fyxntll mmxm%ii» f itatg BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE , . ,. SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF ftenrg W.vSage 1891 A...f..3. . ^..1-3 7- ^^. //^^ y ... Cornell University Library BX830 1869 .G54 Vatican decrees in their bearing on civi oiin 3 1924 029 359 225 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029359225 THE VATICAN DECREES IN THEIR BEAEING ON CIVIL ALLEaiANOE: A POLITICAL EXPOSTULATIOS. JJ BY THE RIGHT HON. W. E. GLADSTONE, M. P. WITH THE REPLIES OF ARCHBISHOP MANNING and LORD ACTON. NEW YORK: D. APPLETON AND"" COMPANY, B49 & B.^1 BROADWAY. 1874. THE HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT BETWEEN RELIGION AND SCIENCE, BY JOHN \A/. DRAPER, M. D., ArTHOK or "TEtB INTELLECTDAI. DEVELOPMENT OF BUKOPE," FORMING THE 12th VOLUME OF THE "INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC SERIES,' Will be Published December Jf., 1874- THE VATICAN DECEEE8 IN THEIE BEABING ON CIVIL ALLEQIAIsTOE A POLITICAL EXPOSTULATION. BY THE RIGHT HON. W. E. GLADSTONE, M. P. WITH THE REPLIES OF AEOHBISHOP MANNING AND LORD ACTON. KEW YORK : D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 649 AND B61 BROADWAY. 1874. 3^ OOlSr TENTS, I. The Occasion and Scope of this Tract. Four Propositions. Are they True ? . II. The Fiest and Foueth Peopositions. (1) " That Pome has substituted for the proud boast of semper eadem a policy of violence and change in faith." (4) "That she has equally repudiated modern thought and ancient history." III. The Second Peoposition — "That she has re- furbished, and paraded anew, every rusty tool she was thought to have disused." ' . lY. The Thied Peoposition — "That Eome requires a convert, who now joins her, to forfeit his moral and mental freedom, and to place his loyalty and civil duty at the mercy of another." . V. Being Teue, aee the Peopositions Mateeial ? VI. Being Teue and Mateeial, weee the Peopo- sitions peopee to be set foeth by the peesent 'Weitee? VII. On the Home Policy of the Futuee. Appendices THE VATICAN DEGREES IN THEIE BEABINa ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. I. The Occasion and Scope of this Tract. In the prosecution of a purpose not polemical but pacific, I have been led to employ words which belong, more or less, to the region of religious con- troversy ; and which, though they were themselves few, seem to require, from the various feelings they have aroused, that I should carefully define, elucidate, and defend them. The task is not of a kind agree- able to me ; but I proceed to perform it. Among the causes, which have tended to disturb and perplex the public mind in the consideration of our own religious difficulties, one has been a certain alarm at the aggressive activity and imagined growth of the Roman Church in this country. All are aware of our susceptibility on this side ; and it was not, J think, improper for one who desires to remove every- thing that can interfere with a calm and judicial 6 THE VATICAN DECREES temper, and who believes the alarm to be ground- less, to state, pointedly though briefly, some reasons for that belief. Accordingly, I did not scruple to use the follow- ing language, in a paper inserted in the number of the 'Contemporary Eeview' for the month of Oc- tober. I was speaking of " the question whether a handful of the clergy are or are not engaged in an utterly hopeless and visionary effort to Eomanise the Church and people of England." " At no time since the bloody reign of Mary has such a scheme been possible. But if it Tiad been possible in the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries, it would still have become impossible in the nineteenth : when Rome has substituted for the proud boast of semper eadem a policy of violence and change in faith ; when she has refurbished, and paraded anew, every rusty tool she was fondly thought to have disused ; when no one can become her convert without re- nouncing his moral and mental freedom, and placing his civil loyalty and duty at the mercy of another ; and when she has equally repudiated modem thought and ancient history." * Had I been, when I vsTote this passage, as I now am, addressing myself in considerable measure to my Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen, I should have striven to avoid the seeming roughness of some of * ' Contemporary Review,' Oct., 1874, p. 674. IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 7 tliese expressions ; but as tlie question is now about their substance, from whiclx' I am not in any particular disposed to recede, any attempt to recast tbeir general form would probably mislead. I proceed, then, to deal with, them on their merits. More than one friend of mine, among those who have been led to join the Roman Catholic commun- ion, has made this passage the subject, more or less, of expostulation. Now, in my opinion, the asser- tions which it makes are, as coming from a layman who has spent most and the best years of his life in the observation and practice of politics, not aggres- sive but defensive. It is neither the abettors of the Papal Chair, nor any one who, however far from being an abettor of the Papal Chair, actually writes from a Papal point of view, that has a right to remonstrate with the world at large ; but it is the world at large, on the contrary, that has the fullest right to remonstrate, first with His Holiness, secondly with those who share his proceedings, thirdly even with such as passively allow and accept them. I therefore, as one of the world at large, propose to expostulate in my turn. I shall strive to show to such of my Roman Catholic fellow-feubjects as may kindly give me a hearing that, after the singular steps which the authorities of their Church have in these last years thought fit to take, the people 8 THE VATICAX DECREES of tliis country, who fully Relieve in tlieir loyalty, are entitled, on purely civil grounds, to expect from them some declaration or manifestation of opinion, in reply to that ecclesiastical party in their Church who have laid down, in their name, principles adverse to the purity and integrity of civil allegiance. Undouhtedly my allegations are of great breadth. Such broad allegations require a broad and a deep foundation. The first question which they raise is, Are they, as to the material part of them, true ? But even their truth might not suffice to show that their publication was opportune. The second ques- tion, then, which they raise is. Are they, for any practical purpose, material ? And there is yet a third, though a minor, question, which arises out of the propositions in connection with their author- ship, "Were they suitable to be set forth by the pres- ent writer ? To these three questions I will now set myself to reply. And the matter of my reply will, as I con- ceive, constitute and convey an appeal to the under- standings of my Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen, which I tiiist that, at the least, some among them may deem not altogether unworthy of their con- sideration. From the language used by some of the organs of Eoman Catholic opinion, it is, I am afraid, plain that in some quarters they have given deep offence. IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 9 Displeasure, indignation, even fury, migM be said to mark the language wliicli in the heat of the moment has been expressed here and there. They have been hastily treated as an attack made upon Eoman Catho- lics generally, nay, as an insult offered them. It is obvious to reply, that of Eoman Catholics generally they state nothing. Together with a reference to " converts," of which I shall say more, they consti- tute generally a free and strong animadversion on the conduct of the Papal Chair, and of its advisers and abettors. If I am told that he who animadverts upon these assails thereby, or insults, Roman Catho- lics at large, who do not choose their ecclesiastical rulers, and are not recognised as having any voice in the government of their Church, I cannot be bound by or accept a proposition which seems to me to be so little in accordance with reason. Before all things, however, I should desii-e it to be understood that, in the remarks now offered, I desire to eschew not only religious bigotry, but like- wise theological controversy. Indeed, with theol- ogy, except in its civil bearing, with theology as such, I have here nothing whatever to do. But it is the peculiarity of Eoman theology that, by thrusting itself into the temporal domain, it naturally, and even necessarily, comes to be a frequent theme of political discussion. To quiet-minded Eoman Cath- olics, it must be a subject of infinite annoyance, that 10 THE VATICAN DECEEES their religion is, on tliis ground more than any otter, the subject of criticism ; more than any other, the occasion of conflicts with the State and of civil dis- quietude. I feel sincerely how much hardship their case entails. But this hardship is brought upon them altogether by the conduct of the authorities of their own Church. Why did theology enter so largely into the debates of Parliament on Roman Catholic Emancipation ? Certainly not because our statesmen and debaters of fifty years ago had an abstract love of such controversies, but because it was extensively believed that the Pope of Eome had been and was a trespasser upon ground which be- longed to the civil authority, and that he affected to determine by spiritual prerogative questions of the civil sphere. This fact, if fact it be, and not the truth or falsehood, the reasonableness or- unreason- ableness, of any article of purely religious belief, is the whole and sole cause of the mischief. To this fact, and to this fact alone, my language is referable : but for this fact, it would have been neither my duty nor my desire to use it. All other Christian bodies are content with freedom in their own re- ligious domain. Orientals, Lutherans, Calvinists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, JSTonconformists, one and all, in the present day, contentedly and thank- fully accept the benefits of civil order; never pre- tend that the State is not its own master ; make no IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. H religious claims to temporal possessions or advan- tages; and, consequently, never are in perilous col- lision witli the State. Nay, more, even so I; believe it is witli the mass of Koinan Catholics individually. But not so with, the leaders of their Church, or with those who take pride in following the leaders. In- deed, this has been made matter of boast : — "There is not another Church so called" (than the Roman), " nor any community professing to be a Church, which does not submit, or obey, or hold its peace, when the civil governors of the world command." — " The Present Crisis of the Holy See," by H. E. Manning, D. D. London, 1861, p. 75. The Kome of the Middle Ages claimed universal monarchy. The modern Church of Kome has abandoned nothing, retracted nothing. Is that all ? Far from it. By condemning (as will be seen) those who, like Bishop Doyle in 1826,* charge the medi- aeval Popes with aggression, she unconditionally, even if covertly, maintains what the mediaeval Popes maintained. But even this is not the worst. The worst by far is that whereas, in the national Churches and communities of the Middle Ages, there was a brisk, vigorous, and constant opposition to these outrageous claims, an opposition which stoutly asserted its own orthodoxy, which always caused itself to be respected, and which even some- times gained the upper hand; now, in this nine- * Lords' Committee, March 18, 1836. Report, p. 190. 12 THE VATICAN DECREES teenth century of ours, and Avliile it is growing old, this same opposition lias been put out of court, and judicially extinguished within the Papal Church, by the recent decrees of the Vatican. And it is impossible for persons accepting those decrees justly to complain, when such documents are subjected in good faith to a strict examination as respects their compatibility with civil right and the obedience of subjects. In defending my language, I shall carefully mark its limits. But all defence is reassertion, which prop- erly requires a deliberate reconsideration; and no man who thus reconsiders should scruple, if he find so much as a word that may convey a false impression, to amend it. Exactness in stating truth according to the measure of our intelligence, is an indispensable condition of justice, and of a title to be heard. My propositions, then, as they stood, are these :— 1. That " Rome has substituted for the proud boast of semper eadem, a policy of violence and change in faith." 2. That she has refurbished and paraded anew eveiy rusty tool she was fondly thought to have disused. 3. That no one can now become her convert with- out renouncing his moral and mental freedom, and placing his civil loyalty and duty at the mercy of. another. IN THEIK BEAEING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 13 4. That site (" Rome ") has equally repudiated modern thought and ancient history. II. The First and the Fourth Propositions. Of the first and fourth of these propositions I shall dispose rather summarily, as they appear to belong to the theological domain. They refer to a fact, and they record an opinion. One fact to which, they refer is this : that, in days within my memory, the constant, favorite, and imposing argument of Roman controversialists was the unbroken and absolute identity in belief of the Roman Church from the days of our Saviour until now. No one, who has at all followed the course of this literature during the last forty years, can fail to be sensible of the change in its present tenor. More and more have the assertions of continuous uniformity of doctrine re- ceded into scarcely penetrable shadow. More and more have another series of assertions, of a living authority, ever ready to open, adopt, and shape Christian doctrine according to the times, taken their place. "Witkout discussing the abstract compatibility of these lines of argument, I note two of the immense practical differences between them. In the first, the office claimed by the Church is principally that of a witness to facts ; in the second, principally that of a judge, if not a revealer, of doctrine. In the first, the 14 THE VATICAN DECREES processes which the Church undertakes are subject to a constant challenge and appeal to history ; in the second, no amount of historical testimony can avail against the unmeasured power of the theory of de- velopment. Most important, most pregnant consid- erations, these, at least for two classes of persons : for those who think that exaggerated doctrines of Church power are among the real and serious dangers of the age ; and for those who think that against all forms, both of superstition and of unbelief, one main pre- servative is to be found in maintaining the truth and authority of history, and the inestimable value of the historic spirit. So much for the fact ; as for the opinion that the recent Papal decrees are at war with modern thought, and that, purporting to enlarge the neces- sary creed of Christendom, they involve a violent breach with history, this is a matter unfit for me to discuss, as it is a question of Divinity; but not unfit for me to have mentioned in my article, since the opinion given there is the opinion of those with whom I was endeavoring to reason, namely, the great majority of the British public. If it is thought that the word violence is open to exception, I regret I cannot give it up. The justifi- cation of the ancient definitions of the Church, which have endured the storms of 1,500 years, was to be found in this, that they were not arbitrary or wilful, IN THEIR BEARING- ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. I5 but that they wholly sprang from, and related to, theories rampant at the time, and regarded as meor acing to Christian belief. Even the canons of the CoTincil of Trent have, in the main, this amount, apart from their matter, of presumptive warrant. But the decrees of the present perilous Pontificate have been passed to favor and precipitate prevailing currents of opinion in the ecclesiastical world of Rome. The growth of what is often termed among Protestants Mariolatry, and of belief in Papal Infalli- bility, was notoriously advancing, but it seems not fast enough to satisfy the dominant party. To aim the deadly blows of 1854* and 1870 at the old his- toric, scientific, and moderate school, was surely an act of violence ; and with this censure the proceed- ing of 1870 has actually been visited by the flr^ living theologian now within the Eoman commun- ion; I mean Dr. John Henry Newman, who has used these significant words, among others : " Why should an aggressive and insolent faction be allowed to make the heart of the just sad, whom the Lord hath not made sorrowful ? " f * Decree of the Immaculate Conception. f /See the remarkable letter of Dr. Newman to Bishop Ulla- thorne, in the ' Guardian ' of April 6, 1870. 16 THE VATICAN DECREES m. The Second Peoposition. I take next my second proposition: that Rome has refurbished, and paraded anew, every rusty tool she was fondly thought to have disused. Is this, then, a fact, or is it not ? I must assume that it is denied ; and therefore I cannot wholly pass by the work of proof. But I will state in the fewest possible words, and with ref- erences, a few propositions, all the holders of which have been condemned by the See of Rome during my own generation, and especially within the last twelve or fifteen years. And, in order that I may do noth- ing toward importing passion into what is matter of pure argument, I will avoid citing any of the fear- fully energetic epithets in which the condemnations are sometimes clothed : 1. Those who maintain the liberty of the press. Encyclical Letter of Pope Gregory XVI., in 1831, and of Pope Pius IX., in 1864. 2. Or the liberty of conscience and of worship Encyclical of Pius IX., December 8, 1864. 3. Or the liberty of speech. 'Syllabus' of March 18, 1861. Prop. Ixxix. Encyclical of Pope Pius IX., December 8, 1864. 4. Or who contend that Papal judgments and decrees may, without sin, be disobeyed, or differed IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 17 from, unless they treat of the rules {dogmata) of faitli or morals. Ibid. 5. Or who assign to the State the power of de- fining the civil rights {jura) and province of the Church. ' Syllabus ' of Pope Pius IX., March 8, 1861. Ibid. Prop. xix. 6. Or who hold that Roman Pontiffs and Ecu- menical Councils have transgressed the limits of their power, and usurped the rights of princes. Ibid. Prop, xxiii. {It must he home in mind^ that '■'■ Ecumenieal Councils'''' here mean Roman Councils not recognised hy the rest of the Chu/rch. The Councils of the early Church did not interfere loith the jurisdiction of the civil power.) 7. Or that the Church may not employ force. {Ecclesia vis inferendcB potestatem non hahet?) 'Syl- labus,' Prop. xxiv. 8. Or that power, not inherent in the office of the Episcopate, but granted to it by the civil au- thority, may be withdrawn from it at the discretion of that authority. Ibid. Prop. xxv. 9. Or that the {immunitas) civil immunity of the Church and its ministers depends upon civil right. Ibid. Prop. xxx. 10. Or that in the conflict of laws, civil and. ecclesiastical, the civil law should prevail. Ibid.. Prop. xlii. 18 THE VATICAN DECEEES 11. Or that any mettod of instruction of youth, solely secular, may be approved. Ibid. Prop, xlviii. 12. Or that knowledge of things, philosophical and civil, may and should decline to be guided by Divine and Ecclesiastical authority. Ibid. Prop, Ivii. 13. Or that marriage is not in its essence a Sac- rament. Ibid. Prop. IxvL 14. Or that marriage, not sacramentally con- tracted {si sacramentum excludatur)^ has a binding force. Ibid. Prop. Ixxiii. 15. Or that the abolition of the Temporal Power of the Popedom would be highly advantageous to the Church. Ibid. Prop. Ixxvi. Also Ixx. 16. Or that any other religion than the Roman religion may be established by a State. Ibid. Prop. Ixxyii. 17. Or that in "Countries called Catholic," the free exercise of other religions may laudably be allowed. ' Syllabus,' Prop. Ixxviii. 18. Or that the Roman Pontiff ought to come to terms with progress, liberalism, and modern civ- ilization. Ibid. Prop. Ixxx.* This list is now perhaps sufficiently extended, although I have as yet not touched the decrees of 1870. But, before quitting it, I must offer three observations on what it contains. ♦ For the original passages from the Encyclical and Syllabus of Pius IX., see Appendix A. IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 19 Firstly. I do not place all the Propositions in one and the same category ; for there are a portion of them which, as far as I can judge, might, by the combined aid of favorable construction and vigorous explanation, be brought within bounds. And I hold that favorable construction of the terms used in con- troversies is the right general rule. But this can only be so when construction is an open question. When the author of certain propositions claims, as in the case before us, a sole and unlimited power to interpret them in such manner and by such rules as he may from time to time think fit, the only defence for all others concerned is at once to judge for them- selves, how much of unreason or of mischief the words, naturally understood, may contain. Secondly. It may appear, upon a hasty perusal, that neither the infliction of penalty in life, limb, liberty, or goods, on disobedient members of the Christian Church, nor the title to depose sovereigns, and release subjects from their allegiance, with all its revolting consequences, has been here reaffirmed. In terms, there is no mention of them ; but in the substance of the propositions, I grieve to say, they are beyond doubt included. For it is notorious that they have been declared and decreed by "Eome," that is to say, by Popes and Papal Councils ; and the stringent condemnations of the Syllabus include all those who hold that Popes and Papal Councils 20 THE VATICAN DECREES (declared ecumenical) have transgressed the just lim- its of their power, or usurped the rights of princes. "What have been their opinions and decrees about persecution I need hardly say ; and indeed the right to employ physical force is even here undisguisedly claimed (No. 1). Even while I am writing, I am reminded, from an unquestionable source, of the words of Pope Pius IX. himself on the deposing power. I add only a few italics; the words appear as given in 'a trans- lation, without the original : " The present Pontiff used these words in replying to the address from the Academia of the Catholic Religion (July 31, 1873) :— " ' There are many errors regarding the Infallibility : but the most malicious of all is that which includes, in that dogma, the riffht of deposing sovereigns, and declaring the people no longer bound by the obligation of fidelity. This right has now and again, in critical circumstances, been exercised by the Pontiffs : but it has nothing to do with Papal Infallibility, Its origin was not the infallibility, but the authority of the Pope. This author- ity, in accordance with the public right, which was then vigor- ous, and with the acquiescence of all Christian nations, who reverenced in the Pope the supreme Judge of the Christian Commonwealth, extended so far as to pass judgment, even in civil affairs, on the acts of Frincea and of Nations.'' " * Lastly, I must observe that these are not mere opinions of the Pope himself, nor even are they *" Civilization and the See of Rome." By Lord Robert Montagu. Dublin, 187-i. A Lecture delivered under the auspices of the Catholic Union of Ireland. I have a little misgiving about the version : but not of a nature to affect the substance. IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 21 opinions which he might paternally recommend to the pious consideration of the faithful. With the promulgation of his opinions is unhappily com- bined, in the Encyclical Letter, which virtually, though not expressly, includes the whole, a command to all his spiritual children (from which command we the disobedient children are in no way excluded) to hold them : « "Itaque omnes et singulas pravas opiniones et doctrinas singillatim hisce literis commemoratas auc- toritate nostrd Apostolic4 reprobamus, proscribimus, atque • damnamus ; easque ab omnibus Catholicse Ecclesise filiis, veluti reprobatas, proscriptas, atque damnatas omnino haberi volumus et mandamus." Encycl. Dec. 8, 1864. And the decrees of 1870 will presently show us, what they establish as the binding force of the man- date thus conveyed to the Christian world, IV. The Third Peoposition, I now pass to the operation of these extraor- dinary declarations on personal and private duty. When the cup of endurance, which had so long been filling, began, with the council of the Vatican in 1870, to overflow, the most famous and learned living theologian of the Eoman Communion, Dr. von Dollinger, long the foremost champion of his Church, 22 THE VATICAN DECREES refused compliance, and submitted, witli Lis temper undisturbed and bis freedom unimpaired, to tbe ex- treme and most painful penalty of excommunication. With bim, many of tbe most learned and respected theologians of tbe Roman Communion in Germany underwent tbe same sentence. Tbe very few, wbo elsewbere (I do not speak of Switzerland) suffered in like manner, deserve an admiration rising in propor- tion to tbeir fewness. It seems as tbougb Germany, from wbicb Lutber blew tbe migbty trumpet tbat even now ecboes tbrougb tbe land, still retained ber primacy in tbe domain of conscience, still supplied tbe centuria prwrogativa of tbe great comitia of tbe world. But let no man wonder or complain. Witbout imputing to any one tbe moral murder, for sucb it is, of stifling conscience and conviction, I for one cannot be surprised tbat tbe fermentation, wbicb is working tbrougb tbe mind of tbe Latin Cburcb, bas as yet (elsewbere tban in Germany) but in few instances come to tbe surface. By tbe mass of mankind, it is morally impossible tbat questions sucb as tbese can be adequately examined ; so it ever bas been, and so in tbe main it will continue, until tbe principles of manufacturing macbinery sball bave been applied, and witb analogous results, to intellectual and moral processes. Followers tbey are and must be, and in a certain sense ougbt to be. But wbat as to tbe leaders m THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 23 of society, the men of education and of leisure ? I will try to suggest some answer in few words. A change of religious profession is under all circumstances a great and awful thing. Much more is the question, however, between conflicting, or apparently conflict- ing, duties arduous, when the religion of a man has been changed for him, over his head, and without the very least of his paxticipation. Far be it then from me to make any Roman Catholic, except the great hierarchic Power, and those who have egged it on, responsible for the portentous proceedings which we have witnessed. My conviction is that, even of those who may not shake off the yoke, multitudes Avill vindicate at any rate their loyalty at the expense of the consistency, which perhaps in difficult matters of religion few among us perfectly maintain. But this belongs to the future ; for the present, nothing could in my opinion be more unjust than to hold the mem- bers of the Roman Church in general already respon- sible for the recent innovations. The duty of observers, who think the claims involved in these decrees ar- rogant and false, and such as not even impotence real or supposed ought to shield from criticism, is frankly to state the case, and, by way of friendly challenge, to entreat their Eoman Catholic fellow-countrymen to replace themselves in the position which five-and- forty years ago this nation, by the voice and action of its Parliament, declared its belief that they held. 24 THE VATICAN" DECREES Upou a strict reexamination of the language, as apart from the substance of my fourth Proposition, I find it faulty, inasmuch as it seems to imply that a " convei-t " now joining the Papal Church, not only gives up certain rights and duties of freedom, but surrenders them by a conscious and deliberate act. What I have less accurately said that he renounced, I might have more accurately said that he forfeited. To spealc strictly, tlie claim now made upon him by the authority, which he solemnly and with the high- est responsibility acknowledges, requires him to sur- I'ender his mental and moral freedom, and to place his loyalty and civil duty at the mercy of another. There may have been, and may be, persons who in their sanguine tnist will not shrink from this result, and will console themselves with the notion that their loyalty and civil duty are to be committed to the custody of one much wiser than themselves. But I am sure that there are also " converts " who, when they perceive, will by word and act reject the con- sequence which relentless logic draws for them. If, however, my proposition be true, there is no escape from the dilemma. Is it then tme, or is it not true, that Rome requires a convert, who now joins her, to forfeit his moral and mental freedom, and to place his loyalty and civil duty at the mercy of an- other i In order to place this matter in as clear a light m THEIR BEAEIKG ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 25 as I can, it will be necessary to go back a little upon our recent history. A century ago we began to relax that systena of penal laws against Roman Catholics, at once petti- fogging, base, and cruel, which Mr. Burke has scathed and blasted with his immortal eloquence. When this process had rekched the point, at which the question M^as whether they should be admitted into Parliament, there arose a great and prolonged national controversy ; and some men, who at no time of their lives were narrow-minded, such as Sir Eob- ert Peel, the Minister, resisted the concession. The arguments in its favor were obvious and strong, and they ultimately prevailed. But the strength of the opposing party had lain in the allegation that, from the nature and claims of the Papal power, it was not possible for the consistent Eoman Catholic to pay to the crown of this country an entire allegi- ance, and that the admission of persons, thus self- disabled, to Parliament was inconsistent with the safety of the State and nation ; which had not very long before, it may be observed, emerged from a struggle for existence. An answer to this argument was indispensable ; and it was supplied mainly from two sources. The Josephine laws,' then still subsisting in the Austrian * See the work of Count dal Pozzo on the " Austrian Eccle- 26 THE VATICAX DECREES empire, and the arrangements -whicli had been made after the peace of 1815 by Prussia and the German States with Pius VII. and Gonsalvi, proved that the Papal Court could submit to circumstances, and could allow material restraints even upon the exer- cise of its ecclesiastical prerogatives. Here, then, was a reply in the sense of the phrase solvitur ambu- lamlo. Much information of this class was collected for the information of Parliament and the country.* But there were also measures taken to learn, from the highest Roman Catholic authorities of this coun- try, what was the exact situation of the members of that communion with respect to some of the better known exorbitancies of Papal assumption. Did the Pope claim any temporal jurisdiction ? Did he still pretend to the exercise of a power to depose kings, release subjects from their allegiance, and incite them to revolt i Was faith to be kept with heretics ? Did the Church still teach the doctrines of persecu- tion ? Now, to no one of these questions could the answer really be of the smallest immediate moment siastical Law." London : Murray, 1827. The Leopoldine Laws in Tuscany may also be mentioned. * See " Report from the Select Committee appointed to report the nature and substance of the Laws and Ordinances existing in Foreign States, respecting the regulation of their Roman Catholic subjects in Ecclesiastical matters, and their intercourse with the See of Rome, or any other Foreign Ecclesiastical Juris- diction." Printed for the House of Commons in 1816 and 1817. Reprinted 1851. IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 27 to this powerful and solidly compacted kingdom. They were topics selected by way of sample; and the intention was to elicit declarations showing gen- erally that the fangs of mediaeval Popedom had been drawn, and its claws torn away ; that the Eoman system, however strict in its dogma, was perfectly compatible with civil liberty, and with the institu- tions of a free State moulded on a different religious basis from its own. Answers in abundance were obtained, tending to show that the .doctrines of deposition and persecu- tion, of keeping no faith with heretics, and of uni- versal dominion, were obsolete beyond revival ; that every assurance could be given respecting them, except such as required the shame of a formal retrac- tation ; that they were in effect mere bugbears, un- worthy to be taken into account by a nation which prided itself on being made up of practical men. But it was unquestionably felt that something more than the renunciation of these particular opin- ions was necessary in order to secure the full con- cession of civil rights to Roman Catholics. As to their individual loyalty, a State disposed to gener- ous or candid interpretation had no reason to be uneasy. It was only with regard to requisitions, which might be made on them from another quar- ter, that apprehension could exist. It was reason- able that England should desire to know not only OS THE YATICAy DECREES what the Pope* might do for himself, but to what demands, by the constitution of their Church, they were liable ; and how far it was possible that such demands could touch their civil duty. The theory which placed every human being, in things spiritual and things temporal, at the feet of the Roman Pon- tiff, had not been an idolum specus, a mere theory of the chamber. Brain-power, never surpassed in the political history of the world had been devoted for centuries to the single purpose of working it into the practice of Christendom ; had in the West achieved for an impossible problem a partial success; and Lad in the East punished the obstinate independence of the Church by that Latin conquest of Constanti- nople which effectually prepared the way for the downfall of the Eastern Empire, and the establish- ment of the Turks in Europe. What was really material therefore w^as, not whether the Papal chair laid claim to this or that particular power, but whether it laid claim to some power that included them all, and whether that claim had received such sanction frona the authorities of the Latin Church, that there remained within her borders absolutely * At that period the eminent and able Bishop Doyle did not scruple to write as follows : " We are taunted with the proceed- ings of Popes. What, my Lord, have we Catholics to do with the proceedings of popes, or why should we be made account- able for them ? " — ' Essay on the Catholic Claims.' To Lord Liverpool, 1826, p. 111. IN THEIR BEARING ON OIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 29 no tenable standing-ground from whicli war against it could be maintained. Did tHe Pope tlien claim infallibility ? Or did lie, either without infallibility or with it (and if with it, so much the worse), claim an universal obedience fi-om his flock ? And were these claims, either or both, affirmed in his Church by authority which even the least Papal of the mem- bers of that Church must admit to be binding upon conscience ? The two first of these questions were covered by the third. And well it was that they were so cov- ered. For to them no satisfactory answer could even then be given. The Popes had kept up, with com- paratively little intermission, for well-nigh a thou- sand years their claim to dogmatic infallibility ; and had, at periods within the same tract of time, often enough made, and never retracted, that other claim which is theoretically less but practically larger ; their claim to an obedience virtually universal from the baptised members of the Church. To the third question it was fortunately more practicable to pre scribe a satisfactory reply. It was well known that, in the days of its glory and intellectual power, the great Galilean Church had not only not admitted, but had denied Papal infallibility, and had declared that the local laws and usages of the Church could not be set aside by the will of the Pontifi". Nay, farther, it was believed that in the main these had 30 THE VATICAN DECEEES been, down to the close of the last centuiy, the pre- vailing opinions of the Cisalpine Churches in com- munion with Rome. The Council of Constance had in act as well as word shown that the Pope's judgments, and the Pope himself, were triable by the assembled representatives of the Christian world. And the Council of Trent, notwithstanding the predominance in it of Italian and Roman influences, if it had not denied, yet had not affirmed either proposition. All that remained was, to know what were the sentiments entertained on these vital points by the ' leaders and guides of Roman Catholic opinion nearest to our own doors. And here testimony was offered, which must not, and cannot, be forgotten. In part, this was the testimony of witnesses before the Com- mittee of the House of Lords in 1825. I need quote two answers only, given by the Prelate, who more than any other represented his Church, and influ- enced the mind of this country in favor of concession at the time, namely. Bishop Doyle. He was asked,* " In what, and how far, does the Roman Catholic profess to obey the Pope ? " * Committees of both Lords and Commons sat ; the former in 1825, the latter in 1824-5. The References were identical, and ran as follows : " To inquire into the state of Ireland, more particularly with reference to the circumstances which may have led to disturbances in that part of the United Kingdom." Bishop Doyle was examined March 21, 1825, and April 31, 1825, before the Lords. IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 31 He replied : " The Catholic professes to obey the Pope in matters which regard his religious faith : and in those matters of ecclesiastical discipline which have already been defined by the competent authorities." And again : " Does that justify the objection that is made to Catholics, that their allegiance is divided ? " " I do not think it does in any way. We are bound to obey the Pope in those things that I have already mentioned. But our obedience to the law, and the allegiance which we owe the sovereign, are complete, and full, and perfect, and undivided, inasmuch as they extend to all political, legal, and civil rights of the king or his subjects. I think the allegiance due to the king, and the allegiance due to the Pope, are as distinct and as divided in their nature as any two things can possibly be." Sucli is the opinion of tlie dead Prelate. We shall presently tear the opinion of a living one. But the sentiments of the dead man powerfully operated on the open and trustful temper of this people to induce them to grant, at the cost of so much popular feeling and national tradition, the great and just concession of 1829. That concession, without such declarations, it would, to say the least, have been far more difficult to obtain. Now, bodies are usually held to be bound by the evidence of their own selected and typical witnesses. But in this instance the colleagues of those witnesses thought fit also to speak collectively. First let us quote from the collective " Declara- tion," in the year 1826, of the Yicars Apostolic, who. 32 THE VATICAN DECREES witli Episcopal authority, governed the Eoman Cath- olics of Great Britain : "The allegiance whicli Catholics hold to be due, and are bound to pay, to their Sovereign, and to the civil authority of the State, is perfect and undivided. . . . " They declare that neither the Pope, nor any other prelate or ecclesiastical person of the Eoman Catholic Church . . . has any right to interfere, directly or indirectly, in the Civil Govern- ment, . . . nor to oppose in any manner the performance of the civil duties which are due to the king." Not less explicit was the Hierarchy of the Roman Communion in its '' Pastoral Address to the Clergy and Laity of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland," dated January 25, 1826. This address contains a Dec- laration, from which I extract the follo^^•ing words : " It is a duty which they owe to themselves, as well as to their Protestant feUow-suhjects, whose good opinion they value, to endeavor once more to remove the false imputations that have been frequently cast upon the faith and discipline of that Church which is intrusted to their care, that all may he enabled to know with accuracy their genuine principles.'''' In Article 11 : — " They declare on oath their belief that it is not an article of the Catholic Faith, neither are they thereby required to believfe, that the Pope is infallible." And, after various recitals, they set forth — " After this full, explicit, and sworn declaration, we are utterly at a loss to conceive on what possible ground we could be justly charged with bearing towards our most gracious Sov- ereign only a divided allegiance." Thus, besides much else that I will not stop to quote, m THEIR BEAEING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 33 Papal infallibility was most solemnly declared to be a matter on wliicli each man might think as he pleased ; the Pope's power to claim obedience was strictly and narrowly limited : it was expressly de- nied that he had any title, direct or indirect, to inter- fere in civil government. Of the right of the Pope to define the limits which divide the civil from the spiritual by his own authority, not one word is said by the Prelates of either country. Since that time, all these propositions have been re\^ersed. The Pope's infallibility, when he speaks ex cathedra on faith and morals, has been declared, with the assent of the Bishops of the Roman Church, " to be an article of faith, binding on the conscience of every Christian ; his claim to the obedience of his spiritual subjects has been declared in like manner without any practical limit or reserve ; and his su- premacy, without any reserve of civil rights, has been similarly affirmed to include everything which relates to the discipline and government of the Church throughout the world. And these doctrines, we now know on the highest authority, it is of neces- sity for salvation to believe. Independently, howev.er, of the Vatican Decrees themselves, it is necessary for all who wish to under- stand what has been the amount of the wonderful change now consummated in the constitution of the Latin Church, and what is the present degradation 3i THE TATIOAN DECREES of its Episcopal order, to observe also the change, amounting to revolution, of form in the present, as compared with other conciliatory decrees. Indeed, that spirit of centralization, the excesses of which are as fatal to vigorous life in the Church as in the State, seems now nearly to have reached the last and fur- thest point of possible advancement and exaltation. When, in fact, we speak of the decrees of the Council of the Vatican, we use a phrase which will not bear strict examination. The Canons of the Council of Trent were, at least, the real Canons of a real Council: and the strain in which they are promulgated is this : Hgbc sacrosancta, ecumenica, et generalis Tridentina Synodus, in Spiritu Sancto le- gitime congregata, in ed pi-cesidentihus eisdem trilms apostolicis Legatia, liortatur, or docet, or statuit, or decemit, and the like : and its canons, as published in Rome, are " Canones et decreta Sacrosancti ecvrnie- nid Concilii Trident ini^'' * and so forth. But what we have now to do with is the Constitutio Dog- matica Prima de Ecclesid CJiristi, edita in Sessione tertici of the Vatican Council. It is not a constitu- tion made by the Council, but one promulgated in the Council, f And who is it that legislates and * ' Romae : in CoUegio irrbano de Propaganda Fide.' 1833. f I am aware that, as some hold, this was the case with the Council of the Lateran in a, d. 1215. But, first, this has not been established : secondly, the very gist of the evil we are dealing m THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 35 decrees ? It is Pius Episcopus, servus servorvm Dei : and the seductive plural of his docemus et de- daramus is simply the dignified and ceremonious " We " of Eoyal declarations. The document is dated Pontificatus nostri Anno XXV: and the hum- ble share of the assemhled Episcopate in the trans- action is represented by sacro approhante concilAo. And now for the propositions themselves. First comes the Pope's infallibility : — " Docemus, et divinitus revelatum dogma esse definimus, Romanum Pontificem, cum ex Cathedrd loquitur, id est cum, omnium Christianorum Pastoris et Doctoris munere fungens, pro supremS, su4 Apostolicd auctoritate doctrinam de fide vel moribus ab universe EccIesiS. tenendam definit, per assistentiam divinam, ipsi in Beato Petro promissam, ed infallibilitate pollere, qu^ Divinus Redemptor Ecclesiam suam in definiendd doctrind de fide vel moribus instructam esse voluit : ideoque ejus Romani Pontificis definitiones ex sese non autem ex consensu Ecolesiae irreformabiles esse." * "Will it, then, be said that the infallibility of the Pope accrues only when he speahs ex catJiedrd f No doubt this is a very material consideration for those who have been told that the private conscience is to derive comfort and assurance from the emanations of the Papal Chair : for there is no established or accepted definition of the phrase ex cathedrd, and he has no power to obtain one, and no guide to direct witb consists in following (and enforcing) precedents from the age of Pope Innocent III. * ' Constitutio de Ecclesii,' c. iv. 36 THE VATICAN DECREES him in his choice among some twelve theories on the subject, which, it is said, are bandied to and fro among Koman theologians, except the despised and discarded agency of his private judgment. But while thus sorely tantalised, he is not one whit protected. For there is still one person, and one only, who can unquestionably declare ecc cathedra what is ex cathedrd and what is not, and who can declare it when and as he pleases. That person is the Pope himself. The provision is, that no docu- ment he issues shall be valid without a seal ; but the seal remains under his own sole lock and key. Again, it may be sought to plead, that the Pope is, after all, only operating by sanctions which un- questionably belong to the religious domain. He does not propose to invade the country, to seize Woolwich, or burn Portsmouth. He will only, at the worst, excommunicate opponents, as he has ex- communicated Dr. von DoUinger and others. Is this a good answer ? After all, even in the Middle Ages, it was not by the direct action of fleets and armies of their own that the Popes contended with kings who were refractory ; it Avas mainly by inter- dicts, and by the refusal, which they entailed when the Bishops were not brave enough to refuse their publication, of religious offices to the people. It was thus that England suffered under John, France under Philip Augustus, Leon under Alphonso the IN" THEIR BEARING ON" CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 37 Noble, and every country in its turn. But the in- ference may be drawn that they "who, wliile using spiritual weapons for sucli an end, do not employ temporal means, only fail to employ tliem because they have them not. A religious society, which de- livers volleys of spiritual censures in order to im- pede the performance of civil duties, does all the mischief that is in its power to do, and brings into question, in the face of the State, its title to civil protection. Will it be said, finally, that the Infallibility touches only matter of faith and morals ? Only mat- ter of morals ! Will any of the Eoman casuists kindly acquaint us what are the departments and functions of human life which do not and cannot, fall within the domain of morals ? If they will not tell us, we must look elsewhere. In his work entitled "Literature and Dogma,"* Mr. Matthew Arnold quaintly informs us — as they tell us nowadays how many parts of our poor bodies are solid, and how many aqueous — ^that about seventy-five per cent, of all we do belongs to the department of " conduct." Conduct and morals, we may suppose, are nearly co- extensive. Three - fourths, then, of life are thus handed over. But who will guarantee to us the other fourth ? Certainly not St. Paul ; who says, * Pages 15, 44 38 THE VATICAN DECREES " "Wtether therefore ye eat, or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God." And " Whatso- ever ye do, in word or in deed, do all in the name of the Lord Jesus." * No ! Such a distinction would be the unworthy device of a shallow policy, vainly used to hide the daring of that wild ambition which at Rome, not from the throne but from be- hind the throne, prompts the movements of the Vat- ican. I care not to ask if there be dregs or tatters of human life, such as can escape from the descrip- tion and boundary of morals. I submit that Duty is a power which rises with us in the morning, and goes to rest with us at night. It is co-extensive with the action of our intelligence. It is the shad- ow which cleaves to us, go where we will, and which only leaves us when we leave the light of life. So, then, it is the supreme direction of us in respect to all Duty, which the Pontiff declares to belong to him, Bocro approhante concilio : and this declaration he makes, not as an otiose opinion of the schools, but cundis fidelihus credendam et tenendam. But we shall now see that, even if a loophole had at this point beeai left unclosed, the void is supplied by another provision of the Decrees. "While the reach of the Infallibility is as wide as it may please the Pope, or those who may prompt the Pope, to * 1 Cor. X. 31 ; Col. iii. 7. IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 39 make ifc, tbere is sometliing wider still, and that is tlie claim to an absolute and entire Obedience. This Obedience is to be rendered to bis orders in the cases I shall proceed to point out, without any qualifjnng condition, such as the ex cathedrd. The sounding name of Infallibility has so fascinated the public mind, and riveted it on the Fourth Chapter of the Constitution de JEcolesid^ that its near neighbor, the Third Chapter, has, at least in my opinion, received very much less than justice. Let us turn to it : " Cujuscunque ritds et dignitatis pastores atque fideles, tarn seorsum singuli quam simul omnes, officio hierarchicse subordi- nationis veraeque obedientiae obstringuntur, non solum in rebus, quas ad fidem et mores, sed etiam in iis, qu£e ad disciplinam et regimen Ecclesiae per totum orbem diffusae pertinent. . . . Hac est Catholicae veritatis doctrina, a qud deviare, salvi fide atque salute, nemo potest. . . . " Docemus etiam et declaramus eum esse judicem supremum fidelium, et in omnibus causis ad examen ecclesiasticum spec- tantibus ad ipsius posse judicium recurri : Sedis vero Apostolicse, cujus auetoritate major non est, judicium a nemine fore retrac tandum. Neque cuiquam de ejus licere judicare judicio." * Even, therefore, where the judgments of the Pope do not present the credentials of infallibility, they are unappealable and irreversible : no person may pass judgment upon them ; and all men, clerical and lay, dispersedly or in the aggregate, are bound truly to obey them ; and from this rule of Catholic truth no man can. depart, save at the peril of his salvation. if u Dogmatic Constitutions," etc., c. iii. Dublin, 1870, pp. 30-33. 40 THE VATICAN DECREES Surely, it is allowable to say that this Third Chapter on universal obedience is a formidable rival to the Fourth Chapter on Infallibility. Indeed, to an ob- server from without, it seems to leave the dignity to the other, but to reserve the stringency and efficiency to itself. The Third Chapter is the Merovingian Monarch ; the fourth is the Carolingian Mayor of the Palace. The third has an overawing splendor; the fourth, an iron gripe. Little does it matter to me whether my superior claims infallibility, so long as he is entitled to demand and exact conformity. This, it will be observed, he demands even in cases not covered by his infallibility ; cases, therefore, in which he admits it to be possible that he may be wrong, but finds it intolerable to be told so. As he must be obeyed in all his judgments though not ex cathedrd, it seems a pity he could not likewise give the com- forting assurance that they are all certain to be i-ight. But why this ostensible reduplication, this ap- parent surplusage ? Why did the astute contrivers of this tangled scheme conclude that they could not afford to rest content with pledging the Council to Infallibility in terms which are not only wide to a high degree, but elastic beyond all measure ? Though they must have known perfectly well that " faith and morals " carried everything, or everything worth having, in the purely individual sphere, they IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 41 also knew just as well that, even where the individual was subjugated, they might and would still have to deal with the State. In mediaeval history, this distinction is not only clear but glaring. Outside the borders of some narrow and proscribed sect, now and then emerging, we never, or scarcely ever, hear of private and per- sonal resistance to the Pope. The manful "Prot- estantism " of mediaeval times had its activity almost entirely in the sphere of public, national, and state rights. Too much attention, in my opinion, cannot be fastened on this point. It is the very root and kernel of the matter. Individual servitude, however abject, will not satisfy the party now dominant in the Latin Church : the State must also be a slave. Our Saviour had recognised as distinct the two provinces of the civil rule and the Church : had no- where intimated that the spiritual authority was to claim the disposal of physical force, and to control in its own domain the authority which is alone respon- sible for external peace, order, and safety among civilised communities of men. It has been alike the peculiarity, the pride, and the misfortune of the Roman Church, among Christian communities, to allow to itself an unbounded use, as far as its power would go, of earthly instruments for spiritual ends. We have seen with what ample assurances* this * See further, Appendix B. 42 THE VATICAN DECREES nation and Parliament were fed in 1826 ; how well and roundly the fuU and undivided rights of the civil power, and the separation of the two jurisdic- tions, were affirmed. All this had at length been undone, as far as Popes could undo it, in the Syl- labus and the Encyclical. It remained to complete the undoing, through the subserviency or pliability of the Council. And the work is now truly complete. Lest it should be said that supremacy in faith and morals, full dominion over personal belief and conduct, did not cover the collective action of men in States, a third province was opened, not indeed to the ab- stract assertion of Infallibility, but to the far more practical and decisive demand of absolute Obedience. And this is the proper work of the Third Chapter, to which I am endeavoring to do a tardy justice. Let us listen again to its few but pregnant words on the point : " Non solum in rebus, qu£E ad fidem et mores, sed etiam in iis, quae ad disciplinaTp et regimen Ecclesiae per totum orbem di£Fusae pertinent." Absolute obedience, it is boldly declared, is due to the Pope, at the peril of salvation, not alone in faith, in morals, but in all things which concern the discipline and government of the Church. Thus are swept into the Papal net whole multitudes of facts, whole systems of government, prevailing, though in IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE, 43 different degrees, in every country of the world. Even in tlie United States, where the severance be- tween Clinrcli and State is supposed to be complete, a long catalogue might be drawn of subjects belong- ing to the domain and competency of the State, but also undeniably affecting the government of the Church ; such as, by way of example, marriage, bur- ial, education, prison discipline, blasphemy, poor-re- lief, incorporation, mortmain, religious endowments, vows of celibacy and obedience. In Europe the cir- cle is far wider, the points of contact and of inter- lacing almost innumerable. But on all matters, re- specting which any Pope may think proper to de- clare that they concern either faith, or morals, or the government or discipline of the Church, he claims, with the approval of a Council undoubtedly Ecumenical in the Roman sense, the absolute obedi- ence, at the peril of salvation, of every member of his communion. It seems not as yet to have been thought wise to pledge the Council in terms to the Syllabus and the Encyclical. That achievement is probably reserved for some one of its sittings yet to come. In the meantime it is well to remember, that this claim in respect of all things affecting the discipline and gov- ernment of the Church, as well as faith and con- duct, is lodged in open day by and in the reign of a Pontiff, who has condemned free speech, free writ- 44 THE VATICAN DECREES ing, a free press, toleration of nonconformity, lib- erty of conscience, the study of civil and philosophi- cal matters in independence of the ecclesiastical au- thority, marriage unless sacramentally contracted, and the definition by the State of the civil rights i^jura) of the Church; who has demanded for the Church, therefore, the title to define its own civil rights, together with a divine right to civil immuni- ties, and a right to use physical force ; and who has also proudly asserted that the Popes of the Middle Ages with their councils did not invade the rights of princes : as for example, Gregory VII., of the Em- peror Henry IV. ; Innocent III., of Raymond of Tou- louse ; Paul III., in deposing Henry VIII. ; or Pius V., in performing the like paternal office for Elizabeth. I submit, then, that my fourth proposition is true : and that England is entitled to ask, and to know, in what way the obedience required by the Pope and the Council of the Vatican is to be reconciled with the integrity of civil allegiance ? It has been shown that the Head of their Church, so supported as undoubtedly to speak with its high- est authority, claims from Roman Catholics a plenary obedience to whatever he may desire in relation not to faith but to morals, and not only to these, but to all that concerns the government and discipline of the Church: that, of this, much lies within the domain of the State : that, to obviate all misappre- IN THEIR BEAEING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 45 lieusion, the Pope demands for himself the right to determine the province of his own rights, and has so defined it in formal documents, as to warrant any and every invasion of the civil sphere ; and that this new version of the principles of the Papal Church in- exorably binds its members to the admission of these exorbitant claims, without any refuge or reservation on behalf of their duty to the Crown. Under circumstances such as these, it seems not too much to ask of them to confirm the opinion which we, as fellow-countrymen, entertain of them, by sweep- ing away, in such manner and terms as they may think best, the presumptive imputations which their ecclesiastical rulers at Rome, acting autocratically, appear to have brought upon their capacity to pay a solid and undivided allegiance; and to fulfil the engagement which their bishops, as political spon- sors, promised and declared for them in 1825. It would be impertinent, as well as needless, to suggest what should be said. All that is requisite is to indicate in substance that which (if the foregoing argument be sound) is not wanted, and that which is. What is not wanted is vague and general asser- tion, of whatever kind, and however sincere. What, is wanted, and that in the most specific form and the clearest terms, I take to be one of two things ; that is to say, either — I. A demonstration that neither in the name of 46 THE VATICAN DECREES faith, nor in the name of morals, nor in the name of the government or discipline of the Church, is the Pope of Rome able, by virtue of the powers asserted for him by the Vatican decree, to make any claim upon those who adhere to his communion, of such a nature as can impair the integrity of their civil alle- giance ; or else, II. That, if and when such claim is made, it will, even although resting on the definitions of the Vati- can, be repelled and rejected ; just as Bishop Doyle, when he was asked what the Roman Catholic clergy would do if the Pope intermeddled with their reli- gion, replied frankly, " The consequence would be, that we should oppose him by every means in our power, even by the exercise of our spiritual author- ity."* In the absence of explicit assurances to this ef feet, we should appear to be led, nay, driven, by just reasoning upon that documentary evidence, to the conclusions : — 1. That the Pope, authorized by his Council, claims for himself the domain (a) of faith, (F) of morals, (c) of all that concerns the government and discipline of the Church. 2. That he in like manner claims the power of determining the limits of those domains. 3. That he does not sever them, by any acknowl- * 'Report,' March 18, 1826, p. 191. IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 4T edged or intelligible line, from the domains of civil duty and allegiance. 4. That he therefore claims, and claims from the month of July, 1870, onward with plenary authority, from every convert and member of his Church, that he shall "place his loyalty and civil duty at the mercy of another : " that other being himself V. Being True, are the Pbopositions Material ? But next, if these propositions be true, are they also material ? The claims cannot, as I much fear, be denied to have been made. It cannot be denied that the Bishops, who govern in things spiritual more than five millions (or nearly one-sixth) of the inhab- itants of the United Kingdom, have in some cases promoted, in all cases accepted, these claims. It has been a favorite purpose of my life not to conjure up, but to conjure down, public alarms. I am not now going to pretend that either foreign foe or do- mestic treason can, at the bidding of the Court of Eome, disturb these peaceful shores. But though such fears may be visionary, it is more visionary still to suppose for one moment that the claims of Greg- ory VII., of Innocent III., and of Boniface VIII., have been disinterred, in the nineteenth century, like hideous mummies picked out of Egyptian sar- cophagi, in the interests of archaeology, or without 48 THE VATICAN DECREES a definite and practical aim. As rational beings, we must rest assured that only with a very clearly con- ceived and foregone purpose have these astonishing reassertions been paraded before the world. What is that purpose ? I can well believe that it is in part theological. There have always been, and there still are, no small proportion of our race, and those by no means in all respects the worst, who are sorely open to the temp- tation, especially in tiAies of religious disturbance, to discharge their spiritual responsibilities hj power of attorney. As advertising Houses find custom in proportion, not so much to the solidity of their re- sources as to the magniloquence of their premises and assurances, so theological boldness in the exten- sion of such claims is sure to pay, by widening cer- tain circles of devoted adherents, however it may repel the mass of mankind. There were two special encouragements to this enterprise at the present day : one of them the perhaps unconscious but manifest leaning of some, outside the Roman precinct, to undue exaltation of Church power; the other the reaction, Avhich is and must be brought about in favor of superstition, by tlie levity of the destruc- tive speculations so widely current, and the nota- ble hardihood of the anti-Christian writing of the day. But it is impossible to account sufficiently in this IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 49 manner for tlie particular course whicli has been actually pursued by the Eoman Court. All morbid spiritual appetites would have been amply satisfied by claims to infallibility in creed, to the prerogative of miracle, to dominion over the unseen world. lu truth there was occasion, in this view, for nothing, except a liberal supply of Salmonean thunder : — " Dum flammas Jovis, et sonitus imitatur Olympi." * All this could have been managed by a few Tetzels, judiciously distributed over Europe. Therefore the question still remains. Why did that Court,' with policy for ever in its eye, lodge such , formidable demands for power of the ^'ulgar kind in that sphere which is visible, and where hard knocks can undoubt- edly be given as well as received ? It must be for some political object, of a very tangible kind, that the risks of so daring a raid upon the civil sphere have been deliberately run. A daring raid it is. For it is most evident that the very assertion of principles which establish an exemption from allegiance, or which impair its com- pleteness, goes, in many other countries of Europe, far more directly than with us, to the creation of po- litical strife, and to dangers of the most material and tangible kind. The struggle, now proceeding in Germany, at once occurs to the mind as a palmary * ^u. vi. 586. 50 THE YATICAX DECREES instance. I am not competent to give any opinion upon the particulars of that struggle. The institu- tions of Germany, and the relative estimate of State power and individual freedom, are mateiially different from ours. But 1 must say as much as this. Firstly, it is not Prussia alone that is touched; elsewhere, too, the bone lies ready, though the contention may be delayed. In other States, in Austria particularly, there are recent laws in force, raising much the same issues as the Falck laws have raised. But the Roman Court possesses in perfection one art, the art of waiting; and it is her wise maxim to fight but one enemy at a time. Secondly, if I have truly represented the claims promulgated from the Vati- can, it is difficult to deny that those claims, and the power which has made them, are primarily respon- sible for the pains and perils, whatever they may be, of the present conflict between German and Roman enactments. And that which was once truly said of France, may now also be said with not less truth of Germany : when Germany is disquieted, Europe can- not be at rest. I should feel less anxiety on this subject had the Supreme Pontiff frankly recognised his altered posi- tion since the events of 1870 ; and, in language as clear, if not as emphatic, as that in which he has pro- scribed modern civilization, given to Europe the as- surance that he would be no party to the reestablish- IN THEIR BEARING ON" CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 51 ment by blood and violence of tlie Temporal Power of the Churcli. It is easj- to conceive that his per- sonal benevolence, no less than his feelings as an Italian, must have inclined him individually towards a course so humane ; and I should add, if I might do it vyithout presumption, so prudent. With what appears to an English eye a lavish prodigality, suc- cessive Italian Governments have made over the ecclesiastical powers' and privileges of the Monarchy, not to the Church of the country for the. revival of the ancient, popular, and self governing elements of its constitution, but to the Papal Chair, for the estab- lishment of ecclesiastical despotism, and the sup- pression of the last vestiges of independence. This course, so difficult for a foreigner to appreciate, or even to justify, has been met, not by reciprocal con- ciliation, but by a constant fire of denunciations and complaints. When the tone of these denunciations and complaints is compared with the language of the authorised and favored Papal organs in the press, and of the Ultramontane party (now the sole legitimate party of the Latin Church) throughout Europe, it leads many to the painful and revolting conclusion .that there is a fixed purpose among the secret in- spirers of Roman policy to pursue, by the road of force, upon the arrival of any favorable opportunity, the favorite project of reerecting the terrestrial throne of the Popedom, even if it can only be re- 52 THE VATICAN DECREES erected on tie ashes of the city, and amidst the whitening bones of the people. * It is difficult to conceive or contemplate the effects of such an endeavor. But the existence at this day of the policy, even in bare idea, is itself a portentous evU. I do not hesitate to say that it is an incentive to general disturbance, a premium upon European wars. It is in my opinion not sanguine only, but almost ridiculous to imagine that such a project could eventually succeed ; but it is difficult to over-estimate the effect which it might produce in generating and exasperating strife. It might even, to some extent, disturb and paralyse the action of such Governments as might interpose for no separate purpose of their own, but only with a view to the maintenance or restoration of the general peace. If the balefal Power which is expressed by the phrase Guria Homana, and not at all adequately rendered in its historic force by the usual English equivalent '' Court of Rome," really entertains the scheme, it doubtless counts on the support in every country of an organised and devoted party ; which, when it can command the scales of political power, will promote interference, and, when it is in a minority, vdll work for securing neutrality. As the peace of Europe may ♦ be in jeopardy, and as the duties even of England, * Appendix C. IN THEIR BEAEING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 53 as one (so to speak) of its constabulary authorities, miglit come to be in question, it would be most interesting to know tke mental attitude of our Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen in England and Ireland with reference to the subject; and it seems to be one on whick we are entitled to solicit infor- mation. For there cannot be the smallest doubt that the temporal power of the Popedom comes within the true meaning of the words used at the Vatican to describe the subjects on which the Pope is authorized to claim, under awful sanctions, the obedience of the "faithful." It is even possible that we have here the key to the enlargement of the province of Obe- dience beyond the limits of Infallibility, and to the introduction of the remarkable phrase ad discipUncmi et regimen JEccleme. No impartial person can deny that the question of the temporal power very evi- dently concerns the discipline and government of the Church — iconcerns it, and most mischievously as I should venture to think ; but in the opinion, up to a late date, of many Eoman Catholics, not only most beneficially, but even essentially. Let it be remem- bered, that such a man as the late Count Montalem- bert, who in his general politics was of the Liberal party, did not scruple -to hold that the millions of Eoman Catholics throughout the world were co- partners with the inhabitants of the States of the 51 THE YATICAN DECREES Church in regard to their civil government ; and, as constituting the vast majority, were of course entitled to override them. It was also rather commonly- held, a quarter of a century ago, that the question of the States of the Church was one with which none but Roman Catholic powers could have any thing to do. This doctrine, I must own, was to me at all times unintelligible. It is now, to say the least, hoj^telessly and irrecoverably obsolete. Archbishop Manning, who is the head of the Papal Church in England, and whose ecclesiastical tone is supposed to be in the closest accordance with that of his headquarters, has not thought it too much to say that the civil order of all Christendom is the offspring of the Temporal Power, and has the Temporal Power for its keystone ; that on the de- struction of the Temporal Power " the laws of nations would at once fall in ruins ; " that (our old friend) the deposing Power " taught subjects obedience and princes clemency."* Nay, this high authority has proceeded further; and has elevated the Temporal Power to the rank of necessary doctrine : '' The Catholic Church cannot be silent, it cannot hold its peace ; it cannot cease to preach the doctrines of Revelation, not only of the Trinity and of the Incarnation, but likewise of the Seven Sacraments, and of the Infallibility of the Church of * 'Three Lectures on the Temporal Sovereignty of the Popes,' 1860, pp. 34, 46, 47, 58-9, 63. IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 55 God, and of the necessity of Unity, and of the Sovereignty, both spiritual and temporal, of the Holy See." * I never, for my own part, heard that the work containing this remarkable passage was placed in the 'Index Prohibitorum Librorum.' On the con- trary, its distinguished author was elevated, on the first opportunity, to the headship of the Eoman Episcopacy in England, and to the guidance of the million or thereabouts of souls in its communion. And the more recent utterances of the oracle have not descended from the high level of those already cited. They have, indeed, the recommendation of a comment, not without fair claims to authority, on the recent declarations of the Pope and the Coun- cil ; and of one which goes to prove how far I am from having exaggerated or strained in the foregoing pages the meaning of those declarations. Especially does this hold good on the one point, the most vital of the whole — the title to define the border line of the two provinces, which the Archbishop not unfair- ly takes to be the true criterion of supremacy, as between rival powers like the Church and the State. " If, then, the civil power be not competent to decide the limits of the spiritual power, and if the spiritual power can de- fine, with a divine certainty, its own limits, it is evidently su- preme. Or, in other words, the spiritual power knows, with divine certainty, the limits of its own jurisdiction : and it knows * ' The present Crisis of the Holy See.' By H. E. Manning, D.D. London, 1861, p. 73. 56 THE VATICAN DECREES therefore the limits and the competence of the civil power. It is thereby, in matters of religion and conscience, supreme, I do not see how this can be denied without denying Christianity. And if this be so, this is the doctrine of the Bull Unam Sanctam* and of the Syllabus, and of the Vatican Council. It is, in fact, Ultramontanism, for this term means neither less nor more. Tlie Church, therefore, is separate and supreme. " Let us then ascertain somewhat further what is the mean- ing of supreme. Any power which is independent, and can, alone fix the limits of its own jurisdiction, and can thereby fix the limits of all other jurisdictions, is, ipso facto, supreme.] But the Church of Jesus Christ, within the sphere of revelation, of faith and morals, is all this, or is nothing, or worse than nothing, an imposture and an usurpation — that is, it is Christ or Anti- christ." X But the whole pamphlet should be read by those who desire to know the true sense of the Papal dec- larations and Vatican decrees, as they are understood by the most favored ecclesiastics ; understood, I am bound to own, ?o far as I can see, in their natural, legitimate, and inevitable sense. Such readers will be assisted by the treatise in seeing clearly, and in admitting frankly that, whatever demands may here- after, and in whatever circumstances, be made upon us, we shall be unable to advance with any fairness the plea that it has been done without due notice. There are millions upon millions of the Protestants * On the Bull Unam Sanctum, " of a most odious kind ; " see Bishop Doyle's Essay, already cited. He thus describes it, f The italics are not in the original. X ' Caesarism and Ultramontanism.' By Archbishop Manning, 1874, pp. 35-6. IN THEIR B.EARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 57 of this country who would agree with Archbishop Manning, if he were simply telling us that Divine truth is not to be sought from the lips of the State, nor to be sacrificed at its command. But those millions would tell him, in return, that the State, as the power which is alone responsible for the external order of the world, can alone conclusively and finally be competent to determine what is to take place in the sphere of that external order. I have shown, then, that the Propositions, espe- cially that which has been felt to be the chief one among them, being true, are also material ; material to be generally known, and clearly understood, and well considered on civil grounds ; inasmuch as they invade, at a multitude of points, the civil sphere, and seem even to have no very, remote or shadowy con- nection with the future peace and security of Chris- tendom. VI. Were the Peopositiows peopek to be set rOETH BY THE PEESENT WeITEE ? There remains yet before us only the shortest and least significant portion of the inquiry, namely, whether these things, being true, and being material to be said, were also proper to be said by me. I must ask pardon, if a tone of egotism be detected in this! necessarily subordinate portion of my remarks. 58 THE VATICAN DECREES For thirty years, and in a great variety of circum- stances, in office and as an independent Member of Parliament, in majorities and in small minorities, and during the larger portion of the time * as the repre- sentative of a great constituency, mainly clerical, I have, with others, labored to maintain and extend the civil rights of my Koman Catholic fellow-country- men. The Liberal party of this country, with which I have been commonly associated, has suffered, and sometimes suffered heavily, in public favor and in influence, from the belief that it was too ardent in the pursuit of that policy ; while at the same time it has always been in the worst odor with the Court of Rome, in consequence of its (I hope) unalterable attachment to Italian liberty and independence. I have sometimes been the spokesman of that party in recommendations which have tended to foster in fact the imputation I have mentioned, though not to warrant it as matter of reason. But it has existed in fact. So that while (as I think) general justice to society required that these things which I have now set forth should be written, special justice, as toward the party to which I am loyally attached, and which I may have had a share in thus placing at a disadvan- tage before our countrymen, made it, to say the least, becoming that I should not shrink from writing them. In discharging that office, I have sought to per- * From 1847 to 1865 I sat for the University of Oxford. m THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 59 form tie part not of a theological partisan, but sim- ply of a good citizen ; of one hopeful that many of his Roman Catholic friends and fellow-countrymen, who are, to say the least of it, as good citizens as himself, may perceive that the case is not a frivolous case, but one that merits tlieir attention. I will next proceed to give the reason why, up to a recent date, I have ttought it right in the main to leave to any others, who might feel it, the duty of dealing in detail with this question. The great change, whicli seems to me to have been brought about in the position of Roman Catholic Christians as citizens, reached its consummation, and came into full operation in July, 1870, by the pro- ceedings or so-called decrees of the Vatican Council. Up to that time, opinion in the Roman Church on all matters involving civil liberty, though partially and sometimes widely intimidated, was free wherever it was resolute. During the Middle Ages, heresy was often extinguished in blood, but in every Cisalpine country a principle of liberty, to a great extent, held its own, and national life refused to be put down. Nay, more, these precious and inestimable gifts had not infrequently for their champions a local pre- lacy and clergy. The Constitutions of Clarendon, cursed from the Papal throne, were the work of the English Bishops. Stephen Langton, appointed di- rectly, through an extraordinary stretch of power. 60 THE VATICAN DECREES by Innocent III., to tlie See of Canterbury, Leaded the Barons of England in extorting from the Papal minion John, the worst and basest of all our Sover- eigns, that Magna Charta which the Pope at once visited with his anathemas. In the reign of Henry VIII., it was Tunstal, Bishop of Durham, who first wrote against the Papal domination. Tunstal was followed by Gardiner ; and even the recognition of the Royal Headship was voted by the clergy, not under Cranmer, but under his unsuspected predeces- sor Warham. Strong and domineering as was the high Papal party in those centuries, the resistance was manfuL Thrice in history, it seemed as if what we may call the Constitutional party in the Church Avas about to triumph: first, at the epoch of the Council of Constance ; secondly, when the French Episcopate was in conflict with Pope Innocent XI. ; thirdly, when Clement XIV. levelled with the dust the deadliest foes that mental and moral liberty have ever known. But from July, 1870, this state of things has passed away, and the death-waiTant of that Constitutional party has been signed, and sealed, and promulgated in form. Before that time arrived, although I had used ex- pressions sufficiently indicative as to the tendency of things in the great Latin Communion, yet I had for very many years felt it to be the first and para- mount duty of the British Legislature, whatever IN THEIE BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 61 Kome migM say or do, to give to Ireland all that justice could demand, in regard to matters of con- science and of civU equality, and tlius to set ierself right in the opinion of the civilized world. So far from seeing, what some believed they saw, a spirit of unworthy compliance in such a course, it appeared to me the only one which suited either the dignity or the duty of my country. While this debt re- mained unpaid, both before and after 1870, 1 did not think it my province to open formally a line of argu- ment on a question of prospective rather than imme- diate moment, which might have prejudiced the mat- ter of duty lying nearest our hand, and morally in- jured Great Britain not less than Ireland, Church, men and Nonconformists not less than adherents of the Papal Communion, by slackening the disposition to pay the debt of justice. When Parliament had passed the Church Act of 1869 and the Land Act of 1870, there remained only, under the great head of Imperial equity, one serious question to be dealt with — that of the higher education. I consider that the Liberal majority in the House of Commons, and the Government to which I had the honor and satisfac- tion to belong, formally tendered payment in fall of this portion of the debt by the Irish University Bill of February, 1873. Some indeed think that it was overpaid ; a question into which this is manifestly not the place to enter. But the Roman Catholic pre- C2 THE YATICAN DECREES lacy of Ireland thought fit to procure the rejection of that measure, by the direct influence which they exercised over a certain number of Irish Members of Parliament, and by the temptation which they thus offered — the bid, in effect, which (to use a homely phrase) they made, to attract the support of the Tory Opposition. Their efforts were crowned with a com- j)k'te success. From that time forward I have felt that the situation was changed, and that important matters would have to be cleared by suitable explana- tions. The debt to Ireland had been paid : a debt to the country at large had still to be disposed of, and this has come to be the duty of the hour. So long, indeed, as I continued to be Prime Minister, I should not have considered a broad political discussion on a general question suitable to proceed from me ; while neither I nor (I am certain) my colleagues would have been disposed to run the risk of stirring popular passions by a vulgar and unexplained ap- peal. But every difficulty, arising from the neces- sary limitations of an official position, has now been removed. Vn. On the Home Policy of the Future. I could not, however, conclude these observations without anticipating and answering an inquiry they suggest. " Are they, then," it will be asked, " a IN THEIR BEAEING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 63 recantation and a regret ; and what are they meant to recommend as the policy of the future ? " My reply shall be succinct and plain. Of what the Liberal party has accomplished, by word or deed, in establishing the fall civil equality of Eoman Catho- lics, I regret nothing, and I recant nothing. It is certainly a political misfortune that, during the last thirty years, a Church so tainted in its views of civil obedience, and so unduly capable of changing its front and language after Emancipation from what it had been before, like an actor who has to perform several characters in one piece, should have acquired an extension of its hold upon the highest classes of this country. The conquests have been chiefly, as might have been expected, among women ; but the number of male converts, or captives (as I might prefer to call them), has not been inconsiderable. There is no doubt, that every one of these secessions is in the nature of a considerable moral and social , severance. The breadth of this gap varies, according to varieties of individual character. But it is too commonly a wide one. Too commonly, the spirit of the neophyte is expressed by the words which have become notorious : " a Catholic first, an Englishman afterward." "Words which properly convey no more than a truism ; for every Christian must seek to place his religion even before his country in his inner heart. But very far from a truism in the sense in which we Qi THE VATICAN DECREES have been led to construe them. We take them to mean that the " convert " intends, in case of any con- flict between the Queen and the Pope, to follow the Pope, and let the Queen shift for herself; which, hap- pily, she can well do. Usually, in this country, a movement in the high- est class would raise a presumption of a similar move- ment in the mass. It is not so here. Kumors have gone about that the proportion of members of the Papal Church to the population has increased, espe- cially in England. But these rumors would seem to be confuted by authentic figures. The Koman Cath- olic Marriages, which supply a competent test, and which were 4*89 per cent, of the whole in 1854, and 4*62 per cent, in 1859, were 4'09 per cent, in 1869, and 4-02 per cent, in 1871. There is something at the least abnormal in such a partial growth, taking effect as it does among the wealthy and noble, while the people cannot be charmed, by any incantation, into the Roman camp. The original Gospel was supposed to be meant espe- cially for the poor ; but the gospel of the nineteenth century from Rome courts another and less modest destination. K the Pope does not control more souls among us, he certainly controls more acres. The severance, however, of a certain number of lords of the soil from those who till it, can be borne. And so I trust will in like manner be endured the m THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. 65 new and very real " aggression " of the principles pro- mulgated by Papal authority, whether they are or are not loyally disclaimed. In this matter, each man is his own judge and his own guide : I can speak for myself. I am no longer able to say, as I would have said before 1870, " There is nothing in the necessary belief of the Koman Catholic which can appear to impeach his full civil title ; for, whatsoever be the follies of ecclesiastical power in his Church, his Church itself has not required of him, with binding authority, to assent to any principles inconsistent with his civil duty." That ground is now, for the. present at least, cut from under my feet. What then is to be our course of policy hereafter ? First let me say that, as regards the great Imperial set tlement, achieved by slow degrees, which has admit ted men of all creeds subsisting among us to Par- liaTuent, that I conceive to be so determined be- yond all doubt or question, as to have become one of the deep foundation-stones of the existing Constitu- tion. But inasmuch as, short of this great charter of public liberty, and independently of all that has been done, there are pending matters of comparatively minor moment which have been, or may be, subjects of discussion, not without interest attaching to them, I can suppose a question to arise in the minds of some. My own views and intentions in the future are of the smallest significance. But, if the argu- 66 THE VATICAX DECREES ments I have here oflFered make it my duty to declare them, I say at once the future will be exactly as the past : in the little that depends on me, I shall be guided hereafter, as heretofore, by the rule of main- taining equal civil rights irrespectively of religious differences ; and shall resist all attempts to exclude the members of the Eoman Church from the benefit of that rule. Indeed I may say that I have already given conclusive indications of this view, by sup- porting in Parliament, as a Minister, since 1870, the repeal of the Ecclesiastical Titles Act, for what I think ample reasons. Not only because the time has not yet come when we can assume the conse- quences of the revolutionary measures of 1870 to have been thoroughly weighed and digested by all capable men in the Roman Communion. Not only because so great a numerical proportion are, as I have before observed, necessarily incapable of mastering, and forming their personal judgment upon, the case. Quite irrespectively even of these considerations, I hold that our onward even course should not be changed by follies, the consequences of which, if the worst come to the worst, this country will have alike the power and, in case of need, the will to control. The State will, I trust, be ever careful to leave the do- main of religious conscience free, and yet to keep it to its own domain; and to allow neither private caprice nor, above all, foreign arrogance to dictate to it in the IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE. G7 discharge of its proper office. " England expects every man to do his duty ; " and none can be so well prepared tinder all circumstances to exact its per- formance as that Liberal party which has done the work of justice alike for Nonconformists and for Papal dissidents, and whose members have so often, for the sake of that work, hazarded their credit with the markedly Protestant constituencies of the country. Strong the State of the United Kingdom has always been in material strength ; and its moral panoply is now, we may hope, pretty complete. It is not then for the dignity of the Crown and people of the United Kingdom to be diverted from a path which they have deliberately chosen, and which it does not rest with all the myrmidons of the Apostolic Chamber either openly to obstruct, or secretly to undermine. It is rightfully to- be expected, it is greatly to be desired, that the Koman Catholics of this country should do in the Nineteenth century what their forefathers of England, e;ccept a handful of emissaries, did in the Sixteenth, when they were marshalled in resistance to the Armada, and in the Seventeenth when, in despite of the Papal Chair, they sat in the House of Lords under the Oath of Allegiance. That which we are entitled to desire, we are entitled also to expect : indeed, to say we did not expect it, would, in my judgment, be the true way of conveying an " insult " to those con- 68 THE VATICAN DECREES, ETC. cerned. In this expectation we may be partially disappointed. Should those to whom I appeal, thus unhappily come to bear witness in their own j)ersons to the decay of sound, manly, true life in their Church, it will be their loss more than ours. The inhabitants of these islands, as a whole, are stable, though sometimes credulous and excitable; resolute, though sometimes boastful : and a strong- headed and sound-hearted race will not be hindered, either by latent or by avowed dissents, due to the foreign influence of a caste, from the accomplishment of its mission in the world. APPENDICES, APPENDIX A. The numbers here given correspond with those of the Eighteen Proposi- tions given in the text, where it would have teen less convenient to cite the originals. 1, 2, 3. "Ex qak omnino fals4 socialis regiminis ide^ Laud timent erroneam illam fovere opinionem, Catholicse Eeclesise, animarumque saluti maxime exitialem, a rec. mem. Gregorio XIV. prsedecessore Nostro delwamentum appella- tam (e^dem Encycl. mirari), nimirum, libertatem conseien- tise et cultuum esse proprium cujuseunquehominisjus, quod lege proclamari, et asseri debet in omni recte constitute so- cietate, et jus civibus inesse ad omnimodam libertatem null4 vel ecclesiastic^, vel civili auctoritate coarctandam, quo suos conceptus quoscumque sive voce §ive typis, sive ali4 ratione palam. publiceque manifestare ac declarare valeant." — Ency- clical Letter. 4. " Atque silentio prseterire non possumus eorum auda- ciam, qui sanam non sustinentesdoctrinam 'illis Apostoliese Sedis judieiis, et decretis, quorum objectum ad bonum gene- rale Eeclesise, ejusdemque jura, ac disciplinam speetare decla- ratur, dummodo fidei morumque dogmata non attingat, posse assensum et obedientiam detrectari absque peccato, et absque uM Catholicse professionis jactur4.' " — Ibid. 70 APPENDICES. 5. " Ecclesia non est vera perfectaque societas plane li- bera, nee poUet suis propriis et eonstantibus juribus sibi a divino suo Fundatore eollatis, sed civilis potestatis est defi- nire quag sint Ecclesiee jura, ac limites, intra quos eadem jura exercere qneat." — Syllabus v. 6. "Eomani Pontifices et Concilia oecumenica a limiti- bns suae potestatis recesserunt, jura Prineipura usnrpdnmt, atque etiam in rebus fidei et morum definiendis errdrunt." — Ibid, xxiii. 7. " Ecclesia vis inferendaj potestatem non habet, neque potestatem ullam temporalem directam vel indirectam." — Ibid. xxiv. 8. " Praeter potestatem episcopatui inhserentem, alia est attributa temporalis potestas a civili imperio vel express^ vel tacite concessa, revocanda propterea, cum libuerit, a civili imperio."— Ibid. xxv. 9. " Ecclesiaj et personanira ecclesiasticarum immunitas a jure civili ortum habuit." — Ibid. xxx. 10. " In conflictu legum utriusque potestatis, jus civile praevalet." — Ibid. xlii. 11. " Catholicis viris probari potest ea juventutis insti- tuendse ratio, quae sit a Catliolica fide et ab Ecclesise po testate sejuncta, quseque rerum dumtaxat, naturalium scientiam ac terrense socialis vitae fines tantummodo vel saltern primarium spectet." — Ibid, xlviii. 12. " Philosopliicarum rerum morumque scientia, item- que civiles leges possunt et debent a divintl et ecclesiastic^ auctoritate declinare." — Ibid. Ivii. 13. " Matrimonii sacramentum non est nisi contractu! aceessorium ab eoque separabile, ipsumque sacramentum in una tantum nuptiali benedictione situm est." — Ihid. Ixvi. " Yi contractus mere civilis potest inter Cbristianos con- stare veri nominis matrimonium ; falsumque est, aut contrae- tiira matrimonii inter Cbristianos semper esse sacramentum, aut nullum esse contractum, si sacramentum excludatur." — Ibid. Ixxiii. APPENDICES. Yl 14. " De temporalis regni cum spiritual! compatibilitate disputant inter se Christianse et Catholicse Ecclesise filii." — Syllabus Ixxv. 15. "Abrogatio civilis imperii, quo Apostolica Sedes potitur, ad Ecelesise libertatem felicitatemque vel maxima conduceret." — Ihid. Ixxvi. 16. " JEtate hac nostra non amplius expedit religionem Catholicam haberi tanquam unicam status religionem, cseteris quibuscumque cultibus exclusis." — IMd. Ixxvii. 17. " Hinc laudabiliter in quibusdam Catbolici nomini-s regionibus lege cautum est, ut bominibus illuc immigranti- bus lieeat publicum proprii cujusque cultus exercitium ha- bere." — IMd. Ixxviii. 18. " Eomanus Pontifex potest ac debet cum progressu, cum liberalismo et cum recenti civilitate sese reconciliare et componere." — IMd. Ixxx. APPENDIX B. I have contented myself with a minimum of citation from the documents of the period before Emancipation. Their full effect can only be gathered by such as are acquainted with, or will take the trouble to refer largely to, the originals. It is worth while, however, to cite the following passage from Bishop Doyle, as it may convey, through the indigna- tion it expresses, an idea of the amplitude of the assurances which had been (as I believe, most honestly and sincerely) given : " There is no justice, my Lord, in thus condemning us. Such conduct on the part of our opponents creates in our bosoms a sense of wrong being done to us ; it exhausts our patience, it provokes our indignation, and prevents us from reiterating our efforts to obtain a more impartial hearing. We are tempted, in such cases as these, to attribute unfair- 72 APPENDICES. motives to those who differ from us, as we cannot conceive how men gifted with intelligence can fail to discover truths so plainly demonstrated as, '' That our faith or our allegiance is not regulated by any such doctrines as those imputed to us ; " That our duties to the Government of our countiy are not influenced nor affected by any Bulls or practices of Popes ; " That these duties are to be learned by us, as by every other class of His Majesty's subjects, from the Gospel, from the reason given to us by God, from that love of country which Xature has implanted in our hearts, and fi'om those constitutional maxims, which are as well understood, and as highly appreciated, by Catholics of the present day, as by their ancestors, who founded them with Alfred, or secured them at Kunnymede." — DoyWs ' Essay on the Catholic Claims,^ London, 1826, p. 38. The same general tone, as in 1826, was maintained in the answers of the witnesses from Maynooth College before the Commission of 18.55. See, for example, pp. 132, 161-4, 272-3, 275, 361, 370-5, 381-2, 39^6, 405. The Commis- sion reported (p. 6-i), " We see no reason to believe that there has been any disloyalty in the teaching of the college, or any disposition to impair the obligations of an unreserved allegiance to your Majesty.'' APPENDIX C. Compare the recent and ominous forecasting of the future European policy of the British Crown, in an Article from a Romish Periodical for the current month, which has direct relation to these matters, and which has every appearance of proceeding from authority : " Surely in any European complication, such as may any APPENDICES. 73 day arise, nay, such as must ere long arise, from tlie natural gravitation of the forces, which are for the moment kept in check and truce by the necessity of preparation for their inevitable collision, it may very well be that the future prosperity of England may be staked in the struggle, and that the side which she may take may be determined, not either by justice or interest, but hy ajpassionate resolve to heep up the Italian Mngdom at any hazard!'' — The ' Month ' for November, 1874: 'Mr. Gladstone's Durham Letter,' p. 265. This is a remarkable disclosure. With whom could England be brought into conflict by any disposition she might feel to keep up the Italian kingdom ? Considered as States, both Austria and France are in complete harmony with Italy. But it is plain that Italy has some enemy ; and the writers of the ' Month ' appear to know who it is. APPENDIX D. Notice has been taken, both in this country and abroad, of the apparent inertness of public men, and of at least one British Administration, with respect to the subject of these pages. See Friedberg, ' Granzen zwischen Staat iind Kirche,' Abtheilung iii. pp. 755-6; and the Preface to the Fifth Yolume of Mr. Greenwood's elaborate, able, and judicial work, entitled ' Cathedra Petri,' p. iv. : " If there be any chance of such a revival, it would be- come our political leaders to look more closely into the pecu- liarities of a system, which denies the right of the subject to freedom of thought and action upon matters most mate- rial to his civil and religious welfare. There is no mode of ascertaining the spirit and tendency of great institutions but in a careful study of their history. The writer is profoundly 74 APPENDICES. impressed with the conviction that our political instructors have -n-holly neglected this important duty : or, which is perhaps worse, left it in the hands of a class of persons whose zeal has outrun their discretion, and who have sought rather to engage the prejudices than the judgment of their hearers in the cause they have, no doubt sincerely, at heart." THE REPLIES ARCHBISHOP MMNING AND LORD ACTON. FROM THE LONDON 'TIMES,' NOVEMBER 9, 1874. EEPLY OF AKCHBISHOP MANNING. To the EUtm" of the Tirtxes : See, — The gravity of the subject on which I address you, affecting as it must every Catholic in the British Empire, will, I hope, obtain from the courtesy that you have always shown to me the publication of this letter. This morning I received a copy of the pamphlet enti- tled " The Yatican Decrees in their bearing on Civil Allegi- ance." I find in it a direct appeal to myself, both for the office I hold and for the writings I have published. I gladly acknowledge the duty that lies upon me for both those rea- sons. I am bound by the office I bear not to suffer a day to pass without repelling from the Catholics of this country the lightest imputation upon their loyalty ; and,' for my teaching, I am ready to show that the principles I have ever taught are beyond impeachment upon that score. It is true, indeed, that, in page 57 of the pamphlet, Mr. Gladstone expresses his belief " that many of his Eoman Catholic friends and fellow-countrymen" are, "to say the least of it, as good citizens as himself." But as the whole pamphlet is an elaborate argument to prove that the teach- 78 REPLY OF ARCHBISHOP MANNING. ing of the Vatican Council renders it impossible for them to be so, I cannot accept this graceful acknowledgment, which implies that they are good citizens because they are at vari- ance with the CathoHc Church. I should be wanting in duty to the Catholics of this country and to myself if I did not give a prompt contradic- tion to this statement, and if I did not with equal prompt- ness affirm that the loyalty of our civil allegiance is not in spite of the teaching of the Catholic Church, but because of it. The t^uin of the argument in the pamphlet just published to the world is this : That by the Vatican Decrees such a change has been made in the relations of Catholics to the civil power of States that it is no longer possible for them to render the same undivided civil allegiance as it was pos- sible for Catholics to render before tlje promulgation of tliosc Decrees. In answer to this, it is for the present sufficient to affirm : 1. That the Vatican Decrees have in no jot or tittle changed either the obligations or the conditions of civil al- legiance. 2. That the civil allegiance of Catholics is as undivided as that of all Christians and of all men who recognize a divine or natural moral law. 3. That the civil allegiance of no man is unlimited, and therefore the civil allegiance of all men who believe in God, or are governed by conscience, is in that sense divided. In this sense, and in no other, can it be said with truth that the civil allegiance of Catholics is divided. The civil allegiance of every Christian man in England is limited by REPLY OF AECHBISIIOP MANNING. 79 conscience and tlie law of God, and the civil allegiance of Catholics is limited neither less nor more. The public peace of the British Empire has been con- solidated in the last half century by the elimination of religious conflicts and inequalities from our laws. The Em- pire of Germany might have been equally peaceful and stable if- its statesmen had not been tempted in an evil hour to rake up the old fires of religious disunion. The hand of one man more than any other threw this torch of discord into the German Empire. The history of Germany will record the name of Doctor Ignatius von DoUinger as the author of this national evil. I lament not only to read the name, but to trace the arguments of Dr. von Dollinger in the pamphlet before me. May God preserve these kingdoms from the public and private calamities which are visibly impending over Germany ! I^ie author of the pamphlet, in his first line, assures us that his "purpose is not polemical, but pa- cific." I am sorry that so good an intention should have so widely erred in the selection of the means. But my pui"pose is neither to criticise nor to controvert. My desire and my duty as an Englishman, as a Catholic, and as a pastor, is to claim for my flock and for myself a civil allegiance as pure, as true, and as loyal as is rendered by the distinguished author of the pamphlet or by any sub- ject of the British Empire. I remain. Sir, your faithful servant, HENEY EDWAED, Archbishop of "Westminster. NoTember V. EEPLY OF LORD ACTOK To the Editor of the Times : SiE, — May I ask you to publish the enclosed preliminary reply to Mr. Gladstone's public Expostulation ? Tour obedient^ servant, ACTON. Athen^um, November 8. Deae Mk. Gladstone, — I will not anticipate by a single word the course which those who are immediately concerned may adopt in answer to your challenge. But there are points which I think you have overlooked, and which may be raised most fitly by those who are least respon- sible. The question of policy and opportuneness I leave for others to discuss with you. Speaking in the open day- light, from my own point of view, as a Homan Catholic born in the nineteenth century, I cannot object that facts which are of a nature to influence the belief of men should be brought completely to their knowledge. Concealment is unworthy of those things which are Divine and holy in re- EEPLY OF LORD AOTON. 81 ligion, and in those things which are human and profane publicity has value as a check. I understand your argument to be substantially as fol- lows : The Catholics obtained Emancipation by declaring that they were in every sense of the term loyal and faithful subjects of the realm, and that Papal Infallibility was not a dogma of their Church. Later events have falsified one declaration, have disturbed the stability of the other ; and the problem therefore arises whether the authority which has annulled the profession of faith made by the Catholics would not be competent to change their conceptions of po- litical duty. This is a question that may be fairly asked, and it was long since made familiar to the Catholics by the language of their own Bishops. One of them has put it in the follow- ing terms : " How shall we persuade the Protestants that we are not acting in defiance of honor and good faith, if, having declared that Infallibility was not an article of our faith while we were contending for our rights, we should, now that we have got what we wanted, withdraw from our public declaration and afBnn the contrary ? " The case is, jprvma fade, a strong one, and it woiild be still more serious if the whole structure of our liberties and our toleration was foimded on the declarations given by the English and Irish Bishops some years before the Eelief Act. Those documents, interesting and significant as they are, are unknown to the Constitution. "What is known, and what was for a generation part of the law of the country, is something more solemn and substantial than a series of unproved assertions — ^namely, the oath in which the political essence of those declarations was concentrated. That was 6 «2 REPLY OF LORD ACTON. the security which Parliament requii'ed ; that was the pledge by which we were bound ; and it binds us no more. The Legislatm-e, judging that what was sufficient for Repub- licans was sufficient for Catholics, abolished the oath, for the best reasons, some time before the disestablishment of the Irish Church. If there is no longer a special bond for the loyalty of Catholics, the fact is due to the deliberate judgment of the House of Commons. After having surren- dered the only real constitutional security, there seems scarcely reason to lament the depreciation of a less substan- tial guarantee, which was very indirectly connected with the action of Parliament, and was virtually superseded by the oath. The doctrines against which you are contending did not begin with the Vatican Council. At the time when the Catholic oath was repealed the Pope had the same right and power to excommunicate those who denied his author- ity to depose princes that he possesses now. The writers most esteemed at Home held that doctrine as an article of faith ; a modem Pontiff had affirmed that it cannot be abandoned without taint of heresy, and that those who questioned Tind restricted his authority in temporal matters were worse than those who rejected it in spirituals, and accordingly men suffered death for this cause as others did for blasphemy and Atheism. The recent decrees have neither increased the penalty nor made it more easy to inflict. That is the true answer to your appeal. Your indict- ment would be more just if it was more complete. If you pursue the inquiiy further, you will find graver matter than all you have enumerated, established by higher and more EEPLY OF LOED AOTON. 83 ancient autliority than a meeting of bishops half-a-century ago. And then I think you will admit that your Catholic countrymen cannot fairly be called on to account for every particle of a system which has never come before them in its integrity, or for opinions whose existence among divines they would be exceedingly reluctant to believe. I will explain my meaning by an example : A Pope who lived in Catholic times, and who is famous in. history as the author of the first Crusade, decided that it is no mur- der to kiU excommunicated persons. This rule was incorpo- rated in the Canon Law. In the revision of the Code, which took place in the 16th century, and produced a whole vol- xime of corrections, the passage was allowed to stand. It appears in every reprint of the ' Corpus Juris.' It has been for TOO years and continues to be part of the ecclesiastical law. Far from having been a dead letter, it obtained a new application in the days of the .Inquisition, and one of the later Popes has declared that the murder of a Protes- tant is so good a deed that it atones, and more than atones, for the murder of a Catholic. Again, the greatest legislator of the Mediaeval Church laid down this proposition, that allegiance must not be kept with heretical Princes — cum ei qui Deo fidem non servat fides servanda non sit. This prin- ciple was adopted by a celebrated Council, and is confirmed by St. Thomas Aquinas, the oracle of the, schools. The Syl- labus which you cite has assuredly not acquired greater authority in the Church than the Canon Law and the Lateran Decrees, than Innocent the Third and St. Thomas. Tet these things were as well known when the oath was repealed as they are now. But it was felt that, whatever might be the letter of Canons and the spirit of the Ecclesiastical 8i EEPLT OF LOKD. ACTON. Laws, the Catholic people of this country might be honor- ably trusted. But I will pass from the letter to the spirit which is moving men at the present day. It belongs peculiarly to the character of a genuine Ultramontane not only to guide his life by the example of canonized Saints, but to receive with reverence and submission the words of Popes. Now, Pius v., the only Pope who has been proclaimed a Saint for many centuries, having deprived Elizabeth, commissioned an assassin to take her life ; and his next successor, on learn- ing that the Protestants were being massacred in France, pronounced the action glorious and holy, but comparative- ly barren of results ; and implored the King during two months, by his Nuncio and his Legate, to carry the work on to the bitter end until every Huguenot had recanted or perished. It is hard to believe that these things can excite in the bosom of the most fervent Ultramontane that sort of admiration or assent that displays itself in action. If they do not, then it cannot be truly said that Catholics forfeit their moral freedom, or place their duty at the mercy of another. There is waste of power by friction even in well-con- structed machines, and no machinery can enforce that degree of unity and harmony which you apprehend. Little fellow- ship or confidence is possible between a man who recognizes the common principles of morality as we find them in the overwhelming mass of the writers of our Church and one who, on learning that the murder of a Protestant Sovereign has been inculcated by a saint, or the slaughter of Protestant subjects approved by a Pope, sets himself to find a new in- terpretation for the Decalogue, There is little to apprehend REPLY OF LORD ACTON. 86 from combinations between men divided by such a gulf as this, or from the unity of a body composed of such antago- nistic materials. But where there is not union of an active or aggressive kind, there may be unity in defence ; and it is possible, in making provision against the one, to promote and to confirm the other. There has been, and I believe there is still, some exag- geration in the idea men form of the agreement in thought and deed which authority can accomplish. As far as decrees, censures, and persecution could commit the Court of Eome, it was committed to the denial of the Copernican system. Nevertheless, the history of astronomy shows a whole catena of distinguished Jesuits ; and, a century ago, a Spaniand who thought himself bound to adopt the Ptolemaic theory was laughed at by the Roman divines. The submission of Fenelon, which Protestants and Catholics have so often celebrated, is another instance to my point. When his book was condemned, Fenelon publicly accepted the judg- ment as the voice of God. He declared that he adhered to the decree absolutely and without a shadow of reserve, and there were no bounds to his submission. In private he wrote that his opinions were perfectly orthodox and remained unchanged, that his opponents were in the wrong, and that Rome was getting religion into peril. It is not the unpropitious times only, but the very nature of things, that protect Catholicism from the conse- quences of some theories that have grown up within it. The Irish did not shrink from resisting the arms of Henry II., though two Popes had given him dominion over them. They fought against "William III., although the Pope had given him efficient support in his expedition. Even James 86 REPLY OF LORD ACTON. II., when he could not get a mitre for Petre, reminded Inno- cent that people could be very good Catholics and yet do without Home. Philip II. was excommunicated and de- prived, but he despatched his army against Rome with the full concurrence of the Spanish divines. That opinions likely to injure our position as loyal sub jects of a Protestant sovereign, as citizens of a free State, as members of a community divided in religion, have flour- ished at various times, and in various degrees, that they can claim high sanction, that they are often uttered in the exas- peration of controversy, and are most strongly urged at a time when there is no possibility of putting them into prac- tice — this all men must concede. But I affirm that, in the fiercest conflict of the Eeformation, when the rulers of the Church had almost lost heart in the struggle for existence, and exhausted every resource of their authority, both politi- cal and spiritual, the bulk of the English Catholics retained the spirit of a better time. You do not, I am glad to say, deny that this continues to be true. But you think that we ought to be compelled to demonstrate one of two things — that the Pope cannot, by virtue of powers asserted by the late Council, make a claim which he was perfectly able to make by virtue of powers asserted for him before ; or, that he would be resisted if he did. The first is superfluous. The second is not capable of receiving a written demonstra- tion. Therefore neither of the alternatives you propose to the Catholics of this country opens to us a way of escaping from the reproach we have incurred. Whether there is more truth in your misgivings or in my confidence the event will show, I hope, at no distant time. I remain sincerely yours, ACTOX. [fEOM the LONDON TIMES.] AECHBISHOP MANNING ON KOMAN CATHOLIC POLITICS. A LAEGE meeting of Eoman Catholics assembled at Arch- bishop Manning's house at "Westminster on Thursday night to hear his inaugural address to the Eoman Catholic Aca- demia in reference to the future policy of the Catholic world. In the course of his observations he said they were all aware that the Catholic Academia was 'formed at the close of the last century to unite Catholics throughout the world in opposing the Atheistical teaching of the so-called Free-thinkers of France and Germany, whose thoughts were disseminated by the free Press of England.. Thirteen years ago it was found necessary to extend the work of the Asso- ciation to England, and he was glad to say, though he did not like to use exulting words, that they had done much to correct and educate the Press of this country. In the present crisis, and looking to the coming great future struggle, they had a vast work before them. Looking at the hostility manifested on the Continent to the Sovereign Pontiff, he invited their special attention to the best means of asserting his infallibility and his right to spiritual and temporal power. One thing he would call their attention to — ^namely, that since his temporal power on the Continent had been denied him, his spiritual power and influence over 8S ARCHBISFJOP MANNING his subjects had greatly increased. In the conflict of nations which they had seen around them since their departure from their allegiance to the temporal power of the Holy Father, a vast amount of blood had been shed, and nations in their perplexity had lately been seeking some means to avert the terrible calamities of war. At the International Arbitration Conference recently held at Geneva, one of the influential speakers had proposed that cases of national dispute should be submitted to arbi- trators appointed from the principal nations of the world, and their decision the conflicting nations should be called upon to obey. If, however, the nations in question refused to submit, then the whole of the other nations were to be called upon to join in a war against the contending party. Instead of this proposed system putting an end to war, could they, he would ask, imagine any thing more likely to pro- long European wars than such a plan ? There could be but one authorised arbitrator between the nations of the earth, and that one, he need scarcely tell them, was the one who was not interested in the temporal aifairs of one nation more than another, but was impartial to all, and that one was the Sovereign Pontiff himself. Then there was another meet- ing to which he would call their attention, and that was one which had been held at Bonn for the pui-pose of en- deavoring to unite persons of various religious beliefs upon spiritual matters, according to the teachings of what they called the Old Catholics, to be settled by the history of the Catholic Church. Well, the question which would natu- rally arise in the mind of a true Catholic would be as to who would have to select the historians to be appealed to. The answer of the Catholic Church would be that just as a man only knows his own spirit and his own history, so it is with the Church. The Catholic Church knows her own history, and none other knows it so well. To her historians and to her teachings alone, then, such parties must return. The next question, then, to which he would invite their ON ROMAN OATHOLIO POLITICS. 89 attention, was the modern scepticism, free thought, and so- called scientific teachings of the day in relation to Catholic teaching, and for an illustration of the style of thought he would refer them to Professor Tyndall's address the other day at the Belfast meeting of the British Association. Upon this subject they would do well to read a very excellent article in The Times of Saturday last. Whoever wrote that article, he was a good man, and knew what he was writing about. It was the old story of Galileo, and they would do well to study these articles for the purpose of answering them according to the teachings of the Catholic Church. Other subjects to which he would like them to give their at- tention were the various phases of thought in the Protestant Church, and especially those among the Dissenters. The other questions which he invited their most serious consid- eration to were the infallibility of the Holy Father, his right to temporal as well as spiritual authority, and, amid all the conflicting opinions of the world, the ultimate necessity of acknowledging civil allegiance to him as their only safety. Within the last twenty-four hours it had been intimated to him that the Catholic world was threatened with a contro- versy on the whole of the decrees of the Vatican Council. From this and other matters which had come to his knowl- edge he could see that they were on the very eve of one of the mightiest controversies the religious world had ever seen. Certainly nothing like the controversy on which they were about to enter had occurred during the last three hun- dred years, and they must be prepared. If they would only prepare themselves, he did not fear for the decrees of the Vatican Council, or for the Yatican itself. But they must have no half-hearted measures. They must have no half- fearful, half-hearted assertions of the Sovereign Pontift's claim ; they must not fear to declare to England, and to the world through the free Press of England, the Sovereign Pon- tiff's claim to infallibility, his right to temporal power, and the duty of the nations of the earth to return to their allegi- 90 ARCHBISHOP MANNING, ETC. ance to liim. If they did this — if they proclaimed this with no uncertain sound, Protestants of England and Protestants throughout the world would hear them and be convinced. If they did this, the Protestant world would give them credit for their courage, and believe in them for their own honesty's sake. If, on the other hand, they minced matters and spoke in half-fearful measures, Protestants would only turn away from them for their want of honesty. Protes- tants knew well what they meant, and what the claims of the Catliolic Cliurch are, and therefore it would be best for the Church now to speak out, and he had no fear for the result. THE END. opinions of the Press on the "International Scientific Series." Tyndall's Forms of Water. I vol., l2mo. Cloth. Illustrated Price, $1.50. " In the volume now published. Professor Tyndall has presented a noble illustration of the acuteness and subtlety of his intellectual powers, the scope and insight of his scientific vision, his singular command of the appropriate language of exposition, and the peculiar vivacity and grace with which he unfolds the results of intricate sdentific research." — N. V. Tribune. " The * Forms of Water/ by Professor Tyndall, is an interesting and instructive little volume, admirably printed and illustrated. Prepared expressly for this series, it is in some measure a guarantee of the excellence of the volumes that will follow, and an indication that the publishers will spare no pains to include in the series the freshest in- vestigations of the best scientific minds." — Boston yournal. " This series is admirably commenced by this little volume from the pen of Prof. Tyndall. A perfect master of his subject, he presents in a style easy and attractive his methods of investigation, and the results obtained, and gives to the reader a clear con-- ception of all the wondrous transformations to which water is subjected." — Churckman. II. Bagehot's Physics and Politics. I vol., i2mo. Price, $1.50. ** If the * International Scientific Series ' proceeds as it has begun, it will more than fulfil the promise given to the reading public in its prospectus. The first volume, by Professor Tyndall, was a model of lucid and attractive scientific exposition ; and now we have a second, by Mr. Walter Bagehot, which is not only very lucid and charming, but also original and suggestive in the highest degree. Nowhere since the publication of Sir Henry Maine's 'Ancient Law,* have we seen so many fruitful thoughts sug- gested in the course of a couple of hundred pages. . . . To do justice to Mr. Bage- hot's fertile book, would require a long article. With the best of intentions, we are conscious of having given but a sorry account of it in these brief paragraphs. But we hope we have said enough to commend it to the attention of the thoughtful reader." — Prof John Fiske, in the Atlantic Monthly. " Mr. Bagehot's style is clear and vigorous. We refrain from giving a fuller ac- count of these suggestive essays, only because we are sure that our readers will find it worth tlieir while to peruse the book for themselves ; and we sincerely hope that the forthcoming parts of the 'International Scientific Series' will be as interesting."— At/tentEu?n. " Mr. Bagehot discusses an immense variety of topics connected with the progress of societies and nations, and the development of their distinctive peculiarities; and his book shows an abundance of ingenious and original thought." — Alfred Russkh Wallace, in Nature. D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers, 549 & 551 Broadway, N. Y. OpinioTis of the Press on the ^^International Scientific Series*** III. 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" The union of scientific and popular treatment in the composition of this work will afford an attraction to many readers who would have been indifferent to purely theoreti- cal details. . . . Still his work abounds in information, much of which is of great valuCj and a part of which could not easily be obtained from other sources. Its interest is de- cidedly enhanced for students who demand both clearness and exactness of statement, by the profusion of well-executed woodcuts, diagrams, and tables, which accompany th^ volume. . . . The suggestions of the author on the use of tea and coffee, and of the va* rious forms of alcohol, ^though perhaps not strictly of a novel character, are highly in* stnictive, and form an interesting portion of the volume." — N. Y. Tribune. IV. Body and Mind. THE THEORIES OF THEIR RELATION. By ALEXANDER BAIN, LL. D. I vol., i2mo. Cloth Price, $1.50. Professor Bain is the author of two well-known standard works upon the Science of Mind— "The Senses and the Intellect," and "The Emotions and the Will." He is one of the highest living authorities tn the school which holds that there can be no sound or valid psychology unless the mind and the body are studied, as they exist, together. " It contains a forcible statement of the connection between mind and body, study- ing their subtile inierworkings by the light of the most recent physiological investiga- tions. _ The summary in Chapter V., of the investigations of Dr. Lionel Beale of the embodiment of the intellectual functions in the cerebral system, will be found the freshest and most interesting part of his book. Prof. Bain's own theory of the connec- tion between the mental and the bodily part in man is stated by himself to be as follows : There is ' one substance, with two sete of properties, two sides, the physical and the mental — ^ doubk-fctced unity.' ^ White, in the strongest manner, asserting the union of mind with brain, he yet denies * the association of union in ^lace' but asserts the union of close succession in time,' holding that ' the same being is, by alternate fits, un- der extended and under uncxtended consciousness." '—Christian Register, D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers, 549 & 551 Broadway, N. Y. opinions of the Press on the '' International Scie^itific Series,"*^ The Study of Sociology. By HERBERT SPENCER. I vol., i2mo. Cloth Price, $1.50. ** The philosopher whose distinguished name gives weight and influence to this vol- ume, has given in its pages some of the finest specimens of reasoning in all its forms and departments. There is a fascination in his array of facts, incidents, and opinions, which draws on the reader to ascertain his conclusions. The coolness and calmness of his treatment of acknowledged difficulties and grave objections to his theories win for him a close attention and^ sustained effort, on the part of the reader, to comprehend, fol- low, grasp, and appropriate his principles. This book, independently of its bearing upon sociology, is valuable as lucidly showing what those essential characteristics are which entitle any arrangement and connection of facts and deductions to be called a science" — Episcopalian, " This work compels admiration by the evidence which it gives of immense re- search, study, and observation, and is, withal, written in a popular and very pleasing style. It is a fascinating work, as well as one of deep practical thought." — Bost. Post. *' Herbert Spencer is unquestionably^ the foremost living thinker in the psychological and sociological fields, and this volume is an important contribution to the science of which it treats. ... It will prove more popular than any of its author's other creations, for it is more plainly addressed to the people and has a more practical and less specu- lative cast. It will require thought, but it is well worth thinking 2iho\x\..'*— -Albany Evening Jouriial. VI. The New Chemistry. By JOSIAH P. COOKE, Jr., Ijrving Professor of Chemistry and Mineralogy in Harvard University. I vol., l2ino. Cloth Price, $2.00. " The book of Prof. Cooke is a model of the modem popular science work. It has just the due proportion of fact, philosophy, and true romance, to make it a fascinating companion, either for the voyage or the study." — Daily Graphic. " This admirable monograph, by the distinguished Erving Professor of Chemistry in Harvard University, is the first American contribution to 'The International Scien- tific Series,* and a more attractive piece of work in the way of popular ex^sition upon a difficult subject has not appeared in along time. " It not only well sustains the char- acter of the volumes with which it is associated, but its reproduction in European coun- tries will be an honor to American science." — Neiv York Tribune, *' All the chemists in the country will enjoy its perusal, and many will seize upon it as a thin^ longed for. For, to those advanced students who have kept well abreast of the chemical tide, it offers a calm_ philosophy. To those others, youngest of the class, who have emerged from the schools since new methods have prevailed, it presents a generalization, drawing to its use all the data, the relations of which the newly-fledged fact-seeker may but dimly perceive without its aid. . . . To_ the old chemists. Prof. Cooke's treatise is like a message from beyond the mountain. They have heard oi changes in the science; the clash of the battle of old and new theories has stirred them from afar. The tidings, too, had come that the old had given way ; and little more than this they knew. . . . Prof. Cooke's* New Chemistry' must do wide service in bringing to close sight the little known and the longed for. ... As a philosophy it is elemen- tary, but, as a book of science, ordinary readers will find it sufficiently advanced."— Uiica Morning Herald. D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers, 549 & 551 Broadway, N. Y, opinions of the Press on the ^'^International Scientific Series." VII. The Conservation of Energy. By BALFOUR STEWART, LL. D., F. R. S. With an Appendix treating of the Vital and Menial Applications of the Doctrine. I vol., izmo. Cloth. Price, $1.50. ' The author has succeeded in presenting the facts in a clear and satisfactory manner, the essays ofProfessors Lc Conte and Bsun." — Ohio Farmer. " Prof. Stewart is one of the best known teachers in Owens College in Manchester. "The volume of The International Soentific Series now before us is an ex- cellent illustration of the true method of teaching, and will well compare with Prof. Tyndall's charming little book in the same series on * Forms of Water, ' with illustra- tions enough to e^c clear, but not to conceal his thoughts, in a style simple and brief." — Christian Regixter^ Boston. '* The writer has wonderful ability to compress much information into a few words. It is a rich treat to read such a book as this, when there is so much beauty and force combined widi such simplicity. — Eastern Press. VIII. Animal Locomotion; Op, walking, SWIMMING, AND FLYING. With a Dissertation on Aeronautics. By J. BELL PETTIGREW. M. D., F. R. S., F. R. S. E., F. R.C. P.E. I vol., i2mo Price, $1.75. " This work is more than a contribution to the stock of entertaining knowledge, though, if it only pleased, that would be sufficient excuse for its publication. But Dr. Pettigrew has given his time to these investigadons with the ultimate purpose of solv- ing the difficult problem of Aeronautics. To this he devotes the last fifty pages of his book. Dr. Pettigrew is confident that man will yet conquer the domain of the air."— N. v. youmai of Commerce. " Most persons claim to know how to walk, but few could explain the mechanical principles involved in this most ordinary transaction^ and will be surprised that the movements of bipeds and quadrupeds, the darting and rushing motion of fish, and the erratic flight of the denizens of the air. are not only anologous, but can be reduced to similar formula. The work is profusely illustrated, and, without reference to the theory it is designed to expound, will be regarded as a valuable addition to natural history. •^Omaha Republic. D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers, 549 & 551 Broadway, N. Y, opinions of the Press on the "International Scientific Series.' IX. Responsibility in Mental Disease. By HENRY MAUDSLEY, M. D., Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians ; Professor of Medical Jurisprudence in University College, London. I vol., i2mo. Cloth. . . Price, $1.50. " Having lectured in a medical college on Mental Disease, this hook has been a feast to us. It handles a great subject in a masterly manner, and, in our judgment, the positions taken by the auunor are correct and well sustained." — Pastor and People. '* The author is at home in his subject, and presents his views in an almost singu- larly clear and satisfactory manner. . . . The volume is a valuable contribution to one of the most difficult, and at the same time one of the most important subjects of inves- tigation at the present day." — N. Y, Observer. " It is a work profound and searching, and abounds in wisdom.'' — Pittsburg Com- merciaL "Handles the important topic with masterly power, and its suggestions are prac- tical and of great value." — Providence Press. X. The Science of Law. By SHELDON AMOS, M. A., Professor of Jurisprudence in University College, London ; author of " A Systematic View of the Science of Jurisprudence," *' An Enghsh Code, its Difficulties and the Modes of overcoming them," etc., etc. I voL, i2mo. Cloth Price, $1.75. "The valuable series of 'International Scientific' works, prepared by eminent spe- cialists, with the intention of jjopularizing^ information in their several branches of knowledge, has received a good accession in this compact and thoughtful volume. It is a difficult task to give the outlines of a complete theory of law in a portable volume, which he who runs may read, and probably Professor Amos himself would be the last to claim that he has perfectly succeeded in doing this. But he has certainly done much to clear the science of law from the technical obscurities which darken it to minds which Imve had no legal training, and to make clear to his * lay ' readers in how true and high a sense it can assert its right to be considered a science, and not a mere practice." — The Christian Register. "The works of Bentham and Austin are abstruse and philosophical, and Maine's require hard study and a certain amount of special training. The writers also pursue different lines of investigation, and can only be regarded as comprehensive in the de- partments they confined themselves to. It was left to Amos to gather up the result and present the science in its fullness. The unquestionable merits of this, his last book, are, that it contains a complete treatment of a subject which has hitherto been handled by specialists, and it opens up that subject to every inquiring mind. . . . To do justice to * The Science of Law ' would require a longer review than we have space for. We have read no more interesting and mstructive book for some time. Its themes concern every one who renders obedience to laws, and who would have those laws the best possible. The tide of legal reform which set in fifty years ago has to sweep yet higher if the flaws in our jurisprudence are to be removed. The process of change cannot be better guided than by a well-informed public mind, and Prof. Amos has done great service in materially helping to promote this end." — Buffalo Courier. D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers, 549 & 551 Brondway, N. Y. A thoughtful and valuable contribution to the best religious literature of the day. RELIGION AND SCIENCE. A Series of Sunday Lectures on the Relation of Natural and Revealed Religion, or the Truths revealed in Nature and Scripture. By JOSEPH LE CONTE, PBOFESaOB or GEOLOOT A»I> NATUBAL HIBTOBT IN TBB VNIYEBSITT OF OALIFOBNIA. l2mo, cloth. Price, $1.50. OPINIONS OF THE PJtESS. " This work is chiefly remarkable as a conscientious effort to reconcile the revelations of Science with those of Scripture, and will be very use- ful to teachers of the different Sunday-schools." — Detroit Union. "It will be seen, by this risumi of the topics, that Prof. Le Conte grapples with some of the gravest questions which agitate the thinking world. He treats of them all with dignity and fairness, and in a man- ner so clear, persuasive, and eloquent, as to engage the undivided at- tention of the reader. We commend the book cordially to the regard of all who are interested in whatever pertains to the discussion of these grave questions, and especially to those who de-sire to examine closely the strong foundations on which the Christian faith is reared." — Boston Journal. "A reverent student of Nature and religion is the best-qualified men to instruct others in their harmony. The author at first intended his work for a Bible-class, but, as it grew under his hands, it seemed v ell to give it form in a neat volume. The lectures are from a decidedly re- ligious stand- point, and as such present a new method of treatment." — Philadelphia Age. "This volume is made up of lectures delivered to his pupils, and is written with much clearness of thought and unusual clearness of ex- fression, although the author's English is not always above reproach, t is partly a treatise on natural theology and partly a defense of the Bible against the assaults of modern science. In the latter aspect the author's method is an eminently wise one. He accepts whatever sci- ence has proved, and he also accepts the divine origin of the Bible. Where the two seem to conflict he prefers to await the recondliaticn, which is inevitable if both are trae, rather than to waste time and words in inventing ingenious and doubtful theories to force them into seeming accord. Both as a theologian and a man of science, Prof. Le Conte's opinions are entitled to respectful attention, and there are few who will not recognize his book as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the best religious literature of the day." — New York World. D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers, 549 & 551 Broadway, N. Y. THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY, (Established May, 1872,) Conducted by Prof. K L. TOUMMtS. Thk Popular Science Monthly was started to promote the diffusion of valuable sci- entific knowledge, in a readable and attractive form, among all classes of the community, and has thus far met a want supplied by no other periodical in the United States. The great feature of the magazine is, that its contents are not what science was ten or more yfears since, but what it is to-day, fresh from the study, the laboratory, and the experiment: clothed in the language of the authors, inventors, and scientists themselves, which comprise the leading minds of England, France, Germany, and the United States. AmoDg popular articles, covering the whole range of Natural Science, we have the latest thoughts and words of Herbert Spencer, and Professors Huxley, Tyndall, and R, A. Proctor. Since the start, it has proved a gratifying success to every friend of scientific progress and universal education; and those who believed that science could not be made any thing but dry study, are disappointed. The prtess all over the land is warmly commending it. We subjoin a few encomiums from those recently given : • "That there is a place for The Popttlak BoiBifOE Monthly, do one can doubt who has watched the steady increase of interest in scientific investigation manifested in this country, not only by a select class, but by the entire community." — Jvew York Times. "A journal which promises to be of eminent value to the cause of popular educution in this countiy."— i^Tew York Trmtiie. "It is, beyond comparison, the best attempt at Journalism of the kind ever made in this country." — Home Journal. " The initial number is admirably constituted. ' —Evening Mail. " We think it is not too much to say that this is the best first number of any maeazino ever pub- lished in America." — New York World. "It is just what is wanted by the curious and progressive mind of this country, and ought to be widely cu-culated."— i\reM York Evening Post . " It is the first successful attempt in this country to popularize science in the pages of a monthly." — N. T. Scfwol Joumai. " Not the less entertaining because it is instruc- tive."— i%i/a(:?e/j)Aza Age. "The Monthly has more than fulfilled all the promises which the publishers made in the pro- spectus of publication."— iViog'fflT'a Falls Gazette. " It places before American readers what the ablest men of science throughout the world write about their meditations, speculations, and discov- eries." ^Providence J&urtm. " This Is a highly-auspicious beginning of a use- ful and much-needed enterprise in the way of pub- Ucation, foe which the public owe a special debt of obligation to Messi-s. D. Appleton & Co." — Boston "This new enterprise appealMo all who are in- terested in the laudable effort of diffusing that in- formation which is best calculated to expand the mind and improve the conditions and enhance the worth of life." — Golden Age. "Just the publication needed at the present iay.^''— Montreal Gazette. " This new magazine, in our estimation, has more merit than the whole brood which have preceded iV^— Oswego Press. In our opinion, the right idea has been happily ■ ■ .■ ~ " ■". ■" 'Solo Courier. hit in the plan of this new monthly." — Suffal "This is one of the very best periodicals of its kind published in the world. Its corps of contribu- tors comprise many of the ablest minds known to science and literature. It is doing a .great and noble work in popularizing science, promoting the grciwth of reason, and leveling the battlemente of old su- perstitions reared in the childhood of our race be- fore it was capable of reasoiiing." — 2'Ae American Medical Jowrml., St. Louis, Mo. "This magazine is worth its weight in gold, for Its service in educating the people."— 2%e AmenAian Journal of Education., St. Louis, Mo. " Tills monthly enables us to utilize at least sev- eral years more of life than it would be possible were we obliged to wait its pubUcatlon in Dook-form at the hands of some compiler," — The Writing Teacher and Business Advertiser^ New York. The Popular Science Monthly is published in a large octavo, handsomely printed on clear type, and, when the subjects admit, fully illustrated. Each number contains 128 pagesL Terms: $5 per Annum, or Fifty Cents per Number- A new volume of the Popular Science begins with the numbers for May and Novem- ber each year. Subscriptions may commence from any date. Back numbers supplied. Now Jteady, Vols. I., II. f III., and IV. , of The Popular Science Monthly,. embracmg the Numbers from 1 to 24 (May, 1872, to A^ril, 1874. 4 vols., 8vo. Oloth, $3.50 per vol Half Morocco, $6.50 per voL Vol V. will be ready by Ist November, 1874. For Sale, Binding Cases for Vols. I., II,, III., IV., of The Popular Science Monthly. These covers are prepared expressly for binding the volumes of The PopuLAit Soibkce Monthly as they appear, and wul be sent to oubsmbers on receipt of price. Any binder can attach the covers at a trifling expense. Price, 50 cents each. Addbess D. APPLETOJf Sf CO., Publishers, 649 & 551 Broadway, New Tork. INTERNATIONAL S ■/fa No. No. ■^No. No. No. No. UOVC^ K, E .A. X> "ST - 1 I-ORMS OF WATEE, tn CloDds, Eain, Kivers, lee, ond Glaciers. By Prof. John Ttkuai-i., IL. D, r. R. 8. ITOL Cloth. Price, $1.50. 2 PHYSICS AND POLITICS: or. Thoughts on the Applicstion of the Principles of "Natural ' Stlection " and " Inherilanco " to Political Society. By Walter Bageuot, Esq., aulhorol -• The English Constitation." 1 voL Cloth. Price, »1.S0. 3. FOODS. By Edward Smitu, M. D., LL. B., F. E. S. 1 vol. Cloth. Price, * 1.75. 4' MIND AND BODY. The Theories ol their Kelation. 3y Alex. Bain, LL. D., Professor of Logic in the University of Aberdeen. 1 vol., 12nio. Clotb. Price, $1.50. 5. THE STUDY OF SOCIOtOOY. By Uisbbert Spemcek. Price, $1.50. 6 THE NEW GHEMISTBx. By rrof.JostiH P. Cooke, Jr., of Harvard University. 1 voL, 12mo. Cloth. Price, «£«0. 7. THE CONSBBVATION OF ENERGY. By Pi'of. Balfodr Stewart, LL. D., F. K 8. 1 vol., mrao. Cloth. Price, $1.50. o ANIMAIi IjOCOUOXION; or, Walking, Swimming, and Flying, with a Dissertation on Aeronao- tics. By J. Bell Pettiorew, M. D., F. E. S., F. E. 8. E., F. E. C. P. E. 1 v«t, 12nio. Fully illuBtratcd. Price, $1.18. No ». BE3PONSIBILXTY IN MENXAI, DISEASE. By Hehet Matoslet, M.D. 1 voL, 12mo. Clolh. Price, $1.50. No. 10. THE SCIENCE OF LAW. By Prof. Sheldon Amos. lvol„l2mo. Cloth, Price, $1.75. No 11. ANIMAL MECHANISM. A Treatise on Terrestrial and Aerial Locomotion. By E. J. Maret, With 117 Illu.itratlons, Price, H 7\ No. 12. THE HI'TORY OF THE CONFLICT BETWEEN RELIGION AND SCIENCE. By John Wm. Draper, M. I)., author ol "The Intcllectu!il Divelopnient of Europe." (Ready Dec. 4th.) No. 13. THE CHEMISTRY OF LIGHT AND PHOTOGRAPHY. By Prof. VooEi., Polytechnic AcaUomy of Bi'rlin. (Inpresx) No. 14. ON PARASITES IN THE ANIMAL KINGDOM. By Mons. Van.Bbneden. (Inprm.) No. 15. THE THEORY OF DESCENT AND DARWINISM. By' Prof. Oscae Soumidt, Stras- burg University. {In precis.} Other eminent authors, as Wallace, lIcLMnoLTz, Parks, Milne Edwards, and Uaeckel, have given strong encouragcDieut that they will also take part in the enterprise. I> K. O S I» E C T TJ S - D. Appleton & Co. have the pleasure of annouucuig that they hai'e made arrangements for publishing, end have recently commenced toe issue ot a Ssiaiiis of Popular Monoi.kapiis. or small works, under the above title, which will embody thu results of recent inquiry in the most interestin;; departments of advancing science. The character and scope of this series will b* best indicated by a reference to the names and subjects included in the suljjoined list, froin %% uich It wilt be seen that the coTincratlon of the must disiinguisbed professors In 1/iigland, Germany, France, and the [Tnited States, has been secured, and negotiations are pinding for contributions liom other eminent scientiHo \vrit,.-rti. The works will be issued simultaneously in New York, London, Paris, Lcipsic, Milan, and 9t. Petersburg. The International SoiENXirio Series is entirely an American project, and was originated and organized by Br. E. J.. Youmans, wliu spent tbe greater part ol a year In Europe, arranging with authors and pubhshers. Tlie tbith- eomint; voluuie» are as follows: ProT. LuMMKi. (I'[iivtr«it. ofErlansen). Oplif». (In press.) Uov. M. I. iii:[!Ki;i,KV. M.A, F.L.8., and M. Cooke,, ,M. .\., LL 1).. t'nn'ji ; tlitir Natur$, h]fiumee»,a