavalry were quartered in an opposite house, and the remainder in single billets. On the Sunday (20th) previous to the outbreak, Swayne arrived in Prosperous with his detachment. He attended at the chapel with Dr. Esmond — a man of great local influence — and then implored the people there assembled, to deliver up any arms which might be concealed, return to their alle- giance, and receive the protection he was authorized to grant them. This exhortation proved ineffectual : some coercive measures — such as the seizure of cattle, then warranted by martial law — ^were resorted to ; and on the 23rd, it was intimated that fear had hitherto prevented the peasantry from bringing the concealed arms to the town ; and that should they be permitted to enter after dark, unchallenged and unmo- lested, on the following night, pikes and fire-arms would be brought in and deposited in the streets. It is difficult to decide whether the stupidity of Swayne, or the treachery of Esmond, were most to be condemned. A man, individually, may trifle with himself — but for him who turns right or left from the IRISH REBELLION. 61 plain path -wliicli duty points to, and compromises the safety of those committed to his charge, there can be no extenuation. For Swajme'a folly there can be no apology — his pickets should have been doubled — a cart — a ladder — drawn across the street would have marked suffi- ciently where those who came to surrender arms might approach with full security. A step beyond it, if the challenge failed, the advanced sentry shot the intruder, and the garrison was at once alarmed. . So much for Swayne — his weakness was inexcusable — he died its victim — ignobly, certainly, but still by the weapon of a foeman : Esmond met the doom' he merited — ra halter. , . , Musgrave's account of the surprise is, I believe, perfectly authentic. "About two o'clock, on Thursday inorning, the 24th of May, the two sentinels were surprised and killed ; and both the barracks were as- saulted while the soldiers were- fast asleep. The barracks of the.Gorkr company consisted of a hall, an apartment on each side, the same in the' next story,, and.uhder-ground offices. A party of the rebels rushed into Captain Swayne's. apartment, .which was on the ground-floor, and mur- dered him. Some soldiers, who slept in the opposite apartment,, alarmed at the noise, came forth with their firelocks and expelled those ruffians from the barrack after having killed two or three of them. "The house was at that time surrounded with a great nnmber of rebels variously armed. A : fierce conflict ensued between the assailants and- the besieged;. but it was soon put an end to by the following malignant device of the former. There was a great quantity of straw in the uiider- ground office, to which the rebels set fire— r.and to increase the flame, introduced somefaggots into it. The soldiers were soon in a state of' suf- focation; and the heat being so great that they could not. endure it,, they retreated to their coinrades in the upper story — but' the flaines and smoke soon reached them there, as the rebels continued to introduce lighted faggots into the , apartments under theili. ; , Enveloped with thick smoke, and, overcome.with heat, some of them leaped out of. the. windows,' but were immediately received on the pikes of the assailants, who gave a dreadful yell, whenever that occurred. " At last, the barrack being in a state of conflagration, the soldiers resolved to. rush forward and fight their .way through their assailants ;, but they, who .were very numerous, formed, a. half7nioon round the front of the barrack, and received them on their pikes, so that but, few of them escaped." . \, . Nothing could have been more detestable than Esmond's treachery. He wore the royal uniform, and yet was false to the monarch to whom he had sworn allegiance. When men of desperate 'fortunes swerve, from the paths of honour, poverty.may be pleaded to. extenuate, though not excuse. Esmond had no plea to offer — he was wealthy, jvell born, and respected. He might , have proved a rebel, but why play the' traitor? When in the . house of .God, loyalty was on his lips, while the heart was contemplating bloodshed. Even the tie a savage vene- rates could not turn him from his truculent design — and while he had devoted him to death, he shared his victim's hospitality — dined with Captain Swayne " at an inn on the 23rd day of May, and continued 62 HISTORY OF THE to enjoy the glow of social mirth with him, till a few hours before the perpetration of that bloody scene, which he had for some time me- ditated." The work of death at Prosperous was interrupted by intelligence, conveyed to the insurgents, that at Olane, three miles off, their friends had been defeated — for although partly surprised, that little garrison succeeded in beating off their assailants. Clane was occupied by a company of the Armagh militia and some yeomanry cavalry. Early on the morning of the 24th, a large body of armed rebels stole into the street. Fortunately there was just time to beat to arms, although such of the soldiers as were at single billets in the town, were attacked as they issued from the houses where they had been quartered, and several of them killed and wounded before they could join their comrades. The guard, however, with great gallantry held the rebels in check, until their comrades hastily turned out and formed. A few well-directed volleys routed the rebels, and they were driven with considerable loss from the town ; but deeming pursuit imprudent, the royalists returned, and again formed in the street. At five in the morning the rebels made a second attempt, and, sup- ported by a column of pikemen and musketeers, a party, mounted on the horses and furnished with the arms of the Ancient Britons, whom they had cut off at Prosperous, charged boldly into Clane. A rolling volley from the royalists brought down half the party, and dispersed the rest. They retired at a gallop upon the rebel column, which, from previous success and superior numbers, cut a strange but formidable appearance. An affair highly honourable to the royalists resulted. " As they were not strong enough to attack so numerous a party, and thinking it dishonourable to retreat, the captain, Griffiths, in concurrence with the militia officers, resolved to take post on an elevated spot near the Commons, where they could not be surrounded or outflanked ; and there they waited for the enemy, who began a smart fire on them, but without effect, as the elevation was too great. Our troops, having re- turned the fire, killed and wounded a considerable number of them, on which they fled in great dismay, arid were charged by the captain and his sixteen yeomen, who cut down many of those whose heads were ornamented with the helmets of the Ancient- Britons, or the hats of the Cork regiment." A disorderly flight succeeded — the rebels totally disbanding, and throwing away their own ruder weapon, the pike, with the fire-arms and sabres they had captured in the morning, and held in but brief possession. On re-entering Clane, Captain Grifliths was privately informed by a soldier named Philip Mite,* that his own treacherous lieutenant had actually commanded at the rebel surprise of Prosperous. Having been * The detestation of the lower Irish to an informer is proverbial ; and no matter how black the crime, those who assist in bringing the offender to justice are held up lEISH REBELIION. f)3 ordered to march to Naas, at the moment when the troop were mount- ing, Esmond, in full accoutrements, joined it. The rash confidence that his treason was unsuspected, proved ruinous to the unhappy man. He was arrested, forwarded to Duhlin, tried, convicted, and hanged on Carlisle bridge, on the 14 th of June. The insurrectionary occurrences at Ballymore- Eustace and Dunla- vin, simultaneously with those we have described, offer fearful pictures of the atrocious spirit with which a civil war is carried through. To the former town, a strong detachment of dragoons and militia, under the command of Captian Beevor, had proceeded to enforce a surrender of arms. An immense quantity were consequently given up — and under a belief that the peasantry had renounced their rebellious inten- tions, Captain Beevor, who was living at free quarters, determined to relieve the peasantry from the burden of supporting the troops, — and, retaining only forty men, sent off the remainder of his garrison. This act was more creditable to his humanity than his prudence. On the night of the general insurrection, he was roused at midnight by an outcry, and two men instantly sprang into his bed-room, one discharging a pistol without effect. Him the Captain shot. While reaching for a second pistol, the other assassin closed to prevent it. A struggle ensued, and the captain had well nigh been forced out of the room to the stairca.se, where several pikemen were waiting to despatch him. In this perilous situation, by a desjjerate effort of strength, Captain Beevor overpowered the ruffian, and dragged him back into the bed- chamber. There, a cowardly or treacherous yeoman was standing with a drawn sword, an idle looker-on, and never attempted to assist his officer. Lieutenant Patrickson, however, rushed into the apartment, and ran the rebel through. Thirty dragoons had, in the meantime, got together and joined their captain — the other poor fellows being cut off, and killed or wounded in the attempt. Although the rebels fired seve- ral houses, and, under cover of the smoke, persevered for two hours in their attack upon the barrack, they were eventually repulsed by the small and gallant band, and driven from the town after sustaining a heavy loss.* lo execration for life. The following anecdote wiU shew how the people cherished their feeling on the subject : — " Nine years after (in 1807), I marched into Naas, and while sitting at the window of the Hotel, I heard this conversation — several men and women were on the spot, when one came hastily up and announced that ' Phil. Mite's mother had just been drowned in the LifFey' — there was an immediate rejoinder of ' The devil's cure to him ! what better could he expect after hanging the fine gentleman?' — here one of the party caught a glimpse of my uniform, and they made off.' ' — MS. Joum. of a Field Officer. * '*Next morning they took a rebel prisoner, who gave the following information, as to their number and their mode of attack : — The soldiers were quartered in eight dilFerent houses, each of which was to be attacked at the same moment by the signal of a gun fired in the churchyard. The number of the assailants were 800. TTiey lost three captains, and near 100 men. Captain Beevor's servant was shot in his bed. He, Lieutenant Patrickson, Cornet Maxwell, and all the privates of the dra- goons and the mUitia, displayed singular spirit and intrepidity against so great a superiority of numbers. "^ — Mvsgrave's Memoirs. 64 HISTOBY OF THE The insurrection in the vicinity of Dunlavin produced a sad and terrible example of the extent to which stern necessity will urge men's actions, when civil relations are overturned, and the only alternative is the sword. When the rising took place in the neighbourhood of Dunlavin, the Wicklow light company and a cavalry troop of yeo- manry garrisoned the place. The rebels were advancing in force, and the royalists marched boldly out to meet them. Numbers prevailed — and after losing a few men, the little garrison fell back and re- occupied the town. A double danger was impending. "Without, the rebels, in twenty-fold numbers were threatening an instant attack ; within, the disaffected prisoners in custody, in gross amount exceeded the garrison. Now, mark the horrors attendant upon civil wax — and thus Musgrave narrates the transaction : — " The officers, having conferred for some time, were of opinion, that some of the yeomen who had been disarmed, and were at that time in prison for being notorious traitors, should be shot. Nineteen therefore of the Saunders-grove corps, and nine of the Narromore, were imme- diately led out and suffered death. " It may be said, in excuse for this act of severe and summary jus- tice, that they would have joined the numerous bodies of rebels who were moving round, and at that time threatened the town. At tho same time they discharged the greater part of the prisoners, in consi- deration of their former good characters." Gracious God ! what a picture of the times ! Eight-and-twenty men led out of prison, " unannealed and unforgiven," and cooUy shot to death by those whom they had once known in social intercourse ! A horrible alternative! — and yet who will deny that martial law and existing circumstances might not possibly have justified the act ? Al- though but one plea — a doubtful one, I think, can be offered to extenuate it. The man who differs from another politically — ^no matter how wild and how false his opinions may be — may claim a charitable con- struction ; no matter how imprudent, he may Jbe honest : but he who bands himself with men professing principles opposite to his own — ^swears fealty to a cause he secretly opposes — avows publicly to support, what in private he is bent on overturning — the first may be an enthusiast or fool — the latter, of necessity a villain without the pale of pity. Circumstances might have required, and martial law justi lied the act — but who can now contemplate the instant execution of eight-and-twenty fellow-men, and not shudder at the horrors of civil war? IRISH REBELLION. 65 CHAPTER VI. CaOELTlES COMMITTED ON BOTH SIDES — ATTACK ON MONASTEBEVEN — MUBDEKS BY THE REBELS, AND THEIR CONSEaUENCES— .AFFAIR OF OLD EILCULLEN — SUB- SEaUENT DISFERSION OF THE REBELS NEAR NAAS. The terrible occurrence at Dunlavin, where so many unhappy men were hurried from existence, was probably the most savage of the bar- barous necessities forced upon the royalists, during the brief continuation of the insurrection. The character of the transaction appears addition- ally revolting, because it was the result of deliberation ; and, although heated by a recent conflict, still common humanity might have sug- gested some alternative less horrible, than the wholesale execution of unresisting men. Uncompromising severity does not always produce the intended effect. On some, example may strike terror— in others it will ex- cite undying hatred, and foster the worst spirit of the human heart — a thirst for vengeance. Of this truth, a retrospect of the events of these calamitous days gives evidence enough ; and it is difficult now to de- termine to which side the excess of cruelty should be awarded. Assas- sination on one side, was met upon the other with military executions ; the royalist extenuating the act under a plea of necessity, while the rebel proclaimed that his murders were committed only from revenge. When admitting that a similar savageness of purpose might in many cases be charged against both sides, there, all comparison must cease. No matter what the acts might be, the causes which produced them were totally dissimilar. The royalist took arms for the protection of home and altar, which the fanaticism of Popery, or the accursed doctrines of the French revolutionists, were alike bent upon overturning.. Alle- giance to his king, and the maintenance of social order and an esta- blished government, urged the former to come forward; thousands perilled life and property from the purest motives — and, when the in- surrection was suppressed, sheathed the sword, drawn in the support of a matchless constitution, unstained by any act save those which resist- ance to rebellion had imperatively demanded. Those who have led a soldier's life, and seen service in the field, know that men become the creatures of circumstances. Let the gentlest spirit — and such are fre- quently united to the boldest heart — one that would not tread upon a worm or harm a sparrow — let him crown a defended breach, and he will use the bayonet unscrupulously. The feelings are influenced by the times ; and if the royalist were sanguitiary and unsparing, he could point to the atrocities of the insurgents, and bring forward established facts, so truculent and unwarranted, as to place those who could commit them almost without the pale of mercy. Making every allowance for the political colouring given to his his- tory of these times by Musgrave, and recollecting that he felt and ee HISTORY OF THE wrote as a partisan, Sir Eichard Musgrave narrates two well-authen- ticated instances of unprovoked cruelty among the many that marked the rebel outbreak in Kildare, which will sufficiently exhibit to the reader the ferocious spirit of the insurgents from the rnqmenlthey flew to arms :— _ [ ' ' " The following horrid circumstances,'' says the historian, " attended the murder of George Crawford and his grandchild, a girl only four- teen years of age.- He had formerly served in the 5th Dragoons, re- tired on a pension, and was a permanent Serjeant in Captain Taylor's corps of yeomen cavalry. He, his wife, and granddaughter, were stopped by a, party of the rebels, as they were endeavouring to escape, 3,nd were reproached with the appellation of heretics, because they were of the Protestant religion. One of them struck his wife with a musket, and another gave her, a stab of a pike in the back, with an in- tent of murdering her. Her husband, haying endeavoured to save her, was knocked down, and received several blows of a firelock, whicli disabled him from making his escape. While they wete disputing whether they should kill them, his wife stole behind a hedge, and, con- cealed herself. They then massacred her husband with pikes ; and her granddaughter, having thrown herself on his body to protect him, received so many wounds that she instantly expired. These circum- stances of atrocity have been verified by affidavit, sworn by Crawford's Avidow, the 20th day of August, 1795. The fidelity of a lajge dog, be- longing to this poor man, deserves to be recorded — as he attacked these sanguinary monsters, and fought most bravely in defence of his master, till he fell by his side, perforated w;th pikes." The second murder occurred on the same night. About eleven o'clock, the Limerick mail was stopped by a numerous banditti — and a gentle,; man was slaughtered under circumstances which elicited a lively sym- pathy. The sufferer was Lieutenant William Giffard, of the 82nd regiment, son to Captain John Giffard of the Dublin regiment. " The savages having shot one of the horses so as effectually to prevent, the coach from proceeding, demanded of Lieutenant Giffard who and j^hat he was : to which he answered, without hesitation, that he was an officer, proceeding to Chatham, in obedience to orders he had received. They demanded whether he was a Protestant; and being answered in the affirmative^ they held a monient's qonsultation, and then told him that they wanted officers^ fhat if he would take an oath to be true to them, and join them in an attack to be made next morning upon Monastereven, they would give him a command, but that otherwise he must die- To this the gallant youth replied, ' That he had already sworn allegiance to the king, that he would never offend God Almighty by a breach of that oath, nor would he disgrace himself by turning a deserter and join- ing the king's enemies; that he could not suppose a body of men would be so cruel, as to murder an individual who had never injured them, and w;ho was merely passing through them to a country from whence, possibly, he never might return; but if they insisted on their proposal, he must die, for he never would consent to it.' This heroic answer, which would have kindled sentiments of humanity in any breasts but lEISII EEBELLION. 67 those of Irisli rebels, had the contrary eflFect, and with the utmost fury they assaulted him. He had a case of pistols, which natural courage and love of life, though hopeless, prompted him to use with effect ; and being uncommonly active, he burst from them, vaulted over a six-feet wall, and made towards a house where he saw a light, and heard people talking. Alas ! it afforded no refuge ! it was the house of poor Craw- ford, whom, with his granddaughter, they had just piked. A band of barbarians, returning from this exploit, met Lieutenant Giffard — there he fell, covered with wounds and with glory ; and his mangled body was thrown into the same ditch with honest Crawford and his innocent grandchild.* Thus expired, at the age of seventeen, a gal- lant youth — the mai-tyr to religion and honour — leaving a memory behind that will ever be respected by the virtuous and the brave." A course of cowardly assassination thus commenced, was continued by the insurgents in their progress to attack Monastereven. Their numbers had increased to ten or twelve hundred men, and they were commanded by a ruffian called McGarry. Such Protestants, as they unfortunately met with, were put to death — and a solitary dragoon, seized as he crossed the Curragh, and inhumanly murdered. About four in the morning they approached the town, and made their preparations for attacking it. On the 24th of May there was not a regular soldier in Monastereven; and an infantry company, with a troop of horse, both yeomanry, formed the little garrison. After a feint by the canal, and a movement by the high road, which was repulsed by a charge of cavalry, they pushed boldly into the town, and a warm conflict took place in the main street. The well-sustained musketry of the infantry threw the head of the rebel column into confusion — when the cavalry charged home, and the rout was complete. Fifty bodies were found lifeless in the town ; and as the horsemen followed the flying rebels vigorously, as many more were cut up in the pursuit. The repulse of this attack was most honourable to the defenders of Monastereven — ^the gallant action was achieved by loyalists alone — and of the brave men who fought and bled that day fourteen of the troop were Roman Catholics. The outbreak of the 23rd of May was attended with many acts of cruelty inflicted upon isolated families, who, either from mistaken confldence, or inability to reach a place of safety, exposed themselves to the fury of savages, whose natural truculence was often inflamed to madness by intoxication. Many individuals of great worth and respectability perished thus. Mr. Stamers, the chief proprietor of the town of Prosperous, was torn from the house of a lady where he had obtained a temporary shelter, and murdered in cold blood. Rathangan was, indeed, a scene of extensive butchery. — Mr. Spensert and Mr. Moore were slaughtered there, although they had surrendered their * Wlien Sir James Duff's moveable column entered Kildare, it passed close to the scene of slaughter, and poor young GifFard's body was removed from the ditch, and interred with military honours. t "Thus this worthy gentleman, who was an active and intelligent magistrate, and as remarkable for the amiableness and affability of his manners as the benevolence of p2 68 HISTORY OF THE arms on the assurance of being protected ; they were murdered in the open street — and their wives, one of whom had been confined only a day or two before, had the horrible assurance that, with the shots they heard, the existence of their beloved partners had terminated. A number of other victims were immolated by these blood-thirsty savages — and, until relieved by Colonel Longfield, on the morning of the 28th, Eathangan was a constant scene of atrocity, in which even woman forgot her sex, and barbarously participated.* The murders at Rathangan, while they exasperated the royalists to acts of desperate retaliation, operated against the perpetrators in another and an unexpected way. The few Protestants in Leinster, and the South, his heart, fell a sacrifice to the fanaticism of those savages to whom he had been un- remittingly a kind and generous benefactor. "As his house was a short distance from the town, Mrs. Spenser, who was led to it in the midst of these monsters, had the anguish to see the mangled corpse of her husband lying at his door." — Muagrave. In alluding to the barbarities perpetrated at Rathangan, my gallant friend, Colonel , who, some years after the suppression of the rebellion, was employed pro- fessionally in tins part of the country, gives the following interesting anecdote con- nected with the murder of Mr. Spenser : — • " On the preceding day I halted in Rathangan, and was shewn, in the churchyard, the tomb of Mr. Spenser, who was so brutdly murdered at his own hall-door. I could not help remarking, that there was no allusion on the tomb to the mode of his death, and was informed that it arose from the fear of giving offence ! ! " One of the principal actors in that tragedy was a ruffian named Doorley. Three years after the rebellion he was in the jail of Longford — and as it was part of the duty of the captain of the day to visit the prison, it afforded me and other officers an op- portunity of conversing with him, which he seemed rather to like, and a more reck- less ruffian can hardly be imagined. He was a gaunt, spare, squalid-looking creature, evidently formed for great activity, but worn down by long and various efforts to escape the law. In fact, he had been hunted down like a wolf ; and acknowledged to seven murders, not that he called them by that name. In fact, he seemed to make a merit of putting an end to what he termed an Orangeman, real or fancied. He was hanged soon after I last visited him." — MS. Journal of a Field Officer. * The barbarous treatment of Michael Shenstone, a Protestant, deserves to be circumstantially related. He was led into the street with the other unfortunate Protestants, aud received eighteen stabs of pikes. ' ' A woman of the name of Farrel, who was infamously active in this sanguinary business, informed them that they did not know how to kill Orangemen, on which a ruffian stepped for- ward, and trampled on the dead and dying. He then put a pistol close to Shenstone's head, and the ball entering near the ear, came out under the eye, having fractured the cheek-bone in a most shocking manner. In some hours after, he was put into a cart with the bodies of seventeen Protestants who had been murdered, and was conveyed to the churchyard to be interred j but some alarm preventing it, he remained among the dead that night. Next morning, at the inter- cession of some of the rebels, his body was delivered to his wife, by whose care, and with proper medical assistance, he recovered, and regained the use of his limbs. These facts were i-elated to me by a gentleman who saw Shenstone soon after ; and they have been verified by his affidavit, sworn before Oliver Nelson, a magistrate, and by Mr. Bayly, curate of Rathangan, and by Mr. Pym, his landlord." 1 have appended this extract from Musgrave, not so much from the singular deliverance from death which it records, but to affirm that, in the wildest hours of excitement and excess, woman rarely forgot her gentlest attributes, gentleness and pity for the wretched. Many a royalist has been succoured in his hour of danger by some fair Romanist— and females have sheltered the hunted rebel, and in the very house of him, who, at the moment, was bent on the destruction of the denounced one. IBISII REBELLION. 6!) who had mixed themselves with the conspiracy, suddenly became alarmed — for the war had now assumed a religious, rather than a re- volutionary complexion. Suspicion once aroused, finds abundant causes to confirm it -r- and while some Protestants quietly seceded from their fellow-traitors, not a few sought favour with the Government by a secret betrayal of their guilty companions.* In the course of this history nothing will be more apparent, than the incompetency, military and diplomatic, of many of the functions^ ries to whom extensive powers were confided. One while, unneces- sary severity was employed — and at another, mistaken lenity marred every advantage which stringent measures might have efibcted. In military conduct, the royalist commanders were too often found defi- cient — and, almost in every instance, either to imprndence or imbecility, the insurgents were alone indebted for moments of doubtful and eva- nescent success. The affair at Old Kilcullen, was about one of the worst military offences committed by an incompetent commander. Yeomanry oflicers always behaved with boldness, and frequently displayed both tact and talent when left to their own resources while many from whose high military rank and standing something like ability might have been looked for, proved the truism of the adage, " that as the cowl does not make the monk," neither does an aiguilette constitute a general. Learning that some three hundred well-appointed rebels had assem- bled at Old Kilcullen, and that they had entrenched themselves in the church-yard, General Dundas proceeded to dislodge them. His force consisted only of forty dragoons, and some twenty Suffolk militia- men. The rebel position was on a height — one side protected by a high wall — the other secured by a double fence — a hedge with a dike in front. Would it be credited, that an English general could be mad enough to assail three hundred men thus posted, with forty dragoons ? Mus- grave thus narrates the transaction, and his account has been consi- dered by those engaged to be perfectly correct : — " General Dundas ordered the Eomneys and the 9th dragoons to charge the rebels, though it was up-hill, though the ground was broken, and many of the rebels were in a road close to the church-yard, in which not more than six of the cavalry could advance in front. " They however charged with great spirit, though their destruction was considered by all the spectators to be the certain and inevitable * " I shall mention here an incident which throws light on the spirit of the con- spu-acy and rebellion, and the secret designs of the great body of the rebels. — One Dennis, an apothecary and a Protestant, was the county delegate, and the chief con- ductor of the plot in the King's county, which was to have exploded in a few days ; but the wanton massacre of Protestants at Prosperous and B^thangan having con- vinced him that their extirpation was the main object of the Romanists, though they had, with singular dissimulation, concealed it from him who was their leader, he repaired to Tullamore to General Dunn, who commanded that district, threw him- self on the mercy of Government, exposed the whole plot, and betrayed the names of the captains, who were immediately arrested. He said to the General, ' I see, Sir, that it will soon be my own fate.' " — Musgrave. 70 HISTOUY OP THE consequence of it ; for what could cavalry do, thus broken and divided, against a firm phalanx of rebels, armed with long pikes? Never- theless, they niade three charges,- .but were repulsed in each; and at every reptjlgo the geperal urged tthenj** renew the attack. , "It was,,with,.t]ie:utnjbst difficulty, thatiCaptain Cooks and Captain Erskine could prevail' upon" their men. to renew the charge, after the first 'defeat.- In th^ last charge, Captain Cooke, to inspire his men with courage by his example, advanced some yards before them ; when his horse taking received maay wounds, 'fell upon his knees; and while inthat situation^ theohody.'of that brave officer was perforated with pikes ; -and he,, GaptainrErskine, and twenty-two privates, were kiilSd jbn the spot, and ten so baddy ^ouiided, that most of them died soon after." Shamefully discomfited, Dundas'f61I back on the village of Kilcullen bridge, and , occupied., a paas in every respect defensible. So thought the successful peasants .who ' had garrisoned the church-yard; and, de- forced' an English general. They prudently declined any attempt to :fcree the bridge — -forded the liififey at Castlemartin — and took up a poisition ■ between Naas :and Kilcullen; thus cutting ofi' General Dm- daa.'8 -communication witb the capital; 1 Nothing remained for the royalist commander but to drive them from these grounds, and open his road to Naas. He advanced accord- ingly,; found them in line th'ree*deep, and with his cavalry in hand, boldly attacked,' thfi position with half a company of the gallant Suf- folks. Small aa the party was, three rounds broke the rebels. The cavalry charged — and the sanie body, which had so recently inflicted a severe repulse, were scattered like a' flock of sheep, leaving the ground covered with' their dead. and wounded. • After a brief but bloody pursuit, Dundas marched on Naas, to con- centrate his troops and assist in covering the capital. lEISH REBELLION. 71 CHAPTER VII. ATTACK ON NAAS — ANECDOTES Of THE ACTION — INSURRECTION IN KILDARE — REBELS DEFEATED AT CARLOW — AMNESTY TO THE INSURGENTS — DUPf's AFFAIR ON THE CURBAGH — STATE OP THE CAPITAL — PARTIAL DISAFFECTION IN THE YEOMANRY — ROMAN CATHOLIC DECLARATION — BATTLE OF TABA — A REBEL HEROINE. A " If one can imagine such a thing as a tableau, or bird's-eye view of the rebellion from the 23rd to the 30th of May, the appearance it would present would be this. Seven or eight comparatively minor ex- j)losions, lighting up the atmosphere for a short space and then going gradually out, viz. one in Meath (Tara), one in Wicklow (Mount Ken- nedy), a good blaze in Carlow, and four or five in Kildare, which its being Lord Edward's own county accounts for — these were Naas, Prosperous, Kilcullen, and Eathangan. The eye should then be drawn to the mighty and absorbing eruption of Wexford-.-and taking Vinegar Hill as its crater, it would observe two streams of lava pouring forth, one due west, to Ross — one due north, towards Wicklow— and a third, of somewhat less importance, north-west to Newtown Barry. I rather think the first shot was fired by my regiment at Naas, as Mick Reynolds, who led the rebels, was one of the promptest of the insurgent leaders."* The garrison of the latter town consisted of one hundred and fifty of the Armagh militia, with two battalion guns, and seventy-five cavalry, comprising small detachments of the Fourth Dragoons, Ancient Britons, and sixteen mounted yeomen. The whole were under the command of Colonel Lord Gosford. On the evening of the general insurrection (the 23rd of May), anonymous letters were received by the commanding ofiioer, apprizing liim that a night attack would be made upon the town by a numerous body of well-armed rebels, and necessary dispositions of the garrison were made to receive the threatened assault. The guards were dou- bled, the outskirts of the town carefully patrolled, and a plan of defence pre-arranged, to prevent any confusion when the hour for action came. Midnight passed without any thing occurring to cause alarm, and as morning dawned, it was believed that the information received the preceding evening had been incorrect, and the officers retired to their quarters. At half-past two, however, an outlying dragoon galloped in, announcing the advance of a numerous body of rebels ; the drums beat to arms, and the garrison occupied their alarm posts. The rebels, who had assembled at the quarries of Tipper, adyanced on the town in four divisions, each entering by a difierent approach ; * MS. Journal of a Field Officer. 72 HISTORY OP THE and tlie heaviest column moving by the Johnstown road. The latter was commanded by Michael Reynolds, and it made a bold effort to carry the jail, in front of which a party of the Armagh militia, the Ancient Britons, and a battalion gun were posted. But the attack was com- pletely repulsed, and the rebel loss would have been more considerable, had not the cavalry, irritated by the fall of their officer* who had been piked, charged too prematurely, and interrupted the play of the gun.f For forty minutes, however, desultory firing continued. " Large j^parties of the rebels, who stole unnoticed into the town, through the houses and narrow lanes, fought some time in the streets, and stood three volleys from a party of the Armagh militia, posted opposite to the barrack, before they gave way ; at last they fled pre- cipitately in every direction, when the cavalry charged, and killed a great number of them in the pursuit. Thirty of the rebels were killed in the streets ; and, from the numbers found dead in back houses and in the adjacent fields, a few days after, it is imagined that no less than three hundred must have fallen. "They dropped in their flight a great quantity of pikes, and other arms, of which a number were found in pits near the town, where also three men with green cockades were seized, and instantly hanged in the public streets. Another prisoner was spared in consequence of useful information which he gave. He informed the commanding officer that the rebel party was above one thousand strong, and was commanded by Michael Reynolds, who was well mounted, and dressed in yeoman uniform. He made his escape, but his horse fell into the hands of our troops." | " Lord Gosford had a very narrow escape. His lodging was situ- ated on the summit of the hill, which the Dublin road ascends. The sentinel at his door, having his attention attracted by the entrance of the rebel columns at the foot of the hill, was so far off his guard as to allow two pikemen, belonging to the town, to slip into the hall, where they were ready to receive his lordship with their pikes as he hurried from his chamber on the alarm. And they were very near succeeding — but the sentinel turning about at the critical moment, shot one, and bayoneted the other, just as his lordship was rushing down the stairs. The sentinel's name was John Sandford ; he was afterwards made ' in all the adjacent country, of, provisions" of every kind, and were proceeding to ^mik their dinners, having .lighted nearly forty fires, and hoisted wliitfe flags; in thejr camp. "The hill of Tara is very steep, and the upper part surrounded by three circular Danish forts, #ith ramparts and fosses j whilo on tbe top lies the .church-yard,; surrounded with a wall, which tlio rebels regarded as their citadel, and considered aa, impregnable. " The King's troops, including the yeomaniyi might have amounted to abottt four hundred. As soon as .tha, rebels perceived thepi, they put their hats on the tbps of their pikes, sent' forth some dreadfiji yellSj and at i the same time .began to jump, and put themselves jn. singular attitudes,' as if bidding defiance -to their adversaries. They then to. advance, firing at the same time, but in an irregular " Our line of infantry came on with the greatest cQolneas, and did not fire a shot until they were within fifty yards. .One,paj?t.o£,'the cavalry, commanded by Lord Fingal, was ordered to the rights i the other to the'left, to prevent the line from bfeing outflanked, wMeU'the enemy endeavoured to .accomplish. The rebeils made three desperate onsets, and in the last laid hold of the cannon ; but the, officer who commanded ithe gun laid- the match to it before tliey could completely surround it, prostrated ten or twelve of the assailants^, atd dispersed the remainder. The Reay Fencibles preserved their line, and. fired with as much coolness as.if ithey had been exercising on a field-day. : " At' length: they routed the rebels, who fled in all directions, .ha,ving lost about four hundred in killed and wounded. In their flight, they threw away their arms and ammunition, ■ and every thing that could encumber them.. . Three hundred horses, all their provisions, arms, am^ munaition, and> baggage,; fell into the hands of the victors, with .eight of t-he Keay feiicibles whom they had taken prisoners two days before, and whom they had employed to drill them. IRISH REBELLION. 88 "It was to be lamented, tbat tlie Reay fencibles lost twenty-six men in killed and wounded, and the Upper Kells infantry six men. "The King's troops would have remained on the field all night, but that they had not a cartridge left, either for the gun or small arms. The prisoners, of whom they took a good many, informed onr officers, that their intention was, to have proceeded that night to plunder Navan, and then Kells, where there was a great quantity of ammuni- tion, and little or no force to protect it ; and that when they had suc- ceeded, they expected, according to a preconcerted plan, to have been joined by a great number of insurgents from Meath, Westmeath, Loijitb, Monaghan, and Cavan." The defeats of the insurgents, and their complete dispersion at Tara- hill and on the Curragh were highly advantageous, as they opened the communications north and south with the metropolis, which had been seriously interrupted. Many partial alFairs took place at this time between the loyalists and the rebels in Kildare, and barbarities on the on% side produced on the other, a terrible retaliation. The insurgents burned and murdered as they went along ; the troops and yeomanry shot and hanged liberally in return. The record of crimes inhumanly committed, and ruthlessly revenged, would only disgust a reader; and it will be only necessary to observe that at Maynooth, Ballytore, the neighbourhood of Clonard, and at Narraghmore, there were tumultuary risings, and collisions be- tween the royalists and rebels. In the vicinity of the latter village, a small party of the Tyrone militia dispersed a body of insurgents. The affair would have been too trifling to warrant record, had it not fur- nished an example of Amazonian courage and military gallantry : — " Lieutenant Eadie placed his men behind a low wall, and when the savages came within thirty yards, gave them a volley which killed many of them, and they fled, leaving their prisoners behind tl^em. They were, however, rallied and brought back to the fight, by a hero- ine, whose spirit and bravery would have immortalized her name in a good cause. "In turn, the rebels attacked Lieutenant Eadie's little party, for many hours. He kept on the defensive, until at length he completely routed his foes^ taking the heroine prisoner. She was stripped of her riding- coat and cap ; and Lieutenant Eadie, admiring her bravery and beauty, gave her her liberty." While thus Kildare had exhibited for nearly a week one wide blaze of general insurrection, another county, which in the annals of rebellion assumed afterwards a sanguinary pre-eminence, remained in ominous tranquillity. The storm burst at last — and in crime and bloodshed, "Wexford left every other scene of tumultuary violence completely in the shade. a2 84 HiSTOiiy OP THE CHAPTER VIII. CHANGE IN THE HABITS AND MANNERS OF THE PEASANTRY — ANECDOTE — STATE OF WEXFOKD IN '97 AND '98 — INSUBE.ECTION BKEAKS OUT — FATHER MUHPHY. OF BOULAVOGUE — ATROCITIES COMMITTED BY THE REBELS. It was a very singular fact, that the outbreak of the Irish rebellion was preeeJed by a moral reformation in the peasantry — a strange pre- .irainary to be followed by such consequences. For months before the explosion took place, intoxication was rarely observed, and men who had been habitually drunken, suddenly became reclaimed. The tem- per of the peasantry, naturally pugnacious, underwent a change ; the fairs and markets were undisturbed by quarrelling ; and factions, who had been at feud tor a century, smoked the pipe of peace together, and met at dance and wake without the customary interchange of broken heads. Another alteration in the demeanour of the peasantry was remarked. The deferential manner, with which they generally ad- dressed their superiors, was no longer visible in their bearing ; and occasionally, in ebriety or unguarded anger, they darkly hinted that a change in property and government was at hand. One other symp- tom of the times was the universal disinclination evinced by the lower classes to pay any of their debts or engagements. They seemed to regard the approaching outbreak as an event that would change the established order of every thing, and, by one sweeping operation, obliterate the past, and for the future equalize rank and property. This change in deferential manner was particularly observable in domestic servants ; and those whose habits and conduct had hitherto been industrious and humble, became impatient of restraint, and inso- lent if admonished. An amusing old. lady but recently dead, to instance this fact, used to narrate the following anecdote : — Her husband was a gentleman of independent fortune, a most ex- cellent landlord, truly liberal in his opinions, and one of the few, in those unhappy days, at whose hospitable board Protestant and Catholic met without distinction or distrust. He was, also, a brave man, and an uncompromising loyalist ; and when the county became disturbed, assisted Lord to raise a corps of yeomanry cavalry, in which he himself acted as adjutant and lieutenant ; and for both of which duties he was eminently qualified, having been many years an ofl&cer of dragoons. On the 17th of May, he received some important intelligence which determined him to communicate in person with the Government ; and he set out for the capital, having obtained a Ser- jeant's guard of Highland Fencibles, to protect his house and lady during a brief sojourn in the metropolis. The butler of the family had been left an orphan, and was brought up from infancy by the lady of the mansion. His manner had latterly become uncivil, and his household duties were carelessly performed, IRISH REBELLION. 85 and sometimes totally neglected. On the day after his master had departed, Mrs. H remarked that the plate upon the dinner table was uncleaned — and on her noticing it to the servant, he insolently re- plied, that " if' she wished it better polished, she might do it herself, for that he would never clean another spoon." Mrs. H was a woman of high and daring spirit. She ordered the menial from her presence, and then summoned the seijeant of the guard — the soldiers, after a long and dusty march, having just arrived. " You have been sent here by Colonel for my protection. WiU you obey my orders ? " " Undoubtedly, Madam," returned the gallant Celt. " Listen," said the lady ; and she repeated the occurrence that had just taken place. " What does that ingrate deserve from me, who protected him from orphan infancy ? " The Highlander, whose clan notions of obedience held want of duty to a chief and treason to the Crown, to be crimes equally without the pale of mercy, coolly replied : — " You ask me what the scoundrel deserves? — Death! Say but the word, and before five minutes this dirk shall be at his heart." The lady smiled. " No, no, Serjeant. The punishment would go beyond the ofl'ence. You have had a long march — refreshment is ready for your party — go to the servants' hall — and when you have dined — and take care that Murphy attends upon you properly — why, as he has forgotten the way to clean a spoon, oblige me by giving him a little instruction in polishing a gun-barrel." The Highlander answered with a grim smile — " Your ladyship is over-merciful to the scoundrel, but your will shall be obeyed ; and if there is faith in a buff belt, I'll promise that before he goes to bed, Mister Murphy shall know the way to clean a soldier's appointments." A sufficient time to discuss dinner had barely elapsed, when out- cries from the servants' hall announced, that the butler's course of instruction in his new duties had commenced. A maid-servant rushed into the drawing-room, to implore her lady's intervention, for " the dark man in the kilt was murdering John with a sword-belt, because he would not demean himself, and clean their dirty fire-locks." " Ah ! poor gentleman," replied Mrs. H , " he who could not soil his fingers with a silver spoon, to be obliged to polish a nasty musket! Indeed, I am very sorry for him, but as I have transferred his duties to Sergeant Mac Ivor, he had better do his best, and the Serjeant will probably, make allowance for his awkwardness. I never interfere with other people's servants." Never had neophyte a more persevering instructor than Mr. Mur- phy — at any indication of sulkiness or inattention, down came the buff belt — and the refractory butler speedily discovered that although it might be infra dignitatem to clean spoons, it was much more ungentlemanly work to polish a musket. The fate of Murphy was from bad to worse — for the buff belt was succeeded by the halter. He had a sweetheart in the house, and in 86 HISTORY OP THK his hours of dalliance, used to assure her that " she would soon be a better lady than her mistress, for she would be a captain'is wife, while his master was only a lieutenant." Not ambitious of resuming his new duties on the morrow, Murphy absconded that night, and was not heard of until the 24th, when he was wounded and made prisoner in an attack upon a party of King's troops. He was instantly recognized — and, after the summary form of a drum-head court-martial, hanged on the bough of an ash tree beside his master's gate. Besides domestic servants, another class had undergone a striking change — and it was observed by travellers, that the owners of public- houses and the low innkeepers became particularly saucy and uncivil. Generally speaking, they were deeply disaffected — their houses places of rendezvous for rebels — and themselves subordinate officers, or connected with the fiscal department of the conspiracy. In the county of Wexford this was particularly the case. Previous to '97, the county of Wexford had been noted for the peaceable disposition of its inhabitants and an impartial administra- tion of justice — ^both which might be equally imputed to the comfort and constant occupation, which its extensive and flourishing agriculture afforded to the farmers and the peasantry, and to the number of gentlemen who resided on their estates. While many counties in Ire- land were disgraced by nocturnal robbery and assassination, committed by Defenders and United Irishmen, for five years previous to '97, it was the pride of the Wexford gentlemen to boast that their county had remained in perfect tranquillity. But in the autumn and winter of that year, and in the spring of '98, there were well-grounded suspicions that the mass of the people had begun to be infected by those baneful principles, which since proved fatal to the kingdom, that pikes were manufactured, and clubs had been formed, in which illegal oaths had been administered. Meetings of the magistrates were con- sequently held in different parts of the county, to take into considera^ tion the necessity of proclaiming those districts, where symptoms of disturbance had appeared. That up to the month of November of '97, a quiet, real or delusory, pervaded Wexford, may be inferred from the fact, that when in that month the county was proclaimed, a consi- derable difference of opinion existed among the magistracy, as to whe- ther any insurrectionary proceedings or preparations had existed to warrant the introduction of martial law. In April, however, unequivo- cal symptoms that a disaffected spirit actuated the peasantry became evident — and although the priests laboured hard to lead the resident gentry to believe that no danger was impending, and the people by thousands swore allegiance in the chapels and expressed open attach- ment to the Government, there is too much reason to conclude, that the plot had been long in preparation, and that the ferocious spirit which marked the proceedings of the insurgents, was not the wild ebullition of a resentment produced by injudicious severity, but the fruits of a long-cherished antipathy to those who dissented from them in faith. There is no doubt but violent measures produced great exasperation, and that possibly, a conciliatory policy might have averted the out- IRISH REBELLION. 87 break altogether. " Not above sis hundred men, at most, of the regular army or militia were stationed in the county, the defence of which was almost abandoned to the troops of yeomen and their supplementaries. The magistrates in several districts employed themselves in ordering the seizure, imprisonment, and whipping of numbers of suspected per- sons. These yeomen, being Protestants, prejudiced against the Ro- manists by traditionary and other accounts of the former cruelties that sect committed, fearing similar cruelties in case of insurrection, and confirmed in this fear by papers found in the pockets of some prisoners, containing some of the old sanguinary doctrines of the Romish church, which authorized the extermination of heretics, acted with a spirit ill fitted to allay religious hatred, and prevent any feeling to rebel."* Until Saturday, the 26th of May, the flame of rebellion remained smouldering — ^but on that evening, John Murphy, the curate or coad- jutor priest of Boulavogue, gave the signal for a general rising which was too fatally responded to. A fire lighted on the hill of Corrigrua was answered by another kindled on Boulavogue, and the rapidity with which the volcano burst appears almost incredible, t Nothing could be more ferocious than the church-militant career of this savage man. J Every Protestant house in the parish of Kilcor- mick, was reduced to ashes— and such of their unfortunate owners as could be seized were ruthlessly destroyed. These outrages proceeded entirely from a truculent disposition — for mostly, his victims, were men who offered no opposition — and when rashly attacked at a place called the Harrow, he beat off the Camolin cavalry, and killed Lieutenant Bookey, who commanded it. Whether the demon spirit wliich Murphy afterwards exhibited, had been provoked or not, is a matter of controversy — some say that his * Gordon's History. •(■ The following painful instance of the effect of terrorism on a feeble mind is recorded by Gordon: — " On the morning of the 23rd of May, a labouring man, named Dennis M'Daniel, came to my house, with looks of the utmost consternation and dismay, and confessed to me ijiat he had taken the United Irishman's oath, and had paid for a pike, with which he had not yet been furnished, nineteen- pence-halfpenny, to one Kilty, a smith, who had administered the oath to him and many others. While I sent my eldest son, who was a lieutenant of yeomanry, to arrest Kilty, I exhorted M'Daniel to surrender himself to a magistrate and make his confession ; but this he positively refused, saying that he should in that case be lashed to make him produce a pike which he had not, and to confess what he knew not. I then advised him, as the only alternative, to remain quietly at home, promising that, if he should be arrested on the information of others, I would represent his-case to the magistrates. He took my advice; but the fear of arrest and lashing had so taken possession of his thoughts, that he could neither eat nor sleep, and on the morning of the 25th, he fell on his face and expired in a little grove near my house." i " His father was a petty farmer at Tincurry, in the parish of Perns, where he was educated at a hedge-school, kept by a man of the name of Gun. It appears by his testimonium and diploma, that he received holy orders at Seville, in Spain, in the year 1785, and probably graduated there as a doctor of divinity, as he assumes that title in his journal, which was dropped in his retreat from Vinegar-hiU., and found by Captain Hugh Moore, of the 5th Dragoons, aide-de-camp to General Need- ham. ' ' — Mnsgrave. 88 HISTOUY OP THE house and chapel had been burned before he took the field — and others as positively deny it. In searching through the evidence on record dispassionately, I incline to the latter opinion — for when his house was burned, the furniture had been previously removed and hidden in a sand-pit — and when his vestments were brought from the same con- cealment, the leader of the loyalists observed, in reply to some insulting remark, " Punish the rebel if you can — ^but offer no mockery to his religion." It would be a disgusting detail to dwell upon the varied outrages which marked the first burst of the Wexford insurrection. It will be sufficient to instance an isolated case or two — and the extracts, abridged from Musgrave, and accredited beyond disbelief, will indicate alike the lengths to which desperate courage will extend, and depicture the misery entailed on individuals, when social order is dissolved, and countrymen are banded against each other. "When Lieutenant Bookey set out with his troop, he left a guard iu his house, consisting of five Roman Catholic servants, and two Protes- tants, named Ward and Hawkins. Between twelve and one o'clock in the morning, about five hundred rebels, headed by Father Murphy, surrounded the house of Eockspring, on which the five servants deserted, and the two Protestants were left alone, with four guns, to defend the house. The rebels called to them to deliver up their arms, but the dis- charge of their muskets was the reply — and they continued to load and fire with all possible celerity. The rebels, incensed at their spirited conduct, threw stones at the windows, fired into them with their mus- kets, and at last broke open the front door with a sledge. " The rebels having entered the house, got lights, and assembled in the hall, on which the two defenders ceased firing, and placed them- selves on the head of the stairs to prevent their foes from ascending. Father Murphy ordered some of his men to go up-stairs and ascertain who the persons were that had the audacity to oppose him; and having hesitated to obey his commands, he drew his sword and threatened them instantly with death. Two of them attempted to comply, hut they were instantly shot, and tumbled back dead among their com- rades. As the last resource, the rebels set fire to the house, yet the two Protestants, with the most deliberate valour, continued to charge and fire till the floor, now a prey to the flames, began to crack under them, on which they repaired to the upper story, but even there they were scorched with the flames, and almost stifled with smoke. Having ceased firing, the rebels imagined they were suffocated or con- sumed, and that they had obtained ample revenge, and fearing that the dawn, which was not far distant, would expose them to the yeomanry of Enniscorthy, who had been scouring the country, they retreated, by which the lives of these two brave men were miraculously preserved. "As the murder of the Reverend Doctor Burrowes, rector of Kilmuck- ridge, and the burning of his glebe-house at Kyle, were marked with circumstances of peculiar atrocity, I shall give a description of them as related to me by his widow and children.* Some of his Protestant * These facts have been verified by the affidavit of his eldest son. IJdSH KKBELIilON. 89 parishioners, dreading that they would fall a prey to the sanguinary rage of Father Murphy, took refuge in the house of Kyle on Saturday evening. One Murphy, though a United Irishman, had candour, and humanity enough to inform Mr. Burrowes, about eleven o'dock that night, that his house would be attacked early next mornmg by a party of rebels — and, in consequence of this information, he, with his family and parishioners, sat up all night, and barricaded the lower part of the house, which was attacked at sunrise by about five hundred rebels. " It was vigorously defended for some time, many shots having been fired by the assailants and the besieged. At last, the rebels set fire to the out-oflices, which were quickly consumed, and soon after to the dwelling-house, which in a short time was in a state of conflagration. The rapid progress of the flames in the latter was caused by the appli- cation of some unctuous combustible matter applied to the doors and windows of the house which the rebels frequently used in the course of the rebellion. " The besieged, being in danger of sufibcation from the thickness of the smoke, resolved to quit the house however perilous it might be, and they were encouraged to do so by Father Murphy, who assured them that they should not be injured if they surrendered themselves without further resistance. Eelying on his promise they quitted the house, on which the rebels treacherously murdered Mr. Burrowes and seven of his parishioners, and gave his son, a youth of only sixteen years of age,* so severe a wound in the belly with a pike, that for some time he lay motionless and apparently dead. Mrs. Burrowes, her four children, and Miss Cliflbrd, her niece, continued for twelve hours to weep over the mangled bodies of her husband, and to console and administer relief to her son, who was in excruciating agonies, and bleeding so copiously that every moment she expected his dissolution. " The horror of the scene was heightened by the house, in a state of conflagration, discharging immense volumes of flame and smoke, and emitting such heat, that the unfortunate sufferers could scarcely endure it. All the household furniture and clothes, except what she and her children wore, were destroyed by the fire. "In the evening the sufierers repaired to a wretched inn at Oulart, about half a mile ofi', with her son, who was carried on a door. These unfortunate sufferers remained there till Tuesday, the 29 th of May, and during that time her son did not receive any medical assistance. They were escorted by a party of rebels to Castle Annesley, the seat of Mr. Clifford, above five miles off, where they were kept as prisoners till the town of Wexford was taken from the rebels." At Ferns the bishop's palace was plundered; and an anecdote con- nected with it, marks the total subversion of principle, which religious feelings, badly elicited, will produce. An orphan boy whom the bishop had found naked, and starving, at the age of seven years, and whom he had fed, clothed, and instructed afterwards, was the leader * He languished and died of that wound in the autnmn of 1800. 90 HISTORY OP THE of these marauders, shewed them everj valuable article of furniture, and assisted them in breaking open the cellar. Another and a last instance will mark the character of the people and the times. "On the 27th of May, Mr. White's house was plun- dered bynis own tenants and neighbours, who had but a short time before surrendered their pikes, and taken oaths of allegiance. Two of the former, for whom he had a strong predilection, were the first who began the pillage. One of them, named Brien,. was so great & tar- vourite with him, that though he discovered some time before, that he was concerned in the conspiracy, he merely rebuked him privately. And yet that ingrate frequently pierced the portrait of Mr. White with a pike, and lamented that he had not the original. He entered the apartment of Mrs. White, his sister, an aged lady, and told her she must quit the bouse ; and he was soon after followed by a young woman armed with a pike, who gave her the same orders."* To ordinary crimes limits are generally assignable — ^but when the relations which connect the body politic are rudely overturned, the breast becomes steeled to every feeling of humanity, and the man changes to a monster. * Musgrave. IKian REBELLION. 91 CHAPTER IX. FOEMATION OF RBBEL ENCAMPMENTS — DEFEAT AND DESTRUCTION OF THE NORTH CORK DETACHMENT AT OULART NOTICES OF THAT AFFAIR — RETREAT ON ARKLOW SUFFERINGS OF THE LOYALISTS ATTACK ON ENNISCORTHT REBELS DEFEATED — GARRISON RETIRE ON WEXFORD — OBSERVATIONS-^PRO- GRESS OF THE INSURRECTION. The first consequences of tlie Wexford rising was tlife assemblage of two large bodies of insurgents — the one occupying the hill of Oulart, ten miles southward of Gorey, in the direction of the town of Wex- ford ; the second, taking a position nine miles westward of the former j)lace, on a ridge of the Slieve Buoye mountain, called Kilthomas hill. Camps were established on the heights, and an immense number of the peasantry, including every age and sex, flocked immediately to join the rebels.* Both camps were attacked, but with results painfully different. The garrison of the little town of Carnew, consisting of nearly three hundred yeomanry, mounted and dismounted, marched boldly against the insurgents collected on Kilthomas, roughly estimated at about three thousand men. Although, with favourable ground and an enor- mous superiority of numbers, it might have been expected that an attempt to dislodge the rebels from their position would have failed, nothing could have been more successful than the attack, and the royalists obtained a bloodless victory. Here again, the unrelenting spirit of the times appeared — and a very gallant and daring exploit was suUied by impolitic severity, t The attempt to disperse the secon'd camp at Oulart was attended with consequences not only disastrous to the troops engaged, but its mischievous results caused afterwards an immensity of bloodshed. Through the imprudence of an incompetent commanding officer, a very gallant detachment were cut to pieces, while the insurgents, encouraged * The local description of a county, in which the greater eteuts of the Tvild and sanguinary outbreak of '98 were enacted, may here be apposite. From its oblong and narrow fortu, and the smuosity of its sea-coast, Wexford enjoys a greater length of it, in proportion to its quantity of square acres, than any other county, a circumstance not only favourable to commerce, but to agriculture, as the sea-sand and sea-weed form an excellent manure. It is also abundantly sup- pUed with fish and sea-fowl. Wexford is bisected by the river Slaney, which is navigable to Enniscorthy, fifteen miles from the sea. Part of the county is bounded on the west by the rivers Nore and Barrow, which unite a little above New Ross, and proceed in a copious stream to Dunbrody, where, being joined by the Suir, they run in a south-easterly direction, and, passing by Passage and Duncannon Fort, discharge themselves into the ocean at Hook Head. t " About a hundred and fifty of the rebels were killed in the pursuit, and the yeomen, exasperated by the death of Lieutenant Bookey, and other violent acts, burned two Romish chapels, and about a hundred cabins and farm-houses of the Romanists, in the course of seven miles march." —Musgrave. 92 HISTORY OF THE by accidental success, acquired a false but dangerous confidence wliich involved a fearful account of atrocity, with a reaction, in many cases to be excused, and in more to be lamented. On the morning of the 27th of May (Whit Sunday), Mr. Turner, of Newfort, arrived in Wexford, and announced that his own house had been attacked and robbed of a quantity of arras, previously surren- dered ; and that the insurrection had unequivocally broken out. The garrison of Wexford comprised a wing of the North Cork militia^ under Lieutenant-Colonel Foote ; an infantry corps, commanded by Doctor Jacob ; and a troop of cavalry under Captain Boyd. Intelligence presently came in of the murders and atrocities every- where committed in the neighbourhood, and also, of the formation of a rebel camp at Oulart. Thinking it advisable to crush the outbreak in its birth, the yeomanry cavalry proceeded to scour the country, while Colonel Foote with a detachment of the North Cork militia, amounting to 110 men rank and file, marched in the direction of the rebel camp ; and in his route to Oulart, he was joined by a troop of yeomanry cavalry under the command of Colonel Le Hunt. That addition to his force added nothing, however, to its strength, for most of the yeo- manry proved traitors. The movement was judicious and decisive, as it should have been ; but the execution shewed that in military move- ments, to plan is one thing, to effect, another. The detachment left the town at eleven in the forenoon — and brief and bloody was the his- tory of its operations.* Oulart, where the rebels took jip a position, is only some eight miles distant from Wexford, and at two o'clock in the afternoon, the royalists came in presence of the enemy. The main body was drawn up on the side of a hill, with a strong party advanced below, intended no doubt to skirmish with the troops, and embarrass their attack upon the posi- tion. In rough numbers, the insurgent force might have been set down at from four to five thousand combatants. Although the advance was made with every disregard to military caution, accident, more than determination, enabled the rebels to profit from the gross mismanagement of the force opposed to them. Gordon thus mentions the afl'air : — " Contempt of an enemy, which creates in- caution, has often proved fatal. The rebels fled at the first onset, and were pursued at full speed by the militia, who were so little apprehen- sive of resistance, that no rank or order was observed. While the * " All was solemn silence and anxious expectation! but still encouraging accounts were received of the North Cork militia, before whom the rebels were said to be flying in every direction. But this delusive hope was of short duration ; for about the hour of four o'clock, Mr. Perceval, the high sheriff, rode into town with the melancholy account of their total defeat and destruction ; and soon after, Lieutenant- Colonel Foote and one Serjeant — the wretched remains of that fine body of men — were seen pensively riding over the bridge, and approaching the town. And now the solemn silence of that awful morning was succeeded by a truly heart-rending scene. Most of the North Cork militia who fell in the action at Oulart were married men, and as soon as their fate was known, their widows and orphans ran into the streets, filMng the air with their cries, dismaying every heart, and piercing every soul with shrieks of anguish and despair." — Musgrave. IBISH REBELLION. 93 rebels were making their escape with precipitation towards the northern side of the hill, they were apprized that a large body of cavalry had been seen that morning advancing against them in the opposite direc- tion, apparently with a design to intercept their flight, and co-operate with the militia by a double attack. As the Wexfordian insurgents as yet were totally unacquainted with warfare, the onset of cavalry was, in the imaginations of many among them, more terrible than that of infantry. They therefore, ignorantly supposed the cavalry to be still in their neighbourhood ; and while Father John exclaimed that they must either conquer or perish, they turned desperately against the militia, who had now arrived near the summit, almost breath- less — and charging them with their pikes, killed the whole detach- ment in an instant, except the lieutenant-colonel, a Serjeant, and three privates."* The unfortunate commander of this most disastrous attack thus describes its calamitous issue : — " I marched to a hill called Oulart, where between four and five thousand rebels were posted. From their great superiority of numbers, it was not my intention to have attacked them, unless some unforeseen favourable circumstances would warrant that measure; however, my ofiicers were of a contrary opinion. I met here part of a yeomanry cavalry corps, about sixteen, the remainder, with their Serjeant, having that morning joined the rebels. I halted with this corps, while I sent a note by their trumpeter to Wexford, with orders for two officers and forty men to march thence to support our detachment, apprehending that the rebels, from their numbers, might intercept our retreat. Afterwards, when I joined the party, I found that they were moved forward by the officer next in command, and the soldiers cried out, that they would beat the rebels out of the field. By this movement we were immediately engaged with the rebels, who fired from behind the hedges, without shewing any regular front. We beat their advanced party from one hedge to another, which they had successively occupied and fired from, killing great numbers of them, till they retreated in mueh disorder to the main body, which consisted mostly of pikemen. I considered this a favour- able opportunity of forming the detachment, for the purpose of retreat- ing, or of receiving the enemy in a good position, and I used every exertion to effect it ; but, unfortunately, the too great ardour of the men and officers could not be restrained. They rushed forward, were surrounded, and overpowered by numbers. They displayed great va- lour and intrepidity, and killed a great number of the rebels. Of this detachment none have as yet returned to Wexford, but myself, a Serjeant, and three privates. I received a wound from a pike in my breast, a slight one in my arm, and several bruises and con- tusions." The consequences of this unfortunate disaster speedily evinced * " It appears, that the rebels were rendered bold and desperate by intoxication ; and that from twelve to fifteen of them singled out and attacked each of the soldiers, who did not resign their lives but at a dear rate to their assailants," — Mmgrave. 94 HISTORY OP THE themselves. Numbers of the peasantry, who had hitherto remaiaed neutral, repaired to the camp, and joined the rebel standard; and in the same ratio that the confidence of the insurgents increased, the spirit of the loyalists was abated. Fearful of an attack by numbers of savage men, under the intoxication of a first success, the little garrison of Gorey determined to retreat at once on Arklow ; and the movement was conceived and executed with a celerity that caused the most afflicting distress to crowds of helpkss loyalists, who, dreading the ferocity of the rebels, abandoned their homes,, and followed the retiring garrison as they bfest could.* Flushed with success, the Priest of Boulavogue now turned his atten- tion to the town of Enniscorthy,t six miles distant from his encampment, Its possession would be important — and as the garrison amounted only to about three hundred men, of whom a hundred were North Cork mi- litia, and the remainder local yeomanry, there was every reason to be- lieve that an open town, accessible in many quarters, and protected by a feeble garrison, would ofier to the overwhelming masses which should assail it, a short and unavailing defence. Accordingly, Murphy de- termined to attack the place, and he carried liis resolution into efiect early on the afternoon of the 28th of May. . ■ , From its dangerous vicinity to the rebel encampment, the garrison of the town apprehended naturally enough, that the first effort of the victorious insurgents would be directed against them, and they were obliged, in consequence, to be vigilant and prepared. The duty of pa- * "As the order to retreat was very sudden, on account of the imagined approach of a resistless and ferocious enemy, a meUncholy scene of trepidation, confusion, and flight was the consequence ; the affrightened crowd of people running in all directions for their horses, harnessing their cars, and placing their families on them with pre- cipitation, and escaping as speedily as possible from the town. The road was soon filled to a great extent with a train of cars loaded with women and children, accompanied by a multitude on foot, many of whom were women with infants on their backs. The weather being hot and dry, the cloud of dust raised by the fugitive multitude, of whom I, with my family, was part, rendered respiration difficult. The recieption which we found at Arklow was not well suited to our calamitous condition. Almost fainting with hunger, thirst, fatigue, and want of sleep, we were denied admittance into the town by orders of the commanding officer of the garrison. Captain Rowan, of the Antrim regiment; and a great part of the poorer fugitives retiring, took refage that day and night under the neighbouring hedges ; but the better sort, after a little delay, were admitted on condition of quitting the town in half an hour. The loyalists, on permission to enter Arklow, were obliged to deliver their arms at the gate of the barrack to the guard, who promised to restore them, but, instead of this, they were formed into a pile in the yard of the barrack, and burned. A man named Taylor, clerk of Camolin church, who made some scruple to surrender his arms, was shot dead by a sentry." — Gordon's History, f The town is bisected by the river Slaney, over which there is a stone bridge. The market-house, the court-house, and the principal streets, are on the north side of it. Two suburbs, called Templeshannon and Drumgoold, lie on the north side, immediately at the foot of Vinegar -hiU, a mountain close to the town. Enniscorthy is twelve miles from Wexford, iifteen from Ross, eighteen from Gorey, eight from Taghmon, six from Ferns, and nine and three-quarters from Newtown-barry. As &e tide ebbs and flows to the bridge, thie river is navigable for vessels of easy draoght of water. Before the insurrectionary outbreak, Enniscorthy was a very flourishing town. IRISH REBELLION. 95 troling and giving pickets was therefore most harassing; for three days and nights they had been continually under arms ; but though worn down and exhausted, while reports and appearances were most discouraging,* they determined nevertheless to offer a gallant defence, and nobly they realized that resolution. Certain intelligence having been received on the morning of the 28th, that the town would be attacked early that afternoon, the drums beat to arms, and the garrison took the posts previously assigned to them. The North Cork militia occupied the bridge — a cavalry corps holding the street coi^necting it with the town — while the Duffry gate hill, upon the Carlow road, was protected by the yeoman infantry. The market-house and castle, had each a Serjeant's guard allotted for its defence. The ground taken up by the yeomanry, was three or four hundred yards in front of the Dufiry gate, and on that point the rebels made their opening attack. On perceiving the yeomanry in line, the insur- gent column halted and deployed, extending largely to the right and left, to outflank the small body in their front, and cut it from the town. This done, they advanced, driving cattle in their front, and at the same time opening a heavy and well-directed fire.'t' The yeomanry replied to it with effect — ^but dreading, from the extension of the rebel wings, that they should be ultimately turned, they retired into the town, covered by a charge of cavalry, which dispersed a body that pressed them too closely, but inflicted on the gallant horsemen a very heavy loss. The suburbs and the town itself was now on fire — a number of the assailants had got in through by-ways unperceived — the rebel inhabi- tants fired on the royalists from their windows — while, repulsed from an attempt upon the bridge, the insurgents attempted to ford the river beyond the reach of the fire of the North Cork militia. Pressed by numbers totally disproportionate, the yeomanry obstinately held their ground — and although suffering heavily themselves, they cheered as they observed that their own heavy and well-supported fusilade, cut down the head of the rebel column and checked its advance. The remainder of the action, I have been assured by a gentleman himself engaged, is faithfully given by Musgrave — and he thus describes it, both at its height, and its conclusion. " The streets were entirely involved in smoke, so that the yeomen could not perceive the rebels till they were charged by their pikes. The flames from the houses at each side of the street were so great, as to unite over their heads and form an arch, by which their hair was • " From Saturday evening till Monday morning, Protestant families, in great num- bers, were coming into the town, flying from the fanatical vengeance of the rebels, and bringing their chSdren, their baggage, and their furniture, on cars," ^Musgrave. f " The rebels still advanced, firing at the same time from behind the hedges vrith a steadiness and celerity, which Captain Drury, Who had served the whole of the American war, and who was in the action that day, declared the heaviest' and best- directed he had, experienced. As the county of Wexford abounds with water-fowl, the occupatipn of a fowler is so profitable, that numbers of the lower class, of people are not only expert in the use of fire-arms, but excellent marksmen," — Hiid. 96 HISTORY OF THE singed, and the bear skin in their caps was burnt. The loyalists, bravely- disputing every inch of ground, retreated to the market-house, an open space, like a square, where they made. a determined stand, and killed great numbers of the enemy. By this effort the loyalists turned the scale, and drove the rebels completely out of the town, the streets of which at each side of the river presented an awful scene of confla- gration. While the troops were thus engaged in the south side of the town, another body of the rebels crossed the river, about three-quarters of a mile above the bridge, but were soon routed by Captain Snowe. On this occasion his men shewed great dexterity, as marksmen — seldom failing to bring down such individual rebels as they aimed at. Captain Snowe then ordered Captain Richards to charge — which he did most effectually, but with heavy loss in killed and wounded. " As a party of the rebels which came from Vinegar-hiu towards the glebe still remained unassailed, and their numbers seemed in- creasing, they were attacked by Captain Drury, with half a company of the North Cork militia, and dispersed with considerable slaughter. Thus ended an action which lasted more than three hours, fought on a very hot day and in the midst of a burning town, the disaffected in- habitants of which set fire to their own houses to annoy the loyalists, and fired on them from their windows. la this action the yeomen and Protestant inhabitants performed prodigies of valour, in support of the constitution, and in defence of their property and their families. " Captain John Pounden, who commanded the supplementary yeo- men, Lieutenant Hunt, of the Enniscorthy infantry, and Lieutenant Carden, of the Scarawalsh infantry, were killed. The latter, who had served with reputation as an officer during the whole of the American war, was shot from the window of Denny, an apothecary, it is said, by one Barnet, his servant. In the number of the killed and wounded, I have not inserted a great many Protestants who suddenly joined the troops with guns, pistols, pikes, or swords, and of whom many fell in the action. " It was generally believed, that not less than five hundred of the rebels were killed or wounded. The banks of the river, and the island in it were strewed with their dead bodies, and numbers of them fell in the streets. It was observed that the disaffected inhabitants were always ready to drag them into their houses, whenever they could get a safe opportunity, that the sight of them might not dis- courage their surviving friends. To keep up their courage, every arti- fice was used ; for even women, as if insensible of danger, were seen in the midst of the carnage, administering whiskey to their rebel friends." In this most gallant defence, the loss sustained by the garrison fell chiefly on the yeomanry and loyalists — nearly a third of the whole amount engaged were placed hors de combat — the greater proportion being slain. After the rebels were repulsed, the necessity of an instant retreat became apparent. The town was on fire, and no longer tenable by a IRISH BEBELLION. 97 garrison equally reduced in strength and numbers — the insurgents were hanging in immense force about the town — a night attack seemed almost certain — and no hope could be held out that, under existing circumstances, it could, be repulsed. A council of war wa? held-^— and after mature deliberation it was resolred to abandon tbe town, and march on Wexford by' the eastern side of the river,: by,; St. John's. "From the suddenness of the retreat, only a few of the Protestant:in-; habitants could, accompany the ti:oops — and they could carry with them no other comforts or necessaries,! but' the. apparel which, they wore. Imagination cannot form a more tragic scene than the me-- lancholy train of fugitives, of whom some were so helpjess from their wounds, from sicliness, the feebleness ofold age. or infancy,, that they could not have effected their escape had not the yeomen cavalry mounted therii'on their horses. Some parents were reduced; to, the dreadful necessity- of leaving their, infants in, cottages' on the road^side,. with but a faint hope of ever seeifag them again." * , ' > . ■ The rebel entrance of the town, was marked by the atrocities of; a barbarous forcejirritated by resistance, arid, now excited by the acci- dental success which circumstariees had given them. I recollect having heard an old Peninsular 'officer frequently remark, that the morn- ing after San' Sebastian had been carried by assault, forcibly recalled that of EnnisGorthy to his recollection.t He was then a boy,' and had been left behind when the royalists retreated;.and had been harboured and kindly protected by a Roman Catholic family, who remained in the town during its occupation by the' insurgents. Immediajtely after obtaining possession of Ennisoorthy, the rebels proceeded to form' an extensive , encampment On Vinegar-hill, from which, the -town was afterwards garrisoned by reliefs, sent down from head-quarters on the mountain.' Immense; numbers- of j the peasantry flocked to this camp; and in" a few days it -was 'believed that fully 10,000 men were .there collected. . As this was the point on which the insurgents cpncentratedin greater force and for a longer time, than on any, other during the brief period that elapsed from, the epieute. to. its final , suppression, — and as it was also, unhappily the scene, were" its atrocities recorded, that, .would picture civil war in. revolting colours, which may be.fancied but not detailed — it may be interesting here, to describe its local position, and the appearance it then presented. , , ■ ' . In a military point of view' Vinegar^hiU' is strong. High 'ground^, gradually rising, are crowned by a cone of bold ascent^while the country beneath, being. cultivated.fields;as divided .into .numerous enclo- sures, and .intersected by 'stone walls, hedges, and trenches. On the apes '■•',,. It. '■) "•'= Musgrave. - . , , ' ..'..:..■•,/ t " The town, the morning after the rebels !got possession of it, .presented a dread- ful scene of cai-nage and conflagration ; many bodies were lying dead in the streets, and others'groauing in the agonies of death ; some parts of the place were entirely consumed, and in others the flames continued to rage with inextinguishable fury. No less than 478 dwelling-houses and cabins were burned in the town and its suburbs, besides a great number of stores, malt-houses, and ont-ofiice!,." — Mtngrave. H 98 HISTORY OP THE of the hill stood the ruins of a windmill — and round the upper height some rude field-works were thrown up, as well aa on a lower ridge which the rebels occupied as part of their position. For defence by irregular troops, who trusted rather to numbers than to discipline, Vinegar-hill was particularly favourable — for the numerous enclosures afforded safe cover for skirmishers, who could with perfect impunity severely annoy any columns advancing to assail the hill, and oblige an enemy to feel his way with caution. Good roads wound round the base of the position, and a command of the Slaney added to its military value. Its local appearance was singular and picturesque, and perfectly in keeping with a wild and guerilla-sort of warfare. Although the wea- ther was particularly hot, and night but nominal, a part of the insur- gents placed themselves under cover, and the position exhibited rather the varied colouring of an Indian camp, than the dazzling whiteness of " the tented field." Wattles- — as thin and flexible poles are tenned in Irish parlance — were overhung with blankets, table-cloths, chintz furniture, and window-curtains, plundered from the surrounding neigh- bourhood — while in the centre, from the top of the mined windmill, a green flag " dared the battle and the breeze." A few guns and swivels were rudely placed in battery — and in whatever else the rebel execu- tive might have been deficient, their commissariat was carefully attended to.* A local board of field officers assembled every day — and * The detail of tlie rebel commisEariat may be interesting, and Musgrave's is a graphic sketch : — Commissaries were appointed in every parish to provide provisions for the camp according to the directions of the committee or the commander-in chief, and each of the commissaries had a certain number of pikemen under bis command. The commander-in-chief at each camp gave written orders to the commissaries to supply the different rebel corps or individuals with provisions, of which I give the reader copies of some originals which fell into my hands. " The commander-in-chief requests Commissary Brennan to give bread for forty men to Captain Devereux's corps. " June 15th, 1798. "Roche." " Mr. John Brennau, " Please to send dinner for twelve men belonging to Jeremiah Fitzhenry. " 18th June, 1798. ■ " Roche." " Permit Tom Harper and another man to pass for food for eight men to Com- missary Brennan. " June 19th, 1798. " Roche." Whenever any of the county commissaries sent provisions or cattle into one of the camps, they obtained receipts for them from the commissary-general, as appears by the following : "Received from Mr. John Brennan seventeen bullocks, to keep at grass till called for. " June 18tb, 1798, first year of liberty. " Stephen Myler." General Roche received the following present from a man of the name of Murphy, who acted as steward in the camp, and wished to ingratiate himself with the com- mander-in chief, as appears by the following letter : " Sir, " I have sent you a cask of wine, a barrel of beer, eighteen loaves of bread, two sheep of the best sort, one loaf of bread, and two fowls for your own use. " From your friend and humble servant, " Patbick Mdkphy, Steward." IRISH EBDELLION. 99 after their deliberations, the larders and cellars of the neighbouring gentry, were put into extensive requisition. Vinegar-hill was better provided with rude accommodations, than any of the insurgent stations.*— for the heights on which the rebel masses herded were generally, mere. bivouacs, hurriedly taken up and as suddenly abandoned. " These posts they termed icampSj though they were destitute of tents, except a few, for their chiefs, while the people remained in the open air in vast multitudes, men and women promiscuously, some lying covered with blankets at hight, and some without other covering than the clothes which they wore during the day. This mode of war- fare was favoured by an iminterinpted continuance of dry and warm weather, to such a length of '' time as is very unusual in Ireland in that season, or any season of the year. This was re- garded by the rebels as a particular interposition of Providence in their favour ; and some among them are said to have declared, in a prophetic tone, that not a drop of rain was to fall until they should be masters of all Ireland. On the other hand, the same was considered by the fugitive loyalists as a merciful favour of heaven, since bad weather must have miserably augmented their distress, and caused the death of many. In these encampments or stations, among such' crowds of riotous, undisciplined men, under no regular authority, the greatest disorder may be supposed to have prevailed. Often when a rebel was in a sound sleep in the night, he was robbed by some associate of his gun, or some other article considered valuable; and hence,' to sleep flat on the beUy, with the hat and shoes tied under the breast for the prevention of stealth, was the general custom. They were in nothing more irregu- lar than in the cooking of provisions, many' of them cutting pieces at random out of cattle scarcely dead, without waiting to dismember them, and roasting those pieces on the points of their pikes, with the parts of the hide which belenged to- them still attached. The heads of cattle were seldom eaten, but generally left to rot on the surface * "On Thursday I went to Yinggar-hiU, in hopes, of getting a, protection from Father Philip Roche, a rebel chieftain — and in our way thither we saw the bodies of Mr. White and his son lying dead and naked in the lawn before his house; for the rebels would not suffer them to be buried. " In our way to Enniscorthy, we saw twelve dead bodies lying on the road ; and on entering the town, were filled with horror at beholding a greater number of them in the streets. ,,,..' " The cainp at Vinegar-hill presented a dreadful scene of confusion and uproar- A number of female rebels, more vehement than the male, were marching out to meet the army from Newtown Barry; this was a large body which Father Roche M from Vinegar-hUl to the attack of that town, which took place the' 1st of June. Great numbers of women were in the camp. Some men were employed in killing cattle, and in boiling them in pieces in large copper brewiug-pans ; others were drinking, cursing, and swearing ; many of them were* playing on various innsica^l in- struments, which they had acquired by plunder in the adjacent Protestant houses, the whole producing a most disagreeable and barbarous dissonance. " At last I met Father Roche in Enniscorthy, and he gave me a protection, not . only for Mr. M. but one for Mr. Bennett's house, in the following words, which was posted up in the haU. ' No man to molest this house or its inhabitants, on pain of death ! ' " — Bossiter's Affidavit. Mtmgrave' s Appendix — No. XX. h2 100 HISTORY OP inE of the ground ; as were often large portions of the carcases, after a few pieces had been cut away. From this practice, the decay of anima. matter was rapid — and the stench of the encampment in a few days became intolerable."* In the desultory and disunited order in which the overt acts of the rebellion occurred, it would be impossible to detail them with any thing like historic regularity. In different districts, affairs were simultaneously enacted — and it would be only to carry the reader wandering from county to county, were they narrated precisely as they occurred. We shall therefore endeavour to keep a passing picture of the insurrectionary events before the reader's eye, taking a discursive liberty not generally allowed to the historian. Before entering deeper into the particular occurrences attendant on the Wexford outbreak, one relation connected with this epoch of the insur- rection, as it took place at Enniscorthy, may be found explanatory of subsequent transactions. On the 27th of May, B. B. Harvey, J. H. Colclough, of Ballyteigli, and Fitzgerald, of Newpark — all gentlemen of property and consider- ation — had been arrested and committed to Wexford jail. On learning the occurrences at Oulart and Enniscorthy, a loyalist ofScer, Captain Boyd, waited on the prisoners on the 29th, and proposed that they should communicate with the rebel head-quarters, and endeavour to persuade the deluded peasantry to disband, resume their former occu- pations, and again return to their homes. As the mission was highly honourable to one of the misguided gen- tlemen — unfortunately afterwards a sufferer — in impartial justice, we will give it in Gordon's words: — " Colclough, at the request of Harvey, stipulated to go, on condition of being permitted to bring Fitzgerald with him. On the arrival of these two gentlemen at Enniscorthy, about four in the afternoon of the same day, they found the rebels in a state of confusion, distracted in their councils, and undetermined in any plan of operations. Some pro- posed an attack on Newtown Barry, others on Ross, others upon Wex- ford. Some were anxious to remain in their present post — ^but the greatest number wished to march home for the defence of their houses against Orangemen. But when shouts, repeated from group to group, announced the arrival of the gentlemen prisoners, as they were called, from Wexford, the straggling multitude collected into one body. The message being delivered without effect, Colclough, a man of honour, retired with the intention of re-entering his prison, according to his promise ; but Fitzgerald remained with the rebels, and marched with them that evening to a post called the Three Rocko, two miles and a half from Wexford, which town they had, immediately after the arrival of the messengers, determined to attack." The most exaggerated accounts of the rebel success spread with astonishing rapidity, and a general rising of the peasantry resulted. Immediately after the evacuation of Wexford, the insurgent army — if * Gordon. ■ nilSH REBELLION. 101 the term may be applied to an enormous mob of unmanageable men — ■were divided into three corps, each having a separate camp, a diflFerent object, and particular leaders. As is generally the case with tumul- tuary movements, the rebel armies were always under a divided command — an error pregnant with danger to troops, regular or irregu- lar — and one -which in those days was committed equally by rebels and royalists, as the slaughter at Tubberneering, a few days afterwards, fatally established. The first rebel corps, under B. B. Harvey and Father Philip Roche, encamped on the hill of Carriokbyrne, and its object was to attack New Ross. Another, under the leadership of Father Kearnes, with Doylo and Redmond, occupied Vinegar-hill. This corps was directed to seize Newtown Barry. A third, under Perry of Inch, with the two Murphys — the priests of Boulavogue and Ballycanoe — were, in the first place, desired to gain possession of Gorey, and then march direct upon the capital. The movements of the two latter corps we will describe first, giving the third of the rebel divisions a precedency. The intended operations of this last corps were ably conceived, — and there was every reason to expect, that the issue would have been successful. Gorey, Arklow, and Wicklow were slightly garrisoned, and of course, promised an easy conquest. These towns once in their possession, the insurgent route to the capital was laid open. The Wex- ford rebels had been in close communication with those of the metro- polis — and they were assured, that the latter were ready to rise on the first demonstration that should be made upon the city — while the country through which the insurgent column must have moved, was already up in arms — and therefore, every mile it marched, the rebel army would have increased in numbers and in confidence. But with ample means to have effected this grand object, the insurgent leaders, from their incompetency in employing them, failed signally even in their first essay ; and a movement from which important results might have arisen — had the direction been in abler hands— failed at the very moment that its operations were commenced. Gorey being the primary object, the rebel army moved in that direction, and took post on a hill called Corrigrua, seven miles south- west of the place ; and on the 1st of June, after occupying the village of Ballycannoe, pushed a heavy column forward to the hill of Ballyma- nane, four miles in advance, whence, after uniting with another body posted on the hiU of Ballymore, they intended to attack the town. But with excellent discretion, and certainly unbounded gallantry, the commandant of the little garrison determined to anticipate the rebels, and himself become assailant. United, he properly concluded that their attack could not be repelled, — while divided, a bold attempt might prove successful, and daring make up for an enormous disparity in number. Captain White, a yeomanry officer, commanded ; but he was ably supported by a subaltern of the Antrim Militia, named Elliot. The royalists consisted of twenty-five Antrim, and the same number of North Cork Militia men, twenty volunteer infantry, and part of three troops of yeomanry cavalry, the whole not exceeding 130 men— 102 BlSTOEY OF THE while the rebels, in position on Ballymanane, were said at a low esti- mate to have exceeded 2,000 men. The bold advance of the little garrison was favoured by accidental circumstances. Troops, detached from Dublin, had been some days expected, and "the cloud of dust, raised by the detachment from Gorey, caused the rebels to imagine that a formidable force was coming against them. Under this persuasion, they did not dii^ose themselves to the best advantage — for they might have easily sur- rounded and destroyed the little band opposed to them. They at- tempted it, however, in a disorderly manner ; but a regular and steady fire was maintained by the militia, particularly the Antrim — and the half-disciplined supplementaries, encouraged thereby, behaved with equal steadiness ; and such was the effect, that the rebels were totally routed, and fled in the utmost confusion. The cavalry, notwith- standing repeated orders from Lieutenant Elliot, through the mis- take of their officer, delayed to charge too long, otherwise a greater slaughter must have been made. The victorious party advancing, fired some houses in Bajlycannoe, and spread such a general terror, that no attempt was made against them from the post of Corrigrua; and the garrison returned safely to Gorey, with above 100 horses and much valuable spoil. " In this engagement, and indeed in all others in the beginning of the rebellion, the rebels fired too high to do execution, and only three royalists were wounded, and none killed. The number of slain on the opposite side was probably nearly a hundred. Many fine horses, which the routed party was obliged to leave behind, were killed or maimed, that they should be rendered valueless to the captors."* We have already mentioned that the capture of Newtown Bariy was the object of the second of the rebel divisions, under the command of Fa,ther Kearns, then encamped upon Vinegar-hill — and therefore, a brief description of the town will be necessary. Newtown Barry stands upon the river Slaney, at the entrance of a deep defile, surrounded on every side by steep and lotty mountains. Placed on the principal road which leads to Oarlow and Kildare, it would have opened a communication between these counties, and per- mitted the rebel columns to co-operate ; while it would also enable them to prevent the arrival of reinforcements, and the conveyance of ammu- nition to the king's troops. The acquisition of old Eoss would have given them the command of a navigable river, and secured their com- munications with the Kilkenny rebels; besides, it was well known, that the disaffected inhabitants of Munster would have risen en masse, so soon as Newtown Barry fell. On the 30th of May, Colonel L'Estrange, with a detachment of his regiment (the King's County Militia), two battalion guns, and a few dragoons, marched in, and reinforced the garrison, which then consisted of 250 yeomanry, mounted and dismounted. On the 31st, a groundless alarm was given by a beautiful young woman, who galloped into the * Gdrdon. IRISH REBELIilON. 10.3 town, and announced that the rebels were advancing. Frenzied by the horror she had undergone, in seeing two brothers put to death on Vinegar-hill under circumstances of indescribable barbarity, she had desperately jumped upon a horse, and though closely pursued, escaped from those savage hands which had massacred her kindred. On the 2nd, the rebels actually made their attack by both sides of the Slaney, advancing under the fire of a six-pounder, and one of the howitzers they had taken at the Three Eocks. The outposts being driven in. Colonel L'Estrange fearful, from the number of approaches by which the rebels could enter the town, that his garrison would be unequal to defend it, evacuated the place, as some say, to retire alto- gether, but according to others, to take a position on a high ground which commanded the town. Whether for concentration or retreat the movement was made, it equally deceived the rebels and dissatisfied the royalists. "The rebels, imagining the king's troops, intimidated by their numbers, had fied, rushed into the town, and proceeded to plunder and burn it. The yeomen, enraged at seeing their families and their property in such imminent danger, applied to Captain Kerr, who commanded the yeo- manry cavalry, to lead them on ; declaring, that they would conquer or die. He asked permission to do so, and obtained it."* Nothing could surpass the desperate gallantry of these daring horse- men — while a heavy fire of grape from the guns and a well-sustained musketry drove the rebels from the town, and enabled the cavalry to act. For three miles, the pursuit was continued by the Enniscorthy road — and although the rebels disbanded, and the country was favourable for retreat,t 400 were killed or wounded, including ia the former list two leaders. After this double defeat, the rebels remained inactive in their camp at Corrigrua, while the arrival of General Loftus at Gorey, with 1,500 men and five pieces of cannon, encouraged the royalists to take the ofifensive at once, and deforce the enemy from the position they still retained. A combined attack on the hill of Corrigrua was consequently determined on — and from the means in hand, nothing could have been wanting to secure positive success, but the imbecility of one leader, and the gross ignorance of a subordinate. Before the unfortunate result shall be related, a connecting narrative of the previous movements of the royalists will be found necessary. * Musgrave. f " The hardiness and agility of the labouring classes of the Irish were on this, and other occasions in the course of the rebellion, very remarkable. Their swiftness of foot, and activity in passing over brooks and ditches, were such that they could not always, in crossing the fields, be overtaken by horsemen — and with so much strength of constitution were they found to be endued, that to kill them was difficult, many, after a multitude of stabs, not expiring until their necks were cut across. In fact, the number of persons who in the various battles, massacres, and skirmishes of this war, were shot through the body, and recovered afterwards from their woundsj has greatly surprised me." — Gordon. 104 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER X. TOWN OP WEXFORD — DETACHMENT OF THE MEATH KEGIMENT CUT TO PIECES WEXFORD EVACUATED — WALPOLe's DEFEAT AT TUBBERNEERING — LOFTUS RETREATS ON CARNEW. We have already given a topographical sketch of the county of Wex- ford, and as the town of the same name acquired a melancholy celebrity, a hurried notice may be acceptable. We give the description of the place as it was — regardless of the changes and improvements which nearly half a century have since effected. With a very fine wooden bridge, erected by the celebrated Cox, a new church, and the ruins of several monastic buildings, in '98, the capital of that troubled county was thus described : — Wexford, a sea-port, and corporate town, was rather populous for its size. It was the chief in the county, and the third largest in the pro- vince of Leinster— governed by a mayor, recorder, and bailiffs — a shire and assize town — and giving the title of earl to the noble family of Talbot, Earls of Shrewsbury in England. It also then re- turned two members to Parliament. Wexford is seated on a bay in the Irish channel, at the mouth of the river Slaney — the harbour, though capacious, shallow — and formed by two necks of land, with an entrance half a mile broad, formerly defended by two forts — one at the extremity of either isthmus, and called fort Margeret, and fort Eosslare. As its entrance is obstructed by sand-banks, ships drawing more than ten feet water seldom enter — but those of greater magnitude load and un- load three miles from the town, near the south side of the haven, where there is sufficient depth of water, but no shelter from the south winds. Wexford was originally fortified by the Danes — ^but improved and en- larged by the first English settlers in the twelfth century, who took it from the Easterlings, after a siege of four days, on the 4th of May, 1170. It was besieged by Cromwell, the 1st of October, 1649, and taken by storm, when Sir Edward Butler, the governor, and 2,000 soldiers, were put to the sword. Large vestiges of the town- walls were, at the period of the insurrec- tion, still visible, and the four gates were almost perfect. The consequence of the place — its dangerous proximity to the rebel encampments — ^the taking of Enniscorthy — and the defeat at Oulart of Colonel FoOte, suggested the necessity of reinforcing the garrison of Wexford, then consisting of some 300 of the North Cork Militia, and about the same number of yeomanry, horse and foot. For this purpose Lieutenant- Colonel Maxwell was detached from Duncannon Fort, with 200 of the Donegal Militia, and a six-pounder. The colonel reached Wexford the same evening, and finding the insurrection had extensively broken out, apprized General Fawcett of the fact. Maxwell's reinforcement not being deemed sufficient, "a gentleman named Joshua Sutton IRISH REBELLION. 10/5 carried a letter from the mayor of Wexford to the general, requesting an additional, force ; and returned with the exhilarating answer, that the general himself would commence his march for Wexford the same evening, with the 13th regiment, four companies of the Meath Militia, and a party of artillery with two howitzers." On the receipt of this intelligence, Colonel Maxwell, leaving the five entrances into the town guarded by the yeomanry and North Cork Militia, took post with his men on the Windmill-hill above the town, at daybreak on the morning of the oOth — with a resolution to march against the enemy on the arrival of the troops expected from Duncannon. S"awcett marched — but instead of moving bodily on Wexford, he had the unpardonable folly to push forward seventy of the Meath Militia with the howitzers. At Taghmon, Captain Adams, who was in command, expected to have been joined by Lord Bective, with four companies of his regiment, and two companies of the 13th — ^but they had not arrived — and misled by false assurances, he continued his march at midnight. The consequence of this rash movement may be anticipated. When under the rebel encampment on the Forth mountain, three miles from Wexford, the troops were assailed under every disadvantage that night and enormous numbers could give. The infantry became panic- stricken — the artillery horses, unused to fire, carried off the limbers — the detachment was cut to pieces — and the howitzers were lost. The ofiicial report from one of the few survivors, thus details the injudicious and calamitous occurrence : — " On Tuesday, the 29th of May, I left this, with two howitzers, one corporal, and seventeen gunners, sixty-six privates of the Meath regi- ment, and four officers, under the command of Captain Adams. At Taghmon we understood we were to be reinforced by eighty of the 13th regiment, under Major Scott, and four companies of the Meath, under Lord Bective, from Waterford. Major-General Fawcett joined us — but the other troops not arriving, we proceeded on our march to Wex- ford. We were given to understand by every one we met on the road that we should meet with no opposition between us and Wexford; and having no suspicion that the rebels were assembled so near, we were not ordered to take any precautions against surprise. Within four miles of Wexford, we perceived ten or twelve men assembled on a hill, on which we prepared for action ; but after remaining in that situa- tion some time, perceiving no further appearance of opposition, we were ordered to limber up and move forward. Having proceeded some distance, at the foot of a high mountain we were suddenly at- tacked by several thousands of the rebels, who with loud shouts opened a sharp fire, on all sides against us. Before they commenced firing they hoisted a white flag and two or three hats on very long poles for a few seconds. After the first discbarge, the militia betook themselves to flight, having thrown away their arms — while we attempted in vain to prepare again for action, — ^but the horses, not trained to fire, grew furious and unmanageable, so that it was impossible to do any thing; and wo were thrown into such instant confusion, by the sud- den flight of the infantry, we found it utterly impossible to spike tho 106 HISTORY OP THE howitzers. Three of the Meath oiEcers, with most of their men, were killed, and one taken. On our part, besides the howitzers, four gun- ners were killed; one corporal and eleven gunners taken, two of whom were afterwards killed at Boss ; the rest have arrived here safe; and two gunners and myself escaped." * The terrible consequences which arose from these two unfortunate mistakes — namely, that of Oulart, and the one we have just described — led to the most disastrous consequences. The wildest hopes were en- gendered in the rebels — the gloomiest anticipations disheartened the well-affected — while, with fancied impunity, truculent ruflSanism rioted to its bent. Wexford had been put into a posture of defence — ^for, notwithstand- ing the general disaffection of the inhabitants, still the loyalists prepared to offer a brave resistance. The streets were roughly barricaded — -and a small but spirited garrison was rendered more confident in their power of resistance, when Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell marched in on the evening of the 29th of May, with 200 good troops, and a corps or two of yeomanry. That state of confidence and security was brief. The next morning brought tidings of the destruction of the Meath detach- ment, and harbingered coming scenes of violence and bloodshed.. As soon as Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell was informed of the event, he marched with 200 of the Donegal regiment, and about 150 yeo- manry cavalry, to support the 13th regiment, who were expected that morning at Wexford. When he arrived at the foot of the Forth mountain, near the place where the detachment of the Meath regiment had been cut to pieces, he was attacked by a numerous body of rebels, who maintained a heavy fire on his party, from behind the rocks, hedges, and houses, which lay at the foot of the mountain; and discharged a few ineffective shots from the howitzers which that morning had been taken. For the purpose of embarrassing the troops, they drove a number of horses along the road, which, in some measure, produced the desired effect ; while the confusion was increased by the precipitate retreat of the cavalry, who, pent up in a narrow road, where they could neither form nor be serviceable, and at the same time were exposed to a heavy fire, had decided on retreating, and went off precipitately towards Wexford. On seeing this, a great body of the rebels rushed down from the mountain, with a view of cutting off the remainder of the troops, which they would have effected, had not the Donegal regiment repulsed them by a heavy and well-directed fire. At last. Colonel MaxweU, perceiving that he would risk much, and that no possible advantage could be derived from maintaining his post against so great a superiority of numbers, ordered a retreat. In this action, Lieutenant-Colonel Watson, formerly of the 65th regiment, who had retired to Wexford, but volunteered on the occasion, lost his life— and a few privates of the Donegal were killed and wounded. The unfortunate issue of an attempt, which, had it been seconded as Colonel Maxwell had every reason to believe it would have been, * Letter from Lieutenant Birch to Major Stewart, dated Cuncaimon Fort, 23rd Jnly, 1798. IRISH REBELLION. 107 miglit have produced diflferent consequences, was followed by the ordi- nary results which attend upon military blunderings. A town, domi- neered by hills, filled with disaffected inhabitants, surrounded by 20,000 men, and held by a garrison not exceeding 600, was considered noi defensible — and the commanding officer at once perceiving the danger of remaining, very properly determined to retreat. The movement by part of the royalists was most irregularly executed. The North Cork Militia and yeomanry quitted their posts before the order to retire had been given; and hence the troops took a divided route, an- noyed by the rebels ia the town,* and afterwards attacked at disad- vantage. Maxwell marched direct on Dunoannon, fighting his way at Maglass through a numerous party of insurgents, who, in a strong position, determinately opposed him — while the other section of the garrison, taking the sea-road, were indebted for their partial escape, ^ to circumstances as accidental as they were unmilitary. The story of the movement is curious as a military detail — and proves how entirely the fortune of a retreat is dependant upon him, by whom it is directed. "About seven miles from Wexford, Captain Snowe, who commanded, overtook Mr. John Colclough and his wife in a phaeton ; and as he, from residing in that country, and from being a rebel chieftain, had great influence there, the captain resolved to detain him as a hostage, to prevent any attack from being made on his detachment in their re- treat. During their march, large bodies of rebels frequently appeared beliind the hedges, ready to oppose them ; and whenever that happened. Captain Snowe obliged Mr. Colclough to stand up in his phaeton, as a token of amity; while at other times Mr. Colclough merely waved his hat in the air, on which the rebels dispersed, evincing the greatest respect for his authority. "He had been liberated the day before at Wexford, and said he was going to his house at Ballyteigue, in the barony of Forth, though, in fact, he was proceeding to join the rebels ; yet, with singular dissimu- lation, standing in his phaeton, he drank the king's health, and said, I ' Captain Snowe, remember that I am a loyal subject : I was commit- ted on a charge grounded on the malicious information of a villain.' "Next day Mrs. Colclough entered Wexford triumphantly, then in possession of the rebels — her phaeton being profusely decorated with green emblems."+ The retreating troops compelled Mr. Colclough to accompany them to the river Scarpass, where the tide being full and the stream impass- able, they were under the necessity of making a detour of at least ten miles. ' It would appear that their hostages had indeed been guardian * " Such was the zeal of the rebels, that some of them endeavoured to seduce the soldiers of the Donegal regiment during the short time they were in Wexford ; and one of them, in the suburb through wWch they retreated, brought to his door two loaded muskets, to fire at the column when they were at some distance, but a Donegal soldier, whom he did not perceive, happened to be near, and shot him." — Musyrave. t Musgrave. i08 HisTony or the angels on the occasion — for soon after their departure, a very disgraceful scene marked the termination of an ill-conducted and unsoldierlyretreat.* "About six miles from Duncannon Fort, when it was extremely dark, they were attacked and fired on in the rear, by a party of rebel horse commanded by John Murphy, of Loughnageer, who afterwards headed the Rossgarland corps of rebels, and was concerned in the burning at ScnUabogue. The soldiers, after firing a few random shots, were panic-struck, and fied to Taylor s-town bridge ; on which having thronged in great numbers, they were severely exposed to a heavy fire from the rebels, who were posted on an adjacent furze brake on a hill. "Many persons were killed on the bridge — and among them two wo- men, one a soldier's wife, the other a beautiful young girl, the daughter of an Enniscorthy loyalist, who was retreating from that ill-fated town. "About fifty of the North Cork Militia and the yeomanry were taken prisoners, and a good many were killed."+ The succession of military mistakes which led to the abandonment of Wexford, produced consequences more morally than politically mis- chievous. The peasantry, hounded on by truculent priests and ferocious partisans, committed every enormity which can be imagined — while the royalists and yeomanry emulated this abominable cruelty, and, under the name of loyalty, too frequently perpetrated wanton and savage reprisals. Confidence between men was ended — and while the rebel dissimulated to obtain his end — the royalist, shielded by the hand of power still predominant, robbed and slaughtered " in the king's name." On both sides there was violence and treachery. It was an unholy contest — and while Popish massacres were revolting, it cannot be denied that Protestant atrocities were neither " few nor far between."! It is necessary here, as a connecting link in the history of the opera^ * Musgrave. t The disorderly retreat of the army, and the capture of the remaining loyalists when Wexford was occupied by the rebels, is thus mentioned by Gordon: — " I am sorry to have to add, that the troopa in their progress, on this occasion, through the baronies of Forth and Bargay, are said to have proceeded in such dis- order, that in case of pursuit, which was very strenuously advised by one of the rebel chiefs, they might have been destroyed ; while, from the devastations com- mitted in their way, by burning the cabins and shooting the peasants, they augmented the number and rage of the insurgents, who took possession of Wexford without opposition. A great number of loyalists in the town, who had not escaped with the retreating army, endeavoured to crowd on board the vessels in the harbour and take refuge in Britain. But of these only a few effected their purpose, for most of the vessels, being manned by Romanists, when the town was observed to be in possession of the rebels, returned to the quays from the mouth of the harbour, and relanded their unfortunate passengers." t " An occurrence after the battle, of which a son of mine was a witness, may help to illustrate the state of the country at that time : — Two yeomen coming to a brake or clump of bushes, and observing a small motion, as if some persons were hiding there, one of them fired into it, and the shot was answered by a most piteous and loud screech of a child. The other yeoman was then urged by his companions to fire — but he being a gentleman, and less ferocious, instead of firing, commanded the concealed persons to appear, when a poor woman and eight children, almost naked, one of whom was severely wounded, came trembling from the brake, where they had secreted themselves for safety." — Iliid. IRISH EEBELLION. lOS) tions of the royalists, to introduce the most disgraceful episode of the war. We allude to Walpole's defeat at Tubbemeering. As the details will more fully tell the disastrous story of the fatal 4th of June, it will be only necessary to remark, that Walpole was detached from Dublin to reinforce General Loftus — that on his junction he arrogated for him- self an independent command — that it was culpably acceded to — that he was ambitious to fight an action without delay — and that to oblige a minion of a Lord-Lieutenant, an attack on the rebel position, the hill of Ballymore, was planned — it being considered the safest method of gratifying " a carpet knight," whose services had as yet been confined to the duties of the drawing-room. The rest will be found after a detail of preliminary arrangements, made by the General for attacking the rebel position. At nine o'clock on the morning of the 4th of June, says Musgrave, Lieutenant-Colonel Walpole was to march with the main body of the troops, two six-pounders, and a howitzer, towards Ballymore, by Clogh, where he was to be joined by 100 men whom he had left at Carnew. The garrison of that town were then to take post at Camolin, three miles from Gorey, and wait for further orders. Lord Ancram was directed to march from Newtown Barry, fifteen miles from Gorey, with 250 of the King's County Militia, and his own detachment of dragoons, and take post at Scarawash-bridge, twelve miles from Gorey, there to observe the motions of the enemy on Vinegar- hill; and if he received no orders before the afternoon, unite with Colonel Walpole at Ferns. Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, with 200 of the Dunbarton Fencibles, and fifty of the 5th dragoons, under the command of General Loftus, moved towards Ballymore, by Ballycanoe, on the left of Colonel Walpole. These two roads diverge soon after leaving Gorey — and, at the distance of about five miles from that town, there is a communication between them by a cross road running from east to west, not far from Bally- more, where the two detachments were to have united, and then have reconnoitered the rebels. Captain Macmanus, with 100 of the Antrim Militia regiment, was posted between Gorey and Ballycanoe, near a cross road which led to Clogh, to. be ready to protect Gorey, or support Colonel Scott or Colonel Walpole, as occasion might require. Colonel Walpole was flanked on the left by the General himself, at the distance of a mile and a half. On his right, he had upwards of 100 light infantry — ■while General Loftus gave him twelve yeomen gentlemen as guides, aud kept ten for the same purpose himself. Walpole was desired to proceed with the utmost caution, and report from time to time any thing that occurred. The two roads by which Loftus and Walpole moved towards Ballymore were nearly parallel, uniting by a cross road at Clogh, which afforded easy communications. At a road to the right leading to Camolin, some rebels appearing at a distance, the propriety of forming was suggested to Colonel Walpole, or at least, it was hinted that it would be advisable to feel his way, by throwing out an advanced guard and flanking parties — but this advice was rejected, and he haughtily remarked, "that he was commanding 110 HISTORY OF THB officer." On the cross roads near Clogh, some more rebels appeared; and Captain Duncan, of the artillery, having advanced about 200 yards before the party, to have a good look-out, returned and informed Colonel Walpole that he had seen a man on horseback with a gun: adding that there was an appearance of rebels in front, and also to the right of the road, leading to Ballymore-hill. This was alarming— and on being urged to deploy and form, and directly communicate with General Loftus, Walpole replied, " that it should be his action and not General Loftus's." On being repeatedly urged to apprize the General of the presence of the enemy, he only expressed a fear lest the rebels should escape him— and with the vain glory of arrogating to himself the merit of inflicting defeat, he continued his march, and advanced to Tubbemeering. The* position chosen by the rebels for surprising the king's troops was admirably selected for that purpose, but yet it was a place where a successful attempt at ambuscade was most unlikely. Near the village of Clogh, the country, which is there flat and open, with large and spacious fields running parallel with the road, and ofiering every facility for an army to deploy and form easily if required, suddenly changes its charaoter. The road becomes deep, narrow, and intricate, with clay banks on each side, having wide ditches at their bases, and rows of close bushes on the top. The fields also, are small and diffi- cult, divided into numerous parks and separated by full-grown hedges. At this time of the year, the trees being in full leaf, and the ground occupied by rich potato crops, standing corn, and unmown grass, it afforded ample concealment for any force which chose to occupy it. Here the rebels awaited the attack of the royalists ; and the movements of the latter on the CamoUn road were soon iapparent. The rising of a dense continuous cloud of dust, gave notice that the King's troops were approaching. For security, I was placed about a hundred paces from the insurgents, who lined the hedges.f To enable themselves the better to obtain a view of the expected conflict, my guards posted me on the crest of a Danish fort, which not only com- manded the rebel position, but had an unbroken prospect of the road by which their assailants were advancing. Fortunately I had not been deprived of my telescope, and was thus enabled to remark the occur- rences of this calamitous morning with painful accuracy. A sudden angle of the road cleared the advancing military of the dust which had hitherto obscured their march, and at once I perceived that they were moving in close column, without either flanking parties or skirmishers. A few dragoons rode in front — the infantry succeeded — in the centre I perceived three or four pieces of artillery-^-and a squadron of cavalry brought up the rear. The country, as yet was open, — the troops could easily extend on the right and left of the * Many years have elapsed since a witness of that sad scene narrated the occurrence to the author. Although the sketch was introduced in a work of fiction, it was written from the lips of him who had witnessed it, and nearly in the language in which it was told — and it is trusted that its accuracy will be a sufficient apology for its introduction. » t He had been previously taken prisoner. IRISH REBELLION. Ill road — but still there was a waut of military caution in their order of inarch which struck me as being blameable — and presently, they halted. Now, thought I, the rebel plan is known; and we shall soon see this formidable position turned. I looked attentively, there was as yet no partial movement, no light troops extending, no advanced guard pushed forward. Did my eyes deceive me? — was it possible? by Heaven ! the march in close column was resumed — and, without a single precautionary measure, the doomed leader moved to his destruction. On came the royalists, and in a short time the advanced cavalry entered the fatal pass of Tubbemeering. None but a soldier can con- ceive the feelings of despair — of madness — with which I witnessed my devoted comrades enter the gorge of those enclosures, from which few should return with life, and none without dishonour. In profound sileace the rebel ambush lay concealed — not a pike glittered — ^not a man was seen — and the advanced guard rode on without suspicion. The in- fantry had now entered the defile — and as the road narrowed, the pro- gress of the column became slow and difficult. They passed, and the unhappy cause of the day's disgrace, attended by his aide-de-camp and orderlies, rode forward. Suddenly, from the enclosures, a wild yell burst forth accompanied by a stream of musketry. Colonel Walpole fell on the first fire — the confusion was tremendous — and to fight or re- treat impossible. The height and number of the fences on every side, made the ground most favourable for irregular and desultory warfare, as the long pikes of the rebels reached nearly across the narrow road — and those of the distracted soldiers who escaped the first close fire, were perforated from behind the hedges by invisible opponents. The surprise of the troops was complete — dragoons and infantry were thrown in helpless disorder on each other — and a scene of butchery ensued. The column was now completely surrounded — discipline unavailing — an attempt made by a detachment of the 4th dragoon-guards to turn the enemy's right flank failed : and although Colonel Sir Watkin Williams "Wynne at the same time advanced with the Ancient British Fencible cavalry, and retook a gun which had fallen into the hands of the rebels, the gunners having been killed or dispersed, and the horses gone ofiP with the limber, he was obliged to abandon it to the enemy. After having sustained the attack for about three-quarters of an hour, with considerable disadvantage on the part of the king's troops, and having lost their commander, and three pieces of artillery, which were immediately turned against them, a retreat began in all the con- fusion which might be expected from raw and inexperienced troops.* * " Perhaps the best description of the affair was given to me by a black man belonging to our band, who carried a musket on the occasion — ' Sare (said he) ' de army run away — de Armagh retreat;' and so it literally was. Colonel Cope, who, with a division of the Armagh regiment, was in rear of Walpole's column, on the occurrence of the disaster in front, and the consequent rushing back of the troops — coolly drew his men out of their way, and let them pass ; then forming across the road, he gal- lantly disputed every inch of it for three miles ; in fact, until the gaining the town of Gorey by the rebels caused them to cease from further pursuit, in hopes of plunder. One fine lad of Colonel Cope's detachment lost his life by a degree of rashness not uncommon. A rebel leader, bearing a green standard aflixed to a pike, was following 112 , HISTORY OP THE "The rebels pressed them hard, a general dismay took place, which would probably have been fatal to the whole of the column, had not Lieutenant- Colonel Cope, of the Armagh militia, who had been fortiinately in^the.re^r of the column, with a detachment of his own regiment, rallied and foriiiedthem on- the road to impede the progress of the enemy. To this sihaU^band of brave men, under the command of a cool and gallant officer,' the safety of those who escaped on that disas- trous day may be entirely attributed. "The column retrfeated in the utmost disorder to Gorey, ColonelCope disputing every inch', of, ground, and covering their retreat. When they arrived there, mostof the^windows were occupied by the rebels, who kept up a heavy fire,' and killed many of them; however, they forced a passage. , , ", Colonel Cope found great difficulty in leading his men through the town; for. whenever the; rebels fired at them, they imprudently rushed into the; houses' whence the shots came, and bayoneted their cowardly It is impossible to read, even at a period so remote a.s the, present day, the detail of. this massacre of gallant nien, without a feeliiig' of indignatio^n and disgust arising in the mind, against the authors, of; this sad 'and inexcusable calamity. I have used the plural number— for Walpole was not.the only culpable person-bandit is a. difficult task to award the superior degree of blame to him who caused, or to him who should have averted the misfortune. Walpole, a mere Castle attache, had been, very improperly employed to collect what- troops could; be sipaxed. from Naas, Kilculleh, and Baltinglas, to reinforce General Jioftus ; but that once. dqne,.,his particular service ended. .Instead of that, this weak and presumptuous fool not only laid claim to separate command,- but, assuming the duties of his superior, planned, ridiculous attacks, ~and finally sacrificed one of the finest detachmepts in the field. He exhibited the most disgusting arrogance and imbecility in his per- hard on tlie traces of the Armagh, and the young fellow (his name was Devine) fired at him, and he fell. Devine, anxious to secure the colour, ran back without loading his piece, when the supposed dead man, springing up on his approach,' and aid^d'hy one or two others, despatched the poor fellow with their pikes. ■ This halt of the rebels in Gorey was their ruin. Had the tide rolled on, . increasing as it must have done, there was little or nothing to stay its progress between Wicklow and Dublin j but the delay made by the rebels afforded time for the troops to rally and receive reiiifor'cements, and advance to the position oi kT)s\o^."—^MS. Journal of a Fiild Officer'. . * . * * * « * . * , " I was one of the first persons in Dublin who heard of Walpole's defeat. A young man, who had,been brought apin my father's stables, was groom to a gentle- man of fortune in JVexford, and in this capacity he attended his master, who was captain of a troop of yeomanry, on that morning. The lad rode a little distancein rear of the troops,, and on the disaster occurring, wheeled about, and made the best of his way to Dublin,^ which his horse, being a first-rate hunter,, tnabled him to do pretty quietly.. Arrived in- Dublin, he, could think of no individual with whom lie cpuld claim acquaintance but myself ; and knowing I was in the college, thither he directed his steps and found me. I have reason to think I was at the Castle ■vrith the tidings before any ofiicial information of the disaster heid reached it. " — Ibid. * Abridged from Musgrave. f~5 iV ).*^r^/# .V 1W &^fgf!5T i^ ^ ^ 1 ^ IRISH REBELLION. 113 sonal communications with his superior officer,* nor did he produce any authority that could entitle him to ask a command, so improperly con- ceded; and yet, while Loftus deplored the folly of the man, he, with full power to prevent the mischief, sank tho superiority of his rank, and allowed a Castle dangler, " That never set a squadron In the field, Nor the division of a battle knew More than a spinster," to rush on ruin blindfold, and bring death and disgrace on a most gal- lant detachment, thus culpably committed to an incompetent and intractable fool. The consequences of the slaughter at Tubberneering were precisely such as might have been expected. The royalists lost heart, and the in- surgents acquired a dangerous audacity. Every Protestant abandoned home and property in despair — and more than a thousand individuals fled from their once happy dwellings, with wives and children — and without food or shelter endeavoured to seek safety elsewhere, and obtain eleemosynary support from those who still possessed a home. In the first place, all, soldiers and civilians alike, fell back to Arklow ; but feeling themselves insecure even there, the retreat was continued to Wicklow. Walpole's destruction had nearly proved fatal to Loftus. The rebels at Vinegar-hill, in conjunction with the body on Ballymore, had ef- fected a junction— and in rough numbers, reaching from 12 to 15,000 men, had determined to carry out their former design, and move on the capital, after first securing Gorey. Loftus, at the head of scarcely three hundred men, had actually arrived within half a mile of the latter town, before he was aware that it was already in possession of the rebels. Lord Ancram, with 250 King's County Militia and two troops of Mid Lothian Fencibles, was at the moment at Carnew, and conse- quently the nearest support. To effect a junction of the two detach- ments was the best of two dangerous alternatives — the one, being to force a passage through a town already strongly occupied — the other, by a flank movement round the rebel right, to cross the mountain of Slieve-buoy, and unite with the detachment at Carnew. The latter plan was very properly adopted — its conception was good, its execution * " At their first interview, Colonel Walpole said, that he supposed General Loftus would attack the rebels next morning ; and that he hoped he would afterwards march, or permit him to march, to Enniscorthy, and after having taken that town, proceed to Wexford. " In consequence of this extraordinary conversation, General Loftus took Colonel Scott and Captain Ormsby, of the Wexford regiment, aside, and lamented that such a man as Colonel Walpole was sent to act with him, as he was known to possess the confidence of the lord lieutenant, but shewed a downright unwillingness to obey his (General Loftus's) orders. It was then settled that Colonel Walpole should not be permitted to march to Enniscorthy until they had received some information from General Eustace ; but that, as Colonel Walpole seemed so decided on attack- ing the rebels on Ballymore-hill, from his knowledge of their position, he agreed that they should do so in conjunction next morning, provided it appeared feasible pn reconnoitering it." — Muagrave, 114 HISTORY OP THE soldierly, and it was creditable alike to General Loftns and to those who effected it. To force a passage through the town would have in- volved a sacrifice of the troops — for the approach to Gorey ran through an inclosed country, divided into numerous fields, each having its fence or hedge-row. All these which commanded the road were already de- fended by rebel musquetry — while every high ground that domineered the line of march was occupied by the enemy in force, who cannonaded the troops with the howitzer and battalion guns* taken that morning from Walpole. To mask the movement was indispensable — and while Lieutenant- Colonel Scott — a steaidy and intelKgent officer — carried off the infantry , by the Camolin road, General Loftus, with fifty dragoons under Captain Corry, remained iii observation, and amused and misled the rebels. The little column marched rapidly with shouldered arms — and, never returning a shot, crossed the Slieve-buoy ridge in safety ; and almost in the presence of 15,000 insurgents, carried their guns and tumbrils over a mountain without a road, and joined Lord Ancram with scarcely the loss of a man. The possession of a town has occasionally, in both ancient and modern times, proved any thing but advantageous to the captors. Car- pua demoralized an army — Torquemada, in later days, arrested the march of twof — and to "the army of liberty" in '98, Gorey was as fatal. For five days they halted in and about the town, drinking and pil- laging — destroying property not portable — and, as at Enniscorthy, visit- ing their vengeance on the church. Had their fury been expended on the building alone, it would have been a matter of little import— but unhappily, the contest had now taken a religious colouring, so ran- * " This term frequently occurs — and even a modem soldier wiE scarcely under- stand it. At the period when the rebellion broke out, every regin.«,nt of infantry had two light six-pounders attached to it — some from the lightness of their equip- ment were called " curricle guns" — and were the rude origin of the horse artillery of modern times. As might be expected, the battalion guns were neither rapid nor brilliant in their practice. This remark, however, will be understood to apply only to these irregular gun- ners, for the Royal Irish Artillery (long since incorporated with the British) were proverbial, in those evil days, for loyalty, efficiency, and valour. One, out of a hundred anecdotes, will instance the good conduct of this admirable corps. " During the confusion and dismay," says Musgrave, " which took place among the troops, when they were surprised in the road at Tubbemeering, the gunners of the artillery, with the most deliberate cootaess, levelled one of the hedges of the road, dragged the gun into an adjacent field, and fired with excellent effect at a numerous body of rebels who were posted on a high rock, from whence, with their musketry, they had killed many of our soldiers. They drove the rebels from that advantageous position^ after having killed a number of them, and contributed materially to prevent the complete destruction of the army." t ' ' Torquemada witnessed a most disgraceful scene of riot and confusion on the part of the British. There, immense wine-stores were found and pltaidered j and it was computed, that at one time, 12,000 men were lying in the streets and houses in a state of helpless intoxication. Nor was the boasted sobriety of the French proof against the temptation which these well-stored cellars presented. On their subse- quent occupation of the town, Souham was obliged to stay his march for twelve hours — for his own corps numbered more drunkards even than that of Lord Wei- Ijnpton I" — Maxwell's Life of Wellington, IRISH REBELLION. 115 corous and sanguinary, that blood alone could satisfy party hatred and thirst for vengeance — and the best interests of the cause itself, were sacrificed to stupid and unproductive brutalities,* from which grey hairs afforded no protection, nor boyhood could claim an immunity, f * " Providentially the rebels tad too rasdiy commanders ; and those of the Wexford force being mostly priests, their attention was more divided to the interests of their church by purging the land of heretics, than to the concerns of the ' Irish Republic,' which the northern leaders had in view. Consequently, time was wasted iu collecting and piking Protestants, whioli might have been employed with far greater advantage to the cause." — MS. Journal of a Field Officer. t " A drummer, named Hnnter, of the Antrim regiment, only seme twelve years old, fell into the hanjds of the rebels in the unfortunate affair in which Colonel Walpole lost his life. He carried his drum with him — 'and when con- ducted to the town oi Gorey, with some other prisoners, being ordered to beat it, actuated by a spirit of enthusiastic loyaltyj he exclaimed, 'That the king's drum should never be beaten for rebels ;' and at the same instant leaped on the head and broke through the pai'chment. The inhuman villains, callous to admiration of an heroic act even in an enemy, instantly perforated his body with pikes."— Mbsj^totc. t 2 116 HISTORY OP THE CHAPTER XL . BATTLE or K0S3 — MASSACKK AT SCULlABOQnE. The operations of the rebel armies which we have already de- tailed — namely, the attempt on Newtown Barry by the corps under Father Kearns, and that on Gorey by the insurgents under the two Murphys and Perry of Inch, with the intervening occurrence of Wal- pole's defeat at Tubberneering, must be connected by a simultaneous transaction, probably, in military importance, the most interesting which marked the outbreak. The strongest of the insurgent corps had assembled on the hill of Carrickbyrne, under the chief command of Bagenal Harvey, with Father Eoche acting " en second." Their encampment was six miles from the town of Ross,* of which it was their first and greatest object to obtain possession. The dangerous proximity of the rebel host had caused alarm for the safety of the town, and, consequently, the garrison had been strengthened. On the 5th of June, the County Dublin Militia, with detachments from the Clare, Donegal, and Meath Militia, 5th Dragoons, Mid-Lothian Fencibles, and English artillery, occupied the place ; a force amounting to 1,400 men of all arms, of which 150 were yeomen. General John- son commanded. On the evening of the 4th of June, the rebel camp at Carrickbyrne broke up,f and the insurgents moved bodily to Corbet-hill, within a mile and a half of Ross, on which, after driving in an outpost, they bivouacked for the night. The royalists, fearing a surprise, re- mained under arms : the infantry and guns in position on the southern and eastern faces of the town — the yeoman infantry holding the bridge * The town of Ross is situated on a large rivei', formed by the junction of the Nore and Barrow, which unite about one mile above it, and meeting the river Suir, at Dunbrody, runs in a south-east direction by Passage, and discharges itself into the sea, at Hook-tower, from which it is about twenty-five miles distant. The na- vigation to Ross is good^as vessels of nearly 400 tons burthen can lie close to the quay. For this reason, it was a place of considerable trade even as early as the reign of Henry V., and large quantities of corn and provisions were annually ex- ported from it. It was formerly a place of strength — surrounded with high walls, and strengthened by towers and bastions, of which there are still considerable remains. The whole of the town, except Friary-street, South-street, North-street, the quays, and the space between them and the river, is on a very steep descent. It is ten mUes from Waterford, nineteen from Wexford, and sixteen from Enniscorthy. t " A person who was forced to attend them in their march informed me, that they moved by parishes and baronies, each having a particular standard ; and that in their way they stopped at a chapel where mass was said at the head of each column by priests, who sprinkled an abundance of holy water on them." — Musgrave. IRISH REBELLION. . 117 ' — and the cavalry formed on tlie quay. Night passed however, without alarm; and it was four o'clock on the morning of the 5th, before Bagenai Harvey — who had been a few days before elected to the chief com- mand — sent a formal summons to General Johnson, which unfortunately (as some say) was not delivered. Furlong, the rebel leader who carried it, was, shot, through the ignorance of the advanced sentry, who paid no respect to a white handkerchief he waved on approaching the royal outposts. On searching the pockets of the dead man, the following cartel was found : — " Sir, "As a friend to humanity, I request you will surrender the town of Ross to the Wexford forces, now assembled against that town ; your resistance will but provoke rapine and plunder, to the ruin of the most innocent. Flushed with victory, the Wexford forces, now innumerable and irresistible, will not be controlled, if they meet with resistance. To prevent, therefore, the total ruin of all property in the town, I urge you to a speedy surrender, which you will be forced to in a few hours, with loss and bloodshed, as you are surrounded on all sides. Your answer is required in four hours. Mr. Furlong carries this letter, and will bring the answer. " Camp at Corbethil], " I am, Sir, " half-past three o'clock morning, " B. B. Habvey, "June 5th, 1798. "General commanding, &c., &c." The death of Furlong is said to have precipitated the attack, * for im- mediately afterwards, the rebels moved forward in dense masses, cheering and yelling, and directing their march directly on the Three- bullet Gate. The advance of this armed multitude — by some estimated at from 20,000 to 25,000 men — was described to me by an eye-witness, as the most singular spectacle imaginable. The irregularity of their array — partly in close column and partly in line — had the effect of displaying their enormous strength to full advantage; while the presence of several priests, who were observed flitting through their ranks, and haranguing their deluded followers with certain assurances of victory, inspired an enthusiastic fanaticism, which blinded them to danger and rendered * " The movement upon Ross shewed some head on the part of Baganal Harvey — the object being to force the principal passage of the Barrow, and, in conjunction with the insurgents of Kilkenny, bear down upon Waterford, which was then very disaffected, weakly garrisoned, and presented strong temptations in the way of plun- der. But Harvey had no idea of attacking Ross when that event took place — and there were evidently no arrangements made for it. Harvey expected, and with rea- son, that the appearance of his masses on the hills which domineered the town, would have secured the active co-operation of the Kilkenny men from the other side of the Barrow. And this would have been the case had time allowed it ; but Furlong was a popular leader among the rebels — and when he was shot by a sentinel at the out-post, the mass of the rebels, maddened by the occurrence, rushed by a sudden impulse, in a mighty but disordered torrent, along one road on the Three- bullet Gate, instead of making a combined movement on an open town, by which, facility of approach and enormous preponderance in numbei-s could not but have suc- ceeded." — M.S. Journal of a Field Officer. 118 HISTORY OF THE them additionally formidable. They pushed forward four guns, and a cloud of musketeers — some in extended order, and others heading the pikemen, whose crowded columns occupied the whole road, far as the eye could range. As might have been expected, the pickets were roughly driven in — and, in a wild rush made by the rebels on the troops in front of the Three-bullet Gate, the latter were obliged to recede, and one of the guns was captured. In turn, however, the troops rallied, and drove back the insurgents — and perceiving their unsteadiness when mobbed together in the repulse. General Johnson ordered the 5 th Dragoons to charge. For cavalry effect, the ground was totally unsuited — the numerous fences enabling the rebels to avoid the charge— while, pro- tected themselves, they inflicted a heavy loss on men, who very gallantly, but very ineflfectively, had thus assailed them at disad- vantage.* An entrance to the town was gained — and while some of the rebels fired the houses, the others pushed forward towards the bridge. But the advance, by Neville-street, was swept by the steady fire of a gun placed in the market-place, and which looked directly down the approach. Notwithstanding the murderous fire which fell on a dense mass of men, wedged together in a narrow street, and which shore the head of the column down as frequently as it came forward, others succeeded those who fell, and fresh numbers momentarily appeared. The troops, terrified at the armed crowds who swarmed through the Three-bullet Gate, and, maddened by ebriety and fanaticism, seemed rather to court deathf than avoid it, at last, despairing of offering a longer resistance, retreated across the bridge. Virtually, the day was lost — for although part of the royalists still held most gallantly a position in the vicinity of the Three-bullet Gate, had the insurgents followed up their success, a total and a bloody de- feat of the king's troops must have been unavoidable. But, once within the town, drink and plunder engrossed the attention of the majority — ^while the admirable gallantry of that brave old man who commanded the retreating royalists, retrieved the fortunes of the day. Crossing to the Kilkenny side, General Johnson rallied the fugitives * Musgrave narrates the very smgular escape of the officer who commanilecl the cavalry : — " When Captain Irwine was approaching the Three-bullet Gate from the last field, a twelve-ponnder posted there was fired, and kiUed his horse, which, falUng on his leg, prevented him from moving, at the same time that our troops in that quarter liad retired witliin the gate, Mid were retreating towards the bridge, and the rebels had advanced witliin a few yards, and would have killed him, but that they were en- gaged in taking possession of the gun. In that critical moment, an artillery horse happened to galbp by, and so near him that he laid hold of one of the traces, and was dragged into the town, by which his life was saved." t One rebel, emboldened by fanaticism and drunkenness, advanced before his comrades, seized a gun, crammed his hat and wig into it, and cried out, "Come on, boys! her mouth is stopped." At that instant the gunner laid the match to the gun, and blew the unfortunate savage to atoms. Incredible as this instance of savage ignorance may appear, the fact has been verified by the affidavit of a person who saw it from a window. IRISH REBELLION. 119 and urged them to follow him once more. " Will you desert your general ?" he exclaimed to the disheartened militia ;* but this appeal was coldly heard. " And your countri/man too?" he added. Thechord of national honour was touched — a cheer answered it — the old man wheeled his horse round, and. riding in front, brought back his rallied troops to the fight — and rejoining the few who still held the post beside the Three-bullet Gate, announced that a large reinforcement had just arrived from Waterford. When the fortune of a doubtful day is in the balance, a feather turns it frequently. Such was the case at Ross. The troops cheered, and plied their musketry with additional spirit and excellent effect — and turning the rebel rear, put their massive column into a confusion which proved irretrievable ; and at last, with desperate slaughter, drove them fairly from the town. The exhaustion of the garrison, prevented any thing being attempted beyond a brief pursuit in the direction of Corbet-hill — while the rebels made no effort to rally and renew the action, but went off dispersedly, some, to their old camp at Carrickbyrne, and others, to a new position, which they had taken on a height called Slieve-Keilter, some four miles' distance from the town. In this — the most sanguinary and hardly-contested action of the insurrection, commencing at five in the morning, and ending at three in the afternoon, the loss on both sides was immense, f although, in gross numbers, wholly disproportionate. Musgrave states the rebels killed to have exceeded 2,500, besides the many " carried off on cars." Probably, an abatement of a thousand would give a fairer and more correct account. Before the walls — between the Three-bullet and Bunnion Gates — and in the cross lanes and streets which led directly to the market-place, the slaughter was enormous. * It appeared that the rehels had been induced to think that the militia regiments at Ross, from being almost entirely composed of Romanists, would have either joined them in the action, or oJFered a feeble opposition. The Clare regiment was con- sidered friendly — and the Dublin County were believed not particularly loyal or tiTist-worthy. " Be this as it may, their colonel. Lord Mountjoy, was heading them up the street leading to the Three-bullet Gate, when he met his death, and the attachment which his men bore him, superseded every other feeling but a desire for revenge. Although they had retired at first before the torrent, they rallied instantly, and shewed no appearance of disaffection afterwards, but fought stoutly at Vinegar- hill. Lord M. was riding a little way a-head of the regiment, when he was shot from a window by a baker's boy. The boy left the country for some years — but when I was in Ross, in 1838, and inquiring into matters connected with the battle, I found he had returned home, and was living in his native town unmolested. Such were the results of the fall of Furlong on the one side, and the death of Lord M. on the other." — MS. Journal of a Field Officer. f " The loss of the king's troops was one colonel, one ensign, four Serjeants, three drummers, eighty-one rank and file, and fifty-four horses killed ; one captain, one drummer, fifty-four rank and file, and five horses wounded ; one captain, three lieutenants, one ensign, two Serjeants, two corporals, seventy-two rank and file, and four horses missing. Lord Mountjoy, colonel of the Dublin regiment, who fell in the first onset, at the Three-bullet Gate, was universally lamented, as his public and private virtues had made him an object of general esteem. He was possessed of high mental endowments — an elegant scholar and a good public speaker. He had the gentlest manners and the mUdest affections imaginable — warm and sincere in friendship, and so benevolent and humane that he never harboured revenge."— JUtuffrave, 120 HISTORY OP THE In Chapel-lane the rebels lay three deep — and throughout the ap- 'proaches to the main guard, the streets were heaped with corpses. The defence of this post, and the assistance afforded to the few brave men who held it, were characteristic of the desperate fighting, which marks the uncompromising spirit that religious and political an- tipathies produce. A most gallant soldier, Serjeant Hamilton, of the Donegal Eegiment, with sixteen men and two ship-guns, indifferently mounted, were posted at the intersection of four streets, in the imme- diate vicinity of the jail. "When the troops retreated over the bridge, Hamilton was recommended to remove the spare ammunition he had in charge, and quit g, post where now he must remain isolated and un- supported. His reply was, " Never, but with life !" — and though fre- quently assailed by hundreds, he laned them literally with grape-shot, covering the approach to the guns with dead and dying men, and through every turn of a doubtful conflict, resolutely maintaining his ground. Although the leading streets were completely under his fire, the gallant Serjeant was open to attack from a narrow lane, imme- diately beside the main guard — ^where, sheltered from the cannon, the rebels could form in security ; and no doubt from that point, they would have carried the post by a sudden onset, had not a fortunate circum- stance afforded the Donegal soldiers protection from the threatened danger. The house of a loyalist called Dowesley, was in the Backhouse- lane, and occupied by the family and a lame pensioner. The part of the lane where the rebels were safe from the fire of Ha- milton's guns, was, however, commanded by Dowesley 's windows; and whenever the insurgents attempted to form and attack the main guard, a close and constant fusilade from the little garrison of the house,* drove them from a place where they had expected to find shelter while collecting for their intended attack. As fast as the muskets were discharged, the old soldier quickly re-loaded them, adding lialf- it-dozen buck-shot to the bullet — and so deadly was the fire from Dowesley's dwelling, that upwards of fifty bodies were found after the action, heaped together in the lane.t As was customary in this abominable warfare, blood did not cool * Numerous displays of individual gallantry were made by loyalists during this sanguinary action. One we cannot but record : — " Mr. Michael M'Cormick, an inhabitant of New Hoss, and formerly a quarter-master in the 5th dragoons, fought gallantly on this memorable day. His valour could not be exceeded— as he ral- lied the men over and over during the engagement. Wherever a soldier attempted to shelter himself from the heavy fire of the enemy, he would surely find him out, and drive him into the action again — in fact, he was every where, and his conduct was truly praise-worthy. Before the battle began, all the inhabitants fled over the bridge, into the county of Kilkenny, except M'Cormick's wife, who staid in town, and was employed during the whole battle mixing wine and water for the soldiers ; which must have proved truly grateful to men debilitated in the extreme, not only by hard fighting, but also from the heat of the day, and of the burning houses by which they were surrounded." — Narrative by George Taylor. t Mr. Tottenham, the proprietor of Ross, employed six carts and a great many men for two entire days, in collecting the bodies of the slain. Most of those found in the town were thrown into the river, and carried off with the tide. The re- mainder were flung into a fosse outside the town wall, and buried there. IRISH BEBKLLION. 121 down with conquest — nor, when the battle ended, was the sword re- turned to its sheath. A horrible occurrence is narrated by Musgrare — and the language in which it is expressed, savours strongly of the spirit of the times, and is not very creditable to the finer feelings of the historian. " A party of rebels," he says, " got into a very good slated house, at the upper end of Mary-street, which the soldiers having set fire to, the savages were roasted alive, and when their bodies were brought forth, presented a most hideous and disgusting spectacle." Disgusting indeed, the spectacle must have been ! But where was there a hostile encoimter during this barbarous and unholy contest, unstained by wanton cruelties on both sides ? It has been remarked before, that the royal artillery throughout the rebellion, were remarkable alike for steady bravery and incorruptible fidelity. The latter was fatally evidenced during the doubtful day of Ross. " The rebels,'' says Musgrave, " brought one of the field-pieces, which they had taken at the mountain of Forth, as far into South-street as Major Clifie's house, and one of the artillerymen, taken at the same time, was tied to it for the purpose of serving it. A fellow of the name of Forrestal made him discharge it, once with grape, and twice with round shot, at the main guard. The artilleryman, whose loyalty was unabated, elevated the gun in such a manner as not to do execution ; for with the last shot he knocked off the quoin of a house almost close to the eaves, and opposite the court-house, where the main guard was stationed. The poor fellow boasted of the execution he had done — but Forrestal drew out a pistol, and shot him through the head, say- ing, ' That is a much better shot.' " * One anecdote more deserves to be recorded. It was common with Protestants who fell unfortunately, into the hands of the southern in- surgents, to endeavour to avert their fate by pretending they were Romanists themselves — and the usual test required to prove the fact, was an order for the prisoner "to bless himself !" If he could go through the form, he might be saved — if he failed, he would, as a consequence, be butchered. During the action at Ross, a Protestant townsman had been severely wounded, and when the troops retreated over the bridge, he was left lying in the street. Seme rebels came up, and perceiving, on turning him over on his back, that life still remained, they were proceeding to pike him, when, in the agony of the moment, he suppli- cated mercy, and declared himself a Catholic. The rebels paused — "Is he a Christian?" inquired one savage of his fellow. "Bid him say his prayers," replied the second. A woman standing at a window recognized her neighbour, and knew well that he could not pass the ordeal. She rushed into the street, although a dropping fire was still maintained between the retreating loyalists and the advancing rebels — knelt beside the wounded man — whispered some Catholic formulas in his ear, which he repeated, and was saved ! What makes the anecdote * It is a pleasure to be enabled to add, that this ruifian was hanged soon after, having been already convicted of the commission oi fourteen murders. 122 HISTORY OF THE the more striking, is the fact, that the wounded man had been de- nounced previously by a fiend in the garb of woman — while another set personal danger at defiance, and saved him. The conflict at Ross might have been rendered shorter and less san- guinary, had the Roscommon regiment, which had been detached from Waterford early on the morning of the action, completed its march, and brought its timely reinforcement to the exhausted garrison. " When the first division had advanced about two mil^s on their march, they were met by some of the fugitive soldiers from the town, who informed the colonel, that the troops, overpowered by numbers and exhausted by fatigue, had been defeated with great slaughter — that they had fled to Thomas-town— and that the town of Ross had been burnt. However, the colonel, determined to do his duty, marched to a high hill over a deep defile, called Glynmore, in a straight line, about two miles and a half from Ross, whence, with the assistance of a good' glass, he saw a smoke issuing from the town, but could not discern any troops in it, from which he concluded that his intelligence had been well founded; He therefore thought it prudent to retreat."* At the time; the colonel was censured, and very justly, for not carry- ing his orders into execution. The reports of fugitives should never be attended to — as every refugee from a battle-field always endeavours to veil his cowardice by announcing a defeat. Although from the smoke of a burning town, and the haze occasioned by the firing, he might not have been able to distinguish the troops — sound, as well as sight, would indicate that the battle was raging. On a high ground, not a league distance from the scene of action, and on a calm summer's day, the booming of shotted guns must have been heard distinctly. But sup- posing that the account of the runaways were true, and the royalists had been defeated, that very fact rendered his advance the more impera^ tive, as with a fresh and unbroken battalion, he might, had he not been able to restore the battle, at least have covered a retreat. He had nothing to apprehend for himself — the road behind him was open — he might, with every respect to prudence, have pushed his light company forward, and cautiously felt hia way. A quarter of an hour would have been sufficient to ascertain correctly how the day had gone — and whether the battle were won or lost, his presence was equally important. The moral and physical effect of the arrival of a fresh regiment would have been incalculable — and the slaughter which the brave old man who won the day of Ross, would have been enabled to inflict upon the insurgents, might have gone far to quench the growing spirit of rebel- lion, and neutralize the mischief, which Walpole's disgraceful defeat at Tubberneering had so extensively occasioned. It has been said that great advantages accidentally arose from the ill- judged retreat of the Roscommon regimentf— but accident is no apology * Musgrave. ■f "The enemy, when repulsed, retired at first to Corbet-hill, whence they saw the Roscommon regiment ; and as they were ignorant of their retreat, and as the distance, obscuring the discernment of the rebels, had magnified their number, they imagined that our troops had received a large reinforcement, which deterred them from renew- IRISH REBELLION. 123 for a militarymistalce, although in war, it may do much occasionally. A movement, erroneous altogether, and opposed to every strategic principle, may possibly gain a battle, but, ninety and nine defeats will be a desperate set-off against a solitary success. The next day, the colonel moved a second time from Waterford, and reached Ross with little opposition, although, during the short interval that had occurred, the country had risen en masse. On the adjacent hills, parties of rebels were seen — and an arch of the Glynmore bridge had been partially broken — ^but the colonel planked it, and passed his guns easily across. A body of rebels who shewed themselves upon a height, gave way after a round or two from the cannon — previously murdering fifteen of the refugee militiamen, who had fled from Ross the day before, fell into these ruffians' hands, and now paid the penalty of their cowardice. With the battle of Ross, subsequent atrocities which have placed the Wexford insurrection fearfully pre-eminent in crime, were connected. One foul deed infinitely surpassed all others — and, with the massacres perpetrated by wholesale on Wexford-bridge and Vinegar-hill, has cast a stain on Irish character, that another century will scarcely re- move. One reads, almost with incredulity, of Autos-da^fe, and Eves of St. Bartholomew, and blesses God — when he finds the narrative is true — that his lot was not cast in an age of cruelty and darkness. But when he is told of scenes enacted within fifty years, and immediately be- side him, he almost blushes to think that the wolfish wretches who were the actors, bore the common name of man. It is a revolting detail that historic impartiality forces on the writer, and it shall be briefly despatched. When the rebels encamped on Carrickbyrn, they established an out- post at the house of ScuUabogue, which had Ijeen deserted by its pro- prietor. Captain King. A large barn was attached to the mansion — it was 34 feet long, 15 in breadth, and 12 in height. This outhouse, and the mansion itself, had been made a prison wherein to deposit the unfortunate prisoners, who by their loyalty, or their difference in religions faith, had incurred the displeasure of the rebels, and fell after the outbreak into their hands ; and on the morning when the rebels marched to the attack of Ross, 230 ill-fated victims were then con- fined in a building, which proved at once, their prison and their grave. A rebel guard was left to secure the captives, amounting to 300 men, under the command of three subordinate leaders, named Murphy of Loughnageer, Devereux, and Sweetman. The particulars of the butchery which took place on the fatal 5th of June, will be best understood by abstracts from evidence upon oath, given on the trials of some of the monsters implicated in this hellish sacrifice. Any ing the attack that evening. It is to be feared that it would have been fatal to the garrison, who were overcome with hunger and fatigue, and many of them sunk into a state of ebriety and somnolency. " It was also very fortunate that the Roscommon regiment returned to Waterford that night, as the rebels, who were numerous and well organized there, meditated an insurrection, imagining that Ross had been taken." — Musgrave. 124 HISTORY OF THE person who wishes for more extensive details of this most atrocious transaction, will find them duly verified in the voluminous appendix attached to Musgrave's Memoirs. The depositions of, sundry persons are briefly abridged. One who escaped the massacre, by the bribery of a rebel, and the virtue of a priest's protection, gives the following account of this horrible transaction. He states, that when the rebel army began to give way at Eoss, an express was sent to Murphy, to put the Protestant prisoners to death, as the king's troops were gaining the day ; but Murphy refused to comply without a direct order from the general. That, he soon after received another message to the same purpose, with this addition, that " the prisoners, if released, would become very furious and vindictive." That shortly after, a third express arrived, saying, " the priest gave orders that the prisoners should be put to death." That, the rebels on getting the sanction of the priest, became outrageous, and began to pull off their clothes, the better to perform the bloody deed. That, when they were leading the prisoners out from the dwelling-house to shoot them, he turned away from such a scene of horror — on which a rebel struck him with a pike upon the back, and said, he would "let his guts out if he did not follow him." That, he then attended the rebels to the bam, in which there was a great number of men, women, and children ; and that the rebels were endeavouring to set fire to it, while the poor piisoners, shrieking and crying out for mercy, crowded to the back door of the building, which they forced open for the purpose of admitting air. That, for some time they continued to put the door between them and the rebels, who were piking or shooting them. That, in attempting to do so, their hands or fingers were cut off. That, the rebels continued to force into the barn, bundles of straw to increase the fire. At last, that the prisoners having been overcome by the flame and smoke, their moans and cries gradually died away in the silence of death — and all became stiU. It was also proved on the trial of John Keefe, convicted by a court- martial on the 14th of April, 1800, on the evidence of Robert Mills, that, after the bloody work began, he saw the prisoner with a pike, the point of which was broken, and the top of the shaft or handle was bloody ; that, he carried it to an adjoining forge, whetted it on a sharp- ening-Btone,''aB4^ then proceeded to the front of the dwelling-house where they were shooting the prisoners. Among the persons most conspicuous, were the names of Fardy, Sinnot, Michell or Miscally — the latter of whom trampled on the dead and wounded bodies, and be- haved otherwise in such a ferocious manner, as to obtain from the rebels the appellation of " the true-born Eoman." William Ryan, a farmer, about three miles from ScuUabogue, had a daughter who was mistress to a gentleman at Duncannon. The rebel guards at ScuUabogue, thinking that they might extract from her some important information relative to the plans of the loyalists — as her paramour was a Protestant — or dreading that she and her friends who were Roman Catholics, might betray their secrets, sent a body of pikemen in quest of her ; but not being able to find her, they were of inisn BEBKLLION. 125 opinion that her sister Eleanor, -who lived at Mr. Rosslter's, woald answer equally well. They therefore seized and brought her to the barn — and her father shortly after having gone there with his poor old wife, to solicit her liberation, the parents and child were thrust into the barn together, and burned with the other unfortunates. No less than twenty-four Protestants were taken from the village of Tintern, about. eight miles distant, many of them old and feeble— and led in one drove to the barn, where they perished.* Thomas Shee and Patrick Prendergast were burnt in the barn, both Romanists, because they would not consent to the massacre of their Protestant masters. William Johnson, a very old man, though of the same persuasion, shared a similar fate. He gained a livelihood by playing on the bag- pipes — but was so unfortunate as to incur the vengeance of the rebels, by playing ' Croppies lie down.' William Neil, another Romanist, who suffered there, was by trade a tailor, and had worked for some time in the garrison of Duncannon. Having occasion to return to Camolin, of which he was a native, he procured the pass of General Fawcett for his protection, but it turned' out to be the means of his destruction. Having been intercepted by the rebels, who considered the pass an emblem of loyalty, they com- mitted him to the barn, with a son who happened to accompany him, and both perished in the flames. The witness, during this dreadful scene, saw a child who got under the door, and was likely to -escape, although much hurt and bruised; when a rehel perceiving it, struck his pike through it, and threw it into the flames. While the rebels were shooting the prisoners in front of the dwelling-house, a party of men and women were engaged in stripping and rifling the dead bodies ; and the prisoner, Phelim Fardy, called out to them to avoid the line of his fire (as he was busily employed in shooting the prisoners), and after saying so, he fired at a man who was on his knees, who instantly fell and expired. The barn was so limited in size, that suffocation must have soon taken place from the great number of people compressed into a space so small; for besides the burning of the thatched roof of the barn, the rebels fed it, by introducing blazing faggots on their pikes. Richard Grandy, who was present, swears that the prisoners in front of the house were led out by fours to be shot, and that the rebels who pierced them when they fell, took pleasure in licking their spears. A- gentleman present, who had a narrow escape, assured me that a rebel said he would try the taste of orange blood, and that he dipped a tooth-pick in a wound of one of the Protestants who was shot, and then put it into his mouth. Whenever a body fell on being shot, the rebel guards shouted and pierced it with their pikes.f * " They burned there several wires and some of the children of the North Cork Militia in the barn, who were Roman Catholics ; but it was sufficient to provoke their vengeance that they were connected with the soldiers of an heretical king." — Mnsgrave. t These statements are taken from affidavits which will be found in the Appendix to Musgrave's Memoirs, No. XX. 126 HISTOBY OF THE There is every reason to believe that this horrible atrocity, occa- sioned to all but the lowest barbarians who were banded with the rebel forces, feelings of alarm and disgust. Almost the last act of Bagenal Harvey, before he was deprived of his command, was the publication of a general order to restrain future acts of violence* — and he origi- nated a subscription, in which many rebel leaders joined, to pay for the interment of the poor sufferers. Eoche — not the priest, but a lay commander — issued also, a conciliatory address f — and years after- * Resolved, that aU oSScers shall Immediately repair to their respective quarters, and remain with their different corps, and not depart therefrom under pain of death, unless authorized to quit by written orders from the commander-in-chief for that purpose. It is also ordered, that a guard shall be kept in the rear of the diiferent armies, with orders to shoot all persons who shall fly or desert from any engagement, and that these orders shall be taken notice of by all officers commanding at such engagement. All men refusing to obey their superior officers, to be tried by a court-martial, and punished according to their sentence. It is also ordered, that all men who shall attempt to leave their respective quarters when they have been halted by the commander-in-chief, shall suffer death, unless they shall have leate from their officers for so doing. It is ordered by the commander -in-ehief, that all persons who have stolen or taken away any horse or horses, shall immediately bring in all such horses to the camp, at head-quarters, otherwise, any horse that shall be seen or found in the possession of any person to whom he does not belong, shall, on being convicted thereof, suffer death. And any goods that shall have been plundered from any house, if not brought into head-quarters, or returned immediately to the houses or owners, that all persons so plundering as aforesaid, shall, on being convicted thereof, suffer death. It is also resolved, that any person or persons who shall take upon him or them to kill or murder any person or prisoner, bum any house, or commit any plunder, without any special written orders from the commander-in-chief, shaU suffer death. By order of B. B. Harvey, Commander-in-chief. Francis Breen, Secretary and Adjutant. Head-quarters, Carrickbyme Camp, June 6, 1798, t TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. Countrymen and Fellow Soldiers ! Your patriotic exertions in the cause of your country have hitherto exceeded your most sanguine expectations, and in a short time must ultimately be crowned with success. Liberty has raised her drooping head ; thousands daily ilock to her stan- dard ; the voice of her children everywhere prevails — ^let us then, in the moment of triumph, return thanks to the Almighty Ruler of the universe, that a total stop has been put to those sanguinary measures, which of late were but too often resorted to by the creatures of government to keep the people in slavery. Nothing, now, my countrymen, appears necessary to secure the conquests you have so bravely won, but an implicit obedience to the commands of your chiefs ; for, through a want of proper subordination and discipline, all may be endangered. At this eventful period, aU Europe must desire, and posterity wiS read with astonishment, the heroic acts achieved by people, strangers to military tactics, and having few professional commanders. But what power can resist men fighting for liberty .' In tlie moment of triumph, my countrymen, let not your victories be tarnished with any wanton act of cruelty ; many of those unfortunate men now in prison were not your enemiep from principle, most of them, compelled by necessity, were obliged IRISH hebellion. ]27 wards, it was the greatest wish of such of the Wexford rebels as survived, to prove, that in whatever crimes they might have partici- pated largely, they were wholly unconnected with the burning of Scullabogue. * to oppose you ; neither let a difference in religious sentiments cause a difference amongst the people. Recur to the debates in the Irish House of Lords of the 19th of February last, you will there see a patriotic and enlighted Protestant Bishop (Down, and many of the lay lords) witli manly eloquence, pleading for Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform, in opposition to the haughty arguments of the lord chancellor, and the powerful opposition of his fellow courtiers. To promote a union of brotherhood and affection amongst our countrymen of all religious persuasions, has been our principal object ; we have sworn in the most solemn manner, have associated for this laudable purpose, and no power on earth shall shake our resolution. To my Protestant soldiers I feel much Indebted for their gallant behaviour in the field, where they exhibited signal proofs of bravery in the cause. Wexford, June 7, 1798. Edward Roche. * " My informant's chief anxiety seemed to be the shewing that he, and the Wex- ford people in general, were clear of the massacre on the bridge, which he solemnly as- sured us was perpetrated by the Shelmalier men and the lowest ruffians about the quays of Wexford — while the others were at Long Ridge — but he could offer no palliation for the atrocities of Scullabogue and Vinegar-hill. He was a mercantile man, and employed in attending to the lading of a fine ship, called 'The Shelmalier.' The figure-head of the vessel was a good likeness of Esmond Kyan, who lost an arm at Arklow, and was afterwards hanged at Wexford." — MS. Journal of a Meld Officer. * 128 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER XII. CONSEQUENCES OP THE REBEL DEFEAT AT ROSS — BATTLE OP ABKLOW. One of the great objects of the rebels in their attack on Ross, was to obtain command of the rivers Nore and Barrow. The possession of Wex- ford and Enniseorthy had already placed the navigation of the Slaney in their hands — but the possession of the Barrow would have been still more valuable, could they but obtain it. The royalists, on the other hand, were alive to its importance — for, were it closed by the insur- gents, the military occupation of the interior of the county could scarcely be retained. General Johnson looked to Duncannon Fort for his am- munition, while his commissariat was chiefly dependent upon Waterford. Thither also, by water-carriage, he could dispatch his sick and wounded men — and so long as the command of the Barrow was in his hands, even though the country around should burst into general insurrection, by tliat river he could maintain his communications, and secure the •necessary supplies required for an army in the field. The first advantage therefore, which he derived frotu his victory at Ross, was to complete what he had previously commenced — a free water-communication with "Waterford. Captain Hill, of the Navy, was directed to destroy the country boats, which he did most efiectually, to the number of 170. It was a dangerous service — for although the gun-boats, by which the river was kept open, had been provided with musket-proof barricades, on one occasion several of the soldiers and sailors who manned them, were killed and wounded by a sudden on- slaught from the encampment at Slieve-Keilter ; while they were con- stantly fired on by concealed rebels who were sheltered in the numerous woods which stretched down to the river's banks. The insurgents, after their defeat, employed themselves far less pro- fitably than their opponents. The deposition of Bagenal Harvey from the command, and the election of Philip Roche was their first act. The latter had earned a savage reputation by being the leader at Tubber- neering, and there obtaining an accidental success. Like Murphy, of Boulavogue, Roche was a man of ferocious character and vulgar habits — ^but although drunken and illiterate, his huge stature and rough manners gave him a perfect ascendancy over the savage mobs which, in rebel parlance, constituted an army. If Harvey proved himself an incompetent leader on the day of Ross, Roche, on his succession to the command, evinced neither talent or activity. His chief exploit was an attack upon a gentleman's house, in which he was disgracefully repulsed* — ^while, in a new camp he * " Quitting the post of Slieve-Keilter in three days aftertheir arrival, the troops of Philip Roche occupied the hill of Lacken, within a mile of Ross,, where they IRISH REBELLION. 129 formed witlun a mile of Ross, the time was passed in drunken revelry, diversified occasionally with a sermon from Father Philip, or the slaughter of some helpless wretch, accused of heing an enemy to the people. I may observe here, that very many of the unfortunate men, who fell in action with the king's troops, or suffered death by martial law, had been compelled by force to join the insurgent armies. Of the rebel chiefs, the priests were decidedly the most despotic, and too often the most unrelenting to the unhappy men, who became prisoners to the banditti they commanded. Even their own order were, in some in- stances, obliged to submit to the dictation of drunken and illiterate scoundrels, whom they secretly detested and despised. When carousing on Lacken Hill, Eoche, instead of employing his multitudes, seems to have been anxious only to increase them — and the following letter to a fellow-priest, will shew that the sacerdotal method of recruiting in '98, was even more arbitrary than Napoleon's. "Eev. Sir, " You are hereby ordered, in conjunction with Edmund Walsh, to order all your parishioners to the camp on Lacken Hill, under pain of the most severe punishment ; for I declare to you and to them, in the name of the people, if you do not, that I will censure all Sutton's parish with fire and sword. Come to see me this day. "Lacken Hill, June 14th, 1798. "Eoche. " To the Rev. James Doyle.'' It was given out in general orders, that the commander-in-chief should send out guards to compel such persons as they should find loitering at home to join them, and punish with death those who should resist the order. Those who refused to take arms, were directed also to be tried by court-martial, and put to death. Another epistle is equally characteristic of the desperate fanaticism of these atrocious men, who, when abandoning the altar, appear to have cast to the winds every feeling of common humanity. It was written from Gorey, and addressed by Michael Murphy to a Dublin shopkeeper. The priest was kiUed at Arklow — and after the battle General Skerrett received some plunder from a soldier, comprising. formed a less irregular encampment than usual, many tents being erected for the lodgement of their officers. A detachment, sent hence for arms and ammunition to the town of Borris in the county of Carlow, twelve miles distant, on the 12th, was, by a fire of the garrison from the house of Mr. Cavenagh (used on the occasion as a fortress) repulsed with the loss of ten killed and many wounded, while only one soldier fell on the side of the loyalists ; but this handsome little town was in great part burned. With exception of this finiitless attempt, the bands on Lacken lay in- active, regaling themselves on the slaughtered cattle and liquors, which were pro- cured in plenty from the country in their possession, and so negligent of their safety, that, any night after the two first, they might have been surprised and routed by a detachment from the garrison of Ross." — Gordon. K 130 HISTORY OP THE among otlier things, a watch, crucifix, and the following letter,* which he had found on the body of Father Murphy : — " Friend Houston ! Gorey, 6th June. " Great events are ripening. In a few days we shall meet. The first fruits of your regeneration must be a tincture of poison and pike, in the metropolis, against heretics. This is a tribunal for such opinions. Your talents must not be buried as a judge. Your sons must be steeled with fortitude against heresy, then we shall do ; and you shall shine in a higher sphere. We shall have an army of brave republicans, 100,000, with f6urteen pieces of cannon, on Tuesday, before Dublin ; your heart will beat high at the news. You will rise with a proportionable force. " Yours ever, « Decipher, B. I. K. M. Q. Y. * * * " M. Murphy." But though such monsters as Roche and Kearns and the Murphys brought obloquy and disgrace upon the priesthood, it is but common justice to the Roman Catholic clergy to state, that numbers were both loyal and humane, — even most of those who were really disaffected, confined their treason to secret encouragement, and abstained from overt acts — and culpable as they werej they at least did not afford to their tainted flocks the encouragement of open example. But there were others, and not a few, who exerted themselves to abate the bar- barities of these aboniinable times — and where they dared not give public expression to their feelings, by secret influence or pardonable artifice, saved many devoted to destruction.t The consternation which the intelligence of Walpole's destruction occasioned in the metropolis, may be easily imagined. Many families quitted the kingdom in despair, and even the Lady-Lieutenant hastily abandoned the Castle, and sailed for England, on hearing the disas^ trous occurrence. This, probably, was the gloomiest moment of that fearful period — ^but the unbounded loyalty and devotion of the Dublin Protestants, shone out with increasing brilliancy, and assisted to dispel the gathering cloud. In the metropolis, the yeomanry amounted to nearly 4,000 men, now well-armed, well-disciplined, and purged from those traitors, who but a few weeks before had thronged their ranks. With perfect confidence ' * " Father Murphy, in the constant hurry and confusion in which he had been kept probably, in preparing for the attack of Arklow, had neither time nor opportunity to forward this edifying epistle." — Musgrave. t Frequently the priests urged Protestants, whom they wished to preserve, to conform apparently to popery — but temporary security, and not a wish to prose- lytize, was the humane object. Musgrave says that at Feathard, " Father Doyle, thepriest, assembled the Protestants in a house, under a pretence of baptizing them, though in fact he did not perform that ceremony ; and he very humanely announced, in order to save their lives, that they were sincere converts to his religion." These facts were proved on the trial of Devereux, Haughran, and some other assassins concerned in the atrocious burning at Scullabogue. IRISH REBELLION. ISl the city was intrusted to their protection — and from the few regular troops in garrison, the Cavan regiment, with a detachment of Reay Fencibles, were despatched to reinforce the troops in Wicklow, and enable the royalists to rally and recover the ground they had lost. The troops were forwarded by carriages specially impressed — the com- mand given to General Needham — and on the 6th of June, the column quitted Wicklow, and after passing a deserted country, and being joined by some yeomanry and armed loyalists, it entered Arklow early the same evening ; some straggling rebels retiring from the town, where they had loitered plundering and drinking, on the cavalry advanced guard appearing by the Dublin road. The reception of the troops by the inhabitants was enthusiastic— for many under fear of death had already abandoned their houses, to embark in fishing-boats, and escape from a place which they expected to become an immediate scene of savage violence. During the two succeeding days (7th and 8th of June), the com- manding officer was engaged in making dispositions for the defence of the town, and in selecting a position. Ground was marked out capa- ble of being occupied by a body of troops so limited in number as the gOirrison ; and while such fences were preserved as would aiFord cover to the royal light troops, from which to annoy an advancing enemy, others, that could either mask their movements, or interrupt the play of the guns, were levelled and removed. Meanwhile the country was carefully patrolled ; and alarm-posts assigned to the different corps to take up on the rebels being reported to be in motion. The morning of the 9th came. At noon a wing of the Durham Fencibles marched in,* under the command of an excellent officer, Colonel Skerrett, affording a well-timed and most efficient reinforce- ment to the garrison — and in consequence of this arrival, General Needham made a slight change in his dispositions — and never was a little army more curiously composed, than the morning state of that of Arklow exhibited on the day of the attack upon the town. * " A few hours after their arrival, one of those ludicrous incidents occurred, which, amid the calamities of war, occasionally amuse military men. Two of the officers of this regiment, passing by the house of Mr. Miles O'Neile, where Needham was quartered, and where a breaifast was prepared for the General, were mistaken by a servant for two of the expected guests, and informed that "breakfast was ready." This intelligence being communicated, the Durham officers came in a body and de- voured the viands wholesale. One of them, CaptainWallingtun, remaining behind the rest, had assembled about him the drivers of the carriages in which the regiment had travelled from Dublin, to pay them severally their demands. The General, at length arriving with a company of hungry guests, was at first astonished when he saw his lodgings surrounded by a crowd of wrangling coachmen ; but when informed of the fate of his breakfast, he burst into a rage, and drove out the intruders with such fury that, with their paymaster, they tumbled one over another in the street." — Gordon, K 2 132 HISTORY OF THE '": . '"-'- "■ \ 1 1 O 1 2 CO 1 2 1 1 1 1 02 1 S 1 f if § 1 1 s Cavalry, f 4th Dragoon Guards CoLSirW.W.-; 5th Dragoons Wynne. [, Ancient British Cavalry r Armagh Militia Ist Brigade, Tyrone light company ,„ Lieut. -Colonel^ North Cork Militia Cope. Suffolk light company ... L Cavau Militia 2nd Brigade, T Antrim Militia Colonel Barry < Londonderry grenadier Maxwell. (. company 3rd Brigade, /Durham Fenciblea Col. Skerrett. \ Dunbarton 2 1 5 2 4 3 7 4 21 18 81 1 2 3 8 2 4 10 3 3 1 2 24 9 4 27 10 4 120 1 1 1 1 2 1 7 1 1 1 9 6 1 15 6 4 2 4 1 3 1 1 3 7 15 5 107 42 28 31 312 201 66 245 105 YEOMANRY CORPS. Mounted. Dismounted. 1 1 CO 2 2 2 2 2 CO OS s 1 1 e 1 1 t ft 1 North Arklow, Captain Lord Wicklow ... South Arklow, Captain Atkins Camolin, Captain, Earl of Mountnorris ... Coolgreney, Captain Beauman Castleton, Captain Knox 2 1 1 1 1 3 4 2 4 4 1 1 1 40 43 57 43 41 1 1 1 1 25 15 24 9 6 10 17 3 224 2 2 73 As the evening came on, an advanced picket announced the appear- ance of the insurgents — and consequently, an infantry outpost at the Charter-house was called in, and replaced by a cavalry patrol — while by the two great approaches to the town, — ^the sea-side road, and that leading to Coolgreney — dense masses were seen moving to the attack. By the former road, one great column directed its march against the lower part of the town, called the Fishery, — ^by the latter, an im- IRISH REBELLION. 133 mense mass, under the command of Father Murphy of Ballycanoo, threatened the upper part of Arklow^, and thus endangered the right and rear of the royalist position. To deploy their unwieldy masses appeared to be a task beyx)nd the power of their leaders, for more than half an hour was consumed in the attempt, — and when they did efiect the change, the line was irregular and disordered— at some parts merely in rank entire, and at others six files deep. The royalists were already in position; the line being slightly curved, the flanks refused, and each protected by battalion guns, with two six-pounders nearly in the centre. The hedges were lined by the Sufiblk and Tyrone militia, and part of the supplementary yeomen, with a small party posted in the churchyard, and another at the bottom of the street which looked upon the bridge. These posts were occupied to defend the lower town. The barrack walls had been pro- vided with a banquette,* and supplied with musqueteers, while the upper end of the street was barricadoed with carts and lumber, and defended by part of the Antrim regiment, and a field-piece. Generally, the cavalry were formed on the bridge and sands. Taking the local character of the place, and the small number of its defenders into consideration, the disposition of the troops was veiy judicious, and creditable to General Needham. The actual strength of the rebel army was, on the lowest calculation, computed at 25,000 men, and on good authority it has been even raised to 31,000. About 5,000 of the insurgents were armed with firearms, and they brought two well-appointed guns into action. But it was not from their enormous numbers only that they were formidable. They came forward under the wildest enthusiasm, burn- ing to exact vengeance for past defeats, and confident that they must annihilate the small but daring body, who, undaunted by a twenty-fold superiority, were steadily awaiting their attack. "During the morning's march from Gorey, they plundered the houses of the Protestants of every thing valuable, putting in requisition all the spirits and pro- visions that could be supplied; and, under the double influence of intoxication and fanaticism, were led on by their priests, who in- spired them with ideas of their own invincibleness ; because, as they assured the misguided wretches, they were engaged in the cause of heaven, and opposed to the enemies of God. To maintain that re- ligious frenzy, which was their great source of courage, at the end of every mile during the march, their leaders said mass, and used every mode of exhortation, and every superstitious device that priestcraft could invent. They advanced in an irregular line, which was fre- quently broken by their running out to file along the hedge-rows lying parallel to the position of the king's troops, of the cover of which they endeavoured to avail themselves. Their front rank was composed of those who had firearms, and were mostly from the barony of Shelmalier, on the Wexford coast, where they subsist during the winter by shooting * A wooden stage generally attached to high wbIIb, at an elevation which wiU allow the defenders to fire over the parapet. 134 HISTORY OP THE sea-fowl, which makes them expert marksmen. They were covered in the rear by the pikemen many deep, while at certain intervals the line was strengthened by numerous masses of men, who were ready to supply the places of those who fell, or act as occasion might require. Each company had a green iSag about two feet square, with a yellow harp in the centre, while some were party-coloured, and equal in size to the king's colours. Their leaders were distinguishable riding through the ranks, marshalling them, and giving orders."* During the engagement the rebels frequently repeated their dread- ful yells, which heightened the terrific appearance of a numerous host of barbarians, who seemed confident, from superior numbers, that they could easily overwhelm the small army that opposed them. The rebels advanced two guns by the Coolgreney road, under a sharp and destructive fire frdm those on the right of the Durham regiment, and the third, in position at the barricado. Both of the former were dragged up by lanes from the high road, and placed on high grounds — one looking on the centre of the royalist line, the other com- manding its left fiank. Although tedious in their formation, the insurgent column directed against the lower town, advanced so rapidly, that they had nearly succeeded in cutting off a cavalry patrol, which saved itself, however, by swimming the horses across the Ovoca. Having fired the houses in the suburb, the rebels pushed on under cover of the smoke, — ^but they never could gain the bridge, as the fire of the detached party which covered that approaich, and the second which held the churchyard, cut down the head of the column, and finally disordered it so much as to allow the cavalry, formed on the sands, to charge with excellent effect. During a long and desperate struggle, the troops behaved with a steadiness and determination, which enabled them not only to secure the lower town, but to inflict a destructive loss upon the assailants. But the grand effort of the insurgents was directed against the left and centre of the position, and the barricade that covered its right flank. From behind the hedges the rebels kept up a heavy and well-directed fusilade, and also cannonaded the royal line with such effect as to dismount a battalion gun, and oblige Colonel Skerrett to advance his left wing, and protect it behind a fence from the fire of a field-piece which otherwise must have enfiladed it.t The gallantry * Mnsgrave. t " Some of the rebel musqueteers getting under shelter of the ditches, annoyed the army very much, and their field-pieces pbyed briskly on the town ; but Serjeant Shepherd, of the Royal Irish artillery (who was taken prisonei; at the Three Rocks), being obliged to manage the cannon, elevated them so high, that the balls went over it ; and once having loaded with grape, he tui'ned the gun a little on one side, and swept away about thirty of the rebels. Dick Monk observing this transaction, gal- loped up, and would have kiUed him, had not Esmond Kyan resolutely interposed, insisting that it was the army cannon which had done the execution. Kyan having ordered Serjeant Shepherd to load with round shot and demolish the town, rode elsewhere, but Shepherd watching his opportunity, loaded again with grape, know- ing it could do no injury ; and this he did as fast as possible during Kyau's absence, that he might waste the ammunition, Dick Monk and John Hay, being fully con- vinced that all was not right, now watched the execution of their cannon, and finding IRISH REBELLION. 135 of the Durham Fencibles was unbounded. Thrice the rebels came forward iu immense' force against the wing of this noble regiment, and as often, a destructive volley from their musketry, with grape from the battalion-guns, obliged the assailants to recede from a fire they found intolerable. Bu.t maddened by intoxication, and encouraged by their ghostly leader, the deluded wretches again and again returned to the attack — and the General, despairing of repulsing the continued efforts of desperate savages, determined to yield the ground and abandon the position. Colonel Skerrett, well aware that to retire with a handful of beaten troops ;in the presence of flve-and-twenty thousand men, would lead to their total destruction, as sternly resolved to hold the post he had taken to the last — and an unforeseen event decided the fortune of this doubtful day, and crowned the gallant few "with well- merited victory. On every repulse, and when his deluded followers retreated. Mur- phy of Ballycanoo had induced fresh victims to come forward- — and blinded against danger by whiskey and fanaticism, they rushed, on more than one occasion, to the'very muzzles of the guns. Were the feet not accredited beyond a doubt, it would not be believed that the drunken scoundrel persuaded the unhappy savages who obeyed his orders, that his person was impervious to heretical balls, producing a handful of musket-bullets, which he averred had struck him during the action, or had been caught as they innocently whistled by. How- ever potent the spell might be that saved the worthy churchman from lead, it proved inefficient against " cold iron." A round-shot from one of the Durham guns struck him down while leading these ignorant wretches to the charge*-^ the ruffian went to his account — and his followers broke finally and disbanded. About. eight o'clock, when it was almost dark, they began to re- treat towards Coolgreney in an irregular and disorderly manner, car- rying off nine cart-loads of dead and wounded. Had the cavalry but one hour's daylight to have pursued them, they must have cut off grea,t numbers in the retreat. The loss of the rebels was said to have amounted fully to one thousand, while that of the royalists in killed and wounded did not exceed sixty or seventy. In this number a very gallant private gentleman was unfortunately included — and what ren- dered his death the more to be regretted was, that he was killed by the fire of his friends, t that Shepherd was not favouring their cause while loading with grape, obliged him to'load with round-shot, but the balls flew a mile beyond, the town, on which Kyan levelled the cannon himself,, and one of them in such a direction, that the ball smashed the carriage of one of the Durham guns to shivers, and another struck the top of the inn." — Taylor's History. * ' ' When Murphy fell, he was but a few paces from the barricade, and was waving a banner over his head emblazoned with a huge cross, and the motto of ' Death or Liberty.' '.' f " Captain Grogan Knox, who commanded the Castletown yeomen cavalry, with two privates, fell in this action. It is supposed that they advanced too far in pursuit of the enemy, after they had been driven out of the Fishery, and that by doing so, they got within the range of our phpl. This loyal gentleman was brother of Mr. Cornelius Grogan, who was hanged at Wexford." — Musgrave. 136 HISTORY OF THE Altliongli night saved the rebels from any pursuit, and probably thus abated their losses extensively, as the wounded were enabled to crawl away, the moral effect of their defeat was incalculable — obli- terating entirely the false confidence which the affairs at Oulart and Three Books, and the calamity at Tubberneering, had produced. The mischief occasioned by their first neglect in seizing Arklow when deserted by its garrison, was consummated by the defeat attendant on the at- tempt to redeem the original error, and carry the town when it had been rendered defensible. Had the rebels not lost time at Gorey— had they advanced and seized Arklow — Wicklow and Bray must of necessity have fallen into their hands without the snapping of a flint. Within a short march of the metropolis, who can imagine the conse- quences which might have followed — or deny that all the results fore- told in the intercepted letter of the slain priest, might not have been realized to the very letter? The effect of the defeat, and the deductive inferences from it as drawn by Gordon, are interesting and correct — and we shall therefore give them in his own words : — " As the repulse at Arklow decided the fate of the rebellion, so it fortunately left undecided a question how far the Eomanists would have carried religious animosity had the insurrection been successfuh The violent acts of the insurgents in Gorey and its neighbourhood were not near so great as in the southern parts of the county. The former might, by an advocate of their cause, be coloured with a pre- text of retaliation, since acts of the same kind had been committed by the loyalists, as the burning of houses, the quartering of men on families for subsistence, imprisonments, trials of prisoners by court- martial, the shooting of prisoners without trial, and the insulting of others by cropping the hair and covering the head with a pitched cap. But an opinion is entertained, I fear indeed with too much foundation, that if the town of Arklow had been taken, and thus a wide prospect opened for the success of the rebellion, the Protestants re- maining in the power of the rebels in the county of Wexford were to have been massacred. Many believe also that the persons excepted from this first massacre were destined for ultimate slaughter on the final suc- cess of the insurgents — and that even such leaders of the rebels as were Protestants, were to be included in this proscription. The war from the beginning — in direct violation of the oath of the United Irish- men — had taken a religious turn, as every civil war in the south or west of Ireland must be expected to take, by any man acquainted with the prejudices of the inhabitants. The terms Protestant and Orangeman were synonymous with the mass of the insurgents ; and the Protestants whom they meant to favour, had been baptized into the Romish church by the priests of that communion. But whatever degree of religious bigotry or party hatred had been hitherto disco- vered by the insurgents, there were still many individuals who evinced the greatest humanity in their endeavours to mitigate the fury of their associates." The ulterior movements of the routed enemy are briefly detailed : — The greater body which retreated from Vinegar-hill, by the position IRISH REBELLION. 137 which General Needham was to have occupied, marched by the east side of the Slaney, first to Carriok-bridge, commonly called Carrick- ferry, within three miles of Wexford, headed by Fathers John Murphy and Keams, Perry, Fitzgerald, and John Hay. After passing Carrick-bridge, one column entered Wexford, under Murphy, Keams, and Perry, where they remained about two hours, threatening the destruction of the town, and a general massacre of the remaining Protestants, without distinction of age, sex, or condition, but they were dissuaded by the inhabitants of the town, who feared the loss of their property, and dreaded the approach of General Moore. Having left the town, and retreated over the bridge, they took the direct road to the county of Wicklow ; which county with the northern part of Wexford, they continued for some time to desolate.* The other column, headed by Priest Roche, John Hay, and Murphy, proceeded from Carrick-bridge to the mountain of Forth, where they remained for about three hours, holding a council of war, in which Roche and Hay differed in opinion, and left them; but they were taken a few days afterwards, and hanged on Wexford Bridge. Father John Murphy and another priest of the same name, then led the rebels a circuitous route through the barony of Forth, by Maglas, the moor of Mulrankin, and the Scar pass of Barretstown across the Scallogh-gap, into the county of Kilkenny, spreading desolation in their progress, plundering and burning as they went along, and massacreing such Protestants as they could lay their hands on.t * " There is one point wliich has never been explained to my satisfaction. After the defeat at Vinegar-hill, the main body of the rebels retreated to Wexford, where they divided — one column crossed Wexford bridge, and made their way to the north of ihe county about Gorey ; now this body must have been due north while General Lake was moving due south from Vinegar -hill, upon Wexford, so that they must have actually passed each other at a distance of not six miles between the parallel roads, as a glance at the map will shew. Perhaps General Lake did not consider himself strong enough to divide and occupy both roads to Wexford, or perhaps he might have thought ' the stag at bay 's a dangerous foe,' and permitted them to weaken themselves by allovping them to quietly disbandon. It cost, however, much loyal blood at Gorey." — MS, Journal of a Field Officer. t Musgrave. "138 HISTORY OP THE CHAPTER XIII. PROCEEDINGS OF THE REBELS AFTER THEIR DEFEAT A^T ARKLOW ACTION AT FOULKES'S-MILL CAPTURE OF VINEGAR-HILL. From the hard-contested fight of Arklow, we return once more to Wexford. After their defeat on the 9th of June, a large proportion of the beaten rebels moved from the position they had talken at Gorey after the action, and entering Wicklow, bivouacked at Mount Pleasant, close to the town of Tinnahely. On the 17th they plundered and burned the place, murdering several unoffending loyalists, and com- mitting every species of excess. A body of regular troops under Gene- ral Dundas, assisted by an irregular corps, called the True Blues, with two pieces of cannon marched from Haoketstown to attack tljem, but the rebels evaded the threatened conflict, and fell back- to Kilcavan- hill, taking there a strong position within a mile-and-half of Carnew. The design of their leader. Garret Byrne of Ballymanus, was to have attacked the garrison of Haoketstown during the night— »-but the True Blues being reinforced, the insurgents were intimidated, and gave up their intended attempt at a surprise — while Dundas, reinforced by Loftus and a detachment from TulloWj felt. the necessity of deforcing the rebels from the height they occupied, and marched on the 18th to attack Kilcavan-hill. But neither party was desirous to come to action — and the move- ment ended in a harmless cannonade. General Lake — who had taken the command of the united detachments — was afraid, from the strength and intricacy of the position, that his troops were numerically too weak to command a certain success — while there were other intelligent officers who held a very different opinion, and urged that the trial should be made. The general, however, declined the advice, and re- treated that evening to Carnew,* — ^while Byrne abandoned Kilcavan the same night, retired his corps, and resumed his former post on Vinegar-hill. * "When General Dundas had advanced a. considerable way towards the point where he was to begin his attack, he suddenly found himself in a deep hollow road, with strong fences on each side. He perceived also, that he must have proceeded some time in it, before he could have extricated himself, and recollecting the fate of Colonel Walpole, h6 very prudently ordered the column to countermarch ; and at the same time sent orders to General Loftus to take such a position as to cover this retrograde movement. By this unexpected event, the two columns became united, and the rebels had a clear country to the north, the east, and the south-east, and were so strongly posted, that the main object of the generals was to protect them- selves on the west side, where the position of the enemy was so well secured by a ravine in front, by large banks and high hedge-rows, that General Lake, who arrived at this time with his whole staff, thought it prudent to defer the attack till reis- forcements should have joined them." — Mttsgrave. IRISH REBELLION. 139 The fatal effects of the defeat at Arklow, on the subsequent fortunes of the insurrection, became every day more apparent — and during these transactions, the rebels who had remained in Gorey and its neighbour- hood were gradually dispersing. " A part of them retired to Wex- ford, bringing with them the prisoners who had been confined in the market-house of Gorey. These had been severely treated ; they had been supplied with food only once in the twenty-four hours, cropped, pitch-capped, and exposed from the windows to the insults of the shouting multitudes on their march to attack Arklow, while many had been shot or piked to death. As the mass of remaining rebels had taken their station on the hill of Ask, only a mile from Gorey, after the battle at Arklow, the royal army remained some days close within its quarters, sending out patroles with caution, at first to a very small distance, and afterwards gradually advancing farther. At last a troop of yeomen cavalry ventured so far on the road towards Gorey, as to approach the rebel station on Ask-hill, and found the post had been so thinned by perpetual desertions, that not more than about a hundred men fit for action were then remaining in it, and these without a leader."* For every reason, military and political, it was now unanimously determined by the. royalist commanders, that the relief of Wexford and Ehhiscorthy, so long and so unhappily in possession of the rebels, must be preceded by the capture of the camp, and a total dispersion of the insurgent bodies collected on Vinegar-hill. To effect this difficult but desirable object, a vigorous and weU-combined attack would be required — and on the 16th of June, the preparatory movements of the different corps were arranged by General Lake — and the following orders were issued to their respective commanders : — G. O. General Dundas will move on the 17th to Hacketstown, and issue orders to General Loftus at Tullow, to unite his force with him on the 1 8th at Carnew. General Needham, to move at three o'clock a.m., on the 19th, to Gorey ; General Dundas sending a strong patrole under General Loftus from Carnew, at six o'clock on the same morning to Grove's-bridge,- four or five miles on the road to Gorey, to support General Needham, in case he should meet resistance at Limerick-hiU or Gorey ; and also to communicate General Needham's situation to General Dundas. General Johnson, on the 19th, at four a.m., to move to Old Ross, and unite with General Moore in driving the rebels from Carrickbyrne- hill. He wiU then take a position near Old Ross, and patrole the country towards the Black-stair mountains, in conjunction with Sir James Duff. This movement will require a concerted arrangement between General Johnson and Sir James Duff. The patroles to return to their respective corps On the same day. Sir Charles Asgill, on the 18th, to occupy Gore's-bridge, Borris * Gordon. 140 msTOBY OP THE and Graigenamana, and remain in those positions until the 20th, when at three p.m. he will return, unless he shall have received orders to the contrary. Lieutenant-General Dundas, on the 20th, will march by Bally- carney-bridge, keeping the eastern bank of the Slaney, to Scarawalsh- bridge, so as to arrive there at noon. Sir James Duff will also move on the 20th, by the west side of the Slaney to Scarawalsh-bridge, where he will arrive at twelve o'clock. General Needham, on the 20th, to move from Gorey to Oulart, and be there at twelve o'clock. General Loftus from Grove's-bridge, will move on the 20th, by Camolin and Ferns, and unite with General Dundas at Scarawalsh- bridge, at twelve o'clock. General Moore will land on the 18th at Ballyhack-ferry, and on the 19th, will move at three o'clock a.m. to Foulkes's-mill, and unite with General Johnson in driving the rebels from Carrickbyme-hill. He will there take up a position for night, thus securing the escape of the rebels between that and Clomines. General Johnson, on the 20th, will move with his column to Bally- macus-bridge, to unite in the attack on Enniscorthy, if necessary, or prevent the escape of the rebels in that direction. Should the rebels have evacuated Enniscorthy and Vinegar-hill, the columns under General Dundas and Sir James Duff will take up their position that day in front of Enniscorthy ; and General Johnson will at the same time receive orders to take a position on the great road from Enniscorthy to Taghmon. In this case, General Moore on the 20th, will move from Foulkes's- mill, and take post at Taghmon, still securing the country between Taghmon and Clomines. But should the enemy maintain their position at Enniscorthy, the attack will be made on the 21st at daylight, by the columns under General Dundas and Sir James Duff, with General Needham's moving from Oulart. The general forward movement and investment of Wexford will take place on the 21st — when the several columns shall be so united, as to receive such directions as circumstances may point out. Orders are to be sent to the naval commanders to station their gun- boats and armed vessels in Wexford harbour early in the morning of the 21st, to co-operate in such manner as may be necessary for the attack of the town ; — while the gun-boats from Waterford will be di- rected to support General Moore and the corps at Clomines on the 19th. General Lake's arrangements for a combined assault upon the hill were clearly understood, and, with two exceptions, ably carried out — and the columns of attack reported themselves on the evening of the 20th, in readiness to commence morning operations. Two brigades, however, were not able to get up in time — one, from an unexpected action with a rebel corps, — ^the other, from unforeseen embarrassments which retarded its march — and, as it subsequently tnrued out, opened IRISH REBELLION. 141 an accidental door for escape to the rebel masses, who otherwise must have been slaughtered by thousands. The causes which prevented General Moore from reaching the evening position marked out for his brigade in the general order of the Commander-in-Chief, will be best understood by his own official state- ment of the occurrence that interrupted his march, and thus prevented him from sharing in the defeat of the grand army of the insurgents.* "Agreeable to your order, I took post on the evening of the 19th, near Foulkes's-mill, in the park of Mr. Sutton. Next day I sent a strong detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel "Wilkinson, to patrole towards Tintern and Clonmines, with a view to scour the country, and communicate with the troops you directed to join me from Duncannon. The Lieutenant-Colonel found the country deserted, and got no tidings of the troops. I waited for them until three o'clock in the afternoon, when, despairing of their arrival, I began my march to Taghmon. We had not marched above half a mile, when a considerable body of the rebels was perceived marching towards us. I sent my advanced guard, consisting of the two rifle companies of the 60th, to skirmish with them, whilst a howitzer, and a six-pounder, were advanced to a cross road above Goffs-bridge, and some companies of light infantry formed on each side of them under Lieutenant-Colonel Wilkinson. The rebels attempted to attack these, but were instantly repulsed, and driven beyond the bridge. A large body were perceived at the same time moving towards my left. Major Aylmer, and afterwards Major Daniel, with five companies of light infantry, and a six-pounder, were detached against them. The 60th regiment, finding no further oppo- sition in front, had, of themselves, inclined to their left to engage the body which was attempting to turn us — and the action here waa for a short time pretty sharp,t as the rebels were in great numbers, and armed with both muskets and pikes. They were, however, forced to give way, and driven, though they repeatedly attempted to form, behind the ditches. They at last dispersed, flying towards Enniscorthy and Wexford. Their killed could not be ascertained, as they lay scattered in the fields over a considerable extent ; but they seemed to be nume- rous. I inclose a list of ours. The troops behaved with great spirit.t * Addressed to Lieut.-General Lake, and dated Camp, above Wexford, 22nd June, 1798. t " During the action of Foulkes's-mill, many of the rebel leaders, among whom Father Roche, Dr. Canlfield's chaplain, was very conspicuous, were extremely active in keeping the rebel soldiers to their quarters, and in preventing them from flying. They horsewhipped some, and even fired pistols at others." — Musgrave. X " The battle of Longridge, or Foulkes's Mills, as it is also called, was well fought on the part of the rebels. I spent some time, in 1838, in conversation with one of the principal leaders on the occasion. He took me for an American, and was very communicative — in fact, boastfully so — though he had no reason for concealment, having obtained a free pardon at the intercession of one or two gentlemen whose lives he had saved. His account coincides with that given in Musgrave, save that I believe the surprise was mutual on the part of General Moore and the rebels at meet- ing. The latter were better handled upon this occasion than any other ; they were fewer in number, and not in the unmanageable masses that advanced against Ross and Arklow."— ilf/S. Journal of a Field Officer. 142 HISTORY OF THE The artillery, and Homepeok's oaralry, were active, and seemed only to regret that the country did not admit of their rendering more effec- tual service. Major Daniel is the only oflB.cer whose wound is bad ; it is through the knee, but not dangerous. " The business, which began between three and four, was not over till near eight, and as it was then too late to proceed to Taghmon, I took post for the night on the ground where the action had commenced. As the rebels gave way, I was informed of the approach of the 2nd and 29th regiments under Lord Dalhousie.* In the morning of the 21st we were proceeding to Taghmon, when I was met by an officer of the North Cork Militia from Wexford, with the inclosed letter.f I gave, of course, no answer to the proposal made by the inhabitants of Wex- ford, but I thought it my duty immediately to proceed here, and to take post above the town, by which means I have, perhaps, saved the town itself from fire, as well as the lives of many loyal subjects who were prisoners in the hands of the rebels. The rebels fled upon my approach, over the bridge of Wexford, and towards the barony of Forth. I shall wait here your further orders. Lord Kingsbbrough has informed me of different engagements he had entered into with respect to the inhabitants, but I have declined entering into the subject, but have referred his lordship to you or General Lake. "I received your pencilled note during the action of the 20th, and it * " Moore's force might have found some trouble in making their way to Wex- ford but for the arrival of the 2nd and 29th regiments, a reinforcement whose strength was greatly magnified, and consequently deterred the rebels from their contemplated renewal of the action. General Moore, entre nous, is not borne out to the extent he goes in praising the conduct of all our troops — some of whom shewed their heels cleverly — one officer in particular." — Ibid. t " The rebel leaders now saw themselves in a very critical situation ; and being convinced that they could not keep the town, they liberated Lord Kingsborough, and the other officers who were prisoners, and sent one of them to propose a surrender, hoping that the lenity which was shewn to them would induce the conquerors to grant them favourable terms. Accordingly, Captain M'Manus of the Antrim mihtia, (who was taken at the battle near Gorey, June 4th), and Edward Hay, were des- patched towards Taghmon, to meet General Moore, with the following terms: — ' The inhabitants of all religious persuasions are ready to deliver up the town of Wexford without opposition, lay down their arms, and return to theur allegiance, provided that their persons and properties are guaranteed by the commanding officer ; and that they engage to use every influence in their power, to induce the people of the country at large to return to their allegiance also. These terms, we hope, Captain M'Manus will be able to procure. " ' Signed, by order of the inhabitants of Wexford, " ' Matt. Keovgh.' ' To these proposals. General Lake returned the following answer : — " Lieutenant-General Lake cannot attend to any terms offered by rebels in arms against their Sovereign ; while they continue so, he must use the force intrusted to him, with the utmost energy for their destruction. " To the deluded multitude he promises pardon, on their delivering into his hands flieir leaders, surrendering their arms, and returning with sincerity to their allegiance, (Signed) " 6. Lake." Enniscorthy, 22nd of June, 1798. IRISH REBELLION. 143 was impossible tor me then to detach the troops you asked for, but I hear you have perfectly succeeded at Enniscorthy with those you had. Mr. Roche, who commands the rebels, is encamped, about five miles off; and he sent Lord Kingsborough to surrender upon terms. Your presence speedily is upon every account extriemely necessary. " I have the honour to be, &c. &c!., "John Moore." The second missing brigade, was that of Major-General Needham. If the wholesale destruction of a deluded multitude were a desirable object, certainly the failure of this movement is to be lamented — for the rebels were enabled to get off bodily, whereas, had Needham reached his ground, they must have been so totally derouted, that no exertions could have rallied them again, and the flame of rebellion would have been extinguished. But the results of his failure, and not the causes, were severely tested at the time — and the general was censured with injustice for a miscarriage, occasioned by circumstances entirely beyond control, and of every-day recurrence in war. On the evening of the 20th, accompanied by four hundred carriages laden with military supplies, Needham reached Oulart, six miles distance from the post on the eastern face of Vinegar-hill, which his corps had been directed to occupy. Having driven in a rebel picket which had been detached from the camp to reconnoitre, he halted to refresh his troops, when an unexpected order, to march direct to head- quarters at Solsborough, was received, and which order was imme- diately complied with. Even a regular commissariat is not easily got fairly upon the road — and impressed carriages and ill-affected drivers, would no doubt cause additional trouble and delay. The country through which the line of march extended was inclosed, diflS- cult, and suspicions — the enemy in enormous force, and immediately at hand — Walpole's disaster too recent not to carry caution with its recollection to the most reckless — and as General Needham accordingly felt his way very prudently as he proceeded, the progress of the column was slow. When he reached Solsborough, at 3 o'clock on the morning of the 21st, he found orders waiting for him, directing that he should continue his march, and repair to the original position as- signed to him in the intended attack, and from which he was then eight miles distant, with difiicult roads to traverse, and his column already over-marched. As the attack was to be made immediately after daybreak, and as it was utterly impossible that by any exertions his wearied troops could reach their ground in time, Needham despatched an aide-de- camp to the Commander-in-Chief, requesting the advance to be delayed for an hour, to allow him time to get up ; but General Lake could not postpone his movements against the rebel position, as an immediate assault upon the camp was absolutely necessary to prevent the enemy from detaching reinforcements to their friends in Enniscorthy, who were then warmly engaged with Johnson's brigade. Under these circum- stances. General Needham finding it impossible to get the column up, very properly pushed his cavalry forward ; and when the rebels broke 144 HISTORY OF THE upon the hill, they were sufficiently advanced to cut down a number of the fugitives. Having thus explained the causes that prevented the plan of attack from being executed as it had been intended, we shaU proceed to describe the movements of the other columns, by whom the rebel stronghold was carried on the 21st of June. General Sir James DuflF, who advanced by the Ferns Boad, with his right resting on the Slaney, and his left flanked by the light infajUtry und^r •General Loftus, reached the base of the hill with occa- sional interruptions from rebel pickets, who occupied the high grounds on the line of march, but who were easily dispersed by a few shells from the howitzers. Previous to commencing his ascent, he detached General Loftus with the light infantry and guns, to seize an eminence which overlooked the lower line of the rebel position, and consequently laid it open to a cannonade at easy range. The movement was ra- pidly effected — and although the inclosures were numerous, and the ground steep. General Loftus, by breaking down the stone fences, was enabled to get his artillery forward — and crowning the height with his guns, he opened them with excellent effect upon crowded ranks which were completely enfiladed. The remainder of Duffs brigade pressed steadily up the hill— and at the same time, the columns of Generals Lake, Wilford, and Dundas, with Campbell's light companies, ascended the south-eastern face, while Johnson's brigade mounted from Enniscorthy; As the troops advanced, they sustained a sharp fire from the rebel marksmen who, acting en tirailleur, lined the numerous inclosures, and disputed them with some spirit. The rebel cannonade was in- effective, although they had thirteen pieces of various calibres on the hill,— but their musketry was well sustained, — and yet with all the advantages of a strong position, the loss inflicted on the assailants was infinitely less than could have been anticipated. The steady advance of the troops was never for a moment checked, and the movements of the columns so admirably timed, that they crowned the hill simulta- neously — while the rebels, availing themselves of the means of retreat which General Needham's failure had left open, went off en mane, abandoning their cannon, ammunition,*' and all the plunder that had * " Inclosed is a return of the ordnance taken on Yineear-hill, in which are in- cluded three taken from us on the 4th of June: — " Return of ordnance taJcenfrom the rebels on Vinegar-hill, 2\at June, 1798. 3 Six-pounders, brass. 1 Three-pounder. 7 One-pounders. 1 5^ inch howitzer. 1 ii inch howitzer. 13 Total. Rounds of ammunition, 17 Six-pounders. 30 One-pounders. 11 5^ inch howitzers. " A cart, with a vast variety of balls of diiferent diameters, had been thrown t IRISH REBELLION. 145 been accumulated during the period they had occupied their savage and sanguinary encampment. The brunt of the action, and the greatest proportion of the loss,- fell upon the brigade commanded by General Johnson. On the evening preceding the attack on Vinegar-hill, that General advanced within a mile and a half of Enniscorthy, intending to bivouac in the vicinity of the rebel position, and bring his column fresh into action the next day. The troops had scarcely, however, piled arms, when the rebels in great force issued from Enniscorthy, and moved forward with the apparent intention of attacking the royalists, and hazarding a general action. They advanced in close columns, covered by a number of sharp- shooters, and connected by several bodies, formed in irregular lines. The rebel skirmishers, after maintaining a sharp fusilade, were speedily dislodged by the fire of the cannon, — and falling back on the support- ing column, which had halted on an eminence half a mile from the ground occupied by the royalists, the guns were directly turned upon the height. On this occasion, these unfortunate and deluded men evinced an ignorance of warlike missiles which can hardly be conceived. As the round shot from the guns bedded themselves in the face of the hill against which they had been directed, the rebels rushed in numbers to pick them up. A shell from a howitzer falling, it was exultingly surrounded by a crowd of men, each struggling to become owner of this god-send. The effect of the explosion may be fancied, as when the fuse reached the powder, more than fifty of the ignorant wretches were furiously contending for the possession of the Hghted shell!* The night passed, and at daybreak, Johnson drove the rebels from the height, and forced them back into Enniscorthy. The closeness of the country afforded them an excellent opportunity to employ their marksmen — and as every hedge was boldly held, the advance of the royalists was not effected without some loss. After halting an hour, to allow the general attack upon the hill to operate as a diversion, and employ the main body of the enemy, Johnson pushed his column into the town. On this occasion the rebels made a stubborn resistance, their pikemen disputing the streets, and their musketry firing on the advancing troops from the windows. Every yard was stoutly contested, and a six-pounder, advanced into the open space before the court-house, was carried down the hill after the action, and immense quantities of lead and leaden balls deli- vered over to the Dunbarton fencibles. (Signed) " Robert Cbawpobd, Captain R. 1. A." * " Here they were cannonaded, and on seeing the shells, they were driven into the utmost confusion, as they could not conceive what they were, some shouting in a kind of delirium (as shell followed shell) ' They spit fii-e at us'— others, 'We can stand any thing but these guns which fire twice.' Indeed the carnage occasioned by them was very great, and fully answered the end." — Taylor. X. 146 HISTORY OP THE by a sudden rush, the gunners killed, and the piece captured by tha pikemen. But it was immediately retaken ; the bridge was cleared of tha enemy — the Dublin regiment cheered and pressed up the hill — ana although that ascent was the steepest, the brave old man* reached the summit, as the other columns crowned it. The royalist casualties were comparatively trifling,t and the rebel loss fell infinitely short of what might have been expected from a dS- route so complete as that which followed the loss of their favourite position. As the greater number of the insurgents were cut down dispersedly in the pursuit, the amount could not be correctly estimated. Probably three or four hundred might have been slain. One of their favourite generals, a church-militant leader, was included in the casual- * General, afterwards Sir Henry Johnson, G. C. B., may be said, in the rebellion of 1798, to have been the military saviour of Ireland. His services were acknow- ledged by George III. who conferred on him the command of the 81st regi- ment, and afterwards that of the 5th, and appointed him one of his aides-de-camp. He lived long to wear his well-earned honours, and shortly before the death of the venerable M'Cormiclc, had an affecting interview with his brave auxiliary in the defence of Ross, whom he familiarly designated as his " friend vrith the brazen helmet." t Setum of tne Mlled, wounded, and missing of the King's troops, in the attach — of Vinegar-hill and Enniscorthy, June 21, 1798. OFFICEBS KILLED. Lieutenant Sandys, Longford militia, attached to 1st battalion ; Lieutenant Barnes, 13th foot, attached to 4th battalion. WOUNDED. Major Vesey (now Colonel Vesey), Dublin county militia; Colonel King, Sligo militia ; Captain Dunne, 7th dragoon-guards ; Captain Shundea, 60th regiment of foot, 5th battalion ; Lieutenant Barker, Kildare militia, attached to 4th battalion ; Lieutenant Hill, Mid-Lothian fencible cavalry. Ninth Dragoons — 1 rank and file killed. Mid-Lothian — 1 rank and file wouaded. Hompesch's Hussars — 2 rank and file wounded. Dunlavin Yeomen Cavalry — 1 rank and file wounded. 89th Regiment of Foot— 1 rank and file killed. 1st battalion Light Infantry— 1 Serjeant wounded, 2 rank and file killed, 18 wounded, and 3 missing. Royal British Horse Artillery — 1 rank and file wounded. Sligo Militia— 2 rank and file killed, 2 wounded. Suffolk Fencible Infantry— 2 rank and file wounded. 5th battalion 60th Regiment— 1 serjeant missing, 5 rank and file killed, 5 wounded. 4th Light battalion— 1 serjeant 3 rank and file killed, 22 wounded, 1 missing. Royal Meath Militia— 1 serjeant killed. Roscommon Militia — 1 rank and file wounded, 1 missing. Dublin County Militia— 2 rank and file killed, 6 wounded. IRISH REBELLION. 147 ties of the day — for Father Clinch of Enniscorthy was killed while retreating after the action.* * " He was a man of huge stature, with a scymitar and broad cross-belts, mounted on a large white horse, with long pistols, and made such a conspicuous figure on the hill during the action, and the day preceding it, as attracted the notice of our troops, particularly as he seemed to be constantly employed in reconnoitring them. The Earl of Roden having singled him out among the fugitives, overtook him after a mile's pursuit, and received his fire, which his Lordship returned, and wounded him in the neck. He then discharged his second pistol at Lord Roden, on which an officer of the regiment rode up and shot him. He wore his vestments under his clothes ; had near forty pounds in his pocket, a gold watch, and a remarkable snuff- box ; all which, it is presumed, he had acquired by plunder. He had been as active in the cabinet as the field, having constantly sat at the committee at Enniscorthy, and, mounted on his charger and fully accoutred, he daily visited the camp." — Mitigrave, 1 2 148 HISTORY OP THE CHAPTER XIV. OCCUPATION OF WEXFORD BY THE REBELS — ATB.OCITIES COMMITTED IN THAT TOWN ANECDOTES. The darkest epoch of the revolutionary war has now devolved upon us to be described, and the events which marked the Wexford insur- rection, from the time that the town was evacuated by fhe royalists, and the hill over Enniscorthy occupied as a rebel camp, remain to be narrated. Would to God that blood-stained chapter in Irish history- could be discredited or omitted altogether ! Colonel Maxwell's retreat from Wexford, after the unfortunate de- feat of the Meath detachment at the Three Eocks, has already been detailed — and the royalists had scarcely commenced their march to Duncannon, until the town was occupied by a division of the rebel army, commanded by a farmer, called Edward Roche, who had acted as permanent Serjeant in a corps of yeoman cavalry. The advance of the rebel column to a place destined to become the scene of un- paralleled barbarities was at the same time desecrated by a foul parade of false religion,* rendered contemptible by a ludicrous display of unexampled cowardice, and succeeded by cruelties, which almost exceed belief. " When the rebels came to a place called the Spring," says Mus- grave, " within two hundred yards of the town, they knelt down, crossed themselves, and prayed for some time. A person in the van of their army, when advanced to the middle of the town, having by chance fired a shot, the rear, who were outside, fled with precipitation. As the rebels passed through the streets, they uttered the most dread- ful yells — and for three days after their arrival, continued to plunder, every one gratifying his revenge against those to whom he bore any enmity." A committee of seven was next appointed to form a general board of direction — and to smooth away the disgrace of his deposition from a chief command, Bagenal Harvey was elected president. The town was divided into districts — and the government of the whole conferred on Captain Keough — a man who had risen from the ranks, and pro- bably intoxicated with past good-fortune, now aimed at and obtained a brief and fatal distinction. * "It has been remarked, that none of the rebels were so blood tUrsty as those who were most regular attendants at the Popish ordinances ; and the drunken and careless sort were observed to have the greatest share of good-nature. It is a certain truth, that these savages never had so many Masses, nor ever prayed so much, as during their month of usurpation, especially on their battle days ; then all the old men, women, and children, betook themselves to their Ave Marias, &c., and when parties of two or three hundred would go round the country burning the houses of Protestants, they generally fell on their knees as soon as they set them on fire."-^ Gordon. IBISH llEBELLION. 149 The plunder of the houses of such Protestants as had escaped, and the incarceration of those who unfortunately either could not effect a retreat, or clung with desperate determination to property they could not find sufficient resolution to abandon, next occupied the insur gents. While the rabble were engaged in collecting numbers of ill-fated Protestants for future slaughter, the leaders went through the mockery of establishing a provisional government — and in imitation of the French Jacobins, a grand national committee, a council of elders, and a council of five hundred, were to be organized forthwith — while the dwelling-house of a wealthy merchant was put into requisition as a senate-house, wherein the different estates were to legislate for the young republic. If it were necessary to prove the fallacy, that any possibility exists of retaining influence over a sanguinary and superstitious mob, by any means but acting on their ignorance, or pandering to the worst passions of brutal dispositions, the rebel occupation of Wexford would afford an ample evidence — and the president of the council, and the governor of the town, in their own sad stories, tell, that the baser the materiel of the mob, the briefer is the authority of those who un- dertake the direction of its movements. Harvey was in birth and feeling a gentleman. He weakly accepted a dangerous distinction — and short as the duration of the Wexford emeute was, in its first outbreak he lost his popularity — and in a few days more, the commonest of the rabble leaders superseded him in authority, and exercised a power to which he too late found himself unequal to pretend. There is no doubt that the delusion of this ill- judging gentleman was hastily dispelled* — and a letter,t addressed to * Mr. Harvey, in hie defence onWs trial, said " That he became a member of the Irish Union three years before ; that he imagined the only object was to reform the constitution ; but that he did not till recently discover that the popish priests were deeply concerned in it, and that the extermination of Protestants was their main design. That having opposed their sanguinary views, he was deposed, and the com- mand was given to that infamous villain Father Roche. That he was then carried to the Three-rock camp as a prisoner, where he remained a few days, and was so far at liberty as to be allowed to walk about ; but so closely watched, that, with every wish to make his escape, he found it impossible, till the evening the rebels fled in every direction on the approach of the king's troops." T " Dear Sir, "I received your letter, but what to do for you I know not ; I from my heart wish to protect all property ; I can scarce protect myself ; and indeed my situation is much to be pitied, and distressing to myself. I took my present situation in hopes of doing good, and preventing mischief ; my trust is in Providence ; I acted always an honest, disinterested part, and, had my advice been taken by those in power, the present mischief would never have arisen. If I can retire to a private station again, I will immediately. Mr. Tottenham's refusing to speak to the gentleman I sent into Ross, who was madly shot by the soldiers, was very unfortunate ; it has set the people mad with rage, and there is no restraining them. The person I sent in had private instructions to propose a reconciliation, hut God knows where this business vrill end j but end how it will, the good men of both parties will be inevitably ruined. " I am, with respect, yours, "B. B. Harvey." 150 HISTORY OP THE a friend ■who requested his protection, gives a melancholy picture of the sandy foundation on which a rabble popularity is raised. From a communication forwarded to Lord Kingsborough,* immediately before his execution, and statements made by him in his defence, it is cer- tain, that, had circumstances permitted it, Harvey would have thrown himself upon the mercy of the government, and abandoned a party, where his influence was second to a shoe-black's. Every day during the rebel occupation of the town and adjacent encampments, fresh victims continued to be brought in by the savage pikemen. In Wexford, a small sloop, the town jail, and subsequently the market-house, were filled with unhappy sufferers. The jail at last became so overcrowded, that the committee of public safety, dreading that putrid food and sultry weather would occasion a pestilence among the wretched captives, determined that fifty should be removed, and committed from the prison to the market-house. This exchange was contemplated by the sufierers with the deepest alarm, and many en- treated, crowded as the prison was, that they might be sufiered to re- main in it. An anxious yearning after life actuated the unhappy prisoners in urging their petition. Although the jail had become dangerous and loathsonje, still it had one advantage in the captives' eyes. The building was strong — and more likely therefore, to aiford protection from a murderous banditti, who could scarcely be restrained from bursting the doors, and consigning to a general massacre all the unfortunates contained within the walls. Nor were those confined within the prison-ship more favoured than the other sufferers, although their belonging to a superior order of society, would naturally render them more susceptible to the privar- tions they endured, and the cruelties infiicted on them. Were it possible to have added any thing to the infamous barbarity which attended on their captivity, it would be the fact that some were gen- tlemen far advanced in years, and others delicate females who had been nursed in the lap of luxury. During their lengthened confine- ment, constant insult, with threats of instant death, were vented on them by the druken savages who formed their guard — while female ears were outraged by blasphemous oaths, and more disgusting ob- scenity. Such was the intensity of the misery which they underwent, that one lady absolutely became insane, and attempting to commit suicide, was with difficulty saved from drowning. In this infernal state of bondage, these unfortunates were retained for sixteen days. Con- fined in the hold of a wretched smack, " covered with an iron grating and no bed but a light covering of dirty straw laid upon the ballast, * " My Lord, " I take the liberty of requesting your Lordship will let me have an opportunity of seeing your lordship before you leave Wexford. You caunot but recollect how repeatedly I wished to speak to your lordship alone; that I was always prevented by fear ; and whenever I met you and was allowed to speak to you, I was ever ready to accede to proposals of restoring order and government. " I am with submission, " Your lordship's most obedient, " B. B. Harvey." IKISH REBELLION. 151 which consisted of stones. Six rebel guards were placed over them. Their breakfast consisted of a small barley loaf, which was almost black, and half a pint of milk : their dinner of coarse boiled beef, with some potatoes, let down in the dirty bucket of the ship, without a knife or fork — for they were deprived of them as soon as they were committed. Their drink was bad beer or whiskey — and two days in the week, their only food was potatoes and rancid butter, let down in the ship's bucket."* A reign of terror had commenced — the rabble power had become predominant — and all persons of superior rank, or a different faith, were denounced f by wretches who associated crime with religion, and slaughtered in the name of God. The lowest ruffians had become leaders of the mob — and several monsters, who desecrated the holy orders intrusted to them, encouraged the barbarities of their besotted followers, and pandered to their superstition. Among these wretches. Murphy, of Bannow, and Roche, of Paulpearsey, were conspicuous. The latter, like Murphy, killed at Arklow, was also a bullet-catcher — and while he occasionally distributed to his flock balls which had been caught in action — he promised an immunity from danger to the faith- ful. " He would give them," he said, "gospels { to hang about their necks, which would make the person who wore it proof against all the power of heretical artillery j but that notwithstanding their extra^ * MS. by a Lady. t PROCLAMATION OF THE People of the County of Wexford. " Whereas, it stands manifestly notorious that James Boyd, Hawtiy White, Hunter Gowan, and Archibald Hamilton Jacob, late magistrates of this county, have committed the most horrid acts of cruelty, violence, and oppression, against our peaceable and well-affected countrymen : now We the people, associated and united for the purpose of procuring our just rights, and being determined to protect the persons and properties of those of all reUgious persuasions who have not op- pressed us, and who are willing with heart and hand to join our glorious cause, as well as to shew our marked disapprobation and horror of the crimes of the above delinquents, do call on our countrymen at large, to use every exertion in their power to apprehend the bodies of the aforesaid James Boyd, &o. &c. &c. and to secure and convey them to the gaol of Wexford, to be brought before the Tribunal of the People. " Done at Wexford, this 9th day of June, 1798. " GOD SAVE THE PEOPLE." X Copy of a gospel found in the pocket of a slain rebel. INEI IN THE AND OF THE NAME OF GOD, >J« BLESSED VIRGIN. IHS AMEN. " No gun, pistol, sword, or any. other offensive weapon, can hurt or otherwise in- jure the person who has this paper in his possession ; and it is earnestly recom- mended to all women with child to carry it, as it will be found an infallible preserva- tion against the fatality of child-bed. "No. 7601. "Roche." One of those gospels was taken from off the neck of John Hay, a rebel chief, who was executed at Wexford, a few days after it was retaken by the king's army — they wei'e generally sewed to a brown-coloured tape. 152 HISTORY OF THE ordinary utility to the Irish army, they would be of no avail unless they were purchased. The price to the better sort of people, was half- a-crown ; but as the poorer were zealous in the glorious cause, he would only ask from them a sixpence. Thousands of these gospels were made, and speedily sent round the country."* The opening murders at Wexford were confined to persons who had incurred the animosity of the rebels, by being instrumental, before the insurrection broke out, in bringing the disaffected to justice — and Taylor, in his history, gives the following detail of one of these mob executions. " One Murphy, a Roman Catholic, who had been gardener to Mr. Edwards of Ballyhire, was at this time taken prisoner, and brought to Wexford. He had formerly been a witness against one Dixon a priest, a notorious traitor, who was sentenced to transporta-- tion, for administering the United oath to several persons. For this crime the unfortunate man was sentenced to be shot, on Sunday, the third of June ; and such was the detestation of him entertained by the rebels, that in order to increase the ignominy of his death, they had him executed by Protestants, who were also prisoners in the gaol. Middleton Robson, a ganger; Robert Pigott, a surveyor of excise; and Richard Julian, a ganger, were the persons appointed to execute the sentence. After mass, Thomas Dixon, a near relation to the priest, was appointed to conduct the execution. He was the most barbarous man to defenceless persons that ever existed, but a greater coward in battle could not be. He had the prisoner brought to the bull-ring, and Mr. Robson being ordered to fire, the unfortunate man fell dead ; when Dixon ran forward and thrust his sword in the back of his neck, then drawing it forth, held it up to the view of the mob, desiring them to ' Behold the blood of a traitor ! ' At this time John Edwards, a Protestant, and land steward to Mr. Edwards, was brought into the crowd to be murdered ; but Dixon, to shew his hatred to Murphy, 'declared upon his honour, no other man should suffer that day.' Robson, Pigott, and Julian, were compelled to drag the lifeless body to the quay, and throw it into the river." For a time the fearful massacre, which even yet carries horror with its recollection, was happily averted, and many a life preserved by the humblest intervention, — ^for even in those bloody times, past kindness was not always unremembered. Interest with the priesthood was seldom employed without success — while others were indebted to escape from a death of torture, to the gratitude or humanity of some peasant to whom formerly they had been serviceable. " Among the latter was the Rev. John Elgee, rector of Wexford, whose life was saved by the gratitude of some of the lowest of the people, for the charity which he had on all occasions manifested to unfortunate wretches committed to the public prison. Great numbers were saved by the humane endeavours of the chiefs, whose influence, though very far from controlling the furious rabble in all cases, had so far an effect as to prevent the massacres of Wexford (which were, however, horribly atrocious) from equalling in extent those of Ennis- * Taylor's History. iniSII REBELLION. 153 corthy. The chiefs themselves, particularly those few among them who had been educated in the Protestant religion, were in perpetual danger of death, or violence, from an ungovernable multitude, whom they had unwisely hoped to command. A strong instance of this was that of Captain Keough. One day, as he was sitting in committee with a number of other chiefs, he was arrested by a common fellow, by the authority of the rabble, as a traitor in league with Orangemen ; and when the arrest was resisted by the members of the committee, the in- furiated multitude, who were crowded together in thousands in the streets, roared to those who stood most convenient for the purpose, to drive out the committee, and pull the house down. This alarming tumult was appeased by the address of Keough, who, in a speech from a window, displayed on this occasion no despicable eloquence." * With such feelings and dispositions, it will be a subject of regret, but not surprise, that now the ferocity of the rabble resisted all control, and blood alone could appease it. The death decree of the wretched prisoners went forth, and the fearful story of the massacre is recorded by one who miraculously escaped the fate of his less fortunate com- panions. It is a fearful record of butchery, — and, alas! the statement is not over-coloured. " On the 19th of June, the Protestants in Wexford received the heart-rending intelligence that all the prisoners were to be murdered the next day. That night also, one of them, while sitting alone in silent sorrow, heard the death-bell toll as loud as ever she heard it, and much more awfully. On the following morning, the never to be for- gotten 20th of June, Thomas Dixon rode to the gaol door, and swore that not a prisoner should be alive against sun-set. f He then rode into the street, repeating the same with horrid imprecations, adding, " that not a soul should be left to tell the tale." Good God ! how shall I proceed ? neither tongue nor pen can describe the dismal aspect of that melancholy day — a day in which the sun did not so much as glimmer through the frowning heavens. The town-bell rung, and the drums beat to arms, to assemble the rebels for the purpose of joining those at the Three Eocks, to march against General Moore's brigade. In the evening Dixon assembled the murdering band, and immediately hoisted that harbinger of destruction, the Black Flag,% which had on * Gordon. t "Thomas Dixon, rebel captain, was tlieson of a publican in Castle-bridge, near Wexford. In his youth he was bound as an apprentice to a tanner in New Ross ; but not liking that business, he went to sea, and in some time was appointed master of one of his brother's vessels, who was an opulent merchant in Castle-bridge. During the rebellion, he was noted for cruelty and cowardice, and was the means of shedding torrents of Protestant blood. His wife, if possible, was more sanguinary than him- self; but wherever they secreted themselves, they never could be found, though a large reward was offered for their apprehension." — Taylor. X " The black flag that appeared in Wexford on that day is, among other things, talked of with various chimerical conjectures, and its notoriety as denouncing massacre has been confidently recorded ; notwithstanding that it is an absolute fact, that this identical black flag was, throughout the whole of the insurrection, borne by a particular corps, and the carrying of banners of that colour was by no means a singular circumstance during that period, as a flag of that and every other hue, ex- cept orange, were waved by the insurgents."— //ay's Narrative. 154 HISTORY OF THE one side a bloody cross, and on the other the initials,^ — M.-W..S. that is, "murder without sin," signifying, that it was no sin to murder a Protestant.' Having paraded for some time to ^ve more solemnity to the scene, the Protestants who were confined in the gaol and prison- ship were led forth to the slaughter, and conducted to the bridge uader a strong-' guard 'of merciless ruffians, piked to death, with every circumstance of "barbarous cruelty, and then flung into the river to leave room for more ! While this work of blood was going on, a rebel captain being shocked at the cries of the victims, and possessing some feelings of humaniiy, ran to the Popish bishop, who was drinking wine with the utmost composure after dinner, and knowing that he could at once stop the massacre, entreated of him, ' for the mercy of Jesus,' to come and save the prisoners. The bishop coolly replied, that ' it was no afl'air of his,' and requested the captain ' would sit down and take a glass of wine,' adding ' that the people should be gratified ! '* The captain, however indignantly refused the "invitation, and, filled with abhorrence and distress of mind, walked silently away.f All this time the sanguinary pikemen tcontinued butchering the poor victims onthe bridge; some thay perforated in places not mortal, to prolong and increase their torture, others they would raise aloft on their pikes, and while the miserable victim writhed in extreme of agony, bis blood streaming down the handles of their pikes, they exulted round him with savage joy. In the midst of this terrific scene, General Edward Roche gallopped up in great haste, and commanded the drum to beat to- arms, declaring, " that Vinegar-hill was nearly surrounded by the King's troops, and that all should repair to camp, * It is only justice to say this serious accusation against Dr. Caulfield has been emphatically repudiated — " I solemnly declare to God and man that no such cap- tain or man came or applied to me ; and that any captain or man (or even Mr. Taylor himself ) who igave such information, gave a false and unfounded one." — Plowden. , , ' " Dri CauMeld, the titular bishop, was heavily censured for the imputed apathy, he exhibited, while "Wexford was in the hands of the insurgents, and when the most revolting barbarities were perpetrated before his eyes. If a country priest had power to bind and loose — and that they had the power is not to be disputed — what might have been expected from the influence of a prelate, to whom the savage mul- titude looked np with -awe and veneration ? Much has been said and written in apology for the doctor's conduct. That he possessed commanding influence cannot be denied, and few have attempted to prove that he used it as he should. But that he could arid did protect Protestants, the following correspondence establishes : — Efiverend Doctor Gaiilfidd, "Wexford. "My Lord! "If possible you'll have the Messrs. — liberated, or removed to some more comfortable lodging V they are well disposed, and have never injured any one in- dividual. Your compliance will oblige your afi'ectionate friend. " Enniscorthy; June 15th, 1798. " John Sutton, Priest." " The Messrs. , I am surcj are free from any party business, orange, or any thing inimical to any society of people, as is mentioned above. " I remain, my Lord, yours most sincerely, " "Wm. Synnott, P.P." " From the excellent characters of the above gentlemen, I beg leave, in the name of Jesus Christ, to recommend them to be protected. " Wexford, Jane 15th, 1798. " James Caulfield." ^ IRISH REBELLION. 15.5 as reinforcements were wanting." This express had a wonderful effect : the assassins instantly closed the bloody scene, and fled in all directions, leaving three of the prisoners on their knees, namely, William Hamil- ton, William O'Connor, and Charles Jackson. Some of the rebel guard returned soon after, and conveyed the prisoners back to gaol, who had still continued on their knees without making the leaat effort to escape, being stupified with terror. But that sanguinary monster, Thomas Dixon, returning, he soon evinced that his thirst for blood was not yet satiated, by ordering out the remainder of the prisoners from the gaol and prison-ship, the greater part of whom were tortured to death in like manner as the former. He then proceeded to the market- house, and having fixed his vulture-eye on others, dragged them to the fatal bridge for execution. After butchering these, a lot of ten more was brought forth, and barbarously murdered. The third time they took out eighteen, and were massacring them, when Dick Monk* rode into town from Vinegar-hill, with his shoes and stockings off, and shouted " D — n your souls, you vagabonds, why don't you go out and meet the enemy that are coming in, and not be murdering in cold blood ? " Some Protestant women followed him, and asked him, "What news ? " he replied, " Bad news, indeed; the King's forces are encamped round Vinegar-hill." He then rode towards the convent, and per- ceiving the women (who were anxious to be more fully informed of this matter) following him, he drew out a pistol, and swore " that if they came any farther he would blow their brains out." Shortly after. Priest Corrin was seen running towards the bridge. There were six of the poor Protestants killed out of the last party that were taken down before he arrived, and it was with great difficulty he prevailed upon them to spare the rest. After using all the arguments he could, without effect, he at length took off his hat, and desired them to kneel down and pra^ for the souls of the poor prisoners before they put them to death. They did so — and having thus got them in the attitude of devotion, he said, " Now pray to God to have mercy on your souls, and teach you to shew that kindness towards them, which you expect from Him, in the hour of death, and in the day of judgment." — This had the desired effect ; he led them off the bridge without opposition, and they were sent back to confinement. The massacre of that day ceaaed about eight o'clock in the evening. Out of forty-eight prisoners who had been confined in the market-house, nineteen only escaped.+ * Itichard Monaghan, alias Dick Monk, a rebel captain, was bom of obscure pa- rents, having formerly been a shoe-black in Wexford : but being a fellow of great wit and humour, he was taken notice of, and afterwards obtained a livelihood by buying com for the merchants j he had also been a recruiting Serjeant part of his life, and on the rebellion breaking out, he was appointed a captain in the rebel army, and considered during that period a generous and well-minded man. After the rebels were driven out of the county, he received a wound in an engagement, and was going to Newtown-barry to surrender himself to Colonel Maxwell, of the Cavan militia, when he was met by a party of yeomanry, and shot. t " They thus continued, till about seven o'clock, to convey parties of prisoners, from ten to twenty, from the gaol and the market-house, where many of them were confined, to the bridge, where they butchered them. Every procession was preceded 156 HISTORY OP THE Nor were these dreadful cruelties confined to the town alone. In their camps, and on their marches and retreats, the same execrable barbarities -were constantly committed.* No exaggeration can be im- puted to those who escaped death, and afterwards detailed the suffer- ings they had undergone — for the dying confessions of many who were actors in these scenes of blood, and afterwards paid the penalty of crime, corroborated the statements of those who had been their prisoners, and confirmed their truth. " It is said that not less than four hundred Protestants were mas- sacred in Enniscorthy and on Vinegar-hill, the bodies of whom lay unburied during several days ; and such was the cruelty of the rebels, that they would not suffer their female friends to perform the last act of humanity, nor even look at them, on pain of death. To increase the horror of this scene, the swine were suffered to prey upon the bodies . — and several, through the heat of the weather, were reduced to such a state of putrefaction, that at length they became offensive to the mur- derers, who drew them to the water-side, where they covered some by the black flag, and the prisoners were surrounded by ruthless pikemen,as guards, who often insultingly desired them to bless themselves. "The mob, consisting of more women than men, expressed their savage joy on the immolation of each of the victims, by loud huzzas. " The manner, in general, of putting them to death, was thus : Two rebels pushed their pikes into the breast of the victim, and two into his back ; and in that state (writhing with torture) they held him suspended, till dead, and then threw him over the bridge into the water. " After they had massacred ninety-seven prisoners in that manner, and before they could proceed further in the business, an express rode up in great haste, and bid them beat to arms, as Vinegar-hill was beset, and reinforcements were wanting. There was immediately a cry, ' To camp ! to camp ! ' The rebels got into great confusion, and the massacre was discontinued." — Jacison' s Narrative. * " After taking possession of Enniscorthy, they planted the Tree of Liberty, with shouts of ' Vive la Republique,' and ' Erin go Bragh.' Here the work of blood immediately began, and continued every day more or less for twenty-five days ; a dreadful specimen of what might be expected from such a government. One day they were so diabolical as to murder all the Protestants they had ; and not satisfied with this, they sent to Wexford for more, and every day parties ranged the country, dragging forth all they could find, to satiate their thirst for blood. On the 1st of June, a Protestant, who afterwards escaped by the interposition of a rebel captain, being in an old wind-mill (where all the condemned were placed), saw a man sitting on the ground, with only a piece of blanket covering him — his eyes were picked out of their sockets, his tongue cut out, his head and body swelled to an enormous degree, and covered with ulcers. Not thinking he was alive, till the poor sufferer gave a heart-piercing groan, the prisoner was startled, and exclaimed ' Good God ! what miserable object is that 1 ' He was answered by one of the guards, that he was under slow punishment / .' This was verified on oath. " As the Protestants grew scarce, they kept them the longer in torment before they despatched them, by scourging them with lashes made of brass wire, and twisted in whip-cord. - George Stacy, who received two hundred and fifty lashes, and a Mr. Whitney, with several others, bore witness to the truth of this. But they did not st&p here ; piking them, but not mortally, was frequently done, for the purpose of keeping them in misery. Sometimes they used a stone, with one end small and the other large — and putting the small end into the mouth of the expiring victim, they would stamp on it with the heel of the shoe, tiU his jaws were extended to the ut- most. This barbarity was inflicted on Henry Hatton, deputy Portrieve of £nnis> corthy, and many others." — Appendix to Muagrave's Memoirs, IRISH REBELLION 157 with sand, and threw others into the river, in which, for a long time after, they floated with the tide." * If the cruelties occurring during this reign of terror were many and revolting, the singular escapes of victims, not only doomed, but ap- parently "done to^death," are so miraculous, that were not their authen- ticity established beyond disbelief, they scarcely could be credited. " The recovery of Charles Davis, of Enniscorthy, was extraordinary. After having remained four days concealed, during which time he had no other sustenance than the raw body of * cock, he was taken at some distance from the town, brought to Vinegar-hill, shot through the body and one of his arms, violently struck in several parts of the, head with thrusts of a pike, which, however, penetrated not into the brain, and thrown into a grave on his back, with a heap of earth and stones over him. A faithful dog having srcaped away the covering from his face, and cleansed it by licking the blood, he returned to life after an interment of twelve hours, dreaming that pikemen were pro- ceeding to stab him, and pronouncing the name of Father Roche, by whose interposition he hoped to be released. Some superstitious per- sons hearing the name, and imagining the man to have been revivified by the favour of heaven, in order that he might receive salvation from the priest, by becoming a Catholic, before his final departure, took him from the grave to a house, and treated him with such kind attention that he recovered, and is now living in apparently perfect health."t I have previously remarked that the Roman Catholic clergy, al- though many of them were notoriously disaffected, and deeply culpa/- ble in concealing the progress of treason from the authorities, when they were perfectly acquainted with the objects of the conspirators, still generally, held back from an overt display of rebellion J — and, while some pretended, others truly exerted themselves to save pro- perty and life, and soften down the savage spirit of the times. That the priestly leaders were infinitely more sanguinary than the lay com- manders, has never been denied — and the following detail, given by Taylor, presents a picture of savage ferocity and providential deliver- ance, which gives the transaction unusual interest : — " After Wexford was recovered, and the loyalists were obliged to retreat from Gorey to Arklow, very many failed in their attempt to get away, and were savagely put to death. One of the fugitives over- taken by the rebels was a man named Eowsome — and " knowing who he was, they were on the point of piking him, but Perry desired them to forbear, and leave him for those who were coming after. Priest Kearns came up with another body of rebels, and asked him his name; he told him, and then Kearns desired him to lie down till he should * Musgrave. t Jackson's Narrative. J " From the most unbiassed accounts that I have seen, the number of Roman Patholic priests, who gave in to the rebellion, fell considerably short of a score, which, out of two thousand and upwards in the kingdom, is a very small propor- tion. Amongst those few no prelate or ecclesiastic of consequence and respecta- bility was to be found." — Plowden'a Historical Review. 158 HISTORY OP THE shoot him. Some of the rebels were going to finish him their own way, but Kearns prevented them, saying, he would do him the honour to despatch him himself. He snapped a pistol at him, and as it missed fire, the rebels were again for piking him, but the priest very de- liberately put fresh powder in the pan, and ordered Rowsome not to stir, telling him he would now do Ms business. He accordingly fired ; the ball passed through his chin and upper lip, and came out at his neck, tearing him in a shocking manner. Here they left him weltering in his gore. After soifie time he crept ofi' the road, and lay for a while hid in some fern in an adjoining field, where two rebels found and asked him, ' if he was not yet dead ? ' He said not, but almost. One of them replied, it would not be long until he should, on which he fired at him, and the ball broke one of his arms. The other rebel would not fire, having but one charge, but got a large stone and beat the poor sufierer on' the head, until no appearance of life was left. Here he lay until near daylight, when recovering a little strength he crossed the country to Benough, to a friend's house, in whose pig-sty he lay two days and two nights without nourishment, except some milk and water. On the arrival of the King's troops at Gorey, he was conveyed on a provision cart to the military hospital in Bray, where he remained some months till cured, and is now a living monument of the sparing mercy of God. Of all the objects I have seen, he is one of the greatest ; having lost all his under teeth and the bones of his chin ; his jaw is locked, his under lip split from the point to the swallow, and he cannot take any sort of food, but what is administered through the medium of a spoon." That the conduct of such infamous villains as Kearns and the Mur- phys was calculated to throw a stain on the character of the Irish priesthood, was only what might have been expected, and what did occur. But let it be remembered that these wretches formed a small section of the order — and that if there were monsters like Kearns, there were men like Father Corrin. To the unwearied exertions of this excellent churchman, many a doomed Protestant was indebted for his life — and many a home, that otherwise would have been desolated, was gladdened by the return of a child or parent, who had been, in mournful anticipation, already numbered by his family with the dead. Probably from the bodily sufferings and agony of mind he had suffered during his captivity, Taylor was naturally prejudiced against those who could have averted both — but stiU he admits that Roman Catholic mercy was not always withheld from the unfortunate. " I rejoice, however, to state, that there were some bright exceptions to the general character for cruelty which marked the conduct of the Romanists at this dreadful period. Mr. Shaw, an half-pay officer, con- cealed himself on a loft, only four feet square, and not four feet high, for the space of twenty-three days, and was there three days before any of his friends knew what became of him. Nor did any person know it but a boy and girl, both Romanists, who told his wife where he was concealed, and she conveyed him some sustenance through the loft, where they started a board for that purpose." IRISH REBELLION. 159 ~ That the majority of the peasantry engaged in the Wexford insur- rection were not of the sanguinary and vindictive temperament too generally imputed to them may he collected from the fact, that almost every Protestant who fell into the rehel hands, and afterwards escaped death, was indebted, with scarcely an exception, to Eomanists for their preservation, and even where leaders could not, or would not interfere, life was saved by humble agencies. Without reference to the nu- merous authenticated cases, contained in the Appendix to Musgrave's Memoirs, the annexed original communications will prove that a sweeping charge of inhumanity or ingratitude cannot be sustained against the Wexford Roman Catholics. The first case we would point to was that of a retired officer and his family — and it presents a simple but melancholy picture of the misery which this unfortunate outbreak caused to many an inoffensive family. "A shattered constitution, from sufferings and privations abroaJJ, obliged my father to retire from the army, when from severe losses in his property, he was obliged to accept a revenue situation, and settle in Enniscorthy a few years prior to the rebellion. There his military ex- perience and loyal exertions made him fatally conspicuous. On the commencement of the troubles, he, with many other gentlemen, joined Captain Richards, of Solsborongh's corps of cavalry. On the memorable 28th of May, after the struggle of the few against the many, my father, with several who escaped the carnage, retreated to Wexford, and was one of those unfortunates who were given up to the rebels by the treacherous captain of the ship to whom they had. given their all for a chance of escaping death. When the rebels were taking their victims to the gaol, Captain ' being very active, made his escape, and after hiding without bed or food for three days, endeavoured to swim to a boat, in the hope of getting out to sea ; but being seen, the rebels fired at and wounded him, brought him ashore, and piked him to death. His body obtained a grave — for he was buried in the sand by some kind friends. His unfortunate wife and only child (myself), were driven through the burning town amid scenes of blood and horror. We continued wandering for two days and nights, hiding in a wood without any thing to cover us, or a morsel of food, and every moment in dread of a miserable death. We were at last obliged to return to town, and wit- ness scenes too dreadful to describe. A poor carpenter's family took us in, and hid us in a wretched hay-loft, where they humanely kept us, and gave us what food they could spare ; and for three weeks we had not a change of clothes. At times we could see from the windows the most horrifying acts imaginable, but at length the British army drove the insurgents from Vinegar-hill, and gave us liberty. After the most heartr-rending sufferings and privations, we got by sea to Dublin, and from thence to Wales, where the dreadful scenes my mother had witnessed, added to her husband's miserable fate, preyed on her mind and health, and rendered her incapable of setting forth these details to Sir R. Musgrave, or of even knowing that his history had been published. Nor was she even able to send in a statement of her losses to the com- mittee appointed by government, but asked for a small sum to enable 160 HISTORY OF THE lier to return home, and procure documents to ascertain her loss. When she did forward her memorial, no second claim would be allowed — and many who had lost but little gained tenfold what they lost."* That gratitude for past kindness was not extinguished in the pea- sant's breast, the following anecdote will instance. "Soon after the first outbreak of the Wexford rebellion, a valuable and favourite mare, the property of Mrs. De Rienzy, of Clobemon Hall, was carried away from the field in which she was grazing, by a party of rebels from the county Oarlow. The robbery being mentioned to a man named Keogh, who was much attached to the family, although a notorious rebel, he declared that he would recover the mare, and punish the party who had taken her ; a promise which he faithfully fulfilled. Having traced the mare to the rebel camp at Old Leighlin, a mountain ridge upwards of twenty miles distant, and finding her in possession of one of the chiefs, he shot the man dead, and afterwards rode home the mare, which was found grazing quietly in her paddock the next morning, to the great surprise of the family. To give Keogh full credit for this exploit, it must be recollected, that the rebel army had been at this time driven from the counties of Kilkenny and Car- low, and that the intervening roa^ls were occupied by yeomanry and troops of the line. By taking a circnitous route, Keogh managed to escape the danger, and cleverly achieved his object. It is only right to add, that in consideration of this act, he was afterwards pardoned at the intercession of the family. " Shortly after the incident referred to, several houses in the neigh- bourhood were attacked by large bodies of rebels, who plundered and burned them, and in some instances put all the inmates to death. A large party, however, of the tenants and followers of the De Rienzy family acted as a guard to the house of Clobemon Hall, and would not sufier any injury to be done to it j and although the hall was for a considerable period in their actual possession, the only loss sustained was the abstraction of a few bottles of wine from the cellar, and the green cloth stripped from a billiard-table, which one of the party converted into a rebel uniform." f * Communicated by a lady. t By the bye, a ludicrous story is told of one of the rebel party, when plundering a cellar, having by mistake drunk part of a bottle of red marking-ink, which he spat out ; but his comrade immediately finished the remainder, observing that " it must be good stuff, or the Qualitt/ would not drink it." — Commtmicated by , Etq. IRISH REBELLION. lUl CHAPTER XV. LORD CORNWALLIS APPOINTED VICEROY — RECOVEBY OP THE TOWN OF WE IC FORD TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS OP THE REBEL LEADERS. While these transactions were occurring in Wexford and the adja- cent districts, a change in the executive of the kingdom took place. Lord Camden was recalled, and Lord Cornwallis assumed the reins of government, " with a plenitude of power exceeding that of his prede- cessor, by the supremacy of military command having been superadded to the civil government of the country."* The fortunate appointment of this nobleman to the Irish lieutenancy was made at a moment when a powerful interposition between the military and the people had be- come imperative, as the licentiousness of the soldiery had overcome every means hitherto used for its restriction, and instead of bringing terror to the guilty, goaded them by indiscriminating severities to the commission of fresh crimes, and through the recklessness of desperation, forced numbers to band with the insurgents, who would otherwise have continued passive, and unoifending. In conformity to the spirit of his instructions, and indeed with the secret dictates of a benevolent disposition, the new viceroy applied himself to remedy abuses, and by conciliatory measures, reclaim the disaffected, and induce them to return to their allegiance. In pur- suance of this judicious system of government, military executions were interdicted, and the sentences of courts-martial suspended, until the minutes of the evidence had been submitted to the law officers and been revised. These humane proceedings were forerunners to the pro- * " That a viceroy of military talents, of political knowledge and activity, had not been sent sooner to this kingdom, where a widely-extended insurrection had been so long known to have been planned, seems to argue a defect of wisdom, or at least of precaution, in the British cabinet. Probably the members of that cabinet were little aware of the dangerous force of the Irish peasantry, when armed and brought into action. But if Newtownbarry, Ross, and Arklow had fallen into the hands of the Wexfordian insurgents j if these insurgents had not committed massacres and devastations ; if they had not given their warfare the complexion of bigotry and re- ligious murder ; if they had not procrastinated ; and if troops from France with arms and ammunition had landed to their assistance — the British ministry might have had lamentable cause of repentance for their neglect of Ireland ! As if to make atonement for past inattention, a man the most fit of all the class of nobility was at length appointed to this most important office — the Marquis Cornwallis ; who had eminently displayed the talents of a general and statesman, not less when inevitably conquered in America, than when victorious in the East. The earlier ap- pointment of such a viceroy might have prevented rebellion, and consequently the loss of thousands of lives and of immense property to the kingdom. His activity and wisdom, in the discharge of his high function, soon exhibited a new phenomenon in a country where the viceroyalty had been generally a sinecure, and the viceroy a pageant of state." — Gordon. M If? 2 HISTORY OP THE clamation of an act of amnesty — ^but to connect the narrative of the insurrectionary warfare, it will be necessary to detail the final scenes which closed the history of the Wexford outbreak. After Keugh's offer of surrendering the town, under promise of protection, had been rejected by General Lake, who certainly would not have been warranted in entering into any negotiation with men in arms, a second attempt at accommodation was made under the sanction of Lord Kingsborough.* Two envoys were accordingly despatched with fresh proposals to be submitted to General Moore, but the mes- sengers were intercepted outside the town. Ensign Harman, of the North Cork, brutally killed, and his companion driven back into Wexford. The ruffian who committed this wanton murder was oalled Whelan, — and, to end every hope of accommodation, he attempted to assassinate Lord Kingsborough, who had been the medium of commu- nication hitherto kept up between the royalist commanders and the rebel chiefs. Every consideration of personal security pointed to the total suppression of outrage, as the only means by which the heavy vengeance of a victorious army could be averted ; and Whelan would have been executed by the rebel leaders, had they not dreaded the fury of his savage followers. Nor was it without sufficient reafion that the turbulent villain was allowed to murder with impunity an envoy despatched by themselves — " so radically had the infernal spirit of rebellion extinguished all sense of duty in the misguided wretches in this temporary frenzy, that it became a service of as much danger to dehort them from their wicked purposes, as to hoist an orange cockade, or to threaten to flog, strangle, or picqu6t them."t Meanwhile, the final scene of the tragic occurrences promised to equal, and perhaps exceed, the terrible events which had preceded it. There is little doubt that a general and unsparing massacre of the Protestants had been resolved upon — and although, assisted by an alarm that their camp was being attacked,^ the Catholic bishop and clergy had induced the greater number of the insurgents to quit the town, still the most ferocious wretches remained, and seemed deter- * " Lord Kingsborough was considered by tie rebel chiefs as a valuable hostage ; and, perhaps, If they had fully availed themselves of this advantage, some terms might have been obtained in their favour, though of the lives of hostages in general, no account seems to have been made by the commanders of his Majesty's troops. The deluded multitude would probably have committed a tremendous massacre on the 21st of June — the day of General Moore's march towards Wexford — if they had not been persuaded by their devoted leaders that conditions of snrrendry would be obtained. For this purpose Lord Kingsborough,' who on the occasion entered into certain engagements in fuvour of the rebels, was liberated, and sent to General Moore. How far his lordship endeavoured to fulfil these engagements, which pro- bably was quite beyond his power, I am not authorized to say." ' ' ■ t Plowden's Historical Review. J "Governor Keugh came into the street, andcried aloud, "Gentlemen, fly to the camp at the mountain of Forth ; you have notliing else for it : Go there and defend yourselves.' Some of them, as they were retreating (but particularly young M'Gauley, of Oulart, who was afterwards hanged) cried out, 'Let us set fire to the town ! ' but they had not timo to do so, for in a few minutes there was not a rebel in it." — Taylor's History. IRISH REBELLION. 163 mined to conclude a period of anarchy and terrorism by a scene of in discriminating slaughter. "During this confusion which their flight occasioned, the bloody Thomas Dixon, mounted on a very fine horse which he had taken from Mr. Cadwallader Edwards, rode through the streets, with a broad- sword drawn, and upbraided the rebels for their timidity and their dilatoriness. 'If you had followed my advice,' he said, ' in putting all the heretics to death three or four days ago, it would not have come to this pass.' Mrs. Dixon, who accompanied him on horseback, with a sword and case of pistols, clapped the rebels on the back and encouraged them, by saying, ' We must conquer : I know we must conquer :' and she exclaimed repeatedly, ' My Saviour tells me we must conquer !' " They repaired to the bridge to stop the retreat of the rebels, but in vain, though Mrs. Dixon drew a pistol and swore vehemently that she would shoot any one who would refuse to return with her to put the remainder of the heretics to death. They endeavoured to raise the port- cullis of the bridge, to prevent retreat, but were unable to do so." * It has been said, and I believe with justice, that the butcheries on Wexford bridge were perpetrated by a small section of the insurgents, kept by that sanguinary monster in a state of constant drunkenness, and ever ready to execute his ruthless orders. Every means were used by the ruffian to play upon the credulity, and excite the worst passions of his followers — and his fiendish inventions to irritate a brutal mob appear almost incredible. " Orange furniture being found by the wife of this man in the drawing-room of Mr. Le Hunte, four miles from Wexford, particularly two fire-screens with emblematical figures, Dixon informed the mob that this room had been the meeting- place of Orangemen, and that the figures denoted the manner in which the Roman Catholics were to be put to death by these conspirators ; that they were to be first deprived of their sight, and then burned alive, without the exception even of children; and particularly, that the seamen of this communion were to be roasted to death on red-hot anchors."t The approach of Moore's brigade, however, freed Wexford from the presence of the banditti who infested it to the last moment, and averted the intended massacre. Captain Boyd, the member for the town, and commandant of a corps of mounted yeomen, having ascertained that the great body of the rebels had returned, asked and obtained permis- sion from General Moore to enter Wexford, and announce that the army was on its march to occupy the place. Attended only by a dozen mounted yeomen. Captain Boyd galloped down the streets, proclaiming to the inhabitants their deliverance. At five in the evening, Moore's brigade arrived at the heights commanding Wexford, and bivouaced on the * Taylor's History. t " The rage for retaliation, which operated as strongly from the representation of false as of true facts, the barbarous Dixon inflamed by whiskey and supported by the most inhuman exhortations." — Plowden's Historical Review. M 2 1G4 HISTORY OP the' "Windmill-hill, while a wing of the Queen's regiment marched into the place and took military possession. That the excesses committed by the soldiery, upon a town previously devoted to plunder and destruction, fell infinitely short of what might have been expected, is an undoubted fact. That a few lives were lost is not to be denied — and while Plowden asserts " that all the wounded men in the hospital were put to the sword, and some of the straggling inhabitants lost their lives," another writer, himself present in the town, eulogizes the conduct of the troops, and describes their entrance into Wexford as having been orderly and inoffensive.* A bloody episode in the "Wexford history occurred at Gorey, on the day when the former town was recovered by the royalists. " On the departure of General Needham from the latter town to Vinegar-hill, on the 20th of June, he had sent an express to Captain Holmes, of the Durham regiment, who commanded in Arklow, ordering him to despatch immediately to Gorey, that part of the Gorey cavalry who remained in Arklow, and informing him that on their arrival at their place of destination, they should find an oflGicer to command them and a large force with which they were to unite. By the same ex- press, the Gorey infantry were ordered to remain in Arklow; but these, and the refugee inhabitants of the place, hearing of a large force to protect their town, were so impatient to revisit their homes, that they followed the cavalry contrary to orders. This body of cavalry, amounting only to seventeen in number, found, on their arrival in Gorey, to their astonishment, not an oflicer or soldier. They, however, had the courage or temerity to scour the country in search of rebels, with the assistance of some others who had joined them, and killed about fifty men whom they found in their houses, or straggling home- wards from the rebel camps, "f This act of severity on the part of the royalists, provoked insurgent retaliation — and the rebel column, under Peny, then in full retreat towards the mountains of Wicklow, determined to avenge the death of their late associates. On the 22nd, they marched rapidly on Gorey — the little garrison taking a position outside the town to oppose the entrance of the insurgents. From the smallness of their force, the * " Captain Boyd cautioned the prisoners not to come out till the arrival of the army, lest they might be taken for rebels (not having military clothes), and put to death ; and shortly after the Queen's royals arrived. Description fails in attempting to Bet forth the emotions which arose in the breasts of the poor Protestants who had been doomed to destruction. The entrance of the army was peculiarly striking ; for instead of rushing in with all the violence of enraged men, as might be expected, they marched along in such solemnity and silent grandeur, that not a whisper was to be heard through the ranks. Many wept with joy to see their deliverers, who soon opened the jail doors, ' and set the prisoners free.' Thus the town of Wexford was recovered on the 21st of June, 1798, after being in possession of the rebels twenty- three days. Had the army arrived a day sooner, they would have saved ninety-seven Protestants, who were cruelly butchered on the bridge. Indeed the shocking acts of barbarity practised during this period would make as many pictures of inhumanity as are to be found in the history of the martyrs."— ray^or's History. t Gordon. IRISH UEBELLION. 165 resistance of the royalists was short — and perceiving that they should be immediately surrounded, they hastily retired to Arklow, each of the infantry being carried off, en croupe, by- the horsemen. A number of the helpless refugees were consequently abandoned — and upon them the vengeance of the rebels was let loose. Forty of these defenceless per- sons, all of whom had been non-combatant, were ruthlessly put to death — and age or infirmity was equally disrespected. "However, no women or children were injured, because the rebels, who professed to act on a plan of retaliation, found on inquiry that no women or children of their party had been hurt. This was owing to the humanity of a young gentleman of seventeen years of age in the yeoman cavalry, who had, by his remonstrances, restrained his associates from violence with respect to the fair sex. In the action of this day, which will be long remembered in the town under the title of Bloody Friday, only three of the yeoman infantry were killed, and none of the cavalry. The rebels having accomplished their purpose of revenge, their only motive for deviating from their course to visit Gorey, resumed, after a short repast, their march to the Wicklow mountains."* If Plowden may be credited, the barbarous excesses committed by the royalists on the preceding day were quite sufficient to infuriate the rebels, and produce this horrible retaliation. " They had been exas- perated," he says, " as they came along, by discovering several dead men with their skulls split asunder, their bowels ript open, and their throats cut across, besides some dead women and children — even they met the dead bodies of two women, about which their surviving children were creeping and bewailing them. These sights hastened the insur- gent force to Gorey, where their exasperation was considerably aug- mented by discovering the pigs in the streets devouring the bodies of nine men who had been hanged the day before, with several others recently shot, and some still expiring."t The Wexford prisons had been scarcely emptied of the Protestant prisoners who had occupied them, until they were tenanted by those who had lately been the directors of the insurrection. General Lake arrived on the 22nd, and took up his quarters in the house of Keugh, the ex-governor, the latter exchanging his former domicile for a jail. Immediately after the recovery of Wexford the general issued the following PROCLAMATION. To prevent the further effusion of blood, the fatal effects of depopu- lation, and the total destruction of property in this once happy county, the General wishes to hold out to the last moment in his power, the means of forgiveness, and of returning happiness, to the unfortunate multitude, who from ignorance, and the persuasion of interested, wicked, and designing men, have been seduced from their allegiance to rise in arms and rebellion against their sovereign and the laws of their country, and to commit acts of murder, cruelty, and depredation, that would * Gordon. t Vol. 2, Part 2, p. 7W. 166 HISTORY OF THE disgrace the most savage nation. From this horrid state, and from the impending ruin of the county and its inhabitants, the general is most anxiously desirous of rescuing them; and hereby promises to all deluded persons who have yielded to the threats or persuasion of the infamous promoters of rebellion, that if they will immediately abandon their wicked course, and return as peaceable and good subjects to their respective homes and occupations, their persons and property shall remain unmolested, and in perfect security from injury. But, as a proof of their sincere repentance, and desire to return to their allegiance, they must, in the first instance, and in the course of three days from the date hereof (making allowance for the more distant parts of the county), deliver up their arms and amunition aa directed in the notice of the 28rd instant, and hereunto subjoined, and also the persons who have been most active in instigating or compelling them to engage in the rebellion; or if this is not in their power, they must give informal tion where they are most likely to be found. Should the terms here ofiered not be attended to, it will be the general's indispensable duty totally to destroy every town, cottage, and farm- house, that shall be found unoccupied by the masters of them, and to put to the sword every person who shall be found in arms, or having arms or ammunition in their possession. A serious consideration of this proclamation is recommended to all persons who have been compelled to join the rebels, and who sincerely repent their past conduct ; and they are particularly required to use their utmost exertions in bringing the deluded people to a sense of the ruinous situation into which they have brought the country, and of the only means by which they can rescue themselves and their property from the just vengeance that must be the inevitable consequence of their not attending to the terms of reconciliation now offered, and the last that will be made to them. Wexford, June 27th, 1798. While some of the rebel chiefs endeavoured to evade the first out- burst of the royalist excitement, by seeking a temporary security in concealment, others, either under the persuasion that the negotiations between the Wexford leaders and the commanding oiEcers of the troops would lead to a general amnesty, or, perhaps, in the desperation of their circumstances, remained in their respective homes, and quietly awaited the fate they knew to be impending. Grogan had retired to his mansion at Johnstown, while Harvey repaired to Bargy Castle, from whence, as a peace-offering, he sent some fat cattle to the com- manding officer in Wexford. On the return of the messenger, he found that to the chiefs of the insurgents mercy would not be extended ; and quitting his house, never to revisit it, he set out to join a fellow- unfortunate, who had vainly endeavoured to remove himself beyond the vengeance of the outraged laws. Colclough, with his wife and child, had sought a temporary asylum in one of the Saltees, and with some valuables hastily collected, and a few necessaries to maintain life, they had hidden themselves in a cave, IRISH REBELLION. 167 of which the entrance was artfully concealed. There Harvey joined the unhappy fugitives — and chiefly through the indiscretion with which he had neglected to keep his fatal visit secret, the whole party were arrested, brought back, and committed to close custody. The prisoners were arraigned on charges of high treason, and tried by a court-martial. Among the first to suffer were Father Philip Roach,* Keugh, Hay, and Esmond Kyan.f The executions took place upon the bridge, and they were hurried over with little consi- deration to the last moments of the dying, or to the feelings of the relations who survived them. Roach was a tall and weighty man, and on being suspended, the rope broke, and he fell to the ground stunned and stupified. Another halter was immediately procured, and he thus suffered the last penalties of the law, it might be said, twice over. After death the suflTerers were decapitated — the mutilated bodies cast into the river — and the heads placed upon spikes, and ex- posed to public view, thus calling into operation again one of the most disgusting remnants of feudal severity upon offenders against the state. Grogan was next brought before the court, — ^but from the want of some material evidence, his trial was postponed. Harvey's trial com- menced on the same evening — he appeared to be much agitated, and spoke little. It came out in evidence that he acted as commander-in- chief of the rebel forces at the battle of Ross, on the 5th of June, and a letter to the commander-in-chief of the king's troops, signed " B. B. Harvey," summoning him to surrender the town to the rebels, was produced in evidence on the trial, and acknowledged by Mr. Har- vey to be his handwriting. The unhappy man produced many wit- nesses in his defence, but none to contradict the main facts. He did not deny having acted as commander of the rebel forces, but endea- voured to extenuate his conduct by saying that he had accepted the distinction to prevent much greater evils, which must have occurred had it fallen into other hands, and in the hope of surrendering that command, one day or other, with greater advantage to the country. He had no counsel — and after a trial which lasted eight hours, waa * " He had been curate to the Rev. John Synnott, of Gorey ; had been a proper man, and would be useful, but indulging in excess of drinking, and beginning to agitate, he became obnoxious and was removed. He was afterwards sent curate, after reprehension, admonition, and instruction by his superior, to Rev. Thomas Doyle, in Bantry, the other extremity of the diocese, last winter. I heard nothing of him there until he joined the rebels, and soon became a leader." — Letter from Br. Caulfleld to Dr. Troy. f Taylor's character of this unhappy gentleman is extremely favourable, and excites regret that he should have been led astray : — " Esmond Kyan, rebel captain of artillery, was the youngest son of the late Howard Kyan, of Mount Howard, in the county of Wexford, Esq., and his mother aunt to Sir Thomas Esmond, Bart. He was about fifty years of age, five feet high, and rather a handsome man. He had lost his left arm some years before by an accident, and a cork one was substituted in its stead. He was liberal, generous, brave, and merciful ; and having received a severe wound in his left arm, above where the cork one was joined, and being tired of a rebellious life, he went to Wexford to surrender to the commanding officer, and endeavour to obtain pardon for the past." 168 HISTORY OF THE found guilty of death ; which sentence was put into execution on the morning of the 28th. His head was cut off and placed on the Sessions- house, and his body thrown into the river. On the evening of the same day was executed John Colclough of Ballyteigue. He was a gentleman of great respectability, and bore a very good private cha- racter. He was about thirty years old, of prepossessing aspect, and polished manners.* * To these unfortunate gentlemen a melancholy interest is attached — and the retreat selected by the fugitives has an air of romance that makes it interesting : — " The arrest of B. B. Harvey and John Colclough was attended with some curious circumstances which I shall relate. On the flight of the rebels from Wexford, the 21st of June, they retreated to the largest of the Saltee Islands, which Mr. Col- clough rented from Mr. Grogan. " Doctor Waddy, a physician, who served in the yeomanry, having got intelligence of their retreat, apphed to General Lake for a proper party, and an armed vessel, to go in quest of them, which he readily obtained. " About three o'clock on Sunday evening, the 23rd of June, he set sail in the Rutland cutter of ten guns, commanded by Captain Willoughby, with Lieutenant Turner, of the Queen's, a detachment of his regiment, and a man-of-war's boat, with a party of sailors well armed. The island is about six leagues from Wexford, and four or five mi'es from the southern coast of the country. The weather was so tempestuous, that they were obliged to reef their sails ; and the wind being adverse, they did not descry the island till about four o'clock in the morning, and could not cast anchor alongside it till eight. When they were approaching it they saw a small boat pass from the island to the mainland. As it is surrounded with high precipices, and is inaccessible but in one place, and as they expected to be opposed by a party of armed rebels, who, it was believed, had accompanied Harvey and Colclough, Captain Willoughby prepared to cover their landing with the cutter's guns, and they were attended for the same purpose by the man-of-war's boat. On landing, they repaired to the only house on the island, occupied by one Furlong, who rented it from Mr. Colclough. They found there an excellent feather-bed, with fine sh( ets which were warm, a handsome tea equipage, some genteel wearing apparel, belonging to both sexes, particularly a pair of pantaloons, which Dr. Waddy had seen on Mr. Colclough before the rebellion ; and near the house some silk shoes and other articles, hid in high ferns. They searched every suspected spot in the island, particularly a place called the Otters' Cave, but in vain, though they had not a doubt of their having been there, as they had found, among other things, a chest of plate in a con- cealed place belonging to Mr. Colclough. " The Doctor resolved to make another effort, by going round the island in a boat, for the purpose of reconnoitring the sides of it. In doing so he perceived on the edge of a high precipice, one rock lighter-coloured than the adjoining one ; and as the earth near it seemed to have been recently stirred, he suspected that they had been making preparations there for their concealment. He therefore again ascended the island, and found that the approach to the place which he .wished to explore was steep, serpentine, and through some crags. The light-coloured stone covered the mouth of the cave, and above it there was an aperture to let in the hght. The doctor called out to Colclough, and told him, that if he did not surrender imme- diately, and without resistance, he should receive no quarter. Colclough asked, ' Is that Dr. Waddy ?' and on his saying ' Yes,' he said he would surrender ; and soon after, he, at the doctor's desire, gave up his arms through the hole of the cave. The doctor threw down the precipice the stone which covered the mouth of it, which fell with a monstrous crash ; on which Mr. and Mrs. Colclough came forth, dressed in the meanest habits of peasants, for the purpose of disguising themselves. Then B. Harvey came out, saying, ' My God ! my God !' and so pale and weak from fatigue and anxiety of mind, that the doctor was obliged to support him. He also had a chest of plate concealed, which he gave in charge to the doctor and his party." — Muagrave. IRISH REBELLION. 169 A wealthy maltster named Prendergast, was executed the same day, and in the evening Mr. Colclough suffered.* On this ocftasion the entreaties of his widowed partner were attended to, mutilation was dis- pensed with, Mrs. Colcliough received the body of her husband, and in the poet's words " She laid him in his father's grave," and had the melancholy satisfaction of giving sepulture to the body of a beloved husband. Another rebel, whose better qualities probably deserved an extension of mercy more than any other of the convicted, was Kelly of Killan. He had led the attack on Ross, exhibited unbounded gallantry in action, and great humanity, when any opportunity to exercise it was presented. By a strange perversion, his good properties were pleaded in aggravation of disloyalty, and one who had every claim to commiseration was sacrificed to the turbulent spirit of the times, t " He was taken prisoner from his bed, tried and condemned to die, brought on a car to the place of execution, his head cut off, and his body after the customary indignities thrown into the river. The head, however, was reserved for another exhibition. It was first kicked about the Custom-house Quay, and then brought up into the town, thrown up and treated in the same manner opposite the house in which his sister lodged, in order that she might witness the savage sport and horrid spectacle ; and afterwards placed over the door of the Court- house beside that of Captain Keugh."} * " Hai-vey and Grogan suffered execution together on the 28th; Colclough, alone, in the evening of the same day. Colclough was a man of veiy amiable character, of a naturally good understanding enlarged by culture, and of engaging manners. By education and profession, a Romanist, he was a Protestant in principle. Influ- enced in his matrimonial selection solely by the personal merit of the object, he married a lady of a congenial soul, whose endowments of mind, and amiable qualities, fully justified the wisdom of his choice. So void was he of religious bigotry, that he recommended to his wife not to conform to his mode of worship, since to follow the dictates of her conscience in adhering to the Protestant rehgion (in which she had been educated), would be more pleasing to him." — Gordon. •f " This young man was worthy of a far better cause and better associates — his courage and humanity being equal and conspicuous. But a display of humanity by a rebel, was in general, in the trials by court-martial, by no means regarded as a circumstance in favour of the accused." — Ibid, i Plowden's Historical Review. In his defence, Keugh principally relied on the exertions he had used, when in command, to save the Protestant prisoners. The annexed statement, however, is not favourable to his humanity : — " My uncle, Capt. B., had married the heirees of Dr. Jacob, and became possessed of a good property in Wexford. Dr. Jacob had colonized his estate with Protestants of a respectable class, who were thriving and industrious. It was on the morning of "Whit-Sunday, when the coach was coming round to take the family to church, that tidings reached them of the outbreak of the previous night — and providential it was that the news came when the people were assembling for divine service. Had they been engaged in their customary avocations, or on their way to fair or market, they must have been cut off in detail. They were thus enabled to escape to Ross and other places across the Black-stair mountain. My uncle and his family made their way to Enniscorthy, where his military ex- 170 HISTORY OP THE Before we turn to the other insurrectionary movements, which were simultaneously occurring with the "Wrexford outbreak, to preserve a connection in detail, we will follow the career of the rebel armies of this blood-stained county, and trace their ulterior movements from the hour of their first defeats, until that of their final dispersion. perience proved useful during the attack on that town on Tuesday morning. On the evacuation of the place in the evening by the troops, he accompanied them to "Wexford — and on that town being given up by the king's forces and occupied by the rebels, he found means to shelter himself and his family in a lodging of the poorest description in one of the bye-lanes ; and there they lived for some time, chiefly dependant for the necessaries of life upon a few of his Roman Catholic tenantry, who brought milk and such humbler articles of food as could escape suspicion. A young man named Kelly, a rebel captain, took a principal share in protecting the family ; and it was not until something called him from the town that my uncle was taken from his concealment, and was on the very point of being put to death on the bridge, when he was saved by mere accident. In return, he preserved the life of Kelly when the tables turned. When Captain B was on his way to execution, they were met by Kengh, the rebel leader. They had been brother officers in America, and my uncle said to him, ' Keugh, if you cannot save my life, at least let me die a soldier's death, and be shot, not piked.' " ' The will of the people must be done. Sir,' was Keugh's answer, as he turned coolly away." — MS. Journal of a Field Officer. IRISH REBELLION. 171 CHAPTER XVI. ATTACK ON HACKETSTOWN — AFFAIR AT BALLYELLIS — REPULSE AT BALLYRA- HEEN REBELS DRIVEN FROM THE WHITE-HEAPS AND AFTERWARDS DEFEATED AND DISPERSED AT BALLYGULLEN. One of the rebel columns which had escaped from Vinegar-hill, and retired in a northerly direction, being joined by a strong body of "Wicklow rebels, under the command of the two Byrnes of Ballymanus, determined to attack Hacketstown, then garrisoned by a yeomanry corps, under Captain Hardy, and forty of the Antrim regiment, under the command of Lieutenant Gardiner. Alarmed by the appearance of numbers of the peasantry assembling on the adjacent high grounds, an attack was apprehended — and the corps immediately in the vicinity of ^he town were called on to aid in its defence. Early on the 25th, an infantry and cavalry corps, reinforced the garrison; and, although under two hundred men, it boldly marched out to receive the rebels, who, as it was reported, were rapidly advancing. The royalists took a position outside the town, which on the approach of the insurgents was found untenable. Although, north and south, the rebel leaders never exhibited a particle of military talent, still, to the commonest understanding it was evident, that by extension, a handful of men must be surrounded and destroyed by dense masses, no matter what advantages they might possess in superiority of dis- cipline and courage. Accordingly, when in presence of the little garrison, the rebels deployed right and left ; and to prevent their flanks from being turned, the loyalists fell back upon the town, the cavalry retreating by the Clonmore road, and hence becoming after- wards non-combatant. In the course of this short history, we have repeatedly borne testi- mony to the Irish yeomanry of '98, as a daring and devoted body, whose fidelity was incorruptible, and courage boundless. The memory of none should be held in more sacred estimation — for reckless of the consequences involved, in every trial private considerations were thrown to the winds, and the yeomen took the post of danger. To their efficiency, the brief duration of the rebellion may be traced, for by them partial insurrections were put down, and others entirely pre- vented. As in every community, civil or military, unworthy members will be found, and the misconduct of the few will bring obloquy upon the many, to the Irish yeomanry cruelty and abuse of power have been charged. But in the aggregate, and " take them for all in all," in the emergency of an empire, as a body they will never be surpassed for unqualified bravery and unbounded devotion. In their organization a sad mistake had been committed ; half their number were cavalry, and consequently they were totally inefficient. In a close country, horsemen cannot act ; and no surface in Europe is more overspread in every direction with morasses. Hence, whatever service 172 HISTORY OF THE irregular cavalry could render in cutting up a disorganized rabble, they could be of no utility so long as they shewed a front. Generally, there- fore, horsemen were non-combatant — and too frequently, when they attempted to make an impression on the insurgents, they failed with heavy loss. On this occasion, in effecting a retreat, they lost their command- ing officer and a few men, while the infantry fell back to the barrack, and prepared for an obstinate defence. A house* that looked upon the main street, and commanded the flank of the building occupied by the troops, was garrisoned by a clergyman called McGhee, and nine private individuals. This was indeed a dangerous post ; for though the lower part was tolerably secured, a thatched roof seriously endan- gered its gallant defenders. The town was immediately entered by the rebels, who fired it in a dozen places, and with the exception of the barrack, and a few houses that were detached, Hacketstown was speedily in a blaze. Beside an enormous number of pikemen, the in- surgents mustered a thousand musketeers. To oppose therb, one hundred and twenty royalists occupied the barrack, and ten deter- mined allies garrisoned the house which formed -an outwork. While the conflagration was at its height, the loyalists were sadly inconvenienced at the dense smoke, which entirely concealed the move- ments of their assailants. At noon however, the roofs of the burning houses fell in, a brisk breeze dispelled the smoke, the royalists could clearly see their enemies, their exertions were redoubled, and their musketry plied with. fatal effect. The flanking position of McGhee's house, at once shewed the rebels that the barrack could not be attacked successfully, until the covering building was reduced. On the outwork, accordingly, their efforts were directed. To cover their people from a fire steadily maintained from the windows, they attempted to mask their advance, by pushing for- ward cars loaded with feather-beds. This breastwork, however, proved unavailing — twenty-eight of the assailants were shot down — and the rest, after a trial of twenty minutes, retreated in confusion. On the barrack the rebels made no impression, and in their vain attempts sustained a heavy loss, and besides a number of cart-loads of dead and wounded which they carried off, many were thrown into the burning houses and consumed. This was not an unusual practice with the rebels — the dead were got rid of to conceal the extent of their loss — the wounded, not unfrequently, to prevent their giving information to the loyalists. The defence of McGhee's house was truly gallant, but the daring party he commanded would not have been able to defend themselves for want of ammunition, had not Lieutenant Fenton, of the Talbot's- town cavalry, been accidentally prevented from attending his duty * " The family of Mr. McGhee, all the Protestant women in the place, and even , the wife of General Byrne (whom, it is said, he wished to get rid of), took refuge in it. Mr. McGhee barricaded the lower part of his house, placed four men in the rear to prevent it being burned, and the other five in front, not only for its defence, but to cover the side of the barrack, which was exposed." — Musgrave. IRISH REBELLION. 173 elsewhere, by a severe contusion occasioned by a fall from his horse. Seated between two windows, and protected by the pier, he continued to make cartridges for his companions — while his lady, insensible to danger, boldly continued to visit the marksmen, and supply them with refreshment. When the stock of bullets began to fail, she melted pewter plates, cast them into bullets, and her husband formed them into cartridges. This singular affair commenced at six in the morning, and termi- nated at three in the afternoon. Besides the destruction of the town, eleven royalists were killed and fifteen wounded. The rebel loss has been variously estimated — some calling it two hundred, and Musgrave raising it to five ; the mean amount would probably give it more cor- rectly — three hundred and fifty rebels perished in an abortive effort against that small bftt devoted garrison. In the evening the loyalists retreated on TuUow, their ammunition being expended, and the place considered indefensible. Irritated by their defeat, the rebels burned, plundered, and murdered everywhere they went — and the few wretched Protestants who fell into their hands were treated with abominable barbarity.* Having remained in the immediate vicinity of Gorey for five days, General Needham despatched Captain Hunter Gowen, with the Tine- haly cavalry, to make a reconnaissance. Early in the morning the rebels were seen from a height in great force, having received over- night an extensive reinforcement ; and on this being reported to General Needham, he detached Colonel Puleston with some of the ancient Britons, 4th and 5th dragoons, and three corps of yeomen cavalry, to hang upon the rear of the enemy, and attack them should opportunity present itself. One of those disgraceful affairs, too fre- quent during the Irish Rebellion, unhappily resulted, and the tragedy of Tubberneering was once more re-enacted at Ballyellis. The rebels advanced to Tinahely, and having turned off to Wing- field, burned the old mansion there, and thence proceeded to Moneyseed, where the troops (Puleston's cavalry) first got sight of them. They were pursued two miles to Ballyellis, where, being closely pressed, they blocked the road with cars and baggage, posting a body of pike- men in front of this barricade. The scene that ensued is thus detailed by Musgrave : — " As soon as our cavalry came in sight of them, at the turn of the road, they charged them with great impetuosity ; but when within a short distance, the pikemen leaped over the hedges at each side, on which the horses in front were entangled in the cars ; and those in their rear pressing on them, a shocking scene of confusion ensued; both men and horses were involved, and tumbled over each other. The rebels fired on them from behind the hedges and a park wall which was near, and while they were in this state of embarrassment, killed numbers of them with their muskets, and piked such of them as happened to be unhorsed." * Vide Musgrave's Memoirs, p. 515. 174 HISTORY OP THE In this rash and disgraceful affair, where life was recklessly ex- pended, without an object, and almost without a chance of any of the ill-directed men escaping, two officers and sixty privates were killed. Why severe examples were not made of military commanders who sacrificed troops committed to them, and fanned the expiring flame of rebellion by their ruinous incapability, appears surprising. The utter madness of launching cavalry at pikemen and musketfiers in a close country and by a barricadoed road, admits of no excuse and evidences the most unpardonable imbecility.* Other and disastrous consequences might have arisen from this dis- astrous attack at Ballyellis. Carnew was but a mile from this scene of slaughter, and as it was only occupied by fifty yeomen, the rebels attempted to surprise it. Fortunately, some of the retreating cavalry put the garrison on the alert ; and as the town had been pre- viously destroyed, they retired into a malt-house that was perfectly defensible; The rebel attack was consequently repulsed — and, retiring through Ballyellis, the insurgents took a position on Kilcavan Hill. The tide of rebellion was ebbing fast — dissension prevailed in their councils — the leaders disagreed — and the Wexford men separated from those of Wicklow ; the latter, under Garret Byrne, of Ballymanns, moving off to the hill of Ballyraheene, nearly midway between Tine- haly and Carnew. Here another error in judgment occasioned an unnecessary loss of life. The yeomanry had pursued the rebels closely, but the latter gained the high grounds, and formed in a very strong position. The numbers were enormously disproportionate, and every prudential con- sideration should have discouraged an attack. Some of the yeoman officers were of opinion that their troops ought to halt, and that they should content themselves with watching at a safe distance the move- ments of the enemy. Contrary opinions prevailing, an attack was made up the hill, when the rebels, who had wished to avoid a battle, rushing dowp, put the royalists to flight, killing ten of the infantry j but the cavalry escaped. Two officers fell in the beginning of this action, Cap- tain Chamney of the Coolattin, and Captain Nickson of the Coolkenna company, both greatly lamented. " The slaughter would have been far greater, if sixty of the infantry, under Captain Morton and Lieutenant Chamney, had not taken refuge in Captain Chamney s house at the foot of the hill, where they sustained, during fourteen hours, the attacks of the rebels, who attempted repeatedly to fire the house. Some, particularly a very large man from Gorey, named John Eed- mond, nicknamed Shaun Plunder, advanced under a covering of feather-beds to the hall door, with the design of burning it, and thus * But for an accidental occurrence, the losses of the royalists would have been much heavier. " During this transaction, the Wingfield dismounted cavahy and infantry, under the command of Captain Qowaa, came up with the rebels, and having no particular uniform, the enemy thought they were part of their own forces ; but the yeomanry seeing their opportunity, attacked them with great spirit, killed a number of them, and then retreated to Gorey, without the loss of a man. By the defeat of the patrole, the rebels acquired a supply of arms and ammunition." IRISH' REBELLION. 175 opening a passage into the house ; but they were killed in the attempt, the bullets penetrating even this thick tegument.- As a^discharge of musketry was mairitaiTied from the windows on the aasailants, whose associates injudiciously set fire to the neighbouring house of Henry Morton, the illumination enabled the garrison to aim at their enemies in the night, and the Idss of the rebels was very considerable— amount- ing, according to some aiccouhts, to a hundred and thirty men — by others, to two hundred. This ill-judged affair occurred on the 2nd of July."* The reber corps, 'from Ballyraheen proceeded to high grounds called the White-heaps, and there bivouacked until the 4th. Thieir new position was immediately beside the village of Coolgreney, some six miles north of Gorey where General Needham commanded ; Sir James Duff was stationed at Carnew, and the Marquis of Huntley at Arklov- On ascertaining that the insurgents were in force in their immediate neighbourhood, the royalist commanders, determined to dislodge them, and a combined movement against the White-heaps was arranged. While their retreat by the Wicklow Gap was to be intercepted by General Duff's troops, the Croghan Mountain, to the northward; of Coolgreneyj was to be occupied by the. column under Lord Huntley, — the task of driving' them from the height devolving upon General Needham. At day-break, the latter officer, favoured by a thick fog, h^ nearly reached the insurgent position, when the advanced guard was dis- covered by some Straggling rebels posted at a farm-house, which the Byrnes had made head-qUarters. An, alarm was instantly given — and, under cover of the mist, the rebels decamped, and abandoned the White- heaps before the royalists could gain the summit. At noon the fog dispersed, and the insurgents were seen ascending the Croghan Mouit- tain, never dreaming that this outlet for escape was closed against them by the Marquis pf Huntley; On making the discovery however, they rapidly descetide'd, directmg their course for the Wicklow gap. There, in the thick weather, they came unexpectedly-oa the column under Sir James Duff — and on the opening of the royal artillery, they turned and made off to a hill near Moneyseed. General Duff pursued them closely, and General Needham finding it impossible to overtake them with the infantry, detached his cavalry in pursuit. Driven hither and thither for a dozen miles, harassed by the cavalry, ex- hausted with fatigue, and despairing of escape, they turned at Bally- gullen, and awaited an attack. The action opened with a sharp cannonade from four six-pounders, protected by the cavalry. As the infantry had not got up, the rebels endeavoured to carry the guns — ^but they were steadily repulsed. Duff's column presently came into action, and the rebels were thrown into confusion and routed, when the fox-hunters, under Lord Roden, and the yeomen cavalry, under Captain White, pursued them vigor- * Gordon. 176 HISTORY OP THE ously, and cut down great numbers. It was computed that between two and three hundred of the deluded peasantry were killed — and this defeat was so decisive and dispiriting, that they never in the county Wexford assembled in any force, or ventured to oppose in a body the royalists and yeomanry. In predatory bands they infested for months afterwards Kildare, Carlow, and Meath, committing robberies and murders, and keeping the country in confusion. Of their leaders, Fitzgerald and Aylmor surrendered, and Kearns and Perry were hanged.* " Many of their followers died by the sword and gibbet ; others turned robbers; and but few returned to their respective homes." Such was the sad summary that too faithfully describes the termina- tion of the "Wexford insurrection. " A brief account of Anthony Perry, one of the rebel generals above mentioned, may serve to shew what difficulty a man may find who endeavours to extricate him- self from a conspiracy against government, when he has once engaged in it. This gentleman, a man of amiable manners and well-informed understanding, was yet weak enough to be seduced into the conspiracy ; and having acted so as to cause much suspicion, was arrested and confined in Gorey a little before the insurrection. He repented heartily of his misconduct, and gave information useful to government ; but such was the state of things, that he was treated in prison with the utmost harshness and indignity. Among other acts of severity, a Serjeant of the North- Cork militia, nicknamed Tom the devil, cut away all his hair close to the head, and then burned the roots of it with a candle. Being liberated by the magistrates on the morning of the 28th of May, he returned to his house, four miles from Gorey, where he hoped to be permitted to remain — unconcerned for the future in plots and conspiracies. But he was soon followed by some yeomen, who destroyed his effects, and obliged him to abscond for the preservation of his life. Finding no alternative, he disguised himself in the habit of a beggar, and thus crossing the country, threw himself into the arms of the rebels. In the course of the war he exerted himself to restrain the cruelty of his followers ; and as he disapproved both of their cause and conduct, he was always meditating an elopement from them. In an attempt, some time after the assault at Hacketstown, to penetrate into the northern parts of the kingdom, where he hoped to abscond from the rebels, and to conceal himself from the partisans of government, he was taken and hanged at Edenderry, in the King's County, a little before the end of the rebellion." — Gordon. IRISH REBELLION. 17'} CHAPTER XVII. ATTACK UPON CLONABD — INSURRECTION AT CASTLECOMEB — SOBSECIUBNT MOVEMENTS AND FINAL OISPERSION OF THE REBELS. When Wexford was thus liberated from the great masses of its insurgent population, before we review either the causes which kept the country so long unsettled afterwards, or the measures adopted by the Irish Government to effect a general tranquillity, it will be better to describe the ulterior proceedings of the Wexford rebels, and trace their further progress until the period of their final dispersion. We have already stated that the scene of their predatory warfare was changed from their native county to Kildare, and that there they were reinforced by the insurgents commanded by Michael Reynolds. The junction produced little advantage, except in increasing the numbers of a tumultuary rabble, in whom there was neither unity of purpose, nor any fixed plan of future operations. Every leader had some object of his own, none a particle of military talent — and their stratagic conceptions were as erroneous, as the execution was feeble and contemptible. Perry, despairing of doing any mischief in Wexford, as it was now BO well defended, when joined by a strong body of insurgents under the command of Michael Aylmer, intended to penetrate into the North of Ireland, where he expected to meet with a cordial co-ope- ration. But Aylmer prevailed on him to abandon his intention, and declared that it was more advisable to attack Clonard, a town on the confines of Kildare and Meath, and situated on the river Boyne, as there was but a small force to defend it ; and after- wards march by Kilbeggan to the Shannon, and surprise Athlone ; where, from its central position, great advantages might be expected to arise. This plan was accjjrdingly adopted ; and their united forces, amounting to four thousand men. on the 11th of July, marched to the attack of Clonard. Many very gallant exploits were performed during this short and sanguinary period by loyalist irregulars ; but probably, the defence of Clonard may be placed foremost among numerous occurrences, in which the boundless gallantry of a determined handful of daring spirits repulsed the overwhelming masses to which they were opposed, and proved that no physical Superiority can quench the courage of men devoted to home and altar, and determined " to do or die." The little garrison of Clonard consisted of a weak corps of yeoman infantry, and its commander was a self-taught soldier. But inilitary talent is intuitive, — and Lieutenant Tyrrell proved that the ruder the storm, the more extensively the resources of a brave man will be de- veloped. On being apprized that the rebel column was in march, Tyrrell 178 HISTORY OP THE made the best dispositions for defence whicli his small force permitted. He occupied a turret which domineered the road with half a dozen musketeers, and, with the remaining twenty, retired into the old mansion-house. Having selected his best marksmen, they were placed at such of the windows as offered the best positions for firing with effect upon the assailants — while the remainder of the corps were secured behind the walls, and employed in loading spare muskets, to replace the firearms when discharged. The rebel cavalry, amounting in rough numbers to three hundred, formed an advanced guard, and were commanded by a man named Farrall. Unconscious that the garden turret was occupied, they came forward in a trot, and the first intimation that they were already under fire, was conveyed by a shot from the youngest Tyrrell — a boy only fifteen years old, which mortally wounded the rebel captain. A volley from the other loyalists emptied several rebel saddles ; a panic ensued; and the horsemen galloped out of musket range, leaving several of their companions dead upon the road. With more caution and better success, the rebel footmen came for- ward under shelter of a hedge, and, lining an opposite fence, they opened a sharp fire on the turret, while the column itself pushed for- ward to surround the house, and unite itself with another division which had advanced to join them by a cross road. To cut off all com- munication, and prevent the garrison from receiving reinforcements, the bridge was occupied by a rebel guard — but as it lay directly under the fire of the house, half a score of the occupants were rapidly shot down — the bridge cleared of its defenders — the western road laid open, and the garrison communication maintained. In both their first attempts the insurgents were heavily repulsed — but defeat seemed only to exasperate them, and they again came for- ward to the attack. Penetrating by the rear, an immense number filled the garden, and seized the lower portion of the turret. As the ladder had been drawn up by the defenders of the upper story, the rebels, by climbing on each other s shoulders, attempted to force through the trap- way — but every one who tried it perished.* In vain they fired through the floor from below, and struck their pikes through the ceiling — still the fatal fire of the loyalists was kept up; — at every shot a rebel fell — and on the ground-floor lay seven-and-twenty bodies. At last, de- spairing of success, they procured a quantity of straw, and fired the building. To force a passage through the rebels was almost a des- perate attempt, but to perish in the flames, which had now seized the building, was the sad alternative. Two yeomen were killed in their effort at escape — but, fortunately, the other four, by jumping from a window into a hay-yard, under cover of the garden- wall, succeeded in reaching the main body who were posted in the dwelling-house. For six long hours this unec[ual contest had been maintained, and still no impression had been made upon the gallant royalists. To con- fuse the garrison, the assailants set fire to the toll-house and adjacent cabins — but the conflagration served no better purpose than to consume their own slain, whose bodies they flung into the burning houses- IRISH REBELLION. 179 Happily, succour was at hand — and at five in the evening a re- inforcement was descried by the wearied royalista. advancing rapidly to relieve them. " One of the yeomen who had been excluded by the sudden shutting of the gates in the morning, finding he could be of no use in defending the house, repaired to Kinnegad, and represented the alarming situation of his friends at Clonard; upon which, Lieutenant Houghton, with fourteen of the Kinnegad infantry, and a Serjeant, with eleven Northum- berland fencibles (this being all the force that could be spared), imme- diately marched to their succour. The pass by the bridge having been kept open in the manner before related. Lieutenant Tyrrell now sallied from the house, and soon efiected a junction witli this reinforcement. A few volleys completely cleared the roads, and having placed the Northumberland fencibles and Kinnegad infantry in such situations as most efieetually to gall the enemy in their retreat from the garden, the lieutenant himself undertook the hazardous enterprise of dislodging them from thence. "At this time it is supposed there were four hundred rebels in the garden ; a large body being posted on a mount planted with old fir trees, which afforded considerable protection, while many lay concealed behind a privet hedge, from whence they could see distinctly every person who entered the garden, though unperceived themselves. The brave Tyrrell, at the head of a few chosen men, now rushed into the garden, and was received by a general discharge from both bodies of the enemy; but he instantly attacked the party behind the hedge, which being defeated, retired to the mount. Here a warm action ensued, the enemy appearing determined to maintain this advantageous situa- tion; but the yeomen, though fatigued with the heat and burden of the day, and six of them badly wounded, persevered with the most un- daunted courage, and directed such a steady and well-directed fire against the mount, that the enemy were at length dispersed, and in their flight, the Northumberland fencibles and Kinnegad infantry made great havoc among them." * The rebe} loss, when it is remembered that it was inflicted by a. garrison not numbering thirty men, may appear to be overstated. In killed and wounded it was said to reach two hundred. Nor is there any reason to question the accuracy of the return. A close and well- directed fire was maintained for half the day — and some of the yeomanry were supposed to have discharged one hundred rounds a man. After this severe repulse, they retreated to Carbery, and plundered the mansion of Lord Harburton — and next day entered Meath, by Johns-town and the nineteen-mile house. On the 12th of July, they were again overtaken, brought to action, and defeated by a detachment under Colonel Gough — hunted after- wards by General Myers, and driven upon Slane, and encountered and routed by General Meyrick. In all these affairs they suffered a con- * Taylor's History. N 2 180 HISTORY OF THE tinued loss, and at last had become so totally disorganized, that, as a 'body; they ceased to have existence. . ; , While endeavouring to escape, Perry and Kearns were arrested by a couple of yeomen. Their trial was short., and their execution im- mediate. The former died firmly and with perfect resignation; but although the priesfhad undergone the .ordeal before,* "he was sullen and silent, except~when he upbraided Perry for his candour in frankly confessing his, guilt." The horde of insurgents with whom Father John Murphy, of Bou- lavogue, escaped from Yinegar-hill, retreated through the ScuUagh- .gap, and selected Kilkenny as their field of future operatiops.^ Their progress was marked by ^he customary atrocities of plundering and murder, and the line of march towards Castlecomer might have been readily traced by property destroyed- and houses laid in ashes. On the night, of the 22nd, they burnei the village of Kiledmond, and at daylight; the next moaning, proceeded to Gore's-bridge, a little town upon the Barrow, then garrisoned by half a company of Wexford ■militia, and a Serjeant's party of the 4th dragoon guards, both under the command of Lieutenant Dijcpn. On receiving certain information that the rebels were moving on the town, the lieutenant sent an express to apprize Sir Charles Asgill, who commanded at Kilkenny, that - Father Murphy was in marchr- but the roads were so much infested with insurgents, that the mission failed, and the dragoons were obliged to. return. Determined, notwith- standing the weakness of his little garrison, to hold the town if possible, and not aware that. the. Barrow wOiS fqrdable in many places, ■Lieutenant Dixon barricadoed the, bridge, and there awaited the threatened onset of the enemy. In ajfew minutes afterwards the adjoining heights were, crowned with rebels, while a heavy column aidvanced by the Kiledmond-road. Tod late, the commander of the royalists discovered the mistake he had committed in taking a position tliat was not tenable. In a bootless attempt to retreat, at Low Grange the party was surrounded and made pris6niers-^thiB officer effecting an escape, by mounting behind a dra- goon. Promises of protection given to the soldiers to induce them to lay down their arms were scandalously violated, and in a, few hours after their surrender, six privates of the Wexford, two of the 4th dragoons, and nine Protestant prisoners, were savagely butchered at Kellymount, by the orders of a sanguinary ruffian named Devereux,+ * In 1794, Keams was in Paris, and in the reign of terror was seized upon and actually hanged up. Being a taU and corpulent man, the lamp-iron bent beneath his weight, his feet touched the grouUd, and thus he, escaped strangulation. Through the attefition of a physician, he was cut down and restored to life, escaped to Ireland, and until he became a rebel leader, was believed to be a sincere loyalist, and a man who held republican principles in perfect detestation. - f " Walter Devereux hadbeenprincipally concerned in the massacre at Scullabogue, and yet he remained unnoticed till the month of November, 1798, when, being on the point of embarking on board a ship at the Cove of Cork to sail for America, he ^; ^ IRISH REBKLLION. 181 who, in the absence of Father Murphy, had assumed the office ot chief commander. On the 23rd of June, Sir Charles Asgill having received intelligence of the rebel inroad on Kilkenny, marched with the garrison of the city to meet them. From not knowing the exact position of the rebels, the movement was rather dangerous — as Kilkenny was left defenceless, and in the absence of the troops, the city was open to sur- prise. A reconnaissance, under Major Lawder, towards Leighlin- bridge, succeeded in obtaining information, and confirmed reports already made by some of the soldiers' wives who had escaped after their capture at Gore's-bridge. Sir Charles instantly marched towards Kellymount, but on arriving there he found that the rebels had moved on Castlecomer, where the colliers had risen en masse — and the troops being completely exhausted, he countermarched in the evening on Kilkenny, detaching, however, a strong cavalry patrol to observe the movements of the insurgents, and attack them should opportunity present itself. The incursion of the Wexford rebels encouraged the disaffected colliers in the neighbourhood 'of Castlecomer to break out into open insurrection, and they made a night attack on the barrack of Doonane. In this they were completely repulsed, although the soldiers were taken by surprise, and obliged to defend themselves in their shirts. Next morning the rebels moved to Castlecomer, having bivouacked the preceding night on a ridge five miles from the town. Reinforced by several detachments of horse and foot, and a number of loyalist irregulars, either from a false security or from having been frequently and unnecessarily got under arms before, when intelligence arrived that the rebels were actually advancing, it was unfortunately disregarded ; and, favoured by a thick mist, the enemy had nearly reached the town, before the royalists formed to receive them. The bridge and main street were selected as the best positions — and a strong patrol was sent out, to watch and report the movements of the enemy. It was the morning of the festival of St. John — and, instead of push- ing forward under cover of a fog which rendered objects invisible at the distance of twenty paces, and which would have covered their advance, the rebels halted at Gurteen to hear mass for the second time — and that silly delay most probably saved the garrison. Every thing was favourable for a surprise — the fog was so thick, that the royalist patrol was fired on before it saw the enemy — and had the rebels but pushed the troops, they must have been surrounded and cut to pieces. Suddenly the mist cleared, and then, for the first time, the royalists perceived the danger that impended. Seven thousand rebels were in front and flank; the main body in close column on the road; the wings, chiefly musketeers, extended right and left ; the whole assuming the form was fortunately recognized by some of the Wexford soldiers, who had been his pri- soners, — was apprehended, and afterwards hanged. When arrested, he had the pro- tections of five general officers." — Mwsgrave, 182 HISTORY OP THE of a crescent. An instant retreat was unavoidable by the road to Castle- comer, whioh was skirted by high walls and thick plantations, and these already occupied by the enemy. To fall back under a double fire would have tried the steadiness of veterans. No wonder, then, that an irregular body became confused — that horse and foot intermingled — and that it was a rush between the rebels and the troops which should gain the bridge ;* and for one soldier that rallied there, ten continued a most disorderly retreat, and the main street was crowded with fugitives. A few men of the Downshire and Waterford regiments, however, held the bridge and checked the assailants ; and that gallant stand even- tually saved the garrison. A rebel wing forded the river, and fired the town ; but the defenders of the bridge retired into some adjacent houses that commanded it. Their gallantry and their escape were equally remarkable, arid the passage in Musgrave's Memoir so strongly illustrates the character of the insurrection, that we will give it in his own words. " The perilous situation of the loyal few in those houses already mentioned, can be better imagined than described. - The bridge crowded with rebels, yelling with rage, crying out for blood, and not a soldier to oppose them, and the back houses all on fire. Here, amidst surrounding flames, and to the very breasts of the rebels, might be seen the gallant Captain Butler, single and unsupported, riding down the street, within a few yards of the rebels, endeavouring to rally the scattered force, calling them back in words that would animate the ■dead. Amidst balls thick as hail, twice did he ride up and down the •street, with an heroic intrepidity, laudable, but unavailing. And now commenced a very sharp but ill-directed fire from the rebels on the bridge, which was as warmly and more effectually answered from the house. For three hours and a half this fire was kept up, and not a rebel was suffered to cross the bridge alive. At length, when their ammunition was almost expended, General Father Murphy, who had kept aloof from the heat of the action near the church where they tried the prisoners, sent a black servant of the Countess of Ormond, whom they had taken prisoner, to inform those who fired from the houses ' That if they marched out with their hats on the top of their guns, their lives should be saved ; that it was in vain to resist them any longer, as he expected a reinforcement from Ballyragget immediately.' They detained his ambassador for some time, and at length sent the reverend general word, that they would submit, if he would, by the same messenger, send them a written assurance of mercy. " This they did, to gain time, and soon after they observed the troops from Kilkenny lining the hills and taking their positions to attack the rebels. General Sir Charles Asgill, with nine hundred men * " An instance of uncommon audacity opourred within a few perches of the town. A rebel captain, with a green sash, rushed out from a bye-road on horse- back, and accosting Captain Butler, at the head of his corps, desired him to sur- render, and that he, his men, and the town, should be saved. Captain Butler -missing fire at him, the rebel wheeled about, fired without effect, and was shot by a yeoman within a few yards of the rebel army." — Mmgrave. IKISH REBELLION. 183 tad gone to their relief, aud a few rounds of grape soon dislodged the rebels, who retreated the way they came, in a slow pace and in a most irregular manner." The defence of Castleoomer was most gallant ; its relief, any thing but soldierly. With a sufficient force to haye inflicted a signal defeat, Asgill contented himself with a distant cannonade, until the rebels had totally retired. If fifty or sixty men had held the town for three hours, a thousand should have scattered the assailants like sheep- Nothing is more remarkable than the circumstances which influence disci- plined and irregular bodies while advancing ; the latter has a confidence while assailant, which is annihilated by a repulse — and while the former, feeling and knowing that the rear-guard is then the post of ho- nour, operates with skill and determination, the latter lo^es heart and energy altogether, and merges into utter imbecility. The greater the mass, the more perfect its dissolution. The thousands on which a dema- gogue relies, like FalstafF's levies, are only " men in buckram," and the wretched reliance to be placed in popular movements was never better evidenced than — with a very few exceptions — in the utter worthless- ness of the Irish insurrectionists, — who, when position and physical superiority should have secured them an easy victory, quailed at the determined attitude of an enemy, whose real strength consisted in nothing but a bold front and honest cause. It is now difficult to account for the very moderate success with which Sir Charles Asgill contented himself. He confined his operas tions to a distant cannonade — and the rebel rear-guard retiring from Castlecomer, appeared to be the signal for him to countermarch upon Kilkenny. As a matter of course, the rebels, who witnessed the re- treat of the soldiery, returned, and plundered and destroyed the town, while the loyalist inhabitants were obliged to abandon home and pro- perty, and seek a shelter where they could obtain it. The whole road from Castlecomer to Kilkenny exhibited " one continued train of fugitives — men, women, and children, — who but a few hours before were possessed of peace and comfort, now outcasts from their houses, seeking an asylum among strangers from the merciless hands of their popish neighbours." Four days the rebels were left in undisturbed possession of the town ; at last, the pointed remonstrances of leading loyalists induced Sir Charles Asgill to send a detachment of Glengary fencibles, with Captain Butler s troop, to drive them out. That service was easily efiected — they were surprised in helpless drunkenness — some were killed, others hanged, and the greater number escaped and joined their companions, who had decamped from their position, and moved to a new one, four miles distant from Athy. Father Murphy had determined to attack the town next morning, but the promptitude of General Dunn, who marched to its relief with one hundred of the North Cork and as many yeomanry, prevented it. Finding Athy secure, the general marched at midnight to attack the rebels in their camp, but a priest carried the intelligence of the general's advance, and the camp was hastily abandoned. The pursuit was immediately continued, and although General Dunn failed to 184 HISTORY OF THE overtake the flying enemy, he drove them into the grasp of Major Mathews. The latter officer had marched from Maryborough on the 24th of June, to co-operate with Sir Charles Asgill ; his force comprising four hundred of his own regiments (the Royal Downshire), the Mary- borough infantry, under Captain Gore, and the Ballyfin cavalry, under Captain Poole. On reaching Moyad, the rebels were seen in great force crowning the heights above Doonane — but as it was now evening, the troops rested at Timahoe for the night, determining to bring the rebels to action early next morning. An express from Sir Charles Asgill recalled the troops to Maryborough ; but acting on his own re- sponsibility, with sound judgment Major Mathews held his ground, and urged Sir Charles to make a joint attack next morning ; and while he assailed them from Doonane, the major would make his attack by Timahoe. " Sir Charles answered the application as early as at seven o'clock, by saying that his troops were too much fatigued to co- operate, but that Major Mathews might engage the rebels, should cir- cumstances prove favourable for that purpose." * The rebels, however, retreated to Old Leighlin, and afterwards to Gore's-bridge. By expresses. Sir Charles AsgiU was apprized of their movements, and Major Mathews was directed at midnight to march on Gore's-bridge, and be in position there, the next morning at five o'clock. While obeying that order, the major ascertained that the rebels were retreating to the mountains — and after apprizing Sir Charles of this change in their movements, he marched rapidly to intercept them, under the guidance of two gentlemen named Moore, whose local knowledge proved invaluable. At daybreak the insurgents were discovered halted on Kilcomney- hill. The Downshire battalion guns opened, and the rebels, to avoid the cannonade, and gain time to make dispositions to receive the royalists, fell back a mile. "While forming. Sir Charles Asgill's artil- lery were heard firing at a rebel party in their rear, and a few rounds from the Downshire guns completed their discomfiture. They broke, fled, and were cut down, scarcely resisting — the pursuit being continued for two hours with fatal effect. This was the crushing blow given to the southern insurrection. All was lost, — ^for baggage, arms, provisions, and ammunition were totally abandoned. A few soldiers and Protestants who had fallen into their hands, and escaped assassination, were mercifully delivered, the insurgents disbanded, and while the Wexford party crossed into their native county through the Scullagh-gap, the wanderers from Wicklow and Kildare went off dispersedly — some of the least guilty returning to their own homes, while others, despairing of forgiveness, commenced an outlaw's life, and sank the rebel in the robber.f * This appears a strange excuse. Sir Charles had the advantage of a night's rest in a summer bivouac — and surely he might have been able to execute a short march on the following morning. Matters were managed differently in the Peninsula. t " A part of those who escaped fled towards Ardee, in the county of Louth, while the remainder retreated over the Boyne, towards Garret's-tbwn, in the county of IRISH REBELLION. 185 " Father John Murphy, a priest, who acted as aide-de-camp to the great sacerdotal hero, John Murphy of Boulavogue, and who had ac- companied him from Vinegar-hill, fell in this action. He had a dove and a crucifix on his buttons, and letters directed to him were found in his pocket, recommending proper places for encamping. Father John Murphy, the commander-in-chief, who fled from t)ie field of battle, was taken at an ale-house by three yeomen, one of them of the name of McCabe, and led a prisoner to Tullow, the head-quarters of Sir James Dnfl". He was introduced into a room where the general, his aides-de-camp. Colonels Foster and Eden, the Earl of Roden, Captain McClintook, and about twenty officers, were sitting. Major Hall having asked him some questions which gave offence, in a violent rage the priest made a blow of his fist at the major, which would have knocked him down, but that he warded it off with his arm, on which, however, he received a severe contusion. On searching him, in his pockets his vestments were found, with some letters from Mrs. Rich- ards and other ladies, prisoners at Wexford, imploring him to save the lives of their husbands and relations. He was hanged on the same day — his body was burned — and his head fixed on the market- house." * Meath, where they were again attacked by detachments of the Fermanagh and Carlcw militia, the Swords yeoman infantry, and about one hundred cavalry, consisting of a detachment of the Dumfries light dragoons, and three corps of yeomanry, all under the command of Captain Gordon, of the Dumfries. The rebels being in general mounted, Captain Gordon ordered part of his cavalry to pursue them ; but on their advancing, the enemy dismounted, and instantly dispersed, not one hundred re- maining on the ground, who, when the infantry came up, fled at the first discharge. One hundred and fifty of the rebels fell on this day, without any loss on the part of his Majesty's forces. The small remnant of the insurgent army being now driven to despair, every man thought only of providing for his own safety." — Musgrave. * " He was about forty-five years old, light-complexioned, bald-pated, and about five feet nine Inches high, well made, uniting strength with agility. He was ex- ceedingly irascible, and when in a passion had somewhat the aspect of a tiger. His pix, his oil stock, and a small crucifix, were found in his pocket." — Hid. 186 HISTORY OP THE CHAPTEE XVIII. SUPPRESSION OF THE WEXFORD INSCRRECTION — PARTY FEELING AFTERWARDS — GENERAL HOLT DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY — MORAL AND MILITARY CHARACTER OF THE WEXFORD REBELS. With the total suppression of open insurrection, the tranquillity of the country was far from resulting as a consequence. A contest between nations may be pacified at once, and friendly relations im- mediately re-established ; but civil war annihilates social feeling j it is not the struggle that originates in thirst of glory, or a yearning after power ; but every bad passion is enlisted — the contest is marked by ferocity — and cruelty generally concludes it. There is no doubt whatever, but the Irish executive held out the olive-branch to the insurgents, and that, in professing leniency for the past and a redress of grievances for the future, their declarations were honest and sincere. Every act, with one exception, of Lord Corn- wallis,* shewed that his object was to conciliate and not coerce ; and had he possessed the power to have carried out his intentions, the country would have felt the healing influence of mild government, and the violence of the royalists and outrages of the disaffected would very soon have been effectually repressed. Whatever might have been the general feeling throughout the king- dom that those terrible scenes which had attended the insurrectionary outbreak should terminate, there was a section of both parties who, from different objects, were opposed to a return of national tran- quillity. The royalists were again the ascendant party, and many who before, and through abuse of power, had fanned the smouldering of discontent into the flame of rebellion, were now, from base and in- terested motives, desirous to interrupt every effort at conciliation, inflame religious prejudices, and exasperate rather than appease. Of the rebels, many considered themselves placed by their crimes beyond the pale of mercy ; others were afraid, from the indiscriminating violence of the yeomanry, to avail themselves of the offered amnesty, and surrender and claim protection, t — and not a few were driven to * " On the 27th of July, the attorney-general brought in a bill of attainder against Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Cornelius Grogan, and B. B. Harvey, all deceased. This measure was considered rather an act of imprudent severity, or a sort of supple- mentary vengeance upon the unoffending widow and orphan, and rather as the base posthumous issue of the latter, than the genuine offspring of the present adminis- tration. To compensate, however, for this solitary instance of severity, a bill of general amnesty was passed in the course of the session, with the exception only of Napper Tandy, and about thirty others, chiefly fugitives in France."T-l''<"<'- den's Historical Review. f " The various outrages that were committed in the country prevented numbers from coming into the quarters of the several commanding officers to obtain protec- tioqs, as many of the yeomen and their supplementaries continued the system of IRISH REBELLION. 187 such reckless desperation, by destruction of property, or the personal indignities they had undergone, that a thirst for revenge overcame prudential considerations, and when the hope of any political change of government was over, and they were perfectly assured that an out- law's life and felon's death awaited them, they banded in desperate confederacy — their hand against every man, and every man's hand against them.* Ruffianly and truculent as most of these outcasts were, there were many among them who had been rendered desperate by ill-usi.ge, and were far more sinned against than sinning. Of this number one celebrated leader was an instance — and Holt's simple narrative of the causes which drove him into outlawry is calculated to excite sjonpathy for his sufferings, and his crime will be half forgiven when the injuries are detailed which provoked it. " One morning about half-past five, Mr. , before mentioned, of road-money memory, came to my house with a party of the Fermanagh militia, and calling my wife out, inquired where I was. She told him I was cutting turf, and he went away. He returned again about twelve o'clock, made the same inquiry, and went away. " I returned home to dinner, and having heard of the visits of , I began to suspect he meant me no good, and yet I coidd not imagine any mischief he could do me, as I knew there was no guilt in me. While I was musing about the matter, the Serjeant's wife came into the room much excited, and said to me, ' God help you, poor man, your life is in danger.' I rose up and asked her what she meant. She said, ' Your house is condemned, and I am ordered out of it ; why I conflagration, and of shooting such of the peasantry as they met ; and this neces- sarily deterred many from exposing themselves to their view, and prevented of course the humane and benevolent intentions of the present government from liav- ing their due effect." — Ibid. * " Assassinations, from religious or political motives, would probably have ceased, soon after the granting of protections, if some desperate rebels, reinforced by deserters from regiments of Irish militia, had not remained in arms in the mountains of Wicklow and the dwarf woods of Killaughrim, near Ennisoorthy. Desertions from these regiments, composed mostly of Komanists, were much ap. prehended in the time of the rebellion ; but providentially here, as in other instances, the event was too late for the service of the rebel cause, A very few went over to the insurgents while they were in force, and these few seemed not to relish well the change from a regular army to a disorderly multitude. Yet, from some strange movement of the mind, after the rebellion was completely quelled, and only a few desperadoes, probably not above three hundred in all, remained in arms, in the two devious retreats above mentioned, many soldiers, particularly of the Antrim and King's County regiments, joined these desperadoes, with whom they could rationally expect no better fortune than a short life of hardship and rapine, ended - by gun or halter. So great, however, was the terror of this banditti in the vicinity of their lurking-places, that those Protestants who had remained in the country in the time of the rebellion, now found themselves under the necessity of taking refuge in towns. But, after a little time, the woods of Killauglmm, scoured by the army, were cleared of their predatory inhabitants, who had ludi- crously styled themselves Babes of the VTood, and in that quarter tranquillity was restored to the country." — Gordon's History, 18S HISTORY OP THE do not know.' I went to the door, and from thence saw Mr. ^— with a party of soldiers in the direction of the turf-bog where I had ' been employed. " I recollected his threat of revenge, and judging of his malicious disposition from his burning his own tenants' cabins, and shooting the man, as I have before related, I felt that innocence would be no pro- tection against him, and that if he got me in his power, he would assuredly murder me. " I hardly believed it possible that Mr. would proceed to extremities so far as to injure my family or property, though he might have taken a personal revenge upon me. * * * " How soon was I undeceiyed ; about seven o'clock in the evening, like Lot's wife, I looked back in the direction of my home, where I had left all that was dear to my heart, my darling wife and children, and my neat, well-ordered, and comfortable habitation, where I enjoyed so much happiness, and had hoped to pass all my days in peace and quietness. I saw it in flames ! what were my feelings, I leave to the reader to imagine ! it is impossible for me to describe them, it was more than man could bear. I did not know the extent of the inflic- tion ; my property was destroyed, my wife and children houseless and destitute, that I knew ; perhaps too they had been murdered. I roused myself from brooding over my misfortunes, and vowed revenge, and I made the vow in the fulness of my wrath ; gracious God ! for- give me, I knew not what I did. I was wild with grief, and agitated by the strongest feelings of detestation and hatred against the monster who had, as I believed, from malice, inflicted such miseries upon a wife and children that were a thousand times dearer to me than my own existence. I pictured to myself a thousand evils which had befallen or would happen to them, and the contemplation drove me to madness. Like a fury, I proceeded towards the Devil's Glen, a name very appro- priate to my frame of mind."* Still the game of bloodshed was kept up — and every act of vio- lence committed by the desperate men who had abandoned a once happy home for an outlaw's retreat in glen or mountain, was fearfully retaliated, not on the guilty, but the innocent. As the massacres were found to be committed entirely from a spirit of religious hatred, and as the real perpetrators could not be brought to justice, a mode was adopted, which necessity alone could justify ; but it proved effectual. Where any Protestants were murdered by these banditti or their con- federates, a greater number of Romanists were put to death in the same neighbourhood by the yeomen. Thus, at Castletown, four miles from Gorey, where four Protestants were massacred in the night by Hacket, seven Romanists were slain in revenge ; and at Aughrim, in the county of Wicklow, ten miles from the same place, seventeen were put to death to avenge the murder of a yeoman and his family ; * Memoirs -of Holt. IRISH REBELLION. 189 indeed, this atrocioua system of sanguinary reprisals was openly proclaimed.* In this dangerous and unsettled state of things, the hest efforts of the lord-lieutenant to pacify the country, and restore friendly rela^ tions between conflicting religionists, proved utterly abortive. The people felt no confidence in the promises of protection held out by problamations, when, they daily were plundered by the military, and nightly harassed by domiciliary visits by yeomen and supplementa- ries, always accompanied by insults, and not unfrequently, with loss of property and life. On the other hand, the royalists were alarmists — they asserted that the snake was scotched, not killed — that the em- bers of rebellion were smouldering for a time, only to break out more furiously than before. They pretended to have discovered secret plots t — intended assassinations — preparations for a general massacre of Protestants, in which all, from the cradle to the crutch, should be involved in one common sacrifice to the Moloch of Popery; and as these men of evil augury were not confined to the humbler classes, their false representations had well-nigh produced the most tragic con- sequences, if Plowden may be credited. We give his statement, although we confess we doubt its authenticity : — " Orders were sent to the diflferent generals and other commanding officers, contiguous to the devoted tract (Wexford), to form a line along its extent on the western border, and on both ends, north and south, on the land side, so as to leave no resource to the wretched inhabitants, who were to be slaughtered by the soldiery, or to be driven into the sea. Even women and children were to be included in this horrid plan of terrific example." Fortunately, had such a horrible immolation of a whole community, innocent and guilty, been ever contemplated, the humanity of the officers left in command at Wexford caused its abandonment, and those who would have rioted in blood were, in the first place, disap- pointed, and eventually disgraced. That the greater proportion of the southern Protestants, however, had suffered grievously during the brief and bloody period of the in- surrection, is not to be questioned. To " minister to minds diseased " by the ruthless slaughter of the dearest objects that occupy the human heart was beyond the power of the executive — but so far as worldly losses could be compensated, the government came forward with * " Numerous atrocious murders were at this time committed on the persons of poor Protestants, who had returned too soon to their dwellings, not thinking that the rebels would again disturb them. So frequent were these murders, that the jeomanry proclaimed through the different parishes, ' that for every Protestant that was put to death, they would kill the priest and twenty Papists, in whatever parish such murder should be committed.' This had the desired effect ; there were no more assassinations, though the robberies were as frequent as ever." — Taylor's History. f " Incessant applications had been made to government, by different magis- trates in Gorey and its vicinity, complaining that this range of country was infested with constant meetings of rebels, who committed every species of outrage, and these reports were confirmed by affidavits." 190 HISTORY OP THE promptness and liberality. In a message delivered by Lord Caetlereagh, to the House of Commons, from the lord-lieutenant on the 17th of July, compensation of loyalist losses was recommended by his majesty. The suiferers were directed to send authenticated estimates to the com- missioners, and provision was afterwards made by Act of Parliament for compensation, altogether, or in part, according to peculiar circum- stances. The authentication required, was to be the affidavit of the claimant, accompanied by those of the minister of the parish and the claimant's landlord, or his agent, declaratory of loyalty and the truth of the estimate. That this act of restitution was shamefully abused * can scarcely be a subject of surprise — and men whom position in society and easy fortune should have placed beyond the probability or necessity of committing a fraud upon an act, just and benevolent on the part of government, were found pre-eminent in rapacity. Of course, the odium attached to the destruction of property was in the first instance attributed to the disaffected; but the devasta- tion and plundering sustained by the loyalists was not the work of the rebels alone. " Great part of the damage was committed by the soldiery, who commonly completed the ruin of deserted houses, in which they had their quarters, and often plundered without distinction of loyalist and croppy. The Hessians exceeded the other troops in the business of depredation ; and many loyalists who had escaped from the rebels were put to death by these foreigners. To send such troops into the country in such a state of affairs, was a wrong step in government, and why plundering was permitted so long to the soldiery in some parts of the country after the rebellion had been quelled, is less excusable. The publication of some facts, of which I have acquired information, may not, perhaps, be safe. On the arrival of the Marquis of Huntley, however, with his regiment of Scottish Highlanders, in Gorey, the scene was totally altered. To the im- mortal honour of this regiment, its behaviour was such as, if it were universal among soldiers, would render a military government esti- mable. To the astonishment of the harassed peasantry, the smallest trifle, even to a drink of butter-milk, would not be accepted without the payment of the fuU value. General Skerret, colonel of the Durham regiment, who succeeded the marquis, observed strict dis- cipline, and nothing more was heard of military depredation. " But though by this conduct of general officers the royal troops as- sumed their proper place, in becoming protectors, not pillagers of the people, the country was miserably afflicted all the ensuing winter by * " The number of affidavits seut to the commissioners before the 10th of April, 1799, from the counties of Kildare, WicHow, Wexford, and Kilkenny, was three thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven ; and the estimates made of losses amounted to five hundred and sixty-one thousand two hundred and thirteen pounds. Of these claimants the county of Wexford furnished two thousand one hundred and thirty- seven j whose losses amounted to three hundred thousand pounds. The claims of some were greatly excessive, and many, who had acquired by plunder more than they had lost, made large demands of compensation." IRISH REBELLION. 191 gangs of nocturnal marauders, as is always the case after the commo- tion of civil warfare. These appear to have consisted at first of the lower classes of loyalists, some of whom might think, or pretend to think, that they were only making reprisals from those who had plun- dered them or their friends in the rebellion. But a system of unlawful violence, if not speedily coerced, will be carried to excesses which admit neither excuse nor palliation. Should we suppose that none except persons guilty of rebellion and pillage were subjects of plunder, still the loyalist landlords of these ruined people must be sufferers.* But by whatever pretences they might endeavour to impose on their own consciences, lucre was their object, without regard to the guilt or innocence of the persons who were the subjects of their depredation. With these erroneously-termed loyalist robbers, in a little time some croppies were admitted to associate (and the latter sometimes formed separate parties) ; but the Romanists alone were the subjects of pillage, because these, being disarmed at the quelling of the insurrection, were incapable of defending their houses ; while to attack Protestants, who were furnished with arms, appeared too dangerous to these adventurers. The wretched suflferers *ere not only destitute of the means of resist- ance, but even of the consolation of complaint ; for they were threat- ened with death and the burning of their houses if they should give information of the robbery. Many houses, in fact, were fired in the course of this melancholy winter, the inhabitants hardly escaping from the flames, and the cattle sometimes consumed alive in the conflagra- tion. How some survived the hardships of the dreary season, who were deprived of their provisions, beds, bed-clothes, and nearly of their wearing apparel, in the midst of deep snow and severe frost, seems not easily accountable. The magnitude of the evil, which tended to deso- late the country, and which is suspected to have been most unwisely encouraged by the connivance of some yeoman officers, roused at last the attention of public-spirited gentlemen, by whose exertions these violences were restrained, but not suppressed. One species of mischief was the burning of Romish chapels in the night, of which hardly one escaped in the extent of several miles around Gorey. This, though it evinced a puerile spirit of religious antipathy, little honourable to any description of people, was of a nature far less cruel. I have heard Roman Catholic gentlemen say, that the burning of one poor cabin must cause more actual misery than that of hundreds of chapels."t Much blame has been ascribed to the Irish executive for the con- tinued severities exercised upon the leaders of the insurrection, after continued defeats had led to the dispersion of their deluded followers. No doubt that, in some cases, mercy might have been judiciously * " But the destruction of property was not the only species of damage resulting to the community from this ill-fated combination. To tliis may be added the loss of lives, the neglect of industry by an idle turn acquired by the minds of men from warfare, or the preparations for it, the obstruction of commerce, the interrnption of credit in pecuniary transactions, and the depravation of morals in those places which were the seats of civil violence." t Gordon's History. 192 HISTORY OP THE extended — while in others, a stem necessity existed for severe example.* As crime is said to generally carry with it punishment, there were few of the rebel chieftains who had not bitter cause to lament their elevation to the dangerous distinction they enjoyed — and their revelations in exile or on the scaffold proved painfully, that a mob command is probably the greatest curse that could descend upon an ill-starred individual. Before we close this narrative of the southern insurrection, we will give a brief summary of the military and moral character of that portion of the rebel bodies by whom the brunt of the contest was maintained. t " That among the insurgents, those who were the most scrupulously observant of the ceremonial of religion were most addicted to cruelty and murder, has been remarked by men who had the best opportunity of observation — and heroes of the shilelah, the bullies of the country, who consequently were expected to be the most forward in the rebellion, were, on the Contrary, when the insurrection took place, shy of firearms, and backward in battle, whilst the men who had been quiet and industrious were found the resolute in combat and steady under arms. " Those who were boldest in fight occasionally displayed some inge- nuity in their tumultuary warfare, in which they had neither regu- larity, subordination, nor leaders. They converted books into saddles — when the latter could not be procured — ^placing the book, opened in the middle, on the horse's back, with ropes over it for stirrups. Large volumes, found in the libraries of the Bishop of Femes, Mr. Stephen Ram, and Colonel Le Hunte, were thus destroyed. Being short of ammunition, they frequently used small round stones, or hardened balls of clay, instead of leaden bullets ; and, by the mixing and pound- ing of the materials in small mortars, fabricated a species of gunpowder, which was said to explode with sufficient force while fresh, but not to remain many days fit for service. They found means to manage in an awkward manner the cannon taken from the army, applying wisps of straw in place of matches. In their engagements with the military, they availed themselves of hedges, and other shelter, to screen them * "Those who instigate rebellions are the great criminals, not the poor wretches who are driven by clrcnmstances they cannot control into acts of violence. They are merely the instruments — and it would be nearly as wise to destroy the musket with which a man was shot, instead of the man who pulled the trigger, as to put an unfortunate creature to death who appears as a rebel to avoid death, or who is by infernal agency persuaded that the government, or those in power, wish or contem- plate his destruction, "^Afcmojr's of Holt. t In taking Mr. Gordon as a safe authority in describing the moral and military character of the Wexford insurrection, I think I may rely on obtaining an honest estimate of both. I am aware that he was accused of partial feelings towards the disaffected at the time, and the truth of some statements he made respecting royalist severities was impugned. He was himself a resident in the county, and therefore might be expected to be more accurately informed on local occurrences, than men who were strangers, and, consequently, dependent on -hearsay evidence — and as he was a Protestant clergyman, it is not likely that he should have had any unfair leaning in favour of men from whom he dissented in religion. IRISH REBELLION. 193 from the shot of their opponents; and when a man could net see the position of his associates, who might fly before he could perceive it, and leave him in the hands of those who never gave quarter, they would not trust one another — a circumstance favourable to the loyal party, since to withstand a well-conducted nocturnal pike-assault would be much more difficult than one in day." * Nor was the difficulty of restraint confined to men who, in rank and religion, differed from the unruly masses over whom they had assumed command. The popularity of the peasant chief was just as unsteady as that of the Protestant aristocrat, and Harvey and Holt experienced the ingratitude of a barbarous mob, on whose conduct they could place no dependence, and in whose personal attachment not a moment's reliance could be reposed. The hopeless task of directing the move- ments of a band of insubordinary savages f will be found in many passages of Holt's eventful history — and even he, a man wearied of the world, and almost rendered dead to human sympathies, found that a convict's life was preferable to the leadership of the banditti he com- manded. Thus he speaks : — '.' I then determined to give up the enterprise I had undertaken, and extricate myself as soon as possible from a connection with the scoun- drel party I commanded. I found it impossible to keep them from crime, their whole mind now bent on robbery; and they were tired of a chief who restrained that propensity." * Gordon. t " In a few minutes after, I heard the signal from our picquets that the enemy were advancing, but on calling to arms I had not more than two hundred men in a fit state to fight ; there were upwards of five hundred lying on the ground in beastly intoxication, which produced such a panic in the rest, that they began to fly in all directions. I did what I could to rally them, and thus effected a retreat, leaving the drunkards to their fate, who were bayoneted on the ground," — Holt'a Memoir. 194 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER XIX. POLITICAL RETROSPECT OP ULSTER, FROM 1784 K> 1/98. The Wexford insurrection had justly alarmed the government— but its sudden outbreak, partial success, and total suppression, passed like the dramatic action of a play; and a short month ended the painful history. To account for its violence while it lasted were easy. The fiery character of the southern peasantry — the facility with which their worst passions are evoked — abuse of power, placed for a brief season in unworthy hands, followed by the reaction that violence has always excited — the besotted ignorance of the multitude — and the evil ex- ample of those, who, from their callings, should have tranquillized their flocks and nipped rebellion in the bud — excesses of the soldiery on the one hand, and ruthless outrages on the other, produced those sanguinary reprisals at the commencement of the contest, which became still more ferocious at its close. To the cabin, fired by the mercenary Hessian, might, possibly, be traced the infernal tragedy of Scullabogue ; aud men, innocent of treason, and lacerated through mere wantonness or bare suspicion, called down a fearful retaliation in the cruelties com- mitted in the rebel camps, and perpetrated on the bridge of Wexford. The Wexford explosion was but the forerunner of one infinitely more formidable. The disafi'ection, too general in the North, had been gradual and progressive — not the hasty ebullition of turbulent excitement, but the slow and determined antipathy with which repub- lican feeling regarded monarchical institutions. From northern intel- ligence much more danger was to be apprehended than from the wild and evanescent outbursts of southern ferocity. The Wexford outbreak, like the bursting of a thunder-cloud, was fierce but transitory. The northern conspiracy had all the character of the gathering storm ; and the materiel of its violence was the more to be dreaded, from the length of time it had been in steadily collecting. For many years the political state of the North had been in constant agitation — White-boys and Right-boys — Hearts of Oak and Hearts of Steel — Defenders, Orangemen, and United Irishmen, all followed in rapid succession — and the statutory enactments of these troublous times give a silent but striking evidence of the fevered state in which the kingdom remained for five-and-twenty years before the outbreak of '98. So early as the third of the reigning monarch (George III.), an Act was found necessary to indemnify loyal subjects in the suppression of riots, and the apprehension of all concerned. In the fifth of the same king, " An Act to prevent the future tumultuous risings of per- sons within the kingdom" passed. " The Chalking Act," to prevent IRISH REBELLION. 195 malicious cutting and wounding, followed — ^but its provisions, stringent, as they might appear, were found inefficient. As the barbarous excesses committed by the White-boys continued to increase, the 15 th & 16th of Geo. III. were enacted, against them. It recites, that the Act pre- viously passed had been insufficient for suppressing them; and it states, " That they assembled riotously, injured persons and property, com- pelled persons to quit their abodes, imposed oaths and declarations by menaces, sent threatening and incendiary letters, obstructed the export of corn, and destroyed the same." This is an exact description of the proceedings of the Defenders subsequently. As their turbulence and ferocity continued to increase, and as they made a constant practice of houghing soldiers in a wanton and unprovoked manner, the Chalking Act was still farther extended, and amended by the 17th and 18 th of Geo. III. c. 49. One of the advantages conferred by the Volunteer Association was the suppression of White-boyism, but it was only for a time — for as the esprit of that celebrated body subsided, Defenderism increased. The system was brutal in the extreme,* and it produced, in due season, a sanguinary and dangerous reaction. The Right-boys succeeded the "White ones — and they directed their earlier hostility against the church rather than the state. In Ireland, tithes have been ever an obnoxious impost — and in whatever they might otherwise have disagreed, Protestant and Catholic were found generally united on one point, and unfriendly to their exaction. Many of the Irish clergy were neither conciliatory in their manners, nor moderate in their demands. The Catholic was averse to lend di- rect support to a church which he repudiated as heretical — the Dissenter rejected the impost on conscience-sake — ^the Episcopalian, as often found reason for complaint, and frequently he fostered privately an opposition to a system, in some cases most arbitrary, and in all, open to exaction and abuse. Many of the Protestant gentlemen, hoping to exonerate their estates of tithes by the machinations and enormities of the Bight-boys, secretly encouraged them — and others connived at their excesses till they began to oppose the paynient of rents and the recovery of money by legal process — and then their for- mer friends came forward in support of the law.f In the South, this system of agrarian warfare soon spread beyond its original object; and although, supported by an Act Parliament (passed 1787), the tithe proprietors, lay and clerical, were forced to bend to the storm. The Protestant clergy in the county of Cork were so much intimidated by the menaces and insults which they received, * " In December, 1784, a bodyofWhite-boys broke into the house of John Mason, a Protestant, in the county of Kilkenny, in the night, placed him naked on horse- back, and having carried him in this manner five or six miles from his house; they cut off his ears, and in that state buried him up to his chin: they also robbed him of his firearms. " This year they were so outrageous in the province of Leinster, particularly in the county of Kilkenny, that a denunciation was read against them in all the Popish chapels in the diocese of Ossory, on the 17th of November, 1784." — Musgrave. • f Musgrave. o 2 196 HISTORY OF THF that many were obliged to fly to the city of Cork for protection. The. malcontents proceeded from one act of violence to another, and esta- blished such a system of terror, that landlords were afraid to distrain for rent, or to sue, by civil process, for money due by note. They took arms from Protestants — levied money to buy ammunition — broke open gaols — set fire to hay and corn, and even to houses, especially, those occupied by the army. At last they had the audacity to threaten the cities of Limerick and Cork, and the town of Ennis, the capital of Clare, with famine ; and actually took measures to prevent farmers and fishermen from conveying supplies of provisions to the markets. They proceeded by such a regular system, that they established a kind of post-office, for communication, by which they transmitted their notices with celerity for the purpose of forming meetings, which were frequent and numerously attended. This spirit of riot and insurrec- tion occasioned the passing of a law in the year 1787, drawn up by Lord Clare, entitled, " An Act to prevent tumultuous risings and assemblies, and for the more efiectual punishment of persons guilty of outrage, riot, and illegal combination, and of administering and taking unlawful oaths."* While the South of Ireland was distracted by these accursed associations, the North was convulsed by two confederacies, furiously opposed to each other, and termed Defenders and Peep-o'-day-boys. The origin of the former body may be traced back to the summer of '84 — and what afterwards proved a most formidable and extensive confederacy, arose from an accidental quarrel betwixt a Bomauist and a Presbyterian. The latter being worsted, at a horse-race near Hamilton's Bawn, the contest was renewed — and by the aid of some Catholics who took his part, the Protestant was victorious. At this time, Defenderism seemed to arise solely from the pugnacious dis- position of the people, and to be uninfluenced by religious feelings altogether. Both parties recruited and collected arms j " but Pres- byterians and Papists mixed indiscriminately, and were marked for some time by the district to which they belonged, and not by any religious distinction. Each body assumed the singular appellation of ' fleet,' and was denominated from the parish or townland where the persons composing it resided."t But the discordance of the parties was too great ever to adipit any solid or permanent coalition. Whatever specious junction might be formed of the religious sects, deep distrust would lie beneatli, and explode on the first commotion. Nor was the conduct of the Romanists, by their separate and secret consultations, the publications of some of their clergy, and the spirit of religious hostility betrayed by many of the lower classes, adapted to gain the confidence of the Protestants, or induce them to expect a cordial or sincere co-operation. In a very short time sectarian hatred began to shew itself — the confederacy was dissolved, and the banner of religion unfurled — the Romanists still retaining their original title of Defenders — the Pres- byterians assuming a new denomination, and calling themselves Peep- o -day-boys. * Musgrave. t Ibid, IRISH REBELLION. 197 The origin of this singular designation ia thus accounted for : — During the American war, when volunteering was in its meridian, some Presbyterians, who had revolutionary projects, invited the Soman Catholics to join them in arms, from the use of which they were pro- hibited by law. " When the restoration of peace had defeated the hopes of the Pres- byterians, they resolved to disarm the Roman Catholics, who, animated by the possession of arms and a knowledge of discipline, not only re- fused to surrender them, but proceeded to collect large quantities of them, and even boasted that they would not lay them down until they ob- tained a further extension of their privileges, in addition to those which were recently conceded. Such boasting alarmed the fears and roused the indignation of the Presbyterians, who proceeded in large bodies to disarm them, which produced mutual hostility." * It may be readily imagined that two bodies of opposite religionists, with such objects in view, would soon evince a malignity towards each other in act and feeling, which the influence of the more peaceable would be unable to restrain. No opportunity, indeed, was lost of ex- ercising mutual hostilities — and scarcely a night passed but some scene of violence waa enacted. In their domiciliary visits, under the pretext of seeking arms, the Presbyterians destroyed the property of the Catholics, and abused them inhumanly, while, on the other hand, secret assassination was too commonly resorted to by the Defenders. Unfortunately, the exertions of the executive to crush these mischie- vous confederacies, were marred by the secret countenance shewn by country gentlemen, to both sides, to forward the petty intrigues that distinguished the electioneering transactions of the time — and, though the fountain of justice was unpolluted,'!' the selfish and corrupt objects of men who should have tranquillized, and not inflamed the bad pas- sions of their respective tenantry, rendered the intervention of the law inoperative, and converted sectarian dislike into implacable hostility. While some influential land-holders thus pandered to the passions of the opposing parties, to forward their political intrigues, others, and with more mischievous effect, worked upon the credulity of the Ro- manists. Prophecies were promulgated about intended massacres to be committed by the Presbyterians j and it was said that, on a given night, a wholesale slaughter would take place — that the rivers north of the Shannon would flow with blood — and the ground stink ■with un- buried carcases — for that, from the cradle to the crutch. Catholics would be remorselessly sacrificed. JThese terrible forebodings worked upon the excitable imaginations of the multitude ; and the harvest was abundantly productive in an undying hatred, and a ferocious yearning * MusgraTe. t " Some persons of both parties were frequently convicted and punished. Two Peep-o'-day-boys, at the spring assizes of 1788, at Armagh, were sentenced to be lined and imprisoned for ill-treating a Roman Catholic. "Baron Power, in the year 1795, hanged three Defenders and two Peep-o'-day-boyS. In the year 1797, government sent the Attorney-General to Armagh, to dispense justice equally to both parties. He tried alternately two of each party, and some of both were found guilty, and punished." 198 HISTORY OF THE " after revenge. In the meantime, the organization of both bodies pro- ceeded;* the disturbances increased — the military were found unequal to repress outrages — till, at last, it became a downright religious war; " and the fanatics of one sect exercised the most barbarous revenge on the innocent members of the other, for the crimes of the- guilty." One most atrocious instance of demoniac cruelty will scarcely now be credited. A large estate had been devised by Mr. Jackson, of Fork-hill^ for the improvement of agriculture, and the education of the surrounding peasantry — one of the bequests providing four schoolmasters, for the purpose of giving instruction, free of all expense, to the children of every one, regardless of religious persuasion, who chose to avail them- selves of the benefit of the bequest. To carrying these benevolent intentions into effect, the Roman Catholics offered every opposition ; a/ud with that end in view, the following atrocity was committed upon an innocent and industrious family :— " On Friday evening, at seven o'clock, a number of villains assembled at the house of Alexander Barclay, one of the schoolmasters in the parish of Fork-hill, near Dundalk, appointed by the trustees of the late Richard Jackson's charities, to instruct, indiscriminately, the children of the poor of the said parish. They rapped at the door — he inquired who was there, and a man of the name of Terence Byrne, his near neighbour (whose voice he well knew, and whom he had before, at different times, admitted), told him he was there ; he opened the door, accordingly, when a number of men rushed in, threw him on his face, and three of them stood on him and stabbed hira repeatedly. They then put a cord round his neck, which they tightened so as to force Out his tongue, part of which, as far as they could reach, they cut off. They then cut off the four fingers and thumb of his right hand, and left him on the floor, and proceeded to use his wife in the same manner. "To add to their barbarity, they cut out her tongue, and cut off her four fingers and thumb with a blunt weapon, which operation took them up above ten minutes, one or two of them holding up her arm, while they committed this inhuman action. They then battered and beat her in a dreadful manner. Her brother, a boy of 13 years of age, had come from Armagh that morning to see her. They cut out his tongue, and cut off the calf of his leg, and left them all three in that dreadful situation ."f To enumerate the excesses committed in the North and South by this desperate confederacy would be tedious ; and the local history of one county will suflBciently shew both the spirit and the spread of Defen- derism. In Armagh, in '95, they frequently and openly assembled — and as the Protestants collected to oppose them, the most serious re- sults, from a collision between the parties, were apprehended. An * " Sobriety, secrecy, the accumiilation of arms, and the giving assistance to each other on all occasions, seemed to have been leading objects with the Defenders. They were exclusively of the Roman Catholic religion. They knew each other by secret signs ; they had a grand-master in eaeh county, who was elected at a generiil annual meeting, and they had also monthly meetings." — Mntgrave. t Report of the Trustees to the Lord Bishop of Dromore. IRISH REBELLION. 199 attempt was made to reconcile their existing differences ; and an act of amnesty was drawn up and signed by the leaders upon both sides, who ■engaged, under penalties of fifty pounds, to mutually preserve the ;peace. But this reconciliation was delusoi'y — and a Protestant gentle- man, who had been one of the sponsors for his party, was fired at returning home, when the ink of the friendly compact was scarcely dry. This proceeding led to an open rupture — and a sanguinary con- flict was the result. " The Defenders, in violation of these articles, assembled next day in arms, and attacked the Protestants, who again proposed peace and mutual forgiveness, but in vain. " The Defenders, elate with their numbers, having sent for reinforce- ments to the mountains of Pomeroy and Ballygawly, made an attack on the Protestants near a village called the Diamond ; and were heard to declare that they would not suffer a person of their persuasion to re- main in the country. The shouts and firing of the Defenders alarmed the Protestants, who assembled from all quarters ; and an engagement having ensued, forty-eight of the Defenders were killed, and a great number were wounded, on the 21st of September, 1795."* This appeal to arms at the Diamond, annihilated the last hope of ap- peasing the excited passions of the opposite religionists — and the triumph of the Protestants, so far from abating their animosity to the vanquished, seemed only to encourage a still deadlier feeling towards the Romanists. The domiciliary visits became more frequent and more ferocious — houses were fired— furniture wantonly destroyed — and to be a Catholic, was now considered a fair excuse for the commission of every cruelty and insult. In vain, the unfortunate Romanists expected that these ferocities would abate, and that vengeance would be glutted to satiety. The hope was unreal — and at last, the only resource left to the sufi'erers, was the abandonment of home and country — and leaving their cold hearths to those who. persecuted them to the death, they sought shelter in a distant province, t That the cruelties ascribed to the northern Protestants did not ema- nate from opposite religionists, whom prejudice might induce to give a false colouring to the story of their wrongs, is not to be disputed. An authority, too high and too impartial to be doubted, verifies the extent of Catholic persecution. At a meeting of magistrates, assembled on the 28th of December, '7.5, to consider the state of the country, Lord ,Gpsford, the Governor of Armagh, made the following painful disclo- sure of the actual state of parties at the time : — " Gentlenien," he said, addressing the crowded assembly," it is no secret that a persecution, accompanied- with all the circumstances of ferocious * Musgrave. f " The disappointed hopes of the people, their despair of legislative address, the insulting seventy of the Camden' administration, the cruel and wanton religious per- secutions of Armagh, where 10,000 unoffending Catholic inhabitants were driven from their homes at the point'of tte bayonet, or by the torch of the incendiary, and this barbarous proscription, if not encouraged, at least not opposed, by the government or local authorities, first led the inhabitants of Ulster into a general association for self-defenpe." — Teeling's Personal Narratwe. 200 HISTORY OF THE cruelty which have in all ages distinguished thatdreadful calamity, is now raging in this country ; neither age nor sex, &c. is sufficient to excite mercy, much less to afford protection. The only crime which the wretched objects of this ruthless persecution are charged with, is a crime indeed of easy proof ; it is simply a profession of the Roman Catholic faith, or an intimate connection with a person professing this faith. A lawless banditti have constituted themselves judges of this new species of delinquency, and the sentence they have denounced is equally concise and terrible — ^it is nothing less than a confiscation of all property, and an immediate banishment. It would be extremely painful, and surely unnecessary, to detail the horrors that attend the execution of so rude and tremendous a proscription — a proscription that certainly exceeds, in the comparative number of those it consigns to ruin and misery, every example that ancient or modern history can supply; for when have we heard, or in what story of human cruelties have we read, of more than half the inhabitants of a populous country deprived, at one blow, of the means, as well as of the fruits of their industry, and driven in the midst of an inclement season to seek a shelter for themselves and their helpless families where chance may guide them? This is no exaggerated picture of the horrid scenes now acting in this country; yet, surely it is sufficient to awaken sentiments of indignation and com- passion in the coldest bosoms. These horrors are now acting with im- punity ; the spirit of impartial justice (without which law is nothing better than an instrument of tyranny) has for a time disappeared in this country, and the supineness of the magistracy of Armagh is become a common topic of conversation in every corner of the kingdom. " I am as true a Protestant as any gentleman in this room. I in- herit a property which my family derived under a Protestant title, and, with the blessing of God, I will maintain that title to the utmost of my power. I will never consent to make a sacrifice of Protestant ascendency to Catholic claims, with whatever menace they may be urged, or however speciously or invidiously supported. Conscious of my sincerity in this public declaration, which I do not make unad- visedly, but as the result of mature deliberation, I defy the paltry in- fiinuations that malice or party-spirit may suggest. I know my own heart, and I should despise myself if, under any intimidation, I could close my eyes against such scenes as present themselves on every side, or my ears against the complaints of a persecuted people." In the earlier pages of this memoir, the rise and progress of the United Irish system have been detailed — and it will be only necessary to observe that previous to the outbreak in the South, the organization, military and political, of Ulster was reported to be complete. Nothing, however, could be more distinct than the objects and principles of the Irish conspirators. In the one, religious bigotry was the actuating spring — and the object, a fond hope of establishing a papal ascendency; in the other, a passionate admiration of republican theories — the example of America and France — ^a wish — ^most sincere in some — to reform state abuses, and infuse fresh vigour into an enfeebled constitution. These had chiefly, in the beginning, induced the Northerns to unite ; but the IlllSn REBELLIOK. 201 purity of early intention became tainted by the spread of doctrines alike opposed to monarchy and religion — and enmity to the throne, and contempt for the altar, were the natural effects resulting from the per- nicious imitation of Jacobin example. Indeed, as the conspiracy grew to maturity in the North, infidelity progressed, 'pari passu, with (Usaf- fection — and faith and allegiance were equally abandoned. That very wise law, the Convention Bill, having prevented the clubs from assembling publicly, the leaders of the conspiracy had recourse to another, and fully as effectual a mode of disseminating their doctrines of liberty and equality, by instituting reading-societies, which the lowest classes of the people attended after the labour of their daily oc- cupations was over. This institution was almost exclusively confined to the counties of Down and Antrim, where the mass of the people are Presbyterians, can read and write, and are fond of speculating on religion and politics. These meetings, formed after the model of the Jacobin clubs in France, were usually held in barns and schoolhouses, and were liberally furnished with inflammatory publications, composed by the literati of the United Irishmen, or extracted from larger trea^ tises of a similar tendency in both kingdoms, and published in the form of pamphlets for more general circulation. The pretext of reading for mutual information and improvement was considered as a plausible motive for the lower class of people to assem- ble. Subjects of a delicate nature and dangerous tendency were fre- quently discussed in them; such as, " Under what circumstances are the people justifiable in resisting and uniting against the existing government? From what source is all just government derived, and what is its proper object ? Is the majesty of the king or the people most to be respected ? On these and similar topics the rustic orators -declaimed, with much vociferation and zeal, to the great edification of admiring audiences. The most fluent speakers went usually from one society to another to display their talents, and make proselytes to the new philosophy. Every opportunity was embraced to represent the Christian religion as a system of superstition, calculated to enslave mankind and obstruct the progress of improvement of reason. The doctrines of a future state, of rewards and punishments, were openly ridiculed and discredited, and public worship despised and dis- couraged, which materially promoted the designs of the conspirators by extinguishing all moral principle. Labourers, tradesmen, and even apprentice-boys, enlightened by attending the reading-societies, were taught to decide, dogmatically, .concerning the fundamental principles of government and religion ; to detect the supposed corruption of the one and the priestcraft of the other; to think themselves amply qualified to dethrone kings and regulate states and empires.* It was a subject of some surprise that, with infinitely better organiza- tion, the northern rebels allowed their brethren in the South to take ;the initiative— and tliat circumstance was fortunate as strange. The * Musgrave. 202 HISTOllY OF THE cause of the standard of rebellion having remained furled in Ulsler, ■while Leinster and Wexford were in a blaze, may be, in the first in- stance, traced to the want of leaders to direct the movement; in the second, to religious suspicions, which unsettled cbnfidence,. and severed a union whose elements were of sand. The chiefs of the northern conspiracy most influential from talent or position, were incarcerated or voluntary exiles-^— while the purely religious character which the Wex- ford insurrection had assumed alarmed the Presbyterians, deterring the more timid, and disheartening the most determined. " At a peri6d so critical, it was difficult to trace, in an extended range of nearly fifteen square miles, a resident leader, possessing popular influence and talents for command, who was willing, on the moment, to run the hazards of the field."* While the Ulster insurgents hesitated to make any open demonstra- tion, the game of rebellion was nearly played in the South, while in the North it had not yet begun — and had severities at the moment been discontinued, it is doubtful biit the flickering flame might have expired altogether. " The conciliatory measures used by government had detached numbers from the union ; and the salutary coercion used by general officers in disarming the multitude, abated the spirit of the disafifected, by diminishing their hopes of success." But the system pursued towards the malcontents was discouraging and absurd. Much was promised — ^nothing efiiectually carried out ; and the proclamation, which commenced by. offering an amnesty, merged into sanguinary denunciations, and concluded by devoting whole towns to plunder and conflagration. The system of free quar- ters brought terror alike to the innocent and the guilty. It was an infernal visitation, without doubt — ^and although, from party prejudice, over-coloured by a partisan,t still the outline of the picture is un- happily too true :— " The army, now distributed through the country in free quarters, gave loose to all the excesses of which a licentious soldiery are capable ; ' formidable,' in the language of the gallant Abercrombie, ' to all but the enemy.' From the humble cot to the stately mansion, no property — no person was secure. Numbers perished under the lash, many were strangled in the fruitless attempt of extorting confessions, and hundreds were shot at their peaceful avocations, in the venr bosom of their families, for the wanton amusement of a brutal soldiery. The ■ torture of the pitch-cap was a subject of amusement both to officers and men, and the agonies of the unfortunate victim, writhing under the blaze of the combustible material, were increased by the yells of the soldiery and the pricking of their bayonets, until his sufferings were often terminated by death. The torture practised in those days of Ireland's misery has not been equalled in the annals of the most barbarous nation, and the world has been astonished, at the close of the eighteenth century, with acts which the eye views with horror, and the heart sickens to record. Torture was resorted to, not only on the * Charles Teeling. t Ibid. IRISH REBELLION. 203 most trivial, but groundless occasions. It was inflicted without mercy on every age and every condition : the child, to betray the safety of the parent ; the wife, the partner of her conjugal affection ; and the friend and brother have expired under the lash, when the generous heart scorned to betray the defenceless brother or friend." Whether it might have been dreaded by the Northerns, that the sup- pression of the insurrection in the South would leave the government perfectly unembarrassed, and then, that their well-known disaffection -would be visited with sweeping penalties — or, that the decision of the few overcame the disinclination of the many, the Down and Antrim rebels resolved to take the field, and a local occurrence precipitated the rising. The governor of the county. Lord O'Neil, having received informal tion that the northern insurrection was postponed, but not abandoned, determined to counteract the plans of the rebel leaders, and for that purpose convened a meeting of the magistrates to be holden at Antrim, on the 7th of June. His lordship, en route from Dublin, slept at Hillsborough on the night of the 6th, and reached the appointed place, at noon, next day. The meeting being called by public notice, was, of course, a matter of notoriety — and the seizure of the magistrates, and possession of the arms which had been surrendered from time to time, and had not been removed to Belfast, at once struck the rebel leaders as expedient. Orders were accordingly issued to the disaffected — and the long-dreaded rising took place. 204 niSTOHY OF THE CHAPTER XX. OUTBIIEAE IN ULSTER — BATTLES OV ANTSIM, BAINTFIELD, AND BALLYNAHINCH. The sudden determination of the northern leaders to unfurl the banner of rebellion and risk an appeal to arras, was attended with the usual results consequent upon hasty and inconsiderate decisions. The order for rising was obeyed — but when the disaffected were actually in -the field, it was found that Down was without a leader. Kussell, on whom that dangerous distinction had been conferred, some time before, had been arrested and imprisoned — and Steele Dickson, a presbyterian minister, and a fierce and uncompromising revolutionist, was elected to the chief command ; but before he could assume it, he too, was arrested and lodged in prison. Finally, the leading of the insurrection was intrusted to a cotton-manufacturer, named McCracken. The folly of precipitating into action tumultuary masses of men, under chiefs incompetent to direct their movements, will be best understood from the narrative of Charles Teeling ; and the detail of the northern rising proves, that although the insurrectionary elements were abundant, the power of direction was imbecile beyond contempt : " Antrim had determined to act in conjunction with Down, and by dividing the attention of the enemy, these counties would have been an overmatch for the British troops which garrisoned both. The period of action bad been previously arranged, and the respective duties as- signed ; but Antrim being prepared for the field, could not be induced to wait the appointment of a new commander for Down. To supply the place of Dickson was not an easy task, nor to restore that confi- dence to the minds of his countrymen which his arrest had sensibly weakened. Down urged the necessity of delay, but Antrim was re- solved — was already committed. Her military chiefs had assembled in council ; numbers had quitted their homes for the field ; they had bidden an aiFectionate, and some an eternal adieu to the objects of their tenderest regard. All waited orders from the first in command, when, to their inexpressible astonishment, his formal resignation was announced. "There was now no safety in return — no encoura^ng hope in advance ; the secession of the chief communicated doubt and alarm to others ; mutual suspicion and mutual fears were excited in the breasts of all : the council wavered in their decisions, they ordered and counter-ordered, and eventually retired to deliberate anew. In the meantime, intelligence arrived that the British troops were on their march, and their advanced guard of cavalry within one mile of th« seat of deliberation." The possession of Antrim was certainly an important object with the conspirators. Equidistant from the two great military stations -» IRISH REBELLION. 205 Belfast, and the camp at Blaria — it opened a communication witli Derry and Donegal, both counties, seriously disaffected, and from which extensive assistance might be expected. Antrim, was consequently selected as the first object of insurgent operation, and on the 7th of June, the rebel columns directed their march upon the town. The decision of their ill-directed councils had immediately trans- pired — and General Nugent, who commanded the north-east district, promptly adopted measures to defeat the intended attack. The second light brigade* was directed to make a forced march from Blaris camp on Antrim — and two hundred and fifty of the Monaghan, a troop of the 22nd light dragoons, the Belfast yeomanry cavalry, under the com- mand of Colonel Durham, marched to support the garrison by the line of Carmony and Templepatrick. Major Seddon, the commandant at Antrim, had been made acquainted with the intended movement,^ and assured that he should be reinforced, and enabled to repel the attack of the insurgents. It is hard to determine whether Antrim offered to the assailants or defenders the greater advantage. The town is nearly a mile long, and that space from the Scots' quarter to the market-house, about two- thirds of its length, and nearly a straight line. The main street is a continuation of the Scots' quarter, and at right angles with the wall of Lord Massareen's garden, which is about forty yards from the market- house, and lies nearly in the centre of the street. The wall of the garden completely commands the street, and the entrance to the mar- ket-house, which is a square building, supported by stone pillars, and very difficult to set fire to. The guard-house was there, and a number of prisoners confined in it. There was a second wall at right angles with the garden, which flanks it, and commands Bow-lane. The two walls are joined with each other by one part of an old fortification. The wall is about fifteen feet high towards the street — and being but four feet high on the garden side, it forms an excellent breast-work. The church is about half-way between the market-house and the end of Scots' quarter, built on a rising ground, and surrounded by a wall, which is about eight feet high towards the street and four on the inside. The church is nearly in a line with the houses on one side of * It comprised the 64th regiment light companies of the Armagh, Monaghan, Dublin, Kerry, and Tipperary militia ; one hundred and fifty 22nd light dragoons, two light six-pounders and two howitzers, the whole under the command of Colonel CUtvering. ■f " The orderlies arrived at Antrim at nine o'clock, but did not perceive any extra- ordinary movement in the country, or any indication of insurrection. However, the drums immediately beat to arms, the yeomanry assembled in a short time, and the inhabitants of the town were called on to turn out in its defence. In sending the summonses through the town, it was discovered that all the notorious United Irishmen had left it early in the morning, which convinced Major Seddon that General Nugent's information was well founded. Of four hundred men capable of bearing arms, two hundred turned out on the occasion ; but they could be supplied with no more than eighty stand of arms, as there were no more serviceable ; and there was so great a scarcity of ammunition, that after borrowing eight hundred rounds from Major Seddon, the yeomanry had but twelve rounds a man, and those who volunteered but &ye."—Mu»grave. 20(5 HISTORY OP THEf the Scots' quarter, and part of the wall is parallel to the houses at the opposite side, and the distance between it and the houses about twelve yards.* The plan of the rebel attack was simply, a combined effort by superior numbers, simultaneously made at three separate points. The insurgents moved towards Antrim in four heavy columns — two ad- vancing by the Belfast and Carrickfergns roads, united at the junction of these roads at the Scotch quarter ; a third was to attack by Paty's* lane ; the fourth, commanded by a brother of the celebrated William Orr, from Dunolty, Randalstown, and Sh9,ne's Castle, was directed to push through Bow-laHe immediately after the united columns, under McCracken; had commenced their attack. By a singular coincidence in time, the assailants and part of the reinforcements from Blaris camp entered the town together in opposite directions — the rebel columns debouching by the Scotch quarter, as the advanced guard of the light brigade crossed the Massareen bridge, and formed in the main street. The 22nd light dragoons, under Colonel Lumley, drew up in the rear of two six-pounderS, whifch opened on the rebels with case-shot, and as the insurgent attack was maide in close column, the service of the royal guns was very destructive. The customary system of placing their musketry at the head of the column supported by pikemen, was observed by the rebel leaders, and having advanced one of the six-pounders f which they brought into action, they returned the fire of the royalist guns for a round or two with some effect ; but from the clumsy . manner in which it was mounted, the gun was disabled by its own recoil. Their street-firing was more successful — and while the pikemen were detached across the fields, to take the royalists in the rear, the musketeers pressed boldly forward, and seized the churchyard. That important post once occu- pied, it became necessary to retire the guns. The order was given to limber up, and the guns retreated to another and safer position', covered by a very daring charge of cavalry led gallantly by ColoneJ Lumley. As was too frequently' the case, the charge of the 22nd dragoon^ was brilliant as it was indiscreet. The enemy held the churchyard, and directly under the parap.et jim^all aflfbrded to the rebel musketry, the charge was made. To launch cavalry at a body in close column, with an unbroken front and flanks secure, is almost invariably fatal. -About eighty men charged, returned, and cut their way through the column they had broken. What was the result ? In two minutes * Musgrave. ■f " They brought this gun from TemplepatricV, where they had it and another brass six-pounder, concealed under one of the seats of the dissenting meeting-house. They cut a tree, of which they made a trail, and mounted the gun on the wheels of Mr. M'Vickar's carriage, Lord Templeton's agent, and had wedges to elevate and depress it. It was formerly attached to the Belfast volunteers, but lay concealed for six years. They had originally eight, which also lay concealed, b^t six of them were discovered by General Nugent about a week before." — Mmgrme. IRISH REBELLION. 207 they had live officers, forty-seven rank and file, and forty horse hors de comhat. The guns, which had heen retired under the garden wall of Lord Mas- eareen's domain, were served for a time with considerable effect^ but they were finally abandoned, Colonel Lumley retreating by the Blaris road, by which he knew the light brigade was advancing.* In endeavouring to follow the cavalry. Lord O'Neil's horse became restive. A pike- man dragged his lordship from the saddle— and although directly under the fire of the yeomanry who held the castle garden, this excellent and gallant nobleman was killed by a pike-wound. " On the retreat of the dragoons, the rebels, flushed with success, rushed on with a horrid yell, and seized the curricle guns, but every man of that party was killed by the yeomen, and the remainder re- treated into the houses and by-lanes of the town. On that Mr. John Macartney, of the Antrim yeomanry, assisted by his brother, Mr. Ar-. thur Macartney, a lieutenant in the royal Irish artillery, who vo- lunteered on the occasion, made a sally from the garden, with twenty of the Antrim corps, and drew up, in the midst of the rebel fire, the guns and the ammunition-cart; and having planted them on the garden wall, they dislodged the rebels by a few discharges."+ Within a mile of the town the retreating cavalry perceived the light brigade in march from Blaris camp, and a mounted yeoman brought intelligence that the reinforcement from Belfast was rapidly approaching. The town was immediately re-entered, and while the royalists returned with renewed strength and spirit to the contest, the coward leader of the fourth rebel column, frightened at a burning cabin',! or the appearance of a few retreating horsemen, left his com- rades to their fate, and retreated without having even ventured into the presence of the enemy. That the rebels fought with great determination at Antrim is not to be denied — and that they were not successful, from their overwhelming * " "Two errors appear to have been committed by Colonel Lumley at Antrim, The first, in making his attack before the infantry had come near the town ; for had he permitted the rebels to enter it, as they were doing, they would have been cut off. Secondly, his attempting to charge back into the town, iphen the rebels had secured themselves in houses and inside the walls of the chuichyard. His first charge must be considered a successful one, a number of the rebels being regularly cut up ; and had he even then been contented to have awaited the arrival of the infantry, the rebels must have felt uneasy at his being in possession of that outlet by which numbers of them afterwards escaped. Both these errors in judgment, how- ever, are pardonable, as they originated in the chivalrous confidence of a young dragoon."— Jlf/S. Journal of a Field (Officer. + Musgrave. X " About one o'clock, and before the rebels arrived, several pikes were discovered in a garden in the Soots' quarter : in consequence of which the house to which the garden belonged was set on fire, and the flames communicated to seven more, which were consumed. The rebels having perceived the fire as they were marching towards the tbwn, halted for near half an hour, doubtful if they should make the attack, not knowing the real cause of the fire. During that delay, there arose a dispute among the Boman Catholics and Protestants of Orr's column;. the former insisting on putting the Orangemen in Antrim to death, but were opposed by the latter, who declared they would not consent to any act of cruelty." — Mvsgrave. 208^ HISTORY OF THE numbers, and very superior matSriel to the insurgents of the South, is in a great degree attributable to the imbecility or cowardice of theii leaders. Some there were, undoubtedly, whose personal intrepidity was unquestionable — ^but while many betrayed want of judgment, and a total absence of military talent, others, when called into action, evinced weakness and indecision bordering on fatuity. If one leader led his followers with spirit and determination, another paralyzed the efifbrt by leaving him unsupported. At Antrim this was &itally experienced — and the bravery McCracken displayed was neutralized by the pusil- lanimous conduct of his second in command. A writer who, with greater zeal than discretion, endeavours to gloss rebellion over, and invest every malcontent with the virtues of a patriot or hero, offers the following miserable apology for the insurgent defeat at Antrim : — " The troops (rebels) from the northern district of Antrim were on their march ; they had obeyed the- prompt order of the commander-in- chief, and forced the timid garrison, which opposed but feeble resist- ance.* They were within a short distance of the appointed rendezvous, when meeting a corps of retreating cavalry, who had been forced to abandon the town, they mistook their flight for a charge, and, under the impression that their division had arrived too late to afford relief or co-operate in the action of the day, they precipitately fled. " This circumstance restored confidence to the British troops ; they halted, and reinforcements having arrived from Belfast and the camp, of Blaris Moor, the fugitive garrison, in conjunction with these, became the assailants. " The transaction was witnessed by a small corps of observation which followed the enemy's retreat to mark their movements; this corps hastened back to the town, and communicating the panic, it rapidly extended to others. Their flight was more fatal than the most determined resistance, for encountering a body of cavalry, many were cut down with an unsparing hand, and fell victims to that terror which; too often plunges men into the misfortune they seek to avoid, "f The defeat of the rebels army at Antrim was decisive — and with one hundred and fifty of their number killed and wounded in the town, it was computed that two hundred were cut down in the rout that followed their repulse. An immense quantity of pikes and muskets were aban- doned ; and the guns they used in the attack fell into the hands of the royalists two days after their defeat. After abandoning Randalstown, on the evening of the 7th, the re- mainder of that portion of the insurgents took possession of Toome, and held "the town for two days. General Knox, however, advancing in force from Dungannon, they hastily abandoned the place, breaking down the bridge across the Baun. McCracken, with a few hundred of the beaten rebels, retreated in * " The rebels attacked Randalstown at half-past one on the 7th of June, and got possession of the lower part of the market-house, in which there were fifty of the Toome yeomanry — the building being set on fire, the yeomanry Eurrendered« and were removed by ladders from the windows." t Teeling's Personal Narative. lEISn REBELLION. 209 great disorder upon Ballymena, where the greater portion of his followers disbanded. A few of the more desperate took post on Donegore-hill, but in two or three days accepted an amnesty offered them by Colonel 01a- vering, from which, however, their leaders were excluded. McCracken, after an idle effort to carry on a brigand war in the hill country he had retired to, was gradually deserted by the few who had hitherto fol- lowed his desperate fortunes — and eventually, was apprehended,* con- victed, and expiated his treason on the scaffold. Short and evanescent as the insurrection proved, the rising was pretty general — and some of the rebel efforts were directed with much ability, but indifferent success. " When Down caught the flame of rebellion, a body of insurgents assembled in the Barony of Ards, and moved on Portaferry.f Their object was, on taking that town, to have crossed the Ferry, and pro- ceeded, with whatever aid they could get in Lecale, to the attack of Downpatrick. The plan shewed some head ; for the presumption was, that the garrison of Downpatrick would either have marched (as was the case) to co-operate with Gen. Nugent, at Ballynahinch, or that the rebel approach from the Portaferry side would keep it still in Down- patrick. In the former case, the town would be open to them ; in the latter, Gen. Nugent would have been deprived of the assistance of the garrison. The yeomanry of Portaferry, however, gave matters a dif- ferent turn. When this body of rebels was on their way to that place, they halted about a mile from the town, at a large and well-stored public-house, the owner of which held the rank, I believe, of baronial committee-man. Here they ordered out all the house contained — and eatables and drinkables rapidly disappeared. I must give what fol- lowed in the words of my informant, who was brother to the man of * " It was on Sunday afternoon, the 8th of July, my birth-day, that we got in. telligence that Henry was taken prisoner by four Carrickfergus yeomen, one of whom, Niblock, knew him. John Query and Gawin Watt were with him at the time, and were likewise arrested. Harry had obtained a pass in another name, and was then on his way to the place appointed for embarkation on board of a foreign vessel, with the captain of which an agreement had been made for his passage. At a place where they stopped on the road, Watt contrived to get hold of one of the guns of the yeomen, which had been laid down for a few minutes, knocked out the priming without being perceived, and told Harry to save his life ; but seeing the impossibility of doing so without involving his associates in additional danger, he thought it better to try, by other means, to save all. He had a written acknowledgment for a sum of thirty pounds on his person, which was the same as money ; and this he offered to Niblock, if he would allow himself and his companions to escape. Niblock refused the offer, but Mc Gilpin, another of the yeomen, was willing to let them go. McCracken had nearly effected an arrangement when they stopped at a public- house ; one of the party went out unperceived, and brought back with him an ofBcer, who secured the prisoners."— ^cco«m< of Us arrest ly McCrachen's sister. t " Captain Mathews having received intelligence m the mornmg that the town was to be attacked, had the arches of the market-house filled up with a dry tem- porary wall to prevent the rebels from setting fire to the loft, which these leaders had resolved to do ; and Captain Hopkins, being in the river with the revenue cruiser which he commanded, rendered the most important service on the occasion with his guns. The loss of the rebels was considerable, while not a single yeoman was hurt . ' ' — Musgrave. e 210 HISTOEY OP THE the house, and one of the rebel " airmy," as he called it: — "My brither cam out quite civil, and ' wha's to pay me, gentlemen?' quoth he. 'Hoot, man!' says ane, and 'Hoot, man!' says anither, 'your country will pay you.' My brither gied a look at me, and I at him, as they moved on ; and from that time I thought I had been lang enoo in the airmy, so I slipp'd behind the dyke, and let them gang on with- out me. And weel it was I did sae — for afore twa hours' time they were back again, far faster than they went, and not all of them either. But not ae word did my brither hear o' the recknin frae that hour to this. Aweel, Sir, the King's men, whether sodgers or sailors, always paid decently, — so I'll e'en stick to them for life, when I recover this clout on the leg." « 4: 4: 4: s|: 4: The discomfited insurgents made their way to the residence of Mr. Bailey, of Innishargy, five or six miles along the shore of the Lough, from the scene of their defeat. Here, as my informant (another of the party) thus described their proceedings, " the airmy lay down on the lawn, while the affishers took possession of the house; and having made themsels free of the cellar, sat down in the parlour, enjoying themsels wi' the best it afibrded. "With that, mysel' and ane or twa mair of us, made up to the open window, and, ' merry be yer hearts, genteels,' says we ; 'an what'll ye ha'e the airmy to drink ?' ' Hooh!' says this ane and that ane, ' there's a water-cart in the yard, tak' it down -to the river and fill enugh for the people to drink.' ' Hech! Sirs,' says we, ' is that the way of it? Gin we're aye to be soles and ye uppers, in that fashion, we may as weel serve King George as the likes o' ye.' An' in five minutes, Sir, the hale airmy had melted away, like snaw aft a dyke." Now, these were lessons such as neither sabre nor bayonet could teach, and particularly to cannie Northerns. The consequence was, that these men not only abandoned the standard of rebellion, but numbers of them actually joined a yeomanry corps. But the great proof of this alteration of feeling was the fact, that in 1803, five years after, at the time of what was called " Emmet's Eebellion," Russell, who was sent down to stir up matters in the North, could not induce five men to join him ! * To the want of simultaneous efibrt by the Down and Antrim insur- gents their rapid suppression may be mainly attributed.f The flame of * MS. Journal of a Field Officer. t " The prominent position, however, of the Ulster leaders in the concoction of this conspiracy, had early drawn on them the notice of government. The different northern counties were overrun with troops ; the men, whose abilities and fidelity to this cause were most signal, were in prison ; the mercantile leaders, who were ap- poi:^ed to places of trust in the directory, and to posts of danger in the military orginization, were not forthcoming when their services were required. Some became doubtful of the issue — others had large debts outstanding, and were not in- clined to act before these debts had been got in ; many were connected by ties of property with the other portion of the commercial aristocracy, whose political views were opposed to theirs ; and not a few, by their position in society, and the pre- vailing passion for festive entertainments, were in habits of close communication with IRISH REBELLION. 211 rebellion in the latter county had been virtually extinguished before the former had taken arms. Much was expected from the rising in the Ards, but the Southern portion of the rebels failed in their attempt on Portaferry, and the Northern were repulsed in an attack on New- town-ards — the former place, however, was afterwards evacuated by its garrison, and possessed, for a few days, by the insurgents. On the 9th, the Downshire rebels were reported to have assembled in considerable force in the immediate vicinity of Saintfield; and Colonel Stapleton, who commanded at Newtown-ards, marched with the York Fencibles, two battalion-guns, and some yeomanry to dis- perse them. Apprized of the intended attack, the rebels formed an ambuscade in a deep road, on either side fenced with high hedges now in full leaf, and affording to a lurking enemy the fullest concealment. Perfectly unconscious of the dangerous proximity of the insurgents, Stapleton's column continued its march, and a heavy fire from the plantations and inclosures gave the first intimation that the royalists were nearly surrounded. Three officers of the York regiment, Mr. Mortimer, the Vicar of Portaferry, and several of the yeomanry fell — and as the road was difficult and narrow, very disaatroua results might have occurred. Stapleton was, fortunately, a cool and gallant officer — and, forcing through a hedge, he carried the grenadier company into a field where they had room to deploy, and opened his guns with such effect, that the fortune of the day was changed. " The action now became more general. Such of the British troops as had not entered the defile were able to form ; they were assailed with much intrepidity by the people, but eventually succeeded in beating them off, at least so far as to enable Colonel Stapleton to effect an orderly retreat to Comber. This little affair, though undecisive, was sanguinary; no prisoners were taken on either side. Stapleton occupied Comber for the night, while the united troops entered Saintfield, and remained in the undisputed possession of the town."* The rebels, after this action, retired towards Newtown-ards, where they obtained possession of the baggage and spare ammunition of the York regiment, which had been left in the market-house of that town under a guard of invalids. Their previous success in surprising the royalists under Stapleton, and the acquisition of a large supply of ammunition, now added fresh confidence to hopes which the de- feat of Antrim had almost extinguished. Horsemen were despatched in all directions to summon their confederates to the field — and by threats of future vengeance they induced the doubtful to declare them- selves. " Saintfield was the general rendezvous of the united troopsj and on the morning of the 1 1th, presented an aggregate force of nearly 7,000 men. No chief had been appointed to the command of Down since the authorities, civil and military, who were then most active in their proceedings against these societies, and the subordinate leaders of them."— ii»e» of the United Irishmen. * TeelJng's Personal Narrative. P -2. 212 HISTORY OF THE the arrest of Dickson ; at this moment, Monro arrived, and presenting himself to the assembled forces, was unanimously elected their com- raandei:."* On the next day (Sunday) a large body of insurgents entered Bangor, and compelled numbers to join them. Proceeding to Saint- field, they joined the body which held that town ; and on the next morning (Monday, 11th of June) the whole proceeded to the rebel camp at Ballynahinch,t where the insurgent head-quarters were es- tablished. On the morning of the 1 2th General Nugent marched from Belfast. His force consisted of the Monaghan regiment, some yeomanry, horse and foot, part of the 22nd light dragoons, and where he formed a junc- tion with Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart with the garrison of Downpatrick on the morning of the 13th ; the royalists mustered, probably, 1,600 men, with eight pieces of light artillery. On learning Nugent was on his march to attack him, Monro detached a body of 500 men, under the command of a person named Johnson, to impede the advance of the royalists. The attempt was ill-judged and unsuccessful — the rebels were dispersed by the advanced guard and flanking parties of the royalists, and the march was uninterrupted, while the detachment disbanded, most of the insurgents retiring to their respective homes. The town of Ballinahinch lies in a valley, having on the north the Windmill-hill, and on the south the commanding eminence of Montalto, forming, with its plantations, a very strong position, and both were oc- cupied by the rebels on the afternoon of the 12th of June, when General Nugent, moving from Saintfield, drove those who occupied the Mill- hill from it, and hung up one of their leaders, who was too late in escaping with his men to the opposite height of Montalto. General Nugent occupied the Windmill-hill that night. " In the course of the night, the troops having entered the town, much disorder prevailed, and chiefly amongst the yeomanry corps; a nu- merous body of these had marched under Nugent's commaiud, and giving loose to pillage and excess, brutal intoxication consequently followed. Men and horses were promiscuously scattered through the streets, houses fired in several directions, a general relaxation of dis- cipline prevailed, or rather all discipline was sunk in licentiousness." This intelligence was carried to the rebel camp by a partisan inhabi- tant, who pointed out to Monro the facility of a night attack which the drunken condition of the soldiery presented — ^but with a fatuity hardly to be conceived, the imbecile commander let the golden oppor- * Teeling. t " On 9ie insurrection fairly breaking out in Antrim, government took the wise measure of assembling a brigade of 1,000 loyal yeomanry, with four troops of the 24th dragoons, at Lisburn. The communication between Down and Antrim was thus completely cut off— while at the same time a vigilant watch was kept upon Belfast, then the very focus of disloyalty. A portion of this force was also in readi- ness to bear upon the rebels at Ballinahinch, had General Nugent considered their assistance needful — and it was nearly being so." — MS. Journal of a Field Officer. IRISH REBELLION. 213 tunity escape, and sealed the destruction of himself and hundreds of his wretched followers. "A council of war was assembled, — the voice of the people declared for instant action, the commander-in-chief alone opposed it. The dis- cussion was warm and animated, — the best spirit prevailed amongst the troops, — the proudest feelings had been roused by the bold exertions of the day, and those feelings had not yet subsided. The ammunition was insuflBcient for to-morrow, but ammunition was not wanting for a night-attack, for the pike and the bayonet were more efficient. To-morrow might reinforce the enemy's ranks, — to-night every thing favoured an attack, while fortune seemed to have placed an easy victory within their reach. Such were the arguments ad- vanced ; but the mind of Monro was not to be changed, his resolution had been formed and remained immovable. 'We scorn," said he, ' to avail ourselves of the ungenerous advantage which night affords ; we will meet them in the blush of open day, we will fight them like men, not under the cloud of night, but the first rays of to-morrow's sun.' This determination was received with discontent by the troops, and many retired from the field. A division of seven hundred men, and more generally armed with muskets than the rest, marched oflf in one body with their leader. Such was the romantic character of the man in whose hand was placed the destiny of thousands."* Another version of the occurrence, and one more favourable to Monro, is given by my friend the field officer : — " Colonel Stewart was to march from Downpatrick with a body of troops, so as to co-operate with him by an attack upon the right of the rebels at daybreak, on the 13th. Monro, aware of the intention, deter- mined to anticipate the attack by falling upon the king's troops on the Windmill-hill at midnight, with a chosen band of pikemen, when they were asleep and weary after a hot march ; and had he been al- lowed to follow up this plan, the chances are that he might have suc- ceeded. But there were too many commanders to admit of prompt action — and religious jealousy also had arisen ; and while the question was still debated, day dawned, Nugent's troops got under arms, and Stewart was already on his ground. Such is Monro's own account of the matter. The rebels defended their position with desperate resolu- tion, actually charging up to the muzzles of the guns of the Moneghan regiment; but their right being turned by Colonel Stewart, their defeat was decisive." The extraordinary delusion under which Monro laboured, not only involved his immediate adherents in defeat and all the penal conse- quences attendant on overt acts of rebellion, but, by a false assurance of success, and the infusion of imaginary confidence, paralyzed the efforts of the insurgents elsewhere, and disorganized any plans of action they might have formed. Late on the evening of the 12th, in a hasty despatch from his bivouac on Lord Moira's lawn. Monro de- * Teeling's Personal Narrative. 214 HISTORY OF THE Glared, "that victory was certain, and the British army within his grasp." This idle vaunt was communicated to the station selected as the rallying-point for the central division, and the most fatal conse- quences to the rebel cause resulted. The insurgent councils had been already sufficiently distracted; conflicting opinions were ardently maiiitaited— ^)pposite views were held by different leaders — religious differences had been openly exhibited — and Monro's rank folly anni- hilated the last chances, — the last hopes of the disaffected. "Two plans of operation had been suggested— the one to march direct to Ballynahinoh, notwithstanding the communication of Monro, and thus to render more certain the defeat of the British army within the town. The other, in the anticipation of Monro's success, to wait the issue of the night, then press for the important post of Newry ; and by extending the insurrectionary movements along the borders of Armagh on Louth, intersecting the direct line of communication between the seat of government and the Ulster province, ensure the general co-operation of the north. These opinions were advanced and maintained with considerable warmth on either side ; it was there- fore determined, that the adoption should be referred to the decision of a military council. The council was formed, but the most valuable moments were wasted in discussion. Whilst some pressed for an im- mediate march on Nugent's position, to secure beyond the possibility of hazard a victory which circumstances might still render doubtful ; others, from the recent despatches, conceiving that victory as already secure, represented the more important advantage to be obtained by the capture of a garrison town, commanding, from its local situation, the key of the province. The Subject was warmly debated, but the latter opinion prevailed. The night was now far advanced, and the remainder was passed in hasty preparation for the morrow ; but with to-morrow came the astounding intelligence of Monro's defeat ! Fu- gitives from his army were the first to announce the disaster ; and victory on the part of the royal troops was represented as so decisive, that, in the general panic which succeeded, few were found bold enough to entertain the idea of opposing further resistance. The arms of Britain had triumphed, but never was there a moment more critical to British influence, nor a victory achieved by a more fortuitous event. If Monro's conduct has been censured for the pertinacity with which he opposed a night attack on the army of Nugent in its disorganized state, however we may arraign the judgment, we cannot question the zeal or the courage of the man who sealed with his life his attachment to the liberties of his country."* At daybreak on the 13th, the royalists and rebels mutually prepared for action. Under a flre of some ship-guns, the insurgents attacked the town, deforced the Monaghan regiment for a few minutes, and gained the centre of the place — where, "exposed to a cross-fire of musketry in the market square, raked by artillery, their ammunition * Teeling. IRISH REBELLION. 215 exbausted, they still pressed boldly on the royalists with pike and bayonet." But the Monaghan regiment instantly rallied and repulsed them. Colonel Stewart had succeeded perfectly in his supporting attack — a general dispersion ensued — and the rebels were totally routed, leaving four hundred men hors de combat. Many were saved from the nature of the country, which being wooded and uneven, was unfavourable to the action of cavalry ; others owed escape to accidental circumstances;* but the blow delivered on the 13th of June was crushing, and the flame of rebellion was extinguished. The unfor- tunate leader of the scattered rebels fled, alone and unattended, towards the mountains. But escape was not permitted ; he was speedily de- tected by some royalists concealed in a potato furrow under some loose litter, in an open field, five or six miles distant from the scene of his folly and defeat. On being apprehended, he endeavoured to bribe his captors and obtain his liberty, but he was brought into Hillsborough, and afterwards transmitted to Lisburn, tried by court- martial on the next Friday, and paid the penalty of his treason with his life. The following interesting narrative of Monro's last moments is, for the first time, given to the world, and it offers a singular picture of the terrible visitations on both the guilty and the innocent, which were unfortunately too common in those turbulent times of civil warfare : — "I was near him — ^his demeanour was firm, without any bra^ vado. He acknowledged and gloried in the part he had taken; and after sentence, was communicative enough. In the afternoon he was led out for execution in the market-place, nearly opposite to his own door. I stood very near him when at the foot of the gallows, and he settled his accounts as coolly as if he had been in his own office, a free man — and particularly, a disputed one with an old gentleman. Captain Stewart, who was on the spot in com- mand of a corps of yeomanry. This done, he said a short prayer, and made a spring up the ladder. It was a bad one — and, light as he was, one or two of the rungs gave way, and he came heavily to the ground. 'I'm not cowed, gentlemen,' he said, as he re-ascended the ladder more carefully. When the halter was adjusted, he arranged that he should give the signal of readiness by dropping his handkerchief — and after a pause of a few seconds, he dashed it to the ground, ex- claiming, ' Tell my country I deserved better of it.' " A wretched being, a prisoner, had been brought out of the guard- house to act as executioner; and, weak and terrified, he was actually un- able to turn the ladder over. The moment was a trying one. Beckoning to my orderly serjeant (Thomas Porter, still living), we performed an * " The town of Ballynahindh was pillaged and fired. So intent were the British troops on plunder, that many fugitives escaped the slaughter to which they must otherwise have fallen victims. Subsequent courts-martuil, however, afforded an ample scope for the indulgence of the sanguinary passions." 216 HISTORY OP THE act of mercy to the unhappy man by lending our aid to launch him into eternity. It was a scene I shall never lose the recollection of. Another fearful reminiscence is connected with it — I understand his wife and mother were, from an opposite window, composed witnesses of Monro's death ! ! !"* " The trial of Monro was followed by that of a Presbyterian minister, named Birch. He was clearly proved to have taken an active part among the insurgents, and on the Sunday preceding the Battle of Balli- nahinch, he preached an encouraging sermon to them at Creevey, near Saintfield. He did not shew the resolution of Monro, but after some lame attempts at a defence, was convicted, sentenced to death, and the troops were actually under arms to attend his execution, for which every preparation had been made, when a respite unexpectedly arrived. * During this reign of terror, it would appear that worse than the bitterness of death was frequently endured by the female relations of the sufferers — and the feel- ings of McCracken's sister were lacerated equally with those of Monro's wife and mother. " The time allowed him was now expired: he had hoped for a few days, that he might give his friends an account of all the late events in which he had taken a part. About five P.M. he was ordered to the place of execution, the old market-house, the ground of which had been given to the town by his great great grandfather. I took his arm, and we walked together to the place of execution, where I was told it was the general's orders I should leave him, which I peremptorily refused. Harry begged I would go. Clasping my hands around him (I did not weep till then), I said I could bear any thing but leaving him. Three times he kissed me, and entreated I would go ; and, looking round to recognize some «&iend to put me in charge of, he beckoned to a Mr. Boyd, and said, ' He will take charge of you.' Mr. Boyd stepped forward j and, fearing any further refusal would disturb the last moments of my dearest brother, I suffered myself to be led away. Mr. Boyd endeavoured to give me comfort, and I felt there still was comfort in the hope he gave me, that we should meet in heaven. A Mr. Armstrong, a friend of our family, came forward and took me from Mr. Boyd, and conducted me home. I immediately sent a mes- sage to Dr. M'Donnell and Mr. M'Cluney, our apothecary, to come directly to the house. The latter came, and Dr. M'Donnell sent his brother Alexiinder, a skilful surgeon. The body was given up to his familly unmutilated ; so far our entreaties and those of our friends prevailed, " My heart sank within me when we were told all hope was over, and that a mes- sage had been brought from the general that the funeral must take place immediately, or that the body would be taken from us. Preparations were made for immediate burial. I learned that no relative of his was likely to attend the funeral. I could not bear to think that no member of his family should accompany his remains, so I set out to follow them to the grave. " A kind-hearted man, an enthusiast in the cause for which poor Harry died, drew my arm within his, but my brother John soon followed, and took his place. I heard the sound of the first shovelful of earth that was thrown on the coffin, and I remem- ber little else of what passed on that sad occasion. I was told afterwards that poor Harry stood where I left him at the place of execution, and watched me until I was out of sight ! that he then attempted to speak to the people, but that the noise of the trampling of the horses was so great that it was impossible he should be heard ; that he then resigned himself to his fate, and the multitude who were present at that moment uttered cries which seemed more like one loud and long-continued shriek than the expression of grief or terror on similai occasions. He was buried in the old churchyard where St. George's church now stands, and close to the comer of the school-house, where the door is." — Account given of his death by the sister of McCraeken. lUISII ItEBELLION. 217 He owed his escape from the gallows to the circumstance of his haying a brother, a medical man of some repute, resident in Newtown-ards, who was a yeoman of distinguished loyalty. He had also a son, who adhered to the principles of his uncle, the doctor, in preference to those of his father — and the reverend traitor owed his life to the considera- tion in which both were held. " A few executions more ended the outbreak in Ulster ; for the accounts of the bloody goings-on in Wexford had their full share in bringing the Northerns to their senses, as many of them made no scruple of declaring at the place of execution."* It would be hard to account for the extraordinary rapidity with which this short-lived and dangerous insurrection was suppressed, but from assuming that the elements of rebellion were themselves in an advanced progress of dissolution before any overt act had been com- mitted, as the discrepancy of views between the Presbyterians and Romanists t had betrayed itself in the council- room, before these un- steady confederates, with mutual suspicion and dislike, had banded in the field. Another cause for the apparent supineness of some, and the partial defection of others, was the pacific system which government for a moment seemed disposed to adopt ; in which, as has been already observed, had it been sincere, conciliation, no doubt, could have been effected with the people. This favourable disposition, however, was soon interrupted, and the angry passions on either side were rekindled with increased fury. But probably the true cause of the prompt suppression of the Northern rebellion will be found in the terrible severity fulminated not only against the actual insurgents, but also those who resetted or assisted them. When the rebels were declared in arms, after calling on them to disband and surrender their leaders and their weapons, and instantly return to their allegiance, the general commanding thus proceeds : — " Should the above injunctions not bb complied with within the time specified, Major-general Nugent will proceed to set fire to, and totally destroy, the towns of Killinchy, Killileagh, Balljmahinch, Saintfield, and every cottage and farm-house in the vicinity of those places, carry off the stock and cattle, and put every one to the sword who may be found in arms. It particularly behoves all the well- affected persons who are now with the rebels from constraint, and who, it is known, form a considerable part of their numbers, to exert themselves in having these terms complied with, as it is the only op- portunity there will be of rescuing themselves and properties from the indiscriminate vengeance of an army necessarily let loose upon them." * MS. Joiimal of a Field OfScer. t " Dickey, a rebel leader, who was hanged at Belfast, declared a short time before his execution, that the Presbyterians of the north perceived, too late, that if they had succeeded in subverting the constitution, they would have ultimately to contend with the Roman Catholics." — Musgrave. 218 HISTORY OF THE Nor were the penalties attendant on concealing rebels less stringent. Colonel Durham, commandant at Belfast, during the absence of General Nugent, thus denounces that offence :— " And shall it be found hereafter that the said traitor has been con- cealed by any person or persons, or by the knowledge or connivance of any person or persons of this town and its neighbourhood, or that they or any of them have known the place of his concealment, and shall not have given notice thereof to the commandant of this town, such person's house so offending shall be burnt, and the owner thereof hanged'' Now, however men may expose themselves in hazardous under- takings, when success is very doubtful, property at times, carries with it considerations superior to penal consequences to the person. With all the dearest relations of life, home is intimately blended — and the most reckless will hesitate before he risks making his hearth desolate, and his house a burning ruin. On the Northerns the lesson was not lost, and the immediate pacification of the country resulted. Indeed, further resistance would have been sheer folly — " every breeze wafted over fresh troops from England — every tide bore new-raised levies from her shores — regiment followed regiment in succession, until Ireland presented the appearance of one vast encampment. Com- merce, manufactures, and husbandry were suspended, while the country seemed to have exchanged a rural for a military population." There is an episode connected with the rebel defeat at Ballynahinch, which, as it has been wedded to verse, and chronicled in prose, it would be ungallant to pass over unrecorded. We may observe, how- ever, en passant, that for a young lady, a battle-field is a very romantic, but a drawing-room a safer locality by far. We will give Charles Teeling's version of this love affair : — " Amongst those who perished on this occasion was a young and interesting female, whose fate has been so feelingly recorded in the poetic strains of our distinguished countrywoman. Miss Balfour. Many were the romantic occurrences of a similar nature at this un- fortunate period, but none, perhaps, are more deserving of our sym- pathy than the interesting subject of the present incident. The men of Ards were distinguished for their courage and discipline, and their division bore a full share in the disasters of the day. In this division were two young men remarkable for their early attachment and con- tinued friendship. They were amongst the first to take up arms, and from that moment had never been separated. They fought side by side, cheering, defending, and encouraging each other, as if the success of the field solely depended on their exertions. Monro had assigned on the 1 2th a separate command to each, but they entreated to be per- mitted to conquer or perish together. One had an only sister ; she was the pride of a widowed mother, the loved and admired of their village, where to this hour the perfection of female beauty is described as it approximates in resemblance to the fair Elizabeth Grey. She had seen her brother and his friend march to the field ; she had bidden IRISH RBBELLION. 219 the one adieu with the fond affection of a sister, but a feeling more tender watched for the safety of the other. Every hour's absence rendered separation more painful — every moment created additional suspense. She resolved to follow her brother — her lover — to the field. The fatal morn of the 13th had not yet dawned when she reached Ednevady heights. The troops of the union were in motion. The enthusiasm of love supported her through the perils of the fight, but borne down in the retreat, she fell in the indiscriminate slaughter, while her brother and her lover perished by her side." 220 HISTORY OP THE CHAPTER XXI. PABTIAL OUTBREAK IN MUNSTEK — STATB OF THE -WESTERN I KOVINCES — LANDING OB THE TRENCH IN KILLALLA BAY. The pacification of the North was followed by the suppression of the smouldering embers of rebellion in Leinster, which, like expiring fires, scintillated occasionally before they were finally extinguished. Connaught, either from imperfect organization, or a better affection in its population to the government, had remained quiet; and in the South no outbreak occurred, except a trifling demonstration, whose flame was quenched as speedily as it had been kindled. On the subsiding of this outbreak in the north-eastern quarter of Ireland, another local rebellion, much inferior in vigour, and very easily suppressed, conmienced in the opposite south-western quarter, in the county of Cork — accompanied with the same kind of violent acts as elsewhere in the South, and exhibiting nothing extraordinary or peculiar, it requires little notice. The principal action, and the only one which government has thought proper to communicate to the public, took place near the village of Ballynascarty, where, on the 19 th of June, two hundred and twenty men of the Westmeath regi- ment of militia, with two six-pounders, under the command of their lieutenant-colonel. Sir Hugh O'Eeilly, were attacked on their march from Cloghnakilty to Bandon, by a body of between three and four hundred men, armed almost all with pikes. This was only a part of the rebel force, here placed in ambush in a very advantageous position. The attack was made from a height on the left of the column so unex- pectedly and rapidly, that the troops had scarcely time to form ; but the assailants were quickly repulsed with some loss, and fell back upon the high grounds. Here, had the soldiers pursued them, from which they were with great difficulty restrained, they would probably have beeu'sur- rounded and slaughtered, like the North-Cork detachment at Oulart. While the officers were endeavouring to form the men again, a body of rebels endeavoured to seize the cannon, and another body made its ap- pearance on the high grounds in the rear ; but, at the moment, a hun- dred men of the Caithness legion, under the command of Major Innes, who, on their march to Cloghnakilty, had heard the report of the guns, came to their assistance, and, by a brisk fire, put the assailants to flight on one side, after which those who were on the heights behind retired on receiving a few discharges of the artillery. The loss of the rebels in this action may perhaps have amounted to between fifty and a hundred men ; that of the royal troops, by the commander's account, only to a Serjeant and a private.* With the exception of clan feuds, and occasionally some agrarian outrages, the west of Ireland was generally considered tranquil, and * Gordon, IRISH REBELLION. 221 until the end of '97, the United Irish system had made very little progress in Connaught. In the general report of their organization to the provincial committee assembled at Dungannon in the autumn of that year, it was stated that the system was gradually progressive then in Mayo and Sligo, and that many of the Northerns who had emi- grated from Ulster in the spring of '98, to escape, as they pretended, the persecutions they were exposed to for conscience' sake by the Orange party in the North, had given a fresh stimulus to the disaffec- tion of the Western peasantry, which hitherto, like a half-ignited fire, seemed uncertain whether it would tardily kindle into life, or become extinct altogether. These Northern emigrants were hospitably received. With their fellow Bomanists, the story of religious persecution was sufficient to secure a welcome — and with the Protestant landholders, their superior intelligence and industrious habits formed a striking contrast to the ignorance and idleness of the Connaught peasantry, and their advent was considered, from acquirements and example, as likely to he at- tended by local improvement and the establishment of a linen manu- facture. In consequence of these favourable opinions, several hundred families were permitted to become settlers on the Western oosist, and for a time their general conduct was orderly and industrious. But before long suspicion arose that their emigration from the North was not altogether occasioned by the religious rancour of the Protestants, and that they had, in a great degree, provoked it. It was discovered that they speculated in politics — obtained newspapers — and in secret meetings discussed their contents. They also promul- gated a number of strange and alarming prophecies, which they pretended had been delivered by ancient Irish bards, foretelling wars and calamities which were about to take place immediately, and de- claring that the most terrible cruelties would be inflicted by the Pro- testants on the Romanists, until the rivers would run blood, and the unburied dead should occasion a general pestilence. The credulity of the lower Irish is proverbial. No rumour, how- ever monstrous, will be refused credence, and the wildest creations of a distempered mind will be received as the outbreakings of inspi- ration. On an excitable and superstitious peasantry, these prophecies had, therefore, due effect — and considering Protestants to be deadly enemies, they banded together for mutual protection — they bound themselves by solemn ties to overturn the constitution, and extirpate those who held any doctrines save those of the Church of Rome ; and so secretly was the conspiracy hatched, that many thousands were thus united before a discovery of these treasonable proceedings was effected. Emissaries were engaged to propagate their seditious doctrines — money levied to defend the conspirators on trial, and maintain the families of those who were obliged to abscond from the country — and, in short, every preliminary means was used to assist their brethren elsewhere, and take an eflSicient part in the general insurrection, which it was known was on the eve of bursting out. 222 HISTORY OP THE As the conspiracy in Connaught was almost entirely confined to the Roman CathoUcs, the bond of union there was cemented by a religious tie which could not be employed but very cautiously in Leinster or the North, from so many Protestants being members of the confedcr racy. This was the institution of a mystic order, professedly religious, called " The Carmelites," but secretly devised for the better and more extensive spread of treason. " They provided funds for the support of the wives and children of those men who were severed from their country and the sweets of do- mestic life ; powerful exertions were made to recover some from banishment, and to procure others the protection of more friendly states. "These exertions were not always unsuccessful, nor coidd they escape the observation of a vigilant government, and consequently its censure. Another subject of disquiet to men in power was the diffl» culty they sometimes encountered in procuring convictions for political offences. The spy and informer were guarded with the most watchful attention. Their informations were considered secret as the inquisi.- torial tribunal, and yet these informations were often communicated to confidential individuals ; which enabled the committee intrusted with the prisoners' defence to defeat the informer's treachery, and rescue the intended victim from the snare of death."* Its directors were chiefly mendicant friars, a low and degraded order of the Catholic Church. As the advantages of belonging to the Carmelite Society were great, and the price of obtaining admission into a body whose members were insured eternal beatitude was a trifle, numbers of the dark-minded peasants joined this ridiculous association. " At their initiation they received a square piece of brown cloth, with the letters IH8 inscribed on it, meaning Jesus Hominum Salvator, which was hung round the neck with a string, and lying on the shoulder next to the skin, was, from its situation, called a scapular. The price of it on initiation was, to the poorer class, one shilling ; to those who could afford it, higher in proportion to their ability. This distinguishing badge of the order having received the priest's bene- diction, was supposed to contain the virtue of preserving the disciple, not only from outward dangers and injuries, but also from the attacks of the ghostly enemy. They ascribed to these scapulars the power of protecting a house in which one of them happened to be from being consumed by fire, or of extinguishing one on fire, if thrown into the flaraes, while the sacred extinguisher would remain perfectly safe from the power of the fire, like the three Hebrews in the Babylonian furnace. " The ignorance and credulity of the popish multitude were imposed on by the following device : the cloth of which these scapulars was originally made, being composed of the Asbestos, possesses a quality to resist fire ; and on receiving the priest's benediction, they were com- * Teeling. IRISH REBELLION. 223 mitted to the flames, where, to the astonishment of the beholders, they were found to preserve themselyes safe and entire ; and having under- gone this fiery ordeal, the supernatural power vrtiich produced it was ascribed to the priest's benediction.*" To such an extent was this disgusting system carried, that at last the wearing of a scapular became the test by which true believers were to be distinguished. Bags of these holy emblems were sold publicly in fair and market, and " a shop was opened soon after the landing of the French, where all the sons of Erin, with their pikes in their hands, were supplied with scapulars at a regulated price." t The system of terrorism was also incessantly persevered in^ — ^general murders were announced — and the people continued not to sleep in their own houses to avoid surprise. The strangest means by which these imaginary massacres were to be effected, were invented, pro- mulgated, and believed — and the peasantry in many places actually remained night after night in the open fields, as the only means of escaping the devilish devices of the destroyers. J Such was the state of Mayo and Connaught generally, when, on the 22nd of August, '98, three French frigates, with English colours flying, entered Killalla Bay. No suspicion was occasioned by their appearance, and under the belief that they were British cruisers, several gentlemen from the town visited the strangers, and when de- clared prisoners, first discovered their mistake. KillaUa was then a bishop's see, being one of those suppressed on the passing of the Reform Bill. On the day when the French ap- peared in the bay, the lord bishop was holding his annual visitation, and the clergy of the diocese were collected in the castle, as the see- house was popularly called. The strange vessels, however, excited no alarm— dinner passed quietly — the guests were preparing to depart — when that intention was accelerated by the arrival of a breathless messenger, to inform the company and their host, that the French had actually landed, and an advanced guard of three hundred men were marching on the town. KiUalla was feebly garrisoned by a party of the Prince of Wales' fencibles and a few yeomanry, the whole not exceeding fifty or sixty men — ^but still they ofiiered a Isold resistance, until, with the loss of a few killed and wounded, they were finally driven into the castle, and obliged to surrender. Humbert, after summoning the bishop to his presence, and having announced that he came from the great nation to give the Irish liberty, and sever the yoke of England which had so long oppressed them, proceeded to put into requisition his lordship's * Musgrave. t Gordon. J " A few days before the French landed, a report was industriously circulated, that the Protestants had entered into a conspiracy to massacre the Koman Catholics, and they would not spare man, woman, or child. It was said, that for this purpose a large quantity of combustible stuff had been introduced by the Orangemen, who made a kind of black candles of it ; that they were of such a quality, that they could not be extinguished when once lighted, and that in whatever house they should be burnt, they would produce the destruction of every person in it." — Musgrave^ 224 HISTORY OP THE horses, sheep, and cows, intimating, at the same time, that the Irish directory, to be established immediately in Connaught, would pay the full value of the same. - ^ ' The French oflScers gave the following account of- the expedition : "About eighteen days before 1,500 men, some of whom had served under Bonaparte in Italy, the rest had been of the aiariy of the Rhine, embarked on bdaird three frigatfes at Eochelle,- and of a very dark night, eluded (beyond their expectation) the vigilance of the English fleet, which was close behind them.; Two of them had forty-four guns, eighteen-rpoTinders, the other thirty-eight gunS, twelve-pounders. They said, also, ' that they brought nine pieces of cannon, and arms for 100,000 men; but this was a French gasconade, as they had arms only for 5,500 men, and but two four-pounders. The meager persons,, and the wan and sallow conntenanees of these troops, whose numbers did not exceed 1,G6G. rank and file, and seventy officers, strongly indicated the severe hardships which they must have undergone. "They hoisted a green -flag in front of the castle with the Irish words, ' Erin go braugh !' inscribed on it, which signifies,; in English, .' Ireland for ever,' and they invited the people to join them, -having assured them that they would enjoy freedom and happiness by doing so, " The first day they passed in landing arms and ammunition ; the second,' in clothing and arming the natives, of whom great multitudes flocked to their standard, and in granting commissions to Irish officers."* Compared with the other arinaments destined for the- invasion of Ireland, Humbert's was by far the smallest. The grand army, termed " The Reserve," which was commanded by General Kilmaine, amounted in. round numbers to 10,000 ; and a second, lying in the harbour of Brest, under General Hardy, had 3,000 men on board. Neither,:hOw- ever, attempted to put to sea-^-and although Kilmaine never appeared in personj his; proclamations were abundantly distributed.! - * Bishop Stock's Narrative. t " Health and Fraternity to the People of Ireland ; _ " The great nation has sent me to you with a band of heroes, to deUver you froiii the hanfls of tyradts. Fly to our standards, and share with us the glory of sub- duing the world. We will teach you the art of war, and to despisa the Ibw pursuits of toil and industry; you shall live on the spoils of war, and the labours df" others. The acquisitioii of. we^th is the acquisition of misery, and the enjoyment of ease is inglorious. We have made all the nations we have conquered happy, by arresting their property, by applying it to the common cause, and consecrating itr to the cl£ajiipiOns;of liberty! Property is a common right, belonging to the valour that seizes it. We have already destroyed the unaspiring tranquillity of Switzerland! and the wealth, and the power, and the bigotry of Italy are no more ! If then the justice of France has thus extended its reforming vengeance to unoffending nations, consider with how much more rigour it will visit you, if you shall slightits benignity. Fly to our standard, and we will free you from spiritual as well as temporal siibjec- tion ; we vrill free you from the. fetters of religion^ and the frauds of priestcraft. Religion is a bondage intolerable to free minds ; we have banished it from our own country, and put down that grand impostor the pope, whose wealth we have sacri- ficed on the altar of reason. Fly to our standard, and we will break your connection with England, we will save you the mortification of seeing yourselves under an in- vidious government, and exalt you into the rank of those countries which now enjoy t;-^ ^ ^ ^ k'^ u^ IRISH BEBELLION. 225 Humbert's was a bold but wild experiment, but still it evinced the daring character of the adventurer. He had encountered diflSculties that would have disheartened a soldier less enthusiastic. To land with 1,200 men, in a country in full military occupation — as Ireland then was — without money, necessaries, or any resources but what chance and talent gave, proved, indeed, that the French general waa no common soldier. The sketch given by Bishop Stock of the invading army and their daring leader is not only graphic, but faithfully descriptive of the bold adventurer and his hardy followers: — the benefits of French fraternity. Let not the ties of kindred, the seductions of ease, or any other unmanly attachment to the comforts of life, teach you to neglect this friendly call of your countryman and fellow-citizen. " KILMAINE, Lieut.-Gen."* " Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, Union! " Irishmen, " You have not forgot Bantry-bay ; you know what efforts France has made to assist you. Her affections for you, her desire for avenging your wrongs and insur- ing your independence can never be impaired. *' After several unsuccessful attempts, behold Frenchmen arrived amongst you. " They come to support your courage, to share your dangers, to join Sieir arms, and to mix their blood with yours in the sacred cause of liberty. '* Brave Irishmen, our cause is common ; like you, we abhor the avaricious and blood-thirsty policy of an oppressive government j like you, we hold as indefeasible the right of all nations to liberty ; like you, we are persuaded that the peace of the world shall ever be troubled, as long as the British ministry is suffered to make, with impunity, a traffic of the industry, labour, and blood of the people. ** But exclusive of the same interests which unite us, we have powerful motives to love and defend you. " Have we not been the pretext of the cruelty exercised against you by the cabinet of St. James's ? The heartfelt interest you have shewn in the grand events of our revolution — has it not been imputed to you as a crime .' Are not tortures and death continually hanging over such of you as are barely suspected of being our friends ? Let us unite then and march to glory. "We swear the most inviolable respect for your properties, your laws, and all your religious opinions. Be free ; be masters in your own country. We look for no other conquest than that of your liberty — no other success than yours. " The moment of breaking your chains is arrived; our triumphant troops are now flying to the extremities of the earth, to tear up the roots of the wealth and tyranny of our enemies. That frightful Colossus is mouldering away in every part. Can there be any Irishman base enough to separate himself at such a happy juncture from the grand interests of his country ? If such there be, brave friends, let him be chased from the country he betrays, and let his property become the reward of those generous men who know how to fight and die. " Irishmen, recollect the late defeats which your enemies have experienced from the French ; recollect the plains of Honscoote, Toulon, Quiberon, and Ostend ; recollect America, free from the moment she wished to be so. " The contest between you and your oppressors cannot be long. " Union ! liberty ! the Irish republic ! — such is our shout, let us march — our hearts are devoted to you ; our glory is in your happiness. " Health and Fraternity, " HUMBERT, Gen." * " Lieutenant-General Kilmaine did not arrive with the French troops.' Q 226 HISTORY OP THE " Intelligence, activity, temperance, patience, to a surprising degree, appeared to be combined in the soldiery that came over with Humbert, together with the exactest obedience to discipline. Yet, if you except the grenadiers, they had nothing to catch the eye. Their stature for the most part was low, their complexions pale and sallow, their clothes much the worse for wear ; to a superficial observer they would have ap- peared incapable of enduring almost any hardship. These were the men, however, of whom it was presently observed, that they could be well con- tent to live on bread or potatoes, to drink water, to make the stones of the street their bed, and to sleep in their clothes, with no covering but the canopy of heaven. One-half of their number had served in Italy under Bonaparte ; the rest were of the army of the Rhine, where they had suffered distresses that well accounted for thin persons and wan looks. Several of them declared, with all the marks of sincerity, that at the siege of Mentz, during the preceding winter, they had for a long time slept on the ground in holes made four feet deep under the snow ; and an officer, pointing to his leather small-clothes, assured the bishop that he had not taken them off for a twelvemonth. " Humbert, the leader of this singular body of men, was himself as extraordinary a personage as any in his army ; of a good height and shape, in the full vigour of life, prompt to decide, quick in execution, apparently master of his art, you could not refuse him the praise of a good officer, while his physiognomy forbade you to like him as a man. His eye, which was small and sleepy (the effect, probably, of much watching), cast a side-long glance of insidiousness and even of cruelty — it was the eye of a cat preparing to spring upon her prey. His edu- cation and manners were indicative of a person sprung from the lowest orders of society, though he knew how (as most of his countrymen can do) to assume, where it was convenient, the deportment of a gentle- man. For learning, he had scarcely enough to enable him to write his own name. His passions were furious, and all his behaviour seemed marked with the characters of roughness and violence. A narrower observation of him, however, served to discover that much of this roughness was the result of art, being assumed with the view of ex- torting, by terror, a ready compliance with his demands. " This latter trait in Humbert's character was personally experienced by the bishop. An offer of the presidency of the Connaught Directory was declined by his lordship, on the plea of his sworn allegiance to the king — a pledge, he said, never to be violated ; and a command that he should issue orders to place every horse and vehicle in the country at Humbert's disposal, for mounting his cavalry and the transport of his guns, stores, and baggage, was evaded by an assurance that his lord- ship had been but lately a resident, and, from want of local knowledge or authority, had not the means of compliance with the French general's request. " Next morning, Humbert finding that no cars or horses had been procured, became furious, uttered a torrent of vulgar abuse, presented a pistol at the bishop's eldest son, and declared he would punish his father's disobedience by sending him to France ; and accordingly he IRISH REBELLIO^. S27 marched off the bishop towards the shore under a sergeant's guard ; but when they had advanced a short distance, a mounted orderly re- called the party, and Humbert apologized to the bishop, and excused, under the plea of military necessity, a very gross departure from the laws of politesse. "The 24th, was occupied by a French reconnaissance on Ballina, which was repelled by a party of carbineers and some yeomanry. In the evening the royalists advanced to Killalla, in return, had a smart skirmish with the enemy, and after losing a few men, were hastily driven back." Q 2 ff28 HISTORY OP THE CHAPTER XXII. BATTLE OF CASTLEBAK. On Sunday, the 26th, Humbert took the offensiye, leaving six oflScers and two hundred men in Killalla, to garrison the town, secure his spare ammunition, and drill such recruits as should join the standard of the republic. The French mustered about nine hundred bayonets, with treble that number of peasant partisans. They entered Ballina un- opposed, and Humbert expressed considerable disappointment when no respectable persons welcomed his entrie — and the body of an active agent suspended to a tree, executed by the troops before they retreated for having a French commission in his pocket, while it afforded an ex- hibition for Gallic civism,* gave still but a sorry omen of success. Before he had commenced his operations, the French general felt diflSculties, which, in some degree, he was unprepared for. He came totally unprovided with money — and in the co-operation he was led from the reports of Irish agents to build upon as certain, he was miserably disappointed. The first of these difficulties he endeavoured to overcome by the issue of assignats on the Irish Directory that was to be. " For the first two or three days many people did apply for such drafts to the French commissary of stores, whose whole time appeared to be taken up with writing them. Indeed, the bishop himself was of opinion that the losers would act wisely to accept of them, not, as he told the people, that they would ever produce payment where it was promised, but because they might serve as documents to our own go- vernment, when, at a future period, it should come to inquire into the losses sustained by its loyal subjects. The trouble, however, of the commissary, in issuing drafts on a bank in prospect, was not of long duration. The people smiled first, and he joined himself in the smile at last, when he offered this airy security." f The second of the French leader's difficulties was still more vexatious than what arose from an empty military chest. In France, it was generally believed that the Irish, Protestant and Catholic, were equally ill-affected to the existing government, and Humbert had been assured that the announcement of a landing would alone be re- * " The French oflScers having found his body suspended when they entered the town, each of them gave it the fraternal embrace, and bedewed it with tears of sympathetic civism ; and after having exposed it some time in the street, to excite the indignation of the populace against the loyalists, it was carried to the Romish chapel, where it lay in state with as much pomp and ceremony as if he had been the greatest hero or patriot of the age." — Musgravt. t Bishop Stock's Narrative. IlllSil REBELLION. 229 quisite to bring the people en masse to his standard. Alas ! no pro- mise could have been more deceptive — the mob who flocked to join him were numerous enough — but, with two or three exceptions, not a man of property or respectability, Protestant or Catholic, took any part in the movement. The leaders whom the Connaught rebels found among themselves were, with scarcely an exception, men of debauched habits, who would, by infamous example, have ruined any cause they had es- poused. " Bellew, their earliest oflBicer, was a drunken brute, to whom nobody paid obedience, even before he was turned out of office by the commandant. Little better for sobriety was O'Dowd, a man of some estate in the county, and almost the only gentleman that took arms with the rebels, for which he paid the forfeit of his life at Ballina- muck. Richard Bourke, of Ballina, had some military knowledge, was a good drill-sergeant, firm in combat, and popular ; so that he might have done the harm he wished, if the habitual stupefaction of drink had not been an overmatch for his malice. O'Donnell knew nothing of arms, nor was he likely to learn the profession quickly, his petu- lance making him unfit for discipline. Yet the vulgar, who can discern in others what they have not in themselves, followed this young man more readily than any other who pretended to lead them, because they saw he had more sense, more command of himself, and more moderation in the exercise of authority. Even the loyalists at Killalla acknowledged great obligations to him for the industry with which they saw him exert himself to prevent pillage, patrolling the streets on horseback for several nights together, and withholding, both by threats and persuasion, those whom he found bent upon mischief. This testimony, whatever his failings might be, is extremely honour- able to the memory of O'Donnell, who was killed in battle in the retaking of Killalla."* Fallen and despicable as Bellew was, there is a romance attendant on his earlier life, that points the moral of the mutability of human fortune well. That very man, degraded even in the eyes of savages, and repudiated disdainfully by invaders, who courted an alliance with any removed a shade beyond the brutal mob — ^that fallen man had once his foot upon the path of fortune — and the name of Bellew bade fair, in early manhood, to rival that of any successful soldier who figurea in those stirring times. " This unfortunate individual + was brother to Doctor Bellew, Eoman Catholic bishop of Killalla, and when that gentleman was at Rom^. studying divinity, their father sent out his second son Matthew, to have him educated for the priesthood under his brother. He sub- mitted for some years, though reluctantly, to the course of study necessary to qualify him for the pastoral office ; but being of a lively - volatile disposition, and having formed an acquaintance at Rome with some Austrian officers, who encouraged him to join them, he entered * Gordon. f This memoir, as given by Musgrave, is substantially correct. 230 HISTORY OP THE into the imperial service, and was soon after promoted to the rank of lieutenant; but not finding suflScient employment for the activity of his mind and body at that time in Germany, he entered into the Eussian service, where he found sufficient occupation for the energies of both, in the bloody war which broke out between the Russians and Turks. Here, his courage and conduct were so conspicuous, that he was soon advanced to the rank of major in a regiment of infantry. But his rapid career in military fame, of which he ever seemed immo- derately fond, was suddenly checked by an unforeseen accident. At the siege of Ismail the enemy sprang a mine, which blew up part of the works, and buried in the ruins our unfortunate hero and a great many Russian soldiers. Happy had he been to have been numbered with the dead, and to have finished his life as he had begun it — like a soldier ! But Providence reserved him for a more ignominious fate, and exemplified in him the uncertainty of human affairs. In his early days he fought for glory in a foreign land, and fought with courage the battles of alien princes. In his maturer years, he incurred dis- grace and infamy at home, and took up arms against his lawful sovereign and his native country. When extricated from the ruins, he had but few symptoms of life ; he languished a long time under his wounds, and his intellects were so much impaired, that he was found unfit for service. It was thought advisable then to give him a long leave of absence, and to let him return to his friends, in hopes that tranquillity and his native air would restore him. " Fresh misfortunes awaited him on his return to Ireland. As he had no fortune, he lived with his friends and his brother, on whom he had great dependence; but when the gloss of novelty wore away, they grew tired of him, and manifested by their conduct that they con- sidered him a troublesome and unwelcome guest. This drove him into low company, and a habit which he had acquired of drinking spirits increased his derangement, and made him disagreeable and ofiensive. His brother having quarrelled with him, refused to admit him into his house, and used to billet him among his priests, month about — a situa- tion very disagreeable to him, as he disliked the principles, and was disgusted with the ignorance and vulgarity of his hosts, which, in his gayer hours, were a subject of his merriment and ridicule. " By the death of an uncle he became entitled to six hundred pounds, which he frequently solicited, to carry him back to Russia ; but, not- ^ withstanding the most pressing solicitations, he could not obtain it from his brother, who transacted the affairs of the deceased. He was frequently invited to the tables of the genteel and respectable families at Bellina ; but from the want of clothes and cleanliness, and the filth and squalidness of his person, he soon became unfit for society. Being in this state of misery and wretchedness on the arrival of the French, he had not firmness and fortitude enough to resist the tempta^ tions which they offered him to enter into their service. His first offer, however, was to his king aiid country ; and just as the enemy ivere about to enter Ballina, he earnestly entreated two gentlemen whom he knew, to supply him with arms and a, horse, declaring that IRISH REBELLION. 231 he was ready to accompany tbem and share their fortune. With this request it was impossible at the moment to comply, and being left then no other resource but to fly or join the enemy, he embraced the latter. The French were happy to find a man who could speak their language well, and who was likely to be useful to them, from his long experience in military matters; they therefore conferred on him the rank and dignity of general in the army of the Irish republic. But as he continued to give wa,y to his former habits of dissipation and drunkenness, they found bim rather an encumbrance than a benefit." While Humbert had boldly taken the ofiensive, the intelligence of his unexpected descent occasioned the liveliest alarm. Ireland, it is true, was quiet at the moment — but it was the dangerous tranquillity which precedes the second bursting of a volcano. The lord-lieutenant took instant measures to secure the tranquillity of the kingdom, and check the advance of the invaders. Major-generals Hutchinson and Trench, both commanding in Oonnaught, were directed to march at once on Mayo with any troops they could collect, taking care that the bridges on the Upper Shannon should be protected ; and the chief command was intrusted to Lieutenant-general Lake, who proceeded to Gal way to assume it. The viceroy, in person, followed the move- ments of his lieutenants, gradually drawing towards the scene where danger was apparent, and gathering together any disposable force as he went along, which local circumstances permitted to be used.* Hutchinson reached Castlebar on the 25th t — and in full expectation * He arrived at Philipstown on the 26th, with the 1 00th regiment, the first and second battalions of light infantry, the flank companies of the Bucks and Warwick militia, and on the 27th proceeded to Kilbeggan ; the troops having made a progress of forty.four Irish miles in two days. f For the valuable information contained in this and some subsequent notes, marked I^^T, I am indebted to a gentleman at the time a field officer with the armies serving in the west of Ireland. Prom the rank he held, and his intimacy with the generals in command, his knowledge of passing events was extensive. An able and gallant officer himself, none could offer a more correct opinion on the military occur- rences of those troubled times. The opening of Humbert's short and daring cam- paign he thus notices : — " I left Dublin on the 24th of August, 1798, with Lord Ormonde, in order to join our respective regiments ; and we arrived at Castlebar between one and two o'clock the next day. I immediately visited General Huchinson, who was a very intimate friend of mine, and found him in bed confined by a slight fever, and taking James's powders. I learned that the Kerry militia had marched that morning by his orders for Foxford, and in consequence requested General Huchinson to allow me to remain with him as extra aide-de-camp. This he positively, and for me for- tunately, refused — observing that it was my duty to be with my regiment, and added that he was perfectly convinced that the movement of the French would be by Fox- ford, as the more direct route to the capital, and on that account he had sent the Kerry there, upon which regiment he placed great reliance. I accordingly pro- ceeded to Foxford, where I arrived in the evening, and finding General Taylor in command there, I conveyed to him the impression of General Huchinson as to the probable movement of the French army. On the following morning General Taylor was earnestly urged, as there were no indications of the French advancing by Foxford, to march by the side of Lough Conn, so as to act on the flank or rear of the Fi'enoh, in their expected attack upon Castlebar. This advice he declined to follow, but made a reconnaissance for a few miles on the Ballina road ; and no enemy was seen. 232 HISTORY OF THE that Humbert would advance, made the necessary dispositions to receive him.* At that time, two roads — ^both now generally disused —connected Ballina with Castlebar. One, by the east of Lough Conn, passed through the small town of Foxford, crossing the river Moy — there a deep wide river — ^by a long and najrow bridge. This, the lower road, was by far the easiest by which an army could advance ; and to defend this pass, the Kerry regiment, some companies of the line, and a yeomanry corps, with two battalion guns, were detached by General Hutchinson, — and General Taylor arriving at Foxford, took the command. By this, the lower road, it was supposed that the French only could approach — while the upper line, running westward of Lough Conn, was disregarded, as being impracticable. But nothing could be more erroneous than the idea that the moun- tain road was not easily traversed by men in light marching order as Humbert's troops were. They had brought with them only two light four-pounders, called in the parlance of the day, curricle-guns. There was an abundant supply of peasants to carry them over any height — and but for the defects of the carriages, the cannon would have been little impediment to the march. The point in that route, which was considered by the commanders at Castlebar to be a Thermopylsa without the trouble of defence, was the pass of Barnageeragh.-j- Looking down on the Tyrawly side, it is certainly formidable to^ any approaching it directly; but on either side, half an hour would turn it without trouble, and Sir Richard Musgrave is sadly in error, when he says, " that one company with a battalion gun posted there would have checked the progress of the French." In false confidence that the invaders must advance by the lower road, the upper one was totally neglected. British generals had yet to learn the art of war, and Humbert gave them a practical lesson on the memorable 27th of August. Humbert had made himself well acquainted with the country be- tween himself and the royalists, and determined to advance by the mountain road. Keeping his intention profoundly secret, he announced his design of marching direct on Foxford, which intelligence, as he had expected and intended, was conveyed to head-quarters at Castle- bar. To give stronger colour to the deception, he took the lower road on his departure from Ballina — but on reaching a cross-road two miles In the course of the day, however, we were informed of the defeat of our forces at Castlebar, by the arrival of parties of the 6th dragoon guardg and other troops, and General Taylor, on the morning of the 27th, retired with the force under his com- mand to Swineford. I would here remark that the account contained in Sir Richard Musgrave's Memoir as to the attiick on Castlebar is quite authentic, having been communicated to him by Generals Huchinson and French." * The troops with which he moved towards Castlebar were, the Kerry militia from Galway, a detachment of the Fraser fencibles from Tuam, the Kilkenny militia from Loughrea, the Longford from Gort, a detachment of Lord Roden's fencible cavalry, four six-pounders, and a howitzer from Athenry. These troops were after- wards joined by the skeleton of the 6th regiment, about one hundred men, from Galway ; the latter town being left in charge of some yeomanry. t This celebrated defile is variously termed — Barnagec — Barnageehey — and Bar- nageeragh. The latter spelling is the correct one. IRISH REBELLION. 233 from the town, he wheeled to the right, and marched rapidly towards the pass of Bamageeragh. So perfectly satisfied were the British generals that Humhert's movements would be by Foxford, that accident alone prevented the Burprise from being complete. A yeoman, who had a mountain farm ' in the immediate vicinity of the pass, had been as early as three in the morning examining his cattle — and observing a strong column of men dressed in blue advancing rapidly towards Barnageeragh, he galloped into Castlebar, and alarmed the garrison. General Trench proceeded in the direction of the pass, but at a league from the town his escort was fired at by the French advanced guard, and the yeoman's report too truly confirmed. The garrison, already under arms, marched to the position marked out by the generals the preceding day — forming on a range of rocky heights north of the town, which ran in a direc- tion east and west, and commanding a rising ground at a thousand yards' distance, which Humbert must of necessity cross imder the fire of Hutchinson's artillery. The royalists were formed in two lines, crowning the heights of the position. The first, consisted of the Kilkenny militia, some regulars (the skeleton of the 6th), and a party of the Prince of Wales's fen- cibles — the Fraser fencibles and Galway yeomanry formed the second line. To the left of the Kilkenny regiment, and in a valley in their rear, four companies of the Longford militia were in reserve. The bulk of the cavalry — part of the 6th dragoon guards (carabineers), and 1st fencibles — were drawn up in the rear of the first line ; the artillery were a little advanced ; two curricle-guns being on the right of the road, under the command of Captain Shortall — and parallel to them, the battalion-guns of the Kilkenny militia were in position in front of that regiment, and on the left of the road. At eight o'clock the French appeared, marching in close column, and Humbert examined the royal position and the formidable force to which he was opposed. Before he crowned the ridge, he covered his grenadiers with a body of rebels in French uniforms, to draw on them the fire of the artillery. To the rabble who attended him, as they could be of no service, he gave no attention whatever — and, indeed, had he counted aught on their assistance, he would have been fatally deceived. When the enemy crowned the height, the royal artillery opened, and a round shot from one of Captain Shortall's six-pounders, pitched into the head of the French column, and completely divided it.* The con- fusion occasioned by this well-directed shot, obliged Humbert to fall back behind the dip of the hill and re-form. Again he advanced — ^and a second shot struck the column with similar precision. About fifty of the French rushed forward and got under cover of a house — but the main body were obliged again to retire and re-form. * 1^^ " At Castlebar Captain Shortall and the royal artillery behaved with the utmost gallantry and coolness. The non-commissioned officers of the Longford also Btood their ground with great firmness after the regiment broke, until they were overwhelmed by numbers." 234 HISTORY OP THE After disappearing five minutes, the French column, a third time, crossed the ridge, and by forcing cattle forward in their front, en- deavoured to secure themselves from a cannonade they had found so fatal. Even this efibrt failed — and, finding he could not advance in column under the destructive fire of the guns, Humbert commenced deploying rapidly from his centre with open files, until he formed line, mostly in rank entire, nearly parallel with that which occupied the front of the royal position. Here the first and fatal mistake of this disgraceful day was made.* Instead of holding their ground quietly, and allowing the enemy to close, the militia regiments opened a useless fire at a distance which rendered it perfectly ineffective. The -French attributed it at once to panic, or its real ijause, want of judgment — and rushing forward, en iirailleur, they seized some hedges in front of the royalist line, and commenced extending rapidly, with the intention of outflanking it. And now a disgraceful scene began. The line exhibited a general appearance of unsteadiness — and notwithstanding the excellent practice of the guns, wliich had exchanged round for case shot, and fired with decided effect, the supporting infantry gave way and fell back, leaving the cannon exposed to a rush from the enemy. When Captain Shortall had only time to fire three rounds, the guns, as might be expected, were carried — and the troops went off, pele- mele, towards the town. A fev of the Longford regiment, with stragglers from other corps, were rallied by the exertions of their ofiicers — and favoured by the numerous inclosures, they kept up a re- tiring fusilade, checking the advance of the enemy — and afterwards formed on the bridge of Castlebar, where a curricle-gun had been placed, served by the royal artillery. " The party who defended, the, bridge, consisting of some gallant offi- cers, some of the Longford, a few of the Kilkenny and Fraser fencibles, suffered most severely, as they were exposed, to a crpssrfire, both from the roads leading to it, and from the houses on .either side. The men often fell back, but were again rallied by their officers. At length, most of the Royal Irish artillery, who worked the gun, having, been killed or wounded, it became useless; and the enemy were aWe to push forward a body of cavalry, whose charge was repujsed by this small party, and two of the foremost hussars killed within the ranks. By this charge, however, the numbers of the royalists were much rejluced; and having been deprived of the assistance of one captain and one subaltern,t * l^p° " The great error in the case of Castlebar was, that there was no com- bined plan of operation. The troops at Castlebar and Foxford were completely separated ; Barnageeragh should have been occupied in force. Four hundred men and a few guns judiciously placed would have stopped the French and forced them to retrograde on Foxford, which was a more defensible position than Castlebar." t If^" " With respect to the Kerry, although the corps was detached, and con- sequently non-combatants at Castlebar, one of our officers had a very singular es- cape. Jjieutenant Mahony had been on picquet, was on the field, and when the troops fled, he remained on the ground — was attacked by an officer of French gre- nadiers, and, after a sharp sword fight they grappled and came to the ground toge- ther, when a French grenadier placed the muzzle of his lirelock on Mahony's temple, IRISH REBELLION. 235 who were desperately wounded, they were at last obliged to retreat, after having lost half their number." * The French appeared men qualified not only to obtain, but also to improve a victory — and with singular daring, a party of hussars, not exceeding ten in number, hung on the rear of the retreating royalists, and overtook and captured a gun, which they were about to turn on the runaways, when a superior number of Lord Roden's fox-hunters charged back, killed five, and drove off the rest. The slain were buried where they fell — and in memory of the event, the place is still called French-hill. Although no attempt to follow them was made, a panic seemed still to operate on the troops, who retreated so quickly, as to reach the town of Tuam, thirty miles from the scene of action, on the night of the same day, and renewing their march, after a short refreshment, they retired still farther towards Athlone, where an officer of carabineers, with sixty of his men, arrived at one o'clock on Tuesday the 29th, having performed a march of sixty-three miles — the distance between Athlone and Castlebar — in twenty-seven hours. The artillery taken in this disgraceful defeat consisted of fourteen pieces, of which four were curricle-guns. Beside that of the carabineers — of which no return has been published — the royalist loss has been stated at fifty-three killed, thirty-four wounded, and 279 prisoners, or missing. In the return of wounded, two lieutenants and three sergeants were included. Among the prisoners and missing were two majors, three captains, six lieu- tenants, three ensigns, two officers of the staff, ten sergeants, and two drummers. Of the privates missing, the greater part belonged to the Longford and Kilkenny militia, who afterwards deserted to the enemy — and this, with other circumstances, gave grounds for suspicion that treachery had a share in the defeat at Castlebar. That not one of these deserters escaped the death which their defection merited, is per- haps not unworthy of remark. The loss of the French in killed and wounded was much greater than that of the royal army. It is almost impossible to conceive any thing more disgraceful and unaccountable than the defeat of the royalist army at Castlebar. That the strength of King's army fully warranted its commander in covering the town and taking an open position, cannot be denied — ^but still, as there was some uncertainty touching the number of the assailants, in the event of disaster, measures should have been arranged for rallying the troops within the town, which, a very little trouble would have made thoroughly defensible against a force so inferior as Humbert's. That the general spirit of the troops was excellent, many individual and discharged the musket. Strange to say, the ball glanced from the bone, and formed a groove round his skull, one side of his face being completely blackened with gunpowder. Lieutenant Mahony was subsequently conveyed on horseback by Mr. Blake, of Garracloon, hanged afterwards, at Ballinamuck, a rebel officer, with whom he had been previously well acquainted, and he ultimately reached Athlone." * Musgrave. 236 HISTORY OP THE cases proved*-r-aud with a, superior cavalry and artillery — the latter particularly well seryed — the contest' should not have lasted ten minutes. But Humberts estimate of the British commanding officers will give a key to the secret cause of their defeat. " I met," he said, " many generals in JrelandT— but the only general I met after all — was — Colonel Vereke?." * " The French approached the new gaol to break it open. , It was guarded by a highland Fraser sentinel, whom his friends had desired to retreat with them ; but he heroically refused to quit his post, which was elevated, with some steps- leading to it. He charged and fired five times successively, and killed a Frenchinan at every shot, but before he could charge the sixth time, they rushed on him, beat out his brains, and threw him down the steps, with the sentry-box on Ms body." — Musgrave. 1 1 i IRISH HEBELLION. 237 CHAPTER XXIII. FRENCH OCCDPATION OF CASTLEBAR — HUMBERT'S MOVEMENT TO THE NORTH SURRENDER OF THE FRENCH ARMY. During the period that Humbert occupied Castlebar — that is, from the 27th of August until the morning of the 4th of September — the French behaved with the greatest moderation, protecting the Pro- testants from insult, and repressing every attempt at cruelty on the part of their ignorant and useless allies. Invariably the invaders regarded the Irish mob who accompanied them as a pack of senseless savages — and no pains were taken to disguise these feelings of con- tempt. " The French ate the best of meat and bread, drank wine, beer, and coffee, and slept on good beds. They compelled the rebels to eat potatoes, drink whiskey, and sleep on straw. They beat and abused them like dogs, in the name of liberty, equality, and fra- ternity. A volume would not contain an account of the brutal actions of the rebels ; and the wofaien, who were worse than the men, carried off hides, tallow, beef, cloth, and various other articles."* Bad as the peasantry were, the few gentry who had joined the French were even still more contemptible. All were men who, through drunkenness or poverty, had lost caste, with the exception of two or three, who, from imbecility or silly pride, had been led to declare for the invaders — and, wanting both in energy and influence, they were allies but in name. From the determination exhibited by the better classes to keep aloof from any political connection with the invading army, Humbert had long been convinced that nothing but another French descent upon the coast, and that too, in imposing strength, could, in the present state of Ireland, make any serious impression. On any real advantage which could arise from the co-operation of the priesthood and the peasantry, he had ascertained, by melancholy experience, that no de- pendence could be placed. Not a respectable person in holy orders had openly countenanced the movement — and such men as Gannon, Macgowan, and Cowley f were a disgrace to their own profession, and hence, their adherence to any cause would be damnatory. No wonder, * Mnsgrave. t Gannon had been in France for many years, spoke the language fluently, and hence, was useful to Humbert. His character was very bad, and he was grossly immoral. Macgowan was a fellow of very low parentage, and a confirmed drunkard. He broke his neck returning home inebriated from a christening. Cowley was a pea- sant's son — Uliterate and truculent ; and, had he not been prevented by a misguided, but most humane man named Barrett, he would have proved one of the most sanguinary monsters of that fearful dime. " Though this wretch escaped the gallows, 238 HISTORY OP THE therefore, that to the Irish priesthood the French oflBcers exhihited a marked antipathy j* and indeed the few who joined them were but a sorry specimen of the order. Frequently, a latent hatred of Pro- testants became too apparent ; but any attempt — and many were made— to give a religious turn to the war, was on the French part furiously repelled. The freest exercise of worship was permitted to the Protestants— and, infidels themselves, the faith of others was scrupulously respected by the invaders. Doctor Ellison, the rector of Castlebar, had formerly been a cavalry officer, and was ,remarkable for personal intrepidity. Slightly wounded and made prisoner at Killalla, he afterwards returned to Castlebar, and remained there in constant communication with the French officers, who treated him with great respect. On one occasion, while conversing with Humbert and his staff, a drunken priest entered the room to ask the French general's permission to celebrate mass in the Protestant church. Humbert laughed, and replied, " that he might say mass where he pleased, provided that he did not require him to attend it." The priest returned thanks, and was retiring, when Doctor Ellison called him back. — " So," he said, " Father , you intend offering mass up in my church ?" " I do," was the reply. " I cannot prevent it," returned Ellison, boldly — " but mark what I pro- mise. Offer the insult you intend to my church, and, by heaven ! within one fortnight I'll have you hanged upon the steeple !" The threat had the desired effect — ^bnt, every thing considered, few men would have been bold enough to hold it out. Nor was it alone when under the immediate eye of the commander- in-chief, that person and property were protected. The detachment which was left to garrison Killalla had been intrusted to a French officer called Charost,t and during the occupation of that town, he Buffered a more severe and painful death. Having wandered about the moun- tains for some months, suffering all the miseries of hunger, thirst, watching, and fear, bis friends formed a subterraneous cavern for him, under a corn-field, of which the aperture was covered with a large stone, so as to elude the observation of his pursuers, who often passed close to it. His provisions were let down to him by a rope. At last, he was found dead in his den, and his death was imputed to suffoca- tion from coals, Which his friends supplied him with, to correct the humidity of his cavern . ' ' — ilusgrave. * " The wonder was, how the zealous papist should come to any terms of agree- ment with a set of men, who boasted openly in our hearing, ' that they had just driven Mr. Pope out of Italy, and did not expect to find him so suddenly in Ireland.' It astonished the French officers to hear the recruits, when they offered their service, declare, ' that they were come to take arms for France and the Blessed Virgin.' The conduct of the several priests who engaged in the same treasonable enterprise was yet more surprising than that of their people. No set of men could be treated with more apparent marks of dislike, and even contempt, than these were by the French, though against the plainest suggestions of policy, which recommended attention to them, both as having an influence over their flocks, and as useful interpreters, most of them, from their foreign education, being able to speak a little French. Yet the commandant would not trust to their interpretation ; if he wanted to know the truth, he waited till he could see the bishop." i* " Lieutenant-colonel Charost had attained the age of five-and-forty. He was bom in Paris, the son (as the writer was told) of a watchmaker in that city, who IRISH REBELLION. 239 the chief care of the gallant colonel was, not only to secure his pri- soners from insult, but to make them feel their captivity as slightly as circumstances would permit.* Nor was urbanity of manner, and a total absence of dishonesty, confined to those in command. The con- duct of the whole was exemplary ; and the following testimony from Bishop Stock is, indeed, truly honourable to the character of the French soldiery : — " It would be an act of the greatest injustice to the excellent dis- cipline constantly maintained by these invaders while they remained in our town, not to remark, that with every temptation to plunder which the time and the number of valuable articles within their reach presented to them in the bishop's palace, from a sideboard of plate and glasses, a hall filled with hats, whips, and great-coats, as well of the guests as of the family, not a single particle of private property was found to have been carried away, when the owners, after the first fright was over, came to look for their effects, which was not for a day or two after the landing. Immediately upon entering the dining-room, a French officer had called for the bishop's butler, and gathering up the spoons and glasses, desired him to take them to his pantry. Beside the entire use of other apartments, during the stay of the French in Killalla, the attic story, containing a library and three bed-chambers, continued sacred to the bishop and his family. And so scrupulous was the delicacy of the French not to disturb the female part of the house, that not one of them was ever seen to go higher than the middle floor, except on the evening of their success at Castlebar, when sent him over early to some comiections in St. Domingo, where he was fortunate to marry a wife with a plantation for her dowry, which yielded him, before the troubles, an income of two thousand pounds sterling per annum. By the unhappy war which desolated that island he lost every thing ; even his wife and his only chUd, a daughter, were taken on their passage to France, and sent to Jamaica. His eyes would fill when he told the family that he had not seen these dear relatives for six years past, nor even had tidings of them for the last three years. On his return to France he embraced military life, and had risen by due degrees to the rank which he now filled. He had a plain, good understanding ; seemed careless or doubtful of revealed re- ligion, but believed in God, was inclined to think that there must be a future state, and was very sure that while he lived in this world, it was his duty to do all the good to his fellow-creatures that he could. Yet what he did not exhibit in his own conduct, he appeared to respect in others, for he took care that no noise nor dis- turbance shoiid be made in the castle on Sundays; while the family and many Pro- testants from the town were assembled in the library at their devotions. Another French oflScer was Ponson, only five feet and a half in stature, a person of great animal spirits, and incessantly noisy. ' He was hardy, and patient to admiration of labour and want of rest. A continued watching of five days and nights together, when the rebels were growing desperate for prey and mischief, did not appear to sink his spirits in the smallest degree. He was strictly honest, and could not bear the want of this quality in others ; so that his patience was pretty well tried by his Irish allies:' but he expressed a contempt of all forms of religion." — Bishop Stock. * " The Protestants of Killalla enjoyed, under the protection of the French officers, the privilege of attending divine service every Sunday in the bishop's palace, commonly called the castle. The cathedral remained shut, and the Romanists often threatened to seize it for their own use ; but they were always restrained by the presence of Charost and his men." 240 HISTORY OF THE two officers begged leave just to carry to the family the news of the battle, and seemed a little mortified that the intelligence was received with an air of dissatisfaction." No reinforcements had arrived from France — no insurrectionary movement in the other provinces followed the descent at Killalla, and the unexpected success at Castlebar. The game was^ played — Lord Comwallis was within thirty miles — another day, and surrender would be inevitable ; but still a chance might be " upon the die," and like a brave adventurer, Humbert determined to put it to the hazard. After mature consideration, he decided to march in a northerly direction, as that part of the country he understood to be disaffected : and also, the route leading through Sligo and Donegal, was tolerably free from troops, and consequently, more open to him. Accordingly, pn the night of the 3rd of September, he sent off his baggage and cannon, with part of his troops, towards Sligo ; and about seven next morning set out with the remainder, about four hundred in number. With the abandonment of the capital of Mayo, Humbert's Irish career may be said to have closed — ^and, probably, the most summary but faithful account of his extraordinary campaign, is contained in his own report to the French Directory : — " After having obtained the greatest successes, and made the arms of the French republic to triumph during my stay in Ireland, I have at length been obliged to submit to a superior force of 30,000 troops, commanded by Lord Cornwallis. I am a prisoner of war on my parole." Never was a despatch more brief, nor yet more true. On the day that he evacuated Castlebar, Humbert despatched Doctor Ellison with about eighty prisoners to Lord Cornwallis ; and on his route to Hollymount, the doctor fell in with a strong cavalry detachment of Hompech's dragoons and Lord Roden's Foxhunters, under the command of Colonel Crawford, who were in march to make a reconnaissance. On being apprized of Humbert's retreat, Colonel Crawford advanced — and at nine o'clock the same evening, Castlebar was re-occupied by the royalists. The French were accompanied in their march by a horde of rebels, who every hour deserted by twenties. Their first halt was at Barley- hill — there Humbert remained two hours — and resuming his march, reached Swineford at seven in the evening. Still pressing forward, he halted near the village of Tubbercurry, and after a trifling skirmish, dispersed some yeomen cavalry who had advanced to reconnoitre. At Tubbercurry, Humbert was joined by a mob of rebels, who had crossed the mountains from Ballina. Sligo appeared now to be his first object, and he continued his march towards that town.* * ^^ " At Swineford General Taylor divided his force, moving himself on Sligo, and directing the Kerry and Fraser fencibles, with a squadron of the 6th dragoon guards, upon Trenchpark. The day after we reached Trenchpark we re- ceived orders to retire upon Sligo, and I was so fully impressed with the extreme danger of such a course, as it would expose the two main lines to the capital, Car- rickonshanna and Tarmonbarry, to the enemy, and also enable the counties of Long- ford and Roscommon to rise, both of which were fully organized for the purpose, IRISn REBELLION. 241 On ascertaining that the French were advancing, Colonel Vereker, with a detachment of the City Limerick militia, a corps of yeomanry, and two curricle-guns, marched from the garrison, and took a position at Colooney, a village five miles from Sligo. His force did not exceed three hundred men, but he had the advantage of a strong position — his right was on a h'eight, his left rested on the river— and there he boldly risked an action. The result was only what might have been expected from the numerical superiority of the enemy. Vereker's right was turned — and consequently, he was obliged to retreat across the river, after maintaining a sharp and spirited action of an hour. It was said that, on both sides, there was a misconception. Humbert thought that Vereker's was the advanced guard of a large force, and engaged him cautiously ; while the colonel believed he had only the van of the French army before him, when, in reality, the entire was in his front. To the British commander, the action was most creditable — and, although he retreated without his guns, the loss he inflicted on the enemy was most serious* and discouraging. One important result followed. " This opposition, though attended with defeat to the opposers, is sup- posed to have caused the French general to relinquish his design on Sligo. He directed his march by Drummahair, towards Manorhamil- ton, in the county of Leitrim, leaving on the road, for the sake of expe- dition, three six-pounders, and dismounting and throwing five pieces of artillery over the bridge at Drummahair into the river. On approach- ing Manorhamilton, he suddenly wheeled to the right, taking his way by Drumkerin, perhaps with the design of attempting, if possible, to that I ventured, notwithstanding the irregularity of such a proceeding, to remon- Btrate with the commanding officer against obeying the order, and urged him to refer for further instructions to Lord Cornwallis, at AtUone. After a good deal of dis- cussion, he consented to take the opinion of the field officers of the regiment, who unanimously concurred in my opinion, and I was authorized to draw up a statement explanatory of our decision and forward it to Lord Cornwallis, which the colonel accordingly signed and despatched in duplicate to Athlone. The lord-lieutenant sanctioned the course taken, and we were ordered to assemble, together with the other corps, at Boyle, under General Lake, and immediately advance upon Castlebar. The general, in obedience to these orders, marched with his entire force to French- park, and the following afternoon bivouacked in an advantageous position, to the east of the cross-roads at Ballahadareen. In the course of the night, the French, who had made a rapid movement from Castlebar, exactly in the line we foretold, viz. towards Frenchpark and Carrick, reached the cross-roads, and were informed of General Lake's being baited there. Sarazin, the second in command, strongly urged a night attack upon the bivouac — but Humbert overruled the proposal, sud- denly turned to his left, and marching on Colooney, encountered there the Limerick militia. General Lake, informed by his picquets of the French movement, beat to arms, and the troops were on march soon after two in the morning — and he advanced so rapidly in pursuit of tlie French, as to arrive at BalUnamuck in time to co-operate with Lord Cornwallis, in compelling the surrender pf Humbert's army." * It was said that the French lost twenty-eight killed, and above thirty wounded. Vereker returned his casualties at nine killed, and twenty-two wounded. 242 HISTOKY OP THE reach Granard, in the county of Longford, where an alarming insur- rection had taken place. Crawford's troops hung so close on the rear- guard of the French as to come to action with it on the 7th, between Drumshambo and Ballynamore, in which action, however, they were re- pulsed with some loss."* Four days had passed since the French and their auxiliaries liad abandoned Castlebar — and during that time they had been harassed continually. So closely were they pressed, that the fusilade between their rear-guard and the advance of the royalists was almost incessant. His great superiority in cavalry, enabled General Lake to hang closely on their rear, from which it was impossible to shake him off— -and by mounting light infantry behind dragoons,! so vigorously was Hum- bert pushed, that he was obliged to halt the head of his column, and receive an attack from the advancing enemy. While forming the leading division, the rear-guard, under Sarazin, were overtaken within half a mile of Ballynamuck, and that general, who commanded en second, at once surrendered. Indeed, in* doing this, Sarazin exercised a sound discretion in preventing the useless ex- penditure of human blood — and, from the daring intrepidity of his character, the sacrifice, most painful to a soldier s feelings, would never have been made by him untU every hope was over. The following circumstances, says Musgrave, attended the sur- render of the French : — " The Earl of Roden and Colonel Crawford, who led on the advanced guard, consisting of his lordship's fencibles, perceiving an officer who seemed desirous to communicate with them. Lord Roden ordered his trumpet to sound, which was answered by the French, when his lordship and the colonel advanced into the French lines. The officer politely asked them what their wishes were. They answered — to save the effusion of blood, and desired them to surrender. The officer said, that he did not command, but that he would go to General Humbert, which he accordingly did. Humbert came up, asked the same question, and received a similar answer. He then demanded half an hour to give a final answer, which was granted, on condition that he halted his troops ; to which he made no reply, but retreated with precipitation. Lord Roden then ordered his trumpet to sound the advance, and came up to the first and second brigade of the French army, who surrendered to about 300 cavalry, under his lord- ship and Colonel Crawford. After this they advanced with about twenty dragoons, and took possession of three French guns. Shortly " Gordon. t " General Lake encamped on the night of the 7th, at Ballintogher, between Drummahair and Coloony. He was under the necessity of constantly sending ac- counts of his movements, and those of the enemy, to Lord Cornwal&s, which was distressing, as it could not be effected but by strong pafroles. He marched to the south of Drumshambo, halted there about three hours, and proceeded to Clane, four miles from Ballynamuck, where, a little after sunrise, on the 8th of September, he saw the rear of the French army, whom, with about 150 light infantry, mounted behind as many cavalry, he endeavoured to harass as much as possible."— Musgrave, IRISH REBELLION. 243 after Humbert rallied his grenadiers — the only part of the army, except the chasseurs, that had not surrendered — consisting of about. 400 men, who surrounded Lord Roden and his twenty dragoons. They were given in charge to the hussars. "While they were their prisoners, which lasted about fifteen minutes, the French officers loaded the United Irishmen, their allies, with execrations, for haying deceived and disappointed them, by inviting them to undertake a fruitless expedition. They also declared that the people of Ireland were the most treacherous and cowardly they ever knew.* Lord Eoden and Colonel Crawford continued prisoners till his regiment of fencibles advanced in quest of their colonel, which the French hussars perceiving, requested that his lordship would desire them to halt, as they meant to surrender, and by doing so, he prevented them from being cut to pieces." The retreat of the French from Mayo did not immediately produce the consequences that might have been expected. The ignorance of the mob who had taken arms, and the brutal stupidity of their leaders, prevented them from perceiving that the departure of the invading army would be the certain advent of retributive justice. Without any apparent object, they still continued in arms — and far worse con- sequences were to be dreaded by the loyalists of Mayo, from the defeat of Ballinamuck, than the victory of Castlebar. From the commencement of Humbert's movement toward the North, until his surrender, not an hour passed without the vengeance of the royalists falling on the deluded wretches, who still continued rather to embarrass than assist the French army while retreating. Every strag- gler that was overtaken was cut down by the Hompeschers and Pox- hunters who hung upon Humbert's rear ; and when the invaders laid down their arms at Ballinamuck, if blood could have atoned for trea- son, it was fearfully exacted — for the sword and halter f were used with * 1^^ It would appear that the soldiers of the grande nation and their Irish allies were heartily tired of each other. " Part of the royal army remained at Ballinamuck for some days, and courts-martial were established, by which some of the leading rebels were tried and executed, with a vast number of die lower class — who, taken in Ftpnch arms and uniforms, were sentenced pro forma, with a know- ledge that the government would pardon them. They gave a pitiable account of their campaign and treatment by the French, described themselves as nearly starved, very seldom obtaining even raw potatoes, never time to cook, excessively harassed by long and rapid marches, spoke with great bitterness of the invading army, who lived extremely weU on the plunder of gentlemen's houses." t " The only troops actually engaged at Ballinamuck were the Ught battalion and the Armagh regiment. A French standard fell into the hands of the light company of the Armagh, and it is stiH kept with the regimental colours in Gosford Castle. After the action, the regiment were marched to Carrick-on- Shannon — where, in the court-house, there were collected a couple of hundred rebel prisoners, taken in arms. An order arrived from Lord Cornwallis, directing a certain number of them to be hanged without further ceremony — and a number of bits of paper were rolled up, the word ' death' being written on the number ordered ; and with these in his hat, the adjutant. Captain Kay (on whom devolved the management of this wretched lottery), entered the court-house, and the drawing began. As fast aaa wretch drew the fatal ticket, he was handed out and hanged at the door. I am not sure of the exact number thus dealt with, but seventeen were actually hanged. It was a R 2 244 HISTORY OF THE an unsparing hand. It is impossible to form any correct estimate of the number sacrificed to the fury of the soldiery. During the pursuit of Humbert, as the rebels preserved not even the semblance of order, but straggled where they pleased, it was not unusual to find them sleeping in dozens in the fields, some from fatigue, and more from drunkenness. No questions were asked — the coup de sabre, when on march — the arm of the next tree, if halting, ended all inquiry. At Ballinamuck, vw victis was pronounced — ^no quarter was given — and to use Musgrave's words, " dreadful havoc" was made among the unfortunate wretches who were excluded from mercy and cut down by the hundred.* It is not surprising that, although the surrender of Humbert's army might have been looked to as a certain event, still, until it actually occurred, the Mayo insurgents might have indulged in hopes that were beyond the chances of probability, and desperately continued in arras — but when the fate of the French army was ascertained, it would be sup- posed that the wretched rabble would have hastily disbanded. Such was not the casef — for, on the 12th of September, they made an attempt to recover Castlebar, and were repulsed by the small garrison of Fraser fencibles and loyalists — and although all the other towns were liberated from the presence of the rebels, they held Ballina and KillaUa for fifteen days after Humbert's surrender. It was a most fortunate circumstance that the rebel garrisons in both places were commanded by French officers, or there is little doubt that atrocities, similar to those committed in Wexford, might have eter- nally disgraced the Western peasantry. Charost, and his subordi- nate officers, were unwearied in afFording protection to the persons dreadful duty to devolve upon any regiment ; but, somehow or other, men's minds had grown as hard as the nether millstone. 1 know it from my own feelings. I would go some miles out of my way to avoid an execution now, yet I well remember the indifference with which I looked upon such a spectacle in 1798." — MS. Journal of a Field Officer. * " The rebel auxiliaries who had accompanied the French to this fatal field being excluded from quarter, fled in all directions, and were pursued with slaughter. The number of their killed is reported to have been 500, which seems much less to exceed the truth than returns of slain in the south-eastern parts of Ireland. Notwith- standing its diminution by desertions in its march, the force of the rebels accom- panying the French army is said to have consisted of 1,500 men at the time of this surrender. The loss of the king's troops was three privates killed, twelve wounded, three missing, and one of&cer wounded. Lieutenant Stephens, of the carabineers. The troops of General Humbert were found, when prisoners, to consist of 748 pri- vates, and 96 officers — a loss of 288 being sustained since their first landing at Killalla. "—GoriZon. t " The intelligence did not seem by any means to produce, on the minds of the rebels, the effect that might naturally have been expected — their gradual dispersion and return to their own homes. On the contrary, the resort to the camp in the bishop's meadows grew greater every day ; the talk of vengeance on the Protestants was louder and more frequent ; the rebels were drilled regularly ; ammunition was demanded, and every preparation made for an obstinate defence against the arms of their sovereign. Careless of the future, or trusting to the delay which must be oc- casioned by the distance of the king's army, they thought of nothing but living merrily as long as they might, upon'the property that lay at their mercy — and they did Use their power of doing mischief most terribly." — Bishop Stock's Narrative. IRISH REBELLION. 245 and properties of the loyalists; and, in their humane and generous efforts, they were admirably assisted by the younger Barrett, who, it is gratifying to state, escaped the penalties of treason, to which, had he been unfortunately subjected, he would have had the sincere com- miseration of the numerous Protestants whom he saved.* * " After remaining in a state of dreadful suspense for some months, he effected his escape to Sligo, where, in the disguise of a sailor, he entered on board a vessel, and sailed for America. " There were many good traits in this young man's character which would entitle him to a better fate. He was brave and generons, humane and grateful; and his per- son and manners bespoke something much beyond his education and expectations in life ; and it is only to be regretted that his loyalty was not sufficiently strong to enable him to resist the influence which was exerted to seduce him to join the enemies of his country. 246 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER XXIV. SUPPRESSION OF THE WESTERN INSURRECTION — MILITARY EXECUTIONS — CON- TRAST BETWEEN THE WEXFORD AND MAYO REBELS. The long-expected arrival of the royalists was at last announced by the sound of their cannon, as they threw a few shots into Ballina and drove out the rebel garrison. The rebels hurried off in dreadful confusion to join their confederates encamped about Killalla — and that succour was at hand, the almost-despairing loyalists were informed. " A troop of fugitives from Ballina in full race — women and children tumbling over one another to get into the castle, or into any house in the town where they might hope for a momentary shelter — continued for a painful length of time to give notice of the approach of an army."* Early on the 23rd, the royal forces, despatched to crush the dying embers of the "Western insurrection, were seen advancing, and the rebels immediately quitted their camp and took a position to receive them. The place chosen on which to resist the threatened attack, was the high ground outside the town, on the Ballina road; and on either side the rebels lined the low stone walls of the numerous inclosures, which afforded excellent breastworks, from behind which they could fire on the king's troops as they were advancing. Learning that General Trench had divided his brigade at Crosmalina, and detached the Kerry regiment by the Foxford road to cut off the rebel retreat by that line, the insurgents pushed a corps of observation in that direction, and then awaited the coming assault. The affair that ensued was not an action but an execution. " The two divisions of the royal army were supposed to make up about 1,200 men, and they had five pieces of cannon. The number of the rebels could not be ascertained. Many ran away before the en- gagement, while a very considerable number flocked into the town in the very heat of it, passing under the castle windows in view of the French officers on horseback, and running upon death with as little ap- pearance of reflection or concern, as if they were hastening to a show. About four hundred of theses misguided men fell in the battle and im- mediately after it."t Nothing could be more contemptible than the effort made at resist- ance. " We kept our eyes," says Bishop Stock, " on the rebels, who seemed to be posted with so much advantage behind the stone walls that lined the road. They levelled their pieces, fired very deliberately from each side on the advancing enemy ; yet, strange to iell ! were * Bishop Stock's Narrative. t Ibid. IRISH REBELLION. 247 able only to kill one man, a corporal, and wound a common soldier. Their shot in general went over the heads of their opponents." The slaughter that ensued was terrible. The rebels were cut down on every side where they attempted to escape ; for, when driven from their post outside the town by a flanking fire of the soldiery, they fled in all directions, and were furiously pursued by the Roxburgh cavalry, who slaughtered many in the streets, and were either intercepted at the other end of the town by the Kerry militia, or, directing their flight to the shore, " the fugitives were swept away by scores, a cannon being placed on the opposide side of the bay, which did great execution." In almost every instance these besotted men appeared to become only sensible of danger, when it was too late to be avoided. Some rushed for shelter into the houses-^-and when they succeeded in gaining an entrance, brought on the unfortunate inhabitants the indiscriminating violence of the soldiery. The innocent suffered with the guilty — and notwithstanding "the exertions of the general and his oflicers, the town exhibited almost all the marks of a place taken by storm. Some houses were perforated like a riddle ; most of them had their doors and windows destroyed, the trembling inhabitants scarcely escaping with life, by lying prostrate on the floor ; nor was it till the close of next day that their ears were relieved from the horrid sound of muskets discharged every minute at flying and powerless rebels. The plague of war so often visits the world, that we are apt to listen to any de- scription of it with the indiflerence of satiety ; it is the actual inspec- tion only that shews the monster in its proper and full deformity."* In this scene of bloodshed and confusion, even loyalty was not a security.f A gentleman was killed in his own hall, by a shot directed * Bishop Stock. t One melancholy instance of the innocent suffering with the guilty preceded the final defeat of the western insurgents. The plan adopted for the recovery of KiUalla was a combined attack by Lord Portarlington and General Trench — in which the former, should assail the town by the southern road, and the latter, by the northern one, leading to Ballina. In accordance with these arrangements, Lord Portarlington marched early on the 21st of September, with the Queen's County militia, a troop of the twenty-fourth light dragoons, and the Tireragh corps, with two pieces of cannon. He bivouacked that night at Arkill Lodge. Some rebels appeared on the high grounds, but a round of the guns at once dispersed them. The following night Lord Portarlington baited at a place called Scurmore, and there a strong rebel body, commanded by Henry O'Keown and the younger Barrett, made a feeble attack upon the royahsts, but they were easily repulsed, after sustaining a severe loss for their temerity. " In this affair we have one calamity to lament, which left the strongest sensations of grief in every loyal heart. Not far from the scene of action lies the village of Carrowcarden, where a few Protestant families lived, who, from their peaceable demeanour and good conduct, possessed the regard even of the rebels ; so that, partly by giving them entertainment and money as long as they were able, and partly by hiding themselves in the bogs and corn-fields, they had hitherto avoided the captivity which their brethren sufiered. " On this day, a rebel party commanded by John M'Donnough, othervtise Pitcher, on their march to attack the king's troops, were ordered to enter the village, and force every man who was able to carry arms to join their party. They there 248 HISTORY OP THE at a rebel he was endeavouring to exclude ; and the preserver and protector of the Protestants — Colonel Charost — ^had nearly lost his life through the rashness of an excited soldier. He had returned to the castle for his sabre, and advanced with it to the gate, in order to deliver it up to some English officer, when it was seized and forced from his hand by one of the Fraser fencibles. He came in, got another sword, which he surrendered to an officer, and turned to re- enter the hall. At this moment, a second Highlander burst through the gate, in spite of the sentinel placed there by the general, and fired at the commandant with an aim that was nearly proving fatal, for the ball passed under his arm, piercing a very thick door entirely through, and lodging in the jamb. " Had we lost this worthy man," says the bishop, " by. such an accident, his death would have spoiled the whole relish of our present enjoyment. He complained, and received an apology for the soldier's behaviour from his officer. Leave was imme- diately granted to the three French officers to keep their swords, their effects, and even their bed-chambers in the house."* Heavily now did the vengeance of the executive visit the misdeeds of the disaffected. Moore, Blake, McDonnell, all gentlemen of old family and some fortune, had already paid their treason with their lives, after the surrender of the French at Ballinamuckj and the total dispersion of the rebellious rabble at Killalla was followed by fresh executions and severities — the leader and the peasant alike, finding ample cause to curse the hour when Humbert debarked upon their coast. On the peasantry, although they might evade the extreme met with some of these poor Protestants, some of them reaping their com, others concealed in their houses, all of whom they forced along with them at the peril of their lives, even without arms to defend themselves, and placed them in the front of the line. " When the rebel army gave way, these unfortunate men fled among the crowd towards their own homes ; but, having been overtaken by the cavalry, they fell in the indiscriminate slaughter of the rebels. It was in vain that they endeavoured to explain the cause of their being there, or to justify their conduct ; as the troops, elate with victory, and inflamed with revenge, took no time to examine the circum- stances of their situation. " The loyalists had, soon after, the gratification of seeing Captain Pitcher taken prisoner, and having been convicted of that and other crimes, his life was forfeited to the vengeance of the law. This, however, was but a poor atonement to the community for the loss of many loyal, well-behaved, and industrious men, and no consolation to the unfortunate widows and helpless orphans whom they left behind, to deplore a loss which never could be retrieved." — Musgrave. * 8S° ' ' I had the great satisfaction of being the first officer to enter the bishop's palace, where we were received with equal joy by the French commandant and his brother-officers — Colonel Charost doing me the honour of presenting me his sword. He was a brave, honest, and most worthy man, and he assured me tiiat he was truly delighted at our arrival, as he had latterly been in perpetual danger of assassination by the rebels ; and indeed there was every reason for alarm. Mr. Fortescue, afterwards Lord Claremount, had been shot in the head by a slug fired by a rebel from the garden, a few moments before I entered the house. We passed ten days agreeably with the bishop's family and our prisoners. The table department was unex- ceptionable — as the house was amply stored with luxuries and wines, plundered from the houses of the principal gentry, with beef and provisions laid in by requisition for the use of the French." IRISH REBELLION. 249 penalty of the law that fell upon those of superior station, still they too had good cause to find that an angry government is not easily ap- peased — and even the remoteness and wretchedness of their isolated habitations procured no immunity for their crimes. And yet it would have been probably, a wiser policy to have passed their offendings over — but the edict had gone forth, and it was carried into rigorous operation. " General Trench made haste to clear the wild districts of the Laggan and Erris, by pushing detachments into each, who were able to do little more than to barn a number of cabins, for the people had too many hiding-places to be easily overtaken. Enough, however, was effected to impress upon the minds of the sufierers a conviction, that joining with the enemies of their country against their lawful sovereign was not a matter of so little moment as they had ignorantly imagined — and probably, the memory of what they endured will not be efiaced for years. " There are, I know," says the bishop, " those who think differ- ently, and say these mountaineers will be always ripe for insurrection — and who urge in proof, the mischief they did afterwards, by robbing and houghing of cattle. Yet surely our common nature will incline us to make some concession to the feelings of men driven, though by their own fault, from their farms and their dwellings — wretched dwellings to be sure, but to them as valuable as the palace to the grandee. Let a man look round from the summit of one of those mountains that guard our island against the incursions of the Atlantic, and say what he should think of passing a winter among them without the covering of a hut." For the offendings of the western peasantry much might be pleaded in extenuation. Unlike the northern manufacturers, they were sub- jected to all the degradation attendant upon a state of serfhood — they were mere hewers of wood and drawers of water — uneducated, super- stitious, ignorant of human life, and open to every imposition which persons, less credulous, would have scornfully rejected. Some joined the conspirators without an object or a thought — and others were actuated by terror and superstition. " Great pains were employed by the early insurgents to frighten their neighbours into the same inclosure of peril with themselves, partly by the most horrid menaces in case of refusal to join the common cause, and partly by spreading lies of the Protestants, whom they represented as Orangemen, universally bent on the excision of the Catholics." " When the united weight of so many temptations is duly estimated, operating besides on a body of peasantry already estranged from their Protestant neighbours by difference of religion, language, and educa^ tion, it will rather be matter of surprise that so little mischief was the result of the insurrection in Connaught, and that we had not the same horrid scenes of cruelty and religious intolerance to mourn over, as had lately stamped indelible disgrace on the eastern province. It is a cir- cumstance worthy of particular notice, that during the whole time of this civil commotion, not a drop of blood was shed by the Connaught rebels, except in the field of war. It is true, the example and in- 250 HISTORY OP THE fluence of the French went a great way to prevent sanguinary excesses, but it will not be deemed fair to ascribe to this caiise alone the for- bearance of which we were witnesses, when it is considered what a range of country lay at the mercy of the rebels for weeks after all French control had ceased."* The only leaders of distinction, in that portion of the county, who underwent the extreme penalty of the law, were Bellew, O'Dowd, and Barrett. The former, who had been previously deprived of the rank of general conferred on him at the landing of the French, " was taken in the town, tried next day by a court-martial, and hanged. His de- jection on his trial was such, that he was incapable of making any rational defence. He was a man of quick, lively parts, very shrewd in his remarks on men and manners, and had much sincerity and in- genuousness in his conduct and conversation.. He knew the French, Italian, German, and Sclavonian languages well, and spoke the first three with fluency and accuracy. It is much to be lamented that a man who might have been a benefit and an ornament to society should, by a train of misfortunes to which he was not accessary, be reduced to such a state of debasement, and finally driven to make so ignominious an exit."t O'Dowd, after the surrender of Humbert, attempted to escape, but he was taken and brought before Lord Cornwallis, at the camp of St. John's-town. At first he endeavoured to pass himself as a French oflicer, but he was easily identified, tried by court-martial, and capitally convicted. " Colonel O'Dowd — ^to give him his rebel distinction — was de- scended from a very ancient family of the same name, who formerly possessed a large tract of country in the counties of Sligo and Mayo — two baronies of which, namely, Tireragh and Tyrawly, had their names from the sons of the original chieftain, who divided his estate between them. On this extensive property they counted twenty-four castles, which were occupied by themselves or their adherents, and many of their ruins are still in existence. O'Dowd having been very active in the rebellion of 164], this fine estate was confiscated, and divided amongst the followers of the conqueror ; a small mountainous tract of land, called Bonneconclane, being given by special favour to one of the family, and so handed down to the late possessor, James O'Dowd. O'Dowd was enrolled in the yeomanry — but on the landing of the French at Killalla, his corps, like many others, was put to flight by the enemy, and O'Dowd deserted his post, and returned to his own house — where, by the solicitations of his wife, and the exertions of one Egan, a bigot, who lived with him, and who had acquired a com- plete ascendancy over his judgment, he was induced to declare for the cause of rebellion. Having assembled his tenantry and neighbours, he mustered about one hundred men, and putting himself at the head, marched to the French camp at Killalla, where he received his own commission, and arms for his followers ; while his wife, mounted on a * Bishop Stock. f Musgrave. IRISH REBELLION. 251 showy horse, and decorated with green ribbons and cockade, attended the procession and brought up the rear. "When arraigned, he pleaded guilty to the charges brought against him, but assured the court that this was his first ofience — and declared on his honour, if they would pardon it, that he would ever continue a loyal and faithful subject. On being informed that his request could not be complied with, he begged to have a priest ; but as there was not time for this ceremony, he was constrained to submit to his fate, which he met, but not with that fortitude which might have been expected from a man who had spent so much of his life in active service and scenes of war."* A number of inferior criminals were, at the same time, sacrificed rather to the angry spirit of the times, than to meet the strict ends of justice — and, instead of operating beneficially, this unwise severity kept the wilder parts of the mountain districts disquieted for several years. Men, who thought themselves without the pale of mercy, banded together, commenced an outlaw's life, living by cattle-stealing, and house and highway robbery. Working on the fears of some, they persuaded them that they too had no clemency to hope for from any return to their former industrious pursuits ; while numerous deserters, who had fought against their king, and deserted the colours they had sworn to defend, made common cause with the Mayo outcasts, and pursued the same short and desperate career, suffering all the vicissi- tudes attendant on proscribed life, and ending it most frequently on the scafi'old. The immense extent of mountain country lying on the Sligo and Galway boundaries of Mayo, ofiered to these desperate men, not only the means of concealment, but also an extensive field for plunder — and for years after the rebellion had been suppressed, the proprietors of cattle in these wild baronies complained of heavy losses, incurred equally by robbery and revenge — the common mode of marking their displeasure, being the burning the corn-stacks or houghing the cattle of those who had been so unfortunate as to become obnoxious to them. Gradually however, these disturbers were rooted out — and of two who had acquired some notoriety by their success in evading justice for a time. Gibbons was hanged, and McGreal sur- rendered and received a pardon.t * Musgrave. t Gibbons was a detestable scoundrel — malignant and sanguinary, without a single trait of " savage virtue " in his character. He robbed rich and poor alike, and hence he died without exciting the pity of the peasantry, which in Ireland is 63ldom withheld from the greatest malefactors. He was apprehended in a poteeiue- house near the Killeries, where he had got drunk. As was his custom, he lay down without undressing, first placing a blunderbuss and case of pistols beside him. The woman of the house, who had been repeatedly subjected to his insolence and extor- tions, seized this as a fit moment for revenge. She despatched a messenger to apprize some yeomanry in the neighbourhood that Gibbons was in her cabin, and then quietly abstracting his firearms from the bed of the sleeping drunkard, she flung them into a water-tub, and rendered them unserviceable. The yeomanry arrived — and when the bandit awoke, he found himself pinioned with a hank of yam, and a prisoner. Next day he was carried into Westport and hanged. McGreal, known better by the double sobriquet of " Shamus Rhua" (red James) and " ta Copteeine" (the captain), was a stout, good-natured fellow. No act of 252 HISTORY OP THE Whether from a natural mildness of disposition, or the example of the French, the contrast between the western and southern insurgents is very favourable to the former. Although held in light estimation by their northern confederates,* the Mayo peasantry, however deficient in ability, were by no means wanting in spirit. " To do them justice," says Bishop Stock, " they never appeared to want animal courage, for they flocked together to meet danger whenever it was expected. Had it pleased heaven to be as liberal to them of brains as of hands, it is not easy to say to what length of mischief they might have proceeded ; but they were all along unprovided with leaders of any talent or influence." Another distinctive mark between the lower classes of Wexford and Mayo, was evidenced in their feelings towards the Protestant clergy. Of ten persons of that order who fell into the hands of the insurgents in the county of Wexford, five were put to death without mercy or hesitation — Eobert Burrowes, Francis Turner, Samuel Hey- don, John Pentland, and Thomas Trocke — all men of regular conduct, and perfectly inoffensive. Joshua Nunn, rector of Enniscorthy, waa preserved under the protection of Father Sutton, of Enniscorthy. Eoger Owen, rector of Camolin, escaped by feigning to be deranged in his understanding. This clergyman has given, since the rebellion, full proof of a genuine spirit of Christian charity — for though treated with such cruelty by the rebels, that he could hardly be expected to survive his hardships, he has endeavoured since, as far as in his power, to mitigate the rage of the lower classes of Protestants, who have been too apt to regard all Romanists in the same light. John Elgee, rector of Wexford, was with difliiculty saved from death by the grati- tude of some of the lowest peasants, for his humanity to the prisoners in the gaol of that town. Henry Wilson, incumbent of Mulranken, was with peculiarly good fortune preserved by the timely interposition of Bagenal Harvey ."f In Mayo no violence was offered to the clergy, and many of the church ministers never retired from their glebe-houses. Even in the fever of the insurrection, a temporary police was organized generally throughout the country; and notwithstanding the anarchy of the times, its functionaries were respected, and infinite good resulted. The town of Killalla was committed to the protection of one hun- cnielty was ever imputed to him — and, on more than one occasion, he saved persons and property from the vengeance of Gibbons. After many hair-breadth escapes, he obtained a pardon and surrendered. He never, however, resumed industrious pur- suits, but led a rambling life, wandering from one gentleman's house to another. The author's was a favourite residence of " the captain's," and Shamus Rhua was his constant follower in grouse shooting and deer stalking — ^his intimate knowledge of the mountains, with numerous anecdotes of bis exploits and escapes, rendering ta Copteeine both a useful and an amusing companion. * " It is very remarkable, that these men, the northern emigrants, despising the want of courage and abilities in the Connaught rebels, refused to serve promiscuously with them, but formed a separate corps, who kept together during the rebellion." — Miisgrave. t Ibid. IRISH REBELLION. S.'iS dred and fifty men, in three bodies, all to be observant of the orders of Mr. James Devitt, the civil magistrate unanimously chosen by the people, because he was a substantial tradesman, a Roman Catholic, and a man of sense and moderation. He had under him two assistants of his own religion. The benefits of this regulation were felt imme- diately in the establishment of tolerable order and quiet, at least in and about the town ; and without doubt they would have been felt to a greater extent, if the French power had been firmer. " The example of Killalla was presently copied in the other depart- ments. Magistrates were elected, always Roman Catholics, but commonly of the better sort among them, persons who had no desire to take arms against the British government. Some of these applied to the bishop for his opinion whether they should incur the penalties of treason by acting under a foreign power, merely for the common safety, and under the conditions stated above. His answer was, that he was no lawyer — ^but having always found the Jaw of England to be consonant to reason, he would take upon him to say there could be no law forbidding to do, under these circumstances, what was absolutely enjoined by the great law of self-preservation. It is reported, that when the rebellion was over, several persons muttered against this doctrine. It might be conceded, they said, to the existing terror, but it was not sound, because it might be employed as an excuse for a tame and prompt submission to any invaders. To such tranquil de- claimers on the merit of casting away life and property, in preference to bowing the head to a storm, it is obvious to reply, that had they changed situations with those who actually felt the distress, it is more than probable they would have seen good reason to adopt the very conduct which, in the fulness of security, they take upon them to con- demn. To submit to a king de facto, and even to act by a commission from such a one to preserve the peace of the community, provided by so doing you do not preclude yourself from returning under the go- vernment of a king de jure, is a practice sanctioned by the authority of our most equitable English law." * The ferocious character of the Wexford war did not, on either side, mark the western outbreak. In the former county, Gordon says that there was reason for believing " that more men than fell in battle were slain in cold blood. No quarter was given to persons taken prisoners as rebels, with or without arms. For one instance — fifty-four were shot in the little town of Camew in the space of three days ! How many fell in this manner, or were put to death unresisting, in houses, fields, and elsewhere, would be as difficult to state with accuracy, as the number slain in battle." In making a last allusion to the "Wexford rebels, horrible and re- volting as their cruelties were, amid all their atrocities the chastity of the fair sex was respected. " I have not been able to ascertain," saya Gordon, "one instance to the contrary in the county of Wexford, though many beautiful young women were absolutely in their power. * Narrative of occurrences at Killalla. 254 HISTORY OF THE One consideration may diminish the wonder, but not annihilate the merit of this conduct in the rebels : they were everywhere accom- panied by great numbers of women of their own party, who, in the general dissolution of regular government, and the joy of imagined victory, were perhaps less scrupulous of their favours than at other times." No matter with what qualifications, or to what causes it might be assignable, this was a redeeming trait in the character of the "Wexford insurgents, and one also, never to be forgotten. I lament to say, that at a time when military license was unbounded, many gross cases of female grievances were charged not only upon the troops, but upon men, from whose position in society a very opposite line of conduct might have been expected. Evil days they were ! With parted life human animosity generally ends — but vengeance went even beyond the tomb. The rights of sepulture were refused to the clergyman,* and the corpse of the priest was subjected to indignities hard to describe, and harder to be credited.f * The body of Mr. Heydon, who had been greatly beloved for his humane and amiable conduct, was left in the street of Euniscorthy till it was in great part de- voured by swine. t Gordon states that the body of Father Murphy was cut open, the heart taken out and roasted, and the fat melted and used by some of the ancient Britons for greasing their boots. iniSIT REBELLION. 255 CHAPTER XXV. PRIVATE DIABY OF THE BISHOP OP KILLALLA, FROM THE LANDING TO THE SIJRRENDER OF THE FRENCH ARMY. The following interesting diary, detailing the transactions of the French army and their rebel associates, during their occupation of Killalla, was placed at the disposal of the author by a relative of the gentleman, to whom the letters were originally addressed. The journal given by Dr. Stock is faithfully descriptive of the times and the occurrences — and the diary is consequently attached, as a running commentary on the events which marked the western outbreak. It may he remarked, that while the fidelity of the narrative is unques- tionable, a spirit of impartiality appears in every line — while indications of a high and Christian courage are discernible throughout the whole, honourable to the memory of a worthy man and a most useful prelate : Dear , Killalla, August 23rd, 1798. Yesterday morning we descried three large ships in our bay, so near the shore that we coidd plainly perceive them carrying English colours. This tempted two of my sons to throw themselves into a boat, and put off for what they longed to see (English men-of-war). They were made prisoners, and Arthur is still in their hands on board the fleet. Edwin they brought ashore with them, possibly because he spoke French. We remained some time without suspicion, a large company of us dining together at the castle, whom the visitation (that was to have been this day) had assembled under my roof. Two officers of the carabineers from BalUna made part of the company, and we were just rising from our wine to join the ladies, when a ter- rified messenger brought the news that the French were landed about a mile from us, and that about three hundred of them were in full march to the town. The yeomanry were collected from the morning, and made up fifty men, with the help of the Prince of Wales's fencibles, now quartered here. The carabineer officers rode off fijl speed to BaUina with the news. The yeomen and fencibles stood the first fire in the streets, but seeing two of their body killed, they were seized with a panic, and fled, leaving their Captain (Mr. Kirkwood) to stand fifty shots before he was taken. The two persons killed were our apothecary and another yeoman, much re- gretted. Presently my son Edwin arrived at the castle gate, following the French general, whose name it appears is Humbert. The enemy marched directly into my court-yard, and seized on the English officer (Captain Sills) and his twenty men, and demanded to see "Monsieur I'Eveque." I appeared, and have had full em- ployment ever since as an interpreter, and still more as a contributor to the wants (they say) of a brave people, who are come to set Ireland free from the English yoke. They have already put in requisition five of my horses, five sheep, one bul- lock, and all the bread and meat in the house — and for our losses we are (they say) to have punctual payment from the Irish Directory, -which is soon to be set up in Connaught. You may judge what a time we have had last night, with all the females of the town in this house, and scarcely beds for half the number. Mrs. S and poor Mary are truly heroines, intent only on accommodating the refugees and chil- dren. The story of this invasion, as I have collected it from the French, is as follows : Fifteen hundred men, mostly of the army of Italy, embarked at Rochelle about eighteen days ago, and in a dark night eluded the vigilance of the English fleet 26j HISTORY OF THE close beside them ; they fetched a circuitous route, and instead of landing in Donegal, as they Intended, they were (unfortunately for us) driven by contrary winds to us. Their naval force is two frigates of 44 guns, eighteen-pounders, and one of 38, twelve-pounders. They bring nine pieces of cannon, and arms for 100,000 men. The green flag is hoisted on the front gate of the castle (inscribed " Erin go bragh"), and the people are invited to join their standard, and be free and happy. This morning, after a hearty breakfast given to three hundred men, forty horsemen were mounted on the best horses in the country, and proceeded to Ballina with sixty infantry ; what success they have had against the troops in that town we as yet know not, — but we fear the worst, as there is a report that the town is taken with but trifling loss. The French have hitherto maintained a most exact discipline, and our greatest apprehension of plunder is from our own peasantry. The second in com- mand, a Monsieur Toussont, pleases me much by his politeness and good sense. He complains heavily of the slavery he has undergone here, worse, he says, than any he endured in Italy, when aide-de-camp to Bonaparte. The worst part of the story is, that they form only the vanguard of an army of 30,000 men, who are to leave France in small detachments like the present, and If they elude our fleet, will be here in a fortnight, carrying revolution and liberty to their " dear friends in Ireland." They talk of proceeding towards Sligo to-morrow. All the squadrons are to ren- dezvous off the coast of Antrim, and push on thence to Dublin. I am just returned from being sent away under a guard to the ships, in order to be sent to France, because I would not do what the general thought I could do — press cars, and produce them with horses for their artillery, &c. &c., after all our horses had been before carried away. After I had marched half a mile out of the town under a sergeant's guard, a dragoon was sent to recall me ; and now they bawl as loudly at me for not having thirty quarts of brandy to give them. Poor Arthur ! we hear nothing of him yet. What a pool a grenadier's blood has just now made in the parlour — he was wounded in an engagement with our cavalry at Ballina. The Rev. Dr. Ellison bravely marched out in the first action, and is shot in the heel, which, to hide the wound from notice, he calls the gout. 25th. — Yesterday was a day of sad confusion and utter waste of my substance, attended with the slavery of interpreting, and striving to obey orders next to impos- sible to be executed. I have lost to the amount of ^500 at least, and with little hope of being able to get away to any place of safet;^ . This day I am going to be carried off as one of the six hostages for the safety of the ofiBcers and men left here, as a guard to the Protestants against the Irish levies, who, to the amount of thou- sands, have joined the French, and are certainly dangerous in no small degree. Allans : I go cheerfully to save my friends, leaving my poor family in the hands of the Almighty. Harry goes with me. I am to have my own chaise. Adieu ! , Ever yours, J. KllLALLA. Sunday Morning. — They have changed their minds and left me on my parole, taking Edwin to serve as interpreter, in the place of Harry. The main army (about fourteen hundred French and an unaccountable number of Irish) are gone to Ballina to meet our army, which is said to be three thousand, yeomanry and regulars, as we are informed by Captain Grey, of the carabineers, who came this morning to Killalla, with a flag of truce. They say we are very safe here from the Irish, under half-a-dozen oflScers and two hundred men. Of the five hostages, Edwin and Mr. Knox,'of Bar- tragh, have got a cabriole to the camp, lately belonging to the Rev. George Fortescue, of this division, who was mortally wounded at Ballina ; the other hostages ride — who are our curate, Nixon, Thomas Kirkwood, lieutenant of our cavalry, and James Rut- ledge, our custom-house officer. I should have told you Arthur Stock returned to us yesterday, after forty-eight hours' danger by sea and land, and being in a skirmish be- tween our cavalry and the French. I fear the yeomen will never stand against those veterans without the assistance of the regulars. An action must take place very soon, which wiU probably settle the business ; if the French are routed, they must surrender, as they have no ships to fly to, the frigates having returned to France. I am now trying to get leave for Dr. Ellison and John Thompson to return to Castlebar to their families. miSH REBELLION. 25'? 27th.— Edwin and the other four hostages returned this morning, and bring word that the main body of the French were marching to Castlebar, from which we anxiously expect news, as we have heard cannon this day in that direction. Think what Dean and Mrs. Thompson and Dr. Ellison must sutfer, while all that is valuable to them is in Castlebar. Dean Thompson's brother is also here, who has one of the best houses in that town. There was but very little resistance made at Ballina. The French have been joined by several thousand rebels ; the poor deluded peasants " take on," as they caU it, merely for the sake of clothing and arms, and in the hope of being permitted to plunder, which trade they carry on most dexte- rously, in spite of their new masters, who forbid marauding under severe penalties, and certainly do not practise it themselves. Civiler men cannot possibly be than those officers who have taken up their quarters amongst us. As we have spent our own provisions, their mess supplies us very readily and plentifully from theii" own stores. I see now that if I had fled, as I was advised, this house and demesne would inevitably have been destroyed, and I think my presence is of use to the poor, though ajas ! in spite of every exertion, the depredations of the Irish are dreadful. Evening. — ^This is a sad one to ns — the danger now grows very serious indeed. An express is just arrived from General Sarassin, second in command of the French army, stating that a complete victory has been gained by them this morning over our troops, eight hundred of whom were taken or slaiii, five pieces of cannon have fallen into their, hands, and Castlebar has surrendered. This first success must swell the number of the Irish insurgents beyond calculation. 'Tis difficult to keep them from doing mischief as it is, but what may not the insolence of victory encou- rage them to do ? 28th. — I was called up last night, just as I had got into bed, by the commandant (who made many apologies for the trouble), to explain the cause why a Mr. R. Bourke had been sent to him under a guard from Ballina, without letter or note from the officer there. It seems he had been busy haranguing the populace on the present state of. afiairs, probably exciting them to fall on the Protestants, a thing which the French will never consent to. He brought also an offer from his brother to raise recruits for the French. Night and day I am busied as an interpreter, so as really to think in French, though not as French. Reports are coming in fast with respect to yesterday's battle ; Humbert writes that he has not seen a more obstinate engage- ment, even at La Vendee. The killed on both sides amount to about three hundred, amongst whom is a principal officer of the French. A fleet is this morning descried in the offing ; the French say 'tis theirs, but we hope 'tis English. A cannonade has been heard about noon towards Foxford. What a suspense ! 29th. — Nothing has happened to this day at noon, to ascertain what these ships of war may be. There are three in the road, one of them a line-of-battle ship. We are now fully informed how matters went at Castlebar on Monday— "Toussont, a man of honour and sentiment, was in the thick of the engagement — and he says it was a very obstinate fight, chiefly in the streets of Castlebar. The English were about three thousand, with ten pieces of cannon, new four-pounders, which were all taken, with about two hundred prisoners, fifty-two of whom have taken arms with the French, and have marched in this morning before my eyes to the camp in my demesne. Many say that the number of slain on our part was not near so great as the French, scarcely exceeding fifty, but the event shews that victory was with the French, as they are in full possession of Castlebar, which they have preserved as much as possible from the depredations of the Irish. The houses of Lord Lucan and the other principal inhabitants have been plundered of wine and provisions, but no other harm is done. Toussont, who returns there this evening, is to take Dr. Ellison with him. I find that the real object of the French in this invasion is to annoy' England, and force us to a peace. As to forming a republic here similar to their own, they do not expect to be able to accomplish it, with such a hanViful of nien ; and ' they now begin to look on themselves as a forlorn hope, that will probably be forced in the end to surrender. A patrol of eighty men is in future to go round the town every night, to protect the inhabitants from the depredations of the insurgents. The French, cannot long find subsistence here for themselves and their new allies. A' French officer told me this. morningr- that he saw an Irish recruit lie down on his' S 258 HisToar op the belly, and commence gnawing his week's allowance of beef (eight pounds) with siich voracity, that he was sure it would be all in the fellow's stomach before he rose. He added, that the army he had left on the continent, fifteen thousand strong, would not consume, in proportion, in one month as much provisions as those creatures would in four days — much of this consumption, however, is owing to mere waste. Every thing I had in the fields is gone, crops, cattle, and hay — ^not even a potatoe will be left in a few days. But these are small evils. 30th. — This is the seventh day of our captivity, and as yet no appearance of our deliverance. Yesterday afternoon we were all on tiptoe ; beholding a considerable fleet pass by us, towards Sligo, one frigate of which (36 guns) anchored in our bay. We continued in doubt as to what she was, till we saw her send boats to destroy two traders that were in the possession of the French, and presently after we had the awful spectacle of their taking fire and burning for a long time to the water's edge. One of them had forty tons of oatmeal on board, which burned like pitch ; this was a brig. The other an empty sloop, out of which the French had just landed thirty thousand pounds of gunpowder, which is my principal grievance, being lodged in the yard close by us, amongst hundreds of idlers, strolling about with pipes in their mouths, and extremely capable of blowing us up. I have spoken to the com- mandant about it, who seems pretty watchful in this respect, for his own sake. Dr. Ellison got away yesterday evening about seven o'clock, on the only horse I had left. I learn since that his lady has made her escape to Holymount, whither he will probably soon follow her. By him you will have a full account of us for the first week of our misery. If we could divine when it will be at an end — but patiei^ce. We have the finest weather that ever was seen, which only' tempts many to grumble because they cannot attend to the harvest. I have no trouble of that kind, the bullocks driven in for the use of the army have completely reaped my corn, giving me no other compensation but to eat my share of their flesh, which is delivered to me daily by the commissary with great Uberality. A fine crowd is fed in this house every day, between our family, friends, and the ofScers. In the four rooms of the upper story, twenty-five persons of all kinds sleep every night. 3Ist. — A foolish prophecy went about yesterday, that on the ninth night after the landing of the French, a general massacre should take place. Multitudes fled with their families to the mountains, but are returned this morning. Three large frigates joined the one in the bay this morning, and, after a conference, went off agidn towards Sligo. Surely we cannot be long without hearing some news from the inland parts ! The French know no more of what is going forward than we do. They send a party this evening with ammunition to Castlebar, who take Mr. Thompson, the dean's brother and our fellow-prisoner, with them. September 1st. — All the alarms we have hitherto experienced were nothing to what we felt this day. The commandant gave me notice that he had received orders from General Humbert to send away immediately from Killalla all the French to Castle- bar, except himself, who, with two hundred Irish, remained to protect this town ; and you may judge how we like such protectors. As the commandant remains behind solely to defend us, and thereby runs, the risk of losing his own liberty, he thought it but reasonable that one of my. sons should go with the troops to Castlebar as a hostage for his person ; so poor Arthur was sent away at seven in the evening. At night we were near having a tumult raised in my court-yard, by an attempt of the Irish recruits to prevent a distribution of arms to the Protestants, for their protec- tion against nocturnal invasion. They protested against the commandant's giving arms to the Protestants, which they said they would be sure to use against the French and their allies, as soon as the English troops would appear ; and the poor Pro- testants were so intimidated by the other party, that many of them declined accepting the arms. There were twenty men placed to guard my house and offices, all Irish, who behaved themselves very well, and the night passed without disturbance. I am the only one who enjoys the comfort of sleeping without their clothes. 2nd and 3rd. — I scarcely know what I have been doing these two days. I am not easily, frightened, but I have had so much to fear from the country people's in- tolerance, that I never passed two more tremulous days. The murmurs of the insurgents grew so loud, that we agreed to request the commandant to issue a pro- clamatipn to call in the arms while some of his victims were in the grave, and others in penury and exile, he died in the bosom of his family, leaving wealth and a blasted reputation as their inheritance. " Considering that the time was come when he should retire from the turmoil of public life, he fixed his abode in Paris, and died in that city, the 18th of August, 1836. His remains were brought to England and were buried in one of the vaults of the village church of Wilton, in Yorkshire." It was not fated that Bond should quit with life his prison, and his sudden death in Newgate, on the night of the 6th of September, was attributed by the surgeon-general, after a post mortem examination, to the true cause, while the most absurd rumours were circulated by the disaffected — some affirming that he had been strangled in his cell, others declaring that he had been murdered in a dark passage, by a blow given him from behind, by one of the under- keepers of the prison. For what cause he should be assassinated was never attempted to be explained, for he had already a free pardon signed and sealed in the office at the castle. That violent exercise, a heavy supper, and after- wards a deep carouse, should, to a plethoric and overgrown personage like Bond, prove fatal, is easily conceivable. Apoplexy, and not violence, was the immediate cause of his death,* and by the visitation of God and not of man, Bond was removed from existence. nolds, of Kilkea Castle, and if he were allowed to proceed in his career, they and their friends would soon be the victims of his treachery. In a tone and manner which left an indelible impression on the minds of his hearers, and which the person I allude to was wont to speak of as having produced an extraordinary effect, he asked if the society were to be permitted to be destroyed, or if Reynolds were to be allowed to live ; in short, he demanded of the meeting their sanction for his removal, and undertook that it should be promptly effected. " The proposal was unanimously and very properly rejected by the meeting. Michael Reynolds was a young man of great musciUar strength and activity, of a short stature and dark complexion, and somewhat celebrated in the country for his horsemanship." — Lives of the United Irishmen, * " On the 6th of September, Bond had been playing a good deal at ball. That evening, Gregg, the jailer, by the desire of Bond and Neilson, brought in some supper and a jug of punch. Samuel Neilson went to bed, leaving Bond and Gregg together. They were not then quarrelling : there was no one present but themselves. The following morning, at break of day, Neilson heard some cries of the female prisoners in the opposite ward ; he ran out, and found Bond's body lying in the doorway, half his body in, half out, dressed as he had been when he last saw him." It was the custom when a prisoner died in jail, to insinuate that he had been secretly made away with. Lord Edward Fitzgerald's wound was said to have been intentionally turned into gangrene, and Oliver Bond assassinated by a blow from a brass skillet 1 If an intimate friend (Russell) of the unhappy nobleman may he credited, Lord Edward died of natural disease ;t and Sweetman, in his diary, ob- serves, " September 5th. — Oliver Bond died ; said to be at four in the morning. t " It may, perhaps, be interesting to state, that the death of Lord Edward did not seem to proceed from his wounds, but from an inflammation and water on hi£ lungs." — Stisaell's Letter. IRISH REBELLION. 281 " In a New York paper, called the ' Irish Citizen,' of the 25th of January, 1843, published by B. P. Binns, the brother of the prisoner who was tried at Maidstone with Arthur O'Connor, an article, pro- fessing to be written by one who had a good deal of knowledge of the events occurring at that period, states that Bond ' was killed by a blow of a copper kettle (a singular implement for an assassin to select!) on the back of the head inflicted by one of the turnkeys, in a dark passage leading to his cell.' Nothing certain, however, is known of this mysterious business." Inquest sat at three, p.m. ; verdict, ' Nothing on the body seemed to indicate that he died of other than a natural death, probably of apoplexy.' " That the cause of Bond's death could admit of any mystification is a marvel — and that a heavy and plethoric man, under the excitement attendant upon a long un- certainty regarding life and death, ball-playing in sultry weather, and supping and carousing *' pottle-deep" afterwards — that he should be found dead in the morning, I fancy will not now-a-days be considered a medical wonder. The facts are. Lord Edward died of fever, arising from wounds and mental irritation — Bond of apoplexy, produced by anxiety and intemperance. 252 HISTORY OP THE CHAPTEE XXVIII. SEVERITIES or THE EXECUTIVE THE WEXFORD LEADERS ANECDOTE HARVEY AND GROGAN — EXECUTIONERS EXCESSES IN THE NORTH. DnRiNG the short time that the insurrection was raging in the south, terrible examples of hurried justice were daily witnessed in the metro- polis and elsewhere. In the capital, the lamp irons or the scaffolding on the bridges, were turned into a temporary gallows — and corporal punishment resorted to, and even torturous measures used, sometimes from vague suspicion, at others from private enmity alone. That in- fernal invention, the pitched-cap,* was employed in common with the triangles ; and it has been asserted, without contradiction, that many wretched sufferers were, from the cruelties they endured, deprived of reason, and, in some cases, driven to end their agonies by self-destruc- tion. These instances were not a few. " In the centre of the capital, the heart-rending exhibition was pre- sented of a human being, rushing from the infernal depot of torture and death, his person besmeared with a burning preparation of tur- pentine and pitch, plunging, in his distraction, into the Liffey, and terminating at once his sufferings and his life. " A -melancholy transaction occurred in the town of Drogheda. The unhappy victim was a young man of delicate frame ; he had been sentenced to five hundred lashes, and received a portion with firmness, but dreading lest bf^dily suffering might subdue the fortitude of his mind, he requested that the remainder should be suspended, and his information taken. .Being liberated from the triangles, he directed his executioners to a certain garden, where he informed them arms were concealed. In their absence he deliberately cut his throat. They were not discovered, for no arms were there. " About the same period, and in the same populous town, the un- fortunate Bergan was tortured to death. He was an honest, upright citizen, and a man of unimpeachable moral character. He was seized on by those vampires, and in the most public street stripped of his clothes, placed in a horizontal position on a cart, and torn with the cat-o'-nine- * " It is said that the North Cork regiment were the inventors — but they cer- tainly were the introducers of pitch-cap torture into the county of Wexford. Any person having his hair cut short, and therefore called ' a Croppy ' (by which the soldiery designated a United Irishman), on being pointed out by some loyal neighbour, was immediately seized and brought into a guard-house, where caps, either of coarse linen or strong brown paper, besmeared inside with pitch, were always kept ready for service. The unfortunate victim had one of these well heated, compressed on his head, and when judged of a proper degree of coolness, so that it could not be easily pulled off, the sufferer was turned out, amidst the horrid accla- mations of the merciless torturers." — Lives of the United Irishmen. IRISH REBELLION. 283 tails, long after the vital spark was extinct. The alleged pretence for the perpetration of this horrid outrage was, that a small gold ring had been discovered on his finger bearing a national devioe-^the shamrock of his unfortunate country."* The indiscriminating punishment, accompanied with all the obsolete barbarism attendant upon treason, inflicted on the Wexford leaders without exception, has been heavily condemned — and it has been con- tended, that to several individuals mercy should have been extended. It is a difficult question to decide. Much in favour of the suiferers might be adduced — whUe the circumstances of the times, the rank of the criminals, and the character of their ofiiendings, were such as to close the door of mercy, and exact a rigid retribution. I question whether any of the influential gentlemen found unhappily among the Wexford leaders, had joined the standard of rebellion advisedly — and there is no doubt that the cruelties they witnessed, and found them- selves unequal ^=^',.13:^--^,4^- ..^cf^. IRISH REBELLION. 315 was set over him to prevent his speaking. Removal ■would kill him at once. The chief justice instantly ordered a rule for suspending the execution. That humane act was now unnecessary, for death was ahout to re- lease the prisoner: — " On the morning of the 19th of November, he was seized with the spasms of approaching death. It is said that the surgeon who attended whispered that, if he attempted to move or speak, he must expire instantly ; that he overheard him, and, making a slight movement, replied, ' I can yet find words to thank you. Sir ; it is the most welcome news you could give me. What should I wish to live for ?' Falling back with these expressions on his lips, he ex- pired without farther effort." 316 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTEE XXXI. THE INSURGENTS OP '98 CAUSES OF THEIB, VAtLVRE THEIR LEADERS THE CATHOLIC CLERGY ESPIONAGE INFORMERS M'SKIMMIN'S NARRATIVE MAJOR SIRR. , In looking back to the historic transactions of the years which closed the past century and ushered in the present, although the poli- tical consequences which resulted from the Irish insurrection will strike the observer as truly remarkable — in a military view, the in- surgent outbreak of '98 was confined to desultory warfare, of short duration, and marked only by the common-place occurrences attendant on civil contests, and the efibrts of the many against the few, when mere physical force arrays itself against bodies disciplined in the art of war. It is anomalous but true, that with every natural quality to form the soldier, the Irish peasantry are, as a mob, probably, the least formidable in Europe. Hence, with enormous numerical superiority, the insurgent masses made but a sorry figure, when arrayed against their enemies — their eflbrts, without combination or direction, as a consequence producing the ruinous defeats, which discipline and unity in action will ever infiict upon disorderly crowds who attempt to try conclusions in the field — and, with but rare exceptions, the conflicts between the royalists and rebels assumed rather the character of a slaughter than a fight. The man who will be guided in opinion by the records of these troublous times, will repudiate the favourite doctrine of the dema- gogue, who babbles about " physical force," and the power of " the people" — a false term used commonly to designate " the mob.'' In the construction of the Irish, the military materiel is predominant. Brave, active, mercurial — impassive to weather — endurant of fatigue — indifferent to thirst and hunger — sufficiently excitable to attempt any thing — and yet plastic in the hands of their instructors, and passing with cheerfulness through the ordeal required to form the soldier — with all these, comprehending every military qualification, as a sec- tional portion of a mob, the Irishman is contemptible. To mould the soldier you must first unmake the man. Under his teacher's hand the very nature of the peasant undergoes a change — ^and discipline, like steel applied to flint, elicits natural energies that otherwise would have continued dormant for ever. With amazing rapidity the Irish pea- sant evolves from the slough of ignorance which hitherto had veiled the superior qualities that heaven had given him — ^and he, who but a few years before, seemed destined for the lowest purposes of humble drudgery, is seen foremost among the first in breach and battle-field, and pointing to sluggard spirits the road to victory. That a people, whose natural construction was essentially martial IRISH REBELLION. 317 should have failed so signally when thoy rashly appealed to arms, h at first view hard to be accounted for. They had the excitement, in many instances, of real wrongs, and in more, fought under the impulse of religious bigotry — both powerful stimulants to action — and yet in examining their successes — few and far between — to treachery or mis- conduct in most instances they may be traced. The troops slaughtered at Prosperous, Oulart, and Tubberneering, were lost partly by treason, and through the total incompetency of theircommanders. At Artlowand Ross, if numbers could be made available to secure victory, the rebels should have annihilated the small garrisons who so gallantly and bloodily repulsed them. But the truth is, in a crowd of unpractised com- batants there is weakness and not strength. " Numerically, the rebels were sufficient, and more than sufficient, to efiect all their objects ; but they had no idea of discipline, and little of subordination." Their intrepidity was great, and their perseverance in the midst of fire and slaughter astonishing. Yet on every occasion it was obviously the cause, and not the leaders, that spurred them into action. In one pro- tracted struggle, which lasted ten hours — the assault upon the town of Ross — the rebels, in the false confidence derived from physical supe- riority, and under the maddening influence of drunkenness and religious enthusiasm, fought with an unsurpassed ferocity. Why should not thirty thousand men, assailing an open town, and a garrison not a twentieth of their own number, bear down all opposition, and overr whelm their enemies by the mere weight of thousands ? First — ^be- cause in themselves they had neither a digested plan, nor unity of pur- pose to execute it ; and second — that their chiefs were utterly incapable of turning physical force to proper advantage. Even perponal example was withheld — and while in the burning streets the royalist com- mander rallied the unsteady, and headed the more gallant, Harvey and his aide-de-camp were listless spectators of the battle from a hill beyond the range of cannon. Deficient as the Commander-in-Chief was, the subordinate officers were equally contemptible — and an army of thirty thousand intrepid and persevering insurgents could not actually find a single leader who had sufficient tact or influence to secure for them a certain, and what should have been, an easy victory. One fact con- nected with the battle of New Ross is worthy of remark. The casual- ties bore an accurate ratio in proportion to the numbers severally en- gaged. The royalist had two hundred and twenty-seven returned hors de combat — while the rebel loss, even at the lowest estimate, ranged from fifteen hundred to twenty-five hundred, while Barrington makes it five thousand. In mentioning the rebel battles of Arklow and New Ross, we name probably, those in which their chances of victory ran closest. On Tara they were scattered like a flock of sheep — and the defence of their en- trenched camp on Vinegar-hill was contemptible. Had the insurgents possessed men of personal consideration and mi- litary experience to have directed the storm, its suppression would have been, no doubt, more delayed, and more difficult. Their leaders, lay and clerical, were equally incompetent — and, with rare excep- 318 HISTOBY OP THE tions, confined to men of dissipated habits and ruined fortunes, who, like Catiline's confederates, brought little to the cause beyond the recklessness of desperation. No matter how wild and hopeless a popular movement may appear to reflecting minds, insane enthusiasts and broken men will be found ready to embark life or property in the venture — and it is strange that in a country circumstanced as Ireland was then, many men of consideration and some talent were not ex- tensively connected in the outbreak. Of the few Roman Catholic clergymen who proceeded to overt acts of rebellion, there was not an individual who bore an untainted cha- racter in the list — and, on the shewing of one of their own prelates,* whose local knowledge enabled him to speak correctly to the fact, those who obtained an infamous celebrity in the field, had previously lost caste for drunkenness or immorality. I am by no means inclined to believe that the Catholic priests were at that time anxious for a revolution. The example of France was too recent and too startling to be overlooked — the altar had been overturned with the throne— and in the anarchy of a republic, would the security of the Eomish church be guaranteed in one country, when in another, and uiider similar circum- stances, it had been annihilated root and branch ? Dr. Stockj in ex- pressing his conviction that the Irish priesthood, although obliged, per- haps, to let pass without opposition, could never have originated a republican movement, argues that self-interest would prevent it. " What powerful motivesj" says the bishop, " could prevail on this order of men to lend their hearts and hands to a revolution, which so manifestly threatened to overwhelm their own credit and consequence, supposing even that they were indifferent to the fate of that religion of which they professed themselves to be the consecrated ministers ? I will tell the reader what I conceive to be the true key to this mys- tery, if I may have his pardon for the digression. " The almost total dependence of the fclergy of Ireland upon their people for the means of subsistence is the cause, according to my best judgment, why upon every popular commotion many priests of that communion have been, and until measures of better policy are adopted, always will be, found in the ranks of sedition and opposition to the established government. The peasant will love a revolution because he feels the weight of poDisrty, and has riot often the sense to perceive that a change of masters may render it heavier. The priest must follow the impulse of the popular wave, or be left behind on the beach to perish. There was a time, indeed, when superstition was of force to uphold the credit and revenues of the Church of Borne, even where convulsions shook to pieces the fabric of civil government. But the reign of superstition is either past or passing : at least if it holds the mind of the believer, it is not by many degrees so eSectual as formerly to open his purse. Holy oil, and indulgences, and absolutions, have fallen much in their price ; confessioiis are, comparatively speaking, unproductive ; and even the golden mine of Purgatory seems to be * Dr. Caulfield. IRISH REBELLION. j31fl running to a thread. Voluntary contribution, the main resource of the priest, must depend on his popularity. ' Live with me, and livo as I do. Oppress me not with superior learning or refinement. Take thankfully what I choose to give you, and earn it by compliance with my political creed and conduct.' Such, when justly translated, is the language of the Irish cottager to his priest. It is language which will be listened to in proportion to the exigency of the case. A sturdy moralist will do his duty in despite of penury. Admirable, and not to be looked for among the common herd of mankind, is the virtue which can withstand the menace of absolute want of bread." To other causes^ besides want of organization and deficiency in leadership, the speedy suppression of the insurrection may be referred. Never was there a state conspiracy in which so many treacherous as- sociates were engaged, nor where the unbounded infiuence of gold in unloosing every tie of honour was so strikingly exemplified. It was not to the humbler instruments of rebellion that treason was confined. From such, danger could be evaded — ^but against the machinations of men like Reynolds and Armstrong, could there be security, when every thing united to place them beyond the range of being suspected ? The circumstances attendant on the arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald prove in what profound mystery the secret springs from which govern- ment obtained its information was then enshrouded. To Neilson, the betrayal of the insurgent chief waa generally attributed at the time, while future revelations go to shew that he himself was betrayed by a guiltier associate — and that, unconsciously, he became the means through whom the actual traitor reached his destined victim.* That venal wretches will be found in every community, not only open to, but actually courting corruption, has ever been a fatal truth. In those dreadful days there was no scarcity of low-born traitors, men ready to traffic in blood, and with the cold determination of practised villany, coil, serpent-like, round the victim on whom they had set their eye, and provoke disclosures to drag him to the scafibld. But moral turpitude was found in a better order — ^and many who would not exactly exhibit in the witness-box, nevertheless abused " the king's * " As it is evident that Hughes was in the full confidence of Neilson the 28th of April, there is no reason to believe that he ceased to be so previously to the 19th of May ; and yet, during this period and long before it, there is very Uttle doubt that Hughes was an informer. " Neilson's frank, open, unsuspecting nature, was well known to the agents of government, and even to Lord Castlereagh, who was personally acquainted with Neilson, and on one occasion had visited him in prison. "Hughes, it is probable, was set upon Neilson with a view to ascertain his haunts, and to enter into communication with his friends, for the special purpose of implicating Grattan, and of discovering Lord Edward. That his perfidy never was suspected by Neilson, during their intimacy, there are many proofs ; and still more, that Neilson's fidelity to the cause he had embarked in, and the friends he was associated with, was never called in question by his companions and fellow-pri- soners, Emmett, M'Nevin, and O'Connor. This man (Hughes), previously to the rebellion, was in comfortable circumstances, and bore a good character, in Belfast. He kept a large bookseller and stationer's shop in that town." — Lives of the United Irishmen. 320 HISTORY OF THE press damnably," and brought obloquy on those who lent heart and fortune honestly to the royalist cause.* There is a very delicate question in political ethics to touch upon — the extent to which a government may find it premissible to venture^ and, still keeping the liberty of the subject in view, employ secret espionage, and, by any and every means, penetrate the designs of men believed to be dangerous to the common weal. It is absurd to sup- pose that any executive will decline the reception of information, no matter how corrupt the channel may be from which it is obtained — and to attach blaime, on general principles, to the Irish government in '98 is consequently, ridiculous. But a detective system of police is very different from & false exercise of power in securing conviction for an offence revealed. To denounce is one thing — to convict, another. To procure the secret revelations of a scoundrel may not only be ex- cusable, but even creditable to the vigilance of a government—but his future agency in judicial investigation should, if possible, be dispensed with — and, when innocence and guilt are to be established, honester means should be employed. The blasting spot upon the character of the Irish executive in '98 appears to be the unworthy means by which their objects were attained. An infamous bureau was established in the Castle under the immediate direction of the celebrated Major Sirr — and every individual of these blood-hounds, as described by Curran, was a man " who measured his value by the coffins of his victims — and in the field of evidence, ap- preciated his fame, as the Indian warrior does in fight, by the number of scalps with which he can swell his victory." Even when the rebellion was virtually suppressed — and the better- • informed of the conspirators, perceiving that the game was desperate, had thrown themselves upon the clemency of the government, still these infamous agents were employed. In speaking of negotiations between the executive and state prisoners, already given to the reader. Doctor Madden says, " During these transactions, a special commission, * An uncle of the author held a command in the north of Ireland, and received an official order to search the house of a wealthy trader, who had been denounced as disaffected. A particular bureau was pointed out as the depository of some trea- sonable correspondence — and on making the domiciliary visit, the keys were de- manded and obtained. Every drawer witliin underwent a rigid investigation, but the papers they contained were found to refer to nothing but mercantile trans- actions. A yeomanry officer, upon seeing a military guard before the house, had intruded himself and assisted in the examination. Drawer after drawer was searched, and nothing to criminate the suspected owner was discovered. The two lower and larger were opened last — and they were filled with gold. My uncle closed the bureau and locked it carefiilly. " What the devil are you doing ? " inquired his companion. " Securing the property of a man whom I sincerely beUeve to be innocent." " And will you leave the money ? Why, Dutton has sworn that is trea- surer to a barony." " What Dutton swears is one thing— what my duty tells me to do, another." " I tell you that money was collected for rebellious purposes — ^and " " If contributed by the devil, shall remain whei'e it is for me. Captain S , I am a loyalist, but not a robber!" IRISH REBELLION. 321 under an Act of Parliament, and passed for the occasion, was sitting in the capital, and the trials having commenced, it was declared from the bench that to be proved an United Irishman was sufficient to subject the party to the penalty of death, and that any member of a baronial or other committee was accountable for every act done by the body to which he respectively belonged in its collective capacity, whether it was done without his cognizance, in his absence, or even at the extre- mity of the land. As it was openly avowed that convictions would be sought for only through the medium of informers, the government used every influence to dignify the character of this wretched class of beings in the eyes of those who were selected to decide on the lives of the ac- cused ; and they so effectually succeeded as to secure implicit respect to whatever any of them chose to swear, from juries so appointed, so prepossessed. It was made a point by the first connections of govern- ment to flatter those wretches, and some peers of the realm were known to have hailed the arch apostate Reynolds with the title of ' Saviour of his country.' "* That both parties availed themselves of every opportunity of ac- quiring information, is admitted — and the end was, probably, supposed a sufficient apology for the means. According to the apologist for the United Irishmen, neither party in seeking after secret information appear to have derived much advantage over the other — for when the general allowed his flank to be turned by the lady, the aide-de-camp, in his turn, neutralized the advantage. " It was no uncommon thing, in 1796, to meet General Lake at the parties of the prime mover of the United system, Mr. William Sin- clair, and at a later period, Colonel Barber and Lieutenant-General Nugent. There was a policy, it is said, in maintaining this kind of intercourse, as not a single movement of the troops, or an iota of in- formation, that was communicated by government to General Lake, but a sister of the Sinclairs, a young woman of considerable personal attrac- tions and intelligence, was not able to obtain from the general, an officer more remarkable for his vanity and incapacity, than for any qualities or acquirements of another kind. " But while the weakness of this vain man was occasionally turned to the account of the United Irishmen, perhaps a similar advantage was taken of the imprudence of other members of the family of his host by some officer of the staff of General Lake, and thus, so far from any advantage being gained from this kind of intercourse, it is not impro- bable that the other party were injured by it. " The same kind of intercourse was kept up between several other leading mercantile members of the United Irish Society and the officers and functionaries already referred to. At one of these parties a Miss S called a gentleman aside in the ball-room, and told him to notice the general and his staff wearing their swords, and the reason of their so doing she informed him had been just communicated to her — namely, that the general had received orders to act on the govern- * Madden. Y 322 HISTORY OP THE ment instructions to disarm the people of Ulster, and they were proceed- ing that night to make the first general search for arms in the houses of the suspected people of a neighbouring district in the county of Down." That the rigid principles of British law were grossly departed from, cannot be disputed — and that during that fearful period, means and measures, infamous alike, were resorted to, must be admitted. No matter how villanous the character of the wretch, his testimony during these unhappy times was received in courts of justice. The general agent of condemnation was the informer — and of that class so universally employed, in the year preceding the explosion of the rebellion, Curran " gives the following revolting picture. * "Mr. Curran with vulgar habits, and contemptible exterior, rose at once to give new lustre and spirit to an already highly-enlightened and spirited profession. He had passed through the University of Dublin unsignalized by any very peculiar honours ; and was admitted to the Irish Bar, scarcely known, and totally unpa- tronised. With the higher orders he had no intercourse, and had contracted manners, and adopted a kind of society, tending rather to disquahfy him for advancement. But whatever disadvantages he suffered from humble birth, were soon lost sight of amidst the brilliancy of his talent ; and a comparison of what he had been, with what he rose to, rendered the attainments of his genius the more justly celebrated. Never did eloquence appear in so many luminous forms, or so many affecting modu- lations, as in that gifted personage. Every quality which could form a popular orator was combined in him ; and it seemed as if nature had stolen some splendid attribute from all former declaimers to deck out and embellish her adopted favourite. On ordinary occasions bis language was copious, frequently eloquent, yet generally unequal ; but on great ones, the variety of his elocution, its luxuriance, its effect, were quite unrivaUed ; solemn, ludicrous, dramatic, argumentative, humorous, sub- lime ; in irony, invincible — ^in pathos, overwhelming ; in the alternations of bitter in- vective and of splendid eulogy, totally unparalleled : wit relieved the monotony of narrative, and classic imagery elevated the rank of forensic declamation. The wise, the weak, the vulgar, the elevated, the ignorant, the learned, heard and were affected: for he had language for them all. He commanded, alternately, the tear or the laugh ; and at all times acquired a despotic ascendancy over the most varied auditory. " These were the endowments of the early Curran j and these were the qualities which, united to an extraordinary professional versatility, enabled him to shoot like a meteor beyond the sphere of all his contemporaries. " In private and convivial society, many of his public qualities accompanied him in their fullest vigour. His wit was infinite and indefatigable. A. dramatic eye an- ticipated the flights of an unbounded fancy ; but the flashes of his wit never wounded the feelings of his society, except, perhaps, those minds of contracted jealousy, which shrink up from the reluctant consciousness of inferiority. He was, however, at times, very unequal. As in a great metropolis (to use one of his own illustra- tions), ' the palace and the hovel — splendour and squalidnesB — magnificence and misery, are seen grouped and contrasting within the same precincts,' — there were occasions when his wit sunk into ribaldry, his sublimity degenerated to grossness, and his eloquence to vulgarity ; yet his strength was evident even in his weakness. Hercules, spinning as a concubine, still was Hercules ; and, probably, had Curran been devoid of these singular contrarieties, he might have glided into a brilliant sameness ; and, like his great contemporary, Burgh, though a more admired man, he would probably have been a less celebrated personage. " The innumerable difliculties he had to encounter in early life were not easy to conquer ; but once conquered, they added an impetus to his progress. His ordinary, mean, and trifling person ; his culpable negligence of dress, and all those disadvan- tageous attributes of early indigence, were imperceptible or forgotten amidst his talents, which seldom failed to gain a decided victory over the prejudices even of those who were predetermined to condemn him. " His political life was unvaried — from the moment he became a member of the IRISH REBELLION. 323 " I speak not now of the public proclamations for informers, with a promise of secrecy and extravagant reward ! I speak not of those un- fortunate wretches, who have been so often transferred from the table to the dock, and from the dock to the pillory ! — I speak of what your own eyes have seen day after day during the course of this commission, while you attended this court : — the number of horrid miscreants, who acknowledged upon their oaths that they had come from the seat of government — from the very chambers of the castle, where they had been worked upon by the fear of death, and the hopes of compensation, to give evidence against their fellows. That the mild, the wholesome and merciful councils of this government, are holden over those cata- combs, of living death, where the wretch that is buried a man, lies till his heart has time to fester and dissolve, and then is dug up an informer. " Is this a picture created by a hag-ridden fancy, or is it a fact ? Have you not seen him, after his resurrection from that tomb, make his appearance upon your table, the living image of life and death, and the supreme arbiter of both ? — Have you not marked, when he entered, how the stormy wave of the multitude retired at his approach ? — Have you not seen how the human heart bowed to the awful supremacy of his power, in the undissembled homage of deferential horror ? — How his glance, like the lightning of heaven, seemed to rive the body of the accused, and mark it for the grave, while his voice warned the de- voted wretch of woe and death ; — a death which no innocence can es- cape, no art elude, no force resist, no antidote prevent. There was an antidote, — a juror's oath ! But even that adamantine chain, which bound the integrity of man to the throne of Eternal Justice, is solved and molten by the breath which issues from the mouth of the informer ; conscience swings from her moorings — the appalled and affrighted juror speaks what his soul abhors, and consults his own safety in the sur- render of the victim : Et quae sibi qnisque timebat, Unius in miseri exitium conversa tulere. Informers are worshipped in the temple of Justice, even as the devil has been worshipped by Pagans and savages ; even so, in this wicked country, is the informer an object of judicial idolatry ; even so is he soothed by the music of human groans — even so is he placated and in- censed by the fumes and by the blood of human sacrifices." * Irish Parliament his temperature never changed. He pursued the same course, founded on the same principles. He had closely connected himself in party and in friendship with Mr. George Ponsonby ; but he more than equalled that gentleman in the sincerity of his politics. From the commencement to the conclusion of his pub- lic life, he was the invariable advocate of the Irish people, and he never for a moment deserted their interest, or abandoned their defence. He started from obscurity with the love of Ireland in his heart ; and while that heart beat, it was his ruling passion " As a mere lawyer, he was in no estimation j but, as an able advocate he had no rival ; and, in his skill and powers of interrogation, he vastly excelled all his rivals. He never failed to uphold the rights and independence of the Irish Bar, on every occasion where its privileges were trenched upon ; and the bench trembled before him when it merited his animadversions." — Personal Sketch of Curran. * Ridgway's Report. Y 2 324 HISTORY OF THE Although fostered and protected by the goyemment, with the ex- ception of Reynolds and a few of minor note,* none of these degraded men enjoyed the reward of their villany. Numbers were secretly re- moved for years preceding the insurrection. In the south of Ireland, even a slight suspicion consigned the informer to assafisination — and in the north, where, by comparison, murder was unfrequent, if M'Skim- min may be credited, in a yery limited district the sacrifice of these bad men was extensive. These murders,t we need scarcely observe, were anterior to the rebellion — and thus M'Skimmin states them : — " 1796. January 5th. — The body of a stranger, said to have been an informer, of the surname of Phillips, was found in a dam near the paper-mills, Belfast. " August 3rd. — Same year, a soldier in the Limerick militia, then quartered in Belfast, was found drowned at the Strand mills near that town ; he was reported to have been an informer ; and it was said he had been cast into the river by his comrades on the previous night. About the same time the body of a soldier, believed to have been mur- dered, was cast on shore near Holywood. " 19th of August, a man named John Lee was fired at, and se- verely wounded in the shoulder at Drumbridge ; for which act some persons were sworn against by Lee, but were acquitted. " On the night of the 8th of October, the Rev. Philip Johnston, a magistrate, was fired at and severely wounded while mounting his horse between two dragoons in Castle-street, Lisbume. About seven o'clock of the evening of the 19th of same month, a man named Wil- liam M 'Bride, who had lately arrived from Glasgow, was shot dead near the head of North-street, Belfast ; he was also reported to have been an informer, though it is certain he was not a United Irishman. A few evenings after, his murderer also shot a man near the county of Down end of the Long-bridge, who was immediately tossed into the river. " October 29th. — The Rev. John Cleland was fired at while pass- ing along the streets of Newtownards; and on the 31st of the same month, a man named Stephenson, servant to a Mr. Gurdy, near New- * " In the ordinary system of espionage, which formed a leading feature in the administration of the day, no means were too vile — no intrigues too low — no treachery or deception too base for some of the highest official characters to stoop to. Nor was it considered, at that period, incompatible with the public duties of those ofScers of state to intrigue with the lowest and most abandoned of society ; and by the allurement of reward, or the threat of punishment, win to political perdition the unfortunate wretch who wanted the courage or the honesty to resist." — Gordon's History. t " Though the pistol or dagger was the common mode of disposing of those chai'ged with being informers, others were also resorted to. We have heard of one who was thrown into a burning lime-kiln ; and near Belfast a house is pointed out where the victims were decoyed into to be murdered. On entering its hall a trap- door opened, and the victim fell into a cellar, where he was despatched by a man who stood ready with a hatchet to receive him. About twenty-five years ago, in making a ditch near this house, a human skeleton was found, that had evidently been interred in the common clothes, some portion of them lying with the bones." — Madden. IKISH REBELLION. 325 townards, was murdered at his master's door : before he died he de- posed that one John Lavery, of Derryanghy, was one of his murderers. About the same time a butcher, named John- Kingsbury, Belfast, was murdered near the Drumbridge : he was a professed Orangeman : some words uttered by him against United Irishmen are said to have led to his murder. " 1797. Mr. Gumming, one of the Newtownards cavalry, was mur- dered in his own house, and his arms carried off. In April, an in- former named M'Clure was killed, near Ballynare ; and May 6th, a man was shot, charged with being an informer, near Dunnedery ; he was not an informer. A man named M'Dowell, near Dromore, was shot at his own house, charged with a like offence ; and an informer named Morgan was shot in the vicinity of Downpatrick, by persons who came on horseback from Ballynahinch. About December, Neil M'Kimmon, a private in the Argyle fencibles, was murdered between Lisburne and Blaris camp. " The house of one M'Clusky, county of Derry, was burnt and him- self murdered, and in December, a man was murdered near Magil- ligan, because he had said he had seen men exercising at night ; and about the same time they destroyed the property, and cut the ears off one Lenagan, in the same county. Richard Harper, an informer be- longing to Saintfield, was killed on his way to Belfast. The place where he was murdered is since called Harper' s-bridge." A personage whose name is intimately associated with the passing events of this exciting era in Irish history has been frequently men- tioned — and a brief notice may here be necessary. We allude to Major Sirr. At the period of the insurrection he held a dangerous pre-eminence — and in after-life, any thing but a creditable notoriety. He had been (I believe) a wine-merchant, and afterwards was ap- pointed to the corporate situation of town-major, from which he obtained his sobriquet. The times and the executive required un- scrupulous agents — and Sirr was happily selected. Although in latter days a saint, " the major," in his earlier, had rather an expansive con- science. Over " the battalion of testimony," as a horrible collection of ruffians who " murdered with the book" were termed, Sirr exercised a despotic command. Blood-money was as much the order of that day as in the time of Jonathan Wild — and few as the revelations were, enough has since transpired to prove that then human flesh was marketable.* The marvel is that Sirr escaped assassination, while numbers of his wretched emissaries were secretly removed. That his life was seriously * In alluding to Russell's arrest, Madden places it among the major's chief ex- ploits, and observes, that " he derived his information of Russell's place of conceal- ment from an attorney, Mr. John Swift Emerson, who accompanied him to the house where Russell was then in concealment. This worthy pair subsequently quarrelled about the money offered for Russell's apprehension, each claimed the re- ward—the sum of ^1,500, one portion of which had been offered by government, the rest by the town of Belfast. The blood-money eventually was divided between them, the larger part of it having been allotted to Major Sirr." 326 HISTORY OF THE endangered at times, must follow of necessity, from his employment — but the major, tempering valour with discretion, always pushed others forward, and continued to escape unscathed himself. Thus Swan and Ryan rendered the capture of Lord Edward Fitzgerald an easy task- all three being wounded and exhausted before Sirr entered the apart- ment — ^and, in a subsequent affair, the major, in the arrest of a des^ perado, allowed a satellite to take the post of honour, and the unfortu- nate scoundrel was shot dead.* Times changed — the reign of terror ended — ^the informer establish- ment at the castle was broken up — some were assassinated, others transported — and a chief functionary, who had hanged many by his agency, was executed himself, for murderf — and, " Othello's occupa- tion gone," the major sank into the humble sphere of a police magis- trate. The last portion of the major's history is as remarkable as the former. The power of the ascendancy party ended — emancipation passed — and Major Sirr became a patron of the fine arts, and a radical reformer. When the removal of the Catholic disabilities rendered Mr. O'Connell admissible to a seat in Parliament, he was supported in his election by the gallant major — and when he (the major) died, one of the most ex- traordinary collections of articles of virtu was submitted to the public that ever fell beneath the hammer of an auctioneer. One posthumous reminiscence of the major is remarkable : — " In the same place of interment, in one of the vaults of Werburgh's church, the remains of Lord Edward Fitzgerald are deposited, imme- diately under the chancel. There are two leaden coflSns here, laid side by side '; the shorter of the two is that which contains the remains of Lord Edward Fitzgerald. The upper part of the leaden coffin, in many places, has become decayed, and encrusted with a white powder — and, in such places, the woollen cloth that lines the inner part of the coffin is visible, and siill remains in a perfect state. " The entrance to the vault where the remains of Lord Edward Fitzgerald are interred, is within a few paces of the grave of Charles Edward Sirr, by whose hand the former perished. The desperate struggle which took place between them, the one survived fifteen days, the other forty-three years. Few who visit the place where they are interred will recall the history of both, without lamenting the errors which proved fatal to the life of Fitzgerald, and deploring the evils of * " John Hanlon, in 1796, swore against three men at Athy assizes, who were condemned on his evidence on a charge of defenderism. Immediately after the trial Hanlon lodged sworn informations against twelve men (including John Rati- gan), with conspiring to murder him. In the indictment he is described as a sol- dier of artUlery. Hanlon held a subordinate office in the Tower ; he was one of the persons on the Major's permanent list. In 1803 he accompanied the Major to a house in the Liberty, where information had been received of one of Robert Emmet's principal accomplices, Henry Howley, being concealed. The Major, with his ordi- nary prudence, put Hanlon forward to arrest a man known to be of a most deter- mined chai;acter, and the result of his discretion was, that Hanlon was shot by Howley," t The celebrated Jemmy O'Brien. IRISH REBELLION. 327 the calamitous times which called the services of such a man as Sirr into action."* In civil war, when the dominant party assumes and maintains itself by an extended power, which in happier times dare not be resorted to, the tyranny of the employe is invariably more intolerable than that of the employer. This insolence of office was often painfully felt in the conduct of Sirr and his myrmidons, who were, without exception, ruffians of the worst description. On the slightest suspicion, and often through a wanton display of arbitrary power, domiciliary visits were inflicted upon families not in the remotest degree implicated in the con- spiracy, and sometimes under circumstances which rendered the intru- sion painfully distressing. A gentleman, some years deceased, who had been an active leader of the disaffected, and consequently obliged to expatriate himself for several years, was, for a long time after his return to Ireland, on very intimate terms with the author, and in convivial hours disclosed many curious particulars connected with these troubled times, in most of which himself had been personally concerned, or the actors had been intimately known to him. In speaking of the outrageous insolence of the detective police then employed by the executive, he related the following anecdote :— ^ Among his most intimate acquaintances was an extensive merchant, who lived on one of the quays, and who, from sedulous attention to business, had acquired a handsome independence. No man was less fitted for a conspirator ; his whole thoughts were engrossed in trade, and his heart centred in a young and beautiful wife, to whom he had been united the preceding year. Although frequently urged to become a member of the Union, he had always steadily declined it ; and when the rebellion broke out, so anxious was he to avoid being even a looker- on at the struggle which was about to take place, that he determined to repair to England until social order should be re-established. One circumstance alone prevented him from carrying his determination into effect. His lady expected daily to become a mother, and he was obliged to postpone the voyage until her accouchement had taken place. It was the evening of the same day on which Lord Edward Fitz- gerald expired in Newgate, that, after a painful trial, his lady died in giving birth to a still-born child. To describe the phrenzied agony of the unhappy husband would be impossible ; in despair, he rushed into the chamber of death, threw himself beside the corpse, and refused consolation. Midnight came — a loud knocking at the door alarmed the mourners, and a peremptory order was heard demanding instant admission. It was obeyed — and Major Sandys, one of Sirr's confede- rates, entered with a dozen followers. He rudely demanded why the household were not a-bed, and although informed of the calamity which had occurred, he swore that he would search the premises. The keys of the warehouses were given to him, and as nothing was concealed, of course the search was fruitless. The major next proceeded to examine * Lives of the United Irishmen. 328 HISTORY OP THE the dTrelling-house, and when the sister of the deceased ladj implored him to respect the chamber where the corpse lay, Sandys swore that that room should be searched particularly. While his cash-box and ware-rooms were at the mercy of these marauders, the poor husband betrayed not the slightest emotion ; but when he overheard that the room which held the breathless remains of her he had idolized, was to be desecrated by the intrusion of the ruflSan band, he sprang from the bed, rushed into an adjacent sitting7room, armed himself with a carv- ing-knife, and returned to the chamber of the dead, determined to sacrifice the first man who should pollute the threshold with his foot. Up came Sandys and his followers — the door of the guarded chamber was rudely opened — but the boldest ruffian of the gang held back. There, before the bed wherein the cold corpse of his lady lay — ^there stood the bereaved husband — the knife glittering in his hand, while the desperate expression of his flashing eyes and convulsed features announced, in terrible silence, that it was death to enter. Not a word was spoken. Sandys desired his followers to withdraw, retired him- self, and the house of mourning was freed from the loathsome presence of human bloodhounds. What was the result ? Two nights after the corpse had been in- terred, the narrator, who was on hiding in an obscure alley, was informed that Mr. was below, and anxious to speak with him. An order was given to shew him up, and his afflicted friend, habited in deep mourning, presented himself. Without waiting to be addressed, he thus proceeded : — " You have often pressed me to join the Union, R , and I determinately refused. I come now to offer myself a devoted revolu- tionist. On the night that my beloved one died, my house was entered by an authorized banditti, and the agony of soul a savage would re- spect, was disregarded by the myrmidons of government. With my wife's cold hand clasped in mine, I swore eternal enmity to an execu- tive whose agents ha^ violated the sacred sorrows of a broken heaort, — and I am here to follow where you wiU, and receive the obligations of a United Irishman." He did so, and from that hour the government had not a deadlier enemy, nor the Union a more active agent. There is no doubt that for one of the disaffected reclaimed by a sense of fear induced by indiscriminating severity, one hundred became mal- content first, and rebels afterwards. Wakefield, generally a, sound reasoner although a decided partisan, thus expresses his opinions on the subject : — " Man, when ' armed with a little brief authority,' if the mind be not properly prepared for the trust, becomes a new being, and is sel- dom improved in his nature by the change. In the intoxication of vanity, he mistakes the dictates of passion for the suggestions of duty ; and considers power unemployed as useless. Such seems to have been the case with too many of these defenders of the Protestant faith ; sup- posing persecution to be a support to the law, and oppression a just criterion of loyalty, they exercised a culpable and unremitting severity IRISH REBELLION, 329 against the unfortunate victims who fell in their way. Exultation over a fallen enemy leads to insult and dastardly aggression. Nume- rous were the unjustifiable acts committed by these men, on persons not members of their society ; but every instance of this kind, instead of proving a benefit to their cause, added new strength to their oppo- nents. If they reduced a cabin to ashes, they might drive from their sight the miserable inhabitants, but they increased in a tenfold degree the enemies of that government which they pretended to defend. They exasperated those who had determined to remain neuter, and provoked many to take up arms who would otherwise never have quitted their houses." 380 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER XXXII. PHOSCBIPTIONa LISTS MILITARY AND REBEL STATISTICS INTRODUCTION OF THE LEGISLATIVE UNION — THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES FAVOURABLE FOR THE ATTEMPT FIRST PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION CHARACTERS OF THE MARQUIS CORNTVALLIS — THE EARL OF CLARE — AND LORD CASTLBBEAGH. The rebellion was virtually at an end, and, save deserters and despe- rados, excluded from the amnesty proclaimed by Lord Cornwallis, every individual of any note, connected with the revolutionary movements that preceded, and the overt acts which followed the outbreak of the 23rd of May, had either been pardoned or expatriated. Of the more timid, numbers, before the explosion took place, evaded the vengeance of the government by voluntary exile — and of the more prominent leaders, the following brief abstract, with the names included in the Fugitive and Banishment Acts,* will generally tell the fate of those not * Under the Furtive Act were included — Adair, Henry Bashford, Thomas Gunning Burke, William Burke, James Bryson, Andrew Campbell, William Cooke, Patrick Cormick, John CuUen, William Delany, Michael Derry, Valentine Dixon, Thomas Duckett, John Duignan, Miles Egan, Cornelius Fitzpatrick, Mich. Holt, Joseph Houston, Thomas Hull, James Jackson, John Jackson, James Kelly, James Kenna, Matthew Keogh, Bryan Lewins, Edw. John Lawless, William Lowry, Alexander M'Can, Anthony M' Cormick, Rich. M'Guire, John M'Mahon, Arthur MUes, Matthew Morris, Harvey Mouritz, Joseph, or Joshua Neale, James Nervin, John O'Brien, John The Banishment Act contained the names of Andoe, Thomas Astley, Alexander Aylmer, William Banks, Henry Bannen, Peter Barrett, John Boyle, Edward Brady, Thomas Bushe, James M. Byrne, Richard Byrne, Patrick Byrne, Patrick Byrne, Garret Carthy, Dennis Castles, John Chambers, John Comyn, Jolm Cormick, Joseph Corcoran, Peter Cuff, Farrell Cumming, George Cuthbert, Joseph Daly, Richard Davis, Joseph Dillon, Richard Devine, Patrick Domey, John Dowling, Matthew Doyle, Michael Dry, Thomas Emmet, Ths. Addis Evans, Hamden Farrell, Andrew Farrell, Denis Fitzgerald, Edward Flood, Michael Geraghty, James Goodman, Robert Goodman, Rowland Greene, John Griffin, Lawrence Haifey, James Hanlon, Patrick Harrison, John Houston, William Ivers, Peter Jackson, Henry Kavanagh, Morgan Keane, Ed. Crook- shank Keenan, John O'Finn, Edward Orr, Joseph Orr, Robert Plunkett, James Reynolds, Michael Swift, Deane Scully, John Short, Miles Short, Owen Teeling, Bart. Townsend, James Turner, Samuel* Kelly, Lawrence Kennedy, John Kennedy, Jn. Gor- man Kinkead, John Kinselagh, John Lacy, John Lube, George Lynch, John Lynch, Patrick M'Cabe, Wm. Put- nam M'Dermott, Bryan Macneven, William James Macan, Patrick Martin, Christ. * Shot afterwards in a duel, in the Isle of Man. IRISH REBELLION. 331 more particularly noticed elsewhere. — The Hon. Simon Butler died in "Wales, his last hours embittered by poverty and family neglect — A. H. Rowan, after his escape from Newgate, lived for many years abroad, but ultimately received a free pardon, returned, and, by a long and useful life, proved the danger that the best heart and the soundest judgment undergoes by indulging in speculative politics. Webb, Jackson (Henry) Wilson, and Simms, became exiles for a time — ^many emigrated to America — some entered the service of the French re- public- — and, with a very few exceptions, all sank into comparative insignificance, proving that never had a great popular movement more truly contemptible spirits to direct it, than that of the eventful one of '98. In the north, the superior intelligence of the population detected the religious character of the war, and at once deserted their southern allies, to whom, had a united eifort succeeded, they felt that they must, of necessity, have been subsequently opposed. The wealthier willingly abandoned a cause in which the theoretic folly of false principle had been practically denuded — that Papal and Presbyterian principles could amalgamate, was found to be a political impossibility — and the outbreak of '98 finally resulted in binding the northern republicans in after-life more firmly to an English connection.* Madden, Patrick Neilson, Robert Reynolds, Thomas Speers, Henry Meagher, Francis O'Connor, Arthur Rose, James Swing, John Milliken, Israel O'Reilly, Richard Russell, Thomas Tierman, James Mowney, Patrick Quigley, Michael Sweetman, John Toland, Daniel Mulhall, Michael Redfem, Robert Smyth, James Ware, Hugh ■Neilson, Samuel Reily, John Sampson, William Young, John * " Haying traced out the leading events of this unfortunate business, it is necessary to call the attention of the reader to the Presbyterians of the north, who may be con- sidered as the chief instigators to rebellion. The Roman Catholics, so far from being the original movers of insurrection, were mere instruments in the hands of these people, who intended to employ them in effecting a complete revolution. The accomplishment of this scheme was, however, attended with difficulty. How was the business to be managed ? How were they to be gained over ? and when gained, how brought into action ! Was it by holding out the hopes of nominal emancipation from the restraining acts which still hung over them ? Such an offer, 1 am con- vinced, would not have produced the least effect. No sooner, however, had a third, although apparently small party, appeared, than they manifested a disposition favourable to the views of those who were desirous to employ them as instruments for the execution of their nefarious designs. It was the imprudent conduct of the Orangemen, their excesses, and bacchanalian exultation in the exercise of power, that enabled the republicans to rouse the feelings of the Roman Catholics, and excite them to rebellion. The Catholics, therefore, raised an immense army, which wanted nothing to render it formidable but officers and ammunition. The leaders of these people were the bigoted, discontented priests, whose object was power, not freedom ; not a desire to improve the condition of their flocks, but the hope of hierarchal dominion. Under such leaders, who can be surprised that the war carried on by the Wexford mob exhibited every mark of the rancorous spirit with which they had been inspired ? The views of the Presbyterians were quite different. The scenes which took place soon convinced them that a government, estabhshed on the principles avowed by the Catholic leaders, would be more tyrannical and insufferable than that against which they had conceived so implacable a hatred : those, therefore, who had laid the train for the intended explosion, began, in their turn, to be alarmed ; and, instead of assisting in the struggle which they had provoked, shrunk back from the contest, and became the secret supporters of government. By this desertion of the 332 HISTORY OF THE While the mountain districts of "Wioklow remained unsettled, the northern counties returned to their allegiance, and the spirit of dis- affection became utterly extinct. The greater criminals were either residents beyond the seas, or at large by the sufferance of the execu- tive — while, with a few exceptions, humbler offenders were allowed to return to their families and homes,* resume their former avocations, renounce republican principles, and, from conviction, become the firm adherents of a government which they had been so anxious to over- throw. The temporary interruption to returning tranquillity occasioned by Humbert's western campaign was speedily removed. The brigandage in the Dublin mountains lost all political character, and dwindled into felonious enterprise against private property. The outlawed commu- nity quarrelled, separated, and perished by the halter and the sword — Hacket, the second in celebrity of the ruffian chiefs, perishing in a night attack on the dwelling of a private gentleman.-f Presbyterians the constitution was saved, and the misled Catholics left to maintain the conflict, or retreat in the best manner they could. The southern Catholics, therefore, had to encounter, not only the army, but the whole population of Ulster. Such was the state of things towards the end of the rebellion. The consequence was, that an enmity arose between these sects, which still remains unabated." — Waie- field'a Account of Ireland. * " The spirit of patriotism and the hope of success was not, I believe, so soon extinguished in the country as in the large towns. In the former it was perhaps partly kept alive by the wanderers whose lives were in jeopardy, and the necessary care and attention of others in their preservation, which was carried to a degree of generous coniidence almost incredible, and in some cases exceeding the bounds of propriety. For instance, Biddy Magee, a modest and amiable young woman, who made such efforts in saving her brother's life in 1803, told me that in 1798 (she was then about twelve or fourteen years of age) a young man in the neighbourhood where she lived, and who seldom ventured to sleep two nights successively in the same house, was frequently allowed to sleep in the bed with her and an older sister, in the room with her father and mother : he had f&ir hair and a fair complexion, like her family. In the event of any alarm, with the disguise of a woman's cap, he was to have been passed off for one of her sisters. Such acts of generous kindness, I believe, were never abused. She also told me that one night she heard the horse patrol pass their door, on the road leading to a house where she knew that some of the wanderers were concealed, about a quarter of a mile off by the fields, but con- siderably further by the road ; that she started out of bed immediately, threw some of her clothes on, darted across the fields, and was just in time to warn the men to make their escape, and returned home in safety. The act was considered as heroic, for the girl was so timid that she dared not venture to the well for water in the dusk of evening." — lAvea of the United Irishmen. f " Capt. Atkins, of Emma-vale, near Arklow, who, at no small trouble and ex- pense, had embodied and disciplined a troop of yeoman cavalry, and had exerted himself greatly in support of government, was, without any known cause, most dis- gracefully deprived of bis command by a general officer, and dismissed from the service of his king and country ! This gentleman strained every nerve to procure a court-martial ; and, after a length of time, succeeded, by the powerful interest of a nobleman, in spite of the most artful evasions. On his trial, Capt. Atkins (to whom, for the killing the ravager Hacket, the public was more indebted than to some general ofScers) was most honourably acquitted, as no charge could be produced against him. " Such usage might seem calculated to convert Irish loyalists into rebels ; but not even the extremity of maltreatment could produce this effect on Frotestants, who were convinced that their existence must terminate with that of the government, and who might rather choose, if dire necessity should so require, to die by the hands of IRISH REBELLION. 333 We have more than once observed, that to the incapacity of direction the failure of the insurgent efforts might be traced. The prodigious extent of the conspiracy, and the discordant elements of its composition, requiring master-spirits to give effective action to a power more than adequate to achieve the end designed, were wasted in tumultuary risings,— and nearly 300,000 armed and united men never, beyond a few accidental successes, made any serious stand against some 40,000 regulars and militia, with the yeomanry and loyalists of the kingdom. By a document delivered to Reynolds by Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and by him placed subsequently in the hands of Mr. Cooke, on the 26th of February, 1798, partial returns of men, considered armed and effective, amounted, within 20,000, to the number we have stated as the strength of the disaffected at the outbreak : — Men. Ulster .... 110,990 Munster Kildare Wicklow Dublin Dublin City 100,634 10,863 12,895 3,010 2,177 Queen's County . 11,689 King's County . 3,600 Carlow .... 9,414 Kilkenny . . . 624 Meath .... 1,400 Finance i. £436 2 4 147 17 2 110 17 7 93 6 4 37 2 6 321 17 11 91 2 1 21 11 3 49 2 10 10 2 3 171 2 1 Total . . 279,896 £l,4S5 4 9 According to the report of the Secret Committee of the House of Commons in the autumn of 1798, 90,500 men were under arms to suppress the insurrection* — of this force, a tenth only were regular regiments — a half, Irish yeomanry and royalists — the latter, supernumeraries, fighting in plain clothes, and, in many cases, providing their own arms and ammunition — and the remainder, fencibles and militia. Consequently, of the force which suppressed the insurrection, two-thirds (militia and yeomanry) were supplied from the very country that was in arms ; and had the conflict assumed a doubtful character, the royal soldiery, which was the case with too many, than by those of their unfor- tunately bigoted countrymen." — Gordon's History. * According to Newenham, " the complete suppression of this short rebellion ap- pears to have ultimately induced the necessity of employing more than 190,000 soldiers of different descriptions, including upwards of 16,621, belonging to the do- mestic disposable force of England. The expenses of the military establishment, which, though no more than j^l,891,967 in the year ending in 1797, after four years of war, were raised by it to if 4,965, 122, in the year ending 25th March, 1800. The nett fimded debt of Ireland, which in the former year amounted only to if 6,025,426, was augmented to i£25,662,640. The destruction of private property which accom- panied it was very considerable ; the claims of the suffering loyalists having amounted to i£823,517. It checked the growth of manufactures in Ireland, prudent or timid men being discouraged from engaging in those pursuits, which required the employ- ment of considerable capital." — Viein of Ireland. 334 HISTORY or THE the northern Presbyterians would have armed, not in favour of the government, but in opposition to their Papal confederates in the south, and have carried on a more truculent warfare with their quondam allies* even than the Orangemen, whose religious rancour had hitherto been held immitigable against every professor of Catholicity. In detailing the movements of the Viceroy when he left the metro- polis to suppress the western insurrection, we viewed the operations of Lord Cornwallis only with a military eye, and certainly found it im- possible to reconcile his Fabian system with a serious exigency which required the promptest measures. With the powerful means he pos- sessed, the slow marches and cautious movements of the royalist com- mander are incomprehensible. Nor is the policy of an armistice, pro- claimed after Humbert's surrender and the dispersion of the insurgents, more apparent, when it is considered that for the month allowed to the disaffected to return to their homes and their allegiance, the country remained unsettled, and public confidence unrestored. To other causes than an excess of military prudence the Viceroy's conduct has been attributed. A mighty coup d'etat designed by the English minister was about to be attempted. To keep up a feverish excitement in the public mind was supposed indispensable to ensure success — and in the danger of the times, it was expected that all slighter considerations would be forgotten, and that for national security, Ireland, from her internal distraction, would court a more intimate connection with a country to which she was naturally allied", and by a sacrifice of empty pride, consent to reap the more solid advantages of a union with Great Britain, and become an integral portion of a mighty empire. Undoubtedly, no time could be more favourable for the attempt, than the one selected by the English minister, and Ireland was now in a state fitted to receive propositions for a union. " The loyalists were still struggling through the embers of a rebellion, scarcely extinguished by the torrents of blood which had been poured upon them ; the insur- gents were artfully distracted between the hopes of mercy and the fear of punishment ; the Viceroy had seduced the Catholics by delusive hopes of emancipation, whilst the Protestants were equally assured of their ajscendancy, and every encouragement was held out to the secta- rians. Lord Cornwallis and Lord Castlereagh seemed to have been created for such a crisis and for each other : an unremitting perse- verance, an absence of all political compunctions, an unqualified con- tempt of public opinion, and a disregard of every constitutional princi- * " Intestine contests are at all times marked by a malignity unknown to tlie war- fare of nation against nation, however they may differ in their manners, their habits, or their religion ; but if religious differences incite the quarrel, a civil war assumes a more ferocious complexion, and can only be equalled by the savage contests of bar- barian hordes. The unfortunate event to which I allude, and which may be called a Protestant war, exhibited too much of this kind of brutality ; each party seemed anxious to retaUate, and to surpass each other in deeds of horror ; but thanks to the military of England, the destructive elements were restrained in consequence of their exertions, in which the severity of justice was tempered by humanity, comparative tranquillity was restored, and the dreadful attempt to exterminate the CathoUos yis- yeatei."— Wakefield's Account of Ireland. IRISH REBELLION. 335 pie, were common to both. They held that ' the object justifies the means ; ' and, unfortunately, their private characters were calculated to screen their public conduct from popular suspicion."* It is a matter of historic notoriety, that the Irish legislature, collec- tively, were the most venal and corrupt body to whom the fortunes of a kingdom were at any time intrusted. Barrington, an unscrupulous partisan, and a man who deals with the characters of those politically opposed to him with a coarseness only equalled by the latitude of his statements, thus bears testimony to the morale of a body, whose ex- tinction he afterwards so bitterly laments. " Mr. Pitt now conceived that the moment had arrived to try the effect of his previous measures to promote a legislative union, and annihilate the Irish legislature. He conceived that he had already prepared in- ducements to suit every temper amongst the Irish Commons : in that he was partially mistaken. He believed that he had prepared the Irish Peers to accede to all his projects : in that he was successful. " The able, arrogant, ruthless bearing of Lord Clare upon the wool- sack had rendered him almost despotic in that imbecile assembly; forgetting their high rank, their country, and themselves, they yielded unresisting to the spell of his dictation, and, as the fascinated bird, only watched his eye and dropt one by one into the power of the serpent. "The lure of translation neutralized the scruples of the Episcopacy. The bishops yielded up their conscience to their interests, and but two of the spiritual peers could be found to uphold the independence of their country, which had been so nobly attained, and so corruptly ex- tinguished. Marly, bishop of Waterford, and Dixon, bishop of Down, immortalized their name and their characters — they dared to oppose the dictator, and supported the rights of Ireland till she ceased to breathe longer under the title of a nation. " This measure, of more vital importance than any that has ever yet been enacted by the British legislature, was first proposed indirectly by a speech from the throne, on the 22nd of January, 1799." Such is the picture given by the author of the " Secret Memoirs of the Union" of the higher estate of the Irish Legislature — and we shall presently see how little claim the lower house had over that of Peers, on score of purity. + The speech from the throne at once disclosed the intended movements of the English minister and the Irish executive ; and it appeared to be the signal for the most virulent and doubtful struggle on Par- liamentary record. Pamphlets teemed daily from the adherents of the ministry, and the opponents of the union ; and the press supported or denounced the purposed measure in language more remarkable for strength than solid argument. In the political convulsions of these times, the Irish Bar generally produced, as it has done in later days, the most violent and the ablest partisans ; but never did forensic feeling run so high as when the Act of Union was proposed. No body were more inflexible in opposition or * Secret History of the Union. t ^'^- 336 HISTORY OF THE support — and it was said that Lord Clare dreaded the incorruptibility of the Bar far more than he feared aught from the integrity of the Commons — and yet there never was a Chancellor better qualified, by temper and talent, to render that body over whom he presided subser- vient to his wishes. In the House of Peers he was overbearing — ^in the courts despotic — and with a determination to achieve an object, he possessed unprecedented powers. " He commenced his office with a splendour far exceeding all prece- dent. He expended four thousand guineas for a state carriage; his establishment was splendid, and his entertainments magnificent. His family connections absorbed the patronage of the State, and he became the most absolute subject that modern times has seen in the British Islands. His only check was the Bar, which he resolved to corrupt. He doubled the number of the bankrupt commissioners ; he revived some offices— created others — and, under pretence of furnishing each county with a local judge, in two months he established thirty-two new offices, of about six or seven hundred pounds per annum each. His arrogance in court intimidated many whom his patronage could not corrupt ; and he had no doubt of overpowering the whole profession. And yet with power to corrupt, and a determination to achieve his objeci> — ^never probably surpassed in any individual — the Irish Bar foiled every effort of Lord Clare ; and while the Peers and Commons proved themselves malleable metal, the Law Courts offered the most determined opposition to their chief." Of the tone and temper of the Irish Bar at that period, one short and pungent speech, delivered at a meeting held on the 9th of December, 1799, to take the question of the proposed union into consideration, will be tolerably explanatory. Mr. Saurin opened the debate, de- nouncing the intended union, and was followed by Mr. Spencer. — Messrs. Daly, Grady, and Beresford advocated the purposed measure, and to these Mr. Goold replied. " There are," he said, " forty thousand British troops in Ireland ; and with forty thousand bayonets at my breast, the minister shall not plant another Sicily in the bosom of the Atlantic. I want not the assistance of divine inspiration to foretel, for I am enabled by the visible and unerring demonstrations of nature to assert, that Ireland was destined to be a free and independent na- tion. Our patent to be a state, not a shire, comes direct from heaven. The Almighty has, in majestic characters, signed the great charter of our independence. The great Creator of the world has given our beloved country the gigantic outlines of a kingdom. The God of nature never intended that Ireland should be a province — and hy G — she never shall." The assembly burst into a tumult of applause ; a repetition of the words came from many mouths, and many an able lawyer swore hard upon the subject ; and the division was determinately hostile to the in- tended measure, being — Against the union 166 In favour of it 32 The unbounded patronage placed at the disposal of Lord Clare, may IRISH REBELLION. 337 be estimated by the places bestowed upon the members of the Bar, who adherred to him on this memorable occasion : 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. Mr. Charles Osborn, a judge of the King's Bench Mr. Saint John Daly, a judge of the King's Bench Mr. William Smith, Baron of the Exchequer . . Mr. M'Cleland, Baron of the Exchequer . . . Mr. Eobert Johnson, Judge of the Common Pleas Mr. "William Johnson, Judge of the Common Pleas Mr. Torrens, Judge of the Common Pleas . Mr. Vandeleur, Judge of the King's Bench Mr. Thomas Maunsel, a county judge Mr. William Turner, a county judge Mr. John Scholes, a county judge Mr. Thomas Vickers, a county judge Mr. J. Homan, a county judge Mr. Thomas Grady, a county judge Mr. John Dwyer, a county judge Mr. George Leslie, a county judge Mr. Thomas Scott, a county judge Mr. Henry Brook, a county judge Mr. James Geraghty, a county judge Mr. Richard Sharkey, a county judge Mr. William Stokes, a county judge Mr. William Roper, a county judge . Mr. C. Garnet, a county judge Mr. Jemison, a commissioner for the distribution of union compensation Mr. Fitzgibbon Henchy, commissioner of bankrupts Mr. J. Keller, office in the Court of Chancery Mr. P. W. Fortescue, M.P. secret pension Mr. W. Longfield, office in the Custom House . Mr. Arthur Brown, commission of inspector . Mr. Edmund Stanley, commission of inspector Mr. Charles Ormsby, counsel to commissioners Mr. William Knott, M.P. commission of appeals Mr. Henry Deane Grady, counsel to commissioners Mr. John Beresford, a title to his father .... Per Annum. £3,300 3,300 3,300 3,300 3,300 3,S00 3,300 3,300 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 1,200 400 500 400 500 800 800 5,000 800 5,000 Of the numerous debates which took place in the Irish Commons while the union of the countries occupied the attention of the House, three occurred in January, '99. The first, which commenced at one o'clock on the 22nd, terminated at eleven the next day, and occupied twenty-two hours : on a division Government were in a majority of one. The speech from the Viceroy, delivered on the opening of the session, which gave rise to the debate of 22nd January, recommended — " the unremitting industry with which our enemies persevere in their avowed z 338 HISTOBY OF THE design of endeavouring to effect a separation of this kingdom from Great Britain, must have engaged your particular attention, and his Majesty commands me to express his anxious hope that this consider- ation, joined to the sentiment of mutual aflfection and common interest, may dispose the Parliaments in both kingdoms to provide the most effectual means of maintaining and improving a connection essential to their common security, and of consolidating as far as possible into one firm and lasting fabric, the strength, the power, and the resources of the British empire." The address to that speech — almost an echo — was moved by Lord Tyrone, the eldest son of the Marquis of Waterford. His lordship was not a man of talent, and his speech was but in substance the lord-lieutenant's. It was said that it had been written by an eminent lawyer, and that his lordship had concealed it in the crown of his hat, and when he required to refresh his memory, that he occasionally was observed making a sly reference to the document. The seconder was Mr. Robert Fitzgerald, a southern gentleman, who, the enemies to a union asserted, had on this occasion been influenced to support a measure he secretly disliked, by a promise from the Chan- cellor, that when the kingdom was united, a royal dockyard should be built upon his estate, and by that means the value of his property should be doubled. However the tranquillity of the public mind may be unsettled by the contests of rival statesmen for ascendancy, and to whatever latitude the acrimony of party feelings may arrive, the political distraction of a country, no matter how injurious besides, is favourable to the exhibi- tion of men's abilities. Great and gifted characters suddenly spring up from among the people — animated by new subjects, their various talents and principles become developed — they interweave themselves with the events of their country, become inseparable from its misfor- tunes, or identified with its prosperity.* At this momentous crisis, the destinies of Ireland were placed in the hands of three individuals. It is true that many inferior actors figured on the stage, subordinate to the leaders of the existing administration, or furiously opposed alike to men and measures. These, as opportunity elicited occasional displays, obtained gratitude from the administration for support, or the clamorous approbation of popular applause. But to three persons the nation chiefly looked — and never were statesmen more devotedly supported, or more bitterly assailed. The first in place, but actually, the last in power, was the viceroy. Lord Cornwallis had succeeded Lord Camden, and was justly con- sidered by the English cabinet a man of firmer nerve, and adequate resolution to carry out the great measure of a union of the kingdoms. Some men owe much to fortune, but the Irish viceroy was not indebted * " During twenty momentous and eventful years, the life of Lord Clare is in fact the history of Ireland— as in romance some puissant and doughty chieftain appears prominent in every feat of chivalry — the champion in every strife — the hero of every encounter — and, after a life of toil and of battle, falls, surrounded by a host of foes, a victim to his own ambition and temerity." — Rise and Fail of the Irish Nation. IRISH REBELLION. 339 to his star ; he had rarely succeeded in any of his public measures. " His failure in America had deprived England of her colonies and her army of its reputation ; his catastrophe at York-Town gave a shock to the King's mind, from which it is supposed he never entirely recovered. In India he defeated Tippoo Saib, but concluded a peace which only increased the necessity of future wars. "Weary of the sword, he was sent as a diplomatist to conclude the peace of Amiens ; but, out-manoeuvred by Lucien Bonaparte, his lordship's treaty in- volved all Europe in a war against England. He had thought to con- ciliate Lucien by complimenting the first consul, and sacrificed his sove- reign's honorary title as King of France, which bad been borne since the conquests of the Edwards and the Henrys, while he retained the title of Defender of the Faith, corruptly bestowed by a pope on a tyrant." Such is the sketch given by a political enemy, in which the failures of the soldier and the statesman are prominently set forward ; but justice to the memory of Lord Cornw'allis demands a notice of more extended compass, than one which tells only when a distinguished man has been politically unsuccessful. In both diplomacy and war the viceroy's talents, if not brilliant, were respectable — his character was firm and upright — ^and he assumed the Irish government, no doubt, to efiect a union of the kingdoms, and restore tranquillity to the country. In the ulterior advantages which should result from this important measure. Lord Cornwallis was a sincere believer, and therefore, in carrying out the great object of that ministry which had sent him to Ireland, he felt assured that he was consulting the best interests of the country intrusted to his government.* In his acts, consequently, he was honest. The bent of his disposition was merciful, and many in- stances of his humanity might be enumerated ; while others, less con- ciliatory, and consequently every thing but popular, emanated from * " Such was the state of misery the country was reduced to when the Marquis Corn- wallis arrived. He saw the danger, and lost no time in pursuing the only means which could avert it. Conceiving that this important end might be better accomplished by a mild system of conciliation than by severity, he employed the former, not only as being more advantageous to the country, but because it was in unison with his own feel- ings. He ordered the prisons to be thrown open, and liberated those who had long been the tenants of their noisome and gloomy dungeons. The naked sufferer was no longer tortured, nor was the eye shocked with reiterated executions, which had become so fre- quent that they had lost all their horror. Spies and informers, like birds of prey, ceased to haunt the castle — the messengers of peace had taken their places. Confidence was substituted for suspicion ; the grateful feelings of those, who, although guilty, expe- rienced a lenity which they did not expect, spread its beneficial influence throughout the deluded and fermented multitude ; hope was revived, and the public agitation gradually subsided. The altar of mercy, which had been so wantonly overturned, was again erected. Instead of exercising the rigour of the law, and consigning the rebel chiefs to an ignominious death, a punishment the worse effects of which would have extended to their innocent relations, the marquis consented that they should be permitted to leave the country. The reign of terror was at an end, because the Government recovered its respectability, and acted as arbiter of the dispute."— Wakefield. z 2 340 HISTORY OF TUB men who indirectly influenced his counsels, and not unfrequently sub jected his goyemment to charges of severity and despotism. The second in rank, but certainly infinitely first in power, was John Earl of Clare, Lord Chancellor of Ireland. The character drawn by Barrington of this celebrated statesman is powerfully and faithfully sketched. Although the name of this singular personage was aristocratic, his origin was very humble. His grandfather was a small farmer, and his father educated for holy orders, but, possessing a mind superior to the habits of monkish seclusion, procured himself to be called to the Irish Bar, where his talents raised him to the highest estimation, and finally established him in fame and fortune. John Fitzgibbon, the second son of this man, was called to the Bar in 1772. Naturally dissipated, he for some time attended but little to the duties of his profession ; but, on the death of his elder brother and his father, he found himself in possession of all those advantages which led him rapidly forward to the extremity of his objects. Considerable fortune, professional talents, extensive connections, and undismayed confidence, elevated him to those stations, on which he afterwards ap^ peared so conspicuously ; while the historic eye, as it follows his career, perceives him lightly bounding over every obstacle which checked his course to that goal where all the trophies and thorns of power were collected for his reception. In the Earl of Clare we find a man eminently gifted with talents . adapted either for a blessing or a curse to the nation he inhabited ; but early enveloped in high and dazzling authority, he lost his way, and considering his power as a victory, he ruled his country as a conquest ; indiscriminate in his friendships, and implacable in his animosities, he carried to the grave all the passions of his childhood. He hated powerful talents, because he feared them ; and trampled on modest merit, because it was incapable of resistance. Authoritative and peremptory in his address — commanding, able, and arrogant in his language — a daring contempt for public opinion was the fatal prin- ciple which misguided his conduct ; and Ireland became divided be- tween the friends of his patronage, the slaves of his power, and the enemies to his tyranny. His character had no medium, his manners no mediocrity — the example of his extremes was adopted by his intimates, and excited in those who knew him feelings either of warm attachment, or of rivetted aversion. While he held the seals in Ireland, he united a vigorous capacity with the most striking errors. Asa judge, he collected facts with a rapid precision, and decided on them with a prompt asperity ; but he hated precedent, and despised the highest judicial authorities, because they were not his own. As a politician and a statesman, the character of Lord Clare is well known. In council rapid, peremptory, and overbearing — he regarded promptness of execution rather than discretion of arrangement, and IRISH REBELLION. 341 piqued himself more on expertness of thought than sobriety of judg- ment. Through all the calamities of Ireland, the mild voice of con- ciliation never escaped his lips ; and when the torrent of civil war had subsided in his country, he held out no olive to shew that the deluge had receded. Acting upon a conviction, that his power was but co-existent with the order of public establishments, and the tenure of his office limited to the continuance of administration, he supported both with less pru- dence and more desperation than sound policy or an enlightened mind should permit or dictate. His extravagant doctrines of religious into- lerance created the most mischievous pretexts for his intemperance in upholding them ; and, under colour of defending the principles of one revolution, he had nearly plunged the nation into all the miseries of another. His political conduct has been accounted uniform, but in detail it will be found to have been miserably inconsistent. In 1781 he took up arms to obtain a declaration of Irish independence ; in 1800 he re- commended the introduction of a military force to assist in its extin- guishment ; he proclaimed Ireland a free nation in 1 783, and argued that it should be a province in 1799 ; in 1782 he called the acts of the British legislature towards Ireland, " a daring usurpation on the rights of a free people ;" and in 1800 he transferred Ireland to the usurper. On all occasions his ambition as despotically governed his politics as his reason invariably sunk before his prejudice. Though he intrinsically hated a legislative union, his lust for power induced him to support it ; the preservation of office overcame the im- pulse of conviction, and he strenuously supported that measure, after having openly avowed himself its enemy ; its completion, however, blasted his hopes and liagtened his dissolution. The restlessness of his habit, and the obtrusiveness of his disposition, became insupportably embarrassing to the British cabinet — the danger of his talents as a minister, and the inadequacy of his judgment as a statesman, had been proved in Ireland. He had been a useful instrument in that country, but the same line of services which he performed in Ireland would have proved ruinous to Great Britain, and Lord Clare was no longer consulted. The union at length effected, through his friends, what Ireland could never accomplish through his enemies — his total overthrow. Unaccus- tomed to control, and unable to submit, he returned to his country, weary, drooping, and disappointed ; regretting what he had done, yet miserable that he could do no more : his importance had expired with the Irish parliament — his patronage ceased to supply food for his am- bition — the mind and the body became too sympathetic for existence, and he sunk into the grave, a conspicuous example of human talent and human frailty. In his person he was about the middle size — slight, and not graceful — his eyes large, dark, and penetrating, betrayed some of the boldest traits of his uncommon character — his countenance, though expressive 342 HISTORY OF THE and manly, yet discovered nothing which could deceive the physiogno- mist into an opinion (/ his magnanimity, or call forth an eulogium on his virtues. Of Lord Casllereagh it will only be necessary to remark, that the bold and statesman-like career which opened with the Irish Union was more amply developed in the progress of his after-life. His public character has long been before the world, and undergone praise and censure, according to the party feelings of those who were its examiners. In private life. Lord Londonderry was admired and beloved ; and even from political opponents his brilliant talents and personal intrepidity commanded an unqualified respect. IRISH REBELLION. 343 CHAPTEE XXXIII. VENALITY OP THE IRISH FABLIAMENT CORRUPTION OV ITS MEMBERS PRO- GRESS OF THE DEBATE IMPORTANT DIVISION ANECDOTES. We mentioned in the preceding chapter the general result of the opening debate upon the Union, and alluded to the closeness of the division. Were it necessary to establish the disgusting venality of the Irish representatives, two disgraceful episodes attendant on that memo- rable debate, will prove how utterly useless to the country was the home representation from which she was about to be delivered. The secession of Mr. Trench, and the indecisive position in which Mr. Fox found himself, led to two of the most extraordinary scenes of parlia- mentary corruption which have ever been witnessed or recorded. Premising, that after a violent debate of twenty hours, it seemed probable that government might be left in a minority, the following singular occurrences took place, damnatory of the most corrupt body which ever had existence. The anecdotes are narrated by one of the most ardent admirers of native administration — and we will give them in the words of a personal witness — a member of the house at the time.* " It was suspected that Mr. Trench had been long in negotiation with Lord Castlereagh, but it did not in the early part of that night appear to have been brought to any conclusion — his conditions were supposed to be too extravagant. Mr. Trench, after some preliminary observations, declared, in a speech, that he would vote against the minister, and support Mr. Ponsonby's amendment. This appeared a stunning blow to Mr. Cooke, who had been previously in conversation with Mr. Trench. He was immediately observed sideling from his seat, nearer to Lord Castlereagh. They whispered earnestly, and, as if restless and undecided, both looked wistfully towards Mr. Trench. — At length the matter seemed to be determined on. Mr. Cooke retired to a back seat, and was obviously endeavouring to count the house — probably to guess if they could that night dispense with Mr. Trench's services. He returned to Lord Castlereagh — they whispered — again looked most affectionately at Mr. Trench, who seemed unconscious that he was the subject of their consideration. But tliere was no time to lose — the question was approaching — all shame was banished-— they decided on the terms, and a significant and certain glance, obvious to every body, convinced Mr. Trench that his conditions were agreed to. Mr. Cooke then went and sat down by his side ; an earnest but very short conversation took place; a parting smile completely told the house that Mr. Trench was that moment satisfied. These surmises * Sir Jonah Barrington. 344 HISTORY OP THE were soon verified. Mr. Cooke went back to Lord Castlereagh, — a congratulatory nod announced his satisfaction. But could any man for one moment suppose that a member of parliament, and a man of very large fortune, of respectable family and good character, could be publicly, and without shame or compunction, actually seduced by Lord Castlereagh, in the very body of the house, and under the eye of two hundred and twenty gentlemen ? Yet this was the fact. In a few minutes Mr. Trench rose, to apologize for having indiscreetly declared he would support the amendment. He added that he had thought better of the subject since he had unguardedly expressed himself, — was con- vinced that he was wrong, — and would support the minister." The second of Sir Jonah's statements is as remarkable, and more amusing ; and the peculiar style of the ex-judge of the Irish admiralty court, gives it so pointedly that we will not abridge it : — " Mr. Luke Fox, a barrister of very humble origin, of vulgar man- ners, and of a coarse, harsh appearance, was endued with a clear, strong, and acute mind, and was possessed of much cunning. He had acquired very considerable legal information, and was an obstinate and persevering advocate ; he had been the usher of a school, and a sizer in Dublin university ; but neither politics nor the belles-lettres were his pursuit. On acquiring eminence at the Bar, he married an obscure niece of the Earl of Ely's; he had originally professed what was called whiggism, merely, as people supposed, because his name was Fox. His progress was impeded by no political principles, but he kept his own secrets well, and being a man of no importance, it was perfectly indifferent to every body what side he took. Lord Ely, perceiving he was manageable, returned him to parliament as one of his automata ; and Mr. Fox played his part very much to the satisfaction of his manager. " When the Union was announced. Lord Ely had not made his terms, and remained long in abeyance ; and as his lordship had not issued his orders to Mr. Fox, he was very unwilling to commit himself until he could dive deeper into probabilities ; but rather believing the opposition would have the majority, he remained in the body of the house with the anti -unionists, when the division took place. The doors were scarcely looked, when he became alarmed, and slunk, unper- ceived, into one of the dark corridors, where he concealed himself : he was, however, discovered, and the serjeant-at-arms was ordered to bring him forth, to be counted amongst the anti-unionists — his confusion was very great, and he seemed at his wit's end ; at length he declared he had taken advantage of the Place Bill, had actually accepted the Esehea- torship of Munster,* and had thereby vacated his seat, and could not vote. " The fact was doubted, but, after much discussion, his excuse, upon his honour, was admitted, and he was allowed to return into the corridor." * The Irish Escheatorships were similar to the English Chiltern Hundreds — Crown offices in name. IRISH REBELLION. 345 The most curious wind-up to Mr. Fox's parliamentary history is, that through Lord Granard (an anti-unionist), he once more obtained a seat, ratted a second time, and was raised to the Irish bench for his apostasy. By such means and such supporters the address was carried. On the same day (22nd of February) the House of Lords assembled to receive the speech of the lord-lieutenant. There, the opposition was feeble in the extreme, and the peers, with a very few exceptions, agreed to the address. The number of the anti-union nobility was too small to allow their resistance to be effectual ; the Bench of Bishops— those of Down and Limerick excepted — ^were staunch supporters of the Government. The debate was under the eye, and it might almost be said, the control of the master-spirit of the time, the daring and gifted Chancellor. " The education of the Irish noblemen of that day," observes Bar- rington, " was little calculated for debate or parliamentary duties ;* they very seldom took any active part in parliamentary discussions, and more rarely attained to that confidence in public speaking, without which no effect can be produced. They could argue, or might de- claim, but were unequal to what is termed debate ; and being con- firmed in their torpidity by an habitual abstinence from parliamentary discussions, when the day of danger came, they were unequal to the contest." * One personal sketch of Beanchamp Bagenal, member for Carlow, is so descriptive of an Irish legislator of that day, that we give it. " He was one of those persons, who, bom to a large inheritance, and having no profession to interrupt their propensities, generally made in those times the grand tour of Europe, as the finishing part of a gentleman's education. Mr. Bagenal fol- lowed the general course ; and on that tour had made himself very conspicuous. He had visited every capital of Europe, and had exhibited the native original character of the Irish gentleman at every place he visited. In the splendour of his traveUing establishment, he quite eclipsed the petty potentates with whom Germany was garnished. His person was fine^his manners open and generous — his spirit high — and his liberality profuse. During his tour, he had performed a variety of feats which were emblazoned in Ireland, and endeared him to his countrymen. He had fought a prince — jilted a princess — intoxicated the Doge of Venice — carried off a duchess from Madrid — scaled the walls of a convent in Italy — narrowly escaped the Inquisition at Lisbon — concluded his exploits by a duel at Paris ; and returned to Ireland with a sovereign contempt for all continental men and manners, and an inveterate antipathy to all despotic kings and arbitrary governments. "Domesticated in his own mansion at Dunleckny — surrounded by a numerous and devoted tenantry — and possessed of a great territory, Mr. Bagenal determined to spend the residue of his days on his native soil, according to the usages and cus- toms of country gentlemen — and he was shortly afterwards returned a representative to parliament for the county of Carlow, by universal acclamation. " Though Mr. Bagenal did not take any active part in the general business of the Irish parliament, he at least gave it a good example of public spirit and high-minded independence. His natural talents were far above mediocrity ; but his singularities, in themselves extravagant, were increased by the intemperance of those times ; and an excellent capacity was neutralized by inordinate dissipation. Prodigally hospit- able, irregular, extravagant, uncertain, vivacious ; the chase, the turf, the sod, and the bottle, divided a great portion of his intellects between them, and generally left, for the use of parliament, only so much as he could spare from his other occupa- tions." 346 HISTORY OP THE Lord Clare, on the contrary, from his fojenaic habits, his dogmatic arrogance, Snd 'unrestrained invective, had an incalculable advantage over less' practised reaaonerst The modest were overwhelmed by flights of astounding, rhapsody — the patriotic borne down by calumny — the diffident silenced by contemptuous irony; and nearly the whole of the peerage, without being able to account for their pusillanimity, were either trampled under- his feet, or were mere puppets in the grasp of this all-powerful Chancellor. Such' was the state of the Irish Lords in 1799. The extent of Lord Clare's connections, and the energy of his con'duct during the last insurrection, had contributed to render him nearly despotic over both the Government and the country. A second and a severe trial was to tax the strength of the rival par- ties. The report upon the address was to be brought up on the 24th, and the country looked to the result with an intensity of interest, which in parliamentary Einnals has never been surpassed. ■ it was indeed, a momentous trial. " Both parties stood in a difficult and precarious predicament : the minisfer had nOt'time to gain ground by the nsnal practices of the secretary; and the question must have been either totally relinquished or again discussed. The opposition were, as yet, uncertain how far the last debate might cause any nu- merical alteration in their favour; each -party calculated on a small majority, and it was considered that a defeat would ber equally ruinous to either. " It was supposed that the ministerwouM, according to all former pre- cedent, withdraw from his situation, if left in a minority, whilst an in- creased majority, however ^mall, against the anti-unionists, might give plausible grounds for future discussions."* The excitement out of doors, as the hour for the meeting of the house drew near, was tremendous. College-green and every avenue leading to it, was choked up by dense masses of the populace, who evinced their feelings towards the members as they approached the house by vociferous cheering, or sarcastic observations, whoSe point and bitterness frequently excite the ridicule, rather than the angiej of an Irish mob, and keeps them in good-humour. Within the hojise the galleries were crowded by ladies of the highest distinction, and as the fair sex had entered warmly into the spirit of the times, as in olden days, at tilts and tournaments, they cheered the champions of their re- spective parties during the long and arduous debate which followed, with " wreathed smiles " and waving handkerchiefs. Such was the excitement in the capital ; and it may be ima- gined that the leaders of two parties so violently opposed, and so nicely balanced, were incessant in preparations for the approaching con- test. The Government had despatched messengers in every direction to whip in loitering and reluctant supporters ; the anti-unionists were also busily at work to recruit their ranks by every means of influence in their power. In the lobbies, an actual canvass was openly carried on, and undecided members were almost dragged to the rival benches by * Secret Memoirs of the Union. S- ''r/;''?i/. e MkWL ®F CILAI IRISH REBELLION. 347 the agents of both parties, who exhibited on this occasion more zeal than parliamentary dignity. The house assembled at half-past four, but the debate did not commence till seven. In this interval, the noise and confusion in the corridors heralded the coming contest, and was de- scriptive of the character of the debate — it was rude, sometimes bois- terous, and altogether unusual. The Speaker at length took his chair, and his cry of " Order ! order ! " obtained a profound silence. Dignified and peremptory, he was seldom disobeyed ; and a chairman more despotic, from his wisdom and the respect and affection of the members of every side, never pre- sided over a popular assembly. When prayers commenced — all was in a moment gloomy and deco- rous, and a deep solemnity corresponded with the vital importance of the subject they were to determine. Warm, and occasionally personal, as the former debate had been, that of the 24th was infinitely more violent. It was opened by Sir John Parnell, who had been recently removed from the Chancellorship of the Exchequer. He contended that the measure proposed was vir- tually a revolutionary subversion of the constitution ; a change that parliament had no authority to enact, nor the king a right to confirm. He was followed by Mr. Tighe, who also declaimed strongly against a union. Even in this early stage of the debate, the party virulence of the members on both sides became apparent, and every eye was turned to the treasury benches, and the attention of the house seemed fixed upon the secretary for Ireland. Lord Castlereagh had preserved an ominous silence, and as the num- bers in the house had increased since the last division, he appeared rather to 'scrutinize the individuals who had as yet not declared them- selves than attend to the arguments of the speakers. On his own course of action, he had already decided, and resolved to infuse addi- tional life and spirit into his followers, by taking the offensive at once. Such were the intentions of the secretary ; but in this course, he was anticipated unexpectedly by Mr. George Ponaonby. When Mr. George Ponsonby was roused, he had great debating powers ; on minor subjects he was often vapid, but on this occasion he far exceeded himself in argument, elocution, and in fortitude. He was sincere — his blood warmed — he reasoned with a force, a boldness, and with an absence of all reserve, which he never before had so energeti- cally exhibited. As a lawyer, a statesman, and a loyal Irish subject, he denied that either the Lords or the Commons, or the King of Ire- land, had the powe]> of passing or assenting to a legislative union. He avowed his opinion that the measure was revolutionary, and would run the destructive lengths of endangering the compact between the crown and the subjects, and the connection of the two nations. In the course of his speech, he assailed Lord Castlereagh with a strength and jmreserved severity which greatly exceeded the usual bounds of his philippics. Cool and deliberate irony, ten times more piercing than the sharpest satire, flowed from his lips in a slow rolling flood of indignant denun- 348 HISTORY OF THE ciation. His calm language never for one moment yielded to his warm impressions ; and it was doubly formidable, from being restrained by prudence and dictated by conviction. The effect of this unexpected attack upon Lord Castlereagh was re- markable. Generally cool and imperturbable, he controlled his passions at the moment, and husbanded his strength to fulminate a withering reply against the individual who provoked it. But on this occasion, Mr. Ponsonby's personalities appeared to sting the secretary to the quick, and with diflJculty he preserved sufiGicient self-command to pre- vent him from rising to interrupt the speaker. His flushing face and kindling eye betrayed the poignancy of his feelings, while the bracing of his opponent exhibited the most singular contrast imaginable. He sate directly opposite Lord Castlereagh. Not a feature moved — not a muscle was disturbed — and his small grey eyes were rivetted upon his adversary. After a tumult of applause from the anti-unionists, a dead silence reigned throughout the body of the house ; — the ladies in the galleries listened in breathless attention — Lord Castlereagh rose to reply — and every hearer was prepared for the outpouring of no ordinary philippic. For this species of conflict the youthful minister was admirably adapted. He had sufiicient firmness to advance, and sufficient perti- nacity to persisi;" in any assertion. Never had he more occasion to exert all his powers, nor did he fail in his efforts. He had no qualms or compunction to arrest his progress. In his reply there was no assertion he did not risk — no circumstance he did not vouch for — no aspersion he did not cast ; and he even went lengths which he after- wards repented. To the Bar, he applied the term " pettifoggers" — to the opposition, "cabal" — " combinators" — "desperate faction;" and to the nation itself, " barbarism " — " ignorance," and " insensibility to the protection and paternal regards she had ever experienced from the British nation." His speech was severe beyond any thing he had ever uttered within the walls of parliament, and far exceeded the powers he was supposed to possess. He raked up every act of Mr. Ponsonby's political career, and handled it with a masterly severity ; but it was in the tone and in the manner of an angry gentleman. He had flown at the highest game, and his opponent (never off his guard) attended to his lordship with a contemptuous and imperturbable placidity, which frequently gave Mr. Ponsonby a great advantage over warmer de- baters. On this occasion he seemed not at all to feel the language of Lord Castlereagh ; he knew that he had provoked it, and he saw that he had spoken effectually by the irritation of his opponent. Lord Castlereagh was greatly exhausted, and Mr. Ponsonby, turning round, audibly observed, with a frigid smile and an air of utter indiffer- ence, " the ravings of an irritated youth — it was very natural."* The daring spirit and matchless severity with which the leader ol the unionists castigated the man who had ventured to assail him, although it failed in securing a majority on the division, had a powerful * Secret Memoirs of the Union. rUISn REBELLION. 349 effect in stimulating his adlierents, and giving fresh vigour and confi- dence to the party. The power of reply was considered, even by his admirers, an efifort of a higher order than they were prepared for, and in the youthful minister, those unfriendly to a union admitted they had an antagonist to contend with, equally dangerous from the undoubted possession of commanding talent united to personal intrepidity. To describe the progress of a debate, during which all parliamentary amenities were forgotten, and the semblance of order preserved only by the absolute interference of the Speaker, would be unnecessary. Among the speeches delivered by the anti-unionists, those of Sir Lawrence Parsons, Mr. Faltiner, Mr. James Fitzgerald, the ex prime-sergeant, Colonel Maxwell, and Mr. Plunket, were probably the most effective ; while the most remarkable were delivered by Mr. Egan and Colonel Moore O'Donnell. The former inveighed against the metaphorical so- phistries of Mr. William Smith, as to the competence of parliament,— such reasoning he called rubbish, and such reasoners were scaven- gers — " like a dray-horse, he galloped over all his opponents, plunging and kicking, and overthrowing all before him. No member on that night pronounced a more sincere, clumsy, powerful oration : of matter he had abundance — of language he made no selection — and he was aptly compared to the Trojan horse, sounding as if he had armed men within him."* The latter's was the silly ebullition of a maiden speech, which cost the orator his regiment f — James Moore O'Donnell, eldest son of Sir * Secret Memoirs of the Union. f Colonel O'Donnell was killed in a duel with Major Bingham, which, as it was said, he had proToked by repeated insults. On going to the ground, the colonel considering that he was unpopular with the mob, who had collected in hundreds to witness the encounter, and, confident that he would shoot his antagonist, directed his groom to have liis horse in a position for mounting the moment that Major Bing- ham fell. The event, however, had a very different result, for Colonel O'Donnell was shot dead before he could discharge a pistol. A strange circumstance attended this melancholy event. The fatal meeting took place in the barony of Tyrawly, some thirty miles' distance from Newport House, the residence of Sir Neil O'Donnell. The old gentleman, utterly unconscious that his son had any quarrel or affair of honour on hand, was walking backwards and forwards in front of his mansion, conversing upon indifferent subjects with the clergyman of the parish. The road from Castlebar enters the opposite side of the town, and travellers approaching a long bridge which forms the communication with Erris are distinctly visible from the place where Sir Neil was sauntering. A peasant, in the customary dress of the country — a long cota-more — and mounted on a common hack, was observed trotting slowly across the bridge. There was no appearance of haste— nothing whatever to distinguish him from the hundred countrymen who daily passed and repassed. The old man stopped suddenly. ** Do you see yonder man .'"' " 1 see a fellow trotting slowly over the bridge, to Achil or Baliycry, returmng probably from the market." ^ " No. That man is coming to me, and he is the hearer of heavy tidmgs. ' The clergyman smiled— reasoned on the absurdity of Sir Neil's apprehensions ; but the agitated features of the baronet shewed that the impression was immovable. While still endeavouring to reassure the old gentleman, the countryman rode up- delivered a hurried scroll— the old man broke the seal— hia favourite son was dead 1 350 HISTORY OP THE Neil O'Donnell, a man of large fortune in that county, commanded the South Mayo militia. On this night he could not contain his indignation, and by anticipation " disclaimed all future allegiance, if a union were eflfected: he held it as a vicious revolution, and avowed that he would take the field at the head of his regiment to oppose its execution, and would resist rebels in rich clothes as he had done the rebels in rags." After the most stormy debate on record, both sides seemed weary of a wordy war, and the division was called for by the opposition, and assented to by the unionists. No wonder the house and the auditory were wearied out, and the subject totally exhausted — for sixty mem- bers had delivered their opinions — the majority being clearly with the opposition. When counted, the minister had one hundred and five supporters — the anti-unionists divided one hundred and eleven. The last who recorded his vote was the chairman of the County of Dublin (Mr. — ^but more generally termed, Bully Egan), a man of singiilair manners and appearance. " When he entered the body of the house from the Court of Requests, to which the opposition members had withdrawn, his exultation was boundless — and as number one hundred and ten was announced, he stopped a moment at the bar, flourished a great stick which he had in his hand over his head, and with the voice of a Stentor cried out — " And I'm a hundred and eleven!" He then sat quietly down, and burst out into an immoderate and almost convulsive fit of laughter ; — it was all heart. Never was there a finer picture of genuine patriotism. He was far from being rich, and had an ofier to be made a Baron of the Exchequer, with £3,500 a year, if he would support the Union ; but he refused it with indignation. On any other subject probably he would have supported the Government." Of the construction of the House, Barrington gives the following analysis : — Members holding offices during pleasure ... 69 Members rewarded by offices for their votes . . 19 Member openly seduced in the body of the House 1 Commoners created peers, or their wives peeresses, for their votes 13 102 Supposed to be uninfluenced 3 The House composed of ... .... 300 Voted that night 216 Absent members . . 84 Of these eighty-four absent members, twenty-four were kept away by absolute necessity, and of the residue there can be no doubt that they IlilSn REBELLION, 351 were not friends to the Union, from this plain reason — the Government had the power of enforcing the attendance of all the dependent mem- bers — and, as the opposition had no power, they had none but voluntary- supporters. The most singular occurrence in parliamentary history remains to be told. When the enthusiastic triumph of the opposition was at its height — ladies cheering from the gallery, and the thousands in the streets had learned the result of the division, and thundered their accla- mations in return — Mr. Ponsonby requested his party to remain, while he should propose and put on record a resolution to the following effect : — " That this House will ever maintain the undoubted birth- right of Irishmen, by preserving an independent parliament of Lords and Commons resident in this kingdom, as stated and approved by his Majesty and the British Parliament in 1782." The Secretary, aware that opposition would prove unavailing, con- tented himself by protesting against a motion he denounced as highly dangerous ; and when the Speaker put the question, the negatives of Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Toler (afterwards Lord Norbury) alone were heard. Mr. Ponsonby reduced his motion to writing previous to its being announced from the chair, and the delay of a few moments — trifling in ordinary events — ^by a singular fatality defeated the vic- torious party in their hour of triumph, and effectuated for their enemies the object at which they had exerted every influence and energy in vain. " On Mr. Ponsonby's handing up his motion, he stood firm and col- lected, and looked around him with the honest confidence of a man who had performed his duty and saved his country — the silence of death prevailed in the galleries, and the whole assembly displayed a spectacle as solemn and important as any country or any era had ever ex- hibited. The Speaker repeated the question — " the ayes '' burst forth into a loud peal — the gallery was in immediate motion — all was congratula- tion. On the question being put the second time (as was usual), a still louder and more reiterated cry of " aye, aye," resounded from every quarter, and only the same two negatives were heard, feebly, from the ministeral side. Government, in fact, had given up the contest for the present, when Mr. "William Charles Fortescue, member for Louth, requested a hearing before the final decision was announced. He said, " that he was adverse to the measure of a legislative union, and had given his decided vote against it, but he did not wish to bind himself /or ever. Possible circumstances might occur hereafter, which might render that measure expedient, and he did not approve of any determination which /or ever closed the doors against any possibility of future discussion." The opposition were paralyzed — the Government were roused — a single sentence plausibly conceived, and (without reflecting on its de- structive consequence) moderately uttered, by a respectable man, and an avowed anti-unionist, eventually decided the fate of the Irish na- 352 HISTORY OP THE tion. It offered a pretext for timidity, a precedent for caution, and a subterfuge for waving venality.* Had Mr. Ponsonby contented himself with inflicting a severe defeat upon a minister whom he personally detested, his triumph was com- plete ; but in the anxiety to perpetuate his victory, he blindly ventured beyond his depth, and threw his game away.f It is absurd to suppose that, under any circumstance, the favourite object of Mr. Pitt would have been abandoned ; but it would have been certainly postponed, and its ulterior success might have been delayed for a year or two. If Barrington speaks truth — and no man appears to be carried away by party feelings more palpably in his statements — if thirty sturdy anti, unionists were in the brief term of one recess won over by the Irish Secretary, the conversion of four would not be a work of time ; and, as a very short interval discovered, men, in and out of the- house, began to investigate the bearing of the question calmly, and come to a true conclusion, that the safety and prosperity of the country de- pended upon its political annexation with Great Britain. That a legislative union would therefore have been carried it would be sheer folly to deny — and in the bitterness of political rancour, Mr. Ponsonby removed the only barrier to its immediate consummation. So monstrous a proposition as Mr. Ponsonby's alarmed some of the most devoted adherents to the opposition. Lord Cole, Mr. Ffrench of Roscommon, and John Claudius Beresford, the member for Dublin city, protested against its principle, and declared their determination of exer- cising free agency on a question which might hereafter require further consideration. In a few minutes the iron bond of the anti-unionists was severed, and a rope of sand was substituted in its place. Mr. Ponsonby perceived the fatal mistake he had committed, but too late to counteract the mischief. He rose and addressed the house, lamented that the smallest contrariety of opinion should have arisen amongst men, who ought to be united by the most powerful of all in- ducements, " the salvation of their independence." He perceived, how- ever, a wish that he should not press the motion, founded, he supposed, on a mistaken confidence in the engagements of the Noble Lord (Lord Castlereagh), that he would not again bring forward that ruinous measure, without the decided approbation of the people and of the par- liament. Though he must doubt the sincerity of the minister's en- gagements, he could not hesitate to acquiesce in the wishes of his friends, and he would therefore withdraw his motion. The sudden transition from exultation to despondency became in- * Secret Memoirs of the Union. t The advantage of that majority was lost, and the possibility of exciting division amongst the anti-unionists could no longer be questioned. This consideration had an immediate and extensive effect — the timid recommenced their fears — the wavering be- gan to think of consequences — the venal to negotiate ; and the public mind, particularly amongst the Catholics, who still smarted from the scourge, became so deeply affected, and so timorously doubtful, that some of the persons, assuming to themselves the title of Catholic Leaders, sought an audience, in order to inquire from Marquis Comwallis, " What would be fiie advantage to the Catholics, if a luuon should hap- pen to be effected in Ireland?" — Secret Memoirs of the Union. IRISH REBELLION. S/jS stantly apparent, by the dead silence which followed Mr. Ponsonby's declaration — ^the change was so rapid and so unexpected, that from the galleries, which a moment before were full of congratulation and of pleasure, not a single word was heard — crest-fallen and humbled, many instantly withdrew from the scene, and though the people without knew of nothing but their victory, the retreat was a subject of the most serious solicitude to every friend of Irish independence. Such an advantage could not escape the anxious eye of Government ; chagrin and disappointment had changed sides, and the friends of the Union, who a moment before had considered their measure as nearly extinguished, rose upon their success, retorted in their turn, and op- posed its being withdrawn. It was, however, too tender a ground for either party to insist upon a division ; a debate was equally to be avoided, and the motion was suffered to be withdrawn. Sir Henry Cavendish keenly and sarcastically remarked, that " it was a retreat after a victory." After a day's and a night's debate without intermis- sion, the house adjourned at eleven o'clock the ensuing morning.* When the members dispersed, the mob, who were in high excite- ment, evinced their feelings towards individuals issuing from the house as they were popular or disliked. While the Speaker's horses were taken from the carriage, and himself drawn triumphantly through the streets, the Lord Chancellor was assaulted, driven into a house in Clarendon Street, and only secured himself by intimidating his pursuers, and pre- senting a pistol at the leader. It was said that but for Lord Clare' determination, it was the intention of the populace to have attached his lordship to the Speaker's carriage ; but his unflinching courage saved him from that humiliation. Some members escaped recognition, others saved themselves by flight, and one by his intrepidity. Mr. Richard Martin, unable to get clear, turned on bis hunters, and boldly faced a mob of many thousands, with a small pocket pistol in his hand. He swore most vehemently, " that, if they advanced six inches on him, he would immediately shoot every mother's babe of them as dead as that paving stone," kicking one as he spoke. The united spirit and fun of his declaration, and his little pocket pistol, aimed at ten thou- sand men, women, and children, were so entirely to the taste of an Irish populace, that all symptoms of hostility ceased ; thay gave him three cheers, and he regained his home without further molestation." t The crazy joy of the thoughtless multitude was never more unsubstantially elicited. From the hour that Mr. Ponsonby's mo- tion was withdrawn, government gained strength ; the standard of visionary honours and of corrupt emoluments was raised for recruits ; a congratulatory, instead of a consolatory despatch, had been for- warded to Mr. Pitt, and another to the Duke of Portland ; and it was not difficult to foresee, that the result of that night, though apparently a victory over the proposition for a union, afforded a strong pfiint for the minister in the subsequent negotiations, by which he had determined to achieve his measure — and the arguments and divisions on succeeding * Secret Memoirs of the Union. t Barrington. 2 A 354 HISTORY OP THH! debates proved, beyond the possibility of question, the orerwhelming advantage which Mr. Fortescue's precedent had given to those, who were determined to dispose of their consistency under colour of their moderation. The session closed, and the last discussion on the subject of the union, told that the triumph of its supporters was certain. Lord Gastlereagh proved that he had not allowed the advantage, which Mr. Ponsonby's gross error had given him, to pass without being turned to fatal account — and when Lord Corry introduced a motion, similar in effect to that ill-judged proposition of Mr. Ponsonby, to cushion for ever any scheme for legislative union ; after a long and animated debate, it was rejected by a majority oijifty-eight ! IRISH REBELLION. 355 CHAPTER XXXIV. FROORESS or THE UNION THROUGH THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONB. The recess, which followed the adjournment, was all that was wanted by the Irish government to eflFect the object they had aimed at. Lord Castlereagh with infinite ability pressed the advantage Mr. Ponsonby's unguarded motion had given him ; and a determined minister resolved, coute qui coute, to carry out a favourite measure, " with the treasury in his hands, and patronage in his note-book," is seldom known to fail. In the interval, when the parties were removed from the presence of each other, the viceroy was an able assistant to the secretary. He in- creased his popularity by visiting the provinces — was entertained in his tour by the nobility and gentry — feasted by the corporations — the farm-house in turn with the mansion was honoured by the presence of the king's representative — and he returned to the castle with the golden opinions of many, who had hitherto regarded his government with jealousy or indifFereuce. The stormy debates which followed the introduction of the project of a legislative union in the Irish house, were simultaneous with a more temperate discussion of this important measure in the British Commons. The subject was brought before the English parliament under the form of a message from the king, on the 22nd of January, to the following effect : — " His Majesty is persuaded that the unremitting industry, with which our enemies persevere in their avowed design of effecting the separation of Ireland from this kingdom, cannot fail to engage the par- ticular attention of parliament ; and his Majesty recommends it to this house to consider of the most effectual means of finally defeating this design, by disposing the parliaments of both kingdoms to provide, in the manner which they shall judge most expedient, for settling such a complete and final adjustment, as may best tend to improve and per- petuate a connection essential for their common security, and consoli- date the strength, power, and resources, of the British empire." Mr. Sheridan gave the purposed union his strongest opposition. His chief argument was national disinclination to the measure; he con- tended that there was not a single proof of the people of Ireland mani- festing a wish to unite; on the contrary, they had unequivocally declared themselves hostile to the proposition; and if it were effected, it would be a union accomplished by surprise, fraud, corruption, and in- timidation. Indeed, had it been told that the whole people of Ireland had declared that they would shake off all allegiance, and that the parliament had violated the rights of the people ; that the country did 2 a2 356 HISTORY OP THE not prosper under its constitution ; then, he said, there were' strong reasons for agreeing to the proposition of union ; but this had not been the case : the Irish Commons had been thanked for their patriotic vigilance in defeating their internal enemies. Mr. Sheridan concluded, by proposing the following amendment : — " At the same time to express the surprise and deep regret with which the house, for the first time, learned from his Majesty, that the final adjustment, which, upon his Majesty's gracious recommendation, took place between the two kingdoms in 1782, had not produced the effects expected from that solemn settlement ; and, farther, humbly to express to his Majesty, that his faithful Commons had strong reasons to believe, that it was in the contemplation of his Majesty's ministers to propose a union of the legislatures of the two kingdoms, notwithstand- ing that final and solemn adjustment ; humbly imploring his Majesty not to listen to the counsels of those who should advise such a measure at the present crisis." Mr. Canning replied to Mr. Sheridan, and successfully combated the arguments he had adduced. His honourable friend had contended, that this was not a proper time to discuss such a question, when Ireland was in such a convulsed state. The house could not but remember, he said, that for three years past those who were in the habit of opposing his Majesty's ministers, had repeatedly been calling for inquiries into the state of affairs of Ireland, though such inquiries were not then brought within the view of the house ; but now it seemed they had no wish for any investigation, and all their curiosity had subsided. Surely liis honourable friend had not inquired into the state of Ireland since late events had taken place. Was it not notorious, that the object of the traitorous machinations which had given rise to the rebellion, was not any partial change of men or measures, but a total subversion of the existing government and constitution of the country, and the com- plete destruction of all connection between the sister kingdom and Great Britain ? After the detection of those deep and destructive plots, surely it ought to be deemed expedient to examine into, and adopt the most efiectual means of counteracting, the pernicious consequences that might still flow from them. " He next made some observations upon Dr. Duigenan's * answer to * "This eccentric person, whose celebrity originated from his crusades for Pro- testant supremacy, would probably have been a conspicuous character in whatever station he might have been placed, or in whatever profession he might have adopted. Incapable of moderation upon any subject, he possessed too much vigorous and ac- tive intellect to have passed through life an unsignalized spectator ; and if he had not at an early period enlisted as a champion of Luther, it is more than probable he would, with equal zeal and courage, have borne the standard for St. Peter's fol- lowers. A hot, rough, intrepid, obstinate mind, strengthened by very considerable erudition, and armed by a memory of the most extraordinary retention, contributed their attributes equally to his pen and his speeches. " He coQsidered invective as the first, detail as the second, and decorum as the last quality of a public orator ; and he never failed to exemplify these principles. " A partisan in his very nature, every act of his Ufe was influenced by invincible prepossessions ; a strong guard of inveterate prejudices were sure, on all subjectSi IRISH REBELLION. 3i7 Mr. Grattan, on ■which he passed handsome compliments, remarking that the Doctor stated it as an unavoidable alternative, either that a plan of union must be adopted, or that some other must be devised, for the fortification of the Protestant ascendancy. The hon. gentleman had strongly insisted on the intimidation which the presence of an armed force would be likely to impress on the public mind of Ireland • it was by promoting such a union of interests and affections, as this measure would insure, that we might hope to remove the necessity of keeping a large armed force in Ireland ; and removing that necessity, in fact, would remove one of the objects of his own censure and com- plaint. But where were the effects of that intimidation which the hon. gentlemen seemed to apprehend? It surely did not affect either the liberty of speech, or the liberty of the press ; both, he re- marked, had been pretty freely indu'ged on the present subject. He also observed, that some of the most strenuous friends of reform in to keep moderation at a distance, and occasionally prevented even common reason from obtruding^ on his dogmas, or interrupting his speeches. " A mingled strain of boisterous invective, unlimited assertion, rhapsody and reasoning, erudition and ignorance, were alike perceptible in his writings and ora- tions ; yet there were few of either, from which a dispassionate compiler might not have selected ample materials for an able production. "He persuaded himself that he was a true fanatic ; but though the world gave him full credit for his practical intolerance, there were many exceptions to the consistency of his professions, and many who doubted his theoretic sincerity. His intolerance was too outrageous to be honest, and too unreasonable to be sincere ; and whenever his Protestant extravagance appeared to have even one moment of a lucid interval, it was immediately predicted that he would die a Catholic. "His politics could not be termed either uniform or coherent. He had a latent spark of independent spirit in his composition, which the minister sometimes found it difficult to extinguish, and dangerous to explode. He had the same respect for a Protestant bishop that he would probably have had for a Catholic cardinal. Episco- pacy was his standard ; and when he shewed symptoms of running restive to the government, the primate of Ireland was called in to be the pacificator. " He held a multiplicity of public offices at the same time, unconnected with go- vernment. He was Vicar General to most of the bishops ; and whenever he con- ceived the rights of the Church were threatened, his bristles instantly arose, as it were by instinct ; his tusks were bared for combat ; he moved forward for battle ; and would have shewn no more mercy to the government than he would have done to the patriots. " He injured the reputation of Protestant ascendancy by his extravagant support of the most untenable of its principles. He served the Catholics by the excess of ' his calumnies, and aided their claims to amelioration, by personifying that virulent sectarian intolerance which was the very subject of their grievances. " He had, however, other traits, which frequently disclosed qualities of a very su- perior description. His tongue and his actions were constantly at variance ; he was hospitable and surly i sour and beneficent ; prejudiced and liberal ; friendly and in- veterate. His bad qualities he exposed without reserve to the public ; his good ones he hutibanded for private intercourse. Many of the former were fictitious ; all the latter were natural. He was an honest man, with an outrageous temper and perverted judgment ; and, as if he conceived that right was wrong, he sedulously endeavoured to conceal his philanthropy under the garb of a misanthrope. " In private society, he was often the first in conviviality ; and when his memory, his classic reading, and his miscellaneous information, were turned to the purposes of humour or of anecdote, they gave a quaint, "joyous, eccentric cast to his conversa- tion, highly entertaining to strangers, and still more so to those accustomed to the display of his versatilities." — Barriniiton' s Persohai Sketches. 358 HISTORY OF THE ■Ireland had frequently said, that they wanted only to be brought nearer to the perfection of England, and desired that they might enjoy the substantial blessings of the British constitution. Mr. Sheridan withdrew his amendment, and the original motion was carried without a division. On the 31st January, his Majesty's message was taken into con- sideration, and Mr. Pitt addressed the house. The defeat of the Irish go- Ternment on the 24th was known, and the Chancellor observed, that the result of a similar communication to the parliament of Ireland would have opened a more favourable prospect than at present existed of the speedy accomplishment of a measure which he then proposed : however, he said, he had been disappointed by the proceedings of the Irish House of Commons. He was convinced that the parliament of Ireland pos- sessed the power, the entire competence, to accept or reject a proposi- tion of this nature — a power which he by no means meant to dispute ; but while he admitted the rights of the parliament of Ireland, he felt that, as a member of parliament of Great Britain, he had a right to exercise, and a duty to perform, viz. to express the general nature and outline of the plan, which, in his estimation, would tend to insure the safety and the happiness of the two kingdoms. Should parliament be of opinion that it was calculated to produce mutual advantage to the two kingdoms, he should propose it to be recorded, that the parliament of Great Britain was ready to abide by it, leaving it to the legislature of Ireland to reject or adopt it hereafter upon a full consideration of the subject. Mr. Pitt continued j but as his arguments were embodied in the resolutions he proposed, it would be useless to repeat them. These were thus worded : — " 1. That in order to promote and secure the essential interests of Great Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire, it will be advisable to concur in such measures as may best tend to unite the two kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom, in such manner, and on such terms and conditions as may be established by acts of the respective parliaments of his Majesty's said kingdoms. " 2. That it appears to this committee, that it would be fit to propose, as the first article, to serve as a basis to the said union, that the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland shall, upon a day to be agreed upon, be united into one kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. " 3. That for the same purpose it appears also to this committee, that it would be fit to propose that the succession to the monarchy and the imperial crown of the said united kingdoms shall continue limited and settled, in the same manner as the imperial crown of .the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland now stands limited and settled, according to the existing laws, and to the terms of the union between England and Scotland. " 4. That for the same purpose it appears also to this committee, that it would be fit to propose that the said United Kingdom be presented in one and the same parliament, to be styled The Parliament of the United IRISH REBELLION. 359 rKingdom of Great Britain and Ireland ; and that such a number of lords spiritual and temporal, and such a number of members of the House of ;Commons, aa shall be hereafter agreed upon by acts of the respective parliaments as aforesaid, shall sit and vote in the said parliament on the part of Ireland, and shall be summoned, chosen, and returned, in such manner aa shall be fixed by an act of the parliament of Ireland previous to the said union ; and that every member hereafter to sit and vote in the said parliament of the United Kingdom shall, until the said parlia- ment shall otherwise provide, take and subscribe the same oaths, and make the same declaration, as are by law required to be taken, sub- scribed, and made, by the members of the parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland. " 5. That for the same purpose it appears also to this committee, that it would be fit to propose that the churches of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, worship, discipline, and government thereof, shall be preserved as now by law established. " 6. That for the eame purpose it appears also to this committee, that it would be fit to propose that his Majesty's subjects in Ireland shall at all times hereafter be entitled to the same privileges, and be on the same footing in respect to trade and navigation, in all ports and •places belonging to Great Britain, and in all cases with respect to which treaties shall be made by his Majesty, his heirs or successors, with any foreign power, as his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain ; that no duty shall be imposed on the import or export between Great Britain and Ireland of any articles now duty free; and that on other articles there shall be established, for a time to be limited, such a moderate rate of equal duties as shall, previous to the union, be agreed upon and approved by the respective parliaments, subject, after the expiration of such limited time, to be diminished equally with respect to both kingdoms, but in no case to be increased ; that all articles which may at any time hereafter be imported into Great Britain from foreign parts shall be importable through either kingdom into the other, sub- ject to the like duties and regulations as if the same were imported directly from foreign parts; that where any articles, the growth, pro- duce, or manufacture of either kingdom, are subject to any internal duty in one kingdom, such countervailing duties (over and above any duties on import to be fixed as aforesaid) shall be imposed as shall be necessary to prevent any inequality in that respect ; and that all other matters of trade and commerce, other than the foregoing, and than such others as may before the union be specially agreed upon for the due encouragement of the agriculture and manufactures of the respective kingdoms, shall remain to be regulated from time to time by the united parliament. " 7. That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that the charge arising from the payment of the interest or sinking fund for the reduction of the principal of the debt incurred in either kingdom before the union, shall continue to be separately defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland respectively. That for a number of years, to be limited, the future ordinary expenses of the United Kingdom, in peace or war, 860 HISTORY OF THE shovild be defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland jointly, according to such proportions as shall be established by the respective parliaments previous to the union j and that, after the expiration of the time to be 80 limited, the proportions shall not be liable to be varied, except according to such rates and principles as shall be in like manner agreed upon previous to the union. " 8. That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose, tbat all laws in force at the time of the union, and that all the courts of civil or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the respective kingdoms, shall remain as now by law established within the same, subject only to such alterations or regulations, from time to time, as circumstances may appear to the parliament of the United Kingdom to require. " That the foregoing resolutions be laid before his Majesty, with an humble address, assuring his Majesty that we have proceeded with the utmost attention to the consideration of the important objects recom- mended to us in his Majesty's gracious message. " That we entertain a firm persuasion that a complete and entire union between Great Britain and Ireland, founded on equal and liberal principles, on the similarity of laws, constitution, and government, and on a sense of mutual interests and affections, by promoting the security, wealth, and commerce of the respective kingdoms, and by allaying the distractions which have unhappily prevailed in Ireland, must afford fresh means of opposing at all times an effectual resistance to the destructive projects of our foreign and domestic enemies, and must tend to confirm and augment the stability, power, and resources of the empire. " Impressed with these considerations, we feel it our duty humbly to lay before his Majesty such propositions as appear to us best calculated to form the basis of such a settlement, leaving it to his Majesty's wisdom, at such time and in such manner as his Majesty, in his parental solicitude for the happiness of his people, shall judge fit, to communi- cate these propositions to his parliament of Ireland, with whom we shall be at all times ready to concur in all such measures as may be found most conducive to the accomplishment of this great and salutary work. And we trust that, after full and mature consideration, such a settlement may be framed and established, by the deliberative consent of the parliaments of both kingdoms, as may be conformable to the senti- ments, wishes, and real interests of his Majesty's faithful subjects ol Great Britain and Ireland, and may unite them inseparably in the full enjoyment of the blessings of our free and invaluable constitution, in the support of the honour and dignity of his Majesty's crown, and in the preservation and advancement of the welfare and prosperity of the whole British empire." Mr. Sheridan moved an amendment. His arguments were pointless, and in the leadership he had taken in the opposition to the union, he seems to have been any thing but brilliant. His resolutions were — " That no measures could have a tendency to improve and per- petuate the ties of amity between Great Britain and Ireland which have not for their basis the fair and free approbation of the parlia- ments of the two countries. IRISH BKBKLLIOtr. 361 _ " That whoever shall endeavour to obtain such approbation, in either country, by employing the influence of government for the pur- poses of corruption or intimidation, was an enemy to his Majesty and the constitution." After Lord Hawkesbury had arraigned Mr. Sheridan with incon- sistency, and Dr. Lawrence had defended him, the house divided. Ayes, 140; noes, 15. On Thursday, the 7th of February, Mr. Pitt moved the order of the day for the house to resolve itself into a committee, in order to take into farther consideration his Majesty's most gracious message respect- ing the proposed union with Ireland. Waiving his privilege to address the house, the Chancellor gave place to Mr. Sheridan. The gist of his speech went to prove that, with all its corruption, a native legislature was still better suited to find out and apply remedies to the numerous evils with which all admitted that Ireland was afflicted, than a British parliament. He denied the asser- tion, that we had no alternative but division and separation, or union. The real alternative, he said, was, that the Irish government should na longer continue to be a corrupt English job. It had been asserted that there was some innate depravity in the Irish character which rendered them unfit to have a parliament of their own. This he utterly denied, and contended that the corruption complained of was obvious : the government of Ireland had been made a job of for the advantage of the British minister. The right honourable gentleman had contended that Ireland was helpless and dependent. He had threatened the country with a measure which it detested, and which must drive the people to take every precaution against the corruption and intimidation with which he menaced them. He had said that Ireland would obtain great commercial advantages in consequence of a union, and that the situa- tion of the Catholics and Dissenters would be improved ; but he had not said why these ameliorations would not take place without a union. After some more observations of the same kind, Mr. Sheridan moved resolutions, similar to those he had proposed on the former debate. Mr. Pitt replied, and Mr. Grey, Mr. Jones, and Mr. Sheridan fol- lowed ; after which the house divided on Mr. Chancellor Pitt's motion. For the previous question, 141 ; against it, 25. Strangers were then excluded the gallery, and on their readmissiqn — The Hon. St. A. St. John was speaking against the question for the Speaker's leaving the chair. Mr. Grey followed, and very ably opposed the arguments used by those in favour of the proposed measure. Great evils, he admitted, existed in Ireland ; but did they owe their origin to the legislature of Ireland ? That Ireland had an independent legislature was true ; and that with that legislature great calamities had happened in that country, was also true ; but he did not think that because these two things were CO -existent, that therefore the one of them must be considered as the cause and the other the effect. " Look," said Mr. Grey, " at the history of Ireland, and you will find that if it had not been for the interference of 362 HISTORY OF THE British oounoils and of ' British; intrigue, none, or hut few, of the evils which were felt, would ever have taken place— evils of which govern^- ment was the parent, and which were now made the reason for taking away all the semblance of liberty among the Irish people. All the feuds and -religious aniiflosities and dissensions which hadi distracted Ireland had been caused by government ; and .yet government was making use of these evils as a pretext for taking away the liberty of the people of Ireland." The next circumstance which Mr. Grey took . notice of was the objection which the right honourable gentleman stated to two independent parliaments ; as an argument against which he had quoted the case of the regency. But what, said he, was the case of the regency ? The parliament of Ireland vested in the heir apparent the full power of a regent, without any restriction. The parliament of this country had voted the same person, but with certain limitations and restrictions ; but the two countries were by no means alike. In .England there was a vast deal of power and inftuence which attached to the sovereignty, independent of that which is properly to be called government ; — in Ireland there was none. Mr. Grey concluded with some general observations upon the situation of affairs on the Con- tinent. The speeches of Mr. Secretary Dundas in favour of the measure now -before the house, and the arguments of Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Tierney against the projected Union, had nothing- of reasoning novelty. In the course of his address to the house, the latter speaker ob- served, that "the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Dundas), who had drawn so many arguments from the prosperous state of Scotland, had confounded himself with his country, and had endeavoured to prove the benefits which had followed to Scotland, by a statement of the .prosperity which had flowed upon himself. Indeed, the whole of his argument seemed calculated to persuade the Irish parliament to engage in the present measure, as likely to turn out a good speculation for ^themselves. These remarks of Mr. Tierney had nearly led to a parliamentary brouillerie. Mr. Secretary Dundas said a few words in explanation, and con- . tended, that he did not say that the imperial parliament would be a fgood field of enterprise and adventure to the members of the Irish par- liament. Therefoie,^ he said, the honourable gentleman must permit him to say, it was impertinent in Jiim to put words into his mouth he had never used. Mr. Tierney said, " Does the liglit honourable gentleman mean to call my observation impertinent?" A cry — " The question, the question !" Mr. Tierney said, he considered such language unparliamentary. Mr. Grey said, he beli^eved his honourable friend had been misled by his momentary warmth, and he thought; Mr. Dundas did not use the expression. Mr. Dundas explained. Mr. Tierney expressed himself satisfied with the explanation. IRISH REBELLION, 363 Mr. Speaker acknowledged, that the expression, as it had been used, did not appear to him to be parliamentary. Mr. W. Grant spoke in favour of the motion. Mr. "W. Smith said a few words on the subject. The house then divided— For the Speaker's leaving the chair . 149 Against it ......... 24 On Monday, February 11, Mr. Chancellor Pitt moved the order of the day for the house going into a committee for the further con- sideration of his Majesty's message ; which being read, and the Speaker having moved that, the same be talken into consideration — Mr. Sheridan rose, and said it was not his intention at present to oppose the Speaker's leaving the chair, for the purpose of J)reventing the house from resuming the consideration of his Majest/s message. After delivering a long and desultory address, which certainly was not among his happiest displays, Mr. Sheridan concluded by moving — " That it be an instruction to the committee to consider how far it would be consistent witb justice or policy, and conducive to the general interests, and especially to the consolidation of the strength of the British empire, were civil incapacities, on account of religious distinc- tions, to be done away throughout his Majesty's dominions." Mr. Pitt said, that of all the speeches he had ever heard the honour- able gentleman make in that house, that which he had just concluded was the most extraordinary ; for he began it by saying; that though he rose to move an instruction to the committee, yet he did not think any was necessary, and that it was equally competent to him to pro- pose his motion in the committee itself ; and on this account he would not oppose the Speaker's leaving the chair. From this strange mode of proceeding, he said, he could hardly think that the honourable gen- tleman had any serious intention of persisting in his motion. A very lengthened debate succeeded, during which many speakers addressed the house. The advantages derived by Scotland from her union with Britain had been principally dwelt upon by the minister and his supporters, while the gentlemen in opposition denied all analogy in the respective cases of the countries. Dr. Lawrence contended, that the advantages to be derived from a, union were reciprocal to England and Ireland, and that the control of England over the legislature of Ireland, by means of the royal prerogative of assent and dissent, was sufEcient to prevent any ill con- sequences from the present form of its government. It had been urged, that the anion was a measure calculated to heal the disquiets of the country, and calm the discords among the various contending sects ; but why was it to be done by means of a union ? There were other modes, and by the conduct pursued in Lord Fitzwilliam's short admin- istration it plainly appeared that the people of Ireland were anxious to have the remedies proposed by that nobleman. The Scotch Union had been urged as an argument in favour of the present measure, but this he would not admit as by any means analo- 364 HLSTORY OP THE gous. To prove this, he went into a very long historical detail. He concluded by wishing the house most seriously to consider the mischiefs that were likely to ensue by pursuing a line of conduct inimical to the wishes, and contradictory to the resolutions, of the Irish nation. He should, he said, object to the Speaker's leaving the chair. The house then divided — For the Speaker's leaving the chair . 131 Against it 19 Majority - 112 The house then resolved itself into a committee pro formd, and, being resumed, the committee asked leave to sit again the next day. On the 12th of February, the order of the day being read for the house to go into a committee upon his Majesty's message respecting the Union with Ireland, the resolutions formerly proposed by Mr. Pitt on the 31st of January, were brought forward seriatim before the committee. The first, second, third, fourth, and fifth resolutions were then read by the chairman, and agreed to without any objection. The question being put upon the sixth resolution, which goes to grant an equality of privileges in trade and navigation, &c. to Ireland ; and the seventh, as not expressing the exact taxation which should take place between the two countries as soon as the union should be efiected, were debated and agreed to. When the house was resumed, the report was ordered to be received on the Thursday following (14th February). It would be tedious to give even a summary of a protracted debate, of which the result was that the house divided on the question for bringing up the report: for it, 120; against it, 16; majority, 104. The house then proceeded to the consideration of the report, and the first resolution was read and agreed to. Mr. Tierney objected to the other resolutions as unnecessary, the great object of shewing to the people of Ireland the disposition of the house towards a union being attained. He particularly objected to the sixth resolution, relative to the commercial regulations, because he might be instructed by his constituents to oppose it. The right hon. S. Douglas supported the resolution, as necessary to shew the intention of parliament. Mr. Wilberforce Bird, right hon. D. Ryder, Mr. Tierney, Sir W. Geary, and Mr. J. H. Browne, said each of them a few words on diiferent sides of the question. The resolutions were then agreed to with some amendments ; and The Chancellor moved that a message be sent to the Lords, re- questing a conference respecting the means of perpetuating and im- proving the connection between the two countries, which was ordered. On the following Monday (22nd April), the address from the Lords on the subject of the proposed union was read in the Commons. The debate which followed was, with trifling exceptions, confined to similar IRISH KKBELLION. 365 arguments previously urged, and to the same speakers who had de- livered their opinions during the different stages when the bill was before the house. It would be irrelevant, therefore, to state aught but the result. Mr. Pitt rose and moved tliat a message should be sent to the Lords, informing their lordships the house had agreed to the ad- dress, and had filled up the blank with the words " and Commons." As the question was considered with the most minute attention by the Commons, we have given prfecedence to their debates. In the House of Lords the subject was introduced on the same day (January 22nd), and in the same mode, viz. by a message from his Majesty. In the upper house the question was discussed, supported, and opposed — and the address passed through the parliamentary stages, as in the lower house, with immense majorities in favour of the measure. Having reached its final stage, the question was put upon the address, and carried, netnine dissentiente. Lord Grenville, Lord Auckland, the Bishop of Landaff, and Lord. Minto, were then named as a committee to draw up an address con- formable to the motion ; and when they returned with it, it was agreed to. Lord Grenville then moved, that a conference be desired with the Commons on the following day, at half- past four o'clock, on the subject of their conference on the 18th of March last; which being put and carried, his lordship gave notice that he should then move that the managers of the conference, on the part of their lordships, be instructed to request the Commons to agree that the address be presented to his Majesty as the joint address of both houses of parliament, which was done accordingly. 366 HISTORY OP THE CHAPTER XXXV. parliamemtahy progress of the union through the ikish house of commons the measure carried. The false movement of Mr. Ponsonby was never recovered by the anti-unionists-^-and to render the struggle still more hopeless, some of the ablest members of the opposition seceded from parliament, and left the question to its fate. Mr. Grattan subsequently returned, when his services were unavailing — 'but Mr. Curran never resumed his seat. The party from this period were falling to pieces every hour, and the opposition to union were, in fact, united on no one question but the one — and even in the measure of that opposition they were not agreed, much less in the mode of securing a retreat or of profiting by a victory. " But still the opposition to annexation brought them closely together^— and a view of the house at this period was quite unpre- eedented. The friends of Catholic emancipation were seen on the same benches with those of Protestant ascendancy — ^the supporters of reform divided with the borough influence — a sense of common danger drew men together upon this topic who were dissimilar in sentiment, adverse in opinion, jealous in interest, and antagonists in principle. They conjointly presented a formidable front to the enemy, but possessed within themselves neither subordination nor unqualified unanimity, qualities which were essentially necessary to preserve so heterogeneous a body, from the destructive weapons which were provided for their overthrow. " There was no great leader whom they could collectively consult or obey — no systematic course determined on for their conduct — no pre- arranged plan of proceeding without-doors, or practical arrangement for internal debate; their energies were personal, their enthusiasm graduated, and their exertions not gregarious. Every man formed his own line of procedure ; the battle was hand to hand, the movements desultory ; whether they clashed with the general interest, or injured the general cause, was hardly contemplated, and seldom perceived until the injury had happened."* Another powerful diversion in favour of the unionists was the ad- herence of the Catholic hierarchy to the government. In a full assurance that emancipation would be a consequence were the minis- terial measures carried into effect, the Catholic prelates gave their assistance, and no doubt it was all-powerful. The exertions of Lord Caatlereagh were indefatigable— and even when the English chancellor * Secret Memoirs of the Union. IRISH REBELLION. 367 felt inclined to leave the question in abeyance,* the Irish secretary was resolute in forcing his favourite measure to a close. His determination and his activity kept pace — and while his opponents were frittering the unity of strength away, in quarrelling on minor questions, Lord Castlereagh's eye was never removed from the grand object of his heart for an instant. Every influence a minister could command waa ably brought into action, and plans were devised which probably the boldest statesman would have scarcely dared to imagine, far less to adopt. The Irish gentlemen of that day were remarkably pugnacious, and nearly half the members of the lower house were duellists, not only in principle but practice, t Few persons in those eventful times toot an active part in politics without becoming involved in personal en- counters ; and even amongst the highest law officers of the crown and the judges of the land, differences of opinion were frequently referred to arbitrament in the field. During the past session, the balance of talent in the house leaned rather to the opposition, while the spirit of the anti-unionists was highly excited, and the leaders, on several oc- casions, appeared solicitous to waive further argument, and try con- clusions with the pistol. The secretary, a gallant and fearless man himself, was therefore desij:ous that his own spirit should be infused into his supporters, and to effect it he devised a plan totally unpre- cedented, and which never could have been thought of in any other country than Ireland. He invited to dinner, at his house in Merion-square, above twenty of his most staunch supporters, consisting of " tried men," and men of "fighting families," who rilight feel an individual pride in resenting every personality of the opposition, and in identifying their own honour with the cause of government. The dinner was sumptuous ; the champagne and madeira had their due effect, and no man could be more condescending than the noble host. After due preparation the point was skilfully introduced by Sir John Blaquiere (since created Lord de Blaquiere), who, of all men, was best calculated to promote a gentlemanly, convivial, fighting conspiracy. He was of the old school, and an able diplomatist ; and with the most polished manners and im- * " Mr. Pitt had, by a private despatch to Lord Cornwallis, desired that Uie measure shovdd not be then pressed, unless he could be certain of a majority of fifty. The chancellor, on learning the import of that despatch, expostulated in the strongest terms at so pusillanimous a decision. His lordship never knew the mean- ing of the word moderation in any public pursuit, and he cared not whether the Union were carried by a majority of one Or one hundred." t The fire-eating propensities of the Irish aristocracy were actually advanced during the final debate in the British House of Commons, as good and sufficient grounds against the Union ! " But a matter of greater alarm to Doctor Lawrence was the disturbance that might be occasioned by the introduction of so many members from Ireland in that house, from a quickness of disposition, and a propensity to duelling. He confessed that he was not vrithout apprehensions for the order, the tranquillity, and the security of the house, even under the good government and authority of so excellent a chairman as the present speaker."— Parliamentarj/ Reports. 368 HISTOKY OF THE posiug address, combined a friendly heart and decided spirit, while in polite conviviality he was unrivalled. Having sent round many loyal, mingled with joyous and exhilarating toasts, he stated that he understood the opposition were disposed to personal unkindness, or even incivilities, towards his Majesty's best friends — ^the unionists of Ireland. He was determined that no man should advance upon him by degrading the party he had adopted, and the measures he was pledged to support. A full bumper proved his sincerity — the subject was discussed with great glee, and some of the company began to feel a zeal for actual service. Lord Castlereagh affected some coquetry, lest this idea should appear to have originated with him ; but when he perceived that many had made up their minds to act even on the offensive, he calmly observed, that some mode should, at all events, be taken to secure the constant presence of a sufficient number of the government friends during the discussion, as subjects of the utmost importance were often totally lost for want of due attendance. Never did a sleight-of-hand man juggle more expertly. One of his lordship's prepared accessories (as if it were a new thought) proposed, humorously, to have a dinner for twenty or thirty every day, in one of the committee chambers, where they could be al- ways at hand to make up a house, or for any emergency which should call for an unexpected reinforcement, during any part of the dis- cussion. The novel idea of such a detachment of legislators was considered whimsical and humorous, and, of course, was not rejected. Wit and puns began to accompany the bottle ; Mr. Cooke, the secretary, then, with significant nods and smirking innuendoes, began to circulate his official rewards to the company. The hints and the claret united to raise visions of the most gratifying nature — every man became in a prosperous state of official pregnancy : embryo judges — counsel to boards — envoys to foreign courts — compensation pensioners — placemen at chance — and commissioners in assortments — ^all revelled in the an- ticipation of something substantial to be given to every member who would do the secretary the honour of accepting it. The scheme was unanimously adopted — Sir John Blaquiere plea- santly observed that, at all events, they would be sure of a good cook at their dinners. After much wit, and many flashes of convivial bravery, the meeting separated after midnight, fully resolved to eat, drink, speak, and fight for Lord Castlereagh. They so far kept their words, that the supporters of the Union indisputably shewed more personal spirit than their opponents during the session. When this singular proceeding was communicated, an opposition meeting assembled at Chalemont-House, the object being to counteract the pistol project of Lord Castlereagh. Luckily, the temperament of the opposition was unequal — ^and the " war to the knife " sentiments of the fighting section of the assembly, was overruled by a majority of the meeting. From the temper of the times, and the tone adopted IRISH REBELLION. 369 by the unionists, hostile meetings were calculated on as unavoidable — and yet, strange to say, while a petty election in those days was rarely concluded without three or four adjournments from the hustings to the field, the great question of the Irish Union, with all its political ex- citement and stormy debates, produced a solitary duel — Mr. Grattan's hostile affair with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. They quarrelled, fought, and voted during the same debate, Mr. Isaac Corry* (the chancellor) being slightly wounded on the occasion. Such had been the state of the momentous question of a union, when the king, in closing the session of '99, thus expressed himself (July 29) : — " It is with peculiar satisfaction I congratulate you on the success of the steps which you have taken for effecting an entire union between my kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland. " This great measure, on which my wishes have been long earnestly bent, I shall ever consider as the happiest event of my reign, being persuaded that nothing could so effectually contribute to extend to my Irish subjects the full participation of the blessings derived from the British constitution, and to establish, on the most solid foundation, the strength, prosperity, and power of the whole empire." The interval which passed until parliament re-assembled has been generally noticed — and the tone of the times and the temper of the parties may be sufficiently collected from the preceding pages. Whatever progress the supporters of the proposed union had made during the parliamentary recess, no change of popular sentiment on the subject took place in the metropolis. When the resolutions of the British legislature, intended as a basis for a union with Ireland, being remitted, * " Mr. Isaac Corry, the son of an eminent merchant in Newry, had been elected representative in parliament for his native town, and commenced his public life under the patronage of that dignified Irishman, Mr. John O'Neil, with great advantages. His figni'e and address were those of a gentleman, rather graceful and prepossessing ; and though not regularly educated, he was not badly informed. He was a man of business, and a man of pleasure ; he had glided over the surface of general politics, and collected the idioms of superfcial literature; he possessed about a third-rate public talent. His class of elocution in parliament was sometimes useful, and always agreeable ; but on momentous subjects he was not efficient. In facing great questions, he frequently shrunk back — in facing great men, he was sufficiently assuming. His public principles were naturally patriotic, but his interest lost no time in adapting them to his purposes. He sought to acquire the character of an accomplished financier, but he was totally unequal to the mazes of financial speculation, and there he altogether failed. His private habits and qualities were friendly and engaging — his public ones as correct as his interest would admit of. " As a reward for his fidelity to the Irish minister of 1799, he succeeded in the first object of his life— the supplanting of Sir John Parnellin the Chancellorship of the Irish Exchequer. But it added little to his emolument, and nothing to his reputation. He wrangled through the Irish Union as a ministerial partisan, and exposed himself as a financier in the Imperial Parliament. His influence was neu- tralized when he lost his country — his pride was extinguished when he lost his office ; and he was defeated at Newry, in which he thought himself estabhshed. Like others of his repenting countrymen, he withdrew from public Ufe upon the purchase of his integrity, regretting past scenes, and disgusted with the passing ones. He lingered out his latter days in an inglorious retirement, the prey of chagrin, and the victim of unimportance. As a private friend, it is impossible but to regret him — as a public character, he has left but little of celebrity. "—Barrington, 2 B 370 HISTORY OP THE rith some alterations, for the reconsiderations of that country, in May, 1799, became a subject of parliamentary discussion, the populace of Dublin, and many other towns, manifested an aversion to the union in tvery mode in which they could shew it short of an armed opposition. The last session of an Irish parliament opened on the 15th of January, 800. Sir Lawrence Parsons, in the Commons, moved that they should, in their address to the Viceroy, declare their disapprobation of an incorporating union. This motion was negatived by 138 voices against 96. The speech delivered by the "Viceroy, it was generally expected, would have openly avowed the determination of the govern- ment to propose and carry the union — but not an allusion to that sub- ject was made, nor was there a debateable point in the address. The opposition saw the able policy of the minister, and it was evident, from the tactique employed by Lord Castlereagh, that he had wisely determined to carry his important measure by sap, and not by storm. To counteract this intention, Sir Lawrence Parsons proposed his motion, and never did a parliamentary proposition elicit a more signal display of party energy and talent. " Every mind was at its stretch — every talent was in its vigour ; it was a momentous trial, and never was so general and so deep a sensation felt in any country. Numerous British noblemen and commoners were present at that and the succeeding debate, and they expressed opinions of Irish eloquence which they had never before conceived, nor ever after had an opportunity of appre- ciating. Every man on that night seemed to be inspired by the sub- ject. Speeches more replete with talent and with energy, on both sides, never were heard in the Irish senate — it was a vital subject. The sublime, the eloquent, the figurative orator — the plain, the con- nected, the metaphysical reasoner — the classical, the learned, and the solemn declairaer, in a succession of speeches, so full of energy and enthusiasm, so interesting in their nature, so important in their conse- quence, created a variety of sensations even in the bosom of a stranger, and could scarcely fail of exciting some sympathy with a nation which was doomed to close for ever that school of eloquence which had so long given character and celebrity to Irish talent."* The debate proceeded with increasing heat and interest till past ten o'clock the ensuing morning (16th). Many members on both sides signalized themselves to an extent that never could have been expected. The result of the convivial resolution at Lord Oastlereagh's house, already mentioned, was actually exemplified and clearly discernible ; an unexampled zeal, an uncongenial energy, an uncalled for rancour, and an unusual animation broke out from several supporters of govern- ment, to an extent which none but those who had known the system Lord Castlereagh had skilfully suggested to his followers, could in any way account for. This excess of ardour gave to this debate not only a new and extraordinary variety of language, but an acrimony of invec- tive, and an absence of all moderation, never before so immoderately practised. This violence was in unison with the pugnacious project of * Seccet Memoirs of the Union. IRISH REBELLION. 37] anticipating the Anti-Unionists in offensive operations — some remark- able instances were actually put into practice. The debate on this occasion was attended with some singular occur- rences. The house was wearied out, and the subject exhausted, when, at seven o'clock in the morning, Mr. Grattan, who had seceded from the contest through chagrin and ill health the preceding session, sud- denly and unexpectedly entered the house again. It is probably one of the most interesting parliamentary episodes upon record, and we will give it in Barrington's words. " At that time Mr. Tighe returned the members for the close borough of "Wicklow, and a vacancy having occurred, it was tendered to Mr. Grattan, who would willingly have declined it, but for the importu- nities of his friends. "The lord-lieutenant and Lord Castlereagh, justly appreciating the effect his presence might have on the first debate, had withheld the writ of election till the last moment the law allowed, and till they conceived it might be too late to return Mr. Grattan in time for the discussion. It was not until the day of the meeting of parliament that the writ was delivered to the returning officer. By extraordinary exertions, and perhaps by following the example of government, in overstraining the law, the election was held immediately on the arrival of the writ. A sufficient number of voters were collected to return Mr. Grattan before midnight ; by one o'clock the return was on its road to Dublin ; it arrived by five ; a party of Mr. Grattan's friends repaired to the private house of the proper officer, and making him get out of bed, compelled him to present the writ to parliament before seven in the morning, when the house was in warm debate on the union. A whisper ran through every party, that Mr. Grattan was elected, and would immediately take his seat. The ministerialists smiled with incredulous derision, and the opposition thought the news too good to be true. "Mr. Egan was speaking strongly against the measure, when Mr. George Ponsonby and Mr. Arthur Moore (now judge of the Common Pleas) walked out, and immediately returned, leading, or rather help- ing, Mr. Grattan, in a state of total feebleness and debility. The effect was electric. Mr. Grattan's illness and deep chagrin had reduced a form never symmetrical, and a visage at all times thin, nearly to the appearance of a spectre. As he feebly tottered into the house, every member simultaneously rose from his seat. He moved slowly to the table ; his languid countenance seemed to revive as he took those oaths that restored him to his pre-eminent station ; the smile of inward satis- faction obviously illuminated his features, and reanimation and energy seemed to kindle by the labour of his mind. The house was silent-— Mr. Egan did not resume his speech. Mr. Grattan, almost breathless, as if by instinct, attempted to rise, but was unable to stand. He paused, and with difficulty requested permission of the house to deliver his sentiments without moving from his seat. This was acceded to by acclamation, and he who had left his bed of sickness to record, as he thought, his last words in the parliament of his country, kindled gra- 2b 2 S72 HISTORY OF THE dually, till his language glowed with an energy and feeling which he had seldom surpassed. After nearly two hours of the most powerful eloquence, he concluded with an undiminished vigour, miraculous to those who were unacquainted with his intellect." The diyision, on the part of government was even more favourable than they had expected, and while the unionists were exhilarated by the almost certain prospect of success, the section unfriendly to the measure were proportionately desponding as to the result of the struggle. No means, however, of conversion or confirmation were (mitted on either side, — and, in order to counteract the first eifects of this ministerial triumph in the capital, within an hour or two after the adjournment of the House of Commons (10 o'clock, 16th July), an aggregate meeting of the freemen and freeholders of the city of Dublin was convened by instant requisition, at which very strong resolutions were passed,* and a high panegyric pronounced on the patriotic virtue of Mr. Grattan. Nothing could indicate more pointedly the unsteady tenure of popular favour on which the demagogue can rely — ^for the same men had, by obloquy and ingratitude, forced him to retire from public life a few short months before. On the 15th of February, after several petitions against a union had been presented to the house, the whole plan of the intended measure was detailed by Lord Castlereagh, who, after displaying the general principle of the union, proposed eight articles, as the foundations on which it might be established, to the mutual benefit of both kingdoms. On the division, after a long debate that ensued, 158 supported Lord Castlereagh's motion, and 115 opposed it.f On the result of the debate being known, the populace became ex- tremely turbulent, and unequivocal marks of public disapprobation were evinced towards the unionist members of the Commons, while, under a strange delusion, the citizens of Dublin considered that the * Vide Appendix. t " Lord Castlereagh's motion was artful in the extreme — he did not move ex- pressly for any adoption of the propositions, but that they should be printed aud circulated, with a view to their ultimate adoption. " This was opposed as a virtual acceptation of the subject j on this point the issue was joined, and the Irish nation was on that night laid prostrate. The division was— " Number of Members 300 " For Lord Castlereagh's motion 158 "Against it 115 " Of Members present, majority 43 "Absent 27 " By this division it appears that the government had a majority of the house of on^y eight, by their utmost efforts. Twenty-seven were absent, of whom every man 'efused to vote for a union, but did not vote at all, being kept away by different causes ; and of consequence, eight above a moiety carried the union ; and of the one hundred and fifty-eight who voted for it in 1800, twenty-eight were notoriouBly bribed or influenced corruptly." IRISH REBELLION. 373 measure they detested would be abandoned, and indulged in their imaginary triumph. Lord Castlereagh was hanged in effigy in Merri on- square — and for the protection of the government supporters a squadron of cavalry was ordered to mount guard in Foster-place, and a threat held out, that in the event of riotous proceedings being continued, the par- liament should be removed from the metropolis to Cork. The chan- cellor, it was said, determined, at a meeting of a privy council, to turn the military against the population, should their violence continue, and an outrage took place which certainly gave colour to the statement. About nine at night, a party of the military stationed in the old Custom-house, near Essex-bridge, silently sallied out with trailed arms, without any civil magistrate, and only a Serjeant to command them : on arriving at Capel-street, the populace were in the act of violently huzzaing for their friends, and, of course, with equal vehemence, exe- crating their enemies; but no Riot Act was read, no magistrate ap- peared, and no disturbance or tumult existed to warrant military interference. The soldiers, however, having taken a position a short way down the street, without being in any way assailed, fired a volley amongst the people ; of course a few were killed and some wounded ; amongst the former were a woman and a boy. This outrage was brought after- wards before parliament — but it fell to the ground, and the offending parties escaped punishment.* In the meanwhile the question of the Union was hastening to its crisis — and iu both houses the debates were carried on with unabated asperity. In the Irish house of peers, the man who signalized his zeal against the union, was the Marquis of Downshire. He opposed it with indefatigable industry and perseverance, with moderate eloquence, but with the weight of a fair and unblemished character, and the reputation of being sincerely and faithfully attached to his native country. But neither his exertions nor those of other lords were of any avail. The measure of the union was carried, in the Irish House of Lords, by a great majority — but a protestt was entered on the iournals of the Irish House of Lords, and signed by twenty peers. The most interesting debates on the union took place, as was to be expected, in the Irish House of Commons. On the 13th of March, Sir John Parnell, wishing to have the sense of the nation more deci- sively ascertained than it could be in the present parliament, moved that the king should be requested to dissolve it, and convoke another — a kind of convention parliament. Mr. Saurin distinguished himself greatly by his eloquence and spirit in support of the motion, and strongly urged an appeal to the people. On this occasion, the solicitor- general accused Mr. Saurin of " unfurling the bloody flag of rebellion ;" while Mr. Egan insinuated that himself and other members of ad- ministration "had unfurled the flag of prostitution and corruption." The motion was negatived, after a long and animated debate, by a largq majority. * Barrington. t '^ic'e Appendix. 374 HISTORY OF THE In the course of the adjourned debate on the 17th, the previously- exasperated feelings existing between Mr. Corry and Mr. Grattan were brought to a hostile issue. " On the appointed day, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Corry, retraced his old ground of argument, which he interspersed with much personal acrimony and abuse, directed par- ticularly to Mr. Grattan, who vindicated himself in strong language, and retorted upon his opponent the insinuations of unconstitutional and treasonable conduct. Mr. Corry replied with redoubled severity, and Mr. Grattan rejoined with euch increased power of censure, as threw the onus of resentment completely on the chancellor. The house saw the inevitable consequences, and the Speaker (the house was in commit- tee) sent for Mr. Grattan into his chamber, and pressed his interposition for an amicable adjustment, which Mr. Grattan positively refused, say- ing, that he saw and had been some time aware of a set made to pistol him off on that question, therefore it was as well the experiment were tried then as at any other time. Both parties had instantly left the house upon Mr. Grattan's finishing philippic. Matters having been speedily adjusted by the seconds, they proceeded in hackney-coaches to a field on the Balls-bridge-road, which . they reached at twilight. It was agreed they should level and fire at their own option. The first shot on both sides did no mischief — Mr. Grattan's passed through Mr. Corry's coat. On the second level, there was much science and pistol play ; Mr. Gratton's ball hit his antagonist on the knuckle of his left hand, which he had extended across his breast to protect his right side, and, taking a direction along his waist, did no other injury. The populace, notwithstanding the quickness and secrecy with which the business was conducted, followed the parties to the ground, and there was reason to fear, had Mr. Grattan fallen, that his antagonist would have been sacrificed on the spot to the resentment of the mob, so enthusiastically were they devoted to their favourite. The issue of this affair reached the House of Commons whilst they were still in debate, at half-past eight in the morning."* The resolutions of the British parliament were, in the meanwhile, remitted to Ireland; and, being approved by the Irish parliament, after a few slight alterations, were ratified by the parliaments of both kingdoms, and passed into a law, by the royal assent, on the 2nd of July. The opposition to the union in Ireland had by this time become faint : some of its adversaries, by mature deliberation, had brought their minds to a conviction of the utility of the measure ; while others, in whose minds nothing could counterbalance the loss of independence, perceiving the ineflScacy of remonstrance and complaint, began to fix their attention on other objects. The closing debates upon the union are now simply to be detailed — the battle was won, and further opposition hopeless. Incidents had occasionally chequered the colour of the debate — by turns violent, ludicrous, and melo-dramatio. One of those singular incidents which, though trivial, occasionally produce a great sensation, occurred in the * Plowden. IRISH REBELLION. 375 progress Of the bill, on a debate respecting local representation. " From the importance of the subject, and the strong feelings of every party, the slightest incident, the most immaterial word, or trivial action, was constraed into an indication of something momentous. Mr. Charles Ball, the new member for Clogher, was a most ardent, impetuous, and even furious opponent of a union, on any terms or under any circum- stances. He was a very large, eager, boisterous, and determined man ; he uttered whatever he thought, and there was no restraining his sen- timents. In the midst of a crowded coflFee-room he declared hia astonishment, that whilst hundreds of wretched men every day sacri- ficed their lives in resisting those who openly attacked their liberty, there were none who did not at once rid their country of the monsters who were betraying it. It could easily be done, he said, by a few hand-grenades, thrown from the gallery when your ministerial gentlemen are locked up for a division. " The extravagance of the idea excited general merriment ; but there were some who actually conceived the practicability of the scheme. Mr. Ball, with affected gravity, added, that he had heard such a plan was intended ; and this only increased the previous merriment. The house presently commenced its sitting, and Mr. Secretary Cooke had taken the chair of the committee, when suddenly a voice like thunder burst from the gallery, which was crowded to excess : ' Now,' roared the Stentor, ' now let the bloodiest assassin take the chair ! — Let the bloodiest assassin take the chair !' " Any attempt at description of the scene would be unavailing — the shells and hand-grenades of Mr. Ball presented themselves to every man's imagination. All was terror and confusion : many pressed to- wards the doors, but the door-keepers had fled, and turned the keys to prevent the escape of the culprit. A few hats fell by accident from the galleries, which were in a state of tumult. These appeared like bomb-shells to the terrified members : pocket-pistols and swords were upon the point of being produced ; every man seemed to expect the bloody assassins to rush in hundreds from the galleries. No explosion, however, took place — no assassins descended ; and a scuffle in the gal- lery was succeeded by an exclamation, " We have secured him ! We have secured him!" which restored some confidence to the senators. The serjeant-at-arms now ascended, sword in hand, and was followed by many of the members, whose courage had been quiescent till there was a certainty of no danger. Mr. Denis Brown, as a forlorn hope, was the first to mount the gallery. After a valiant resistance, an herculean gentleman was forced down into the body of the house, by a hundred hands. As soon as he was effectually secured, all the mem- bers were most courageous ; some pommelled, some kicked him, and at length he was thrown flat upon the floor, and firmly pinioned. The whole power of parliament, however, could not protect them from his eloquence ; and most powerfully did he use his tongue. The gigantic appearance of the man struck every body with awe, and none but the lawyers had the least conception that he was a Mr. Sinclair, one of the most quiet and well-behaved barristers of the profession. He 376 HISTORY OF THE ■was a respectable, independent, and idle member of the Irish Bar, but an enthusiast against a union. He had dined with a party of the same opinions at the house of a friend, who was undoubtedly a mad- man, but whose excellent wine and wild conversation had elevated Mr. Sinclair so very far above all dread, that he declared he would himself, that night, in spite of all the traitors, make a speech in the house, and give them his full opinion of the only measure that should be taken against them. He accordingly repaired to the gallery, and, on seeing the secretary take the chair, could no longer contain himself, but attempted to leap down among the members. Being restrained by some friends who were with him, he determined, however, to make his speech, and commenced with the most appalling expression of what he con- ceived should be the fate of the unionists. He was committed to New- gate by the house, and remained there till the session ended."* Before the third reading of the bill, the anti-unionists quitted the house — and the last scene is given by Barrington, with scenic fidelity. Mr. Foster was a determined opponent to the Union — and as he had officially to pronounce the " delenda " of that parliament to which he was enthusiastically attached, and over which he had presided, adored by his own party, and respected by men of all politics, it may be imagined that the trial would be severe. " The situation of the Speaker, on that night, was of the most distress- ing nature ; a sincere and ardent enemy of the measure, he headed its opponents ; he resisted it with all the power of his mind, the resources of his experience, his influence, and his eloquence. " It was, however, through his voice that it was to be proclaimed and consummated. His only alternative, resignation, would have been un- availing, and could have added nothing to his character. His expres- sive countenance bespoke the inquietude of his feelings ; solicitude was perceptible in every glance, and his embarrassment was obvious in every word, he uttered. " The galleries were full, but the change was lamentable ; they were no longer crowded with those who had been accustomed to witness the eloquence and to animate the debates of that devoted assembly. A monotonous and melancholy murmur ran through the benches — scarcely a word was exchanged amongst the members — nobody seemed at ease — no cheerfulness was apparent — and the ordinary business, for a short time, proceeded in the usual manner. " At length the expected moment arrived — the order of the day for the third reading of the bill, for a " Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland," was moved by Lord Castlereagh — unvaried, tame, cold-blooded, the words seemed frozen as they issued from his lips ; and, as if a simple citizen of the world, he seemed to have no sensation on the subject. " At that moment he had no country — no god but his ambition ; he maile his motion, and resumed his seat, with the utmost composure and indifference. * Secret Memoirs of the Udiod. IRISH REBELLION. 37'' " Confused murmurs again ran through the house- — it was visibly affected ; every character, in a moment, seemed involuntarily rushing to its index, some pale, some flushed, some agitated ; there were few countenances to which the heart did not despatch some messenger. Several members withdrew before the question could be repeated, and an awful, momentary silence succeeded their departure. The Speaker rose slowly from that chair which had been the proud source of his honours and of his high character : for a moment he resumed his seat, but the strength of his mind sustained him in his duty, though his struggle was apparent. With that dignity which never failed to sig- nalize his official actions, he held up the bill for a moment in silence — he looked steadily around him on the last agony of the expiring parliament. He at length repeated, in an emphatic tone, ' As many as are of opinion that this bill do pass, say aye.' The affirmative was languid but indisputable — another momentary pause ensued — again his lips seemed to decline their office — at length, with an eye averted from the object which he hated, he proclaimed, with a subdued voice, ' the AYES have it.' The fatal sentence was now pronounced — for an instant he stood statue-like, then indignantly flung the bill upon the table, and sunk into his chair." 378 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER XXXVI. SUMMARY or THE OPINIONS IN FAVOUR OF, OR OPPOSITION TO, TElt ONION. We have, in recording the long and doubtful attempt to effect a legislative union, confined ourselves generally to an historic outline. To record the sentiments delivered in College-green and St. Stephen's, by those who were equally ardent in support and opposition, would be a tedious repetition of similar arguments, urged in favour or disappro- bation of the measure during its different stages through either house. The selection of a few speeches, much abridged, will enable the reader to estimate the grounds on which the respective members, Peers and Commons, received or rejected the proposed union of the kingdoms, and place the gist of publia sentiment before him, as it was delivered on the Commons' floor, or issued from the press.* * Before the end of December, 1793, no fewer than thirty pamphlets were pub- lished in Ireland upon this momentous question, viz., " Arguments for and against an Union between Great Britain and Ireland considered." " Thoughts on an Union, by Joshua Spencer, Esq." " No Union ; being an Appeal to Irishmen, by Mathew Weld, Esq." " A Letter to Joshua Spencer, Esq., occasioned by his ' Thoughts on an Union,' by a Barrister." " An Union neither necessary nor expedient for Ireland ; being an Answer to the author of ' Arguments, &c.' by Charles Ball, Esq." '• An Answer to ' Arguments, &o. &c. ,' in a Letter to Edward Coolc, Esq., Secretary at War, by Pemberton Rudd, Esq." " Second Letter, by Pemberton Rudd, Esq." " An Address to the People of Ireland against an Union, by a friend to Ireland." " The Probability, Causes, and Consequences of an Union, by Dennis Taffe." " Reasons against an Union, by an Irishman." " Observations on ' Arguments for and against an Union.' " " Strictures on ' Arguments for and against an Union.' " " First Letter to a Noble Lord, on the subject of the Union, by Giles S. Smith, Esq." " Cease your Funning, or the Rebel detected." " A Letter addressed to the Gentlemen of England and Ireland, on the Expediency of a Foederal Union between the two Kingdoms, by Sir John Jervis White Jervis, Bart." " A Reply to ' Arguments for and against an Union,' by Richard Jebb, Esq." " A Report of the Debate of the Irish Bar, on Sunday, the 9th of November, on the Subject of an Union of the Legislatures of Great Britain and Ireland, with the Speeches of Messrs. Saurin, Spencer, St. George Daly, Jameson, P. Burrows Barnes, T. Grandy, John Beresford Loyd, DriscoU, Goold, W. Bellew, Orr, Stokes, Geraghty, M'Clelland, Leader, Plunlcet, Lynch, F. Dobbs, and Webber." " Some Observations on the projected Union between Great Britain and Ireland, and the inexpediency of agitating the measure at this time, by J. H. C , Esq., Barrister at Law." " A Memoire on some Questions respecting the projected Union of Great Britain and Ireland, by Theobald M'Kenna, Barrister at Law." " A Letter to his Excellency Marquis Comwallis, on the proposed Union ; in which his Excel- lency's political situation is candidly discussed, by an Irishman." " An Address to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, upon the Subject of an Union, by an Old Friend." " A Letter to Theo. M'Kenna, Esq., on the subject of his Memoire, by John Ha- milton, Esq." " Reply to Theo. M'Kenna, Esq., by Molyneux." " Vaticination, IRISH REBELLION. 373 It was generally admitted by persons tolerably impartial, that the ablest defence of the measure was made by the late Sir William (then Mr.) Smith, when the address was reported on the 24th of January. After declaring his conviction that a legislative incorporation would not only be beneficial to Ireland, but had become absolutely necessary for her safety and prosperity, he thus continued : — " As the British islands constituted one empire, their imperial union was not the mere result of a temporary and accidental union of their crowns on the same head. The crowns were constitutionally blended : his Majesty's being king of Great Britain was the sine qua non, and efficient cause of his being king of Ireland : he was their monarch ipso facto of his being the sovereign of the sister kingdom ; and to deny (or at least to act on such denial) the truth of that position, would be treason against the principles of the Irish constitution. " So far then as a legislative union allotted a single legislature to a single empire, it was a rational and wholesome measure ; so far as it provided that one empire should no longer be exposed to the risk of wavering, languidly and inertly, between the dissentient systems of two parliaments, union was the corrective of a dangerous anomaly. A difference of opinion or system between the two legislatures must paralyze the general force of the empire ; and that as well the more vaguely malcontent, as the direct enemies of the connection might (the former inadvertently, the latter by design) make that legislative dis- tinctness the means for bringing about a separation. " As far as the tendency of union went to limit the British empire to one legislature, its operation would be to fortify that empire, and eradicate those seeds of separation which it contained ; and this ten- dency would on one hand raise an enemy to the measure in every foe to British greatness and British connection ; and on the other recom- mend union to the favour of all those who thought British connection salutary, and wished it to be secured; and who, maintaining, as a maxim, that Ireland must stand and fall with England, felt themselves interested at all times to aggrandize the &roe of the empire, and felt themselves especially called upon to do so, when the state of opinions and of things throughout the world, and when the power, and success, and hostile dispositions of Prance, rendered it necessary that the British empire should concentrate all its strength, or surrender all its honours. " Some might reply, that British influence would operate as an anti- dote to the mischiefs apprehended, and would prevent legislative dis- sensions from weakening and tearing asunder the energies of the or Pue's Occurrences Redivivus," " The Rights of the Imperial Crown of Ireland defended, by George Barnes, Esq." "Reply to 'Arguments for and against an Union,' by J. B. Bethel, Esq." " Keep up your Spirits, or Huzza for the Empire, being a fair Argumentative Defence of an Union, by a Citizen of the Isle of Man." " An Address to the Electors of Ireland, on the Present Situation of Affairs." " A Demonstration of the Inevitability of a Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland, involving a Refutation of every argument which has been or can be urged against that Measure, by a Philosopher." "A Review of the Question of Union, as it involves Constitution and Commerce." 380 HISTORY OP THE empire, or Irish independence from checking the views or injuring tho interests of Britain. But that supposition, he thought, insultingly derogated from the practical independence of the Irish parliament, which was thus allowed to be subordinate to that of Great Britain. Where an actual subjection thus existed, it might be rendered only th« more mischievous and oppressive by being concealed behind a mask oi nominal independence; and the desired antidote would be more effectually found in the union than in a division of legislatures. To an objection that the paucity of the representatives of Ireland in the imperial parliament would leave that country at the mercy of Britain, he replied, that the Irish representation would be commensurate to Irish power, resources, and contribution, and that a unity of interest would secure the right and welfare of every part of the empire ; it would also be now preferable, after Ireland had long possessed a dis- tinct parliament By obtaining a union upon just and equitable terms, she would exchange her separate legislature for such an efficient share in the imperial councils as would insure a full participation in the benefits of the British constitution, and she would thus gain all that she would originally have been entitled to demand. " ' But (said he) we sacrifice a portion of our national splendour — I admit it, and make the sacrifice with regret; I allow for, I almost rejoice and triumph at that repugnance with which this measure is at first re- ceived : I agree with those who consider national pride and honour as some security for national valour, liberty, and virtue. But let us look to our country, torn with conflicts, and stained with blood ; let us turn our eyes inwards to the traitors and separatists who swarm amongst us ; let us contemplate the state of Europe and of the world, and then inquire whether it may not be expedient to sacrifice somewhat of our dignity, and exchange our situation for one which will secure and strengthen our connection with Great Britain, at a time when this connection is at once peculiarly necessary and precarious, which will fortify that empire of which we make a part ; whose ruin is attempted, and whose destruction nmat, be ours ; a situation which will secure to us the British constitution, with all those benefits which that admirable system involves.' " Of the competency of parliament to the enactment of such reform he had never heard any doubts expressed ; and the arguments which, he thought, might be offered against the alleged right were inconclusive, yet perhaps as plausible as any that could be urged against the com- petency of the legislature to a decree of anion. That the autho- rity of the parliament had this extent he had not the slightest doubt. His opinion, he said, was founded on precedent, on the mischiefs which would result from a contrary doctrine, on the express authority o constitutional writers, and on the genuine principles of the constitution itself. By enacting a union, parliament would do no more than change (it would not surrender or subvert) the constitution. Ireland, after a legislative incorporation, would still be governed by three estates; and her inhabitants would enjoy all their privileges unim- paired. If the legislature could new model the succession to the IRISH REBELLION. 381 crown, or change the established religion, it might certainly ordain those alterations which a union would involve. To controvert its right would be to deny the validity of the act for the incorporation of Scotland with England and Wales. On the legitimacy of that act depended the title of his Majesty to the United Kingdom — to the crown of the United Kingdom ; for the second article of the agree- ment was the only act of settlement that limited to the house of Hanover, in repugnance to the strict hereditary principle of the Scot- tish constitution, the succession to that united monarchy which the first article had created. He instanced many mischiefs, which in that supposition would attend the impeachment of the Scottish Union. " The question was not whether they should surrender the liberties of the country: what minister would dare propose such a question to parliament or to the nation ? The question was, whether union might not so modify their constitution as to promote prosperity and peace, whilst it left their liberties, not only unimpaired, but better secured ? " Whether union would not fortify, not merely England, but that empire of which Ireland made a part, whose safety was menaced, and whose destruction she could not survive ? " Whether it would not silence internal jealousy and dissension, es- tablish their religion firmly, conciliate their Catholic brethren, and consolidate their people ? " Whether it would not at once bestow upon them commercial ad- vantages, and enable them to use them ? Whether it would not establish amongst them that respectable and industrious order of men which was the boast of the sister country and the want of Ireland ? " Whether, at the same time that it gave them a.i eflicient weight in the imperial councils, it would not still more secure their welfare, by entangling their interests, so obviously and inextricably, with those of Britain, that all grudging policy, all narrow jealousy of Irish advance- ment, if it ever existed, must have an end ? "Whether, by disarming separatists of those instruments which they then possessed towards severing the kingdoms, it would not render it injurious to Britain to retard Irish aggrandizement, and make it folly for her to view the advancement of that country with apprehension ? " Whether the alternative of union or separation be not ofi"ered to them as explicitly as they need wish it to be ? and whether they ought to hesitate in their choice ? " Whether separation from England be not subjection to France ? If so, he called upon all good men to turn a reluctant eye on the hor- rors which had disfigured that at once formidable and wretched country, and to shudder at the prospect which that suggestion disclosed. " Whether many objections to union which were loudly urged were not such as the terms might easily obviate, and which were then there- fore premature ? "Whether, if legislative incorporation tend to fortify the empire, 382 HISTORY OF THE Great Britain be not likely to purchase that imperial strength, by the most ample and liberal concessions in point of terms ? " Whether two legislatures in one empire did not tend to disunite ? and whether experience have not alarmingly reduced that theory to practice ? " Whether the testimony of all who oppose a union be so disin- terested as to deserve implicit credit ? " Whether the example of Scotland have not proved that faction, not patriotism, may vehemently oppose a union — that integrity and public spirit might vote for whatever sacrifice the measure involved — and finally, that time may sanction such a step, by shewing legislative in- corporation to be the base of national prosperity ? " Whether their situation were not such as to require some radical and tranquil change ? " He declared himself to be deaf to clamour, obstinate to intimida- tion, but open to reason, ever preferring to retract than persist in error. " It was his deliberate opinion, that a legislative union with Great Britain would save Ireland, if obtained on those fair terms which he thought likely to be conceded." As a pendant we quote the Speaker's (Mr. Foster's) celebrated speech on the regency question (11th February) : — Mr. Foster for the first time now delivered his sentiments at con- siderable length. His first aim was to demonstrate the finality of the settlement of 1782. He censured Mr. Pitt's speech, which he termed a paltry production, the merest tissue of general assertion without proof, high-flown language without meaning, and assumptions with- out argument. " One point, he observed, was a new and incontrovertible ground of constitutional permanence and finality — namely, that modification of Poyning's law which secured the continuance of the connection be- tween the kiogdkjins, ty rendering the great seal of Britain necessary for every Irish law, and making the British minister responsible to the British nation, if any bill tending to injure the empire, or to sepa- rate Ireland from it, should receive the royal assent in the western- realm. This regulation, he argued, was intended to secure union and connection on a firm, lasting, and unalterable basis. It gave to the British parliament, as Mr. Dundas had observed, a control over the third estate of the Irish parliament, but it was a control over the king's Baked power of assent only ; which gave to Great Britain an eflectual pledge that Ireland retained no power to do any act (i. e. without the concurrence of Great Britain) to weaken or impair the connection. " For his having recommended the commercial propositions of 1785, he had been accused of great inconsistency. But he denied that an atom of the constitution would have been surrendered by the plan of ■1785, but this new system would lead to its utter annihilation. The measure of 1782 was aU constitutional — that of 1785 all commercial. " The pretences for a legislative union were ill supported. The risk of a disagreement on the subject of peace or war, or with regard to IRISH REBELLION. 383 foreign treaties, would not justify the adoption of a measure so uncon- stitutional. The case of regency afforded the only apparent foundation of alarm ; but the bill now under consideration would remove all ap- prehensions on that head. " The arguments adduced for a union of the two legislatures were, he said, equally applicable to the union of the two houses of either parliament. These might disagree, and ought, by parity of reasoning, to be formed into one assembly. Where would then be our constitu- tion ? It would yield to monarchical or republican despotism. The balancing principle composed the chief excellence of our constitution, and why might not the two legislatures, guarded by one head, perform national and imperial functions in a better and more efficacious manner than a combined parliament ?" Mr. Foster then took a very wide and minute review of the trade of Ireland, and declared his opinion that it would not flourish more after a union than under a resident parliament. It was already in a thriving state ; it enjoyed all desirable freedom, and required only the care and attention of its natural protectors. " On the subject of religion he barely remarked, that an Irish par- liament might adjust all points in which the Protestants and Catholics differed, as judiciously and effectually as an imperial legislature. " He severely censured that want of political wisdom which had in- duced the English minister to hold out Ireland to the enemy as the most vulnerable part of the empire, torn by internal factions, barbarous, weak, and contemptible. It was painful even to refer to the phrases by which he insulted the feelings of every Irishman. They knew them to be unfounded. Had they been true, it was the duty of a discreet statesman to have concealed with reverence the failings and weakness of so considerable and important a part of the empire. He tells the enemy the danger and the remedy — the danger immediate, the remedy distant and uncertain. He destroys a constitution which the Irish hold as the dear sacred palladium of their liberty, and would persuade the world there would be more zeal in Ireland when .the con- stitution should no longer remain to animate its spirit and invigorate its exertions. "Another advantage mentioned by the advocates of the measure was still more strange — namely, that it would tranquillize Ireland. If a resident parliament and resident gentry could not soften the manners and amend- the habits, or promote social intercourse, would no parlia- ment, and fewer resident gentry, do it ? What was the great mis- fortune with respect to the tenantry of that kingdom ? The middle- men, who intervene between the owner and the actual occupier, and these are mostly to be foimd on the estates of absentees. It had remained for Mr. Pitt to advance a new system, that depriving a country of its native resident landlords, encouraging land-jobbers and land-pirates, degrading the hospitality of the old mansion-houses into the niggardly penury of agents' dwellings, was become the approved modem mode of making happy and contented tenants, of forming good men and good subjects. 384 HISTORY OP THE " That the adding to the bishop's duty of attending to his diocese the new and imperial duty of quitting the kingdom for eight months in the year, was the best way of making him acquainted with his clergy, and of enforcing attention to their parishioners. " That a parliament, unacquainted with the local circumstances of a kingdom, ever at too great a distance to receive communication or in- formation for administering in time to the wants or wishes of the people, or to guard against excesses or discontent, was more capable of acting beneficially than the one which, by being on the spot, and ac- quainted with the habits, prejudices, and dispositions of their fellow- subjects, best knew how to apply relief. " In adverting to the late treason and rebellion, there 'they applied to fact.. Could any parliament sitting in Great Britain have developed the secret system of conspiracy, animated the loyal, and supported the executive, with the eifect that very "parliament had done? What would the ridiculous exhibition have been at that time, of a united parliamen't walking through St. James's-park with their address, and yet what vigour and energy did the instant procession of near two hundred members, with the mace, to the castle give to the loyal ardour ef the country ? it animated the loyal spirit which crushed the rebellion before a single soldier could arrive from England, notwithstanding the uncommon exertions made there to expedite their sailing. " The extraordinary, wise, and necessary measure of proclaiming martial law, required the concurrence of parliament to support the executive. The time would have passed by,, before the concurrence could have been asked for and received from London; and it would have given a faint support, coming from strangers, compared with the impression of its springing from Irishmen, aJl liable to every danger and inconvenience from its operation, and yielding themselves and their properties to its. control. " ' The Yolunteers,' said the Speaiker, ' the saviours of their eountiy and terror of its enemies, when their great work was effected, and, by the indiscreetness of a few leaders, their zeal was misled, and they began to exercise the functions of parliament, we spoke out firmly — they heard our voice with effect, and took our advice, instantly le-r turning to cultivate the blessings of peace. I ask you, would equal firmness in a parliament, composed five parts in six of strangers, sitting in another country, have had the same effect? You know it would not. Personal character, respect to individuals, opinion of their attachment to one common country, all impressed an awe which was irresistible.' " ' After having spoken very warmly to the incompetency of parliar ment to surrender their legislative power, he closed his speech with the followiiag address to his countrymen : — " ^ Were I to address the Catholics, the Protestants, and all religions, I would say, your country is in danger ; a desperate attempt is on foot to seduce you to surrender the independence of your parliament. You are all natives of the same island, interested in its trade, its prosperity, its freedom, and in all the blessings of a glorious and happy constitu- ^ ~Ss.. [BISH REBELLION. 385 tion — bounden by every tie of duty to yourselves, your country, and your posterity, to preserve it, join all hands and hearts together, bring the vessel into port, forget all family differences, all local or partial 'ealousies, and save Ireland, save your country. Tell the bold minister who wants to take away your constitution, that he shall not h0e it, that you will not be his dupe ; that you love Britain as a brother, but you will be his brother, not his dependent ; and that you will not degrade yourselves from an independent kingdom into an abject colony. " ' To any of you who have doubts on the measure, I would say, these very doubts call on you to vote against it. Do not hazard a change where you have a doubt — a change from which there is no return : accept it, you have it for better for worse — ^you never can untie the knot : no appeal, no parliament left, to hear, to argue, or to speak for you ; and if the step you take should prove wrong, if it should unfortunately end in the nation's calling again for her old con- stitution, and the politics of the British cabinet should be so desperate as not to listen to that call, think of the dreadful consequences, of which you may be the cause, if fatally the shock of arms should follow. Even to you, whose conviction is clear, I would say, if the majority of your countrymen think differently from you, if even a re- spectable part of them only think so, do not rest so confidently on your own judgments as to risk a measure which you cannot undo ; remember then, if the direful necessity should ever arrive to make it expedient, you may embrace it when you please, but, if once adopted, it is irrecoverable. Were I speaking in another assembly, and if in such assembly any member sat returned for a borough, where the wishes of the electors followed the voice of some one individual, by which he came to have an habitual superiority, and of course a strong interest in its preservation (I do not say such a case exists here, though it might not be unparliamentary to suppose it), I would tell him, he is a trustee — and, without positive and direct desire; he should not do an act which is to annihilate the interest he is intrusted with. No, no — ^let all join in cherishing the parliament — it is a good one, and has done its duty ; it has proved itself competent to every purpose of legislation, to procure peace, and to put down rebellion. Refuse the measure, but refuse it with calmness and dignity. Let not the offer of it lessen your attachment or weaken your affection to Britain ; and prove that you are, and wish to be (as the Duke of Portland told you that you were), ' indissolubly connected with Great Britain, one in unity of constitution and unity of interest.' But, above all, revere and steadily preserve that constitution which was confirmed to you under his administration in 1782, and which has given you wealth, trade, prosperity, freedom, and independence.' " On the address being read in the British Commons, on the 22nd of January, Mr. Sheridan thus met the question: — "He said, that he conceived it incumbent upon ministers, before they proposed the dis- cussion of a plan of union, to offer some explanations with regard to the failure of the last solemn adjustment between the countries, which. 2 c 386 HISTORY OF THE had been generally deemed final. There was the stronger reason to expect this mode of proceeding, when the declaration of the Irish par- liament in 1782 was recollected. The British legislature having ac- quiesced in this declaration, no other basis of connection ought to be adopftd. The people of Ireland, who cherished the pleasing remem- brance of that period when independence came upon them as it were by surprise, when the genius of freedom rested upon their island, would come to this second adjustment with a temper which would ' augur not tranquillity but disquietude, not prosperity but calamity, not the suppression of treason, but the extension and increase of plots to mul- tiply and ensanguine its horrors.' " It might be deemed informal, he hoped it was not improper, to enter into the discussion on an address of thanks. There were topics on which silence would be unworthy of the majesty of truth, and his country had claims upon him which he was not more proud to acknow- ledge than ready to liquidate to the full measure of his ability. " There was a time when it would have been intimated to him, that to agitate in that house any question relative to the affairs of Ireland would be an encroachment on the rights of the parliament of that country; and that such an insult to the dignity of that body, and to its competence of legislation, would inflame that quick spirit of inde- pendence which the sister kingdom knew how to express, and had ever appeared both able and ready to infuse into a system of ardent, intrepid opposition to every act of ulterior domination. But now that the question involved the independence and very existence of the Irish parliament, he did not suppose that any speaker would have recourse to such an argument. In discussing the intricate and delicate interests which the king's message embraced, he could see the possible danger of increasing the discontent of the people of Ireland ; but danger was to be apprehended from a violation of the rights and the independence of Ireland. Whatever might be the consequences of the present scheme, he was disposed to give credit to ministers for purity of in- tention. He'- could not suspect that they would propose a measure which they believed would ultimately cause a separation of Ireland from this country. He feared the agitation of the question might rather encourage than deter our foes, and that the distraction which it might produce would aid their purpose. " To render an incorporate union in any respect a desirable measure, the sense of the nation ought to be freely manifested in favour of it; but there was no prospect of obtaining such a concurrence ; and a union car- ried by surprise, by intrigue, by fraud, corruption, or intimidation, would leave both countries, with regard to permanency of connection, in a situation worse than the present : nor ought the union to be obtained by following the advice of a pamphleteer (Mr. Cook), who hinted that we should recollect the game played off by the volunteers of Ireland to take advantage of Great Britain, and play the same game against ' tnem. Let them never have to say to the English, ' you offered us your assistance against domestic and foreign enemies ; we accepted it, »ad in return gave you affection and gratitude, and the irreproachable IRISU REBELLION. 387 pledge of all the support in our power. You then took advantage with your forty thousand soldiers ; you constrained us to submit to a union, you would not wait for our consent. Some were afraid of being suspected of disloyalty, if they should come forward ; others were banished ; all were sensible that it was in your power, by acts of nega- tive intimidation (the expression would be understood by those who talked of negative success), by refusing to send more men, or to re- lieve our pecuniary difficulties, to force a union.' If by such acts they deprived Ireland of the power of resisting any claims made upon her, if thus they wrung from her her independence, if thus they intimidated and corrupted her parliament to surrender the people to a foreign ju- risdiction, he would not justify the Irish in a future insurrection, but he would say, that the alleged grounds for it would wear a very different complexion from the late. " That the proposition itself should be entertained in Ireland, must be considered as an extraordinary case. To the period of the last solemn adjustment, the great impolicy and heinous injustice of the British government towards Ireland for three hundred years is noto- rious and avowed. Is it then reasonable to suppose, that a country, the object of such insult for three centuries, when at last she had wrung from our tardy justice that independence which she had a right to claim, and had obtained commercial advantages, should, only sixteen years afterwards, so far forget all prejudices, as to surrender the means by which she acquired those advantages ? Would this be the case, if the free sense of the country were manifested ? But it is possible that, during those sixteen years, the parliament may have forfeited the con- fidence of the country. Do the Irish plead guilty to this charge ? On the contrary, did not his Majesty congratulate Ireland, that by the vigour of her parliament she had acquired an increase of prosperity ? And that by the vigilance of the Irish parliament the late conspiracy was detected and brought to light; and when new disturbances are dreaded, was it to be dismissed ? Was the detection of plots likely to be better effected by the English parliament ? " Would it be maintained that the measure of a union would not wholly dissolve the legislature of Ireland ; that independence would survive union, though in a modified state; and that the parliament would be left to judge of the local affairs of Ireland? Really this seems almost too much for men's feelings. A parliament ! A sort of national vestry of Ireland, sitting in a kind of mock legislative capa- city, a,fter being ignobly degraded from the rank of representatives of an independent people, and deprived of the greatest authority that any parliament could possess ! Could such a state be called a state of in- dependence ? And could we suppose that the Irish would agree to such a union under any other circumstances than those of force ? " Was the parliament of England competent or qualified to legislate for the parliament of Ireland ? Impossible ! Every advantage of situation favoured the one — the other was unfitted for governing, or giving law, by every disadvantage of situation and every dissimilarity of temper and habit. Lord Chancellor Clare said, that the English 2c 2 388 HISTORY OF THE parliament was less acquainted with the state of Ireland than any other body of men in the world. How, then, was the parliament of England better fitted to legislate for Irishmen than that of Ireland, with its experience ? " With respect to the general effect of intimidation, it did not rest upon presumption. Had not a threat been thrown out, in what might be considered aa an official proclamation, that the troops which had been sent to Ireland might be withdrawn, that the money with which she was aided might be withholden, and the country left helpless and devoted ? ■ Must not the Irish, then, who have supported the connec- tion, feel that they are not at liberty to choose ? Such insinuations an Irish clerk or secretary had thought proper to throw out in his official pamphlet. The effect, then, upon the Irish must be, that it is im- possible for them to come to a free discussion of the subject. Such hints from persons in office, and the dismissal of the best friends of Ireland from office, warranted this inference, that if a person, whether in or out of office, should oppose the union, he will be considered as a traitor to his country. What must be the effect upon the minds of the officers and volunteers throughout the kingdom ? He was willing to believe that the noble lord at the head of affairs in Ireland had been directed to do what had been alluded to, and that it was not of his own accord. But to talk of free-will under such circumstances was only adding mockery to injustice, and insult to injury. " He contended that the adjustment proposed would only unite two wretched bodies ; that the minds would still be distinct, and that eventually it might lead to separation. The King of Sardinia had lately consented to the surrender of his territory, and said it was right, but did any one believe that the consent was real ? The case was the same with respect to Ireland, — we could not have her real consent ; we do not wish it, or would not have had recourse to cor- ruption and intimidation. They had heard much abuse of French principles, but he recommended the abstaining from French practices. Let no suspicion be entertained that we gained our object by intimi- dation or corruption, — let our union be a union of affection and attach- ment, of plain dealing and free-will ; let it be a union of mind and spirit, as well as of interest and power ; let it not resemble those Irish marriages which commenced in fraud and were consummated by force. Let us not commit a brutal rape on the independence of Ireland, when by tenderness of behaviour we may have her the willing partner ox our fate. The state of Ireland did not admit such a marriage ; her banns ought not to be published to the sound of the trumpet, with an army of forty thousand men. She was not qualified for hymeneal rites, when the grave and the prison held so large a share of her popu- lation. " Some delay in this matter could produce no danger ; and it was incumbent on the projectors of the plan to state the reasons which rendered them so eager to press it. As they had not explained their motives, he had been obliged to have recourse to the Castle pamphlet as to the proclamation of the Irish government. That author offered IRISH REBDLIIOK. 38d singular reasons for despatch — a dread of the conuuued influence of the Pope and the intrigues of the British anti-ministerial party. He had also a singular mode of quieting the Catholics, by making them desperate, by telling them that they had nothing to hope from their parliament. ' Dissatisfaction (said the pamphleteer) would sink into acquiescence, and acquiescence soften into content.' 'A very pretty sentence,' said Mr. Sheridan, ' for a novel !' But what right had the author to assume, that when the union should have taken away the rights of the Catholics, their dissatisfaction would sink into ac- quiescence? On the topic urged by the pamphleteer respecting the expediency of making use of a time of war and embarrassment to accomplish the wishes of Britain, in return for the advantage taken by the Irish volunteers on a former occasion, and by the United Irish- men at a more recent period, he remarked, that the indignation of 6very man of honour must be roused by such an appeal to the spirit of revenge. Such arguments weighed so lightly against the disad- vantages of the measure, that he could not but condemn the precipi- tancy with which it was brought forward. Mr. Sheridan then stated the probable risk of changes in our political system, from the introduction of one hundred members into the British House of Commons ; members who, having sacrificed the par- liament of their own country, might not be scrupulously tender of the British constitution. He then disputed the competency of the Irish legislature to sacrifice itself, and transfer its power to the British legislature. On bringing the question before the English House of Peers, Lord Grenville thus addressed them : — " In rising, in pursuance of the notice he had given, and for the purpose of calling their lordships' attention to the very important subject of the resolutions communicated to that house, some time since, by the Commons, relative to the state of Ire- land, on which it was his intention to submit a motion to their lord- ships, he had, he said, the satisfaction to be convinced, that the two main points upon which the question could be properly argued had been already established, and were so fully impressed upon their lord- ships' minds, that no diversity of opinion could properly arise ; viz. that whatever steps they should take on the present occasion, the sole and exclusive rights of the Irish legislature should be duly respected, and considered upon the same footing as that of Great Britain ; and, secondly, that it was essential to the interest of the empire at large, that the connection between the two kingdoms should he strengthened and improved to as high a degree of perfection as the case admitted. There was, he said, however, another preliminary to the subject itself, which was started by some who appeared generally to approve of the measure, and that was, whether, under the present state of things, it was proper at all to discuss the subject ? In answer, he asked, whether it would not be wise and politic to urge, with as little delay as the -case would admit of, a fair and temperate discussion of the general question, in order to do away the mistaken prejudices and unfounded impressions which had prevailed against the measure in Ireland ? 890 HISTORY OP THE There his lordship took occasion to remark the manner in which the question stood in the parliament of Ireland. The resolution of their Commons (for more it could not be called) certainly was not conclu- sive. That which passed in their lower house of parliament, so far from amounting to any thing like a law, was, in fact, a dead letter upon their journals. In such a case, the British parliament surely ought not to be precluded from doing what wisdom and prudence dic- tated. " With respect, therefore, to the question, whether, in the present state of things, in the particular circumstances of both countries, there appeared a necessity for the adoption of a plan, whereby the strength and resources of both countries might be consolidated and improved ? or, whether or not there appeared a necessity for a change in the Irish system ? The necessity of a change, he believed, was allowed on all hands ; the grand difference of opinion was with respect to the remedy for the grievances complained of in that country. His lordship then adverted to the settlement of 1782, and contended that it was not con- clusive, neither was it intended, he said, at that time to be conclusive ; such were the declarations at that time, and such was the language expressed in the addresses to the crown. It was, then, a duty incum- bent on parliament, to come forward and supply the defects of the former settlement. With regard to the supposed existing bond of connection between the two countries, he was not afraid to say, it was absolutely null ; not that it was imperfect or inadequate, but absolutely null. If the two parliaments were suffered to remain in their present state — if the countries clung together by no other bond of connection than the present, the connection was, he repeated, absolutely null. If this was suffered, the evils would be necessarily entailed upon their descendants, if they did not fall upon themselves. If, by the British constitution, the royal power could be exercised free from the control of parliament, then, indeed, the regal identity might be a bond of con- nection ; but if the whole system of the regal power be not only under the control, but cannot go on without the aid and assistance of parlia- ment, and tue parliaments of each kingdom are to remain distinct and separate, then, he said, the bond of connection was obviously null. Here his lordship argued at some length, and asserted, that the coun- tries were reduced to the alternative, of either giving up the exercise of the independence of the parliament of the one country, or of all bond of connection whatever between both. There was, he remarked, an instance, which would be introduced in this part of the argument, viz. the case of the regency, which took place in the year 1789 ; and the conduct of the Irish parliament on that occasion best spoke for itself. No regular mode was laid down before that period for meeting such an exigency. The question was considered by both parliaments ; and the mode in which the Irish parliament thought proper to supply the exi- gency was one very different from that adopted by the British. This, he said, was one of the cases that evinced the necessity of an incorpo- rated union. He next made some remarks on the competency of par- liament ; and said, in the opinion of that excellent lawyer and state? IKISU KEBELIilON. 391 man, Blackstone, parliament was competent to effect a change in the constitution itself, as it had done in the measure of the union with Scotland. If it be argued that the parliament of Ireland be incompe- tent to agree to an incorporate union with the legislature of this coun- try, it must follow that every act of the English parliament, not only since the union with Scotland, but even since its first existence as a parliament, must be an infringement upon public rights. " Another objection had been urged, which, if well founded, he should feel as of very great weight, viz. that which regarded the honour and independence of the Irish parliament ; but, did the proposed union go to attack that independence, he should not give it the least counte- nance. But to what did this objection amount ? Surely, when exa- mined, it would be found that never was there a more complete mis- take, or a more groundless misapprehension of terms. In the first place, he said, the very notion of compact, on which this union was proposed to be founded, implied the independence of each legislature ; for, unless there were independence, there could not be a contract ; and the very recognizing of the powers of parliament to enter into this treaty contained an acknowledgment of its distinct independent autho- rity. His lordship next made some observations relative to the union with Scotland ; and said, there had been many lamentable cries with respect to the effects of that union, but time had shewn how fallacious they were. No interest of Scotland had been sacrificed; so far from it, it had remarkably flourished since that era, in its agriculture, wealth, and commerce ; its towns had largely increased in population, and many of its local advantages had been attended to. It was -for the general interests of the empire to consult the interests of every com- ponent part of it ; and as this had proved true with regard to Scot- land, and in consequence of a union with that country, so also, he was persuaded, a similar measure would operate with regard to Ireland." The Earl of Moira opposed the resolutions. " He was in hopes that the noble secretary of state would have seen the propriety of postponing the consideration of them under the present circumstances. There was no person, he said, who would more heartily than himself concur in the measure, were he assured that it was founded in the wishes of the majority of the people of Ireland ; but was it not manifest that the opposition to it was not limited to the Irish parliament only, but that it had been treated by the nation at large with an abhorrence amounting almost to a degree of phrensy ? After this marked reprobation of the proposal, what could be more calculated to add fuel to the flame than our persevering in it ? It had been stated, in support of the resolu- tions, that Ireland could not go on in its present state. He had pre- dicted, that the system of government which had been pursued in that country could not go on, and he had unfortunately proved too true a prophet. That, however, was not a consequence flowing from the con- stitution of Ireland, but the result of a frantic exercise of severities on the part of government. The noble secretary had touched on the state of Ireland, with regard to the state of economy in the establishment iif its military force. He had said, that a case might occur in which tLo 392 HISTORY OF THE parliament of Ireland would refuse to pay the troops ; and seemed to think it strengthened very materially his position on this ground of argument, by taking occasion to observe, that the test taken by the military of Ireland was different from that taken by the troops o t England, and that from this much mischief might, at one time or other, ensue. If, said he, the observation concerning the test referred only to the militia of Ireland, it was foreign to any .conclusion that could be drawn with respect to the present argument ; because that difference applied to troops raised exclusively for local service, and of course organized according to local convenience. If it respected the regular army, the latitude must have been prescribed in the enlisting orders issued from the British War-office ; and it would prove nothing, but that government was wisely satisfied that a man might be a brave sol- dier and a trusty supporter of his country's cause, even though he should believe there were ten sacraments. The noble lord had expa- tiated on the benefits which a union would confer on Ireland. Possibly he might be right ; but the question whence any opinion was to be drawn respected the expediency of bringing forward these resolutions. Whether justly or not, it appears, said he, that they think the demand upon Ireland was nothing less than the whole body of her laws, her rights, her liberties, her independent parliament. Under such circum- stances, how does the mass of the Irish nation weigh such a supposed demand ? Disgusted as they have been by recent outrages, and smart- ing from the lash of late severities, and irritated by present threats of continued infliction — how could it be supposed that they would meet with temper the proposition for drawing closer the ties to which they have been mischievously told were owing all their past sufferings? Such sufferings, he said, they had all undergone or witnessed, and they had justly ascribed them, not to the licentiousness of the soldiers, but to the principle and procedure of government. In the nature of the union there was not any thing that held forth to the inhabitants of Ireland a security against the violence of the executive government ; but, on the contrary many checks upon that government would be withdrawn. The noble earl (Camden) had alluded to some acts of the legislature of Ireland having been treated with reprobation in that house. He did not know to whom the noble lord alluded. What he had complained of always in that house was, that the conduct of the executive govern- ment in Ireland was no more reconcilable to the acts passed by the Irish parliament than it was to justice, or to policy on general princi- ples. He had referred, he said, to the modes of indiscriminate and savage torture, which had been adopted without compunction, and persevered in without remorse. The picketings, the burning of houses, the rapes, and numberless other outrages, that had been perpetrated, with the view, as it was said, of crushing disaffection. The measures which had been resorted to were evidently improper. " His lordship said, there was something very curious in the noble secretary's imagining that those people, whom he called barbarians, described as utterly uncivilized, and treated as incapable of compre- hending the meaning of Catholic emancipation or parliamentary re- IRISH KEBELLION. 303 form, were, notwithstanding, intimately acquainted with all the abstruse discussions that had taken place respecting forms of government, and the principles on which they were established. The inapplicability of sudi a statement, he said, to any thing under present consideration, aflForded a presumption that the noble lord had some other view in introducing the observation. After a few more general remarks upon the subject, he concluded by saying, that he felt himself bound to vote against the question." The last speech we shall offer to the reader was that delivered on the same occasion by the Bishop of Landaff. His Lordship said, " that in rising to deliver his opinion on a subject which had already .been illustrated by some of the ablest speakers in that and in the other house of parliament, he could not but feel an apprehension lest he should be considered by their lordships in the unfavourable light of a man unnecessarily vexing the reluctant ear ; but, as he had long been accustomed to contemplate the subject as an object of the first political importance, he must entreat their lordships' indulgence, while he ex- plained his sentiments upon it. " When the Duke of Rutland was lord-lieutenant of Ireland, he honoured him with his confidence. The Irish propositions, as they were then called, were under discussion ; they were, he said, ultimately abandoned, on the ground of their not being acceptable to the Irish nation. In writing to him about that time, he perfectly well remem- bered having said, ' You, and your friend the minister of England, would immortalize your characters, if, instead of a mere commercial arrangement, you could accomplish by honourable means a legislative union between the two kingdoms.' His answer, he said, he should never forget. He wholly approved of the measure; but added, the man who should attempt to carry it into execution would be tarred and feathered. He mentioned this circumstance to shew to their lordships, that the opinion which he intended to deliver on the subject was not rashly or recently taken up. Having formed such a judgment, he would not be deterred from declaring it on account of its unpopularity in any country. If he were to express his sentiments of the utility of a union in few words, he would say, that a union would enrich Ire- land — that it would not impoverish Great Britain — that it would render the empire, as to defence, the strongest in Europe. The strength of every state depends on the number of its people. The lands, he said, of Great Britain and Ireland, if cultivated to their full extent, if the measure took place, would, in half a century, support a population of thirty millions at least ; and thirty millions of people would afford five or six millions of men able to bear arms ; but even with one million in arms, with united hearts, what would Great Britain have to fear from the combined aggression of all Europe ? Having expressed his general approbation of the measure, be made some remarks on the pre- sent parliament of Ireland, whether it had a right to vote away its own extinction. If this was a question with respect to Ireland, a similar one applied to Great Britain, viz. whether the present parliament of Great Britain had, or had not, a right to accede to a union. However, 394 HISTORY OF THE he said, a volume might be written on the subject, and still the question ^ would be undecided. There was another question which he considered of high' importance, and that was, whether the Roman Catholics in Ireland, being a great majority of the people, have or have not a right to some ecclesiastical establishment ? This question becomes perplexed, he said, when it was considered that the property, by which such an establishment must be maintained, was principally in the hands of a small minority of the people, who would not receive any direct and immediate benefit from such an establishment. With respect to Pro- testants and Catholics, he recommended the advice of an ancient Father of the church, who, in composing the animosities of contending re- ligious parties, counselled each side to give up little things, that both sides might obtain great things — peace, tranquillity, and concord. There was another question of great importance, viz. whether the British constitution would or would not undergo some change ? and, it any, what change, from the introduction of Irish members into the two houses of parliament here ? On these questions, he said, he could speak at considerable length, but he purposely declined entering into the detail of them. " On the subject of the union, as far as it respected Ireland, three difiierent opinions had been adopted in that country. The first was the opinion of those who thought that an union with Great Britain was the most probable and efiectual means of securing, of enlarging, and ren- dering permanent the prosperity of Ireland. Whatever might be the number of persons who entertained this opinion, he had no scruple in saying he concurred with them. A second opinion was, that British connection was indeed essential to Irish prosperity. This opinion, he said, had been supported by men of such approved integrity and ability, that he suspected his own faculties when he presumed to differ from them. " In an ordinary mode of reasoning, one would say, that if British connection was essential to Irish prosperity, then the closer that con- nection was, the greater would be that prosperity. This, he observed, would be an ordinary inference, unless it could be shewn that the con- nection, when it had approached to a certain degree of proximity, changed at once its nature, like some physical powers which are attrac- tive to a certain distance, and then become repulsive. " The present bond of connection between the two kingdoms was, that of their having the same king ; the proposed bond was, that of their having the same legislature. How slight the former bond was, had been fully shewn by a noble secretary in a former debate upon the subject. " The third opinion, he said, which prevailed in Ireland on this sub- ject, was, that British connection and British union were equally and irreconcilably hostile to the interests of Ireland. This, he said, was a preposterous opinion, and not supported by experience derived from the history of nations. Ireland, as a graft inserted into the stock of the British empire, might throw out branches in every direction ; but ' if,' said his lordship, ' you separate it from this connection, and IRISH REBELLION. 395 plant it in a soil by itself, it \rill neither strike root downwards, nor bear fruit upwards, for a hundred years, though it should be left to itself, free from the annoyance of its neighbours.' His lordship said he foresaw, and with great satisfaction, the time, should the union take place, when the whole state of Ireland would be changed ; it would in time convert the bogs of that country into corn-fields, it would cover its barren mountains with forests, it would dig its mines, cut its canals, erect its fabrics ; in a word, it would render the people industrious, enlightened, contented, and happy. " But though he was a friend to the union, he was no friend to its being accomplished, except by the most honourable means. Ireland at present seemed not disposed to contract. What then, said his lordship, is to be done ? Precisely that which Great Britain was doing, viz. giving time to Ireland to consider this subject in all its bearings. His lordship said, he spoke in the sincerity of his heart, that no human means could be devised more suited to the situation of Ireland than a liberal, cordial, legislative union between Great Britain and that country." "With a few cursory observations we shall bring to a close the nar- rative of the annexation of Ireland to Great Britain. In detailing the opening, progression, and completion of the legisla- tive union, we have given an historic sketch of the occurrences generally attendant on the measure, avoiding, as much as possible, all inquiry into the much-debated question of its utility or disadvantages when achieved. That it was violently opposed, and dishonestly carried, are facts not to be controverted ; and, no matter how desirable the end, the means employed were undoubtedly neither morally nor constitution- ally defensible. Nearly half a century has elapsed — with few excep- tions, the chief actors have disappeared — and ample time has been per- mitted to examine how far the violent opposition of the anti-unionists was well grounded, or the promised advantages held out by its sup- porters were founded on solid principles, and realized in the end. To condemn a measure merely because it may be ardently opposed is an unsafe test by which to prove its merits. " The first proposal to any small nation for an union and amalgamation with a great and powerful state creates alarm for self-preservation. The powerful nation feels nothing of this kind, because it is only strengthened by such accessions, which it assimilates and transmutes into its own nature and form ; but the small nation is loath to abandon its separate exist- ence as a sovereign power, and be swallowed like a stream in the ocean. This principle of human nature is to be recognized in the history of all unions, and of all times. Were example necessary, witness the discontent, the tumult, and the violence of the Scots against the union of their poor country with England. The soil of Scotland might be improved, and the Scots might acquire more wealth, and more com- forts ; but Scotland, as a kingdom, would be no more. There would no more be any genuine Scotsmen : by the operation of government, they would be gradually mingled and melted down with Englishmen j the Scotch would cease to be a national character ; their genius and 306 JlISTORY OF THE manners would be formed by various objects of pursuit, various hopes and fears, common to them, with all the other inhabitants of the island. " A similar train of thinking, exactly, on the subject of the proposed union with Great Britain, prevailed in Ireland ; and, as in Scotland, a majority of the men of property and political influence were induced, whether from selfish considerations, or from views of real patriotism (for there certainly were many who acted from both), to exchange, as it were, in some measure, the national identity and existence for a share in the British legislature ; and the great mass of the people clung, with fond embraces, around their expiring parent, though she had been, in too many instances, to them but a harsh step-mother : so also a ma- jority of the men of property and political influence in Ireland were induced, from divers mdtives no doubt, to favour and adopt an incor- porating union between Great Britain and Ireland ; and so also the great mass of her population looked but on one side at the picture, and, blinded by party prejudice, rejected the measure as one that it was unnational even to consider." We have described the leading occurrences attendant on the union, traced it through every stage, and given, in the bold and uncompro- mising language used by statesmen of that day, the conflicting opinions with which opposing parties characterized this most important measure. Whether political circumstances have not permitted the obvious ad- vantages which Ireland may and should realize from a union with Great Britain to be fully developed as yet is possible, or, that a nation which surrendered a corrupt and mischievous home-legislation to become an integral part of one better adapted to promote its prosperity * might have sought too much in return, and consequently suflered disappoint- ment, is another question ; to the latter opinion, one of the best-in- formed and most liberal writers on Irish character and statistics inclines. " The events that followed," says Mr. Wakefield, " afford a memo- rable proof how little men are acquainted with the extent of their own desires ; and that when enjoyments which they conceive to be the summit of their wishes have been attained, a wider scene opens before them, and new objects arise to disturb their happiness and excite dis- content. Considering them, indeed, impartially, it can hardly be de- nied that they afford some ground for the reflection thrown out against the Irish, that ' they are a turbulent people, who can be satisfied by no concessions, and whose demands increase in proportion to the blessings ;which they enjoy.' Possessing all the pride of the Scots, without their prudence ; equally susceptible of alarm as the English, without their coolness ; and, like the French, J)uoyed up with a high idea of the advantages of their country, which, seen through the medium of national * "It removed that most objectionable of all political principles, the separate existence of two co-ordinate and independent legislatures in the same state, which constantly exposed the tranquillity of the empire to dangers arising from discord and mutual strife, which ambitious or designing men might promote by the agitation' of irritating questions." — Coilieit's Parliamentary Register, vol. ii. p. 78. IRISH REBELLION. 397 vanity, appear magnified greatly beyond the truth, they have, on many occasions, indulged in hopes too vast to be realized, and consequently productive of discontent and disappointment." In giving a summary result of his own calm and impartial conclu- sions, Wakefield thus offers his honest conviction of the union as a measure, when Catholic emancipation could be regarded only as one of its prospective advantages : — " My opinion on the momentous legislative act which united Ireland to Great Britain, and formed the two countries into one empire — an act which I yet hope to see confirmed, and still farther strengthened by the admission of the Boman Catholics to a full participation of the benefits of the British constitution, was not founded on interested mo- tives, nor formed from a partial view of the subject, but adopted after a mature and most attentive consideration of all its bearings and pro- bable effects. These sentiments are now so firmly established, that nothing but strong facts, facts sufficient to outweigh those from which I have drawn my conclusions, can make me in the least swerve from my present opinions. I am aware that it is popular in Ireland to decry the Act of Union.* It is common also to ascribe to Great Britain every evil under which that country is now suflPering; but being no great man's parasite, and having no desire to hunt after that most unstable of all earthly possessions, popular favour, I must dissent from such doctrines, and shall leave to those writers who do not hesitate to gratify their spleen at the expense of public tranquillity, to destroy, if they be so disposed, the rising germs of the future happiness of her inhabitants. Connection with Great Britain — union — inseparable union — the being one and the same empire — one and the same people — to have the same interests — throwing the broad parental shield of the British monarchy over the farthermost parts of Ireland, and over the meanest of her inhabitants, can alone promote the general and indi- vidual welfare of both countries. Great Britain, by her situation, seems destined to be the friend and protectress of Ireland ; the latter, notwithstanding the bravery and martial spirit of her inhabitants, is too weak to defend herself against the attacks of a foreign enemy ; but uniting her efi"orts with those of Great Britain, fighting under the same banners, and directing her views to the same objects, the general good, she may bid a proud defiance to the rest of the world." Whether the full advantages self-apparent from a union of the king- doms have or have not been consummated, is not a consideration rele- vant to this work. Besides the removal of a political anomaly exhi- bited in the existence of two co-ordinate legislations, we fully believe Mr. Pitt's assertion, that " until a union took place between the two * " Some persons in that country may, perhaps, have adopted the idea of Dr. Johnson ; but that celebrated man, notwithstanding his great genius and extra- ordinary powers of mind, had his prejudices, and this seems to have been one of them. Conversing with an Irish gentleman on the subject of a union, Johnson said, ' Do not make a union with us, Sir ; we should unite with you only to rcb you. We should have robbed the Scotch, if they had had any thing of which we could have robbed them.' " — BosweU's Life of Johnson. 398 HISTORY OP THE countries, Ireland would never be settled, but be disturbed by the most mischievous speculations and intrigues, and be made the sport of par- ties, and of the enemies of England." The advantages of an Irish union time will yet develop*— :and, like that of Scotland, years may elapse before its benefits shall be evidenced, and the false reasonings of- its opponents falsified by its results. In describing the progress of the union, we have freely q^uoted from the work of a man who denounced the means by which the measure was effected. In that we agree with him— but of the union as completed, our owti opinions are strictly in accordance with those of Mr. Plow- den : — " Thus was accomplished the incorporate union of Great Britain and Ireland, an event dreaded' byour enemies, and therefore to be cherished by every true and loyal subject of his majesty, as affording the sure means t)i conciliating thfe affections, consolidating the energies, and promoting the prosperity of every part of the British empire." * " There is no question but, in time, the jiist reflection on these things will prevail upon men of honesty in all parts of your Majesty's dominions to aclinowledge the happiness and advantages of the union, though at present the artifice of their enemies, rather than etaj real mischiefs felt by it, have filled their mouths with com- plaint." — Siitory of the Union between England and Scotland. d^A t^ (l?/'mym-e'i^ iniSII REBELLION. 3;)9 CHAPTER XXXVII. STATE OP IRELAND IN 1801. The insurrectionary movements of '98, followed by the political, tem- pest of conflicting opinion which accompanied the union of the king- doms during its progress, had for several years distracted the Irish people, and totally inhibited any advances in national prosperity. Men now began with a renewed confidence to return to their former pursuits — the north was perfectly tranquillized — the manufacturer and aa:riculturist resumed the shuttle and the spade — and &s events subse- quently proved, the Presbyterians, with a very few exceptions, had thoroughly detected the fallacy of ideal liberty, and become sincere converts to the solid advantages which a well-ordered constitution secures to the community. In other parts of the kingdom, though the flame was openly extin- guished, the embers smouldered — desperate individuals still held out — and life and property were rendered insecure. The spread of French principles had been progressive and extensive — and aJibough the many had repudiated the foul doctrines which denounced a king and denied a god, still the pest was not eradicated, and for years afterwards the plague-spot was discovered occasionally. The opinions delivered by the Irish members of the British legis- lature will best shew the state of Ireland at this period, and the de- mand made for arming the executive with the additional power con- ferred by martial law, would prove in itself that the country was still feverish, and that a portion of the people were discontented, if not dis- loyal. On the 12th of March, 1801, Lord Castlereagh thus urged the necessity of stringent measures : — " The task he had to perform was extremely painful, but it was a duty of which he was determined to acquit himself. He was ready to acknowledge that the introduction of martial law in Ireland was almost unparalleled in its constitutional history ; but yet he must remind the house that the spirit and principles of modern Jacobinism had com- pelled the legislature to recognize a system of judicature unknown, except when the operation of all laws was suspended from the open existence of rebellion in the field. The necessity of resorting to so strong a measure was lamentable, but, if it did exist, he could not betray his country and the constitution. He owned the diflSculties of carrying such a measure in an assembly where so few had a local knowledge of the circumstances that justified it." 400 HISTORY OF THE " It was his intention to propose it only for three months. He was so confident of its necessity, that he called upon parliament to pass the bill without further inquiry. He admitted what the honourable gentleman had advanced, that, if rebellion existed, the lord-lieutenant might proclaim martial law. But was it more constitutional to come to parliament for an act of indemnity, than to call for its previous authority ? " The rebellion broke out in May, 1798, and martial law continued in force till March, 1799. By the king's authority martial law was then exercised, and the Irish government relied on an act of indemnity in their favour, if they transgressed not the bounds which the necessity of the case prescribed. They were compelled to withhold a great por- tion of the municipal law, while property could not be protected without martial law. This occasioned a conflict ; for no officer could execute his duty, if subject to be brought to trial continually. Many indictments were preferred against officers for attempting to execute the lord-lieutenant's orders ; and the rebellion at one period rendered it impossible for the judges to sit unmolested. When it abated, the courts were again opened, — the first, in the metropolis, the King's Bench. In some places the circuit was held, and the assizes conducted under a military force. But civil justice could not be exercised without protection ; therefore, one or the other must be sacrificed. After re- bellion had been crushed in the field. Jacobinism still contrived to pre- serve it alive in the country. This malignant spirit produced a new case, obliging the courts of justice to be shut, and the country to seek its protection from martial law. If this spirit still existed, the neces- sity of martial law was evident, — that it did now exist, he thus pro- ceeded to shew. " He said, that in activity, malignancy, and perseverance, the Irish rebels exceeded all who had ever attempted the destruction of their government. During the last three months, his excellency had found it necessary to try sixty-three persons in courts-martial, and of these, thirty-four were condemned and executed. Most of them were found guilty of overt acts of rebellion, and all of having helped to promote it. In the whole year, two hundred and seven criminals had been tried. The character of the noble person above mentioned was too well known to be suspected of unnecessary rigour. He would not have suspended common law without occasion, but would have allowed the usual trial by jury. The bill ought not to be considered as an establishment of martial law, but for allowing the courts of law to remain open. The crown had power to proclaim martial law when necessary for the good of the empire ; but then the process of the courts was at an end, and the accused must, in all cases, be tried by a military tribunal. By the continuance of this act. Jacobinism would be counteracted, and the people retain most of their privileges. It was notorious, that several districts still cherished the spirit that had occasioned such calamities, and prompted the inhabitants to attack tho persons and property of their neighbours. But the second object was, lo obstruct the administration of justice. For this purpose they used IRISH REBELLIONi 401 the most terrible means, and rendered themselves so formidable that neither juries nor witnesses would attend. Unless the bill were re- newed, and government could bring criminals summarily to trial, the loyal and industrious must again suffer without hope of redress. The rebels themselves had courts-martial, to try those who were disaffected to their cause. How were they to bo successfully combated, if per- mitted to condemn and instantly execute their captives, while they themselves could be punished only by the slow process of common law ? He said, that by vigour and energy the evil had been greatly repressed — and that, three counties excepted, the kingdom was in a state of tranquillity." In the upper house. Lord Clare warmly supported the measure, and his picture of the state of Ireland was unfortunately a faithful sketch. Lord Fitzgibbon (Earl of Clare) said, — " That the papers on the table would prove the necessity for a continuance of the bill' ; and the clerk was desired to read extracts from the reports of the Irish parliament in 1798. He was not surprised that the bill should be received with dis- gust by a British House of Lords ; and he felt degraded in being forced to confess that Ireland could not be saved without its being passed : the civil government of the country could not support its authority without military force. Democracy had taken deep root there, and it would probably be long ere it were eradicated. The subtlety of the seditious would be suffieiently proved by saying, that many of those who went up with addresses to a noble earl, before he left the administration of Ireland, were known to have been engaged in a conspiracy against the government. Martial law was indispen- sable, and could alone secure the property, religion, and lives of the loyal inhabitants. A noble lord had asked, whether the judges had not gone the circuits regularly? He could answer, that they had always been obliged to have a strong escort for their protection ; and two of the judges going to hold the assizes had been attacked by the .rebels not many miles from the capital. They were not murdered, it was true, but escaped merely by the rebels having neglected their usual precaution of bribing the servants; for, the post-boys turning about quickly, the speed of their horses saved them. The principal object of the conspirators was to disturb the administration of justice. To give every criminal a list of jurors and witnesses before the day of trial was impracticable ; for nine-tenths of them would be murdered before the day appointed came. He said that treason and rebellion had been so completely organized in Ireland, that the mere attempt to administer justice without martial law was defeated, and perverted to the worst purposes. The committee of superintendence in the several districts had spies present at every trial in each circuit, who marked out such jurors as ventured to give a conscientious verdict, and every witness who dared to tell the real truth. From these communications a list of proscriptions was made out, and transmitted, with orders to the several provincial committees to send out a certain number of determined zealots to meet their agents. This was regularly complied with, and the list of assassination delivered to the murderers, who not only were 2 D 402 HISTORY OP THE often ignorant of the persons' names whom they were to destroy, but also strangers to those who formed the general committee. They how- ever generally executed their commission to the full, slaughtering the wives, children, and domestics of the parties proscribed. " The rebels had a system of laws the most severe, and most promptly executed. This was by far more efficient than the civil code, and could only be counteracted by martial law. If this bill were not renewed, scenes would be exhibited in Ireland, to which nothing had borne resemblance since the year 1641. He said, let noble lords who op- posed the bill take a journey to Ireland. He engaged to give any ol them a villa, and a farm each, if they would reside in it. After they had tasted the luxuries of an Irish life for a twelvemonth, let them come over (if they survived) and declaim for the rights of the Irish." In the following June, a Bill of Indemnity passed both houses, with immense majorities. As might be imagined, an act which debarred the injured from redress met with a warm opposition. No doubt the extraordinary powers given to individuals in those alarming days were at times abused abominably,* but protection was required for others, who in perfect honesty of purpose laid themselves open to penalties incurred in the execution of their duty, generally painful to their better feelings, unsanctioned bv statutory law, but nevertheless rendered imperative by the sad circumstances of the times. The short peace t which succeeded was but a lull, while the tempest rests itself to collect fresh elements to feed its exhausted fury. To those who calmly looked at the existing State of things, a permanent repose seemed utterly impossible — Napoleon's character was sufficiently developed to shew that such an expectation must be fallacious. Little hope of tranquillity, indeed, could be expected for Europe from a military chieftain whose renown and character had been acquired by war — who had manifested such striking proofs of an unbounded am- bition J and little faith could be placed on the professions of one who had bent every principle to his personal views, who had usurped, equally at the expense of monarchy and democracy, a mighty empire, and who, in every treaty which he framed, had evinced the most * Of all the infamous and corrupt acts perpetrated by the Irish parliament — and their name was Legion — probably the indemnity given to Judkin Fitzgerald was the worst. — -Vide Appendix. t By the preUminary articles which were signed at London on the 1st of October, 1801, by M. Otto on the part of the French republic, and Lord Hawkesbnry on the part of his Britannic Majesty, Great Britain agreed to the restoration of all her con- quests, the island of Trinidad and the Dutch possessions in Ceylon excepted. The Cape of Good Hope was to remain a free port to all the contracting parties, who were to enjoy the same advantages. The island of Malta was to be evacuated by the British troops, and restored to the order of St. John of Jerusalem. Egypt was restored to the Ottoman Porte. The territory of Portugal was to be maintained in its integrity, and-the French troops were to evacuate the territory of Rome and Naples. The republic of the seven islands was recognized by France. The fishery at New- foundland was established on its former footing ; and finally, plenipotentiaries were to be named by the contracting parties, to repair to Amiens, to proceed with the formation of a definitive treaty in co'ncert with allies of the contracting parties. IRISH REBELLION. 403 anxious solicitude to extend his territories and enlarge his power. England alone, of all the civilized world, presented a barrier to his vast and aspiring views ; and to remove that barrier, either by con- quest or by fraud, was naturally the object nearest to the heart of the usurper. But the breathing-time allowed to Britain, though brief, was highly serviceable. The Addington administration was popular. The people of England, characteristically honest, placed unbounded confidence in a minister whose integrity was congenial to their own — while his financial arrangements were so judicious, that instead of feeling an increase of burdens, they anticipated the time when they should look for a diminution of them. Yet in this view the task of the minister was Herculean ; and it will hereafter be barely credited, even on the stubborn evidence of figures, tliat the first year after the war Mr. Addington funded no less a sura than ninety-seven millions sterling.* That friendly professions on the part of the French government to that of England were false and hollow, a strange and unexpected occurrence told. It was long understood, though it could not, in some instances, be legally proved, that the disaffected party in England held a secret cor- respondence with, the French government. Among the active and distinguished confederates of this party was Colonel Despard, a gentle- man who had in his military career performed some brilliant exploits, and had been regarded as a meritorious ofiicer. " His success was not equal to his ambition ; and disappointment at first, aided afterwards by the pernicious principles sanctioned by the French revolution, seems to have produced in him an inveterate hatred for the constitution of his country, and to have induced him to enter into the most profligate designs for its destruction." As long back as '97, it had been communicated to government that Despard held a treasonable connection with the French Republic, and, consequently, he had been arrested and imprisoned. In 1802, he was liberated — and so far from having been deterred by long confinement from entering anew into treasonable practices, " the first use he made of freedom was to hatch a plot, so desperate in design, but so absurdly impracticable,! that it seemed rather the emanation of diseased intellect than the plot of a sane conspirator." * Political Returns. t " The plan was to ingratiate himself with the lowest and most profligate of the soldiery, particularly of the guards ; and by forming a strong and compart party in this body, to hare at his disposal a select corps, accustomed and trained to discipline and command, whom he could bring into immediate action, and prepared for any desperate undertaking. The active operations of the conspirators commenced as early as the spring of 1802. About the month of March a society was established, professedly for what they most absurdly termed ' the extension of Uberty ;' and at the head of this society two soldiers in the guards were ostensibly placed, of the names of Wood and Francis. They began by administering an oath to every person who was admitted a member of the association, and it was chiefly among the sol- diery that they sought for proselytes. Their success appears not to have borne any proportion to their diligence ; for the association seems never to have extended *^ 2d 2 404 HISTORY OF THE It would not be relevant to this work to enter into its details, nor would we have alluded to it, had it not been the immediate precursor of an insurrectionary outbreak in Ireland, as visionary as the wild project of Colonel Despard. We shall merely observe, that aware of the treasonable proceedings in the English metropolis, government permitted the conspiracy to become matured; and on the 16th of November, 1802, the unhappy men were arrested at the Oakley Arms, in South Lambeth, committed to prison, tried on the 7th and 9th of the following February, convicted, and six of the ringleaders executed on the 21st of the same month, mercy being extended to the remainder. Before the British capital had ceased to wonder at the mad attempt of Despard, a pendent to it was presented in the metropolis of the sister island. Both these revolutionary movements were curiously alike — ^wild in conception — unmethodized — ^hopeless of success — con- fined to a handful of conspirators, and these in grade and character utterly contemptible — the only leader of the one, a moody malcontent — those of the second, two mad enthusiasts, in whom, touching the amount of mental aberration, it would be a puzzle to determine. The unfortunate men who acted the most conspicuous parts in the fatal scenes we have now to relate were two of those who expe- rienced the clemency of government after the rebellion of 1798, and had retired to France. The one, Mr. Thomas Russell, had, like Colonel Despard, been a military officer of some reputation in his pro- fession, but whose advancement not bearing a proportion to his am- bition, had probably been soured by envy and disappointment. He was a man of a singular turn of mind. Unlike the- majority of those who had imbibed the principles of Jacobinism, he was religious even td enthusiasm. He had, it is said, applied himself particularly to the reading of the prophetical writings ; and possibly his visionary specu- lations in this course of study might be applied to the confirmation of those wild and fantastical notions which he had formed on political topics. He had been deeply engaged in the conspiracy of 1798, had been confined with the rest of the disafiected in Kilmainham jail, beyond the nnmter of thirty or forty obscure individuals, and even some of these became speedily disaffected to the cause. " The plan was altogether conceived upon military principles, and was not ill- digested. The conspirators were divided into companies of ten men each, to whom was added an eleventh, under the character of captain ; these again were united into larger divisions, under officers with stili superior titles ; and in case of a revolution, all the conspirators were to be invested with high military rank. Their principal object was to secure or murder the king as he returned from parliament, at the opening of the session ; and for this pu.-pose it was proposed to load the great gun in the park with long ball or chain shot, and iire at the king's carriage as it passed. In the meantime, another party was to seize the Tower, and afterwards the Bank, to destroy the telegraph, and stop the mail-coaches, which last was to be a signal to the disaffected in the country to march to their assistance. Plausible as was this plan 'in speculation, we must remark that the numbers of the conspirators were not such as to famish any hope of success ; and it reflects honour on the loyalty of Britons, that so few could be found even among the lowest and most depraved classes of society to enter into a direct plot for overturning the constitution (rf their country, or attempting the life of their sovereign." — Annual Register. IRISH UEBELLION. 405 and had been afterwards removed to Fort George in Scotland. It is well known that they were pardoned on condition of transporting themselves out of his Majesty's dominions, and Russell remained till the spring of the year 1803, when he returned with the commission of general-in-chief, but remained in obscurity till after the fatal emeute of the 23rd of July. The second was the son of a respectable physician in Dublin, and was the younger brother of a barrister of that name, Mr. Thomas Adis Emmet, who had been one of the rebel directory in the year 1788. He was a young man of fine talents rather than solidity of judgment, possessing uncommon eloquence, and no inconsiderable portion of courage and activity.* He was not unqualified for the part he had undertaken — and for a service so pregnant with diiSculty and danger, his sanguine temperament was a necessary adjunct. He had quitted Ireland shortly after the unfortunate termination of the former conspiracy, and resided in dififerent parts of the Continent, but principally in France, till Christmas 1802, when he returned to his native country. In the attempts of these unfortunate men to produce an outbreak, Emmet succeeded, and Russell failed. The field the latter had se- lected for his treasonable experiment was the north, and the effort was totally abortive. " We do not find, by the evidence on his trial, that he ever was able to collect more than twelve associates of the lowest rank and most des- perate character. The principal scenes of his exertions were the couiities of Down and Antrim; and that he acted in concert with Emmet and the other conspirators is evident from the same night, the 23rd of July, being appointed for the insurrection in the north. His connection with the French government was also proved by several expressions, particularly a declaration which he made on the 22nd of July, at Annedorn, while exhorting his associates to take arms — ' that he doubted not but the French were fighting in Scotland at that mo- * " He entered the Dublin University at sixteen, and made an early exhibition of the republican principles in which he had been schooled. Moore, in a notice of him, «ays, that when he joined a debating society of very questionable character, he found Emmet ' in full reputation, not only for his learning and eloquence, but also for the blamelessness of his life, and the grave suavity of his manners. Of the political tone of this minor school of oratory, which was held weekly at the rooms of different resident members, some notion may be formed from the nature of the questions proposed for discussion, one of which I recollect was, ' Whether an aristo- cracy or a democracy is most favourable to the advancement of science and literature ?' while another, bearing even more pointedly on the relative position of the govern- ment and people of this crisis, was thus significantly propounded, ' Whether a soldier was bound on all occasions to obey the orders of his commanding officer?' A quotation from one of his speeches proves the political bias of his mind. After a brilliant eulogy on the French republic, he concluded with a remark sufficiently quence of indulging in such language at such a time may be imagined — Emmet was struck oS the college roll." — Memoir of Robert Emmet. 406 HISTORY OF THE ment.' Disappointed and discouraged at the cool reception he every- where experienced, he returned to Dublin, almost immediately after the 23rd of July, where he remained concealed in the house of Mr. Mulet, a gun-maker in Parliament-street, till the 9th of September, ■when he was apprehended, and on the following day committed to prison." The story of this ill-judging gentleman is briefly told — ^his trial came on at Carrickfergus, on the 20th of October, and the evidence produced against him was conclusive. The fact of endeavouring to excite insurrection was decisively proved. He does not appear to have made any defence, but previously to the passing of sentence addressed the court with the impassioned eloquence of enthusiasm, pleading conscience in extenuation of all he had done, but adducing no argu- ments to prove that it was right. He was executed at Downpatrick, OH Friday, the 21st of October. Emmet's proceedings, when he returned to Ireland, are only required to be noticed, the secret history of his conspiracy being amply detailed in the judicial proceedings which brought him deservedly to the scaffold. " On his arrival in Ireland, he at first went into a state of the most perfect obscurity, at the house of a Mrs. Palmer, at Harold's Cross, where he assumed the name of Hewitt. The nature of his mission did not admit of his remaining in this retreat longer than was necessary to mature his plans and form his connections. On the 24th of March, in company with Mr. Dowdall, who had been formerly secretary to the Whig Club, he contracted for a house near Rathfarnham, in a place called Butterfield-lane ; but their continuance in this situa- tion had excited some suspicion, nor was the place found in all re- spects commodious for their purposes. About the end of April, a house and premises of some extent, formerly a malt-house, and which had been long unoccupied, were taken in Marshall's-alley, Thomas- etreet, sufficiently obscure to escape detection, and yet near enough to the heart of the city to effect the most desperate purposes. In this place Emmet lodged for nearly two months, with no better accommo- dation than a paillasse, and surrounded by from fourteen to twenty associates. A depot of arms was here formed on a large scale ; mus- kets and other weapons were procured from time to time to a con- siderable amount, and a large manufacture of pikes was secretly carried on.* The conspirators occasionally pressed not onlv horses but men into their service, and forced the latter to work at different employ- * " One of these depots was set apart for the manufacture of gunpowder and the construction of weapons. Some idea of the industry with which Emmet accumu- lated these implements of deadly vengeance, and his sanguine reliance upon thou- sands responding to the tocsin of insurrection, may be formed from the catalogue of the contents, of his magazine : — ' It comprised forty-five pounds of cannon powder, in bundles ; eleven boxes of fine powder ; one hundred bottles filled with powder, enveloped with musket-balls and covered with canvas ; two hundred and forty-six hand-grenades, formed of ink-bottles filled with powder and encircled with buck- shot ; sixty-two thousand rounds of musket-ball cartridge ; three bushels of musket- balls ! a quantity of tow, mixed with tar and gunpowder, and other combustible IRISH BEBEILION. 407 ments necessary for the object in view, while confined in the depot. At the same time stores of arms and gunpowder were deposited at the residences of others of their accomplices, in convenient stations of tho city. The whole of the conspiracy had, however, been nearly over- thrown and developed by an explosion which took place in Patrick- street.* _ By the ability of the conspirators, or the security of their adversaries, the accident was overlooked, or at least represented as un- connected with any treasonable design. At length the preparations were complete, or the funds of the conspirators exhausted, and the 23rd of July was appointed for a general insurrection.f Though the persons immediately connected with Emmet, Dowdall, and Quigley, the principals in the plot, did not exceed from eighty to one hundred' persons, they were so far misled as to the state of the public mind, that they expected the spirit of rebellion would pervade the kingdom. The stopping of the mail-coaches was to be the signal of revolt in the country. The immediate object of the insurgents in the metropolis was the castle, and the vicinity of the dep6t in Thomas-street was cal- culated to favour the intended enterprise against this seat of the government. Various rumours had been afloat for a few days previous that ' a rising," as it was termed, was intended ; but the reports were so contradictory that the government was unable to take any measures of precaution, farther than the doubling of patroles in certain stations. Towards dusk on the 23rd of July, Emmet prepared for the antici- pated action, by superintending the distribution of arms and ammu- nition (of which he had a large supply) amongst the multitude that matter, for throwing against wood-work, which, when ignited, wovdd cause an instan- taneous conflagration ; sky-rockets and other signals, &c. ; false beams filled with combustibles; with not less than twenty thousand pikes!'" — Memoir of Robert Mmmel. * "Two of his contederates were in the house when the explosion took place, one of whom, in endeavouring to throw open a window in order to escape suifocation, severed the artery of his arm — and thus disabled, the poor fellow bled to death. His companion was taken prisoner. " The sensitive mind of Emmet was not only harrowed up by the terrible fate of his fellows, but apprehending that the explosion would lead to untimely disclosures, he, for the third time since embarking in the enterprise, changed the place of his concealment, by removing from the house occupied by him in Butterfield-lane to one of his depots situate in Mass-lane. Here he strove to make, as far as possible, amends for the recent loss by increased exertion. So restless was he, that he sought no farther repose than that he derived from occasionally reclining upon a mattrass placed in the midst of the workmen, from which he could by night and day observe the progress of and direct and animate their labours." t " To add still further to the perplexities of this unenvied position, Emmet was disquieted by the conjlicting views which it gave birth to among his associates. Some advocated an immediate resort to arms ; others, disheartened by the aspect of affairs, doubted the policy of this ; and almost all of them had his individual opinion as to the most practicable mode of commencing operations. Seven days from the explosion were occupied in these deliberations, which ultimately terminated in the adoption of a proposal for attempting by surprise to gain possession of the arsenals in the vicinity of the city, and of the castle itself. Especial importance was attached to obtaining possession of the latter, as it was felt that to have command over the ' seat they might speedUy secure the power of government." — Ibid. 408 HISTORY OF THE had congregated before the head-quarters of the projected rebellion. But we must not omit to mention that previous to the evening the ill-success of the enterprise had been omened forth, by the retreat of the Kildare men, who, after marching into the capital, were for- tunately persuaded by their leaders to disband and return home. What ensued has been thus graphically described by one of Emmet's coadjutors : — " About six o'clock, Emmet, Malachy, one or two others, and my- self, put on our green uniform, trimmed with gold lace, and selected our arms. The insurgents, who had all day been well plied with whiskey, began to prepare for commencing an attack upon the castle ;. and when all was ready, Emmet made an animated address to the con- spirators. At eight o'clock precisely we sallied out of the dep6t, and when we arrived in Thomas-street the insurgents gave three deafening cheers. "The consternation excited by our presence defies description. Every avenue emptied its curious hundreds, and almost every window exhibited half-a-dozen inquisitive heads, while peaceable shopkeepers ran to their doors, and beheld with amazement a lawless band of armed insurgents, in the midst of a peaceable city, an hour at least before dark. The scene at first might have appeared amusing to a careless spectator, from the singular and dubious character which the riot wore ; but when the rocket ascended and burst over the heads of the people, the aspect of things underwent an immediate and wonderful change. The impulse of the moment was self-preservation — and those who, a few minutes before, seemed to look on with vacant wonder, now assumed a face of horror, and fled with precipitation. The wish to escape was simultaneous ; and the eagerness with which the people retreated from before us impeded their flight, as they crowded upon one another in the entrance of alleys, court-ways, and lanes ; while the screams of women and children were frightful and heart-rending. " ' To the castle !' cried our enthusiastic leader, drawing his sword, and his followers appeared to obey — ^but when we reached the market- house, our adherents had wonderfully diminished, there not being more than twenty insurgents with us. " ' Fire the rocket !' cried Malachy. " 'Hold awhile,' said Emmet, snatching the match from the man's hand who was about applying it. ' Let no lives be unnecessarily lost. Run back and see what detains the men.' " Malachy obeyed ; and we remained near the market-house, waiting their arrival, until the soldiers approached." * * * * * * * " The conspirators assembled previously in the dep6t did not exceed the number of fifty, but pikes and other weapons were liberally dis- persed among the mob, and the number of the insurgents soon swelled to the amount, it is said, of about five hundred. The night was dark, and the scene is described as tremendous; groups of pikemen, and other insurgents, were dispersed in various parts of the vJciaity of the. IRISH HEBELLION. 409 scene of action, while others were calling out for arms, and led in crowds to the grand dep6t." * ■ ,. * ' * ■ * * * * ■ "It was during, the height of the insurrection that the venerable magistrate, accompanied by hia daughter, Miss Wolfe, and his. nephew, a. clergjrman, arrived in Thomas-street, in his way from his country- house to the castle.; Lord Kilwarden, and Mr. Wolfe, his nephew, were inhumanly dragged from the carriage, and pierced with innume- rable mortal wounds by the pikemen.* Before he expired he was rescued by a party of the military a,nd of the police ; and hearing some violent expression employed as to the punishment of the rebels, he had . only time,; before, he breathed bis last, to prefer a petition ' that no man might suffer but by the laws of his country.' Such a death; was more honourable than that of a commander who dies in the arms of Victory, and ■(^ho possibly acts a part to secure a posthumous reputa- tioni Miss; Wolfe,' by the humanity (if siich 'wretches can be suspected . of it), or the heedlessness of the mob, effected her escaipe, and, on foot and unattended, was one of the first who arrived at the castle to give notice of the horrors of the night. Colonel Browne, a gentleman . greatly. respected, was another victim of the multitude, and was aseas- sinated^iii the- same brutal andicowardly manner.; On the first alarm he repaired to join his regiment, but, iminformed of the precise station which was occupied by the rebek, heunfortunately, in the darkness of the night, fell in with the main body ; he received a shot from a blun- derbuss, and was almost immediately hewn to pieces. " Every casual passenger, who was not murdered, was forced to join . * The following story in connection with this action was also for some time sub- seqiiently current among the " lower orders " of Dublin; — " In the year 1795, when Kilwarden was attorney-geiieral, a number of young' men (all of whom were between the age of fifteen and twenty) were indicted for high treason. Upon the day appointed for their trial they appeared in the dock, wearing' shirts with tuckers and open collars, in the manner usual with boys. When the chief justice of the Queen's Bench, Ijefore whom they were to be tried, came into court and observed them, he called out, ' Well, Mr. Attorney, I suppose you are ready to gb on with the trials of these truckered traitors ?'' The attorney-general was ready and had attended for tlie purpose ; but indigq^nt and disgusted at hearing such lan- guage from the judgment-seat, he rose and;replied, ' No,- my lord, lam not.ready ; and,' added he, .in a low tone, to onp of the prisoners' counsel who was near him, 'if I have any power to save the lives of Ithese boys, whose extreme youth I did not before observe, that man shall never have the gratification of passing sentence upon a single one of these truckered traitors.' He performed his promise, and soon after procured pardons for them all, upon condition of their expatriatingthejnselves fpi; ever ; but one of them obstinately refusing to accept the pardon upon that condition, he was tried, eohvicfed, and executed.''" Thus far the fact upon creditable authorities: what follows is given as an authenticated report. After the death of this young man, his r«lativ$s,'it,is said, readily listejijing to every misrepresentation jfhicb flattered their ijesentment, became persuaded' that the attorney -general had selected Jiim alone; tO; suffer the utmost severity of the law.. One of these, a person nanjied Shannon, was ^n insurgent on the 23rd ,of July; and ,vfh?n Lord Kilwarden, hearing the popiil^T; cry of vengeance, exclaimed from his carriage, " It is I, Kilwarden, chief justice of the King's Bench !" " Then," cried out Shannon, " yOu.'re,the man that J.w^nt!'^ and plunged a pike into his lordship's body. 410 HISTORY OF THE the insurgents, and armed with a pike. This happened even to some gentlemen of rank and character. The first check which the rebels experienced was from Mr. Edward Wilson, a police magistrate, who, at the head of only eleven men, had the courage to approach the scene of insurrection. He had hardly arrived at the spot, before he found his little party surrounded by a body of nearly three hundred pikemen. Undismayed by their hostile appearance, he called upon them to lay down their arms, or he would fire. The rebels appeared somewhat confused, but one of them, bolder than the rest, advanced, and with his pike wounded Mr. Wilson in the belly, but was instantly shot dead by the wounded magistrate. The fire from his men threw the rest of the body of assailants into some confusion, but they presently opened to the right and left, to make way for such of their party as had fire- arms, when Mr. Wilson thought it prudent to retreat towards the Coombe. The rebels soon after met with a more formidable assailant in Lieutenant Brady, of the 21st Fusileers ; who, at the head of only forty men, had the gallantry to advance to the attack. He subdivided his little force into smaller parties, and, though assailed by bottles and stones from the houses, and with shot from the alleys and entries, kept up so warm and well-directed a fire that the insurgents, numerous as they were, soon fled in different directions. Lieutenant Coltman, of the 9th regiment of foot, also, at the head of only four men of his own regiment, and some yeomanry of the Barrack division in coloured clothes, in all but twenty-eight, hastened to the scene of action, and was successful in dispersing the mob, and securing some of the most desps^aC of the ofienders. " The military now poured in from all quarters ; the rebels were routed with considerable slaughter, and, before twelve, the insurrection was completely quelled." The brief and sanguinary affray, which was detailed fully in the evidence given on the trial of the chief conspirator, we think will bear us out in opinions already freely expressed, regarding the incompetency of the leaders, and the general inefficiency of an Irish mob.* More was in Emmet's favour than he was entitled to have expected. The government, although rumour wgs rife with alarm, had turned a deaf ear to every attempt to awake it from its culpable security. The de- tective police of that day — a crew of mercenary bloodhounds — shewed, that within the very heart of a city treasonable plans could be ma- tured, and not a functionary suspect it. To stimulate Sirr and his myrmidons to exertion, crime was not to be prevented, but committed, and a regular price must first be placed upon the offender. The apathy * " In general, the Irish are rather impetuously brave than steadily persevering ; their onsets are furious and their retreats precipitate, but even death has for them no terrors, when they firmly believe that their cause is meritorious. Though exquisitely artful in the stratagems of warfare, yet, when actually in battle, their discretion vanishes before their impetuosity ; and, the most gregarious people under heaven, they rush forward in a crowd with tumultuous ardour, and without foresight or re- flection, whether they are advancing to destruction or to victory." — Barrington. IIUSH REBELLION. 411 ot the government and the imhecility of the conspiracy were worthy of each other. On the night of the 23rd of July, one hundred determined men, by a well-arranged coup-de-main, might have easily obtained possession of the castle. Even with that success, twelve hours would have ended the treason- able triumph. More blood might have been shed — but the end would have been the same, and by noon next day the insurrection would have terminated as it had commenced — in slaughter. 412 HISTORY OP THE CHAPTER XXXVIII, TRIAL, CONVICTION, AND EXECUTION OF ROBERT EMMET. Favoured by the darkness of the night, Emmet, and a few follow- ers, contrived to escape from the city, and headed to that haunt of outlawed and desperate malefactors, the mountain range of Wicklow. For better security, the party separated, each adopting the best means within his power to evade the now uplifted hand of outraged justice. Emmet, it was said, might possibly have quitted the country in a fishing boat, but his wild attachment to a daughter of the celebrated Curran induced him to return to the metropolis, and seek a parting interview with his mistress. None but a madman would have risked the dangerous experiment — but Emmet appears to have been influenced in all his actions by the wildest impulse, and, accordingly, he regained the city safely, and again took up his quarters in his old concealment, Harold's cross. On the 25th of August, he was arrested by Major Sii'r, and a special commission immediately issued — Lord Norbury, with Barons George and Daly, presiding. " It opened, on the 31st of August, with the trial of Edward Kear- ney, a calenderer, who was proved, on the testimony of M'Cabe, an accomplice, and others, not only to have been active in organizing the conspiracy, but to have been actively engaged in the insurrection of the 23rd July; having been one of the first who was apprehended by the party commanded by Lieutenant Brady. His trial was followed, on the 1st of September, by that of Thomas Maxwell Roche, an old man of about seventy. Both were found guilty, and were executed in Thomas-street, the scene of their criminality — Kearney on the first, and Roche on the following day : both acknowledged the justice of their sentence. Several other prisoners of inferior note were afterwards tried and executed, all of whom died penitent. In particular, Henry Howley, who had shot one of the police-officers who attempted to apprehend him, addressed the multitude in a pathetic exhortation, exclaiming — ' Good people, pray for me : and pray that I may be forgiven my sins, which I heartily repent of. Good people, you see to what a situation I am brought by my own folly, and by bad advisers. Good people, love each other, and forget all animosities ; relinquish your foolish pur- suits, which, if you continue to follow, will, in the end, bring you to the situation in which I now stand !' He confessed that he had, with his own hand, murdered Colonel Browne, on the night of the rebellion. He appeared fully sensible of the enormity of the crime, as well as of that of the murder of John Hanlon, the Tower-keeper, and exhibited an appearance of the deepest remorse. His whole conduct, indeed, IRISH REBELLION. 413 excited a degree of compassion which' it required the full recollection of his crimes to overcome." On Monday, the 19th Sept., Emmet was formally arraigned. The Attorney-General opened the indictment, charging him with compassing the deposition and death of the king, and conspiring to levy war against the king, within the said king's realm. Emmet pleaded, in a firm, manly tone, " Not guilty." " Mr. Eawlings deposed to a knowledge of the prisoner, with whom he had held political conversations ; and Mr. Tyrrel proved the pur- chase of the house in Butterfield-lane by Emmet, under an assumed name. " John Fleming deposed, that on the 23rd of July, and for the year previous, he had been hostler at the White Bull Inn, Thomas-street, kept by a person named Dillon. The house was convenient to Mass- lane, where the rebel dep6t was, and to which the witness had free and constant access ; having been in the confidence of the conspirators, and employed to bring them ammunition and other things. He saw the persons there making pike-handles, and heading them with the iron part ; he also saw the blunderbusses, firelocks, and pistols in the dep6t, and saw ball-cartridges making there. Here the witness iden- tified the prisoner at the bar, whom he saw in the dep6t for the first time, on the Tuesday morning after the explosion in Patrick-street. The witness had opened the gate of the inn yard, which opened into Mass-lane, to let out Quigley, when he saw the prisoner, accompanied by a person of the name of Palmer ; the latter got some sacks from the witness to convey ammunition to the stores ; and the prisoner went into the depot, where he continued almost constantly until the evening of the 23rd July, directing the preparations for the insurrection, and having the chief authority. He heard the prisoner read a little sketch, as the witness called it, purporting, that every ofiicer, non-commis- sioned officer, and private, should have equally every thing they got, and have the same laws as in France. Being asked what it was they were to share, the prisoner replied, ' what they got when they were to take Ireland or Dublin.' He saw green uniform jackets making in the dep6t by difierent tailors, one of whom was named Colgan. He saw one uniform in particular, a green coat, laced on the sleeves and skirts, &c., and with gold epaulettes, like a gentleman's dress. He saw the prisoner take it out of a desk one day, and shew it to all present. Here the witness identified the desk, which was in_ the court. He also saw the prisoner, at different times, take out papers, and put papers into the desk. There was none other in the store. Quigley also used sometimes to go to the desk. On the evening of the 23rd July, witness saw the prisoner dressed in the uniform above described, with white waistcoat and pantaloons, new boots, and cocked hat and white feather. He had also a sash on him, and was armed with a sword and case of pistols. The prisoner called for a big coat (but did not get it) to disguise his uniform, as he said, until he went to the party that was to attack the castle. Quigley, and a person named Stafibrd, had uniforms like that of Emmet, but they had only one 414 HISTORY OP THE epaulette. Quigley wore a white feather, and Stafford a green one. Stafford was a baker in Thomas-street. About nine o'clock the pri- soner drew his sword, and called out, ' Oome on, boys.' He sallied out of the dep6t, accompanied by Quigley and Stafford, and about fifty men, as well as the witness could judge, armed with pikes, blunder- busses, pistols, &c. They entered Dirty-lane, and went from thence into Thomas-street. The prisoner was in the centre of the party. They began to fire in Dirty-lane, and also when they got into Thomas- street. The witness was with the party. The prisoner went, in the stores, by the name of EUis. He was considered by all of them as the general and head of the business ; the witness heard him called by the title of general. In and out of the dep6t it was said they were pre- paring to assist the French, when they should land. Quigley went in the dep6t by the name of Graham." "Terence Oolgau(the tailor named in the foregoing evidence), being sworn, deposed, that on the Sunday previous to the insurrection, he came to town from Lucan, where he lived ; and having met with a friend, they went to Dillon's, the "White Bull Inn, in Thomas-street, and drank, until the witness, overcome with liquor, fell asleep, when he was conveyed, in this state of insensibility, into the dep&t in Mass- lane; and when he awoke the next morning, he was set to work, making green jackets and white pantaloons. He saw the prisoner there, by whose directions every thing was done; and who, he under- stood, was the chief. He (witness) also corroborated the general pre- parations of arms, ammunition, &c., for the insurrection." " Patrick Fraser deposed, that as he was passing through Mass-lane, between the hours of nine and ten o'clock, on the evening of Friday, the 22nd of July, he stopped before the mait-stores, or dep&t, on hear- ing a noise therein, which surprised him, as he considered it a waste house. Immediately the door opened, and a man came forth, who caught him, and asked him what he was doing there ? The witness was then brought into the dep6t, and again asked what brought him there, or had he ever been there before ? • He said he had not. They asked him, did he know Graham ? He replied, that he did not. One of the persons then said the witness was a spy, and called out, to ' Drop him immediately ;' by which the witness understood, that they meant to shoot him. 'They brought him up-stairs, and after some con- sultation, they agreed to wait for some person to come in, who would decide what should be done with him. That person having arrived, he asked the witness if he knew Graham ? He replied, that he did not ; a light was brought in at the same time, and the witness, having looked about, was asked, if he knew any one there ? He answered, that he knew Quigley. He was asked, where ? He replied, that he knew him five or six years ago, at Maynooth, as a bricklayer, or mason. The witness then identified the prisoner as the person who came in and decided that he should not be killed, but that he should be taken care of, and not let out. The witness was detained there that night, and the whole of the next day (Saturday, the 23rd), and was made to assist the different kinds of work. During that time IRISH REBELLION. 415 he saw the prisoner, who appeared to have the chief direction. Here the witness described the weapons and missiles of various kinds ; also the uniforms, and particularly that, on the evening of the 23rd, he saw three men dressed in green uniforms, richly laced ; one of whom was the prisoner, who wore two gold epaulettes, but the other two only one each. " To a question by the Court, the witness said, that he gave informa- tion of the circumstances deposed in his evidence, the next morning, to Mr. Ormsby, in Thomas-street, to whom he was steward." " Sergeant Thomas Eice and others proved the proclamation of the Provisional Government found in the dep6t;* identified the desk which the prisoner used there; and a letter signed 'Thomas Addis Emmet;' and directed to ' Mrs. Emmet, Milltown, near Dublin,' beginning ' My dearest Robert." " " Edward Wilson, Esq., recollected the explosion of gunpowder which took place in Patrick-street, previous to the 23rd of July ; it took place on the 16th. He went there and found an apparatus for making gunpowder ; was certain that it was gunpowder exploded. Proved the existence of a rebellious insurrection, as did also Lieutenant Brady. The latter added, that on an examination of the pikes, which he found in Thomas-street, four were stained with blood on the iron part, and on one or two of them the blood extended half-way up the handle." " John Doyle, a farmer, deposed to the following efiect : — ^That on the morning of the 26th July last, about two o'clock, a party of people came to his house at Ballymace, in the parish of Tallaght, seven miles from Dublin. He had been after drinking, and was heavy asleep; they came to his bedside, and stirred and called him, but he did not awake at once ; when he did and looked up, he lay closer than before : they desired him to take some spirits, which he refused. They then moved him to the middle of the bed, and two of them lay down, one on each side of him. One of them said—' You have a French general and a French colonel beside you, what you never had before.' For some hours the witness lay between asleep and awake. When he found his companions asleep he stole out of the bed, and found in the room some blunderbusses, a gun, and some pistols. The number of blunder- busses, he believed, were equal to the number of persons, who, on being collected at breakfast, amounted to fourteen. Here he identified the prisoner as one of those who were in the bed with him. " The witness then further stated, that the party left his house between eight and nine o'clock in the evening, and proceeded up the hill. The next morning the witness found under the table, on which they breakfaeted, one of the small printed proclamations, which he gave to John Robinson, the barony constable." " Rose Bagnall, residing at Ballynascorney, about a mile further up the hill from Doyle's, proved that a party of men, fifteen in number, and whom she described similar to that of the preceding witness, came * Vide Appendix. 416 HISTORY OP THE to her house on the night of the Tuesday immediately after the insur- rection." "John Robinson corroborated. the testimony of the witness Doyle," relative to the small proclamation, which he identified." ' " Joseph Palmer deposed that he was'clerfc to Mr. Colville, and lodged at his mother's house, at Harold's Cross. He recollected the appre- hension of the prisoner, at his mother's houseV by Major Sirr ; and that he had lodged there the preoe'ding'springjat which time, and when he was arrested, he went by the naine of Hewitt. The prisoner came to lodge there, the second time, about three weeks before the last time^ and was habited in a brown coat, white waistcoat, white pantaloons, hessian boots, and a black stock. ' The |(asitaloons were of cloth. Those who visited the prisoner inquired for him by the name of Hewitt. At the time he was arrested there was a label on the door of the house, expressive of its Inhabitants; It was written by the witness, but the prisoner was omitted, at his request, befcause he said he was afraid government would take him up. The prisoner, in different convert sations with the witness, explained why he feared being taken up. He acknowledged that he had been in Thomas-street on the night of the 23rd of July, and described the dress he wore on that occasion, part of jwhich were the waistcoat, pantaloons, and boots already mentioned^ and particularly his coat, which he described as a very handsome uniform. The prisoner had a conversation with witness about a maga- zine, and expressed much regret at the loss- of the powder in the dep6t'. • The proclamations were likewise mentioned by the prisoner, and he planned a mode of escape, in the. event of any attempt to arrest him, hj going through the . parlour- window into the back-house^ and from thence into the- fields. Here the witness was shewn a paper, found upon a chair in the room in which the- prisoner lodged, and asked if he knew whose handwriting it was — ^he replied, that he did not know^bnt was certain that it had not been written by any of his family, and that there was nd other lodger in the house besides the prisoner." The examination of this witness being closed, extracts from several papers- found in the possession of Emfiiet were then read. Major Henry Charles Sirr stated — " I went,, in the evening of the 25th of August, to the house of, one Palmer. I had heard there was a stranger in the back parlour. -I rode, accompanied by a man on foot ; I desired the man to knock at the door. He did, and it was opened by a: girl. I alighted/ and ran directly into the back parlour.' I saw •the prisoner sitting at dinner : the woman of the house was there, and the girl who opened the door was the daughter of the woman of the •.house. I desired them. to withdraw. • I asked the prisoner his name; he told me his name was Cunningham;: I gave him in charge to' the man who accompanied me,? and went into the next room to ask the woman and daughter about him; they told me his name was Hewitt. I went back, and asked how long he had been there? He said he came that morning. He had attempted to escape before I returned, for he was bloody, and the man said he knocked him down with a IRISH REBELLION. 417 pistol. I then went to Mrs. Palmer, who said he had lodged there for a month. I then judged he was a person of some importance. When I first went in, there was a paper on the chair, which I put into my pocket. I then went to the canal bridge for a guard, having desired him to be in readiness as I passed by. I planted a sentry oYer him, and desired the non-commissioned oJBicer to surround the house with sentries, while I searched it. I then examined Mrs. Palmer, and took down her account of the prisoner, during which time I heard a noise, as if an escape was attempted. I instantly ran to the back part of the house, as the most likely part for him to get out at ; I saw him going off, and ordered a sentinel to fire, and then pursued myself, regardless of the order. The sentry snapped, but the musket did not go ofi'. I overtook the prisoner, and he said, 'I surrender!' I searched him, and found some papers upon him." On the witness expressing concern at the necessity of the prisoner's being treated so roughly, hq, the prisoner, observed, " that all was fair in war." The prisoner, when brought to the Castle, acknowledged that his name was Emmet. The case for the crown having closed, and Emmet declined to enter into any defence, Mr. Conyngham Plunket rose to address the jury, previous to the judge's charge. To this the prisoner's legal advisers objected, as the counsel for the crown could not be said to have a right to reply to evidence, when no defence had been made. Lord Norbury, however, decided otherwise, — and Mr. Plunket then ad- dressed the court. 2 £ 418 HIBTOBY OP THE CHAPTER XXXIX. SPEECH OT THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL LORD NORBUEy's CHARGE FINDING OF THE JURY — EMMEt's CELEBRATED SPEECH — HIS EXECUTION — CON- CLUDING REMARKS. " My Lords and Gentlemen of the Jury, " You need not entertain any apprehension tnat, at this hour of the day, I am disposed to take up a great deal of your time, by observing upon the evidence which has been given. In truth, if this were an ordinary case, and if the object of this prosecution did not include some more momentous interests than the mere question of the guilt or innocence of the unfortunate gentleman who stands a prisoner at the bar, I should have followed the example of his counsel, and should have declined making any observation upon the evidence. But, gentlemen, I do feel this to be a case of infinite importance indeed — ^it is a case important, like all others of this kind, by involving the life of a fellow-subject ; but it is doubly and ten-fold important, because, from the evidence which has been given in the progress of it, the system of this conspiracy against the laws and constitution of the country has been developed in all its branches ; and in observing upon the conduct of the prisoner at the bar, and bringing home the evidence of his guilt, I am bringing home guilt to a person who, I say, is the centre, the life-blood and soul of this atrocious conspiracy. " Gentlemen, with respect to the evidence which has been oflfered upon the part of the crown to substantiate the guilt of the prisoner, I shall be very short indeed in recapitulating and observing upon it — I shall have very little more to do than to follow the statement which was made by my learned and eloquent friend, who stated the case upon the part of the crown ; because it appears to me that the outline which was given by him has been with an exactness and precision seldom to be met with, followed up by the proof. Gentlemen, what is the sum and substance of that evidence ? I shall not detain you by detailing the particulars of it. You see the prisoner at the bar returning from foreign countries some time before hostilities were on the point of breaking out between these countries and France ; at first avowing himself — not disguising or concealing himself — he was then under no necessity of doing so ; but when hostilities commenced, and when it was not improbable that foreign invasion might co-operate with do- mestic treason, you see him throwing off the name by which he was previously known, and disguising himself under new appellations and characters. You see him in the month of March or April going to an IRISH REBELLION. 419 obscure lodging at Harold's-cross, assuming the name of Hewitt, and concealing himself there — for what purpose ? Has he called upon any witness to explain it to you, if he were upon any private enter- prise, if for fair and honourable views, or any other purpose than that which is imputed to him by the indictment ? Has he called a single witness to explain it ? No ; but after remaining six weeks or two months in this concealment, when matters began to ripen a little more, when the house was hired in Thomas-street, which became the dep6t and magazine of military preparation, he then thinks it necessary to assume another character and another place of abode, accommodated to a more enlarged sphere of action ; he abandons his lodging, he pays a fine of sixty-one guineas for a house in Butterfield-lane, again dis- guised by another assumed name — that of Ellis. Has he called any person to account for this, or to excuse by argument, or even by assertion, this conduct ? — why, for any honest purpose, he should take this place for his habitation under a feigned name ? " But you find his plans of treason becoming more mature. He is there associated with two persons, one of the name of Dowdall. We have not explained in evidence what his situation is, or what he had been ; the other is Quigley — he has been ascertained by the evidence to have been a person originally following the occupation of a brick- layer ; but he thought proper to desert the humble walk in which he was originally placed, and to become a framer of constitutions and a subverter of empires, " With these associates he remains at Butterfield-lane, occasionally leaving it and returning again; whether he was superintending the works which were going forwa,rd, or whatever other employment en- gaged him, you will determine. Be it what it may, if it were not for the purpose of treason and rebellion, he has not thought proper by evidence to explain it. So matters continued until some short time before the fatal night of the 23rd of July. Matters became somewhat hastened by an event which took place about a week before the breaking out of the insurrection — a house in Patrick-street, In which a quantity of powder had been collected for the purposes of the re- bellion, exploded. An alarm was spread by this accident ; the con- spirators found that if they delayed their schemes and waited for foreign co-operation, they would be detected and defeated, and there- fore it became necessary to hasten to immediate action. What is the consequence? From that time the prisoner is not seen in his old habitation, he moves into town, and becomes an inmate and constant inhabitant of this depot. These facts, which I am stating, are not collected by inference from his disguise, his concealment, or the as- sumption of a foreign name, or the other concomitant circumstances, but are proved by the positive testimony of three witnesses, all ot whom positively swear to the identity of his person, Fleming, Colgan, and Farrell, every one of whom swears he saw the prisoner (tallying exactly with each other as to his person, the dress he wore, the func- tions he exercised), and every one of whom had a full opportunity of knowins him. You saw him at Bntterfield-Jane, under the assumed 420 HISTORY OP THE name of Ellis — ^you see him carrying the same name into the dep6t, not wishing to avow hia own until the achievement of the enterprise would crown it with some additional eclat. " The first witness, Fleming, appears in the character of a person who was privy to the conspiracy — he was acquainted with the depdt from the moment it was first taken — he had access to it and co-operated in the design — he was taken upon suspicion — and under these circum- stances he makes the disclosure. If the case of the prosecution rested upon the evidence of this man alone, though an accomplice in the crime, it would be sufiicient evidence to go to you for your considera- tion, upon which you would either acquit the prisoner or find him guilty. In general, from the nature of the crime of treason, from the secrecy with which it is hatched and conducted, it frequently happens that no other evidence can be resorted to but that of accom- plices; and therefore, notwithstanding the crimes of such witnesses, their evidence is admissible to a jury. But, doubtless, every honest and considerate jury, whether in a case of life or not, will scrupulously , weigh such evidence. If it be consistent with itself, disclosing a fair and candid account, and is not impeached by contradictory testimony, it is sufiicient to sustain a verdict of guilt. " But, gentlemen, I take up your time unnecessarily in dwelling upon this topic, which I introduced rather in justification of the prin- ciples which regulate such evidence, than as attaching any particular weight to it in the present instance ; because, if you blot it altogether from your minds, you have then the testimony of two other persons not tainted with the conspiracy — one of them brought in while in a state of intoxication, and the other taken by surprise when he was watching at the door — in every respect corroborating the testimony of Fleming, and substantiating the guilt of the prisoner. You heard the kind of implements which were prepared, their account of the com- mand assumed by the prisoner, living an entire week in the dep6t, animating his workmen, and hastening them to the conclusion of their business. When the hour of action arrived, you see him dressed in military array, putting himself at the head of the troops who had been shut up with him in this asylum, and advancing with his party, armed for the capture of the Castle, and the destruction of his fellow- citizens ! " Gentlemen of the jury, what was the part which the prisoner took in that night of horror, I will not attempt to insinuate to you ; I hope and trust in God, for the sake of himself — his fame — ^his eternal welfare — ^that he was incapable of being a party to the barbarities which were committed ; I do not mean to insinuate that he was, but that he headed this troop, and was present while some shots were fired, haa been proved by uncontroverted testimony. At what time he quitted them — whether from prudence, despair, or disgust he retired from their bands — is not proved by evidence upon the table ; but from the moment of the discomfiture of his project, we find him again concealed. We trace him with the badges of rebellion glittering upon his person, at- tended by the two other consuls, Quigley, the bricklayer, and Dowdall, IRISH REBELLION. 421 the clerk,— whether for concealment, or to stimulate the wretched peasantry to other acts of insurrection, you will determine. We first trace him to Doyle's, and then to Bagnall's ; one identifies him, the other, from her fears, incapable of doing so ; but the same party, in the same uniforms, go to her house, until the apprehension of detection drove them from her. When he could no longer find shelter in the mountains, nor stir up the inhabitants of them, he again retires to his former obscure lodging, the name of Ellis is abandoned, the regimental coat is abandoned, and again he assumes the name of Hewitt. What is his conduct in this concealment ? He betrays his apprehensions of being taken up by government, for what ? Has any explanation been given to shew what it could be, unless for rebellion ? There he plans a mode of escape, refusing to put his name upon the door. You find him taken a reluctant prisoner, twice attempting to escape, and only brought within the reach of the law by force and violence. What do you find then ? Has he been affecting to disguise his object, or that his plan was less dignified than his motive — that of treason ? No such thing. He tells young Palmer that he was in Thomas-street that night, he confesses the treason, he boasts of his uniform, part of which was upon his person when he was taken ; he acknowledges all this to the young man in the house — a witness, permit me to remark, not carried away by any excess of over-zeal to say any thing to the injury of the prisoner, and therefore to his testimony, so far as it atfects the prisoner, you may with a safe conscience aflTord a reasonable degree of credit. " Under what circumstances is he taken ? In the room in which he was, upon a chair near the door, is found an address to the government of the country, and in the very first paragraph of that address the composer of it acknowledges himself to be at the head of a conspiracy for the overthrow of the government which he addresses, telling them, in diplomatic language, what conduct the undersigned will be compelled to adopt, if they shall presume to execute the law. He is the leader, whose nod is a fiat, and he warns them of the consequences ^ " Gentlemen of the jury, you will decide whether the prisoner at the bar or Mrs. Palmer was the person who denounced those terms, and this vengeance against the government. What is found upon him? A letter written by a brother conspirator, consulting him upon the present posture of the rebellion, their future prospects, and the proba- bility of French assistance, and also the probable efi'ects of that assist- ance, if it should arrive. What further is found ? At the depot— and every thing found there, whether coming out of the desk which he appears to have used and resorted to, or in any other part of the place which he commanded, is evidence against him — you find a treatise upon the art of war, framed for the purpose of drilling the party who were employed to efiect this rebellion; but of war they have proved that they are incapable of knowing any thing but its ferocities and its crimes. You find two proclamations, detailing systematically and pre- cisely the views and objects of this conspiracy, and you find a manu- script copy of one of them, with interlineations and other marks of its 422 HISTORY OP THE being an original draft. It will be for you to consider who was the framer of it—the man who presided at the dep6t, and regulated all the proceedings there, or whether it was formed by Dowdall the clerk, by Quigley the bricklayer, or by Stafford the baker, or any of the illiterate victims of the ambition of this young man, who have been convicted in this court, or whether it did not flow from his pen, and was dictated by his heart ? "Gentlemen, with regard to this mass of accumulated evidence, forming irrefragable proof of the guilt of the prisoner, I conceive no man capable of putting together two ideas can have a doubt. Why, then, do I address you, or why should I trespass any longer upon your time and your attention ? Because, as I have already mentioned, I feel this to be a case of great public expectation, of the very last national importance ; and because, when I am prosecuting a man in whose veins the life's blood of this conspiracy flowed, I expose to the public eye the utter meanness and insufficiency of its resources. "What does it avow itself to be ? A plan — not to correct the excesses, or reform the abuses of the government of the country ; not to remove any specks or imperfections which might have grown upon the surface of the constitution, or to restrain the overgrown power of the crown, or to restore any privilege to Parliament, or to throw any new security around the liberty of the subject. No. But it plainly and boldly avows itself to be a plan to separate Great Britain from Ireland, up- root the monarchy, and establish ' a free and independent republic in Ireland ' in its place ! To sever the connection between Great Britain and Ireland ! Gentlemen, I should feel it a waste of words and of public time, were I to address you or any person within the limits of my voice — were I to talk of the frantic desperation of the plan of any man who speculates upon the dissolution of that empire whose glory and whose happiness depends upon its indissoluble connection. But were it practicable to sever that connection, to untie the links which bind us to the British constitution, and to turn us adrift upon the turbulent ocean of revolution, who could answer for the existence of this country, as an independent country, for a year? God and nature have made the two countries essential to each other ; let them cling to each other to the end of time, and their united affection and loyalty will be proof against the machinations of the world. " But how was this to be done ? By establishing ' a free and inde- pendent republic !' High-sounding name ! I would ask, whether the man who used them understood what he meant ? I will not ask what may be its benefits, for I know its evils. There is no magic in the name. We have heard of ' free and independent republics,' and have since seen the most abject slavery that ever groaned under iron despotism growing out of them. " Formerly, gentlemen of the jury, we have seen revolutions effected by some great call of the people, ripe for change and unfitted by their habits for ancient forms ; but here, from the obscurity of concealment, and by the voice of that pigmy authority, self-created, and fearing to shew itself but in arms under cover of the night, we are called upon IRISH REBELLION. 423 to surrender a constitution which has lasted for a period of one thou- sand years. Has any body of the people come forward, stating any grievance or announcing their demand for a change ? No. But while the country is peaceful, enjoying the blessings of the constitution, growing rich and happy under it, a few desperate, obscure, con- temptible adventurers in the trade of revolution form a scheme against the constituted authorities of the land, and by force and violence to overthrow an ancient and venerable constitution, and to plunge a whole people into the horrors of civil war ! " If the wisest head that ever lived had framed the wisest system of laws which human ingenuity could devise — if he were satisfied that the system was exactly fitted to the disposition of the people for whom he intended it, and that a great proportion of that people were anxious for its adoption, yet give me leave to say, that under all these circum- stances of fitness and disposition, a well-judging mind and a humane heart would pause awhile and stop upon the brink of his purpose, before he would hazard the peace of the country, by resorting to force for the establishment of his system ; but here, in the phrenzy of dis- tempered ambition, the author of the proclamation conceives the project of ' a free and independent republic,' — ^he at once flings it down, and he tells every man in the community, rich or poor, loyal or disloyal, he must adopt it at the peril of being considered an enemy to the country, and of suffering the pains and penalties attendant there- upon. " And how was this revolution to be effected ? The proclamation conveys an insinuation that it was to be effected by their own force, entirely independent of foreign assistance. Why? Because it was well known that there remained in this country few so depraved, so lost to the welfare of their native land, that would not shudder at forming an alliance with France, and therefore the people of Ireland are told, ' the effort is to be entirely your own, independent of foreign aid.' But how does this tally with the time when the scheme was first hatched — the very period of the commencement of the war with France ? How does this tally with the fact of consulting in the depot about co-operating with the French, which has been proved in evi- dence? But, gentlemen, out of the proclamation I convict him of duplicity. He tells the government of the country not to resist their mandate, or think that they can effectually suppress rebellion by putting down the present attempt, but that ' they will have to crush a greater exertion, rendered still greater by foreign assistance ;' so that upon the face of the proclamation they avowed, in its naked deformity, the abominable plan of an alliance with the usurper of the French throne, to overturn the ancient constitution of the land, and to substitute a new republic in its place. " Gentlemen, so far I have taken up your time with observing upon the nature and extent of the conspiracy, its objects, and the means by which they proposed to effectuate them. Let me now call your atten- tion to the pretexts by which they seek to support them. They have not stated what particular grievance or oppression is complained of— 424 HISTORY OF THE but they have travelled back into the history of six centuries, they have raked up the ashes of former cruelties and rebellions, and upon the memory of them they call upon the good people of this country to embark into similar troubles ; but they forget to tell the people that until the infection of new-fangled French principles was introduced, this country was for one hundred years free from the slightest symptom of rebellion, advancing in improvement of every kind beyond any example, while the former animosities of the country were melting down into a general system of philanthropy and cordial attachment to each other. They forget to tell the people whom they address that they have been enjoying the benefit of equal laws, by which the pro- perty, the person, and constitutional rights and privileges of every man are abundantly protected ; they have not pointed out a single instance of oppression. Give me leave to ask any man who may have suffered, himself to be deluded by those enemies of the law, what is there to prevent the exercise of honest industry and enjoying the produce of it? Does any man presume to invade him in the enjoyment of his pro- perty ? If he does, is not the punishment of the law brought down upon him ? What does he want ? What is it that any rational friend to freedom could expect, that the people of this country are not fully and amply in the possession of? And therefore, when those idle stories are told of six hundred years' oppression, and of rebellions prevailing when this country was in a state of ignorance and barbarism, and which have long since passed away, they are utterly destitute of a fact to rest upon, they are a fraud upon feeling, and are the pretext of the factions and ambitious working upon credulity and ignorance. " Let me allude to another topic : They call for revenge on account of the removal of the Parliament. Those men who, in 1798, endea- voured to destroy the Parliament, now call upon the loyal men, who opposed its transfer, to join them in rebellion — an appeal vain and fruitless. Look around and see with what zeal and loyalty they rallied round the throne and constitution of the country. Whatever might have been the difference of opinion heretofore among Irishmen upon some points, when armed rebels appear against the laws and public peace, every minor difference is annihilated in the paramount claim of duty to our king and country. " So much, gentlemen, for the nature of this conspiracy, and the pretexts upon which it rests. Suffer me for a moment to call your attention to one or two of the edicts published by the conspirators. They have denounced, that if a single Irish soldier — or in more faithful description, Irish rebel — shall lose his life after the battle is over, quarter is neither to be giv^en or taken. Observe the equality of the reasoning of these promulgers of liberty and equality. The distinction is this : English troops are permitted to arm in defence of the govern- ment and the constitution of the country, and to maintain their allegiance — but if an Irish soldier, yeoman, or other loyal person, who shall not, within the space of fourteen days from the date and issuing forth of their sovereign proclamation, appear in arms with them — if he presumes to obey the dictates of his conscience, his duty, and his llllSH REBELLION. 425 interest, if he has the hardihood to be loyal to his sovereign and his country— he is proclaimed a traitor, his life is forfeited, and his pro- perty is confiscated. A sacred palladium is thrown over the rebel cause — while, in the same breath, undistinguishing vengeance is de- nounced against those who stand up in defence of the existing and ancient laws of the country. For God's sake, to whom are we called upon to deliver up, with only fourteen days to consider of it, all the advantages we enjoy ? Who are they who claim the obedience ? The prisoner is the principal. I do not wish to say any thing harsh of him ; a young man of considerable talents, if used with precaution, and of respectable rank in society, if content to conform himself to its laws. But when he assumes the manner and the tone of a legislator, and calls upon all ranks of people, the instant the provisional govern- ment proclaim in the abstract a new government, without specifying what the new laws are to be, or how the people are to be conducted and managed, but that the moment it is announced, the whole consti- tuted authority is to yield to him — it becomes an extravagance bordering upon phrenzy ; this is going beyond the example of all former times. If a rightful sovereign were restored, he would forbear to inflict punishment upon those who submitted to the king de facto; but here there is no such forbearance — we who have lived under a king, not only de facto, but de jure in possession of the throne, are called upon to submit ourselves to the prisoner, to Dowdall, the va- grant politician, to the bricklayer, to the baker, the old clothes man, the hod man, and the ostler. These are the persons to whom this pro- clamation, in its majesty and dignity, calls upon a great people to yield obedience, and a powerful government to give ' a prompt, manly, and sagacious acquiescence to their just and unalterable determination!' ' We call upon the British government not to be so mad as to oppose us.' Why, gentlemen, this goes beyond all serious discussion, and I mention it merely to shew the contemptible nature of this conspiracy, which hoped to have set the entire country in a flame ; when it was joined by nineteen counties from north to south, catching the electrical spark of revolution, they engaged in the conspiracy : the general, with his lieutenant-general, putting himself at the head of the forces, col- lected not merely from the city, but from the neighbouring counties, and when all the strength is collected, voluntary and forced, they are stopped in their progress, in the first glow of their valour, by the honest voice of a single peace oflicer, at which the provincial forces, disconcerted and alarmed, ran like hares when one hundred soldiers appeared against them. " Gentlemen, why do I state these facts ? Is it to shew that the government need not be vigilant, or that our gallant countrymen should relax in their exertions ? By no means ; but to induce the miserable victims who have been misled by those phantoms of revolutionary de- lusion, to shew them that they ought to lose no time in abandoning a cause which cannot protect itself and exposes them to destruction, and to adhere to the peaceful and secure habits of honest industry. If they knew it, they have no reason to repine at their lot ; Providence is not 426 HISTORY OP THE SO unkind to them in casting them in that humble walk in which they are placed. Let them obey the law and cultivate religion, and worship their God in their own way. They may prosecute their labour in peace and tranquillity; they need not envy the higher ranks of life, but may look with pity upon ■ that vicious despot who watches with the sleepless eye of disquieting ambition, and sits a wretched usurper trembling upon the throne of the Bourbons. But I do not wish to awaken any remorse, except such as may be salutary to himself and the country, in the mind of the prisoner. But when he reflects that he has stooped from the honourable situation in which his birth, talents, and his education placed him, to debauch the minds of the lower orders of ignorant men with the phantoms of liberty and equality, he must feel that it was an unworthy use of his talents — he should feel remorse for the consequences -which ensued, grievous to humanity and virtue, and should endeavour to make all the atonement he can, by employing the little time which remains for him in endeavouring to undeceive them " Liberty and equality are dangerous names to make use of. If properly understood, they mean enjoyment of personal freedom under the eiqual protection of the laws ; and a genuine love of liberty incul- cates an affection for our friends, our king and country, a reverence for their lives, an anxiety for their safety, a feeling which advances from private to public life, until it expands and swells into the more dignified names of philanthropy and philosophy. But in the cant of modern philosophy, these affections, which form the ennobling distinc- tions of man's nature, are all thrown aside ; all the vices of his character are made the instruments of moral good — an abstract quantity of vice may produce a certain quantity of moral good. To a man whose principles are thus poisoned and his judgment perverted, the most flagitious crimes lose their names ; robbery and murder become moral good. He is taught not to startle at putting to death a fellow- creature, if it be represented as a mode of contributing to the good of all. In pursuit of those phantoms and chimeras of the brain, they abolish feelings and instincts, which God and nature have planted in our hearts for the good of human kind. Thus, by the printed plan for the establishment of liberty and a free republic, murder is pro- hibited and proscribed j and yet you heard how this caution against excesses was followed up by the recital of every grievance that ever existed, and which could excite every bad feeling of the heart, the most vengeful cruelty and insatiate thirst for blood. " Gentlemen, I am anxious to suppose that the mind of the prisoner recoiled at the scenes of murder which he witnessed, and I mention one circumstance with satisfaction — it appears he saved the life of Farrell ; and may the recollection of that one good action cheer him in his last moments. But though he may not have planned individual murders, that is no excuse to justify his embarking in treason, which must be followed by every species of crimes. It is supported by the rabble of the country, while the rank, the wealth, and the power of the country is opposed to it. Let loose the rabble of the country from IRISH HEBELLION. 427 the salutary restraints of the law, and who can take upon him to limit their barbarities? Who can say he will disturb the peace of the world, and rule it when wildest ? Let loose the winds of heaven, and what power less than omnipotent can control them ? So it is with the rabble : let them loose, and who can restrain them ? What claim, then, can the prisoner have upon the compassion of a jury, because, in the general destruction which his schemes necessarily produce, he did not meditate individual murder ? In the short space of a quarter of an hour what a scene of blood and horror was exhibited ! I trust that the blood which has been shed in the streets of Dublin upon that night, and since upon the scaffold, and which may hereafter be shed, will not be visited upon the head of the prisoner. It is not for me to say what are the limits of the mercy of God ; what a sincere repent- ance of those crimes may effect : but I do say, that if this unfortunate young gentleman retains any of the seeds of humanity in his heart, or possesses any of ihose qualities which a virtuous education in a liberal seminary must have planted in his bosom, he will make an atonement to his God and his country, by employing whatever time remains to him in warning his deluded countrymen from persevering in their schemes. Much blood has been shed — and he, perhaps, would have been immolated by his followers if he had succeeded. They are a blood-thirsty crew, incapable of listening to the voice of reason, and equally incapable of obtaining rational freedom, if it were wanting in this country, as they are of enjoying it. They imbrue their hands in the most sacred blood of the country, and yet they call upon God to prosper their cause, as it is just ! But as it is atrocious, wicked, and abominable, I most devoutly invoke that God to confound and over- whelm it." Lord Norbury recapitulated the evidence to the jury. The jury, without leaving the box, pronounced a verdict of guilty. The judgment of the court having been prayed upon the accused, and the customary proclamation for silence made, the clerk of the crown asked him, " what he had to say why judgment of death and execution should not be awarded against him, according to law?" With perfect calmness the prisoner bowed to the court, and thus addressed it : — " My Lords, " What have I to say that sentence of death should not be passed on me according to law ? I have nothing to say that can alter your pre- determination, nor that will become me to say, with any view to the mitigation of that sentence which yon are here to pronounce, and I must abide by. But I have that to say which interests me more than life, and which you have laboured (as was necessarily your office in the present circumstances of this oppressed country) to destroy— I have much to say, why my reputation should be rescued from the load of false accusation and calumny which has been heaped upon it. I do not imagine that, seated where you are, your minds can be so free from impurity as to receive the least impression from what I am gomg to utter. I have no hopes that I can anchor my character in the breast 428 HISTORY OP THE of a court constituted and trammelled as this is. I only wish, and that is the utmost I expect, that your lordships may suffer it to float down your memories untainted by the foul breath of prejudice, until it finds some more hospitable harbour to shelter it from the storm by which it is at present buffeted. " Were I only to suffer death, after being adjudged guilty by your tribunal, I should bow in silence, and meet the fate that awaits me without a murmur : but the sentence of the law, which delivers my body to the executioner, will, through the ministry of that law, labour in its own vindication, to consign my character to obloquy ; for there must be guilt somewhere, — whether in the sentence of the court or in the catastrophe, posterity must determine. A man in my situation, my lords, has not only to encounter the difficulties of fortune, and the forces of power over minds which it has corrupted or subjugated, but the difficulties of established prejudice. The man dies, but his memory lives ; that mine may not perish — that it may live in the memory of my countrymen — I seize upon this opportunity to vindicate myself from some of the charges alleged against me. When my spirit shall be wafted to a more friendly port — ^when my shade shall have joined the bands of those martyred heroes who have shed their blood on the scaffold and in the field, in defence of their country and virtue, this is my hope — I wish that my memory and name may animate those who survive me, while I look down with complacency on the destruction of that perfidious government which upholds its domination by blasphemy of the Most High ; which displays its power over man as over the beasts of the forest ; which sets man upon his brother, and lifts his hand, in the name of God, against the throat of his fellow who believes or doubts a little more than the government standard — a government steeled to barbarity by the cries of the orphans and the tears of the widows which it has made. f Here Lord Norbury interrupted Mr. Emmet, observing, that mean and wicked enthusiasts who felt as he did, were not equal to the ac- complishment of their wild designs.] " I appeal to the immaculate God — I swear by the throne of Hea/- ven, before which I must shortly appear — ^by the blood of the murdered patriots who have gone before me, that' my conduct has been, through all this peril and through all my purposes, governed only by the con- viction which I have uttered, and by no other view than that of their cure, and the emancipation of my country from the superinhuman oppression under which she has so long and too patiently travailed; and I confidently and assuredly hope that, wild and chimerical as it may appear, there is still union and strength in Ireland to accomplish this noblest enterprise. " Of this I speak with the confidence of immense knowledge, and with the consolation that appertains to that confidence. Think not, my lords, I say this for the petty gratification of giving you a transi- tory uneasiness : a man who never yet raised his voice to assert a lie, will not hazard his character with posterity, by asserting a falsehood on a subject so important to his country, and on an occasion like this. IRISH BEBKIiLlON. 429 Yes, mj lords, a man who does not wish to have his epitaph written until his country is liberated, will not leave a weapon in the power of envy, nor a pretence to impeach the probity which he means to pre- serve even in the grave to which tyranny consigns him. QHe was again interrupted by the court.] "Again I say, what I have spoken was not intended for your lord- ships, whose situation I commiserate rather than envy — my expres- sions were for my countrymen ; if there is an Irishman present, let my last words cheer him in the hour of affliction. QLord Norbury again interrupted, and said, that he did not sit there to hear treason.] " I have always understood it to be the duty of a judge, when a prisoner has been convicted, to pronounce the sentence of the law ; I have also understood the judges sometimes think it their duty to hear with patience, and to speak with humanity, to exhort the victim of the laws, and to oifer with tender benignity their opinion of the motives by which he was actuated in the crime of which he was adjudged guilty. That a judge has thought it his duty so to have done, I have no doubt ; but where is the boasted freedom of your institutions— where is the vaunted impartiality, clemency, and mildness of your courts of justice, if an unfortunate prisoner, whom your policy, and not your justice, is about to deliver into the hands of the executioner, is not suffered to explain his motives sincerely and truly, and to vindicate the principles by which he was actuated ? " My lords, it may be a part of the system of angry justice to bow a man's mind by humiliation to the proposed ignominy of the scaffold ; but worse to me than the purposed shame, or the scaffold's terrors, would be the shame of such foul and unfounded imputations as have been laid against me in this court. You, my lord, are a judge ; I am the supposed culprit ; I am a man, you are a man also j by a revolu- tion of power we might change places, though we never could charac- ters. If I stand at the bar of this court, and dare not vindicate my character, what a farce is your justice ! If I stand at this bar, and dare not vindicate my character, how dare you calumniate it ? Does the sentence of death, which your unhallowed policy inflicts on my body, also condemn my tongue to silence, and my reputation to re- proach ? Your executioner may abridge the period of my existence, but while I exist, I shall not forbear to vindicate my character and motives from your aspersions ; and as a man to whom fame is far dearer than life, I will make the last use of that life in doing justice to that reputation which is to live after me, and which is the only legacy I can leave to those I honour and love, and for whom I am proud to perish. " As men, my lords, we must appear on the great day at one com- mon tribunal, and it will then remain for the Searcher of all hearts to shew a collected universe, who was engaged in the most virtuous ac- tions or actuated by the purest motives — by the country's oppressors. 430 HISTORY OF THE [|Here he was again interrupted, and told to listen to the sentence of the law.] " My lords, will a dying man be denied the legal privilege of excul- pating himself, in the eyes of the community, of an undeserved reproach, thrown upon him during his trial, by charging him with ambition, and attempting to cast away, for a paltry consideration, the liberties of his country ? Why did your lordships insult me — or rather, why insult justice, in demanding of me why sentence of death should not be pro- nounced ? I know, my lord, that form prescribes that you should ask the question ; the form also prescribes the right of answering. This, no doubt, may be dispensed with, and so might the whole ceremony of the trial, since sentence was already pronounced at the Castle before your jury was empanelled. Your lordships are but the priests of the oracle, and I submit : but I insist on the whole of the forms. QHere the court desired him to proceed.] " I am charged with being an emissary of France. An emissary of France ! and for what end ? It is alleged that I wished to sell the independence of my country ! and for what end ? Was this the object of my ambition ? and is this the mode by which a tribunal of justice reconciles contradictions ? No, I am no emissary, and my ambiti6;i was to hold a place among the deliverers of my country — not in power, nor in profit, but in the glory of the achievement. Sell my country's independence to France ! and for what ? Was it for a change of mas- ters ? No, but for ambition ! Oh ! my country, was it personal am- bition that could influence me ? Had it been the soul of my actions, could I not, by my education and fortune — ^by the rank and conside- ration of my family, have placed myself among the proudest of the oppressors ? My country was my idol ; to it I sacrificed every selfish, every endearing sentiment, and for it I now ofier up my life. Oh God ! No, my lords ; I acted as an Irishman, determined on deliver- ing his countrymen from the yoke of a domestic faction, which is its joint partner and perpetrator in the patricide, for the ignominy of existing with an exterior of splendour and a consciousness of innate depravity ; it was the wish of my heart to extricate my country from the doubly rivetted despotism. I wished to place her independence beyond the reach of any power on earth — I wished to exalt her to that proud station in the world. " Connection with France was indeed intended — ^but only as far as mutual interests would sanction or require. Were they to assume any authority inconsistent with the purest independence, it would be the signal for its destruction. We sought aid, and we sought it as we had assurance we should obtain it — as auxiliaries in war, and allies in peace. "Were the French to come as invaders or enemies, uninvited by the wishes of the people, I should oppose them to the utmost of my strength. Yes, my countrymen, 1 should advise you to meet them on the beach with a sword in one hand and a torch in the other ; I would meet them with all the destructive fury of war, and I would animate ' IRISH RBBEILION. 431 my countrymen to immolate them in their boats before they had con- taminated the soil of my country. If they succeeded in landing, and if forced to retire before superior discipline, I would dispute every inch of ground, burn every blade of grass, and the last entrenchment of liberty should be my grave. What I could not do myself, if I should fall, I should leave as a last charge to my countrymen to accomplish, because I should feel conscious that life, any more than death, is un- profitable when a foreign nation holds my country in subjection. " But it was not as an enemy the succours of France were to land. I looked indeed for the assistance of France, but I wished to prove to France, and to the world, that Irishmen deserved to be assisted ; that they were indignant at slavery, and ready to assert the independence and liberty of their country. " I wished to procure for my country the guarantee which Washing- ton procured for America — to procure an aid which, by its example, would be as important as its valour — disciplined, gallant, pregnant with science and experience ; who would perceive the good, and polish the rough points of our character ; they would come to us as strangers, and leave us as friends, after sharing our perils and elevating our destiny. These were my objects — not to receive new taskmasters, but to expel old tyrants ; these were my views, and these only became Irishmen. It was for these ends I sought aid from France, because France, even as an enemy, could not be more implacable than the enemy already in the bosom of my country. QHere he was interrupted by the court.] " I have been charged with that importance in the efforts to emanci- pate my countrymen as to be considered the keystone of the combination of Irishmen, or, as your lordship expressed it, 'the life and blood of the conspiracy.' You do me honour over-much — you have given to the subaltern all the credit of a superior. There are men engaged in this conspiracy who are not only superior to me, but even to your own computation of yourself, my lord; before the splendour of whose genius and virtues I should bow with respectful deference, and who would think themselves disgraced to be called your friend, and who would not disgrace themselves by shaking your blood-stained hand. QAgain the judge interrupted him.] " What, ray lord ! shall you tell me on the passage to that scaifold which that tyranny, of which you are only the intermediary executioner, has erected for my murder, that I am accountable for all the blood that has and will be shed in this struggle of the oppressed against the oppressor; shall you tell me this, and shall I be so very a slave as not to repel it ! " I do not fear to approach the Omnipotent Judge, to answer for the conduct of my whole life, and am I to be appalled and falsified by a mere remnant of mortality ! By you, too, who, if it were possible to collect all the innocent blood that you have shed in your_ unhallowed ministry in one great reservoir, your lordship might swim in Jt. Here the judge interfered.] " Let no man dare, when I am dead, to charge me with dishonour ; 432 IIISTOKV OP THE let no man attaint my memory, by believing that I could have engaged in any cause but of my country's liberty and independence, or that I became the pliant minion of power, in the oppression or the miseries of my countrymen. The proclamation of the provisional government speaks for our views ; no inference can be tortured from it to counte- nance barbarity or debasement at home, or subjection, humiliation, or treachery from abroad. I would not have submitted to a foreign oppressor, for the same reason that I would resist the present domestic oppressor. In the dignity of freedom I would have fought on the threshold of my country, and its enemy should only enter by passing over my lifeless corpse. And am I, who lived but for my country, and who have subjected myself to the dangers of the jealous and watchful oppressor, and the bondage of the grave, only to give my countrymen their rights, and my country her independence — am I to be loaded with calumny and not suflFered to resent or repel it ! No, God forbid! " If the spirits of the illustrious dead participate in the concerns and cares of those who are dear to them in this transitory life — O, ever dear and venerable shade of my departed father, look down with scrutiny upon the conduct of your suffering son, and see if I have even for a moment deviated from those principles of morality and patriotism which it was your care to instil into my youthful mind, and ~ for which I am now about to offer up my life. " My lords, you are impatient for the sacrifice — the blood which you seek is not congealed by tiie artificial terrors that surround your victim, it circulates warmly and unruffled through the channels which God created for nobler purposes, but which you are bent to destroy, for purposes so grievous that they cry to heaven. Be ye patient ! I have but a few words more to say. I am going to my cold and silent grave — my lamp of life is nearly extinguished — my race is run — the grave opens to receive me, and I sink into its bosom ! I have but one re- quest to ask at my departure from this world, it is the charity of its silence ! Let no man write my epitaph ; for as no man who knows my motives dare now vindicate them, let not prejudice or ignorance asperse them. Let them and me repose in obscurity and peace, and my tomb remain uninscribed, until other times and other men can do justice to my character. When my country takes her place among the nations of the earth, then, and not till then, let my epitaph be written. I have done !" Execution followed fast upon conviction, and Emmet suffered the penalty of high treason on the following day. The scene of his crime was chosen as the place of his punishment--and in Thomas-street the unfortunate gentleman met his fate with a calm and manly resignation, wliich elicited the sympathy of all who witnessed the painful occur- rence. We mentioned that his fellow-conspirator, Thomas Sussell, was an enthusiastic religionist, but Emmet was a determined infidel. The clergyman who attended him after sentence had been pronounced vainly endeavoured to eradicate the erroneous opinions he had imbibed upon the Continent, — but aU arguments were unavailing. While pro- IRISH REBELLION. 433 Deeding in a hackney-coach to the place of execution, the worthy divine made a last effort to remove his unbelief. Emmet listened for a short time patiently, then turning to Dr. Dobbin he requested him to for- bear. " I appreciate your motives, and I thank you for your kindness, but you merely disturb the last moments of a dying man unnecessarily. I am an infidel from conviction, and no reasoning can shake my unbelief." If any sparks of disaffection lingered in the country, the mad out- break of this deluded man finally extinguished them. The democratic feeling ten years before rife in the north of Ireland, and prevalent among the Presbyterians, had, long before Emmet's emeute, been gene- rally repudiated, a political change had been wrought rapidly in Ulster, and the educated and intelligent portion of the kingdom, whom Ame- rican connection and French example influenced for a time, had de- tected the unsound principles of theoretic liberty, and disowned the rot- ten foundations upon which mob-governments are superstructed. When Russell, an eai-ly disciple of the republican school, attempted to ope- rate a movement in the north, not half-a-dozen fools could be found to listen to delusory principles, which had been tested and found wanting ; and when he suffered the extreme penalty of the law at Downpatrick, the utmost charity to which his quondam admirers reached, was to declare that he was insane — a conclusion no doubt correct. The legislative Union of Great Britain and Ireland, which followed immediately on the insurrection of '98, has ever been considered as a. pendant on that unfortunate era in Irish history. Like the Union of the Scottish and the English crowns, that enactment which incorporated the countries met with virulent opposition. But although half a cen- tury has well-nigh elapsed, and all the advantages promised from the Irish Union may not yet have been fully developed, still, the connection has proved too valuable not to force a conviction of its mutual utility on all who dispassionately consider the relations of both kingdoms. For party-purposes, its legality has been questioned, and a severance of the Act which binds England and Ireland by reciprocated advantages, has been freely recommended. But common sense points out the pro- ject as Utopian — and a few years hence, the blessings of Eepeal, like the promises of Jack Cade, will be found in practicability, pretty similar. In one material point the demagogues differed — the Reformer of London Stone might himself have credited the assurances he gave his followers — while, whomsoever beside might be deluded, the Irish Agitator never was a dupe himself. Britain may descend from her high position among nations, the sovereignty of the seas be lost, and the monarchy overturned — then, indeed, a Repeal of the Irish Union may take place — ^but not till then. 2p APPENDIX. APPENDIX. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED IRISHMEN IN 1791. 1st. This society is constituted for the purpose of forwarding a brotherhood of affection, a communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of every religious persuasion, and thereby to obtain a complete reform in the legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political, and religious liberty. 2nd. The members of this society shall either be ordinary or hono- rary, and shall not be limited to any description of men, but to extend to all persons who may be deemed eligible. 3rd. Every candidate for admission into this society shall be pro- posed by one member, and seconded by another, both of whom shall vouch for his character and principles, and whose name shall be entered on the books of the society ; the candidate to be ballotted for on the society's subsequent meeting, and if one of the beans be black, he shall stand rejected. 4th. As a fund is necessary the better to carry into effect the pur- pose of this association, each member, on his admission, shall pay to the society the sum of and per month while he shall continue a member. 5th. The officers of this society shall be a secretary and treasurer, who shall be appointed by ballot every three months, viz. on every first meeting in November, February, May, and August. eth. This society, in manner aforesaid, shall appoint two members, who with the secretary shall act for the society in a baronial committee, which members shall receive on each night of their attend- ance on said committee. 7th. This society shall in manner aforesaid appoint members, who. with the treasurer, shall form a committee of finance, &c. 8th. At the request of either committee, or any members signing a requisition, the secretary, or if he should be absent, the treasurer shall call an extra meeting of the society. 9th. This society shall meet in ordinary every evening at o'clock ; the president to be chosen by the majority of the members present, of whom shall be a quorum. 10th. Every respect and deference shall be paid to the chairman. On his rising from his oo-vt and taking off his hat, there shall be silence, 438 APPENDIX. and the members seated. He shall be judge of order and propriety; shall grant leare of absence at pleasure ; shall not enter into debate. If any member behave improperly, he is empowered to direct an apology ; or if refractory, fine him in any sum not exceeding , and on refusal to do as directed, he shall therefore be expelled the society for 11th. No member shall speak more than twice to a question, without leave from the chairman. 12 th. Every person elected a member of this society, whether ordi- nary or honorary, shall, previous to his admission, take the following test in a separate apartment, in the presence of the persons who pro- posed and seconded him, and one member appointed by the chairman ; or in case of absence of one of the two persons, the chairman shall appoint another member to act for the absentee ; after which the new member shall be brought into the body of the society, and there take the test in the usual form. TEST. In the awful presence of God. " I, A. B., do voluntarily declare, that I will persevere in endea- vouring to form a brotherhood of affection among Irishmen of every religious persuasion ; and that I will also persevere in my endeavours to obtain an equal, full, and adequate representation of all the people of Ireland. " I do further declare that neither hope, fears, rewards, or punish- ments, shall ever induce me, directly or indirectly, to inform on, or give evidence against any member of this or similar societies, for any act or expression of theirs done or made collectively or individually, in or out of this society, in pursuance of the spirit of this obligation." 13th. A member of any other acknowledged society, being intro- duced to this society by a member, shall, upon producing a certificate signed by the secretary, and sealed with the seal of the society to which he may belong, and taking the foregoing test, be admitted to attend the sittings of this society. 14th. No member shall have a certificate but by applying to the com- mittee, who shall grant it, unless the member is leaving liis place of resi- dence, which certificate shall be lodged with the secretary on his return. 15th. When this society shall amount to the number of thirty-six members, it shall be equally divided by lot, that is, the names of all the members shall be put into a hat or box, the secretary or treasurer shall draw out eighteen individually, which eighteen shall be con- sidered the senior society, and the remaining eighteen the junior, who ■^hall apply to the baronial committee through the delegates of the senior society, for a number ; and that this division shall only take place in the months of October, January, April, and July. The fund shall also be equally divided. 1 6th. That no society shall be recognized by any committee, unless ap- proved of and taking the test, and amounting in number to seven members. APPKNDIX. 439 DECLARATION OF THE CATHOLICS OF IRELAND. "Whereas certain opinions and principles, inimical to good order and government, have been attributed to the Catholics, the existence of which we utterly deny; and whereas it is at this time peculiarly necessary to remove such imputations, and to give the most full and ample satisfaction to our Protestant brethren, that we hold no principle whatsoever incompatible with our duty as men or as subjects, or repugnant to liberty, whether political, civil, or religious. Now we, the Catholics of Ireland, for the removal of all such im- putations, and in deference to the opinion of many respectable bodies of men, and individuals among our Protestant brethren, do hereby, in the face of our country, of all Europe, and before God, make this our deliberate and solemn declaration : 1st. We abjure, disavow, and condemn the opinion, that princes, excommunicated by the pope and council, or by any ecclesiastical authority whatsoever, may therefore be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other persons. We hold such doctrine in detestation, as wicked and impious ; and we declare, that we do not believe that either the pope, with or without a general council, or any prelate or priest, or any ecclesiastical power whatsoever, can absolve the subjects of this kingdom, or any of them, from their allegiance to his Majesty King George the Third, who is, by authority of Parliament, the lawful king of this realm. 2nd. We abjure, condemn, and detest, as unchristian and impious, the principle, that it is lawful to murder, destroy, or any ways injure any person whatsoever, for or under the pretence of being heretics ; and we declare ^solemnly before God, that we believe that no act, in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked, can ever be justified or excused by or under pretence or colour, that it was done either for the good of the church, or in obedience to any ecclesiastical power whatsoever. 3rd. We further declare, that we hold it as an unchristian and im- pious principle, that " no faith is to be kept with heretics." This doctrine we detest and reprobate, not only as contrary to our religion, but as destructive of morality, of society, and even of common honesty; and it is our firm belief, that an oath made to any person, not of the Catholic religion, is e(iually binding as if it were made to any Catholic whatsoever. 4th. We have been charged with holding as an article of our belief, that the pope, with or without the authority of a general council, or that certain ecclesiastical powers can acquit and absolve us, before God, from our oath of allegiance, or even from the just oaths and contracts entered into between man and man : Now. we do utterly renounce, abjure, and deny, that we hold or maintain any such belief, as being contrary to the peace and happiness of society, inconsistent with morality, and, above all, repugnant to the true spirit of the Catholic religion. 440 APPENDIX. 5th. We do further declare, that we do not believe that the pope of Eome, or any other prince, prelate, state, or potentate, hath, or ought to hare, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre- eminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm. 6th. After what we have renounced, it is immaterial, in a political light, what may be our opinion or faith in other points respecting the. pope : however, for greater satisfaction, we declare, that it is not an article of the Catholic faith, neither are we thereby required to believe or profess, " that the pope is infallible," or that we are bound to obey any order, in its own nature immoral, though the pope, or any eccle- siastical power, should issue or direct such order; but, on the contrary, we hold, that it would be sinful in us to pay any respect or obedience thereto. 7th. We further declare, that we do not believe that any sin what- soever committed by us can be forgiven at the mere will of any pope, or of any priest, or of any person or persons whatsoever ; but, that sincere sorrow for past sins, a firm and sincere resolution, as far as may be in our power, to restore our neighbour's property or character, if we Lave trespassed on or unjustly injured either ; a firm and sincere reso- lution to avoid future guilt, and to atone to God, are previous and indispensable requisites to establish a well-founded expectation of for- giveness ; and that any person who receives absolution without these previous requisites, so far from obtaining thereby any remission of his sins, incurs the additional guilt of violating a sacrament. 8th. We do hereby solemnly disclaim, and for ever renounce all interest in, and title to, all forfeited lands jesulting from any rights, or supposed rights, of our ancestors, or any claim, title, or interest therein , nor do we admit any title, as a foundation of right, which is not established and acknowledged by the laws of the realm, as they now stand. We desire further, that whenever the patriotism, liberality, and justice of our countrymen, shall restore to us a participation in the elective franchise, no Catholic shall be permitted to vote at any election for members to serve in parliament, until he shall previously take an oath to defend, to the utmost of his power, the arrangement of property in this country, as established by the difierent acts of attainder and settlement. 9th. It has been objected to us, that we wish to subvert the present church establishment, for the purpose of substituting a Catholic esta- blishment in its stead : now we do heartily disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any such intention ; and further, if we shall be ad- mitted into any share of the constitution, by our being restored to the right of elective franchise, we are ready, in the most solemn manner, to declare, that we will not exercise that privilege to disturb and weaken the establishment of the Protestant religion, or Protestant government in this country. Signed, by order and on behalf of the general committee of the Catholics of Ireland, ' Edward Byrne, Chairman. EicHABD M'CoRMiCK, Secretary APPENDIX. 441 ANTRIM PETITION. The Humble Petition of the Freeholders of the County of Antrim, convened by public notice from the High Sheriff, at Ballymena, on Monday, May 8th, 1797. The Honourable Chichester Skef- fington. High Sheriff, in the chair, Luke Teeling, Esq., Secretary. " To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. "Sire, ^ ^ " We, the freeholders of the county of Antrim, in the kingdom of Ireland, feel it our most indispensable duty to your Majesty, to our- selves, and to our country, at this awful crisis, to approach the Throne with a representation of our most intolerable and most unmerited sufferings ; and we do conjure your Majesty, by that great covenant which binds the sovereign and the subject in the reciprocal duty of allegiance and protection, and in the awful presence of God, not to suffer those advisers against whom we prefer our just complaints, to add to the catalogue of their offences that of shutting your eyes or your ears to the dangers of your empire or the miseries of your people. " They have involved us in a war, of which the motives and the conduct have marked their injustice and incapacity, and of which the disastrous event seems reserved by Providence as a dreadful example of unprovoked and frustrated oppression. Innoxious only to the enemy, its fury and havoc have recoiled only on ourselves, in the waste of blood, in the profusion of treasure, in the destruction of private industry and happiness, in the depravation of public integrity, in the loss of character, in the decay of liberty, and finally, in the ruin of commercial credit. " Such are the fatal consequences which the empire has to charge upon the advisers of this most calamitous war, but they form only part of the crimes and sufferings which have deformed and degraded your Kingdom of Ireland. " Your Majesty's ministers have laboured in this country, and with the most fatal success, to destroy the third estate of the legislature, and reduce the government to an arbitrary despotism, by bribing the representatives of the people to betray their constituents in parliament ; and this crime, if capable of aggravation, they have aggravated by the most public avowal of the fact. " They have laboured with the most remorseless perseverance to revive those senseless and barbarous religious antipathies, so fatal to morals and to peace, and so abhorrent to the mild and merciful spirit of the gospel. " They have answered our demands for a full and fair participation of the rights and privileges of the British constitution, and our just complaints of their rapacity, corruption, and oppression, by the most atrocious calumnies against our characters, and the most merciless pro- secutions against our lives ; and in order more effectually to organize 442 APPENDIX. the system of vengeance and servitude, they have endeavoured, through the medium of spies and informers, those baleful instruments of des- potism, to destroy public confidence, and poison the intercourse of private life. They have employed the forms of that legislation of which they have destroyed the substance in the enaction of penal laws, by which they have successively abrogated the right of arms for self- protection, the right of being free from arbitrary arrest and imprison- ment, and that sacred right of trial by jury of our country ; rights, for the protection of which, ' the united will of a people resolved to be free,' called your Majesty's illustrious family to the throne. " One enormity only remained unattempted by your Majesty's ministers, and upon that, too, they have at last presumed to adventure, to set up a prerogative avowedly against the law, and to let loose upon your subjects all the horrors of licentious power and military force, by sending bands of mercenaries in every direction, unattended in general by civil or even military officers, to plunder the houses (once the santuaries of your faithful people) of those arms which were necessary for their protection and their defence, which form such an essential feature of discrimination between the freeman and the slave, and which, when assistance could not be obtained from your Majesty's ministers, they voluntarily wielded in defence of your person and government. " Such are the measures by which the submission that the preroga- tive owes to the law has been blasphemously disclaimed ; by which the constitution has given place to the bayonet, and the people have been put out of the protection of the peace ; by which numbers of our fellow-subjects have been banished without even the forms of a trial, or are crowded into dungeons ; and this only because they have dared to unite together in the vindication of common right, in the just and legal resistance of common oppression, in the kind and brotherly con- solation of common suffering. " Such, Sire, are the grievances of a people who know that their title to liberty is from God and nature, which no human law can abro- gate, nor authority take away. Had your Majesty's people of Ire- land, without regard to religious distinction, been fully and fairly represented in the Commons House of Parliament, the evils of which we complain could never have existed. We do, therefore, implore your Majesty, as you value the happiness of your people, to aid them in the speedy attainment of that inestimable blessing. We do hereby prefer to the justice of our King this our complaint against those wicked and unprincipled ministers, who, to the inseparable calamities of war, have, with the most wanton cruelty, superadded the horrors oi intestine tyranny and proscription, alike regardless of the rights of Ireland, and of the union and safety of the empire. And we pray your Majesty to dismiss them from your presence and councils for APPENDIX. 443 MILITARY PAPER FOUND IN THE POSSESSION OF LORD E. FITZGERALD. Copy of a paper found in the writing-box of Lord Ediaard Fitz- gerald, on the 12th of March, hy the officer who went that day to arrest him under a charge of treason. If ever any unfortunate cause sliould put our city, with the other parts of the country, into the possession of a cruel and tyrannical enemy, whose government, by repeated oppressions, might drive us into the last stage of desperate resistance, our conduct then should be regulated in a manner best calculated for obtaining victory. The following thoughts are humbly offered for the inspection of every real Irishman. It is supposed that the enemy have a well-appointed and disciplined standing army. In such a case, every man ought to consider how that army could be attacked or repelled, and what advantage their discipline and numbers might give them in a populous city, acting in concert with the adjoin- ing counties. It is well known that an officer, of any skill in his profession, would be very cautious of bringing the best-disciplined troops into a large city in a state of insurrection, for the following reasons. His troops, by the breadth of the streets, are obliged to have a very narrow front ; and, however numerous, only three men deep can be brought into action, which, in the widest of our streets, cannot be more than sixty men, us a space must be left on each side or flank for the men who discharge to retreat to the rear, that their places may be occupied by the next in succession, who are loaded ; so, though there are a thousand men in a street, not more than sixty can act at one time ; and should they be attacked by an irregular body armed with pikes or such bold weapons, if the sixty men in front were defeated, the whole body, however numerous, are unable to assist, and imme- diately become a small mob in uniform, from the inferiority of number in comparison to the people, and easily disposed of. Another inconvenience might destroy the order of this army. Per- haps at the same moment, they may be dreadfully galled from the house-tops, by showers of bricks, coping-stones, &c. which may be at hand, without imitating the women of Paris, who carried the stones of the unpaved streets to the windows and tops of the houses in their aprons. Another disadvantage on the part of the soldiers would be, as they are regulated by the word of command, or stroke of the drum, they must be left to their individual discretion, as such communications must be drowned in the noise and clamour of a popular tumult. In the next place, that part of the populace who could not get into the engagement would be employed in unpaviuff the streets, so as to 444 APPENDIX. impede the movements of horse or artilleiy ; and in the avenues where the army were likely to pass, numbers would be engaged in forming barriers of hogsheads, carts, cars, counters, doors, &e. the forcing of which barriers by the army would be disputed, while like ones were forming at every twenty or thirty yards, or any convenient distances situation might require. Should such precautions be well observed, the progress of an army through one street, or over one bridge, would be very tedious and attended with great loss, if it would not be de- stroyed ; at the same time the neighbouring counties might rise in a mass, and dispose of the troops scattered in their vicinity, and prevent a junction or a passage of any army intended for the city ; they would tear up the roads, and barricade every convenient distance with trees, timber, implements of husbandry, &c. ; at the same time lining the hedges, walls, ditches, and houses, with men armed with muskets, who would keep up a well-directed fire. However well exercised standing armies are supposed to be, by fre- quent reviews and sham battles, they are never prepared for broken roads or inclosed fields, in a country like ours, covered with innume- rable and continued intersections of ditches and hedges, every one of which is an advantage to an irregular body, and may with advantage be disputed against an army, as so many fortifications and entrench- ments. The people in the city would have an advantage, by being armed with pikes or such weapons. The first attack, if possible, should be made by men whose pikes were nine or ten feet long, by that means they could act in ranks deeper than the soldiery, whose arms are much shorter ; then the deep files of the pikemen, by being weightier, must easily break the thin order of the array. The charge of the pikemen should be made in a smart trot, on the flank or extremity of every rank ; there should be intrepid men placed to keep the fronts even, that at closing every point should tell toge- ther ; they should have, at the same time, two or three like bodies at convenient distances in the rear, who would be brought up, if wanting, to support the front, which would give confidence to their brothers in action, as it would tend to discourage the enemy ; at the same time, there should be in the rear of each division some men of spirit, to keep the ranks as close as possible. The apparent strength of the army should not intimidate, as closing on it makes its powder and ball useless ; all its superiority is in fight- ing at a distance ; all its skill ceases, and all its action must be sus- pended, when it once is within reach of the pike. The reason of writing and printing this is, to remind the people of discussing military subjects. APPENDIX. 44/; JOHN SHEARES' LETTER TO NEILSON. The letter addressed to Neilson, and dated the 23rd of May, was in the following terms : — " Sib, " I have sought you in every direction, but unfortunately in vain. It is now too late to use many words upon the subject of our intended i(iterview, let it suffice to say, that I am acquainted with the destruc- tive design you meditate, and am resolved to counteract it, whatever it may cost. Rest assured that nothing shall check a resolution which honour, private affection, and public duty unite to demand the imme- diate execution of, and that, however unwilling I may be at any other moment to take the only steps which your obstinacy may render ne- cessary this evening, for the preservation of my friends and of my country, I will without hesitation take them. The scheme you have undertaken I view with horror, whether its effects be considered as relating to my imprisoned friends, the destruction of whose property and lives must be the consequence even of your success, or as affect- ing Arthur O'Connor's existence, the precarious chance for which you thus cruelly lessen ; or (what is superior to every other con- sideration) as ensuring' the ruin of Ireland's freedom. In short, Mr. , to be candid with you, the scheme is so totally des- titute of any apology, even from the plea of folly or passion, that I cannot avoid attributing its origin to a worse cause, and nothing can convince me of the contrary, but your immediately foregoing so pernicious an enterprise. In these sentiments I am not singu- lar, nor in the resolution which arises from them, and should you doubt me, you must purchase your conviction at a severe cost. My resolution and that of my friends is this : if you do not, by nine o'clock this evening, give us every necessary and sacred assurance, that you will counteract and prevent the perpetration of this plot against all that you ought to hold dear, notice of it shall be given to the govern- ment, without a moment's delay, for we do prefer that a few misguided (not to say guUty) individuals should perish, than that every remain- ing hope of our country's success, and the lives of our most valued friends, should be sacrificed by the accomplishment of a stupid, per- haps wicked undertaking. Do not feed yourself with hope that any consideration shall deter me from fulfilling this threat. If every poignard you could command were at my throat, I would do my duty. I did think well of you, I wish to do so still, you alone can prevent me. « J. S. " I dine at 52, Abbey-street, where I shail expect your answer before eight o'clock." 44G APPENDIX. ROMAN CATHOLIC CHAPELS DESTROYED OR DAMAGED DURING THE LATE REBELLION. County of Wexford and Ferns. Denominations. Dates. Boolevogue, Whitsunday, 27 May, 1798 Maglua 30 ditto Arklow 9 June Ramsgrange 19 ditto Drumgold 21 ditto Ballymurrin 22 ditto Anamoe 28 ditto Gorey 4 Aug. Crane 17 Sept. Rock . . : 12 Oct. Ballyduffe 19 ditto River 19 ditto Monaseed 25 ditto Clologne 26 ditto Ferns 18 Nov. Oulart 28 ditto Ballygarret 15 Jan. 1799 Ballynamonabeg . . . . 24 Feb. Mumtown 24 Apr. MonomoUri 3 May Kilnish 15 ditto Marshalstown . . . . 7 June Crossebegs 23 ditto Killenenrin 29 ditto Litter, damaged . . . . 29 ditto Blackwater, ditto . . . . 29 ditto Monageer 1 July Killely 1 Sept. Adamstown, damaged . . 1 Sept. Gucrane Oct. Gumacuddy, damaged . . ditto Glanbryan 13 Mar. 1800 Balliraakefy 16 July Camie 3 Sept. Davidstown, damaged . . Oct. Arch-diocese Dublin, County Wicklow. Arklow 9 June 1798 Roundwood 26 ditto Anamoe 28 ditto Annacorra (Diocese Ferns) 2 Sept. Wicklow, damaged . ■ 2 ditto Kilpatrick 11 Oct. Ballinvolagh 11 ditto Killeveny (Diocese Ferns) 11 Nov. Castletovm ditto Ashford 25 Jan. 1799 Glenaly Feb. Kilquiggan,onEaster Sun- day (Diocese Leighlin) 24 Mar. County WicTclow, Arch-diocese of Dublin. Denominations. Dates. Johnstown 20 Apr. 1799 Wicklow Abbey, residence of the parish priest . . 12 July Kilmurry . . . . . . 23 Aug. Newbridge, partly de- stroyed Nov. Maoeredin, otherwise Cu- rysfort Mar. 1800 County of KilJcenny, Diocese of Ossory. Rosbercon,near New Ross 18 Dec. 1798 Corren, near Kilkenny . . 4 July, 1799 Murkally ditto . . . . ditto TuUagher.nearRosbercon Sept. 1800 County Carlotv, Diocese of Leighlin. Clonmore 6 Mar. 1799 Hacketstown, on Easter- day 4 May Rathloe Aug. Newtown, damaged . . Mar. 1800 County Kildare. Kildare, Diocese of Kil- dare 4 June 1798 Castledermot (Arch-dio- cese of Dublin) . . . . 28 Mar. 1799 Athy, ditto May Queen's County, Diocese of Leighlin. Stradbally 24 June, 1798 County Diocese ofMeath. Dunbayne 26 May, 1798 County Cavan. KiUeshandra, Diocese of Kilmore July, 1800 Caolency, ditto . . . . ditto King's County, Shinrone, Diocese of Killalofc. County Dublin. Ballyboghill, Arch-diocese of Dublin, accidentally destroyed by soldiers he- fore the rebellion. County Cork. Kilbrogan, near Bandon, destroyed be- fore the rebellion, or at the commence- ment of it, by Scotch soldiers. APPENDIX. 447 In all, sixty-nine chapels destroyed or damaged, of which fifty have been surveyed, and compensation allowed and paid by order of govern- ment, which has likewise ordered the others to be estimated. — Dublin, 6th May, 1801, add the parish priest's house at Wicklow. ADDRESS OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS OF IRELAND. The Address of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, presented to his Excel- lency the Lord Lieutenant, on Wednesday, May the 30th, 1798, May it please your Excellency, We, the undersigned, his Majesty's most loyal subjects the Roman Catholics of Ireland, think it necessary at this moment publicly to declare our firm attachment to his Majesty's royal person, and to the constitution, under which we have the happiness to live ; we feel, in common with the rest of his Majesty's subjects, the danger to which both are exposed from an implacable and enterprising enemy menacipg invasion from abroad, and from the machinations of evil and disaffected men conspiring treason within his Majesty's kingdom; under these impressions, we deem it necessary to remove, by an open and explicit declaration, every idea of countenance afforded on our part to a con- duct bearing even the appearance of indifierence and indiscretion, much more to a conduct holding forth symptoms of disaffection and hostility to the established order of government in this kingdom, in the pre- servation of which, though we differ from it in some points of spiritual concern, we feel too deeply interested to look with an indifferent eye at its overthrow. Allow us, then, to assure your Excellency, that we contemplate with horror the evils of every description, which the conduct of the French republic has produced on every nation hitherto weak enough to be de- luded with its promises of liberty, and offers of fraternity ; we antici- pate similar misfortunes as awaiting this his Majesty's kingdom, in the deprecated event of successful invasion ; with confidence we state our determination not to be outdone by any description of our fellow-sub- jects in zealous endeavours for averting that calamity: and that although anxious to enjoy, free of every restriction, the full benefit of our constitution, we reject with indignation any idea of removing the restrictions, under which we still labour, by means of foreign invasion, or by any other step inconsistent with the known laws of the land ; we prefer, without hesitation, our present state to any alteration thus obtained; and with gratitude to the best of kings, and to our enlight- ened legislature, we acknowledge such a share of political liberty and advantage, already in our possession, as leaves us nothing to expect from foreign aid, nor any motive to look elsewhere, than to the tried benignity of our sovereign, and the unbiassed determination of the legislature, as the source of future advantage. 448 APPENDIX. We cannot avoid expressing to your Excellency our regret at seeing, amid the general delusion, many, particularly of the lower orders, of our religious persuasion engaged in unlawful associations and practices. Yet we trust that your Excellency's discernment will lead you to make every just allowance for the facility with which men, open to delusion from their situation in life, are led astray from their political duty : it shall be our endeavour to call such men to a sense of that duty, by pointing out to them how inconsistent their conduct is with their real interest, and how contrary to the maxims of religion which they profess ; nor shall we less endeavour, by our conduct, to convince all descriptions of our fellow-subjects, how much we are impressed with the necessity of laying aside all considerations of religious dis- tinctions, and joining in one common effort for the preservation of our constitution, of social order, and of the Christian religion, against a nation whose avowed principles aim at the destruction of them all. We request your Excellency will make these our sentiments known to his Majesty, and we rely with confidence on your Excellency's acknowledged candour and generosity, that you will represent us in that light, to which we venture to hope our conduct and principles have given us a just claim. FiNGAL, Southwell, GORMANSTOWN, KeNMARB, With seventy-two baronets, gentlemen of distinction, and pro- fessors of divinity, together with the Eev. Peter Hood, D.D., president of the Royal College of Maynooth, for himself and the professors and students of said college, and above 2,000 whose names are too numerous to be inserted. A LIST OP ALL THE BOROUGHS IN IRELAND AND THEIR RESPECTIVE PATRONS. Boroughs. Patrons. Voices. Antrim Lord Massereene ... ... 2 Belfast Lord Donegall ... ... ... 2 Randalstown Right Hon. John O'Neil ... ... 2 Armagh Primate ... ... ... 2 Charlemont Lord Charlemont ... ... 2 Carlow William Burton ... ... 2 Old Leighlin Bishop of Leighlin ... ... 2 Belturbet Lord Belmore ... ... ... 2 Cavan T. Nesbit and Theo. Clements ... — Ennis Sir L. O'Brien and Lord Conyngham — Baltimore Sir J. Freke ... ... ... 2 Bandon Bridge Duke of Devonshire and Mr. Bernard — APPKNDIX 449 Borongbs. Castlemartyr Charleville Cloghnekilty Doneraile Kingsale Mallow Middleton Rathcoimuck Youghal Ballysliannon Donegall Killybegs Lifford St. Johnstown Bangor Hillsborough Killileagh Newtown Newcastle Enniskillen Athenry Gal way Town Tuam Ardfert Dingle Tralee Athy Harristown Kildare Naas Callan St. Cannice Inistioge Gowran Kilkenny City Knocktopher Thomastown Banagher Philipstown Carrick ..» Jamestown Askeyton Kilmallock Limerick City Coleraine Newtown Limavady Granard Lanesborough Patrons. Lord Shannon ... Lord Cork Lord Shannon ... Lord Doneraile ... Lord Cliflford ... Mr. Jephson Lord Middleton Lord Birersdale Lord Shannon and Mr. Unaicke Mr. ConoUy Lord Arran - ... Mr. Burton Conyngham ... Lord Erne Lord Wicklow ... Lord Bangor and Lord Carrick Lord Hillsborough Sir. J. Blackwood Lord Calledon ... Mr. Latouche ... Lord Enniskillen Mr. Blakeney ... and Mr. Bowes Daly Mr. Bingham ... Lord Glandore ... Mr. Townsend ... SirB. Denny ... Duke of Leinster Mr. J. Latouche Duke of Leinster Lord Mayo Lord Callan Bishop of Ossoiy Mr. Tighe Lord Clifden ... Earl Ormond and Lord Desart Sir Hercules Langrishe ... Lord Clifden Mr. Ponsonby ... Lord Belvedere Lord Leitrim ... ... Two Messrs. King Lord Carrick and Mr. Massey Right Hon. Silver Oliver ... Lord Perry and P. Smith... Marquis Waterford and Mr. Jackson Mr. ConoUy Mrs. M'Cartney Lord Clonbrock 2 a Voices. 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 450 APPENDIX. Boroughs. Patrons. V olces. Longford Lord Longford ... ... 2 Johnstoirn Lord Gra,nard ... • •• 2 Ardee Two Messrs. Ruxton ... — Carlingford Mr. Moore ... 2 Dundalk Lord Clanbrassil ■ •. 2 Dunleer Mr. Foster and Mr. Coddington • •■ — Castlebar Lord Lucan • ■• • •• 2 Athboy Lord Darnley ... ... -.. 2 Duleek Col. Brnen • •■ «•• 2 Kells Lord Bective ... • •• ••• 2 Naran Mr. Preston and Lord Ludlow ••* — Ratoath Mr. Lowther • •• ••• 2 Trim Lord Mornington • •• ... 2 Monaghan Lord Clermont ... ■ •■ ••• 2 Ballynakil Marquis Drogheda • •• ••• 2 Maryborough Sir J. Parnel ... • •• ••• 2 Portarlington Lord Portarlington • f « ••• 2 Boyle Lord Kingston ... • •> ••• 2 BoscommoD Mr. Sandford ... • •• ••• 2 Tulsk Mrs. Walcot ... • •a ••• 2 Sligo Owen Wynne ... ■ •• ••• 2 Cashel Mr. Pennyfatber • •• ••• 2 Clonmel Lord Mountcashel • •• ••• 2 Fethard (Tipperary), Lord Lismore and Mr. Barton •■• — Augher Marquis of Abercom •■• ••• 2 Cloghpr. Bishop of Clogher ••• •■• 2 Dungannon Lord Wells ••• • v« 2 Strabane Marquis Abercorne ••• • •• 2 Lismore Duke of Devonshire and Sir R. Mns- , grave ■■• • ■• — Tallagh D.uke of Devonshire and Lord Shannon _- Athloae Mr. Handcock and Sir Richard St. George ... _ Fore Lord Westmeath 2 Kilbeggan Mr. Lambert ... ... 2 Mullingar Lord Granard ... .... 2 Bannow Lord Loftus ... 2 Clonmines . Ditto ... . .•* 2 Enniscorthy Sir V. Cololough ... 2 Fethard (Wexford) Lord Loftus ... 2 Gorey Mr. S. Ram ... 2 New Boss Mr. Tottenham and Mr. Leigh ... — Taghmon Mr. Hoare ••■ ... 2 Wexford Town Lord Loftus and Mr. Nevil ... _■ Baltinglasa Lord Aldborough ••• ... 2 Blessington Marguis Downshire ••• ... 2 Carysfort Lord Carysfort ... ••• ... 2 Wicklqw Mr. Tighe ■•• 2 APPENDIX. 451 The thirty-two counties and twelve foUowing boroughs are omitted, as being popular, and therefore the property of no individual. Popular Boroughi. Qarrickfergus, Drogheda, Londonderry, Cork City, Dublin City, Dungarvan, Downpatrick, Dublin University, "Waterford City, Newry, Swords, Lisburn. A class of power (according to the preceding catalogue) formed by the negatives that could be commanded into opposition by these names. Votes. Votes. 7 Lord Shannon ... Lord Loftus Duke of Leinster Lord Hillsborough Lord Granard ... Lord Clifden ... 7 4 4 4 4 Burton Conyngham ... 2 Mr. Tighe 4 Duke of Devonshire... 3 Mr. ConoUy 4 Marquis Waterford ... 1 PROTEST OF THE IRISH PEERS AGAINST THE UNION. Dissentient, 1. Because the measure recommended by our most gracious sovereign was a complete and entire Union between Great Britain and Ireland, to be founded upon equal and liberal principles. We cannot help observing, that the terms proposed in the said bill are inconsistent with those principles, and are totally unequal. That Great Britain is thereby to retain entire and undiminished her Houses of Lords and Commons, and that two-fifteenths of the Irish peers are to be degraded and deprived of their legislative functions, and that two-thirds of the Irish House of Commons are to be struck off. Such a proceeding appears to us totally unequal, both in respect of numbers and the mode of forming the united parliament; and we cannot suggest any reason for reducing the number of members of the Irish houses of parliament, which does not apply with more force to reducing the number of the members in the British houses of parlia^- ment, whose numbers so greatly exceed that of the members of the Irish houses of parliament. 2. Because the measure recommended by his Majesty, was a com- plete and entire Union between Great Britain and Ireland, by which we understand such a Union as should so perfectly indentify the two nations, that they should become one nation, and that there should not exist any distinct interest between them. When we consider the provisions of the said bill, we find that 2 g2 452 APPENDIX. although its professed object is to form a perfect Union between them, it does not in any sort effect it. It unites the legislature, but does not identify the jiations. Their interests will remain as distinct as they are at present. Ireland will continue to be governed by a viceroy, assisted by an Irish privy council. Her purse, her revenues, her ex- penditure, and her taxes, will be as distinct as they are at present from those of Great Britain, even their intercourse of trade must be carried on as between two separate nations, through the medium of revenue officers. Such distinctness of interest proves that they require separate parliaments, resident in each kingdom, to attend to them. That such Union is only nominal, and that it does not effect that complete • and entire Union recommended by his Majesty, but shews that from the circumstances of the two nations, the same is totally impracticable. 3. Because the adjustment of the numbers of the Irish members to be added to the two houses of the imperial parliament has been deter- mined upon without any official documents, or other authentic informa- tion, having been laid before parliament. That upon the Union with Scotland, such proportion was adjusted by the commissioners appointed for England and Scotland, upon an examination of their respective claims, having thereupon agreed that the number of commoners to be added to the English commoners, consisting of five hundred and thir- teen, should be forty-five on the part of Scotland ; and the number of English peers, being then one hundred and eighty-five, they calculated that sixteen were the same proportion to that number which forty-five were to the English House of Commons, and therefore determined upon that number of peers. This calculation justified the propriety of such adjustment, and we cannot conceive upon what principle the number of Irish peers was reduced to thirty-two, when, according to the propor- tion aforesaid, it ought to have been fifty-three. We must consider such conduct as unjust in its principle, and wantonly casting a stigma upon the Irish peerage, by depriving twenty-one of their body of their just rights of sitting in the united parliament. 4. Because, that however proper it may have been for two parlia- ments to mark out the great outlines for forming a Union between the two nations, we think that from their situations in different king doms, and the impracticability of communication between them, they were ill-suited to the adjustment of matters which required detail. That the mode of proceeding adopted by the great Lord Somers upon the Union with Scotland, of appointing commissioners on the behalf of each nation, is proved by experience to have been well adapted to that purpose. That such commissioners having the means of procuring information, and communication with each other, were thereby enabled to settle with propriety, and to the satisfaction of both nations, such matters as should be- necessary to be adjusted between them. That instead of adopting that wise and rational mode of pro- ceeding, the adjustment of the numbers to be added to the imperial parliament has been established in pursuance of the mandate of the British minister, without laying before Parliament any official docn- APPENDIX. 453 meiit whatsoever, or taking any step to procure information concerning the respective claims of the two nations. 5. Because, by the original distribution of power between the two houses of parliament, it has been established as a leading and funda- mental principle of the constitution, that the commons should hold the purse of the nation without the interference of the peerage ; notwith- standing which, and that the said bill declares that Irish peerages shall be considered as peerages of the United Kingdom ; it directs that Irish peers shall be eligible as commoners to represent any place in Great Britain, whereby the purse of the nation will be eventually put into the hands of the peers of the United Kingdom, under the description of Irish peers, in direct defiance of the aforesaid principle. That it is evident, that such innovation was introduced by the minister, for the purpose of preventing the opposition which the measure might receive from such Irish peers as were members of the British House of Com- mons, which is clearly evinced by their not being made eligible for any place in Ireland, from whence they derive their honours. That by the provision in the bill for a constant creation of peers for Ireland, the Irish peerage is to be kept up for ever, thereby perpetu- • ating the degrading distinction by which the Irish peerage is to con- tinue stripped of all parliamentary functions. That the perpetuity of such distinction would have been avoided by providing, that no Irish peer should hereafter be created (which is the case of Scotch peers). And that whenever the Irish peers shall be reduced to the number of twenty-eight, they should be declared peers of the united empire, agreeably with the British. From which time all national distinctions between them should cease. 6. Because, when we advert to the corrupt and unconstitutional lan- guage held out by the ministers, to such members as claimed property in boroughs, intimating to them, that they should be considered as their private property, and should be purchased as such, and the price paid out of the public purse, such language appears to us to amount to a proposal to buy the Irish parliament for government, and makes the Union a measure of bargain and sale between the ministei and the in- dividual. 7. Because, when we compare the relative abilities of Great Britain and Ireland, we find the contribution to be paid by two kingdoms to the expenses of the united empire most unequally adjusted, and that the share of two-sevsnteenths, fixed upon as the proportion to be paid by Ireland, is far beyond what the resources will enable her to dis- charge. Should Ireland undertake to pay more than she shall be able to answer, the act will be irrevocable, and the necessary consequences will be a gradual diminution of her capital, the decline of her trade, a failure in the produce of her taxes, and, finally, her total bankruptcy. Should Ireland fail, Great Britain must necessarily be involved in her ruin, and we will have to lament, that our great and glorious empire will -be brought to the brink of destruction by the dangerous and visionary speculation of substituting a new system of government for Ireland, in the place of that constitution, which she has experienced to 434 APPENDIX, be the firmest security for the preservation of her liberties. We think it proper to observe, that if the ministry had any plausible grounds ■whereon they have calculated the said proportion, they have not deigned to lay them before the parliament, nor have the usual and established forms of proceeding to investigate matters of intricate and extended calculation been resorted to, by appointing committees for their examination, neither have commissioners been appointed, as was done upon the Union with Scotland. Had the minister applied his attention to that very necessary inquiry, of ascertaining the relative ability of the two nations, he would have compared the balance which Great Britain has in her favour from her trade with aU the world, amounting to fourteen millions eight hundred thousand pounds, with that of Ireland upon the whole of her trade, amounting to five hundred and nine thousand three hundred and twelve pounds, bearing a pro- portion to each other of about twenty-nine to one. He would have examined into the amount of the revenue out of which the said propor- tions must naturally be paid, namely, the produce of the permanent taxes of each nation, which he would have found to have produced in Great Britain in the year ending the fifth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, the sum of twenty-six millions, and that the permanent taxes of Ireland in the corresponding year did not exceed two millions, bearing a proportion to each other of about thir- teen to one. He would have been informed, that the only influx oi money into Ireland which can be discovered, is the said balance of her trade of five hundred thousand pounds, and that she remits to Great Britain annually seven hundred and twenty-four thousand seven hun- dred and fifty-three pounds, a sum exceeding by upwards of two hun- dred and fifteen thousand pounds the amount of such balance. That the remittances to her absentees, as stated by Mr. Pitt, amount to one million, but are computed really to amount to double that sum, and must necessarily greatly increase, should the Union take place, such drains exhausting in a great degree the resources of this kingdom, and adding to the opulence of Great Britain. The facility with which large sums of money have lately been raised in Great Britain, com- pared with the unsuccessful attempt to raise so small a sum in this kingdom as one million and a half, would have afforded to him the strongest proof of the opulence of the one, and the poverty of the other. From the Irish minister's own statement, he has computed, that the sum for which this kingdom shall be called upon annually in time of war as her contribution, will amount to four millions four hun- dred and ninety-two thousand six hundred and eighty pounds, but has not attempted to point out the means by which she can raise so enor- mous a sum. When the minister shall find, that the circumstances of Ireland are such as have been herein stated, and shall recollect, that this new project has been suggested by him, and forced upon this nation, he will feel the immense responsibility which falls upon him for the disastrous consequence wliich it may produce, not only upon this kingdom but upon the whole empire. He will be alarmed at the discontents, which an imposition of taxes beyond the abilities of the APfENPIX. 455 people to pay must produce, and the fatal consequences that they may occasion. 8. Because the transfer of our legislature to another kingdom will deprive us of the only security we have for the enjoyment of our liber- ties, and being against the sense of the people, amounts to a gross breach of trust, and we consider the substitute for our constitution, namely, the return of the proposed number of persons to the united parliament, as delusive, amounting indeed to an acknowledgment of the necessity of representation, but in no sort supplying it ; inasmuch as the thirty-two peers and the one hundred commoners will be merged in the vast disproportion of British members, who will in fact be the legislators of Ireland ; and when we consider, that all the establish- ments are to continue, which must add to the influence of the minister over the conduct of parliament, and advert to his power in the return of Irish members to parliament, we conceive, that such portion is more likely to overturn the constitution of Great Britain than to preserve our own. 9. Because we consider the intended Union a direct breach of trust, not only by the parliament with the people, but by the parliament of Great Britain with that of Ireland. Inasmuch as the tenor and purport of the settlement of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two, did intentionally and expressly exclude the re-agitation of constitutional questions between the two countries, and did establish the exclusive legislative authority of the Irish parlia- ment without the interference of any other, that the breach of such a solemn contract, founded on the internal weakness of the country, and its inability at this time to withstand the destructive design of the minister, must tend to destroy the future harmony of both, by forming a precedent, and generating a principle of mutual encroachment in times of mutual difficulties. 10. Because, that when we consider the weakness of this kingdom, at the time that the measure was brought forward, and her inability to withstand the destructive designs of the minister, and couple to the act itself the means that have been employed to accomplish it, such as the abuse of the place bill for the purpose of modelling the parliament, the appointment of sheriflls to prevent county meetings, the dismissal of the old steadfast friends of constitutional government, for their ad- herence to the constitution, and the return of persons into parliament, who had neither connection nor stake in this country, and were there- fore selected to decide upon her fate : when we consider the armed force of the minister, added to his powers and practices of corruption, -^when we couple these things together, we are warranted to say, that the basest means have been used to accomplish this great innovation, that the measure of Union tends to dishonour the ancient peerage for ever, to disqualify both houses of parliament, and subjugate the people of Ireland for ever. Such circumstances, we apprehend, will be recol- lected with abhorrence, and will create jealousy between the two na- tions, in the place of that harmony which for so many centuries has been the cement of their union. 456 APPENDIX. 11. Because the argument made use of in favour of the Union, namely, that the sense of the people of Ireland is in its favour, we know to be untrue; and as the ministers have declared, that they would not press the measure against the sense of the people, and as the people have pronounced decidedly, and under all difficulties, their judg- ment against it, we have, together with the sense of the country, the authority of the minister to enter our protest against the project of Union, against the yoke which it imposes, the dishonour which it in- flicts, the disqualification passed upon the peerage, the stigma thereby- branded on the realm, the disproportionate principle of expense it introduces, the means employed to effect it, the discontents it has excited, and must continue to excite : against all these, and the fatal consequences they may produce, we have endeavoured to interpose our votes, and failing, we transmit to after-times our names, in solemn pro- test on behalf of the parliamentary constitution of this realm, the liberty which it secured, the trade which it protected, the connection which it preserved, and the constitution which it supplied and forti- fied : this we feel ourselves called upon to do in support of our charac- ters, our honour, and whatever is left to us worthy to be transmitted to our posterity. Leinster, Rd. Waterford and Lismore, Arran, Powerscourt, Mount Oashell, De Vesoi, Farnham, Charlemont, Belmore, by proxy, Kingston, by proxy. Massy, by proxy, Riversdale, by proxy, Stran^ord, Meath, Granard, Lismore, by proxy, Ludlow, by proxy, Sunderlin, except for the 7th Moira, by proxy, for the 8th, reason. 10th, and 11th reasons, JUDKIN FITZGERALD'S CASE. (Abridged from The Parliamentary Register.) Honourable Mr. Yelverton said, he should be one of the last men to refuse indemnity or protection to any deserving magistrate or loyal man, for acts warranted by justice or necessity, in putting down con- spiracy or rebellion, but he could not sit silent and hear the falsehood attempted to be palmed on the house by this almighty sheriff, in the petition now on the table. The petition stated, that the judges who presided at that trial, who were Mr. Justice Chamberlain and Lord Yelverton, had given their opinion in point of law, that unless APPENDIX. 45"* Mr. Fitzgerald could produce the information on oath, on which he could justify his flagellation of the plaintifl" "Wright, he could not come under the provisions of the Indemnity Act. No such thing -was ever said by either of the judges. He was present at the trial, and not a single tittle of evidence had come out in defence of Mr. Fitzgerald, nor was even a pretence pleaded that could found a scintilla of suspi- cion against the plaintiff Wright, to justify those unparalleled cruel- ties exercised upon him, for which the jury, a most respectable one, awarded £500 damages, and which the learned judges declared ought to have been considerably more than the sum claimed. With the permission of the House, he would shortly state the facts, as they appeared on evidence of several most respectable witnesses, and from those facts he would appeal to the house, whether such san- guinary, wanton, and unparalleled cruelties were entitled to their sanction and indemnity? The action brought by Mr. Wright was for assault and battery. It appeared that Mr. Wright was a teacher of the French language, of which he was employed as professor by two eminent boarding-schools at Clonmell, and in the families of several respectable gentlemen in the town and neighbourhood. Mr. Wright had heard that Mr. Fitzgerald had received some charges of a seditious nature against him, and with a promptitude not very characteristic of conscious guilt, he immediately went to the house of Mr. Fitzgerald, whom he did not find at home, and afterwards to that of another magistrate, who was also out, for the purpose of sur- rendering himself for trial. He went again the same day, accompanied by a gentleman, to the house of Mr. Fitzgerald, and being shewn into his presence, explained the purpose of his coming, when Mr. Fitz- gerald, drawing his sword, said : " Down on your knees, you rebel- fiouB scoundrel, and receive your sentence." In vain did the poor man protest his innocence ; in vain did he implore trial, on his knees. Mr. Fitzgerald sentenced him first to be flogged, and then shot. The un- fortunate man surrendered his keys, to have his papers searched, and expressed his readiness to suffer any punishment the proof of guilt could justify ; but no — this was not agreeable to Mr. Fitzgerald's prin- ciples of jurisdiction; hia mode was first to sentence, then punish, and afterwards investigate. His answer to the unfortunate man was : " What ! you Carmelite rascal, do you dare to speak after sentence ?" and then struck him, and ordered him to prison. Next day this unhappy man was dragged to a ladder in Clonmell- street, to undergo his sentence. He knelt down in prayer, with his hat before his face. Mr. Fitzgerald came up, dragged his hat from him, and trampled on it, seized the man by the hair, dragged him to the earth, kicked him, and cut him across the forehead with his sword, and then had him stripped naked, tied up to the ladder, and ordered him fifty lashes. Major Rial, an ofScer in the town, came up as the fifty la;9hes were completed, and asked Mr. F. the cause. Mr. F handed the major a note written in French, saying, he did not himself understand French, 458 APPENDIX. though he understood Irish, but . he (Major Rial) would find in that letter what would justify him in flogging the scoundrel to death. Major Rial read the letter. He found it to be a note addressed for the victim, translated in these words : "Sir, " I am extremely sorry I cannot wait on you at the hour appointed, being unavoidably obliged to attend Sir Laurence Parsons. « Yours, " Baron de Clubs." Notwithstanding this translation, which Major Rial read to Mr. Fitzgerald, he ordered fifty lashes more to be inflicted, and with such peculiar severity, that, horrid to relate, the bowels of the bleeding vic- tim could be perceived to be convulsed, and working through his wounds ! Mr. Fitzgerald, finding he could not continue the applica- tion of his cat-o'nine-tails on that part, without cutting his way into his body, ordered the waistband of his breeches to be cut open, and fifty more lashes to be inflicted there. He then left the unfortunate man bleeding and suspended, while he went to the barrack to demand a file of men to come and shoot him ; but being refused by the com- manding officer, he came back and sought for a rope to hang him, but could not get one. He then ordered him to be cut down, and sent back to prison, where he was confined in a dark, small room, with no other furniture than a wretched pallet of straw, without covering, and there he remained six or seven days without medical assistance ! Gracious God ! said Mr. Yelverton, will any man say that such a conduct is to be sanctioned and indemnified by this, house ? Are the laws to be supported by trampling on them ? Is the man who could commit such barbarities, without the colour of justice or necessity, or even the shadow of just suspicion, to come for protection to this House? I feel an indignation on this subject that almost deprives me of utter- ance. I have before said, that I would be one of the last men to re- fuse every reasonable indemnity to loyal magistrates for acts done under the pressure of apparent justice or necessity for the suppression of rebellion, but I will never vote for protection and indemnity to a bloody tyrant, whose conduct, though it may have produced good in some instances, has been productive of infinitely more mischief, and on those grounds I shall give the petition every resistance in my power. Mr. Edgeworth said, he would endeavour, as far a« it was in his power, to repress that indignation, which he was. taught in his early years to consider as one of the best guardians of virtue. He would calmly give his negative to this motion, believing it to be of most dan- gerous tendency. With respect to the general character of the petitioner, he knew nothing of it but from what he heard in that house, and from what he had seen in the public prints. He would take it for granted that the petitioner's private character fully justified the eulogiuin which had been bestowed upon him by the noble lord, and that his public services had been as meritorious and as successful as the honourable' aud worthy APPENDIX. 459 member (Mr. Holmes) had stated. But there were means in the power of the crown sufficiently ample to reward every useful exertion, and, as a member of that house, to interfere between the sentence of the law and its execution, was what he never could be reconciled to. A verdict had been given by a jury, with which two judges of the highest character had, in the most explicit manner, concurred. To interfere with that verdict was to call those judges to the bar of the House. The Indemnity Bill had gone as far as possible to protect magistrates ; but, beyond the limits of that bill, to preclude any of his majesty's subjects from obtaining damages for personal injury, except where obvious mistake of judgment had occasioned those injuries, was so grossly unconstitutional, as to call upon every real friend to the safety of the kingdom to. resist it. He could not foretel what proceed- ings might be grounded upon this motion ; he should therefore oppose it in the first instance, and he could not sit down without observing, ,that the right honourable gentlemen on the treasury bench would serve their country better by leaving the execution of the laws to juries and judges, than by becoming partisans in support of any favourite system of men and measures. Mr. Ormsby severely censured the honourable member, who had endeavoured to excite the feelings and commiseration of the house for the sore back of a fellow, who, he believed, would be found, on inquiry, to have very well deserved what he got ; it was at least well known, that he had many bad connections, and associated with men of such principles as fully warranted the suspicion of his own. Those who condemned the petitioner for severity to such criminals seemed to forget that loyal men could hope for no mercy who fell into their clutches. He trusted the House would extend ample protection to a man who had so well deserved it. Colonel Bagwell (member for the county of Tipperary) said, that it was not his intention to have spoken to the question then before the House, but to let the petition quietly go to a committee, had it not been for what fell from the honourable member who spoke last. He was as ready as any person to give credit to the services rendered to the county of Tipperary by the activity of the petitioner, but he was shocked and concerned' to hear the sufferings of an innocent and re- spectable man treated with levity and indifference. As insinuations were thrown out against the character of Mr. Wright, he felt it his duty to declare what had come within his knowledge respecting that unfortunate and much-abused man. He was present during the trial of the action brought by Mr. Wright against the petitioner, and it was but an act of common justice to say, that in his mind, not the remotest shade of suspicion attached to the character of the plaintiff in that case, nor did the investigation which took place on that occasion fur- nish the most distant justification for the severe and terrible punish- ment inflicted on him. A similar opinion of the unfortunate man's innocence and loyalty was expressed from the bench, by the revered characters who presided. As to the general character of Mr. Wright, it was most unexceptionable, in point of nwrality, religion^ and politics ; 460 APPENDIX. and to that character, the best evidence was the very high estimation in which he was holden by the best and most respectable men in the town of Clonmell. The question being put, the petition was referred to a committee. On the 8th of April, Mr. Holmes reported from the committee, that the object of the inquiry committed to them could not be so well ob- tained in an open committee as it would be in a secret committee ; the order was therefore discharged, and here the affair was dropped. Mr. Judkin Fitzgerald afterwards received a considerable pension for his active services in quelling the rebellion YEOMEN ATEOCITIES. In B. R. Mich. 180jO, Rex v. White and Goring. In this term an application was made to the Court of King's Bench for an information against Messrs. "White and Goring, two magistrates of the county of Tipperary. The application was grounded on an affidavit of Mr. O., another magistrate of the same county, and captain of a corps of yeo- manry. His affidavit stated the loyalty and activity of the said magis- trate and his corps, and that they were obstructed in their endeavours to preserve the peace of the most turbulent part of the country, and to prevent a tendency to rebellion, by these two gentlemen. Exculpatory affidavits were made by these two gentlemen, to which the court so far attended as to refuse the information. These affidavits were sworn on the 23rd of January, 1 801 ; they remain of record in the Court of King's Bench, and contain, among many others, the fol- lowing curious particulars. That timber was cut and shaped into pik6-handles, by the members of said corps of yeomanry and persons employed by them, which they afterwards pretended to discover, in consequence of secret information, but really in order to keep up an appearance of disturbance in the country. These facts were brought to light in consequence of the re- pentance and voluntary confession of persons concerned in the con- spiracy. It was sworn by these gentlemen, that the corps of yeomanry, on whose behalf this application was made, consisted of the indigent tenantry of their captain, who paid a rack-rent for lands holden of him, and had no other way of discharging their rent, but by their pay, which the captain usually received, and retained in discharge of his rent due from these yeomen his tenants ; and that they were kept on permanent duty, for the purpose of procuring this permanent pay. That there was no appearance of tumult or insurrection in the country, but that these persons circulated false reports of the disturbed situation of the country, in order to answer their own purposes ; that persons APPENDIX. 461 were taken up, detained in prison, and fined, under the Timber Act, for the concealment of these pike-handles, which were afterwards dis- covered to have been hidden by the procurement of the persons who found them. It was also asserted upon oath, in the same affidavits, that the magistrate, who made the application, arrested persons and detained them in his own house, where he and another magistrate, after dinner taking a glass of wine, and pretending to hold a petty sessions under the Insurrection Act, sentenced the prisoners to trans- portation ; that these sentences were passed, and the parties sent to New Geneva, in order to be sent out of the country, without any exa- mination of the prisoners, or confronting them with their accusers. That when these prisoners were afterwards, upon a representation made to government, and in consequence of an order from Lord Cornwallig, remanded back for a more regular investigation of their case, this corps, pretending to act as an escort, took the prisoners out of the route pre- scribed, to a difierent place from that ordered by the lord-lieutenant, where it was more difficult for them to undertake their justification. The affidavits sworn in this case are very voluminous, and contain various instances of the like nature, tending to illustate the oppressive conduct of country magistrates, and the means by which rash or inter- ested men irritated the people, and provoked a disposition to disturb- ance, where it otherwise would not have existed. The actual perpetration of particular facts of outrageous provocation was, perhaps, the least part of the evil. The impunity, connivance, or countenance from the magistrates, and the acquittals of the guilty by Orange juries and Orange courts-martial (as in the case of WoUaghan) in the few instances in which the ofiienders have been brought to trial, indicate the depth and malignancy of the wound, and loudly proclaim the necessity of a radical cure, ere the constitution can recover its na- tive vigour and energy. In the spring assizes of 1801, at Olonmell, the ca«e of Doyle v. Fitzgerald ^loiuced a degree of alarming provoca- tion throughout that part of the country. The plaintifi" in this cause was a respectable tradesman of Carrick-upon-Suyr, named Francis Doyle. The defendant was Mr. Fitzgerald (commonly called the flogging she- riff) of Tipperary, against whom a verdict of ^500 had before been found, for a similar act of brutality. The action was brought for da- mages for the tort and injury done to the plaintiff in the following manner. The plaintiff, who was a young man of excellent character and untainted loyalty, was seized in the street by the defendant, in order to be flagellated. In vain did he protest his innocence, which was also supported by some of the most respectable inhabitants of the place. He begged to have Captain Jephson sent for, the commander of the yeomanry, of which he was a member. That was refused. He offered to go to instant execution, if the least trace of guilt appeared against him on inquiry. That was also refused. Bail was offered to any amount for his appearance. " No," says the sheriff; " I know by his face that he is a traitor — a Carmelite scoundrel." The plaintiff was tied to the whipping-post. He received one hundred laehes, till bis ribs appeared ; he then had his breeches let down, and received 462 APPENDIX. fifty more lashes on his posteriors. The young man's innocence was afterwards fully established. He applied to a court of law for redress ; the action tried at Clonmell assizes ; these facts fully proved ; an Orange jury acq^uitted the defendant. WOLLAGHAN'S TEIAL. On the 13th of October a court-martial, of which the Earl of Ennis- killen was the president, proceeded to the trial of Hugh Wollaghan, of Middlewood, in the county of Wicklow, yeoman, charged with having, on the 1st of October instant, come to the house of Thomas Dogherty, and then and there shooting and killing the said Thomas Dogherty, to which he was encouraged by Charles Fox and James Fox, of the afore- said county, yeomen ; and the said James Fox was likewise charged with having discharged a loaded gun at Margaret Barry, of Delgany, on the 1st October instant. The prisoner being duly arraigned, pleaded not guilty. It appeared in evidence, from the testimony of Mary Dogherty, of Delgany, in the county ef Wicklow, that the prisoner came into her house at Delgany, and demanded if there were any bloody rebels there ? That on depo- nent's answering there was not, only a sick boy, the prisoner Wolla- ghan asked the boy, if he were Dogherty's eldest son ? Upon which the boy stood up, and told him he was. Wollaghan then said, "Well, you dog, if you are, you are to die here." That the boy replied, " I hope not. If you have any thing against me, bring me to Mr. La- touche, and give me a fair trial ; and if you get any thing against me, give me the severity of the law." That Wollaghan replied : " No, dog, I don't care for Latouche, you are to die here." Upon which de- ponent said to Wollaghan (he then having the gun cocked in his .hand) : " For the love of God, spare my child's life, and take mine." That Wollaghan replied : " No, you bloody whore, if I had your hus- band here, I would give him the same death." He then snapped the gun, but it did not go off; he snapped a second time, but it did not go off. Upon which a man of the name of Charles Fox, but not either of the two prisoners at the bar, came in, and said, " Damn your gun, there is no good in it." And that the said Fox said, at the same time, to Wollaghan, that the man (pointing" to deponent's son) must be shot. That deponent then got hold of Wbllaghan's gun, and endeavoured to turn it from her son, upon which the gun went off, grazed heir son's body, and shot him in the arm. The boy staggered, leaned on a form, turned up his eyes, and said, " Mother, pray for me !" That on Wol- laghan's firing the gun, he went out at the door, and in a short time returned in again, and said, " Is not the dog dead yet ?" That depo- nent replied, "Oh ! yes^ Sir, he is dead enough I" Upon which Wollar- ghan replied, firing at him again, "For fear he be not, let him take APPENDIX. 46S this." Deponent was at that instant holding up her son's head, -M'hcn he fell, and died ! No attempt was made to contradict any part of this evidence, but a justification of the horrid murder was set up, as having been done under the order of the commanding oflScer, and this was sworn to by GSeorge Kennedy, corporal of the Mount Kennedy Yeomen, who de- posed that Captain Armstrong, of the King's County Militia, who com- manded at Mount Kennedy before and after Dogherty waa shot, in consequence of the enormities and murders committed in that neigh- bourhood by day and by night, gave general orders, that any body of yeomanry going out (he would wish them not less than nine or ten, for their own safety), and, if they should meet with any rebels, whom they knew or suspected to be such, that they need not be at the trouble of bringing them in, but to shoot them on the spot. That he (the wit- ness) communicated this to the corps, and, is very certain, in the hear- ing of the prisoner "WoUaghan, who was a sober, faithful, and loyal yeoman, and, not degrading the rest of the corps, one of the best in it. That it was the practice of the corps to go out upon scouring parties, without orders, to protect their own property and that of their neigh- bours ; and that he always looked upon it as an order, and practice of the corps, particularly after what Captain Armstrong had mentioned, and that the witness would himself, from his character, and the orders he had received, have thought himself justified in shooting the de- ceased. This evidence in justification was confirmed by one private, one ser- geant, and two lieutenants of yeomanry. Captain Archer, of the Newtown Mount Kennedy Yeomen, swore, that he had always found him a sober and diligent man ; and, since his being a yeoman, ready to obey his offlcerSj and looked upon him to be an acquisition to his corps. Captain Gore deposed, that he had known the prisoner about four months, and that he was one of the best attendants on his duty as a yeoman, and that he knew him to be a loyal and brave soldier, and never knew him to be guilty of any act of inhumanity. That it was the practice of the corps to scour the country with an officer, and verily believed they understood it was their duty to shoot any rebel they met with, or suspected to be such ; and deponent had heard, that other corps had similar directions in other districts. Here the defence closed, and the court, after some deliberation, acquitted the prisoner. When the minutes of this court-martial, in the usual way, were laid before the lord-lieutenant, his Excellency was pleased to disapprove of the sentence, and conveyed his sentiments in the following letter to General Craig : — « Sir, " Dublin Castle, 18th October, 1798. " Having laid before the lord-lieutenant the proceedings of a gene- ral court-martial, held by your orders in Dublin Barracks, on Satur- day, the 1 3th instant, of which Colonel the Earl of Enniskillen is presi- dent, I am directed to acquaint you, that his Excellency entirely dis- approves of the sentence of the above court-martial, acquitting Hugh 4Ct APPENDIX. Wollaglian of a cruel and deliberate murder, of which, by the clearest evidence, he appears to have been guilty. " Lord Cornwallis orders the court-martial to be immediately dis- solved ; and directs that Hugh WoUaghan shall be dismissed from the corps of yeomanry in which he served, and that he shall not be re- ceived into any other corps of yeomanry in this kingdom. " His Excellency further desires, that the above may be read to the president and the members of the court-martial, in open court. " I have the honour to be, « Sir, " Your most obedient humble servant, " H. Taylor, Sec. " P.S. I am also directed, that a new court-martial may be imme- diately convened for the trial of such prisoners as may be brought be- fore them, and that none of the officers who sat upon Hugh Wollaghan be admitted as members. " Lieut. Gen Craig, &c. &o." IRISH PARLIAMENT ANNUITANTS. The following is the list of the annuities voted by the parliament of Ireland to the several persons under-named, " for their respective lives, to the amount affixed to their respective names," nett, without any de- duction or abatement whatsoever, as a compensation for their respective losses, by reason of the discontinuance of their emoluments or offices, as officers or attendants of the two houses of parliament : — John, earl of Clare, lord chancellor, speaker ... John, earl of Mayo, chairman of the committees Edmond Henry, lord Glentworth, clerk of the crown in chancery ... ... ... William Meek, Esq., clerk of the parliament Thomas Lindsay, Esq., usher of the black rod Edward "Westby, Thomas "Walker, William Horn, and S. King, Esqrs., masters in chancery, each Joseph Gayer, Esq., deputy clerk of the parliament Thomas Bourchier, Esq., deputy clerk of the crown in CHaiTlCGTy «•• ••• ••• a«« «a« Joseph Gregg, Esq., clerk assistant ... Joseph Griffith, Esq., reading clerk ... Henry Minchin, Esq., serjeant-at-arms Bichard Cr. Smith, jun., Esq., committee clerk Edward Fenner, Esq., journal clerk ... ... B. Connor, Esq., yeoman usher W. Walker, Esq., additional clerk ... T. R. O'Flaherty, clerk in the parliament office £3,973 3 4 , 1,448 6 379 10 . 2,705 16 964 9 9 104 4 2 , 631 13 4 I , 101 2 1 . 786 12 4 . 293 3 1 , 314 2 2 231 6 . 287 7 6 . 243 16 6 70 74 10 8 APPENDIX. 465 W. Corbet, doorkeeper to the speaker's chamber ... £105 4 C. W. Jolly, J. Polden, P. Martin, W. Graham, P. Thompson, and G. Payn, doorkeepers, each ... 92 2 8 P. Lord,"W. Cavendish, M. Quinan, and J. Tpbin, mes- sengers, each ... ... ... ... ... Mrs. Albini Taylor, keeper of the parliament house ... Mary Foster, housekeeper Mary Ann Foster, housemaid... Sir Chichester Fortescue, Ulster king-at-arms Philip O'Brien, gatekeeper Richard Taylor, keeper of the speake s chamber Henry Welborne, viscount Clifden, cl rk of the council Henry Upton, Esq., dep. ditto Jo. Patrickson, Esq., dep. clerk of the council, usher of the council chamber, and solicitor for turnpike bills Mr. Wm. M'Kay, assistant clerk of the council John Ebbs and Elizabeth Grant, doorkeeper and coun- cil-office keeper ... ... ... ... ... John Dwyer, Esq., sec. to the lord chancellor John Beresford, Esq. purse-bearer to the lord chan- cellor ... ... ... ... ... ... Andrew Bowen, water-porter Right Honourable John Foster, sjpeakei of the house of commons... ... .•• ... ... Henry Alexander, Esq., chairman of the committees of supply and ways and means Sir G. Fitzgerald Hill, Bart., clerk of the house Edward Cooke, Esq., clerk of the house in reversion John M'Clintock and Wm. F. M'Clintock, Esqrs., serjeants-at-arms, including £100 on the civil list Ed. Tresham, clerk assistant ... ... ... ... G. F. Winstanley and Jonath. Rogers, committee clerks, each ... ... ... ... Dr. Ellis, superin. engrossing clerk C. H. Tandy, engrossing clerk ... ... T. Richardson, assistant ditto ... ... Wm. Ratferry, clerk in the chief clerk's office, clerk of the minutes, and clerk of the fees H. Coddington, Esq., deputy serjeant-at-arms James Corry, Esq., clerk of the journals and records John Smith, assistant ditto ... ... ... .•• R. Connor, attending clerk ... ... ••« ••• Mr. Hume, clerk of the brief John Judd, assistant clerk in the chief clerk's office J. L. Foster, Esq., speaker's secretary G. Dunleavy, messenger .•• ••• ••• ••• R. Burnside and R. Fleming, back doorkeeper, each John Dogherty and D. Smith, messengers, each 2h 91 13 9 877 18 9 472 18 11 30 9 6 290 19 5 42 6 8 50 181 13 4 104 8 11 421 9 5 100 17 14 8 2 29 2 8 14 11 4 4 11 5,083 3 4 500 2,263 13 H 500 1,200 594 6 10 250 140 398 7 150 470 350 660 230 60 100 63 6 8 10 5 68 5 48 46 4G6 APPENDIX. Tj. Dunlevy, R. Grace, R. Garland, E. Byrne, D. Bre- nan, H. Gahan, J. Brown, A. Carson, P. Ferrall, J. Morley, G. Shirley, M. Dalton, and J. King, each J. Banen, ditto ... ... ... W. Brown, distributor of votes Sarah Connor, housekeeper ... ... ... ... John Kennedy and John "Walker, front doorkeepers, 63iCll ■■■ ■•• ••• «■■ ••■ ••■ ••• Mary Connor, house attendant T. Sea vers, fire-lighter ... ... ... ... R. Watham, ditto Lord Viscount Glentworth, clerk of the crown and hanaper ... ... ... ... ... ... T. Bourchier, deputy ditto ... ... ... ... John Beresford, Esq., purse-bearer to the lord chancellor Mrs. Albini Taylor, keeper of the parliament house . . . From 1797 to 1802, the cost of the large military force that was kept up in Ireland, estimated at £4,000,000 per annum ... ... ... Purchase of the Irish parliament Payment of claims of suffering loyalists ... ... Secret service money, from 1797 to 1804 Probable amount of pensions paid for services in suppres- sion of the rebellion, and the carrying of the Union, from 1797 to 1842 1,000,000 Increased expense of legal proceedings and judicial tri- bunals ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 500,000 Additional expenditure in public oflBces, consequent on increased duties in 1798, and alterations in establish- ments attendant on the Union, the removal of parlia- mentary archives, and compensation of officers, ser- vants, &c 500,000 £36 51 18 6 130 401 13 2 168 4 H 4 11 11 7 6 6 16 6 131 8 <5t 52 5 6 33 18 9 140 16,000,000 1,500,000 1,500,000 53,547 £21,053,547 I am aware that the amount has been estimated at £30,000,000 by some writers, and at nearly double that amount by others. " In three counties," it has been said, " its suppression cost £52,000,000 ; what would it have been, if it had extended to the other twenty-nine coun- ties ?" I have set down the items which, I believe, constituted the bulk of tiie expenditure for the excitement, premature explosion, and san- guinary suppression of the rebellion, and for the corruption, purchase, and abolition of the Irish parliament ; and that amount, though it falls short of all the calculations I have seen on the subject, I have given aa the nearest approximation to the actual expenditure my own inquiries have led to.— Madden's History, &c. APPENDIX. 467 MILITARY AND FISCAL RETUENS. ARMY. October 3, 1799. That 90,047 men be employed for land service, includ- ing 5,766 invalids, from 25th December, 1799 to 24th February, 1800 :— For guards, garrisons, and other land forces, in Great Britain, Jersey, Guernsey, and Alderney, and in Holland £510,596 For forces in the plantations, including Gibraltar, Minorca, the Cape of Good Hope, and New South Wales 166,480 For the increased rates of subsistence to be paid to innkeepers and others, on quartering soldiers ... 40 000 For expenses expected to be incurred in the barrack- master-general's department 120,000 February 13, 1800. That 80,275 men be employed for land service, includ- ing 5,792 invalids, from 25th February, 1800 :— For guards, garrisons, and other land forces in Great Britain, Jersey, Guernsey, and Alderney ...2,337,li59 8 8 For forces in the plantations, including Gibraltar, Portugal, Minorca, and other stations in the Medi- terranean, the Cape of Good Hope, and New South Wales 1,004,480 13 6 For difference between the British and Irish pay of six regiments of foot for service abroad ... ... 42,901 19 For four troops of dragoons, and sixteen companies of foot, stationed in Great Britain for recruiting regiments serving in East India ... ... ... 24,558 3 8 For recruiting and contingencies for land forces, and extra feed for the cavalry ... ... ... 530,000 For general and staff officers, and officers of hospitals 105,054 7 11 For full pay to supernumerary officers 26,280 14 6 For allowance to the paymaster-general of the forces, commissary-general of the musters, &c. ... ,.. 105,747 3 6 For the increased rates of subsistence to be paid to inn-keepers and others, on quartering soldiers ... 140,000 For allowance to the non-commissioned officers and private men of the land forces, in lieu of small beer 120,000 For reduced officers of land forces and marines ... 138,979 7 1 For allowances to reduced horse-guards 201211 On account of officers late in the service of the states- general _ 1,000 Ditto, of reduced officers of British American forces 52,500 2 h2 468 APPENDIX. For allowances to several reduced officers of American forces £7,500 For the in and out-pensioners of Chelsea hospital, and the expenses of the hospital ... ... ... 143,310 7 3 For pensions to ■widows of officers of land forces ... 20,321 12 For expenses incurred, and expected to be incurred in the barrack-master-general's department ... 359,334 For foreign corps in the service of Great Britain ... 471,128 12 3 February 24. For extraordinary services of the army for 1800 ...2,500,000 May 27. For the troops of the Elector of Bavaria, in the pay of Great Britain, pursuant to treaty ... ... 566,688 10 July 16. For the expense of a royal military asylum for the reception of the children of soldiers 25,000 £9,558,951 12 3 MIUTIA AND FENCIBLB CORPS. October 3, 1799. For several corps of fencible cavalry, including the embodied provisional cavaJry, from 25th December, 1799, to 24th February, 1800 92,635 ■ For the embodied militia of Great Britain, the royal corps of miners of Cornwall and Devon, and several corps of fencible infantry, for ditto ... ... 232,998 February 13, 1800. For the embodied militia of Great Britain, the royal corps of miners of Cornwall and Devon, two regi- ments of Irish militia^ and several corps of fencible infantry, from Feb. 25, to Dec. 24 1,306,121 16 5 For contingencies for the embodied militia, and corps of fencible infantiy ... ... ... ... 50,000 For clothing for the embodied militia of Great Britain, the corps of miners, and regiments of Irish militia on the British establishment 127,061 13 2 For the volunteer corps of cavalry and infantry ... 574,000 April 1. Making provision for pay and clothing of the milit^. d. ». (i. January February March April . May .' 11 10 12 8 13 5 13 11 15 5 8 6 6 9 7 5 8 1 4 4 2 4 10 5 4 5 9 7 7 7 8 8 5 9 9 3 June . July . 15 7 16 10 8 1 8 7 6 6 4 9 6 9 6 August Septembei October Novembei December 12 11 12 11 13 3 LO 16 4 6 11 6 10 7 5 8 4 9 4 4 10 4 1 4 3 4 9 5 2 8 3 8 1 7 11 8 7 9 4 General A vei age 14 1 7 6 5 2 8 7 EMMET'S MANIFESTO. 7%e Provisional Government to the People of Ireland. You are now called on to shew to the world that you are competent to take your place among nations — that you have a right to claim their recognisance of you, as an independent country, by the only satisfac- tory proof you can furnish of your capability of maintaining your inde- pendence — ^your wresting it from England with your own hands. In the development of this system — which has been organized within the last eight months, at the close of internal defeat, and with- out the hope of foreign assistance ; which has been conducted with a tranquillity mistaken for obedience ; which neither the failure of a simi- lar attempt in England has retarded, nor the renewal of hostilities has accelerated — in the development of this system you will shew to the people of England, that there is a spirit of perseverance in this country beyond their power to calculate or to repress ; you will shew to them, that as long as they think to hold unjust dominion over Ireland, under no change of circumstances can they count on its obedience — ^under no aspect of affairs can they judge of its intentions ; you will shew to them, that the question which it now behoves them to take into serious APPENDIX. 478 and instant consideration, is not whether they will resist a separation, which it is our fixed determination to efiect, but whether or not they will drive us beyond separation— whether they will, by a sanguinary resistance, create a deadly national antipathy between the two conn- tries ; or whether they will take the only means still left of driving such a sentiment from our minds — a prompt, manly, and sagacious acquiescence in our just and unalterable determination. If the secrecy with which the present effort has been conducted shall have led our enemies to suppose that its extent must have been partial, a few days will undeceive them. That confidence, which was once lost, by trusting to external support, and suffering our own means to be gradually undermined, has been again restored. We have been mutually pledged to each other to look only to our own strength, and that the first introduction of a system of terror, the first attempt to exe- cute an individual in one county, should be the signal of insurrection in all. We have now, without the loss of a man, with our means of communication untouched, brought our plans to the moment when they are ripe for execution ; and in the promptitude with which nineteen counties will come forward at once to execute them, it will be found that neither confidence nor communication are wanting to the people of Ireland. In calling on our countrymen to come forward, we feel ourselves bound, at the same time, to justify our claim to their confidence by a precise declaration of our own views. We, therefore, solemnly declare, that our object is to establish a free and independent republic in Ire- land — that the pursuit of this object we will relinquish only with our lives — ^that we wiU never, unless at the express call of our country, abandon our post, until the acknowledgment of its independence ia obtained from England — and that we will enter into no negotiation (but for exchange of prisoners) with the government of that country while a British army remains in Ireland. Such is the declaration which we call upon the people of Ireland to support ; and we call first on that part of Ireland which was once paralyzed by the want of in- telligence, to shew that to that cause only was its inaction to be attri- buted — on that part of Ireland which was once foremost, by its forti- tude in suffering — on that part of Ireland which once offered to take the salvation of the country on itself — on that part of Ireland where the flame of liberty first glowed — we call upon the north to stand up and shake off their slumber and their oppression. Men of Munster and Connaught ! you have your instructions — ^we trust that you will execute them. The example of the rest of your countrymen is now before you, your own strength is unbroken. Five months ago you were eager to act without any other assistance ; we now call upon you to shew, what you then declared you only Wanted the opportunity of proving, that you possess the same love of liberty, and the same courage, with which the rest of your countrymen are animated. We now turn to that portion of our countrymen whose prejudices 474 APPENDIX. by i the •we had rather evercome by a frank declaration of our intentions, than conquer their persons in the field. Conformably to the above proclamation, the provisional government of Ireland decree as follows : — 1. From the date and promulgation hereof, tithes are for ever abo- lished, and church lands are the property of the nation. 2. From the same date, all transfers of landed property are prohi- bited, each person holding what he now possesses, on paying his rent, until the national government is established, the national will declared, and the courts of justice organized. 3. From the same date, all transfers of bonds, debentures, and all public securities are, in like manner and form, forbidden, and declared void, for the same time, and for the same reasons. 4. The Irish generals commanding districts shall seize such of the partisans of England as may serve for hostages, and shall apprize the English commander opposed to them, that a strict retaliation shall take place, if any outrages contrary to the laws of war shall be committed by the troops under his command, or by the partisans of England in the district which he occupies. 5. That the Irish generals are to treat (except where retaliation makes it necessary) the English troops who may fall into their hands, or such Irish as serve in the regular forces of England, and who shall have acted conformably to the laws of war, as prisoners of war ; but all Irish militia, yeomen, or volunteer corps, or bodies of Irish, or in- dividuals, who, fourteen days from the promulgation and date hereof, shall be found in arms, shall be considered as rebels, committed for trial, and their properties confiscated. 6. The generals are to assemble courts-martial, who are to be sworn to administer justice ; who are not to condemn without sufficient evi- dence, and before whom all military offenders are to be sent instantly for trial. 7. No man is to sufier death by their sentence, except for mutiny; the sentences of such others as are judged worthy of death shall not be put in execution until the provisional government declares its will ; nor are courts-martial, on any pretence, to sentence ; nor is any offi- cer to sufier the punishment of flogging, or any species of torture to be inflicted. 8. The generals are to enforce the strictest discipline, an^ to send ofienders immediately before courts-martial ; and are enjoined to chase away from the Irish armies all such as shall disgrace themselves by being drunk in presence of the enemy. 9. The generals are to apprize their respective armies, that all mili- tary stores, arms, or ammunition, belonging to the English govern- ment, be the property of the captors, and the value is to be divided equally, without respect of rank, between them; except that the widows, orphans, parents, or other heirs of such as gloriously fall in the attack, shall be entitled to a double share. APPENDIX. 475 10. As the English nation has made war on Ireland, all English property, in ships or otherwise, is subject to the same rule, and all transfer of them is forbidden, and declared void, in the like manner as is expressed in Nos. 2 and 3. 11. The generals of the different districts are hereby empowered to confer rank up to colonels, inclusive, on such as they conceive to merit it from the nation, but are not to make more colonels than one for fifteen hundred men, nor more lieutenant-colonels than one for every thousand men. 12. The generals shall seize on all sums of public money in the custom-houses in their districts, or in the hands of the different collec- tors, county treasurers, or other revenue officers, whom they shall ren- der responsible for the sums in their hands. The generals shall pass receipts for the amount, and account to the provisional government for the expenditure. 13. "When the people elect their officers, up to the colonels, the general is bound to confirm it. No officer can be broke but by sentence of a court-martial. 14. The generals shall correspond with the provisional government, to whom they shall give details of all their operations ; they are to correspond with the neighbouring generals, to whom they are to trans- mit all necessary intelligence, and to co-operate with them. 15. The generals commanding in each county shall, as soon as it is cleared of the enemy, assemble the county committee, who shall be elected conformably to the constitution of United Irishmen. All the requisitions necessary for the army shall be made, in writing, by the generals to the committee, who are hereby empowered and enjoined to pass their receipts for each article to the owners, to the end that they may receive their full value from the nation. 16. The county committee is charged with the civil direction of the county, the care of the national property, and, the preservation of order and justice in the county ; for which purpose a county committee are to appoint a high-sheriff, and one or more sub-sheriffs, to execute their orders ; a sufficient number of justices of the peace for the county, a high and sufficient number of petty constables in each barony, who are respectively charged with the duties "now performed by these magis- trates. 17. The county of Cork, on account of its extent, is to be divided, conformably to the boundaries for raising the militia, into the counties of North and South Cork, for each of which a county constable, high sheriff, and all magistrates above directed, are to be appointed. 18. The county committee are hereby empowered and enjoined to issue warrants to apprehend such persons as it shall appear, on suffi- cient evidence, perpetrated murder, torture, or other breaches of the acknowledged laws of war and morality, on the people, to the end that they may be tried for those offences, so soon as the competent courts of justice are established by the nation. 19. The county committee shall cause the sheriff or his officers to seize on all the personal and real property of such persons, to put seals 476 APPENDIX. on their effects, to appoint proper persons to preserve all such property until the national courts of justice shall hare decided on the fate of the proprietors. 20. The county committee shall act in like manner with all state and church lands, parochial estates, and all public lands and edifices. 21. The county committee shall, in the interim, receive all the rents and debts of such persons and estates, and shall give receipts for the same ; shall transmit to the provisional government an exact account of their value, extent, and amount, and receive the directions of the provisional government thereon. 22. They shall appoint some proper house in the county, where the sheriff is permanently to reside, and where the county committee shall assemble ; they shall cause all the records and papers of the county to be there transferred, arranged, and kept, and the orders of government are there to be transmitted and received. 23. The county committee is hereby empowered to pay, out of these effects or by assessment, reasonable salaries for themselves, the sheriff, justices, and other magistrates whom they shall appoint. 24. They shall keep a written journal of all their proceedings, signed each day by the members of the committee, or a sufficient number of them, for the inspection of government. 25. The county committee shall correspond with government on all the subjects with which they are charged, and transmit to the general of the district such information as they may conceive useful to the public. 26. The county committee shall take care that the state prisoners, however great their offences, shall be treated with humanity, and allow them a sufficient support, to the end that all the world may know that the Irish nation is not actuated by the spirit of revenge, but of justice. 27. The provisional government, wishing to commit, as soon as pos- sible, the sovereign authority to the people, direct that each county and city shall elect, agreeably to the constitution of United Irishmen, re- presentatives to meet in Dublin ; to whom, the moment they assemble, the provisional government will resign its functions ; and, without pre- suming to dictate to the people, they beg to suggest, that, for the im- portant purpose to which these electors are called, integrity of charac- ter should be the first object. 28. The number of representatives being arbitrary, the provisional government have adopted that of the late Ilouse of Commons, three hundred ; and, according to the best return of the population of the cities and counties, the following numbers are to be returned from each: Antrim 13, Armagh 9, Belfast town 1, Oarlow 3, Cavan 7, Clare 8, Cork county north 14, Cork county south 14, Cork city 6, Donnegal 10, Down 16, Drogheda 1, Dublin county 4, Dublin city 14, Ferma- nagh 5, Gal way 10, Kerry 9, Kildare 4, Kilkenny 7, King's county 6, Leitrim 5, Limerick county 10, Limerick city 3, Londonderry 9, Longford 4, Louth 4, Mayo 12, Meath 9, Monaghan 9, Queen's county 6, Roscommon 8, Sligo 6, Tipperaryl3, Tyrone 14, Waterford county 6, Waterford city 2, Westmeath 5, Wexford 9, Wicklow 5. APPENDIX 477 29. In the cities the same sort of regulations as in the counties shall 06 adopted ; the city committee shall appoint one or more sheriffs, aa they think proper, and shall take possession of all the public and cor- poration properties in their jurisdiction, in like manner as is directed for counties. 30. The provisional government strictly exhort and enjoin all ma^ gistrates, oflBcers, civil and military, and the whole of the nation, to cause the laws of morality to be enforced and respected, and to execute, as far as in them lies, justice with mercy ; by which alone liberty can be established, and the blessings of Divine Providence secured. Citizens of Dublin ! we require your aid. Necessary secrecy has pre- vented to many of you notice of our plan ; but the erection of our na- tional standu,rd, the sacred, though long-degraded green, will be found a sufficient call. To arms, and rally round it, every man in whose breast exists a spark of patriotism, or sense of duty. Avail yourselves of your local advantages ; in a city, each street becomes a defile and each house a battery ; impede the march of your oppressors ; charge them with the arms of. the brave — ^the pike ; and from your windows and roofs hurl stones, bricks, bottles, and all other convenient imple- ments, on the heads of the satellites of your tyrant — ^the mercenary, the sanguinary soldiery of England. Orangemen ! add not to the catalogue of your follies and crimes ; already have you been duped to the ruin of your country in the legis- lative union with its ; attempt not an opposition which will carry with it your inevitable destruction ; return from the paths of de- lusion, return to the arms of your countrymen, who will receive and hail your repentance. Countrymen of all descriptions ! let us act with union and concert ; all sects — Catholic, Protestant, Presbyterian — are equally and indis- criminately embraced in the benevolence of our object ; repress, pre- vent, and discourage excesses, pillage, and intoxication ; let each man do his duty, and remember that, during public agitation, inaction be- comes a crime : be no other competition known than that of doing good ; remember against whom you fight — your oppressors for six hundred years ; remember their massacres, their tortures ; remember your murdered friends, your burned houses, your violated females ; keep in mind your country, to whom we are now giving her high rank among nations ; and in the honest terror of feeling, let us all exclaim, that as, in the hour of her trial, we serve this country, so may God serve us in that which will be last of all ! FINIS.