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Cornell University LiDrary 
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 The wild tribes o'Pfvaodislrirt^^^^^^ 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924008084216 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII. PLATE I. 
 
 TRIBAL MAP OF DAVAO DISTRICT 
 
 ..r 
 
Field Museum of Natural History, 
 
 Publication 170. 
 
 Anthropological Series Vol. XII, No. 2. 
 
 THE WILD TRIBES OF 
 
 DAVAO DISTRICT, 
 
 MINDANAO 
 
 BY 
 
 Fay-Cooper Cole 
 
 Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology 
 
 The R. F. Cummings Philippine Expedition 
 
 George A. Dorsey 
 Curator, Department of Anthropology 
 
 Chicago, U. S. A. 
 September, 1913 
 
 
 .^ 
 
 
 ■ )?', '1: M: 
 
 
 i^ y, (1 p^:_ 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The material presented in this paper was obtained, for the most 
 part, during a stay of seven months among the tribes of Davao District 
 in Southern Mindanao of the Philippine Islands. Previous to this I 
 had spent a like period studying the Bukidnon, of the North-Central 
 part of the Island, and while thus engaged, had penetrated to within 
 about fifty miles of the Gulf of Davao. In order to trace migrations, 
 relationships, and trade routes, it was determined to continue the work 
 from the Gulf coast toward the interior. In pursuance of this plan I 
 went to Davao in July, nineteen hundred and ten. 
 
 All information to be secured from publications, settlers, or natives 
 was to the effect that there were at least fourteen distinct tribes to be 
 met with in the Gulf region. The preliminary reconnaissance of the 
 field made it plain that the earlier classifications were greatly at fault. 
 Several divisions recognized as tribes were found to be only dialect 
 groups, whUe others differing in no essential respects from one another 
 secured names from the districts in which they resided. It was also 
 found that in recent years there had been a considerable movement of 
 the hill people toward the coast, and that in some places they had 
 penetrated and established themselves in the territory formerly held by 
 other tribes. 
 
 The capture of slaves, intermarriage, and trade between the groups 
 have been powerful influences in obliterating tribal lines, thus adding 
 further confusion to the classification of the people. 
 
 The field offered so much of interest that I determined to make 
 detailed studies of the various tribes encountered. The work pro- 
 gressed satisfactorily for seven months, when a severe illness caused me 
 to leave the tropics for a time, at least. As a result the work with the 
 Gulf tribes is still far from complete. The tribes living on or near the 
 upper waters of the Agusan river and north of Compostela were not 
 visited, and, hence, will not be mentioned here, while certain other 
 divisions received only scant attention. No attempt is here made 
 to treat of the Christianized or Mohammedanized people, who inhabit 
 a considerable part of the coast and the Samal Islands, further than to 
 indicate their influence on the wild tribes. Both have settled in Davao 
 District in- historic times, and have taken many native converts into 
 their villages. From these settlements new ideas, tjrpes of garments, 
 and industries have spread toward the interior, while the extensive 
 slave trade carried on by the Moro has had a marked effect on all the 
 tribes with whom they have come in contact. 
 
 49 
 
50 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 In the preparation of this paper I have, so far as possible, drawn 
 on the knowledge of others to fill in the gaps in my own notes. In 
 spite of this the information on certain groups is still so scanty that 
 this can be, at best, only a sketch. It is offered at this time in the 
 hope that it may serve as a help to other anthropologists who may 
 plan to visit this most interesting field. 
 
 I wish here to extend my thanks to the various civil, and military 
 authorities who gave me valuable assistance; also to Captain James 
 Burchfield, H. S. Wilson, James Irwin, Otto Hanson, William Gohn, 
 Henry Hubbell, and Juan de la Cruz, planters, whose wide knowledge 
 of, and acquaintance with the interior tribes made possible my work 
 in many localities. 
 
 It is a pleasure and a duty to acknowledge the assistance rendered 
 by my wife, who accompanied me throughout my Philippine work. 
 Her presence made it possible to secure the complete confidence of the 
 hill people, and thus to gain an insight into their home life which 
 otherwise would have been impossible. A large part of the material 
 here presented, particularly that relating to the women, was gathered 
 by her and many of the photographs are from her camera. 
 
 The dialects spoken by the tribes of central and southern Mindanao 
 are to be dealt with in a separate publication, so that at this time I 
 shall merely give a brief description of the characters appearing in the 
 native names used in this paper. The consonants are pronounced as 
 in English, except r which is as in Spanish, c is used as ch in church, 
 n, which occurs frequently, is a palatal nasal. There is no clear artic- 
 ulation and the stop is not present, but the back of the tongue is well 
 up on the soft palate. 
 
 The vowels are used as follows: 
 
 a like a in father 
 
 e like a in fate 
 
 I like i in ravine 
 
 d like in note 
 
 u like u in flute 
 
 a, e, i, 0, u, short of the above. 
 
 £ is a sound between the obscure vowel e, as e in sun, and the ur 
 in burrow. 
 
 The dipthongs are ai like at in aisle, au like ou in mouse, or final 
 Spanish ao as in carabao: ei like ei in eight, oi as in boy, also Eu, eu, etc 
 
 Fay-Coopbr Cole, 
 Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology. 
 
 Chicago, September, 191 3. 
 
I. THE BAGOBO. 
 
 Synonyms: — (a) Guianga, Guanga, Gulanga 
 (6) Obo 
 
 (c) TiGDAPAYA 
 
 (d) Eto 
 
 HABITAT. 
 
 The west coast of Davao Gulf, between Daliao and Digos is dotted 
 with small villages, the inhabitants of which are largely Bagobo who 
 have been converted to the Christian faith and have been induced to 
 give up their mountain homes and settle in towns. Back of this coast 
 line rise densely timbered mountain peaks, lateral spurs from which 
 often terminate in abrupt cliffs overlooking the sea. From other peaks 
 extensive grass covered plains slope gently down nearly to the water's 
 edge. Deep river canons cut between these mountains and across the 
 plains, giving evidence of active erosion for a long period of time. If 
 these mountain chains and river courses are followed back it is found 
 that they all radiate from one stupendous mass, the center of which 
 is Mt. Apo, the highest riiountain in the Philippines and reputed to 
 be an active volcano. Near to its summit is a deep fissure from which, 
 on clear mornings, columns of smoke or steam can be seen ascending, 
 while the first rays of the rising sun turn into gold, or sheets of white, 
 the fields of sulphur which surround the cone. 
 
 Along the lower eastern and southern slopes of this mountain and its 
 tributary peaks live the wilder branch of this tribe, whose traditions, 
 religious observances, and daily life are closely related to the mani- 
 festations of latent energy in the old volcano. 
 
 NUMBER. 
 The exact number who fall under this classification is not known. 
 Governor Bolton, who was intimately acquainted with the wild tribes 
 of the District, estimated their number at sixty-five hundred, but this 
 count did not include the sub-division here given as Obo. One enu- 
 meration, made by a Jesuit missionary, places the population at fifteen 
 thousand, while the Government report of 1900 gives them -eighteen 
 thousand four hundred. The latter estimates are certainly excessive. 
 It is probable that they were determined by compiling the population 
 of villages reported to exist in the interior. 
 
 51 
 
52 FiEi^D Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 The wilder members of this tribe are, to a certain extent, migratory, 
 moving their villages from one location to another according to the 
 demands of their mode of agriculture. Their rice fields are made in 
 mountain-side clearings, and as the ever present cogon grass begins to 
 invade the open land they substitute svtreet potatoes or hemp. In time 
 even these lusty plants give way to the rank grass, and the people 
 find it easier to make new clearings in the forest than to combat the 
 pest with the primitive tools at their command. This results in some 
 new fields each year, and when these are at too great a distance from 
 the dwellings the old settlements are abandoned and new ones formed 
 at more convenient locations. 
 
 It is probable that the total number belonging to this tribe does 
 not exceed ten thousand persons. 
 
 INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORS:— HISTORY. 
 
 The influence of the neighboring tribes and of the white man on the 
 Bagobo has been considerable. The desire for women, slaves, and 
 loot, as well as the eagerness of individual warriors for distinction, has 
 caused many hostile raids to be made against neighboring tribes. 
 Similar motives have led others to attack them and thus there has 
 been, through a long period, a certain exchange of blood, customs, 
 and artifacts. Peaceful exchange of commodities has also been carried 
 on for many years along the borders of their territory. With the 
 advent of the Moro along the sea coast a brisk trade was opened 
 up and new industries introduced. There seems to have been little, if 
 any, intermarriage between these people, but their relations were 
 sufficiently close for the Moro to exert a marked influence on the 
 rehgious and civil life of the vnlder tribe, and to cause them to in- 
 corporate into their language many new words and terms. 
 
 The friendly relations with the Moro seem to have been broken off 
 upon the arrival and settlement of the Spaniards in Davao. The 
 newcomers were then at war with the followers of Mohammed and 
 soon succeeded in enlisting the Bagobo rulers in their cause. A Chinese 
 plate decorated with the picture of a large blue fish was offered for 
 each Moro head the tribesmen presented to the Spanish commander. 
 The desire for these trophies was sufficient soon to start a brisk trade 
 in heads, to judge from the number of these plates still to be seen 
 among the prized objects of the petty rulers. 
 
 After the overthrow of Moro power on the coast, Jesuit missionaries 
 began their labors among the Bagobo, and later established their foUow- 
 
 ' Itnperata koenigii. 
 
Sbptember, 19 13. W11.D Tribes op Davao District— C01.E. 53 
 
 ers in several villages. In 1886 Father Gisbert reported eight hundred 
 converts living in five coast towns. Following the conflict between 
 Spam and the United States, and during the subsequent insurrection, 
 these villages were left without protection or guidance. As a result, 
 large numbers of the inhabitants retired to the hills where they were 
 again merged with their wilder brothers. Naturally, they carried 
 with them new ideas a-s well as material objects. With the re-establish- 
 ment of order under American rule many returned to the deserted 
 villages while others were induced by Governor Bolton to form com- 
 pact settlements midway between the coast and the mountain fastnesses. 
 The influence of the Government has become stronger each year, and 
 following the human sacrifice at Talun in 1907, that powerful village 
 and several of- the neighboring settlements were compelled to move 
 down near to the sea where they could be more easily controlled. 
 
 Schools have been opened in some localities and these, together with 
 the activities of Catholic and Protestant missionaries, are causing a 
 rapid change in the life and beliefs of the tribe. 
 
 The presence of American hemp planters, with the consequent 
 demand for laborers, is also proving an immense factor in wiping out 
 old tribal lines and in introducing new ideas. 
 
 Beyond a few letters written by the missionaries^ we find scant 
 reference to this tribe in history, but their own traditions and genealogies 
 are well known even by the younger generation. 
 
 According to the tribal historians the human race sprang from a 
 man, Toglai, and his wife, Toglibon, who lived on Mt. Apo.^ "They 
 were there from the beginning, at a point near to the present settlement 
 of Cibolan. Many fruits grew on the mountains and the forests 
 abounded in game so that it was easy for them to secure food. There 
 were born to them children, who, when they grew up, married. One 
 day Toglai and Toglibon told their oldest boy and girl that they should 
 go far away across the ocean, for there was a good place for them. So 
 the two departed and were seen no more until their descendants, the 
 white people, came back to Davao. The other children remained 
 with their parents and were happy and prosperous until Toglai and 
 Toglibon died and went to the sky, where they became spirits. Soon 
 after their death the country suffered a great drought. This finally 
 became so severe that the water in the rivers dried up and there was 
 no more food in the land. At last the children were forced to leave 
 
 ' Blair and Robertson. The PhUippine Islands. 
 
 2 See fuller account by author, in Philippine Journal of Science. June 19 11, 
 Vol. VI, No. 3, pp. 128-9. 
 
54 Field Musetjm op Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 their home and seek out new habitations in other parts. They traveled 
 in pairs, in different directions, until they came to favorable locations 
 where they settled down. From them have sprung all the tribes known 
 to the Bagobo. One pair was too weak to make the journey from the 
 drought-cursed land, and staid at Cibolan. One day the man crawled 
 out into the ruined fields to see if he could not find some one thing 
 alive, and when he arrived there he saw, to his amazement, a single 
 stalk of sugar cane growing lustily. He cut it with his knife, and- water 
 began to come out until there was enough for the couple to drink. The 
 flow did not cease until the rains came again to refresh the land. From 
 these two the tribe has again grown until it numbers its members in 
 the thousands. The people have remained true to their belief in the 
 spirits, and each year has found them stronger in numbers, and richer 
 in houses, land, and slaves." 
 
 The genealogy of the Bagobo rulers is traced back through ten 
 generations. The first ruler of whom there is record was Salingolop, 
 during whose reign, it seems, the Spaniards first came to the Philippines. 
 According to the tale^ "Salingolop" was a man of great and prodigious 
 force, and as tall as the Lauan, which is the tallest tree in these forests. 
 He had three sons called Bato, Sipongos, and Calisquisan, and a 
 daughter named Panugutan. When the Spaniards arrived at Manila, 
 and found that there existed a man so tall and powerful, they sent a 
 battalion of soldiers. They disembarked on the shore of Bimigao 
 near Daron, and ascended the mountain where Salingolop lived. He 
 was not found, because at the time he was on the other side of the 
 mountain hunting wild boars, and the soldiers returned to the shore, 
 taking Panugutan as a hostage. Salingolop, having found out what 
 had happened descended the mountain alone to fight the soldiers 
 which were there. These fired on him, but in vain, because the balls 
 could make no impression. On seeing this, they dropped their rifles 
 and with bars of iron they struck him on the legs, trying to overthrow 
 him. As he fell on the side towards the sea, the noise of the waves, 
 it is said, reached to the Cape of San Augustin. They cut off his head 
 and, as he lay dead, they cut off his legs that he might not arise again. 
 The Spaniards returned to Manila, taking with them Panugutan; she 
 married in Manila a Spaniard, by whom she had two children, who 
 later returned to these parts and were well received, being considered 
 not only as friends but as brothers of the Bagobo." 
 
 Salingolop was succeeded by his son Bato who, in turn, was followed 
 by Boas,- Basian, Lumbay, Banga, Maliadi, and Taopan. Until we 
 
 ' Recorded by P. Juan Doyle, S. J. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes op Davao District — Cole. S5 
 
 come to this last mentioned ruler we learn little more of importance, 
 but at the beginning of his rule, we learn that the Bagobo had become 
 a powerful people. Under his leadership they made frequent forays 
 into neighboring districts and returned with many slaves and rich loot. 
 The datu} was noted as a brave warrior, but in addition to this he was 
 a wise and just ruler, greatly beloved by all his people. When he died 
 more than one thousand of his subjects attended the funeral which 
 lasted ten days. On the last day the house was decked, inside and out, 
 with red and yellow flowers; many valuable gifts were placed beside 
 the corpse, and the place was then abandoned. 
 
 He was succeeded by his son Pangilan, whose administration, like 
 that of his father, was firm and just. Upon his death he bequeathed 
 the leadership of a united people to his son Manib. The new datu did 
 not prove to be a great warrior and his decisions in matters of dispute 
 were not always just, so that bad blood arose between the people of 
 Cibolan and Talun. He was unable to quell the disturbances, and 
 finally open warfare broke out, petty chiefs of other districts throwing 
 off his control and ruling as datu. This was the condition which con- 
 fronted the present ruler, Tongkaling, when he found himself ruler of 
 Cibolan. 
 
 The claims of leadership over all the Bagobo had never been relin- 
 quished, but the actual power of the datu outside his own district 
 amounted to little. Tongkaling soon established his right to the name 
 of a great warrior, and his people so prospered under his rule that 
 upon the advent of the Americans he was much the most powerful 
 among the several chiefs. Under the administration of Governor 
 Bolton, Tongkaling was officially recognized as head of the Bagobo, 
 and with this added prestige, he has finally succeeded in gaining recog- 
 nition from all the chiefs except those about Santa Cruz, but his actual 
 control over them is still very slight. He has been a consistent friend 
 of the Americans, but has jealously guarded his people against outside 
 influences, so that they are much less affected than those of other 
 districts. For this reason we shall, in this paper, use Cibolan as a 
 type settlement, but where radical differences occur in other districts 
 they will be noted. 
 
 I The Moro name for chief or ruler. The Bagobo name is lagatmoda or mafanem, 
 but the Moro term is in general use. 
 
56 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 PHYSICAL TYPE.' 
 
 An idea of the general appearance of the Bagobo can best be ob- 
 tained by a study of the accompanying photographs. Plates II-VIII. 
 
 Measurements were made on thirty- three men and fifteen women. 
 The maximum height of the males was found to be 164.8 cm.; minimum 
 149.8 cm.; with an average of 158.6 cm. For the women the maximum 
 was 152.8 cm.; minimum 141 cm.; average 147.3 cm; 
 
 The cephalic indices of the same individuals showed 84.5 as the 
 maximum, 74.3 minimum, and 78.8 the average for the males. The 
 maximum for the females was 83.1, minimum 76.2, average 80.7. 
 The average length-height index, taken from the tragus to the vertex, 
 of the same persons, was 69.8- maximum 75.6, minimum 65.1- for the 
 men; and for the women 73.1- maximum 76.6, minimum 70.2- 
 
 The face is long, moderately broad, and the zygomatic arches are 
 seldom prominent. The forehead is high and full with supra-orbital 
 ridge slightly developed. The crown and back of the head are rather 
 strongly arched. The people are seldom prognathous, yet individuals 
 aie met with who are markedly so (Plate V). 
 
 The Hps are full and bowed; the chin is round and well formed. The 
 root of the nose is depressed; the ridge broad and generally inclined to 
 be concave, although straight noses are not uncommon. The nasal 
 wings are moderately broad and arched or swelled. The eye slits are 
 oblique and moderately open, showing dark or brown-black eyes. The 
 hair is brown-black and generally slightly wavy or loosely curled, while 
 in some cases it is found curled in locks. Women comb their hair 
 straight back and plaster it with cocoanut oil, but even this does not 
 prevent stray locks from creeping out. Both face and body hairs are 
 scanty and are generally removed, yet occasionally a man is seen who 
 has cultivated a few hairs into a fair semblance of a beard. 
 
 The Bagobo, while well nourished, are inclined to be of slight build, 
 with very narrow waists. In color they are a light reddish brown with 
 a slight olive tinge which is more pronounced in the women than in the 
 men. 
 
 In a brief summary, we can say that they are a short, slightly built, 
 metsati-cephalic people, with wavy hair, long faces, and broad, full noses 
 and lips. Individuals are met with who exhibit many of the physical 
 characteristics of the Negrito ;2 while still others, both in color and facial 
 lines, are comparable to the Chinese. 
 
 ' This subject will be treated fully in a separate publication. 
 ^ Pygmy blacks of the Philippines. 
 
Septbmber, 1913. WiivD Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 57 
 
 DRESS— PERSONAL ADORNMENT. 
 No wild tribe in the Islands gives more attention to dress than does 
 the Bagobo. By an intricate process hemp is colored and woven into 
 excellent garments, which, in turn, are decorated with embroidery, 
 applique, or designs in shell disks and beads. The men wear their 
 hair long and after twisting it around the head hold it in place with 
 kerchiefs, the edges of which are decorated with beads and tassels. 
 
 A close fitting undershirt is often 
 worn, and above this is an elabor- 
 ately beaded or embroidered coat 
 which generally opens in front. The 
 hemp cloth trousers scarcelyreach to 
 the knee, and the bottom of each leg 
 is decorated with a beaded or em- 
 broidered band. Two belts are 
 worn, one to hold the trousers, the 
 other to support the fighting or 
 working knives which each man carries. In lieu of pockets he has 
 on his back an elaborately beaded hemp cloth bag bordered with tassels 
 and bells of native casting. Highly prized shell bracelets, worn as cuffs 
 by some men, are made of a large, conical sea-shell (Eig. i) the base and 
 interior spirals of which have been cut away. Necklaces made of rattan 
 
 FIG. 1. 
 SHELL BRACELET. 
 
 FIG. 2. 
 NECKLACE OF RATTAN OVERLAID WITH FERN AND ORCHID CUTICLE. 
 
 strips decorated or overlaid with alternating layers of fern and orchid 
 cuticle. (Fig. 2) are frequently seen, while many strands of beads and 
 carved seeds surround the necks of both men and women. Both sexes 
 also wear, above the calf of the leg, plaited or beaded leglets to some of 
 which magical properties are ascribed. 
 
 The woman wears a jacket which is close fitting about the neck and 
 reaches to the skirt, so that no portion of the upper part of the body 
 is exposed. The cloth now used in this garment is generally secured 
 in trade, and in recent years decoration in apphque has begun to 
 succeed the excellent embroidery seen on older garments. Frequently 
 the two types of decoration are seen on the same jacket, and to these 
 
-2!i^; 
 
 58 Field Musbum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 are added complicated designs in shell or metal disks, or beads. The 
 narrow tube skirt is of hemp cloth and is made like a sack with both 
 ends open. At the waist it is held in place by means of a cloth or beaded 
 belt. 
 
 In addition to the 
 many strands of beads 
 which encircle the neck 
 and fall over the chest, 
 a broad bead band is 
 often worn over one 
 shoulder, passing under 
 the opposite arm near 
 the waist. Scarfs of 
 colored cloth are also 
 worn in this manner 
 when the ladies are on 
 dress parade. Leglets 
 and brass anklets, made 
 like tubes so as to en- 
 close metal balls (Fig. 3) 
 or with bells and rattles 
 attached, are commonly 
 The women are fond of loading their arms with ornaments 
 or brass (Fig. 4) and one forearm is covered with separate rings 
 
 FiQ. 3. 
 
 BRASS ANKLETS WORN BY THE WOMEN. 
 
 worn, 
 of shell 
 
 FIG. 4. 
 TYPES OF BRASS BRACELETS. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. S9 
 
 of incised brass wire which increase in size from the centre towards the 
 ends, forming an ornament in the shape of an hom--glass. Their hair 
 is generally cut so as to leave a narrow band in front; this is brushed 
 back, but often falls forward on the face or in front of the ears. Back 
 of this the hair is kept well oiled and is combed straight to the back 
 of the head, where it is tied in a knot. Into this knot is pushed a 
 wooden comb decorated with incised lines filled with lime, or inlaid 
 with beads. On festive occasions more elaborate combs, with plumes 
 or other decorations attached, are worn. Aside from these ornaments 
 the head is uncovered. 
 
 Men and women are seen who have their eyebrows shaved to thin 
 lines. This is a matter of individual taste and is done only for beauty. 
 
 Neither sex makes use of tattooing, nor do they mutilate the lips or 
 nose, but what they lack in these respects they make up for in ear 
 ornaments. 
 
 When a child is very young a small hole is pierced in the ear lobes, 
 and into this opening a piece of twisted banana or hemp leaf is placed. 
 (Fig. 5a). This leaf acts as a spring, continually enlarging the opening 
 until the ear plugs can be inserted. Another method, sometimes 
 employed, is to fill the opening with small round sticks (Fig. 5b), 
 
 FIG. 5. 
 EAR STRETCHERS. 
 
 adding more from time to time, until the desired result is obtained. 
 The plugs worn by the women are of wood, the fronts of which are 
 inlaid with silver or brass in artistic designs, and are connected by 
 
6o FiBLD Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 strands of beads passing under the chin (Fig. 6). Large wooden 
 ornaments are also worn by the men, but more prized are lafge ivory 
 ear plugs made like enormous collar buttons (Plates II-IV). These 
 are very rare, since the ivory for their manufacture must be secured 
 from Borneo, and by the time it has passed through the hands of many 
 
 FIG. 6. 
 
 WOMAN'S Ear Plugs. 
 
 traders it has assumed a value which limits the possession of articles 
 made from it to a few wealthy men. A further method of ear adorn- 
 ment, frequently seen among the women, consists of beads sewed into 
 a number of holes which have been pierced through the helices of the 
 ears. 
 
 Both men and women file and blacken the teeth. When a boy or 
 girl has reached the age of puberty, it is time that this beautifying 
 should be done. There is, however, no prohibition to having it per- 
 formed earlier if desired. The candidate places his head against the 
 operator and grips a stick of wood between his teeth while each tooth 
 is filed so as to leave only the stump, or is cut or broken to a point 
 (Plate Xlla and b). When this has been successfully accomplished, 
 what is left of the teeth is blackened. 
 
 The color is obtained in two ways. The more common method is 
 to place a piece of metal on one end of a bamboo^ tube, the other ex- 
 tremity of which rests on glowing coals. • The smoke from the charring 
 bamboo is conducted through the tube to the cold metal on which it 
 leaves a deposit or "sweat." This deposit is rubbed on the teeth, at 
 
 ' A variety known as balakdyo is used for this purpose. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 61 
 
 intervals, for several days until they become a shiny black. 'A second 
 method is to use a powder known as tapEl which is secured from the 
 lamad tree. The writer did not see this tree but, from the description 
 given of it, believes it to be the tamarindus. This powder is put on 
 leaves and is chewed. During the period of treatment the patient is 
 under certain restrictions. He may neither drink water, cook or eat 
 anything sour, nor may he attend a funeral. Should he do so his teeth 
 will have a poor color or be "sick." When the teeth have been properly 
 beautified the young man or woman is considered ready to enter society. 
 
 Boys run about quite nude un- 
 til they are three or four years of 
 age. Until about the same age 
 the girls' sole garment is a little 
 pubic shield, cut from a coconut 
 shell and decorated with incised 
 lines filled with lime (Fig. 7). 
 Not infrequently bells are at- 
 tached to the sides of this "gar- 
 ment." When children do begin 
 to wear clothing their dress 
 differs in no respects from that 
 
 FIG. 7. J. ,_ . ij 
 
 LITTLE GIRLS' PUBIC SHIELDS. of their cldcrs. 
 
 SKETCH OF FUNDAMENTAI. RELIGIOUS BELIEFS. 
 
 Although we shall treat religion more fully in a later paragraph, it 
 is desirable that we now gain an idea of those beliefs which enter inti- 
 mately into every activity of the daily life of this people. 
 
 The Bagobo believes in a mighty company of superior beings who 
 exercise great control over the lives of men. Above all is Eugpamolak 
 Manobo, also called Manama, who was the first cause and creator 
 of all. Serving him is a vast number of spirits not malevolently in- 
 clined but capable of exacting punishment unless proper offerings and 
 other tokens of respect are accorded them. Below them is a horde of 
 low, mean spirits who delight to annoy mankind with mischievous 
 pranks, or even to bring sickness and disaster to them. To this class 
 generally belong the spirits who inhabit mountains, cliffs, rocks, trees, 
 rivers, and springs. Standing between these two types are the shades 
 of the dead who, after they have departed from this life, continue to 
 exercise considerable influence, for good or bad, over the living. 
 
62 FiBLD Museum of NaturaIv History — ^Anth., VoIv. XII. 
 
 We Have still to mention a powerful class of supernatural beings 
 who, in strength and importance, are removed only a little from the 
 Creator. These are the patron spirits. 
 
 Guarding the warriors are two powerful beings, Mandarangan and 
 his wife, Darago, who are popularly supposed to make their home in the 
 crater of the volcano. They bring success in battle and give to the 
 victors loot and slaves. In return for these favors they demand, at 
 certain times, the sacrifice of a slave. Dissentions, disasters, and death 
 will be sure to visit the people should they fail to make the offering. 
 Each year in the month of December the people are reminded of their 
 obligation by the appearance in the sky of a constellation known as 
 Balaiik,^ and soon thereafter a human sacrifice doubtless takes place 
 in some one or more of "the Bagobo settlements. 
 
 A man to come under the protection of these two deities must first 
 have taken at least two human lives. He is then entitled to wear a 
 peculiar chocolate-colored kerchief with white patterns in it. When he 
 has killed four he may wear blood-red trousers, and when his score 
 has reached six he may don a full blood-red suit and carry a sack of 
 the same color. Such a man is known as magani and his clothing 
 marks him as a person of distinction and power in his village. He is 
 one of the leaders in a war party; he is chosen by the datu to inflict the 
 death penalty when it has been decreed; and he is one of the assistants 
 in the yearly sacrifice. It is not necessary that those he kills, in order 
 to gain the right to wear a red suit, be warriors. On the contrary he 
 may kill women and children from ambush and still receive credit for 
 the achievement, provided his victims are from a hostile village. He 
 may count those of his townspeople whom he has killed in fair fight, 
 and the murder of an unfaithful wife and her admirer is credited to 
 him as a meritorious deed. 
 
 The workers in iron and brass, the weavers of hemp cloth, and the 
 mediums or shamans — ^known as mabaltan—axe under the protection 
 of special deities for whom they make ceremonies at certain times of 
 the year. 
 
 The mabalian just mentioned are people — generally women past 
 middle life — who, through sufficient knowledge of the spirits and their 
 desires, are able to converse with them, and to make ceremonies and 
 offerings which will attract their attention, secure their good will, t)r 
 appease their wrath. They may have a crude knowledge of medicinal 
 plants, and, in some cases, act as exorcists. The ceremonies which are 
 performed at the critical periods of life are conducted by these mabaltan, 
 
 ' Orion. 
 
Septembbr, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Colb. 63 
 
 and they also direct the offerings associated with planting andharvesting. 
 They are generally the ones who erect the little shrines seen along the 
 trails or in the forests, and it is they who put offerings in the "spirit 
 boxes" in the houses. Although they, better than all others, know 
 how to read the signs and warnings sent by the spirits, yet, all of the 
 people know the meaning of certain omens sent through the medium 
 of birds and the like. The call of the limokon^ is recognized as an 
 encouragement or a warning and its message will be heeded without 
 fail. In brief, every natural phenomenon and every living thing is 
 caused by or is subject to the will of unseen beings, who in turn can be 
 influenced by the acts of individuals. As a result everything of im- 
 portance is undertaken with reference to these superior powers. 
 
 DWEI.I.INGS— HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 
 
 The houses found in the coast villages line well marked streets and 
 differ in few respects from those built by the Christianized natives 
 throughout the Islands. Even in the more isolated districts the effect 
 of this outside influence is marked. However, we can state with 
 confidence that village life is a new idea to the Bagobo. He has, from 
 time immemorial, built his home near to his fields, and there he and his 
 family reside, except during festivals or when extreme danger threatens. 
 At such times all go to the house of the local ruler and there unite in 
 the festivities or the common defense. 
 
 The smaller dwellings have but one room, the floor of which is raised 
 several feet above the ground and supported by many piles. A part of 
 the latter extend five of six feet above the floor and form supports for the 
 side and cross-beams. From the center of the room lighter poles project 
 eight or ten feet above the cross-beams and form the main supports 
 for the ridge timber. From beams at the end and sides of the room 
 similar pieces run to this central ridge; below this they are joined 
 together, at intervals, by means of horizontal poles and cross-beams. 
 To this framework are lashed strips of palma brava, supports for a 
 covering of closely laid runo, on which rests the final topping of 
 flattened bamboo. The ridge pole is always at a sufficient height above 
 the floor to give the roof a steep peak, and is of such length that, at the 
 top, the side roof overhangs the ends. The roof generally rises in two 
 pitches and always extends past the sides of the room. 
 
 In house building, the roof, which is niade first, is raised to the 
 desired height, thus serving as a shelter for the workers until the struc- 
 
 ' A dove {Calcophops indica). Similar beliefs held by the Tagalog were men- 
 tioned by' Juan de Plasencia in 1589. See Blair and Robertson, Vol. VII, p. 189. 
 
64 FiEivD Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 ture is complete (Plate XIII) . Resting on the cross-beams, just below 
 the rafters, a number of loose boards are laid to form a sort of attic 
 or storage room where all unused articles, and odds and ends are allowed 
 to accumulate. 
 
 The sides of the room, which are of flattened bamboo, are about six 
 feet in height, and extend only to within a foot of the roof. In the walls 
 small peep holes are cut so that the inhabitants can look outside without 
 being seen (Plate XIV). 
 
 FIG. 8. 
 THE "STOVE.' 
 
 FIG. 
 
 Bamboo Plate Rack. 
 
 The flooring, which is gen- 
 erally made of strips of palma 
 brava, is in two levels, forming a 
 narrow elevated platform at one 
 end of the room on which a part 
 of the family sleep. 
 
 The furniture of this house is 
 very scanty. Near to the door 
 is the "stove" (Fig. 8)— a bed of 
 ashes in which three stones are 
 sunk to form a support for the 
 pots and jars — and nearby stand 
 a few native jars and sections of 
 bamboo filled with water. On a 
 hanger above the fire may be 
 found articles of food, seeds, and 
 the like, which need protection 
 from flies and insects. Against 
 
 the wall is a bamboo rack (Fig. 9), filled with Chinese plates; or half 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 65 
 
 cocoanut shells which serve as dishes. Near to the stove is a rice mortar 
 standing on its own wooden pedestal which reaches to the ground 
 (Fig. 10). 
 
 
 FIG. 10.- 
 
 FIG. 11. 
 
 A. 
 
 RICE MORTAR. 
 
 COCOANUT SHELL SPOONS WITH 
 
 B. 
 
 PEDESTAL WHICH REACHES TO THE 
 GROUND. 
 
 WOODEN HANDLES. 
 
 C. 
 
 CIRCLE OF CORN HUSKS PLACED 
 so AS TO PREVENT GRAIN FROM 
 FALLING OUT. 
 
 
 D. 
 
 WOODEN PESTLE. 
 
 
 A child's cradle, made of a blanket suspended hammock-like between 
 the wall and a beam support, will probably be found. A few boxes and 
 jars, usually of Chinese make, and always a copper gong or two are 
 regular furnishings, while to these can be added a miscellany of clothing, 
 looms, spears, shields, meat blocks, spoons (Fig. 11), and the like. 
 Akin to furniture, since they are found in every house, are little basket- 
 like receptacles made by splitting one end of a bamboo pole into several 
 
66 Field Musbum of Naturai, History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 vertical strips and then weaving in other shorter 
 horizontal strips (Fig. 12). These are attached 
 to vsralls and supporting poles, and in them offer- 
 ings are made to the various spirits. 
 
 This is our picture of a typical home. It is 
 not a cheery place by day, for the lack of windows, 
 as well as a fog of smoke from the open stove, 
 makes it dark and gloomy. Nevertheless, since 
 the house offers a cool retreat from the blazing 
 sun, and the smoke-laden air is free from flies and 
 mosquitoes, it is a popular resort for all members 
 of the family during the hottest part of the day. 
 The little light, which filters in through the many 
 cracks in the floors and walls, is sufficient to allow 
 the women to spin, dye, weave, and decorate their 
 clothing, or to engage in other activities. After 
 dark the resinous nuts of the bitdog tree, or leaf 
 covered resin torches are burned, and by their 
 uncertain light the women and men carry on their 
 labors until far into the night. Entrance to the 
 dwelling is gained by means of a notched log, 
 bamboo pole, or by a ladder of the same material. 
 As a protection against strong winds many props 
 are placed against the sides of the house, and when large trees are avail- 
 able the dwellings are further secured by being anchored to them with 
 rattan lines. 
 
 In each settlement or district will be found one large house built 
 on the same general plan as the smaller dwellings, but capable of 
 housing several hundred people (Plate XV). This is the home of the 
 local datu or ruler. All great ceremonies are held here, and it is the 
 place to which all hasten when danger threatens. It is the social center 
 of the community, and all who desire go there at any time and remain 
 as long as they wish, accepting meanwhile the food and hospitality of 
 the ruler. 
 
 A brief description of the house of Datu Tongkaling will give a good 
 idea of this type of structure. Except for size — the dimensions being 
 44 X 20 ft. — the exterior does not differ greatly from the houses already 
 described. A long, partially covered porch leading to the doorway is 
 provided with benches which are always occupied by men and boys, 
 loitering or engaged in the absorbing task of lousing one another. 
 At the far end of the room is the elevated platform, but this one is 
 
 FIG. 12. 
 
 TAMBARA OR BASKET- 
 LIKE RECEPTACLE IN 
 WHICH OFFERI NGS 
 ARE MADE TO THE 
 SPIRITS. 
 
September, 1913- Wild Tribes oe Davao District — Cole. 67 
 
 much wider than is customary, and is intended as the sleeping place for 
 the warriors, or illustrious guests. As the writer and his wife were 
 considered, by the datu, as belonging to the latter class, they were 
 favored with this vantage spot, from which they could view and be 
 viewed by the whole household. Along the sides of the room are 
 elevated box-like enclosures in which the datu and some of his wives 
 and daughters sleep and keep their belongings. At night the balance 
 of the family, including men, women, children, and dogs, occupy the 
 floor. Midway between the side walls and near to the elevated plat- 
 form are two decorated bamboo poles, which are raised in honor of the 
 patron spirits of the warriors; while in other parts of the room are 
 baskets, hanging altars, and other devices in which are placed offerings 
 intended for the spirits. In addition to the customary furnishings are 
 hundreds of objects testifying to the wealth of the datu. Clothes, 
 boxes, dozens of huge copper gongs, drums, ancient Chinese jars and 
 plates, spears and shields, beaded clothing, baskets, and last but not 
 least — in the estimation of the datu — a huge enameled advertisement 
 of an American brewery. 
 
 In the western part of the Bagobo district is a village known as 
 Bansalan. Recently its people have been induced to leave the old 
 settlement and build in a new location, midway between the mount- 
 ains and the sea. Here the writer found a very different type of house 
 (Plate XVIa). Small trees formed the uprig-hts to which cross-beams 
 were tied to make the roof supports, and on these rested a final covering 
 of ntpa palm. A few feet above the ground other supports were lashed 
 and on them strips of palma brava were laid as flooring. In the few 
 cases where the houses were fitted with sides, strips of nipa palm 
 fastened together with rattan were used. There seemed to be no 
 uniform type of dwelling, each house differing from its neighbor in 
 number of rooms, floor levels, or in other respects. Only one feature, 
 the elevated sleeping platform at one end of the house, was always 
 found. A few miles further inland, in the old settlement, the houses 
 are of the type already described in detail. The people have been 
 practically forced to their new location by governmental action. The 
 new careless type of structures seen in Bansalan probably represents, 
 to them, temporary structures in which they expect to remain only 
 until a change of governors will furnish an excuse for returning to the 
 old location. 
 
 OTHER BUILDINGS. 
 
 Near to each farm house or settlement will be seen one or more 
 granaries, in which jrice is stored (Plate XIV). 'Four poles form the 
 
68 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 support for a rectangular base from which the sides of the structure 
 slope out at an angle of about 25 degrees from the perpendicular until 
 they meet the roof. The sides and roof are of bamboo beaten flat, the 
 latter covered with a topping of straw. 
 
 In the hemp fields is an occasional shed where the fiber is sometimes 
 stripped, but more often these buildings, thus hidden from the public 
 gaze, house the forges on which the smiths fashion knives and spears, 
 or cast the bells and betel nut boxes so dear to the heart of each Bagobo. 
 
 Aside from the shrines or altars, which we shall describe later, the 
 Bagobo erects no other buildings. He sometimes encloses a rice or 
 cornfield with a fence, but this requires no special skill in building, 
 since it consists of two parallel lines of uprights, between which bamboo 
 tubes are laid to the desired height (Plate XVIb). 
 
 FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION. 
 
 It is impossible, without including about everything edible in a 
 vegetable line to be found in the district, to give a full list of foods; 
 hence no such attempt will be made. Chief of all is the rice, many 
 varieties of which are grown in the mountain-side clearings.^ 
 
 Next in importance is the camote, or sweet potato, and then follow 
 in the order of their importance : corn, banana, sago and cocoanut. 
 
 Fish, eels, crabs, grasshoppers, monkeys,^ deer, pigs, and chickens 
 form a part of the food supply; in fact, the people seem to draw the line 
 at nothing but crows, snakes, mice, rats, goats, horses, dogs, and cats. 
 Despite the assertion of a number of worthy informants that the last 
 three are on the prohibited list, it is the opinion of the writer that it is 
 the scarcity of the supply rather than any feeling of prejudice which 
 causes them to be included. 
 
 Salt and pepper are used as condiments. The former is secured in 
 trade with the coast natives and Chinese, while the latter is produced 
 by mashing the fruit of a small wild pepper, locally known as katombal. 
 
 Rice, after being allowed to dry, is stored without being separated 
 from the straw. When a supply is needed a bundle is laid on a piece 
 of hide and is beaten with a wooden pestle, wielded by a woman or a 
 slave. This separates the grain, which is gathered up 'and placed in a 
 wooden mortar, where it is again beaten with the pestle until the outer 
 husk has been loosened. To remove the chaff the rice is taken from the 
 
 ' Back of the coast there are no irrigated fields to be found in the Davao District. 
 ^ Some people refuse to eat monkey meat. 
 
Septembbr, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 69 
 
 mortar, placed on a flat winnowing tray (Fig. 1 3), and tossed and caught, 
 until the wind has carried away the lighter husks, thus leaving the 
 grain free. This is placed in a pot, a small quantity of water is added, 
 and the vessel is placed over the fire. Here it is allowed to remain 
 
 FIG. 13. 
 RICE WINNOWER. 
 
 only until it begins to boil, when it is placed on the ashes, near enough 
 to the fire to keep it hot. From tirhe to time the woman turns the jar 
 until the contents is cooked through, when each grain stands out free 
 from its fellows.^ 
 
 Other vegetable foods are eaten raw, or are cooked with water and 
 salt, with perhaps the addition of a little meat broth or a sour. 
 
 Small birds and fish are cooked without other treatment than a 
 hasty cleaning; but the flesh of larger fowls, deer, and pig is generally 
 cut into small cubes and cooked with condiments in a jar or small 
 Chinese caldron. Birds are sometimes prepared by placing them on a 
 spit, covering them with green banana leaves, and suspending them 
 
 ' This is the usual way of preparing rice throughout the archipelago. 
 
70 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 above the fire until roasted. This primitive paper bag cooking yields 
 a most excellent dish. 
 
 Grasshoppers are relished, and are secured in the following manner : 
 A clear grass spot is selected and several deep holes are dug in one end. 
 Back of them, and leading toward them, is a high tight fence made 
 in a V. By beating the grass with boughs as they walk toward the 
 trap, the people drive the grasshoppers before them until they are 
 finally forced into the pit, from which they are collected by the bushel. 
 
 I was told that meat was sometimes salted, dried, and stored away 
 for future use. The climate seems to be absolutely opposed to such 
 foresight, and the one time that I saw the process being used, the odors 
 were such that I beat a hasty retreat and chcse to accept, without 
 proof, the verdict of the natives, that venison thus prepared was excel- 
 lent. 
 
 Of almost as much importance as food is the use of the betel or areca 
 nut,' which is chewed almost constantly by young and old of both sexes. 
 The nut is divided into quarters and a piece of buyo leaf is wrapped 
 about each bit. To this is added a little lime and a pinch of tobacco, 
 and it is ready for the mouth. The resultant deep red saliva is dis- 
 tributed indiscriminately on the floor, walls, and furniture where it 
 leaves a permanent stain. To hold the materials necessary for this 
 practice brass betel nut boxes, secured from the Moro or of their own 
 manufacture, as well as plaited grass boxes and pouches are constantly 
 carried (Plates XVIIa and XLI). The brass boxes generally have 
 three compartments; the first for nuts, the second for leaves and 
 tobacco, and the third for lime. Lime is also carried in small bamboo 
 tubes (Fig. 14), in the decoration of which a great deal of time is con- 
 sumed. The open end is fitted with a rattan sifter so that the powder 
 is distributed evenly on the nut and leaf. 
 
 Aged persons and those whose teeth have been so mutilated that 
 they cannot chew, make use of an outfit which includes a small mortar 
 and pestle (Plate XVIIb). Cutting open green betel nuts, the chewer 
 wraps the pieces in leaves and, after adding a liberal supply of lime, 
 mashes them in the mortar until all are reduced to a soft mass. 
 
 Lime is secured by placing snail shells in a fire, from which they are 
 taken while hot and dropped into cold water. They can then be 
 crushed into powder with the fingers. 
 
 Although the Bagobo raises a considerable quantity of tobacco he 
 seldom, if ever, smokes it unless the leaf is furnished him, already pre- 
 
 ' Catechu L. 
 ' Piper betel L. 
 
Septembbr, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 71 
 
 pared, by an outsider. Sometimes a small ball made of the green 
 leaves is placed between the teeth and upper lip, where it remains until 
 all the flavor has been extracted. 
 
 The outfits for betel nut and tobacco, aside from the brass boxes 
 which fasten at the side, are generally carried in the sacks worn on the 
 backs of the men or in the elaborate shoulder bags worn by the women. 
 
 liilBiiiBI 
 
 FIG. 14. 
 INCISED LIME AND TOBACCO TUBES. 
 
 However, a small waterproof box is frequently seen attached to a man's 
 belt, and in this he carries his betel nut, tobacco, and fire-making outfit. 
 The usual method of making fire is by the use of flint and steel, but 
 when this is not at hand a flame can be quickly obtained by rubbing 
 two pieces of bamboo rapidly together until the friction produces a 
 spark. ^ 
 
72 Field Musbum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 HUNTING AND FISHING. 
 
 Since only a few domesticated animals 
 and fowls are found in a settlement, the 
 greater part of the meat supply is secured 
 by hunting and fishing. 
 
 Deer and wild pig are taken by means of 
 spears. The hunter either lies in wait near 
 the runways of the game, or the animals 
 are driven toward the spot where the hunts- 
 men are concealed. For this purpose the 
 ordinary lance (Figs, isa, b and c) is often 
 used, but a more effective weapon is the 
 spear known as kaldwat (Fig. isd). In this 
 the metal head fits loosely into a long shaft 
 to which it is attached by a rope. As soon 
 as the weapon enters the body of the animal 
 the head pulls out of the shaft, and this 
 trails behind until it becomes entangled in 
 the undergrowth, thus putting the game at 
 the mercy of the hunter. Dead falls and 
 pits are put in the runways, and a frightened 
 animal is sometimes impaled on concealed 
 sharpened bamboo sticks. Less frequently, 
 large animals are secured by means of rope 
 loops which hang from trees past which the 
 game is accustomed to pass. Until recent 
 years the balatik, a trap which when sprung 
 throws an arrow with great force against the 
 animal which releases it, was much used, 
 but so many domestic animals have been 
 killed by it that this sort of trap is now in 
 disfavor. 
 
 Wild chickens are captured by means 
 of snares (Fig. i6). A tame rooster 
 
 FIG. 15. 
 
 SPEARS USED IN FIGHTING 
 
 AND HUNTING. 
 
 FIG. 16. 
 CHICKEN SNARE AND CARRYING CASE. 
 
September, 1913. Wii,d Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 73 
 
 is fastened in the jungle and around him is placed a snare, con- 
 sisting of running knots attached to a central band. The crowing 
 of this fowl soon attracts the wild birds which, coming in to fight, are 
 almost sure to become entangled in one of the nooses. Slip loops, 
 attached to a bent twig and released by disturbing the bait, are also 
 employed in the capture of wild fowl. 
 
 Birds of all sizes are secured by use of bows and arrows, blow guns, 
 or nets. Wooden decoys (Plate XVIII) are tied to the branches of 
 trees in which the hunters are concealed. The bows used are of palma 
 brava, in each end of which notches are cut to hold the rattan bow 
 strings (Fig. i7). The arrow shafts are of light reeds and are fitted 
 
 D 
 
 FIG. 17. 
 Bows AND ARROWS. 
 
 FIG. 18. 
 BLOW GUNS AND DARTS. 
 
 with one or two bamboo points. These weapons are effective only for 
 close range, and even then the Bagobo are far from being expert marks- 
 men. Boys use a reed blow gun through which they shoot light darts 
 tufted with cotton (Fig. 18). The missile is not poisoned and is of 
 little use at a distance of more than twenty feet. 
 
74 Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 By far the most effective means of securing birds is to stretch a net 
 between trees or poles where the birds are accustomed to fly. Wooden 
 decoys are attached to the net in order to attract the game which, once 
 enmeshed, is easily caught. 
 
 Various devices are employed in the capture of fresh water fish, but 
 the most common is a torpedo-shaped trap of bamboo (Fig. 19). Stone 
 conduits lead the water from streams into the open ends of these traps, 
 thus carrying in fish and shrimps. The funnel-shaped opening has the 
 sharpened ends set close together so that it is quite impossible for the 
 prisoners to escape, although the water readily passes between the 
 bamboo strips. 
 
 A hook and line is employed, especially for eels; while in clear pools 
 fish are secured by means of a four-pointed spear which is thrust or 
 thrown (Fig. 20). Perhaps the most interesting device used is a lure, 
 known as bdrd (Fig. 21). A live minnow is fastened at the end of the 
 rod near to a rattan noose. A cord running from the noose to the end 
 of the stick allows the fisherman to draw up the noose as he desires. 
 The struggles of the captive fish soon attract others, and when one 
 enters the loop the line is drawn taut, securely binding the intruder. 
 Several fish can be taken from a single pool by this method. A berry 
 (anamirta cocculus L.) is used in the capture of fish. It is crushed to a 
 powder, is wrapped with vines and leaves, and is thrown into pools. 
 The fish become stupified and float to the surface where they are easily 
 captured. After being cooked they are eaten without any ill effects. 
 
 OCCUPATIONS. 
 
 Mention has already been made of some of the daily occupations of 
 the people. We have found the women caring for the home and prepar- 
 ing the rice and other foods which are served in the house. At no time 
 did the writer see a man, other than a slave, take any part in such 
 household duties; but when on the trail each would do his share in 
 preparing the meals. In the village we found the women and children 
 carrying the water and wood and, at rare intervals, doing laundry work. 
 Instead of soaping and rubbing soiled clothing, they soak the garments 
 in water, then place them on stones and beat them with wooden paddles 
 or clubs. The articles are alternately soaked and beaten until at least 
 a part of the dirt has been removed. It is also the privilege of any 
 woman to engage in the manufacture of basketry, or to act as a potter. 
 
 ' Along the coast the methods of the Christianized natives are used in salt water 
 fishing. 
 
Sbptbmber, 1913. Wild Tribbs of Davao District — Colk. 75 
 
76 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 FIG. 20. (LEFT) 
 
 Four-Pointed fish Spear. 
 
 FIG. 21. (RIGHT) 
 FISH LURE. 
 
 m 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 11 
 
 In the manufecture of baskets 
 the woman makes use chiefly of 
 bamboo and rattan, though other 
 materials, such as pandanus are 
 sometimes brought into service. 
 Three weaves or their variants 
 are employed. The first is the 
 common diagonal or twilled 
 weave, in which each element of 
 the weft passes over two or more 
 of the warp elements. In this 
 way most of the rice winnowers, 
 transportation baskets, knife 
 sheaths, and the like are made. 
 In .the second weave (Fig. 22), 
 the foundation of the basket is 
 made up of parallel horizontal 
 rods, or strips of bamboo. These 
 are laced together by warp strips 
 which pass alternately under one 
 and over one of the foundation 
 rods, crossing each other at an 
 angle, one above the other below 
 the rod. The trinket baskets 
 carried by the women, the larger 
 waterproof receptacles known as 
 btndta, and the covers for wild 
 chicken snares are in this technic. 
 A variant of this weave is found 
 in the rattan carrying frames and 
 in some fish traps (Fig 23) . Here 
 the warp strips cross one another 
 at an angle, at each meeting place 
 enclosing the horizontal founda- 
 tion strips. Unlike the second 
 weave described, the warp strips 
 do not pass alternately above 
 and below the horizontal founda- 
 tion, but retain the same re- 
 lation to it throughout the entire length of each strip. A coiled 
 weave (Fig. 24) is used in .the manufacture of tobacco boxes (Plate XIX) 
 
 FIG. 23. 
 
 FIG. 24. 
 TYPES OF WEAVING USED IN BASKETRY. 
 
78 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 and in the rims of women's baskets. In this type the foundation 
 consists of a series of horizontal rattan strips or rods which are sewed 
 together in the following manner. A narrow strip A passes over two 
 of these parallel rods 2 and S in a left handed spiral. At the top of the 
 loop the strip passes under a similar strip B which binds rod 2 to the 
 one above. Passing downward inside the basket, the strip A goes 
 beneath the strip C which binds rods 3 and I^ together. These are 
 drawn tightly while damp, thus forcing the foundation rods so closely 
 together as to make the basket practically water-tight. Pitch from the 
 tabon-tabon nuts may also be rubbed over the outside surface, thus 
 making the receptacle impervious to water. 
 
 In the great majority of baskets the surface is divided into three 
 parallel zones or decorative bands. These are produced by making a 
 slight variation in the weave, by the use of blackened strips of bamboo 
 and rattan, or by substituting in their place the black cuticle of a fern. 
 
 As a rule the women of this tribe are not good potters and take little 
 pride in their work. In some districts the art has been entirely lost, and 
 the people depend on the coast natives for their cooking utensils. At 
 the village of Bansalan the women were found still to be proficient in 
 their work. After the dampened clay had been carefully kneaded in 
 order to remove lumps and gravel, the bottom of the jar was moulded 
 with the fingers and placed on a dish which was turned on a bit of cloth 
 or a board and answered the purpose of a potter's wheel. As the dish 
 was turned with the right hand the operator shaped the clay with the 
 fingers of the left adding fresh strips of material from time to time until 
 the desired size was obtained. The final shaping was done with a 
 wooden paddle and the jar was allowed to dry, after which it was 
 smoothed off with a stone. When ready for firing it was placed in the 
 midst of a pile of rubbish, over which green leaves were placed to cause 
 a slow fire. 
 
 Other dishes are made by splitting a cocoanut in half and removing 
 the "meat." This is readily accomplished by the use of a scraper 
 fitted with a rough iron blade (Pig. 25), over which the concave side of 
 the half nut is drawn. The cocoanut meat is used for food and oil. 
 
 Cocoanut scraper. 
 
September, 19 13. Wild Tribes oe Davao District— Cole. 79 
 
 A little later we shall describe the active part woman takes in the 
 planting and care of the fields, but now we shall take up in some detail 
 the industry in which she stands pre-eminent, the preparation and 
 weaving of hemp. 
 
 The hemp ordinarily stripped by the men is considered too fine to be 
 used in the manufacture of clothing, so a smaller stripping device is 
 employed by the woman (Plate XX). On this she cleans the outer 
 layers of the hemp stalk, from which a stronger and coarser thread can 
 be obtained. The fiber is tied in a continuous thread and is wound 
 onto a reel. The warp threads are measured on sharpened sticks 
 driven into a hemp or banana stalk; and are then transferred to a 
 rectangular frame (Plate XXI). The operator, with the final pattern 
 in mind, overties or wraps with waxed threads, such portions of the 
 warp as she desires to remain white in the completed garment. So 
 carefully does she wrap these sections, that, when the thread is removed 
 from the frame and placed in the liquid dye, no portion of the coloring 
 matter penetrates to the portions thus protected. If a red color is 
 desired the root of the sikari^ palm is scraped and the scrapings placed 
 in bark vats filled with cold water. The thread is first washed in, 
 and is later boiled with the dye for a half hour, after which it is placed 
 in a basket to drain and dry. The process is repeated daily for about 
 two weeks, or until the thread assumes a brick red color. If a purple 
 hue is desired a little lime is added to the dye. Black is obtained by a 
 slightly different method. The leaves, root, and bark of the pinarrEm 
 tree are crushed in water. This yields a black liquor which is poured 
 into a jar containing the thread and the whole is placed over a slow fire 
 where it remains until the liquid is near the boiling point. When this 
 is reached the thread is removed and placed in a gourd, the open end 
 of which fits over the jar so as to catch the steam coming from the dye. 
 After a time the thread is removed and dried, and the process is repeated 
 until at last a permanent black is obtained. After the coloring is com- 
 plete the thread is again placed on the rectangular frame, the over- 
 tying is removed and the warp is ready for the loom (Plate XXII .) 
 In the loom (Plate XXIII) the threads encircle a bamboo pole attached 
 to the wall, and are held tense by a strap which passes around the 
 waist of the operator. The weft threads are forced up against the 
 fabric by means of the comber board and are beaten in with a baton. 
 The warp threads are held in their relative positions, first by the comber 
 board, second by loops which pass under the lower threads and over a 
 
 ' Morinda Bracteata Roxb. 
 
 ^ Woof threads are generally of one color. A somewhat similar process used 
 in Java is described by Sir Thos. Raffles in The History of Java, Vol. I, p. 189. 
 
8o Field Museum oe Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 small stick or lease rod, and lastly by passing over and under, or around, 
 other lease rods. These are rolled away as the work progresses. 
 
 After the cloth is removed from the loom it is polished. A long pole 
 of palma brava is fitted into a notch in the roof. The operator seats 
 herself on the floor with a smooth board before her, or in her lap, and 
 on it places the dampened cloth. A shell is fitted over the lower end 
 of the pole, which is bent and made bowlike, until the shell rests on 
 the cloth. It is then ironed rapidly to and fro until the fabric has 
 received a high polish (Plate XXIV) . 
 
 The woman's duties do not end with the manufacture of cloth, for 
 all the garments worn by the members of the tribe are the result of her 
 handiwork. She seWs the strips of hemp cloth into skirts, men's 
 trousers, carrying bags, and sometimes into jackets. The women 
 devote hours of labor to these jackets, covering arms, necks, and waist 
 bands with colored embroidery or designs in appliqu^, while on the better 
 garments they place elaborate designs in beads or shell disks. 
 
 After the eyening meal is over the women of the household gather 
 around the flickering lights, and until far into the night work on these 
 garments, bead necklaces, or other ornaments. 
 
 Only a few of the weavers attempt to make the peculiar chocolate- 
 colored head covering worn by the magam. For these kerchiefs the 
 woman weaves a square cotton cloth of the desired size, and at one 
 corner attaches a small brass hook. Joined to the hook, by means of 
 a chain, is a loop which fits over the toes of the operator, thus enabling 
 her to keep the fabric taut while her hands are left free for work. Small 
 sections of this cloth are raised and are wrapped with waxed thread, so 
 that when the fabric is dyed these portions will not receive the coloring 
 matter (Plate XXV). Later the overtying is removed, leaving small 
 white rings or squares on a chocolate-colored background. These 
 cloths are meant primarily for the warriors, but expert weavers, who 
 are under the protection of a certain powerful spirit, are also permitted 
 to wear an upper garment of this material. 
 
 A considerable part of the man's time is consumed in preparation 
 for, or actual participation in, hunting or warfare; but in addition to 
 this he does a goodly portion of the work in the fields, and is the house 
 builder. When a man is about to erect a dwelling he notifies his friends 
 to come and aid him. This they will do without pay, but when in need 
 of similar services they will expect and will receive similar help. All 
 sorts of house-furnishings, such as spoons, meat blocks, or rice mortars, 
 are made by the man, and not infrequently, he assists in the making or 
 waterproofing of baskets. A few of the old men of Cibolan still engage 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 
 
 81 
 
 in the manufacture of small shell disks with which valuable suits are 
 decorated, but the greater part of those now in use have been inherited, 
 or are purchased from neighboring peoples. The men carve beads out 
 of "Job's tears" and make them into necklaces. For this purpose a 
 peculiarly carved and decorated stick is employed (Plate XXVI) . This 
 is placed in the palm of the left hand so that the thumb and forefinger 
 can hold the seed which fits into a depression in the top. A knife in the 
 right hand of the artist is worked over the seed thug cutting a line into 
 which dirt is rubbed. Women's combs are made by shaping a half 
 circle out of light wood and then cutting teeth into it with a saw-like 
 blade of tin or iron. » 
 
 Among the men, as with the women, certain industries are monop- 
 olized by a few individuals. In this community no men stand higher 
 in the estimation of their fellows than do the smiths and the casters 
 of copper. The writer spent many hours watching To, the brass and 
 copper worker of Cibolan, while he shaped bells, bracelets, and betel 
 boxes at his forge on the outskirts of the village (Plate XXVII). Fea- 
 thered plungers, which worked up and down in two bamboo cylinders, 
 forced air through a small clay-tipped tube into a charcoal fire. This 
 served as a bellows, while a small cup made of straw ashes formed an 
 excellent crucible. The first day I watched I-o, he was making bells. 
 Taking a ball of wax the size of a bucket shot, he put it on the end of a 
 stick (Fig. 26a), and over this moulded the form of a bell in damp 
 ashes obtained from rice straw (b). When several bells were thus 
 fashioned they were dipped in melted" wax and were turned on a leaf 
 until smooth, after which an opening was cut through the wax at the 
 bottom of each form (c). Strips of wax were rolled out and laid in 
 shallow grooves which had been cut in the sides of the bells and were 
 
 pressed in, at intervals, with 
 a small bamboo knife (d). 
 The top stick was then with- 
 drawn, leaving an opening 
 down to the wax ball inside. 
 Into this hole a thin strip of 
 wax was inserted and was 
 doubled back on itself so as 
 to f orim a hanger (e) . For 
 three days the forms were 
 allowed to harden and then 
 were covered with several 
 
 FIG. 26. 
 STAGES IN THE MANUFACTURE OF METAL BELLS. 
 
 ' Coix lachryma J obi L. 
 
82 ' Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 coats of damp straw ashes. Finally they 
 were laid in a bed of the same material 
 with a thin strip of wax leading from 
 each bell to a central core (f). The 
 whole, with the exception of the top of 
 the central wax strip, was covered with 
 a thick coating of damp ashes, and when 
 this had hardened pieces of copper, se- 
 cured from broken gongs, were placed in 
 the crucible, melted and poured into the 
 open end of the clay form. The molten 
 metal took the place of the wax as it 
 was dissolved and flowed to all parts 
 where it had been. After being dropped 
 in water the form was broken open, re- 
 vealing six nearly perfect little bells 
 which were ready for use as soon as the 
 ashes were removed from them. The 
 same method was used for all other cast- 
 ing. Clay forms were made as desired, 
 were covered with wax, and the final 
 coating of ashes applied before the casting. The workers in copper 
 and brass are under the care and guidance of a spirit, Tolus ka towangan, 
 for whom they make a yearly ceremony, Gomek towangan. 
 
 Of even greater importance are the smiths who are also under the 
 care of a powerful spirit for whom the Gomek- gomanan ceremony is 
 celebrated each year, just prior to the planting time. Their forges are 
 hidden away in the hemp fields, and I was repeatedly informed that no 
 woman might see the smith at work. Whether or no such a rule is 
 rigidly enforced at all times I cannot say, but at no time did I see a 
 woman about the forge while the fire was burning, and although I was 
 allowed to see and photograph the process, my wife was at all times 
 prevented from doing so. The forge differs in no material respects 
 from that used by the brass casters, except that hollowed out logs 
 replace the bamboo tubes, and that a rnetal anvil and iron hammers 
 are used. After an iron knife or spear head has been roughly shaped, 
 the smith splits the edge to a slight depth and inserts a band of steel. 
 The iron is pounded down on the harder metal and the whole is brought 
 to a white heat in the charcoal fire. Removing it to the anvil the 
 smith gives the blade one or two light blows and returns it to the fire. 
 This is repeated many times before he begins to add the heavy strokes 
 
 FIG. 26. 
 
 STAGE IN THE MANUFACTURE 
 
 OF METAL BELLS. 
 
Sbptembbr, 1913. WiivD Tribbs op Davao District — Colb. 83 
 
 which finally weld the iron and steel together. The blade having 
 been given its final shape is again heated and is held above a tube of 
 water until the glowing metal begins to turn a yellowish green, when it 
 is plunged into the cold water. This process, repeated many times, 
 gives a fair temper to the whole weapon. Charcoal for the fire is 
 secured by btuning logs and chilling them suddenly with cold water. 
 
 Brass wire, secured in trade, is made into bracelets in the following 
 manner. In order to soften it and make it more easily worked the roll 
 of wire is heated until it begins to txurn grey, when it is allowed to cool 
 and is scraped, so as to restore the yellow color. One end is laid on an 
 anvil made of an iron strip on a wooden block (Plate XXVIII), and is 
 cut into various designs by means of metal dies. A wooden cone is 
 used as a form, about which the wire is placed in order to shape and 
 measure it. 
 
 Hemp^ grows wild in the Davao District and the Bagobo have, for 
 generations, used it in the manufacture of their clothing. In recent 
 years the demand for fiber has shown the people an easy way to secure 
 the trade articles which they desire and, as a result, rather extensive 
 plantings are found even in the more remote districts. The women 
 strip a large part of the fiber in local use, but all that prepared for trade 
 is produced by the men. When the ever-present cogon grass begins to 
 invade a clearing, the young hemp is planted. In about eighteen 
 months it has grown to a height of some sixteen feet and is ready to 
 be cut. The man goes to the fields, cuts down some stalks and, having 
 removed .the leaves, splits off the outer fiber layers from the cellular 
 matter of the interior, using a bone knife for this purpose. When he 
 has accumulated a sufficient number of strips he carries them to the 
 hemp machine (Fig. 27). This consists of a knife which rests on a 
 wooden block. The handle turns on a pivot and the end is drawn 
 upwards by means of a bent twig, or sapling, which acts as a spring. 
 This spring is lowered and the knife blade raised by means of a foot 
 treadle; a strip of hemp is laid on the block; the foot pressure is removed, 
 and the knife descends. Taking a firm hold of one end of the strip, the 
 operator draws it toward him under the blade, thus removing the pulp 
 and leaving the free hemp threads. These are hung in the sun until 
 dry, when they are tied in bundles ready to be carried to the coast. 
 The work is hard and, unless necessity forces him to greater effort, 
 a man seldom engages in it for more than three or four days in a month. 
 He thinks his duty ceases with this expenditure of energy and, unless 
 
 y Musa textilis. 
 
84 Field Museum of Natural 
 
 History— Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 FIG. 27. 
 HEMP MACHINE 
 
 FIG. 28. 
 SUGAR CANE PRESS , 
 
vSeptember, 1913. WiivD Tribbs op Davao District— CoIvE. 85 
 
 he is fortunate enough to possess animals or slaves, is quite content to 
 allow his wife, or wives, to carry the product to the coast trader. 
 
 During ceremonies and at festivals a fermented drink made, of sugar 
 cane is served, and in anticipation of its pleasurable effects the Bagobo 
 is willing to expend a considerable amount of effort. The juice of the 
 cane is extracted by means of a press made of two logs arranged in 
 parallel horizontal positions, so that the end of a wooden lever can slip 
 under one and rest in a groove cut in the other (Fig. 28). The cane is 
 placed in the groove and the operator bears his \yeight on the lever, 
 thus squeezing out the juice. After being boiled with the bark of 
 certain trees and lime juice, the liquor is sealed in jars or bamboo tubes 
 and is stored away until needed. 
 
 The sago palm is found in parts of the Bagobo territory, and in 
 times of need, the people make temporary camps near to the sago 
 districts, where they prepare the flour. This is done in the same 
 manner as is fully described on page 140. 
 
 The most important thing in thelife of the Bagobo is the care of the 
 rice, for on this crop he depends for the greater part of his food supply, 
 and by its condition he can ascertain with what favor he is looked 
 upon by the spirits. So closely is the cultivation of this cereal coupled 
 with the religious beliefs that it is necessary, in this relation, to describe 
 the ceremonies connected with it. 
 
 We have previously stated that the incursion of the cogon grass into 
 the fields makes necessary some new clearings each year. In the 
 month of December a constellation known as Balatik appears in the 
 sky. This has a double significance; first, it is the reminder for the 
 yearly sacrifice; and secondly, it notifies all workers that the tools, 
 which are to be used in making new clearings, shall be placed in readi- 
 ness. All those who expect to prepare new fields for themselves, or are 
 to assist others in such work, gather at the forge of the local smith and 
 there take part in a ceremony held in honor of his patron spirit. They 
 carry with them offerings of rice and chickens which they cook in 
 bamboo tubes, for food taken from a pot is not acceptable to this 
 spirit. When all is ready the food is placed on a rice winnower, near 
 to the forge, and on it the men lay their weapons and working knives 
 (Plate XXIX). Standing before the offering the smith, in a droning 
 voice, calls on the spirit, beseeching him to come and eat of the food, to 
 accept the weapons and tools, and having done so to be watchful over 
 the workers during the clearing time, so that they may not be injured 
 in the work or be molested by enemies. The prayer finished, the 
 smith eats a little of the food, and all the men follow his example, but 
 
86 Field Musbum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 no woman may so much as touch this offering. Meanwhile other food 
 which can be eaten by all has been prepared. After the meal 
 the weapons and tools which are to be used during the clearing time 
 are removed, but, as they now belong to the spirit, they can never be 
 disposed of without first recompensing him. During this day there is 
 a strict prohibition against music and dancing. For three days the 
 men abstain from- work and the forge stands idle. When the fiire is 
 again lighted the first knife made is the property of the spirit. 
 
 With the ending of the period of taboo the workers go to the fields 
 and, in the center of each, place a tambara^ fatted with a white dish 
 containing betel nut. This is an offering to Fugpamolak Manobo, 
 who is besought to drive from the field any tighanawa or tagamaling 
 who may live there, to keep the workers in good health, to allow an 
 abundant crop, and, finally, to make the owner rich and happy. The 
 weeds, brush, and trees, after being cut and allowed to dry are fired, 
 while the logs remaining after this initial burning are piled together 
 and again set on fire, and the field is ready for the planting. No soil 
 is broken and not a seed goes into the ground until the spirits again 
 designate the time, by placing the constellation Marara in the sky. 
 This appears early in April, and is followed by a period of great activity 
 in the fields. If, for any reason, the owner of the land cannot plant 
 at this time, he has two or more opportunities given him when the 
 constellations Mamari and Bwaya appear, the latter toward the end 
 of June. 
 
 When the workers go to the field on the day set for the planting they 
 enter at one corner and proceed directly across it to the far left hand 
 corner where they erect a small house or place a tambara which is known 
 as pEmEg'ge. As soon as it is complete, the mabalian begin to call 
 on the spirits. Manama^ is called first and after him other spirits, 
 according to their rank and power. They are informed that the 
 planting is about to begin and that the people are showing them this 
 mark of respect so that they will not allow anything to interfere with 
 the crop. This done, they go to the center of the field and place a 
 second tambara, called parobanian, for the spirit Taragomi, who owns 
 all food. Leaves pleasing to him and presents of food or bracelets are 
 placed in it, as well as in his tambara found in the house.* The owner 
 of the field takes the malayag, a large variety of rice, and plants it 
 
 ' See p. 66, Pig. 12; 
 
 " Evil spirits which are classed with the buso. See p. 107. 
 
 ^ Eugpamolak Manobo. 
 
 ■• At Cibolan only brass objects are placed in this tambara. 
 
Septbmbbr, 1913. WiivD Tribbs o^ Davao District— Colb. 87 
 
 around the parobanmn,^ and as the last grain is planted the mabaltan 
 again starts her prayer, this time beginning with Taragomi. She 
 asks for good crops, and protec- 
 tion for the field from all animals, 
 blight and drought. Finally, she 
 begs Eugpamolak Manobo to con- 
 trol the sun and winds so that they 
 will always be favorable to the 
 growing grain. Having thus done 
 all in their power to secure the co- 
 operation of the superior beings the 
 men take their rice planters and real 
 work begins.'' The planter (Fig. 29) 
 consists of a long shaft at one end 
 of which is a metal blade while at 
 the other is a bamboo clapper dec- 
 orated with feathers. When this 
 instrument is struck on the ground 
 it digs a shallow hole an inch or 
 
 more in depth, the clapper mean- 
 while keeping up an incessant noise. 
 It is said by some that the rattle is 
 intended to please the guardian 
 spirit of the fields, but this does not 
 seem to be the prevalent idea. The 
 women follow the men, dropping 
 seeds into the holes and pushing 
 the soil over them with their feet. 
 
 ' At Digos the mabaltan does the plant- 
 ing and harvesting about the tambara, and 
 the rice grown there is reserved as seed for 
 the next season. 
 
 2 Father Gisbert relates that it is the 
 
 custom to sacrifice a slave- at this time, 
 
 but this is denied by the datu consulted by 
 
 ^"^- ^^- the writer. See letters of Father Gisbert 
 
 RICE PLANTER WITH in B1.AIR and ROBERTSON, The Philippine 
 
 BAMBOO^ CLAPPER ToIo^TxIo •^Tr.^ VT TTT nn 111-/1 
 
 ATTACHtD TO TOP. Islands, Vol. 2i±,Li.i, pp. 233-4. 
 
88 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 At nightfall of the day in which the planting has been completed a 
 mabaUan cooks fish and rice, which she carries to the parobantan. 
 Early next morning the family goes to the field and eats this offering 
 which "belongs to Taragomi, so should be eaten at his house." From 
 this time until harvest the fields must be guarded against birds and 
 animals, but no further offerings take place unless unusual conditions 
 should satisfy the owner that the spirits are demanding more gifts. 
 When harvest time comes the owner and a few of his friends will go to 
 the field and pull a few of the fresh stalks, which they place in the 
 pEmEg'ge and parobantan, meanwhile addressing the spirits, and the 
 cutting of the rice begins. This is done by women who, for this purpose, 
 employ a small knife called gElai (Plate XXIXd). The last grain to 
 be cut is that about the parobantan. The mabalian cooks a little of the 
 new rice in the house and places a part of it in the various tambara and 
 shrines; then, having placed a number of rice stalks on the floor, she 
 offers them one by one to the spirits. Not until she has finished can 
 any of the prepared food be eaten. The balance of the crop lies in the 
 sun until dry, when it is tied in bundles and placed in the granary. 
 
 When all the harvesting is finished the people will make a festival 
 known as Gatokbia-an, or Pakakaro. Ordinarily each family will have 
 its own celebration, but at times all the inhabitants of a village will 
 join in one great celebration. The period of toil and doubt is past, the 
 food supply is assured, and the people gather to give thanks. No New 
 England Thanksgiving dinner is prepared with greater thought, or 
 less regard for expense, than that which is made ready at this time. 
 The finest of the rice, cocoanuts, eggs, chickens, fish, shrimps, and many 
 other edibles are prepared and placed in certain dishes which are 
 dedicated to the spirits and are used only at this time. These plates 
 are arranged in a row in the center of the room and the mabalian gather 
 around them. Taking a wand of sandal wood in her hand one of the 
 number waves it over the offerings, while she chants long prayers. 
 Beginning with the most powerful, she addresses the spirits one by one, 
 thanking them for the care they have given to the growing grain and 
 to the laborers, and for the bounteous harvest. Frequently individuals 
 will interrupt the proceedings to place near to the mabalian a fine knife 
 or some other prized object which they desire to have presented to the 
 spirits as evidence of their gratitude. At first, it is a little hard to 
 understand this lavishness, but it transpires that the former owners 
 still have possession of these objects, and that the spirits offer no 
 objections to their use, so long as their ownership is not disputed, truly 
 a case of eating the pie but still having it. 
 
September, 19 13. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 89 
 
 The knives and other implements which have been used in the 
 fields are laid on a large basket filled with rice, "in order that they may 
 eat, and, therefore, have no cause to injure their ovmers." Another 
 large dish of rice is set aside as a special offering. In some cases this 
 is taken out to the fields, where it is eaten by the wife, or wives of the 
 host; but in Cibolan it is kept in the house until the next morning, 
 when it is eaten by all the members of the family. The ceremonial 
 eating of this rice causes the supply to last longer and assures abundant 
 rains for the succeeding crop. Part of the food from the dishes is 
 placed in the tambara and shrines, and then all the guests are permitted 
 to feast and make merry. Unlike most Bagobo ceremonies this one 
 lacks the music of the ago«g5,' for only bamboo guitars, flutes, and the 
 bolang-bolang are permitted at this time. The last named instrument 
 is made by placing a board on a rice mortar; the women gather around 
 it with their wooden pestles and beat a rythmical tattoo. This con- 
 cludes the festival proper, but many guests will remain for two or three 
 days to enjoy the hospitality of their host. 
 
 On the third morning after the festival the family and some friends 
 will celebrate BagkEs "the tying together." The dishes in which food 
 was offered are tied together and are carried to the rice field where, 
 with great solemnity, the little dish in the parobaman is removed and 
 placed among the others, while the people tell it that the other plates 
 have come to take it away, but that it will be returned to its home the 
 following year. The family goes back to the village in silence and after 
 tying all the dishes together place them in the rice granary. 
 
 In the Bagobo settlement at Digos, the women hold still another 
 festival following the cutting of the rice. This is known as Gomeng 
 ka taragomi, or bttinbagdybe. In the main it resembles the ceremony 
 of similar name, which the women of Malilla hold on the second day 
 of GtnEm (See page 1 1 1). A bamboo pole decked with leaves and green 
 fruit of the areca palm is placed in the center of a room and is surrounded 
 with cooked food. After this has been offered to the spirits, it is eaten 
 by the guests who then indulge in dancing about the decorated pole. 
 This generally lasts eight days, but in one instance the festivities con- 
 tinued for -sixteen days and nights. The explanation given is that 
 "the women wish to show Taragomi and the Nttos (anitos) how happy 
 they are because of the good harvest, for when they see this they will 
 be pleased and will help again next year." 
 
 ' Copper gongs. 
 
90 FiEi^D Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 TRANSPORTATION AND TRADE. 
 
 The Bagobo makes no use of boats or rafts, for until recent times he 
 has hved at a considerable distance from the sea; and the rivers, which 
 flow in deep canons, may be changed in a day from tiny streams to 
 rushing torrents in which no craft could keep afloat. Left to his own 
 devices, he pays Uttle attention to trails, but cuts his way through 
 the imderbrush directly to his destination. The government has forced 
 him to clear and maintain several fairly good roads between the larger 
 settlements and the coast, and these are now the highways over which 
 he transports his hemp and other trade articles. Quite a number of 
 carabao and horses are to be found in the territory, where they are used 
 as pack and riding animals. Both men and women are excellent riders 
 and take great pride in the decoration of their mounts. The saddle 
 used is carved from wood, in exact duplication of those used by the 
 Spaniards. The copper bits are also copies, but are of native casting. 
 Strings of bells siu-round the neck of a prized animal, and it is further 
 beautified by an artificial forelock. Rattan whips, woimd with braid, 
 and decorated with beads, are also a part of his trappings. According 
 to Bagobo tradition, they have had horses from the most remote times, 
 and Professor BlumentriTT is inclined to believe that they possessed 
 these animals prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. In support of this 
 contention, he points to the fact that, unlike moSt Philippine tribes, 
 they use the Malayan name.^ 
 
 Heavy loads of field products are transported on animals, or are 
 carried in cylindrical bark or rattan boxes or carrying frames (Fig. 30). 
 Such a receptacle is supported on the back by means of a band which 
 passes around the forehead, or by other bands which sUp over the 
 shoulders. Both sexes carry loads in this way, although it must be 
 confessed that consideration for the members of the gentler sex has not 
 reached such a stage that they are relieved of any great part of such 
 labor. When gathering grain and forest products, or when searching 
 for snails, the woman attaches a small basket to her belt so that it 
 hangs at a convenient height against her thigh. We have previously 
 noticed the decorated bags and baskets which serve as pockets, and 
 also contain the betel nut outfits. 
 
 A small child is supported at the mother's hip by means of a broad 
 sash, which passes over the right shoulder and under the left arm. 
 When it is able to walk the scarf is discarded, and it sits astride the 
 mother's hip, where it is held in place by her left arm. Older children 
 and the men devote considerable time to the newcomers, but at a very 
 
 ' The terms used are, bail koda — stallion, and mamal koda — mare. 
 
Sbptbmber, 1913. Wild Tribes op Davao District — Colb. 91 
 
 early age the youngsters begin to run about as wild and carefree as only 
 little savages can. 
 
 I The Bagobo is a keen trader and many small articles of all kinds 
 reach, and pass from him through trade; and to make this barter pos- 
 sible he intentionally produces an excess of certain things. Chief of 
 
 FIG. 30. 
 CARRYING. FRAME. 
 
 these is hemp, which he now carries to the coast traders, and for which 
 he receives trade cloth, iron pots, copper gongs, bells, and the beads 
 which he prizes so highly. In exchange for the betel boxes, bells, and 
 knife guards, which come from his forge, he receives shell disks, certain 
 articles of dress, cooking pots, and various other household articles. 
 
92 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 as-well as salt and some animals. The knives made by him are in great 
 demand and often travel far inland. While among the Bukidnon of 
 the North-Central part of the Island the writer secured one blade and 
 guard of undoubted Bagobo workmanship. In early days, Chinese 
 and Moro traders brought gongs, jars, plates, and other crockery, as 
 well as many other articles now among the prized heirlooms of wealthy 
 men or occupying an important place in the ceremonial life of the tribe. 
 Through these same channels came the Borneo ivory of which the ear 
 plugs are made, while other objects from more distant regions were 
 occasionally brought in. Two examples of this trade are now in the 
 collections of the Field Museum of Natural History. One is a jacket 
 made from Javanese cloth; the second a belt buckle which apparently 
 originated in Perak. 
 
 Local feuds, as well as the desire of individuals to be known as 
 magani, have always made it unsafe for small numbers of traders to 
 venture to any great distance from home, and this has been a great 
 hindrance to trade. However, large parties, even from other tribes, 
 sometimes go to a village for purposes of trade, having previously 
 notified the inhabitants of their intentions. While in Malilla the writer 
 met with a party of thirty Bila-an traders who lived three days' march 
 to the east. The influence of capture, intermarriage, and looting, in 
 carrying the artifacts of one tribe into the territory of another has 
 previously been mentioned. 
 
 WARFARE. 
 The offensive weapons used by the Bagobo are spears, knives (Fig. 15 
 and Plate XXXII), and at times bows and arrows (Fig. 17). For 
 defense they carry shields, either round or oblong (Figs. 31-32), and cover 
 the body with so many strips of hemp cloth that a knife thrust is warded 
 off. Turning his body sideways to the enemy, the warrior crouches 
 behind his shield, keeping up a continuous capering, rushing forward 
 or dancing backward, seeking for an opening but seldom coming to 
 close quarters. Arrows and spears are glanced off with the shields. 
 An attack is usually initiated by the throwing of spears, then, if the 
 enemy is at a disadvantage or confused, the warriors rush in to close 
 combat. For this purpose they rely entirely on their knives, and as 
 fencers they are unexcelled. They are but indifferent shots with the 
 bow and arrow, and that weapon is but little used in actual combat. 
 It has been frequently stated that these arrows are poisoned but I was 
 unable to discover a single specimen so prepared. When hard-pressed, 
 or when a camp must be made in dangerous territory, sharpened bamboo 
 
Septbmbbr, 1913- Wild Tribes of Davao District — Colb. 93 
 
 Fie. 31A AND B. 
 FRONT AND BACK OF AN OBLONG SHIELD. 
 
 FIG. 32A AND B. 
 32A.-FRONT OF A DECORATED |HIELD. 
 
 B.— BACK OF SHIELD A. 
 
94 FiBLD MusBUM OF Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 sticks — sogiang—are stuck into the ground with their points directed 
 toward the enemy. These must be carefully gathered up by the 
 pursuers, who otherwise run the risk of having the knife-like blades 
 driven into their feet. Old warriors state that in former years they 
 not only covered the upper part of the body with hemp cloth but wound 
 over this long decorated strips called gindtia; they also tell of coats of 
 mail made of carabao horn or rattan. None of these outfits exist in the 
 territory today, but it is not at all improbable that they were formerly 
 in use, for the long decorated bands are still found among the Bukidnon 
 of the North, with whom some trade is carried on ; and a few coats of 
 mail are to be seen among the neighboring Moro. 
 
 Hostile raids against the neighboring Bila-an, Tagakaolo, and Ata 
 seem to have been common from the most ancient times. After the 
 arrival of the Spaniards there were many minor conflicts with the Moro, 
 and the tribal history takes note of several serious feuds between Bagobo 
 villages. Single warriors, usually those desiring to become magant, 
 sometimes enter hostile territory and there lie in wait for an opportunity 
 to spear a passing foe. The fact that these attacks are frequently 
 from ambush, or that whole families are slain while asleep on the 
 floors of their houses, does not seem to detract in the least from the 
 honor due for the deed. Generally, parties of sixty or more, under the 
 direction of a magant, are made up to avenge the death of their towns- 
 people, to secure loot and slaves, or to win glory and distinction. An 
 ambush is formed near to a hostile village and just at dawn an attack 
 is made on the early risers who are scattered and unprepared. The 
 invaders are usually satisfied with a few victims and then make their 
 escape. Women and children are either killed or are carried away as 
 slaves. It is customary for all the warriors to make at least one cut in 
 the bodies, and to eat a portion of the livers of enemies who have 
 shown great bravery, for in this way it is thought they gain in that 
 quality. This seems to be the only occasion when human flesh is tasted, 
 despite the fact that the members of this tribe have been frequently 
 referred to as cannibals. 
 
 The warriors of Cibolan and Malilla formerly carried heads of 
 enemies to their towns and made use of them during the GinEm cere- 
 mony, while at Bansalan and Digos a lock of hair, cut from the head of 
 the slain, answered the same piu-pose. Individual raiders sometimes 
 carry home a head or a hand as evidence of a successful fight, and at 
 such times festivals may be held to celebrate the event. However, the 
 trophy soon loses its value and is hung or buried at a distance from the 
 
September, 19 13. Wii.D Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 9S 
 
 village. Head-hunting for the sake of the trophy itself, does not exist 
 here. 
 
 Peace can be effected by means of a blood compact known as daydndi. 
 Each principal cuts his own wrist until the blood flows freely; this he 
 catches in his free hand and offers to the other participant to drink. 
 Sometimes the blood of both is caught and mixed in a dish from which 
 they drink, meanwhile addressing the tigyama,^ saying, "We are now 
 like brothers, like children of the same parents, and now we cannot 
 fight any more. We ask you to be the witnesses." 
 
 SOCIAI. ORGANIZATION. 
 
 There seems to be no trace of clan or totemic grouping among the 
 Bagobo. Blood relationship is traced as far as the second cousin and is 
 a bar to marriage. The suggestion that a man might marry his mother- 
 in-law was received with horror, but whether this was due to local mother- 
 in-law stories or to an idea of relationship could not be ascertained. 
 However, a man may marry the sister of his wife. 
 
 Each district has its head man, or petty datu who is supposed to be 
 subject to the datu of Cibolan. This seems actually to have been the 
 case until a few years ago, when some of the local rulers withdrew their 
 allegiance. The office is hereditary and usually passes from the father 
 to his eldest son. Should the datu be without an heir, or the son be 
 considered inefficient, the under chiefs and wise old men may choose 
 a leader from among their number. 
 
 In his own district the power of the datu is very great, but even he is 
 obliged to respect the laws and customs handed down by the ancestors. 
 He is supreme judge in aU matters, though he may, if he desires, call in 
 the old men to help him decide difficult cases. The usual method of 
 punishment is by means of a fine. Should the culprit be unwilling or 
 unable to pay he is placed in servitude until such a time as the debt- is 
 considered canceled, but should he refuse to serve he is killed without 
 further ado. The datu appoints a man for this purpose, and he usually 
 gets his victim by stealth, either by waylaying him in the road or by 
 driving a spear through him as he lies asleep on the floor of his house. 
 When a fine is levied the datu retains a portion as pay for his services; 
 if the more drastic punishment follows it serves to emphasize his power 
 and is more valuable to him than the payment. When his house needs 
 repairing, his hemp requires stripping, or his fields need attention, his 
 followers give him assistance. • In return for these services he helps 
 support a number of fighting men who can always be called upon for 
 
 ' See p. 107. 
 
96 Field Museum oe Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 the defence of the people. His house is considered the property of all 
 to the extent that anyone goes there at any time and stays as long as 
 he pleases, partaking meanwhile of the datu's food. In times of danger, 
 •or during festivals, all the people assemble there and assist in the 
 defense or the merry-making. 
 
 Datu Tongkaling is the most industrious man in the tribe. He 
 does not hesitate to work in the rice fields, to aid in the house-building 
 or to take his turn at the forge, neither will he tolerate any loafing on 
 the part of his followers. While in most instances he mingles freely 
 with his people he never eats with them. His wives, children, and 
 guests eat from a long row of dishes set on the floor, but the datu takes 
 his food alone at a considerable distance from the others. 
 
 The balance of the people can be roughly divided between freeman 
 and slaves, but slavery here is of such a mild type, and the members of 
 that class become so quickly merged into the tribe that the lines cannot 
 be closely drawn. Women and children secured in raids become the 
 slaves of their captors, and may be bought and sold, or pass by in- 
 heritance, like other property. It is considered proper for a man to 
 live with his slave without marrying her, but should she become pregnant 
 she is usually given her freedom at once; if not then, she is certain to 
 be upon the death of her master, while her offspring are free and legitimate 
 heirs. Children born to a slave couple remain in their class, as do those 
 born to a slave mother and a man not her master. These slaves are 
 treated with kindness and consideration and seldom try to make their 
 escape. In fact it is often difficult to pick out the members of this 
 class from the other members of the family. 
 
 The chief aim in life of the man is to have the right to wear the 
 blood-red clothing and to be known as magam. As stated earlier in 
 the paper, this term is applied to a man who has killed two or more 
 persons. He is then entitled to wear the peculiar chocolate-colored 
 head covering (Plate XXV). When his score has reached four he can 
 don blood-red trousers, and when he has six lives to his credit he is 
 permitted to wear the complete blood-red suit and to carry a bag of 
 the same color.' From that time on his clothing does not change with 
 the number of his victims, but his influence increases with each life 
 put to his credit. It is said that formerly, at Digos and Bansalan, a 
 man who had killed twenty or more was known as gemdwan, and was 
 distinguished by a black hemp suit. This claim to the black clothing 
 is no longer respected, and such garments are worn by any who desire 
 
 ' This is the rule at Cibolan. At Malilla and Digos, the kerchief may be worn 
 when one life has been taken, the trousers for two, the coat for three, and finally 
 the sack for four. 
 
September, 19 13. Wild Tribes oe Davao District— Cole. 
 
 97 
 
 them. The man who has never killed a person is called matdlo, a rather 
 slighting term signifying one who has no desire to fight but remains at 
 home with the women. A man who kills an unfaithful wife and her 
 admirer may count the two on his score. He may also count those of 
 his townspeople whom he has killed in fair fight, but unprovoked murder 
 will be punished by the death of the offender. The candidate for 
 magam honors may go to an unfriendly town, or to a neighboring tribe, 
 and kill without fear of censure from his own people. 
 
 The magani is one of the leaders in a war party; he is chosen to 
 inflict the death penalty when it is decreed, and it is men of this class 
 that assist in the human sacrifices. He is under the special protection 
 of Mandarangan and Darago, and all petitions to these powerful spirits 
 must be made through him. His clothing is considered the property 
 of these spirits, and when such specimens were secured for the collection, 
 the wearer would invariably place the garment beside some prized 
 article, such as a knife or spear, then taking a green betel nut would 
 rub the garment and object, meanwhile beseeching the spirits to leave 
 the one and enter the other. Later the nut was placed in the tambara 
 belonging to those spirits. A father may not bequeath to his son the 
 right to the red clothing; and such articles, together with his weapons, 
 should be buried with him. Should one not entitled to these garments 
 dare to make use of them, the spirits would straightway cause his body 
 to swell or turn yellow, and he would die. 
 
 In a previous paragraph we mentioned the unorganized priesthood, 
 the members of which are known as mabalian. Men are not barred 
 from this profession, but the greater number of its members are old, 
 or middle-aged, women.' A woman may live the greater part of her 
 life without an idea of becoming a member of this order, and then 
 suddenly be warned in dreams, by visions, or by other mabalian that 
 she has been chosen by the spirits. The one thus elected becomes a 
 pupil of a qualified mabalian, and for several months will be drilled in 
 the duties of that ofi&ce. She will be taught the medicines to be used 
 at certain times,^ the duties of a midwife, the correct method of building 
 shrines and conducting ceremonies, and finally, she will learn the 
 prayers with which the spirits should be addressed. It seems to be 
 the belief that, at times during the ceremonies, the mabalian may be 
 possessed by a spirit and that she then speaks not as a mortal but as 
 the spirit itself. She also knows how to weave and dye the turban 
 worii by the magani, and because of this accomplishment is considered 
 
 ' There are five mabalian in Cibolan, all of whom are women past middle life. 
 " A medicine is used with the idea that it assists in driving away evil influences. 
 
98 Field Musbum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 to be under the protection of Baitpandi/ and is permitted to wear 
 garments made of red cloth, the same as the magant. 
 
 The workers in the various crafts are under the guidance and pro- 
 tection of special spirits, but there is no bar against other members of 
 the tribe entering those professions. 
 
 Apparently then, Bagobo society is divided into several classes or 
 divisions, but with the exception of a few individuals in the slave class, 
 there is a possibility or an opportunity for each member of the tribe to 
 enter any class open to his or her sex. Even a slave woman may become 
 the wife of a datu, and her son may assume the leadership of the tribe. 
 
 IvAWS. PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE- 
 The laws of the people are those imposed by custom and religion, and 
 are equally binding on all classes. Public opinion is sufficient to prevent 
 most crimes; the fear of offending the spirits is a further deterrent; 
 while the final bar is the drastic punishment meted out by the datu. 
 Theft is punished by the levying of a fine if the culprit is able to pay, 
 or by a term of servitude if he has no property. If a husband finds that 
 his wife has been unfaithful, he should kill both her and her admirer, 
 but the spear with which he avenges his wrongs should be left in the 
 body of one of the victims, as a sign that the murder was provoked by 
 the fault. When this is done the husband cannot be held accountable 
 either to the datu or to the dead person's relatives. If, however, he 
 withdraws the weapon, the brothers or other male relatives of the 
 deceased have a right and a duty to avenge the deaths. A man who has 
 killed his wife and her lover is allowed to count both on his score towards 
 becoming a magant — a further incentive for him to avenge his wrongs. 
 Cases are known where the husband accepted payment for his wife's 
 affections, but it was considered a sign of weakness, or cowardice, and 
 the man lost caste. Unprovoked murder of one from the same or a 
 friendly village is f)unished by death. 
 
 A man having illicit relations with a slave woman, not his ovMi, is 
 subjected to a heavy fine or a term of servitude. Incest should be 
 punished by the death of the culprits for should such a crime go un- 
 punished the spirits would cause the sea to rise and cover the land. 
 Datu Tongkaling claims that on two occasions, since he became ruler, 
 he has put such offenders to death. In the first case he had the couple 
 bound and thrown into the sea, while in the second instance, they 
 were tied to trees in the forest and sacrificed in the presence of all the 
 people of the village. 
 
 ' The patron spirit of the weavers. 
 
September, 19 13 Wild Tribes of Davao District— CotE. 99 
 
 Prohibitions exist against the wearing of the clothing which dis- 
 tinguishes warriors and priestesses, and there are rules governing the 
 conduct of individuals while near shrines or during ceremonies, but 
 punishment for the breaking of these rules is meted out by the spirits 
 rather than by the datu. 
 
 Each settlement is recognized as having property rights to all 
 adjacent lands. Within these recognized Umits, its members may 
 take up as much land as they need, provided it is not already in use, 
 but when a field is, for any reason, abandoned it again becomes the 
 property of the community. Individual ownership extends to houses, 
 furnishings, and all articles of clothing, as well as to weapons, traps, 
 animals, and slaves. Although bought with a price the wife is still 
 very independent and has undisputed rights to her baskets, cooking 
 utensils, looms, a,nd to the finery with which she adorns her person. 
 
 Since all the people assist in the support of the datu they consider 
 his home to be, to a certain extent, their own and make use of it and its 
 furnishings without question. 
 
 Probably at no place in the world has borrowing gone to greater 
 extremes than here. When attempting to piu-chase clothing, or 
 articles in daily use, the writer frequently found that not a single garment 
 worn by an individual was his own; and it was usually necessary to 
 consult several persons in order to secure a complete outfit. 
 
 Upon the death of a man, his property is taken in charge by his first 
 wife, or by the old men, and is divided equally among his wives and 
 children, with perhaps a little extra added to the share of the first mate. 
 The belongings of a free-born woman go to her children, or, in case she 
 is barren, are given to her relatives. In cases where both the parents 
 are dead, the children pass into the care of the father's family. 
 
 Despite the fact that property is owned by individuals, a large part 
 of the labor, especially in house-building and in the fields, is done in 
 common. When a man desires to clear or plant a field or to build a 
 house, he summons his friends to aid him and they respond with no 
 idea of payment other than their food and drink, and the return of like 
 services when they are in similar need. 
 
 BIRTH. 
 For about six months before and after the birth of a child the mother 
 is relieved from hard labor; she is not allowed to taste of anything sour, 
 neither may she eat dried fish or flesh, lest her child be thin and weak. 
 The father is under no restrictions other than that he is expected to 
 remain near to his home for a few days following the birth of a child. 
 
100 Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 Other action on his part would be considered by the spirits as an ad- 
 mission that he does not care for the child, and they would cause the 
 umbilical cord to decay so that the child would die. The mother is 
 delivered in the regular dwelling, where she is attended by two or more 
 midwives or mabalian} She is placed with her back against an inclined 
 board, while in her hands she holds a rope which is attached to the 
 roof. With the initial pains, one of the midwives massages the abdomen, 
 while another prepares a drink made from leaves, roots, and bark, 
 and gives it to the expectant woman. The preparation of this con- 
 coction was taught by friendly spirits, and it is supposed to insure an 
 easy delivery. Still another mabalian spreads a mat in the middle of 
 the room, and on it places valuable cloths, weapons, and gongs, which 
 she offers to the spirits, praying that they will make the birth easy and 
 give good health to the infant. The articles offered at this time can 
 be used by their former owners but as they are now the property of the 
 spirits they must not be sold or traded. The writer was very anxious 
 to secure an excellent weapon which had been thus offered. The user 
 finally agreed to part with it but first he placed it beside another of 
 equal value, and taking a piece of betel nut he rubbed each weapon 
 with it a number of times, then dipping his fingers in the water he 
 touched both the old and the new blades, all the time asking the spirit 
 to accept and enter the new weapon. The child is removed by the 
 mabalian who, in cutting the umbilical cord, makes use of the kind of 
 knife used by the members of the child's sex, otherwise the wound 
 would never heal. The child is placed on a piece of soft betel bark, 
 "for its bones are soft and our hands are hard and are apt to break the 
 soft bones," then water is poured over it and its body is rubbed with 
 pogdnok} The afterbirth is placed in a bamboo tube, is covered with 
 ashes and a leaf, and the whole is hung against the side of the dwelling 
 where it remains until it falls of its own accord or the house is destroyed. 
 In Cibolan the midwife applies a mixture of clay and herbs called 
 karamir to the eyes of all who have witnessed the birth "so that they 
 will not become blind." Having done this she gives the child its name, 
 usually that of a relative, and her duties are over. As payment she will 
 receive a large and a small knife, a plate, some cloth, and a needle.^ 
 
 In Malilla the naming does not take place until three days after the 
 birth, and the eyes are not always anointed, although the old people 
 agree that it is an ancient custom and "a good thing to do." At that 
 
 ' In Cibolan the midwife is called taratEk-Ekn, and need not be a mabalian. ' 
 ^ A medicine made of bark and rattan. 
 
 2 The payment given at the birth of a boy is somewhat greater than that 
 for a girl. 
 
Sbptember, 19 13. Wild Tribus of Davao District— Cole, ioi 
 
 time the mat containing the gifts is spread on the floor and the offerings 
 are again called to the attention of the spirits, who are urged to look 
 to the welfare of the child. Should the infant be ailing, or cry a great 
 deal, it is a sign that the spirits are displeased with the name given to 
 it and another will be substituted; however, this does not seem to be 
 done with an idea of fooling the spirits, as is the case with some other 
 tribes. The child is nursed until two or three years of age, or until 
 another takes its place. There is no superstition concerning twins, 
 but triplets are at once put to death by filling their mouths with ashes, 
 otherwise "the parents would die, for they are like dogs." 
 
 When questioned concerning abortion, Datu Tongkaling asserted 
 that he considered it "very bad," and that he would prohibit any 
 mabalian who assisted in such a practice from continuing her profession, 
 but he said that despite his orders secret medicines which produce that 
 result are sometimes administered. Such a practice is not common, 
 however, as children are greatly desired and no worse slur can be applied 
 to a woman than to speak of her as barren. 
 
 So far as could be learned there is no ceremony or celebration of any 
 kind when a child reaches the age of puberty but soon thereafter its 
 teeth will be filed and blackened. In some villages the boys are cirum- 
 cised, but the practice is not compulsory, neither is it general throughout 
 the territory. 
 
 MARRIAGE. 
 
 Mairiage among the Bagobo takes place much later than is common 
 among most Philippine tribes, the couple often being eighteen or twenty 
 years of age. As a rule the parents of the boy select the girl and nego- 
 tiate the match. Going to the house of the girl they casually broach 
 the subject and if her parents are favorable, a day is set to discuss the 
 details. This meeting is attended by the friends and relatives of both 
 families, and two head-men or datu must also be present to represent 
 the contracting parties. The price the girl should bring varies according 
 to the wealth of the interested parties and the accomplishments of the 
 bride. Whatever the sum paid, the father of the girl must make a re- 
 turn present equal to one-half the value of the marriage gift "so that 
 he does not sell his daughter like a slave." Usually marriage does not 
 take place until a year or more after this settlement, and during the 
 interval the boy must serve his father-in-law to be. When the time 
 for the final ceremony arrives the relatives and friends assemble and 
 for two or three days they feast and make merry. A mabalian spreads 
 a mat on the floor, places on it many valuable articles and then offers 
 all to the spirits, in order that they may be pleased to give the couple a 
 
102 Field Museum of Naturai. History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 long and prosperous life together. Finally, she puts a dish of rice on 
 the mat and, after offering it to the spirits, places it between the boy 
 and the girl as they sit on the floor. The girl takes a handful of the 
 rice and feeds it to the boy who, in txurn, feeds her, and the ceremony 
 is complete. The couple may then go to their new home, but for several 
 years the girl's family will exact a certain amount of service from the 
 groom. 
 
 A slight variation of the usual order occurred recently at the mar- 
 riage of one of Datu Tongkaling's sons. At that time aU the details 
 were arranged by the datu, who, accompanied by his son and a number 
 of relatives, went to the girl's house and proposed the union. After 
 the girl had brought wine, betel nut, and food, and had placed them 
 before the visitors, she was directed by her mother to make a carrying 
 bag for her lover. Had she objected to the union and refused to make 
 this gift, her decision would probably have been accepted as final and 
 all negotiations abandoned. However, it is not customary for the 
 young people to refuse to carry out the wishes of their elders. As the 
 girl offered no objections, the party fell to discussing the price the 
 groom should pay, and finally, after several hours of bargaining, decided 
 that he should fiu-nish her father with one agong,^ one horse, and a double 
 betel box.^ Five days later, when he paid this sum, he received a 
 return gift of one agong and ten skirts from the bride's mother. About 
 one-half the value of the groom's gift was distributed among the girl's 
 relatives, who were at the same time admonished that, in case a separa- 
 tion should occur, they would be expected to return an equal amount. 
 In the presence of about a hundred friends, the pair drank wine from 
 the same dish, then submitted to having a little hair cut from their 
 heads, and were pronounced man and wife. Before they retired for 
 the night the mdbalmn combed their hair, then, having directed the 
 groom to precede his bride to their sleeping place, she secured a child 
 and placed it on the mat between the pair. This, she explained, was 
 an old custom, and was done so that the girl might not be ashamed, 
 for she was not the first to sleep there. Having finished this duty, 
 she returned to the center of the room and placed a number of plates 
 and a knife on the tambara, where they were allowed to remain for four 
 days as offerings to the anito, Manama, Toglai and the tigyama} At 
 the end of that period the plates were attached to the outside walls of 
 the house, and the knife returned to its former owner. This completed 
 
 ' Large copper gong. 
 
 * Much more is often given. One girl in Cibolan brought six horses, five agongs, 
 and several spears and knives. 
 ' See p. 107. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes oif Davao District — C01.E. 103 
 
 the duties of the mahaltan who returned home carrying an agong, the 
 pa3ntnent for her services. 
 
 A man may have as many wives as he desires and can afford, but he 
 may not take a second mate until a child has been born to the first 
 union, or the wife has been proved beyond doubt to be barren. The 
 groom renders no services to the father of the second wife, but instead 
 of this pays a double price for the girl, for he not only pays her parents 
 but is forced also to give a like sum to his first wife, who, in turn, 
 presents it to her father. Should a third wife be added to the family 
 a sum equal to her cost is divided among the earlier wives. The first 
 wife is generally the lady of the house and does not particularly object 
 to having other girls added to the family, provided they are willing to 
 obey her. Datu Tongkaling has had four wives, three of whom are 
 still living. 
 
 If a couple cannot agiee, a separation can be arranged by applying 
 to the local head-man, who, after listening to their troubles, decides 
 which one is at fault, and whether or no the marriage gifts must be 
 returned. When a couple parts, plates, bowls, and jars are sometimes 
 broken as a sign that they will never live together again and the spirits 
 are thus called to witness. A divorced woman may remarry, but 
 unless the sum originally paid for her has been returned, the new groom 
 must pay such an amount to the first husband. 
 
 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 
 
 In case of illness a mabaltan administers some simple remedy without 
 any call on the spirits. If, however, the sickness does not yield readily 
 to this treatment, it is evident that the trouble is caused by some spirit 
 who can only be appeased by a gift. Betel nuts, leaves, food, clothing, 
 and some article in daily use by the patient are placed in a dish of palm 
 bark and on top of aU is laid a roughly carved figure of a man. This 
 offering is passed over the body of the patient while the mahaltan ad- 
 dresses the spirits as follows. "Now, you can have the man on this 
 dish, for we have changed him for the sick man. Pardon an)rthing this 
 man may have done, and let him be well again." Immediately after 
 this the dish is carried away and hidden so that the sick person may 
 never see it again, for should he do so the iUness would return. 
 
 According to Father GisberT a doll is carved from a piece of wood 
 and the spirit is addressed; "O God, Thou who has created men and 
 trees, and all things, do not deprive us of life, and receive in exchange 
 this bit of wood which has our face." 
 
104 FiBUD MusBUM OP Natural History — Anth., VoIv. XII. 
 
 In obstinate cases the invalid may be removed from his own house to 
 another, in order that he may be under the care of the good spirits 
 residing there. The mabaltan appplies certain medicines and then 
 decrees a period of taboo, during which no outsiders may enter the 
 house. Those within at the time the medicine was given may go out 
 if they desire, but must return there to sleep. Should it become evident 
 that the patient will die he is taken back to his own place, otherwise 
 his family would be called upon to reimburse the owner of the house 
 in which the death occurs, for bringing evil or unfriendly spirits into 
 their dwelling. 
 
 Governor Bolton describes a somewhat different procedure among 
 the members of the Guianga branch of this tribe. Having learned that 
 Datu Angalan was ill he went to see him, but found his house deserted. 
 The dafu was finally located in a small hut about a hundred yards away 
 from his own dwelling, with no attendants. The governor writes, 
 "When I went in the tribesmen entered. I soon found that I had 
 broken a charm which prevented anyone seeing him for a certain time ; 
 that he had been placed in the hut for that reason, and to insure his 
 not dying in the large house. It is likely that they had a human 
 sacrifice at that time."^ 
 
 Following a death the body is covered with good clothing and is 
 placed in the middle of the house. Wallers sit by the corpse, fanning 
 it to keep away flies, or making an occasional offering of food; while 
 the friends gather to talk of the virtues of the deceased, to console the 
 family, and to partake of the food and drink which has been provided 
 for the gathering. The body is kept over one night, and in the case 
 of great personages, for three days, or until the coffin — a large log split 
 in halves and hollowed out — is prepared. When this is ready the body 
 is placed in it, together with some prized articles of the deceased. 
 After the top has been fitted to the lower portion, they are lashed 
 together and the cracks are filled with lime.^ The body is buried 
 beneath the house, and the grave is protected by a bamboo fence, 
 within which is placed food, small offerings, or perhaps a shield and 
 spear. In some instances the coffin is allowed to remain in the house, 
 which is then abandoned. It is said that when Datu Taopan died his 
 funeral lasted ten days, and on the last day the house was decked, 
 inside and out, with flowers and valuable gifts, and was then deserted. 
 
 ' Extract from letters of Gov. Bolton, in files of the Governor at Davao. 
 
 2 When the deceased has been a person of note the coffin is sometimes decorated 
 or colored. The coffin of a maganl should be red, yellow, and black; while that of a 
 mabalian should be yellow, black, and brown. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 105 
 
 Following the burial the family lives in the house where the death 
 occurred until a human sacrifice has been made. During this period 
 they live very quietly, eat poor food, wear old clothing, and abstain from 
 all amusements. If their wealth permits, they may shorten the period 
 of mourning by making a special sacrifice, but in most cases the be- 
 reaved will wait until the yearly sacrifice when they will purchase a 
 share in the victim and thus remove the taboo. Following the offering, 
 the old house is abandoned and is allowed to fall to pieces for "the man 
 has gone and his house must go also." The procedure is the same for 
 women, and for children who have survived infancy. 
 
 BELIEFS CONCERNING THE SOUL, SPIRITS, ORACLES, 
 
 AND MAGIC. 
 
 There is some variance, in different parts of the Bagobo area, in the 
 beliefs concerning the spirits or souls of a man. In Cibolan each man 
 and woman is supposed to have eight spirits or gimokod, which dwell 
 in the head, the right and left hands and feet, and other parts not 
 specified. At death these gimokod part, four from the right side of the 
 body, going up to a place called palakaldngU, and four descending to a 
 region known as karonaronawan. These places differ in no respects 
 from the present home of the Bagobo, except that in the region above 
 it is always day, and all useful plants grow in abundance. In these 
 places the gimokod are met by the spirits, Toglai and Tigyama, and 
 by them are assigned to their future homes. If a man has been a 
 datu on earth, his spirits have like rank in the other life, but go to the 
 same place as those of common people. The gimokod of evil men are 
 punished by being crowded into poor houses. These spirits may return 
 to their old home for short periods, and talk with the gimokod of the 
 living through dreams, but they never return to dwell again on earth. 
 
 In the districts to the west of Cibolan the general belief is that 
 there are but two gimokod, one inhabiting the right side of the body, the 
 other the left. That of the right side is good, while all evil deeds and 
 inclinations come from the one dwelling on the left. It is a common 
 thing when a child is ill to attach a chain bracelet to its right arm and 
 to bid the good spirit not to depart, but to remain and restore the child 
 to health. In Malilla it is believed that after death the spirit of the 
 right side goes to a good place, while the one on the left remains to 
 wander about on earth as a buso'^ but this latter belief does not seem 
 to be shared by the people of other districts. 
 
 » See p. 107. 
 
io6 F1E1.D Museum of Naturai. History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 Aside from the gimokod the Bagobo believe that there exists a great 
 company of powerful spirits who make their homes in the sky above, 
 in the space beneath the world, or in the sea, in streams, cliffs, mount- 
 ains, or trees. The following is the list related by Datu Tongkaling, 
 a number of mabaltan, and others supposed to have special knowledge 
 concerning these superior beings. 
 
 I. Eugpamolak Manobo, also called Manama and Kalayagan. 
 The first and greatest of the spirits, and the creator of all that is. His 
 home is in the sky from whence he can observe the doings of men. 
 Gifts for him should be white, and should be placed above and in the 
 center of offerings intended for other spirits. He may be addressed by 
 the mabalain, the datu, and wise old men. 
 
 II. Tolus ka balakat, "dweller in the balakat^." A male spirit 
 who loves the blood, but not the flesh of human beings, and one of the 
 three for whom the yearly sacrifice is made. Only the magani may 
 offer petitions to him. He is not recognized by the people of Digos 
 and vicinity. 
 
 Ill and IV. Mandarangan and his wife Darago. This couple look 
 after the fortunes of the warriors, and in return demand the yearly 
 sacrifice of a slave. They are supposed to dwell in the great fissure 
 of Mt. Apo, from which clouds of sulphur fumes are constantly rising. 
 The intentions of this pair are evil, and only the utmost care on the 
 part of the magani can prevent them from causing quarrels and dis- 
 sentions among the people, or even actually devouring some of them. 
 
 V. Taragomi. A male spirit who owns all food. He is the 
 guardian of the crops and it is for him that the shrine known as paro- 
 banian is erected in the center of the rice field. 
 
 VI. Tolus ka towangan. The patron of the workers in brass and 
 copper. 
 
 VII. Tolus ka gomanan. Patron of the smiths. 
 
 VIII. Baitpandi. A female spirit who taught the women to 
 weave, and who now presides over the looms and the weavers. 
 
 IX. and X. Toglai, also called Si Niladan and Manilddan, and his 
 wife Toglibon. The first man and woman to live on the earth. They 
 gave to the people their language and customs. After their death 
 they became spirits, and are now responsible for all marriages and 
 births. By some people Toglai is believed to be one of the judges over 
 the shades of the dead, while in Bansalan he is identified with Eug- 
 pamolak Manobo. 
 
 ' A hanger in which offerings are placed. 
 
September, 19 13. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Col,e. 107 
 
 XI. Tigyama. A class of spirits, one of whom looks after each 
 family. When children marry, the tigyama of the two families unite 
 to form one who thereafter guards the couple. While usually well 
 disposed they are capable of killing those who fail to show them respect, 
 or who violate the rules governing family life. 
 
 XII. Diwata. A class of numerous spirits who serve Eugpamolak 
 Manobo. 
 
 XIII. Anito. A name applied to a great body of spirits, some of 
 whom are said formerly to have been people. They know all medicines 
 and cures for illness, and it is from them that the mabaltan secures her 
 knowledge and her power. They also assist the tigyama in caring for 
 the families. 
 
 XIV. Buso. Mean, evil spirits who eat dead people and have 
 some power to injure the living. A young Bagobo described his idea 
 of a buso as follows: "He has a long body, long feet and neck, curly 
 hair, and black face, flat nose, and one big red or yellow eye. He has 
 big feet and fingers, but small arms, and his two big teeth are long 
 and pointed. Like a dog he goes about eating anything, even dead 
 persons." As already noted, the people of Malilla are inclined to 
 identify the gimokod of the left side with this evil class. 
 
 XV. Tagamaling. Evil spirits who dwell in big trees. 
 
 XVI. Tigbanua. Ill disposed beings inhabiting rocks and cliffs in 
 the mountains. These last two classes are frequently confused with 
 the buso. 
 
 In addition to these, the old men of Malilla gave the following: 
 
 1. Tagareso. Low spirits who cause people to become angry and 
 to do little evil deeds. In some cases they cause insanity. 
 
 2. Sartnago. Spirits who steal rice. It is best to appease them, 
 otherwise the supply of rice will vanish rapidly. 
 
 3. Tagasoro. Beings who cause sudden anger which results in 
 quarrels and death. They are the ones who furnish other spirits with 
 human flesh. 
 
 4 and 5. Balinonok and his wife Balinsogo. This couple love blood 
 and for this reason cause men and women to fight or to run amuck. 
 
 6. Siring. Mischievous spirits who inhabit caves, cliffs, and 
 dangerous places. They have long nails and can be distinguished by 
 that characteristic. They sometimes impersonate members of the 
 family and thus succeed in stealing women and children, whom they 
 carry to their mountain homes. The captives are not eaten but are 
 fed on snakes and worms, and should they try to escape the string will 
 scratch them with their long nails. 
 
io8 FiEtD Museum of Natural History — Anth., Voiv. XII. 
 
 Other spirits were named and described by individuals, but as they 
 are not generally accepted by the people of the tribe they are not 
 mentioned here. 
 
 The stars, thunder and lightning, and similar phenomena are 
 generally considered as "lights or signs" belonging to the spirits, yet 
 one frequently hears hazy tales such as that "the constellation Marara 
 is a one-legged and one-armed man who sometimes causes cloudy 
 weather at planting time so that people may not see his deformities," 
 or we are told that "the sun was placed in the sky by the creator, and 
 on it lives an evil spirit who sometimes kills people. The sun is moved 
 about by the wind;" again, "the sun and moon were once married and 
 all the stars are their children." 
 
 Despite repeated assertions by previous writers that the Bagobo are 
 fire-worshippers no evidence was obtained during our visit to Support 
 the statement. The older people insisted that it was not a spirit and 
 that no offerings were ever made to it. One mabalian stated that fire 
 was injurious to a woman in her periods and hence it was best for her 
 not to cook at such times; she was also of the opinion that fire was of 
 two kinds, good and bad, and hence might belong to both good and 
 bad spirits. 
 
 A common method used by the spirits to communicate with mortals 
 is through the call of the limokon} All the people know the meaning 
 of its calls and all respect its warnings. If a man is starting to buy 
 or trade for an article and this bird gives its warning the sale is stopped. 
 Should the limokon call when a person is on the trail he at once doubles 
 his fist and thrusts it in the direction from which the warning comes. 
 If it becomes necessary to point backwards, it is a signal to return, or 
 should the arm point directly in front it is certain that danger is there, 
 and it is best to turn back and avoid it. When it is not clear from 
 whence the note came, the traveler looks toward the right side. If he 
 sees there strong, sturdy trees, he knows that all is well, but if they are 
 cut or weaklings, he should use great care to avoid impending danger. 
 When questioned as to why one should look only to the right, an old 
 man quickly replied: "The right side belongs to you; the left side is 
 bad and belongs to someone else." 
 
 Sneezing is a bad omen, and should a person sneeze when about ^ 
 to undertake a journey, he knows that it is a warning of danger, and 
 will delay until another time. 
 
 Certain charms, or actions, are of value either in warding off evil 
 spirits, in causing trouble or death to an enemy, or in gaining an ad- 
 
 ' See p. 63, note. 
 
Sbptember, 1913. Wild Tribes oe Davao District— Cole. 109 
 
 vantage over another in trading and in games. One type of charm is 
 a narrow cloth belt in which "medicines" are tied. These medicines 
 may be peculiarly shaped stones, bits of fungus growth, a tooth, shell, 
 or similar object. Such belts are known as pamadan, or lambos, and 
 are worn soldier-fashion over one shoulder. They are supposed to 
 protect their owners in battle or to make it easy for them to get the 
 best of other parties in a trade. A little dust gathered from the foot- 
 print of an enemy and placed in one of these belts will immediately 
 cause the foe to become ill. 
 
 It is a simple matter to cause a person to become insane. All that 
 is needed is to secure a piece of his hair, or clothing, place it in a dish of 
 water and stir in one direction for several hours. 
 
 Father GisberT relates the following method of detecting theft : 
 
 "There are not, as a rule, many thefts among the Bagobo, for they 
 believe that a thief can be discovered easily by means of their famous 
 bongat. That consists of two small joints of bamboo, which contain 
 certain mysterious powders. He who has been robbed and wishes to 
 determine the robber takes a hen's egg, makes a hole in it, puts a pinch 
 of the above said powder in it, and leaves it in the fire. If he wishes the 
 robber to die he has nothing else to do than to break the egg; but since 
 the thief may sometimes be a relative or a beloved person, the egg is 
 not usually broken, so that there may be or may be able to be a remedy. 
 For under all circumstances, when this operation is performed, if the 
 robber lives, wherever he may be, he himself must inform on himself 
 by crying out, T am the thief; I am the thief,' as he is compelled to do 
 (they say) by the sharp pain which he feels all through his body. When 
 he is discovered, he may be cured by putting powder from the other 
 joint into the water and bathing his body with it. This practice is 
 very common here among the heathens and Moros. A Bagobo, named 
 Anas, who was converted, gave me the bongat with which he had fright- 
 ened many people when a heathen." 
 
 In Bansalan crab shells are hung over the doors of houses, for these 
 shells are distasteful to the buso who will thus be kept at a distance. 
 
 I was frequently told of persons who could foretell the future by 
 means of palrnistry, but was never able to see a palmist at work, or to 
 verify the information. 
 
 MUSIC, DANCES AND CEREMONIES. 
 
 The music for the dances is generally furnished by one or more 
 persons beating on several agongs of different sizes and notes, which 
 are suspended in regular order from the house rafters (Plate XXXa). 
 
no Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 The player stands in front of the line and begins to beat the instruments 
 with a padded stick. Oftentimes he is accompanied by a man who 
 strikes a wooden drum with the palm of one hand and a stick held in 
 the other. The music grows faster, emphasizing certain beats, until 
 it becomes a compelling rhythm that starts the feet of the onlookers, 
 and suddenly a man or woman begins to dance. At first she keeps 
 time to the musit by raising on her toes and heels, bending the knees 
 and twisting the body from side to side, but soon she becomes more 
 animated, the feet are raised high above the floor and brought down 
 with a sort of shuffle which reminds one of the sound made by the feet 
 of a clog dancer. Still swaying her body, she begins to circle, contra- 
 clockwise, around the gongs, and soon she is joined by others until 
 all the dancing space is filled. The scene is most picturesque, for these 
 dances usually occur at night, in rooms illuminated only by the flickering 
 light of torches. The rich clothing of the participants loses nothing 
 of its beauty in this dim light, while the bells and rattles with which 
 each dancer surrounds arms.legs and ankles,add to the din and weirdness 
 of the occasion. Before the dance has progressed far the musicians 
 begin to keep time with their feet and frequently dance away from 
 their instruments, circle, and then return to continue the music. 
 
 With slight variation, this is the dance used on all occasions. At 
 certain ceremonies small gongs, or the bolang bolang,^ replace the agongs, 
 and at times also a single dancer will accompany himself on the kodlon — 
 a long wooden guitar with rattan strings (Plate XXXb). 
 
 FIG. 33. 
 
 Taw-Gau or Bamboo Guitar. 
 
 In this description we have named a large share of the musical 
 instruments used by the Bagobo. The women frequently play on a 
 sort of guitar made of a section of bamboo from the outside of which 
 narrow strings are cut. These are raised and made taut with small 
 wooden bridges and are then picked with a stick or the fingers (Fig. 33). 
 Bamboo Jew's-harps and mouth flutes are played by the men, but the 
 
 ' An instrument made by placing a small board on a rice mortar. This is pounded 
 or beaten with short sticks, or with the wooden pestles. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole, m 
 
 nose flute, so common in most parts of the Philippines, was not seen in 
 use here. 
 
 The ceremonies and dances are so closely associated with every day 
 affairs that in the description of the life of the people up .to this point 
 we have left only a few still to be discussed. These are, in the main, 
 very similar throughout the Bagobo belt, but to avoid confusion the 
 description here given of the two greatest events of the year — the 
 GinEm ceremony and the human sacrifice — deals with Cibolan, unless 
 expressly stated to the contrary. 
 
 The greatest of all Bagobo ceremonies — the GinEm — may be given 
 by the datu within three or four months after the appearance of the 
 constellation Balatik, when the moon is new or full. Its object is to 
 thank the spirits for success in war or domestic affairs, to ward off 
 sickness and other dangers, to drive away the buso, and finally to so 
 gratify the spirits that they will be pleased to increase the wealth of 
 all the people. Datu Tongkaling expressed a belief that this ceremony 
 is in a way related to the rice harvest, "for it is always made when there 
 is plenty of rice in the granaries." It appears to the writer, however, 
 that this ceremony probably originated in connection with warfare. 
 
 According to the tales of the old men, it was formerly the custom to 
 go on a raid before this ceremony was to take place, and successful 
 warriors would bring home with them the skulls of their victims which 
 they tied to the patan'nan.^ It seems also to have been closely asso- 
 ciated with the yearly sacrifice, for it was never made until after the 
 appearance of the constellation Balatik, and without doubt a sacrifice 
 frequently did take place during the first day of the ceremony, at the 
 time the decorated poles were raised. However, such an offering at 
 this time did not relieve the datu from the obligation of making the 
 regular sacrifice. 
 
 Datu Ansig of Talun informed me that, unless the death of some 
 great person made a special sacrifice necessary, there was only one such 
 offering made during the year, and that at the time the decorated poles 
 were placed in the dwelling. 
 
 The time for the festival having been agreed upon, messsengers are 
 sent to other datu and head-men, inviting them and their people to 
 attend. Suificient food is prepared for the guests and when all is ready 
 the mabaltan takes one chicken from among those to be used for food 
 and frees it as an offering to the gimokod. It is bidden to wander 
 
 ' Ceremonial poles dedicated to Mandarangan and Darago. In Digos and 
 Bansalan the skulls were not taken but hair cut from the heads of enemies was 
 placed in the swinging altar balakat, and were left there until the conclusion of the 
 ceremony. 
 
112 Field Museum of Naturai, History — ^Anth., VoIv. XII. 
 
 about in the forest, and no one will molest the fowl, for should he do so 
 he is certain to become ill.'^ The mabalian has previously placed festoons 
 of leaves and vines at various points in the house and now she spreads 
 a mat on th? floor. A jar of balaba, wine, stands at each corner, while 
 at one end is an agong, and a plate containing betel nut, leaf, and two 
 varieties of rattan; at the other end are several tambara. When all is 
 thus prepared the people place offerings of beautiful clothing, knives, 
 and other costly gifts on the mat. Two mabalian, a man and a woman 
 call upon the spirits,^ urging them to look with favor on the offering 
 made by the people, to grant them a good year with health and plentiful 
 harvests, to let their journeys be without mishap, and to keep them all 
 under their constant care. The tambara are fastened in various parts 
 of the house, and the gifts are hung on or laid beside them. Later these 
 offerings may be removed by their former owners who now regard them 
 as being loaned to them by the spirits. 
 
 Following the offering the magani go to a bamboo thicket and cut 
 two large poles, one nine sections long, the other eight. With each 
 stroke of the knife the men give their battle cry, then when the poles 
 are felled, all seize hold and carry them to the house of the datu. Here 
 they are decorated, first by being cut down for short distances, thus 
 leaving the lower part attached so that the shavings make a sort of 
 fringe, and then by attaching strips of palm or bamboo leaves and 
 cloth or palm leaf streamers. When complete these poles are known 
 as patan'nan and are then the property of the spirits Mandanagan and 
 Darago. The longer one is for the male spirit, while the one of eight 
 sections is for his wife. Under no circumstances may anyone not a 
 magani touch these poles. They are carried into the house and are 
 fastened near to the elevated platform at the end of the room where the 
 datu or leading magani stands ready to sacrifice a chicken. He allows 
 some of the blood from the offering to drip onto the poles, at the same 
 time begging the spirits not to let the people fight or quarrel durmg the 
 GtnEm, "for blood is now being offered." In at least two recent 
 offerings the datu urged the spirits to be content with this offering of a 
 fowl, since it was impossible for them to kill a man. At this time, 
 it is said, the skulls of enemies should be attached to the patan'nan. 
 As the leader finishes his offering, the men and boys gather about the 
 poles and yell lustily, then sit quietly down and amuse themselves by 
 chewing betel nut until the chicken, just killed, and the other food 
 
 " This offering is not made at Bansalan, neither has the mabalUn any part in 
 the ceremonies of the first day. 
 
 2 Those called at this time are Togldi, Toglibon, tigyma, and Kalaydgan— 
 Eugpamolak Manobo. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 113 
 
 has been prepared for eating. Old dishes are placed in the center of 
 the floor and in them food is offered for all the spirits, but in the exact 
 center of all is a large plate of white food for the supreme being. A 
 second large dish of food is placed in a tambara at the corner of the 
 room as an offering to the warrior deities "so that they will not eat 
 anyone during the fiesta." Again the spirits are besought to give 
 them a good year, with abundant crops, health, and success in war. 
 Going to the patan'nan each magatii, beginning with the datu or his 
 son, takes hold of the poles, and in a loud voice, begins to confess all his 
 warlike deeds. He relates how and when he killed his victims, the 
 number of sacrifices he has participated in, the towns he has sacked 
 and the slaves he has captiured. In short, he tells of all the manly 
 deeds he has performed in order to gain the right to wear his red suit 
 and be known as magani. When all have confessed, the men and boys 
 eat the chicken which was sacrificed before the- poles, and from then 
 until near midnight, all the people may dance to the music of the 
 agongs or may indulge in feasting and drinking. From the middle of 
 the night until daybreak they chant songs or poems, many words of 
 which are now obsolete so that they are not fully understood. "^ 
 
 The festival may last one or more days. The last held in Cibolan 
 (1909) extended through two days and nights. At that time no offerings 
 were made to the spirits on the second day, but the people feasted and 
 drank while the datu gathered a little apart and held a council. 
 
 In Malilla the second day of this ceremony is called EgbikbEgdybe 
 and is given over almost entirely to the women. Two tambara are 
 erected in the house, and young betel nut buds and women's skirts are 
 hung on them. The women and some men form a line and dance in a 
 circle around the offerings, keeping time to music furnished by beating 
 small gongs, or by pounding on a board resting on a rice mortar.^ Before 
 each dance the mabaUan informs a spirit that this dance is for him and 
 it is customary to add a gift of some kind to those already on the 
 tambara. Sixteen spirits are thus honored. Throughout the day there 
 is much feasting and drinking, and at some time before sunset the 
 women are baptized. Having filled an old agong with water, the 
 mabalian dips certain leaves into it and sprinkles the heads of the 
 women present eight times, meanwhile bidding the spirits to grant to 
 them a good mind and habit. 
 
 ' Mr. Gohn informs me that at midnight during the last GinEm made by Datu 
 AH in Santa Cruz, a gun was fired, and the datu said that a sacrifice should have 
 taken place at that time. 
 
 ^ See p. 1 10, note. 
 
114 Field Museum op Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 Mr. Gohn, a planter of Santa Cruz who has witnessed a number of 
 these ceremonies, says that with the Bagobo of that place it was cus- 
 tomary for the datu to baptize the women prior to the day of GlnEm. 
 On the second day, a mabalian provided a long palm leaf, and a number 
 of betel nut buds which, she said, represented streams, rivers, tribes, 
 and individuals. Taking up a bud she swung the palm leaf above it, 
 chanting meanwhile, and, as she finished, handed it to the datu who 
 opened it and read the signs sent by the spirits. At the conclusion of 
 this act, all the women went to the river to bathe. 
 
 In the writings of the early missionary fathers stationed among the 
 Bagobo are found many references to human sacrifices. Since American 
 occupation several articles have appeared describing this custom, and 
 following the sacrifice held in Talun in 1907, this practice became the 
 subject of official communication between the Governor of the District 
 and his superiors. While these descriptions agree, in the main, there 
 are so many minor variations that it seems best to first relate the account 
 given to the vyriter by Datu Tongkaling and ten of his magant, after 
 which we shall take up some of the earlier accounts, and the official 
 correspondence of 1907. 
 
 Datu Tongkaling is a magani. He claims to have killed more than 
 thirty of his enemies in fair fight and to have assisted in, or to have 
 witnessed, an even greater number of sacrifices. Prior to his elevation 
 to the office of datu he had aided in several of the yearly offerings. At 
 the time he became datu he entertained all his people for seven days 
 and on the morning of the last day, in the presence of his subjects, he 
 alone sacrificed a decrepit Bila-an slave for whom he had paid three 
 agongs. Hence, probably, no man in the tribe is better fitted to describe 
 this event than he. 
 
 According to him, a sacrifice should be held each year following the 
 appearance in the sky of a constellation of seven stars known as Balatik 
 ("pig trap")-' The stars are placed there by the spirits for two pur- 
 poses:— first, to inform the people that it is time to prepare for the 
 clearing of new fields; second, to remind them that they should offer 
 a slave to Mandarangan, Darago, and Balakat as payment for the 
 good year they have enjoyed, and to secure their good will for the 
 coming season. A great epidemic or continued calamaties might also 
 be signs that the spirits were in need of another offering, and this could 
 take place at any time. Upon the death of an adult it becomes ,the 
 duty of the family to make a sacrifice, but, unless the deceased is of 
 ' This is the constellation Orion which appears early in December. 
 
September, 19 13. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 115 
 
 very great importance, they may wait until the yearly sacrifice' when 
 they can purchase a share in it. The one other occasion for which this 
 offering is obligatory is the installation of a new datu in office. For the 
 yearly event the ruler should provide a decrepit slave, and then invite 
 all those who have had death or trouble in the family and who wish a 
 part in the sacrifice to help bear the expense of the ceremony. Guests 
 gather from near and far and for two or three days, feast, dance, and 
 make merry in the house of the datu. On the morning of the last day 
 they accompany their leader to a great tree in the forest and there 
 witness or take part in the sacrifice. The victim is tied with his back 
 to. the tree, his arms stretched high above his head. Meanwhile a 
 little table or altar is constructed near by, and on it the principals 
 place their offerings of betel nut, clothes, or weapons, and on top of all 
 is a. dish of white food for Eugpamolak Manobo. When all is ready 
 one of the magani begins a prayer, begging the spirits to look and see 
 that the people are following the old custom, to give them success in 
 battle, and to protect their homes from sickness and enemies. The 
 prayer being completed, the datu places his spear below and just in 
 front of the right armpit; then all those who have purchased a share in 
 the victim take hold of the weapon, and at a signal given by the datu, 
 thrust it through the body. As soon as it is withdrawn, the maganl 
 who has offered the greatest price for the privilege attempts to cut 
 the body in two with one blow of his fighting knife. If he fails in the 
 attempt, another tries, and so on until someone succeeds. The two 
 portions are then released from the tree and cast into a shallow grave 
 near by. Before the body is covered with earth any person who wishes 
 may cut off a portion of the flesh or hair and carry it to the grave of 
 some relative whom he may have reason to believe is being troubled 
 by evil spirits. In such a case the evil spirit will be content to eat of the 
 slave, and cease disturbing the other body. Returning to the house 
 ' of the datu, the people continue the dancing and merry-making through- 
 out another night. 
 
 The following accounts are extracts from the official correspondence 
 forwarded by the Governor of Davao to the Governor of the Moro 
 Province : 
 
 "I have the honor to submit herewith a full report of an investigation 
 made by myself and the Senior Inspector of Constabulary of Davao, 
 regarding a human sacrifice made by the Bagobos at Talun near Digos 
 on Dec. 9th, 1907. 
 
 ' We have already seen that this offering sometimes occurs during the GtnEm 
 ceremony. 
 
ii6 Field Musbum of Natural History— Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 "We left Davao on the morning of the 27th of December and arrived 
 at Digos in the afternoon of the same day. An order was immediately 
 sent out to the Bagobos of Talun to come down to Digos to meet us. 
 
 "On the morning of the 30th, the entire population of Talun— men, 
 women and children, to the number of almost one hundred and fifty- 
 arrived at Digos. They were informed that it was reported that a 
 human sacrifice had been made at their town and that the authorities 
 desired to know if this was so. 
 
 "Datto Ansig repUed that it was true that a sacrifice had been held 
 as stated and that both he and his people were ready to tell all about 
 it as to the best of their belief they had committed no crime, but only 
 followed out a religious custom practiced by themselves and their 
 ancestors from time immemorial. 
 
 "From the statements made by Ansig and his followers, it appears 
 as follows; 
 
 "That the Bagobos have several gods, 'Bacalad,' God of the 
 spirits, Agpanmole Monobo, God of good and his wife the goddess 
 Dewata; Mandarangan, the God of evil (corresponding perhaps to 
 our devil) and to whom sacrifice is made to appease his wrath which is 
 shown by misfortune, years of drought, or evil befalling the tribe or its 
 members, also it is at times necessary to offer him human sacrifice so 
 that he will allow the spirits of the deceased to rest, etc. They say that 
 in case a Bagobo of rank or influence dies, and his widow be unable to 
 secure another husband, it is necessary for her to offer sacrifice to 
 appease the spirit of her departed husband in order that she may secure 
 another. In order that these sacrifices be not made too often, it is 
 customary for the old men of the town to gather together once each 
 year during a time when a collection of seven stars, three at right angle 
 to the other four, are seen in the heavens at seven o'clock in the evening, 
 which is said to occur once each year during the first part of the month of 
 December. 
 
 "This collection of stars is called by the Bagobos 'Balatic,' and is 
 the sign of the sacrifice, that is, if a sacrifice is to occur, it must take 
 place during the time that the stars are in this position. 
 
 "The old men meet and decide if enough misfortune has overtaken 
 the tribe or village during the period since the last sacrifice to render 
 necessary another tribute to the god of evil. It is not necessary to 
 offer a sacrifice for each evil, but when the misfortunes amount to a 
 considerable, a sacrifice is held to cover the entire lot. 
 
 "In this case it appears that two widows, Addy and Obby, went to 
 Datto Ansig and requested that he arrange a sacrifice to appease the 
 
September, 1913. Wild Trjbes oe Davao District— Cole. 117 
 
 spirits of their departed husbands which were bothering them. Ansig 
 called a meeting of the old men at which were present besides himself 
 Bagobos Ohng, Pandaya, and Ansig, and these four decided that as 
 they had not had a sacrifice since the great drought (about three years 
 ago) and that since that time many evils had befallen them, it would 
 be well to offer a sacrifice. These four men sent out to find a slave 
 for sacrifice, the finder becoming the chief of the sacrifice. 
 
 "Ongon, a henchman of Datto Ansig, piurchased from Bagobo Ido, 
 a Bilan slave boy named Sacum about eight years old and who was 
 deaf and cross-eyed, and had other defects of vision, making him of 
 little or no value as a laborer. Ido originally received this slave from 
 Duon, a Bilan, as a wedding present when he married Duon's daughter 
 about a year ago. 
 
 "Ongon agreed to pay Ido five agongs for the boy and took him to 
 the house of Ansig where arrangements were made for the sacrifice by 
 calling on all who for any reason had need to appease the evil spirits 
 to come and take part. Three days after the slave was brought to the 
 house of Ansig, the people met at Talun near the river Inolia, a short 
 distance from Ansig's house, this being the regular place of sacrifice. 
 
 "Leaving the house of Ansig the boy Sacum was seated upon the 
 ground near the place of sacrifice. He was naked but no other prep- 
 aration was made with regard to the person. Upon a platform or 
 bench of bamboo about two feet high and a foot or two square was 
 placed a small basket or receptacle made of the bark of the bunga tree ; 
 in this each person present and taking part in the sacrifice placed a 
 piece of betel-nut, over this the men placed their head handkerchiefs 
 and the women strips of the bark of the palma tree. Upon this the 
 men laid their bolos, and spears were then stuck in the ground in a 
 circle around the platform. Next Datto Ansig as chief of the sacrifice 
 made an oration which was about as follows: 'Oh, Mandarangan, 
 chief of evil Spirits and all the other spirits, come to our feast and 
 accept our sacrifice. Let this sacrifice appease your wrath and take 
 from us our misfortunes, granting us better times.' 
 
 "After this, the boy Sacum was brought forward by Ongon, placed 
 against a small tree about six feet high, his hands tied above his head, 
 and his body tied to the tree with bejuco strips at the waist and knees. 
 Ansig then placed a spear at the child's right side at a point below the 
 right arm and above the. margin of the ribs. This lance was grasped 
 by the widows Addy and Obby, who at a signal from Ansig forced it 
 through the child's body, it coming out at the other side. It was 
 immediately withdrawr^ and the body cut in two at the waist by bolos 
 
ii8 Field Musbum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 in the hands of Moesta Barraro and Ola, after which the body was cut 
 down and chopped into bits by the people present, each of whom was 
 allowed to take a small portion as a momento of the occasion, the 
 remainder of the body being buried in a hole prepared for it. 
 
 "It is said the child was deaf and almost blind and that it did not 
 realize what was to happen to it until the moment it was tied up when 
 it began to cry; further, that death was almost instantaneous, the only 
 cry being one uttered when the spear first entered the child's body. 
 
 "Datto Ansig, a man about sixty years of age, says that in his life 
 he has attended or officiated at fifty human sacrifices, more or less, 
 both among the Bagobos and the Bilanes, and that human sacrifice is 
 also practiced among the Tagacolos, although he has never been present 
 at one held by that tribe. 
 
 "The Bagobos do not sacrifice any but old and decrepit or useless 
 slaves captured from other tribes, but the Bilanes sacrifice even their 
 own people. 
 
 "Being asked if it was customary to eat any portion of the body 
 sacrificed, Ansig replied that it was not customary nor did he know 
 of any case where such had occurred. 
 
 "The last sacrifice before this was held at Talun during the year 
 of the drought (about 1905) when a Bilan slave, an old man who was 
 paralyzed in one arm, was sacrificed by Datto Oling, his master. 
 
 "Asked if the sacrifice of an animal would not do as well as that of 
 a human being, they said, 'No, better to have no sacrifice at all.' 
 
 "They appeared utterly unconscious of having committed any 
 crime, told their story with frankness, said it was a matter not talked 
 about among their own people but that if we wanted to know the facts 
 they would give them to the authorities. They claimed the offering of 
 human sacrifices by their tribe to be an old custom and, as far as they 
 knew the only way to appease the wrath of the evil spirits, but said 
 if they were ordered to give the custom up they would do so even if 
 the devil got them all." 
 
 Then follows the statement of an eye witness to the ceremony: 
 "My name is Modesta Barrera; I live in the town of Santa Cruz, my 
 father being a Visayan, my mother a Bagobo. I cannot read or write, 
 and I think that I am about twenty-three years old, although I am 
 not certain on that point. 
 
 "On the 8th instant myself, Baon, Otoy, and Oton left Santa Cruz 
 early in the morning to go to Talun, a day's march from Santa Cruz, 
 for the purpose of trading with the natives of Talun, and also to collect 
 some debts which they owed Baon. We remained that night at 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes op Davao District^Cole. 119 
 
 Saculampula, near Talun, where Ungon and Ido, two Bagobos, live with 
 their families. There we found two children the only persons at the 
 house who informed us that we should go to the house of Ambing, at 
 Talun, where we could sell our merchandise. On the morning of the 
 9th we got up about 7 or 8 o'clock and started for Ambing's house.' 
 When within about an hour's walk of the house, we found a great many 
 people congregated together. We were told that a human sacrifice 
 had just taken place and on approaching to discover what had happened, 
 we saw a little boy about eight or nine years old, the upper half of 
 whose body was suspended by the wrists to a tree, the lower half lying on 
 the ground. The child had been thus tied up while alive and had been 
 cut into two parts at the waist; this was about the position of the 
 body when we saw it. 
 
 "Immediately about twenty persons began to chop, the body into 
 small pieces; and Ansig, the datto of Talun, came over to us and gave 
 Baon two pieces of the victim's hair attached to the scalp, which is a 
 sign of the sacrifice. The victim was a slave owned and sacrificed by 
 Datto Ansig. The first bolo cut which severs the body at the waist 
 and which in this case we were told was done by Ansig is always per- 
 formed by the person making the sacrifice. The people present were 
 guests of Ansig and were not responsible for the killing, though it is the 
 custom for the more favored ones to assist in chopping the victim into 
 small pieces after death." 
 
 In the letters written by Father Gisbert in 1886, are many references 
 to the religious practices of the Bagobo, from which the following are 
 extracts : 
 
 "The feast which they hold before the sowing is a criminal and 
 repugnant trago-comedy. The tragical part is the first thing that is 
 done. When they have assembled in the middle of the woods * * * 
 they tightly bind the slave whom they are going to sacrifice. All 
 armed with sharp knives, leap and jump about their victim striking 
 him, one after the other, Or several at one time, amid infernal cries 
 and shouts, imtil the body of the victim sacrificed has been cut to bits. 
 From the place of the sacrifice they then go to the house of their chief 
 or the master of the feast, holding branches in their hands which they 
 place in a large bamboo, which is not only the chief adornment but the 
 altar of the house in which they meet * * * f j^g principal part 
 is reserved for the old man or master of the feast, he standing near the 
 bamboo which I have mentioned above, holding the vessel of wine in 
 his hand, and, talking with his comrades, addresses the great demon 
 
I20 FiBLD Museum op Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 called Darago, whose feast they are celebrating, in the following words ; 
 'Darago, ^e are making you this feast, with great good will and 
 gladness, offering you the blood of the sacrifice which we have made 
 and this wine which we drink so that you may be our friend, accompany 
 us, and be propitious in our wars.' *********** 
 
 "When they marry, if the lovers think that it will be of any use 
 they make a human sacrifice so that they may have a good marriage, 
 so that the weather may be good, so that they may have no storm, 
 sickness, etc., all things which they attribute to the devil. In the same 
 way also when they learn that there is any contagious disease, or fear 
 death, several of them assemble and make a human sacrifice, asking 
 the devil to let them live, since they generously offer him that victim. 
 They also believe that the disease can be conjured. But the time that 
 it is necessary to make a sacrifice, according to the law of the Bagobos, 
 is at the death of anyone of the family, before they can remove the 
 laldoan or mourning * * * ^.t the point and on the day assigned, 
 all the sacrificers assemble, or possibly one member of each of the 
 families who are in mourning, at times fifty or more. The value of the 
 slave sacrificed is paid among them all, and he who pays most has the 
 right to sacrifice first."** 
 
 By the side of the trail, or in the forests, little shrines or platforms 
 about 3' ft. high and a foot square at the top, are frequently seen. 
 These are known as buis and are erected for the buso, in order to avert 
 their displeasure and to keep them at a distance from the dwellings. 
 When the family has been subjected to petty annoyances, or when for 
 any other reason, the mabalian thinks an offering should be made, she 
 orders the family to provide her with betel nut, a piece of iron, and bits 
 of broken dishes, or castoff clothing. These are placed on the platform 
 and the buso are exhorted to come and accept them. Good offerings 
 are never made to this class of spirits, for "they do not expect to be 
 treated like the more powerful." A shrub known as dalingding is 
 planted by the side of the shrine so that its location may be known even 
 after the platform has fallen, and all passersby will make some small 
 offering, hoping thus to keep these evil beings in good humor. 
 
 Rain can be stopped by placing an offering of a leg ring, or prepared 
 betel nut beside the trail and presenting them to the Gimokod, at the 
 same time asking them to stop the downpour. 
 
 **In Blair and Robertson, Vol. XIJII, pp. 244-51, will be found a very in- 
 teresting letter from Father Gisbert, in which he describes the sacrifice of a Bagabo 
 half-blood who had fallen in debt. 
 
 The official files in the Governor's oiEce at Davao contain an account, written 
 by Gov. Bolton, of the sacrifice at Cataloonan, July i, 1904. This was held to 
 secure the return to health of Chief Obo, who later died. 
 
September, 19 13. WiIvD Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 121 
 
 DECORATIVE ART. 
 
 To a stranger entering a Bagobo house, in the absence of its owners, 
 it appears that the people have little artistic development. He sees 
 no paintings, no drawings, and few, if any, attempts to beautify the 
 house with carvings. The pots sitting by the fire show no decoration 
 nor do the other household utensils exhibit embellishment of any kind. 
 A closer study of the field baskets, however, shows a slight attempt 
 to produce ornamentation by changing the weave of the central band 
 from that at the top and bottom, or by adding a few rude lines in pitch. 
 The moment the people enter, however, all is changed. The clothing 
 they wear is covered with intricate patterns, some realistic, others 
 highly conventionalized (Plate XXXI). Wonderful designs in beads 
 or shell disks appear on coats, jackets, and carrying bags, while at 
 neck, waist, shoulder, and at the bottom of sleeves and trousers are 
 other figures in fine embroidery or applique. Strands of beads and 
 seeds exhibiting a great variety of designs surround the necks of both 
 men and women, while rings, armlets, leglets, and. anklets of beads, 
 plaited material or metal, are common. Combs are covered with pitch 
 and inlaid witli beads, or patterns are incised in the wood and filled 
 with lime. Ear plugs exhibit beautiful delicate patterns inlaid with 
 brass or silver. 
 
 A glance at the weapons carried by the man shows that his knife 
 has been ornamented with caps of brass (Plate XXXII), the metal 
 guard has cut or cast patterns in its surface, while sheath and carrying 
 belt are covered with thin brass plates, painted lines, or a beaded cloth 
 (Plate XXXIII) with bells attached. Fronts and backs of shields are 
 covered with incised designs, while the metal ferrule next to the spear 
 head seldom lacks in conventionalized figures. So the list might be 
 extended to cover the women's knives and their pocket and carrying 
 baskets, as well as the betel boxes and lime holders used by both sexes. 
 In short, there seems to be no end to the list of personal ornaments and 
 equipment which may be improved by carvings, arrangements of beads, 
 or metal castings and inlays. Even the horses are decorated with 
 artificial forelocks of hair and beads. Strings of bells surround their 
 necks, while saddles and whips display the aesthetic taste of their 
 owners. 
 
 A part of this decoration is apparently realistic and will readily be 
 identified by any member of the tribe; another part is suggestive and 
 with a widely known meaning, but by far the greater number of designs 
 have no generally accepted signification. The writer spent many hours 
 securing the names of ^ the designs on textiles, ornaments, or on lime 
 
122 FlEIvD MUSBUM OF NATURAL HiSTORY — AnTH., VoL. XII. 
 
 boxes, only to receive the reply "done to make pretty," or to find that 
 no two of five or a dozen informants could agree on many patterns, 
 while frequently it was found that some obliging individual had volun- 
 teered names at one time which he could not remember on the day 
 following. It is possible that a long residence with the people and 
 diligent inquiry along this line might yield more definite results, but 
 for the present the writer must content himself by showing some typical 
 examples of the decorative art, and adding a few notes to the same. 
 
 The great majority of baskets lack in decoration, other than that 
 which can be obtained by a slight change in the weave. In these a 
 central band can be distinguished from those at top and bottom, al- 
 though the same inaterial is used and there is only a minor variation in 
 the technique. 
 
 Small carr)dng receptaqles, or trinket baskets, frequently have 
 designs produced by plaiting the rattan or bamboo of natural color 
 with that which has been blackened (Plate XXXI Va). No uniform 
 meaning or pattern name seems to be attached to the designs shown in 
 this specimen, but an incised design on the wooden rim was readily 
 identified as a crocodile. 
 
 The small baskets in the coiled weave sometimes have the fronts 
 entirely covered with beads which are woven into the basket in parallel 
 lines. The tobacco box shown in Plate XXXV has been covered with 
 cloth and pitch, in which an artistic design made from the yellow 
 cuticle of an orchid has been inlaid. Plate XXXVb shows the wooden 
 tops of three tobacco boxes. Nos i and 2 are carved and inlaid with 
 beads and buttons in designs which "look pretty," but number 3 depicts 
 a hunting scene in which two men and a dog are hunting the alligator. 
 Several beads are missing so that it requires quite a stretch of the 
 imagination to secure the impression the native artist meant to impart. 
 
 The prized trinket baskets of the women generally have the fronts 
 covered with cloth, to which hundreds of colored beads are sewed, in 
 elaborate designs (Plate XXXVI). 
 
 The patterns brought out in the weaving are as beautiful and in- 
 tricate as they are confusing. Five typical specimens of cloth used 
 in women's skirts are shown in Plate XXXVII. In them can be 
 found several apparently different designs to some of which names 
 were assigned, but as there was no agreement among my informers' 
 I refrain from giving them here. The pattern marked X in.(c) was 
 generally identified as "alligator," yet the weavers were by no means 
 agreed. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 123 
 
 The strip of cloth (Plate XXXVIII) was intended for the center 
 breadth in a woman's skirt and shows the typical designs employed in 
 the best garments. 
 
 The extensive use of beads is shown in Plates XXXIX-XI^. Carry- 
 ing bags, clothing, combs, necklaces, armlets, belts and sheath covers 
 are partially covered with or made up of colored beads, always in 
 designs, yet very few of these patterns have generally accepted meanings 
 or names. The same holds true of the designs in shell disks, which, 
 on the finer garments, take the place of beads. A few exceptions to 
 this are found in which realistic patterns appear in (Plate XXXIb and 
 Fig- 34)- 
 
 Fie. 34. 
 
 REALISTIC PATTERNS IN BEADS AND SHELL DISKS. 
 
 Like the bead work, the embroidery and applique found on many 
 garments are added "to make pretty." Some of this work is quite 
 fine, but in general that of recent years is either inferior to that found 
 on old garments or is borrowed from, or made by, the Bila-an women. 
 Some garments, with designs produced by oversewing before dyeing, are 
 seen here, but they are recent importations from the Kulaman or 
 Tagakaolo tribes. 
 
124 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 Necklaces and leglets are made of rattan and are decorated with 
 burned lines or by being overlaid with platted strips of orchid and fern 
 cuticle (Fig. 2). 
 
 A few rare specimens, such as personal ornaments or basket rims, 
 have sewed in designs in which the sewing has been done with fern 
 cuticle (Plate XXXIVb). 
 
 Incised patterns appear on nearly all the bamboo lime and tobacco 
 holders, but here individual fancy plays such an important part that a 
 hundred specimens might be examined without finding duplicate 
 patterns. Fig. 14 shows nine of these tubes covered with cut-in designs, 
 yet only one figure, that marked X in b could be identified. This 
 was said to be the famihar crocodile. 
 
 Coming to the work in brass and copper we encounter an en- 
 tirely new type of design. In some cases straight inlaid or overlaid 
 strips and twisted wires are used to ornament the specimen; while in 
 the raised and cut-in lines on the bells we find simple patterns. In the 
 main, however, the ornamentation on this class of material consists 
 of complicated scrolls (Plate XLI), designs suggesting flower or tree 
 patterns, or conventionalized figures. One only needs to compare 
 these objects with similar specimens from Borneo and the Malayan 
 Islands of the South, to find the source of this type of ornamentation^ 
 In fact the imitation of Moro wares is practiced today. In Plate 
 Xlvia and b are shown two betel nut boxes — No. i the work of the 
 Samal Moro, No. 2 the imitation of the inlaid work on the top of the 
 first specimen. This last was made in my presence, and with the ex- 
 pressed intention of duplicating the Moro box. However, in this case, 
 as in all others, the Bagobo caster did not attempt to exactly reproduce 
 the work of another, but simply borrowed a broad idea, and thus he 
 often creates new forms. 
 
 Not once did the writer receive a name for any pattern or design 
 shown in metal work. A careful study of the method of work, of the 
 articles produced, and of the folk-lore and religious observances con- 
 nected with the work in brass and copper brings one to the conclusion 
 that this class of work is of comparatively recent introduction and that 
 the instructors in the art were the Samal Moro. 
 
 Mention has already been made of the designs incised on combs and 
 other objects which are afterwards filled with lime. Just here it is 
 interesting to note that, so far as is known, the southern end of Min- 
 danao and adjacent small islands, are the only parts of the Philippines 
 in which this decoration, so t)^ical of Melanesia, is to be found. 
 
 ' See Ling Roth, Oriental Silver Work. 
 
Sbptembbr, 19 13. Wild Tribbs of Davao District — Cole. 125 
 
 Realistic carvings were seen used in only two capacities. The first 
 in certain ceremonies, where extremely crude wooden figures were 
 offered to the spirits in exchange for the sick person (see p. 103), 
 and the second, the wooden decoys used in hunting doves (See Plate 
 XVIII). 
 
 Summing up our present information we can say: first, that the 
 Bagobo makes use of certain realistic designs which in some cases have 
 become conventionalized but still retain their former significance; 
 second, that the greater part of decoration in beads, shell disks, em- 
 broidery or applique, as well as the incised designs in lime boxes and 
 the like, have no meaning to the people of the present day, and are 
 added only to make the objects more beautiful in the eyes of the owners. 
 In this work there are no set patterns and each artist gives full reign to 
 the fancy in producing these figures. Third, that the ideas for the pat- 
 terns inlaid, incised, and cast in brass or copper, are furnished by the 
 examples of this work coming from the Malays to the south, but that 
 even in these the artist has taken great liberties in the execution of the 
 design. Fourth, that one type of decoration, i. e., the incised figures 
 filled with lime, suggests the possible influence of Melanesia on the 
 artistic ideas of this people. 
 
 MYTHOLOGY. 
 
 During my stay with this tribe I heard parts of many folk-tales, some 
 chanted, others told with gravity, and still others which caused the 
 greatest levity. My limited knowledge of the dialect and pressure of 
 other work caused me to delay the recording of these tales until I should 
 begin a systematic study of the language. Owing to xmforeseen cir- 
 cumstances, that time never came, and it is now possible to give only 
 the slightest idea of a very rich body of tales.^ 
 
 In the main these stories are an attempt to account for the present 
 order of things. In the tale which we quoted in part, at the beginning 
 of the paper, we are told of an all-powerful being who created the earth 
 and all that is. Other spirits and many animals inhabited the sky 
 and earth which the creator had made. Of the latter only one, the 
 monkey, is named. He and his kind, we are told, once inhabited and 
 owned all the world, but were dispossessed by two human beings, 
 Toglai and Toglibon, from whom all the people of the world are de- 
 scended. After their death a great drought caused the people to dis- 
 perse and seek out new homes in other parts. They journeyed in 
 pairs and because of the objects which they carried with them, they 
 
 1 Since this was written Miss BENEDICT has published an excellent collection 
 of Bagobo Myths {Journal of American Folklore, 1913, XXVI, pp. 13-63. 
 
126 Field Musbum op Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 are now known by certain names. One couple, for instance, carried 
 with them a small basket called bira-an, and for this reason their children 
 are known as Bira-an (Bila-an). From the time of the dispersion until 
 the arrival of the Spaniards we learn that certain mythical heroes 
 performed wonderful feats, in some cases being closely identified with 
 the spirits themselves, in others making use of magic, the knowledge 
 of which seems to have been common in those times. 
 
 The two following tales are typical of those commonly heard in a 
 Bagobo gathering. The first was told by Urbano Eli, a Bagobo of 
 Malilla. 
 
 "After the people were created a man named LumabEt was born. 
 He could talk when he was one day old and the people said he was sent 
 by Manama. He lived ninety seasons and when still a young man he 
 had a hunting dog which he took to hunt on the mountain. The dog 
 started up a white deer and lyUmabEt and his companions followed 
 until they had gone about the world nine times when they finally caught 
 it. At the time they caught the deer LumabEt's hair was grey and he 
 was an old man. All the time he was gone he had only one banana 
 and one camote with him for food. When night came he planted the 
 skin of the banana and in the morning he had ripe bananas to eat, 
 and the camotes came the same way. When he had caught the deer 
 liUvakhEt called the people to see him and he told them to kill his 
 father. They obeyed him and then I^umabEt took off his headband 
 and waved it in the air over the dead man, and he at once was alive 
 again. He did this eight times and at the eighth time his father was 
 small hke a little boy, for every time the people cut him in two the knife 
 took off a little flesh. So all the people thought LumdbEt was like 
 a god. 
 
 "One year after he killed the deer he told all the people to come into 
 his house, but they said they could not, for the house was small and 
 the people many. But LumdbEt said there was plenty of room, so all 
 entered his house and were not crowded. The next morning the 
 diwata, tigyama, and other spirits came and talked with him. After 
 that he told the people that all who believed that he was powerful could 
 go with him, but all who did not go would be turned into animals and 
 bmo. Then IvumabEt started away and those who stayed back became 
 animals and huso. 
 
 "He went to the place Binaton, across the ocean, the place where 
 the earth and sky meet. When he got there he saw that the sky kept 
 going up and down the same as a man opening and closing his jaws. 
 LumibEt said to the sky 'You must go up,' but the sky replied 'No.' 
 
September, 19 13. Wii,d Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 127 
 
 At last Lumab£t promised the sky that if he let the others go he might 
 catch the last one who tried to pass; so the sky opened and the people 
 went through; but when near to the last the sky shut down and caught 
 the bolo of next to the last man. The last one he caught and ate. 
 
 That day I,umab£t's son Tagalion was hunting and caught many 
 animals which he hung up. Then he said he must go to his father's 
 place ; so he leaned an arrow against a baltit tree and sat on it. It began 
 to grow down and carried him down to his father's place, but when he 
 arrived there were no people there. He saw a gun, made out of gold, 
 and some white bees in the house. The bees said 'You must not cry; 
 we can take you to the sky.' So he rode on the gun, and the bees took 
 him to the sky and he arrived there in three days. 
 
 "One of the men was looking down on the land below, and all of 
 the spirits made fun of him and said they would take out his intestines 
 so that he would be like one of them and never die. The man refused 
 to let them, and he wanted to go back home because he was afraid; 
 so Manama said to let him go. 
 
 "The spirits took leaves of the karau grass and tied to his legs, and 
 made a chain of the grass and let him down to the earth. When he 
 reached the earth he was no longer a man but was an owl." 
 
 (2) The second tale, which was recorded by P. Juan Doyle, S. J., is 
 as follows: 
 
 "In one of the torrents which has its origin at the foot of Apo, there 
 were two eels which, having acquired extraordinary magnitude, had no 
 room in so little water, on account of which they determined to separate, 
 each one taking a different direction in search of the sea or the great 
 lakes. One arrived, happily, at the sea by the Padada river, and from 
 it came eels in the sea. The other descending a torrent, swimming and 
 confining himself as well as he might, enclosed in these narrow places, 
 said to himself 'I haven't the slightest idea of what the sea is, but it 
 appears to me that when I see before me an extraordinary clearness on 
 a limpid surface, that must be the sea, and with one spring I will jump 
 into it.' So saying, he arrived at a point where the torrent formed 
 a cascade. He noticed that it cut off the horizon and to his view it 
 appeared of an extraordinary clearness; he thought he could swim there 
 without limit, and at his pleasure, and that this, in fine, must be the sea. 
 He darted into it, but the unhappy one was dashed against the rocks,- 
 and too fatigued to swim through the rough waters, he lost his life. 
 His body lay there inert and formed undulations which are now the 
 folds which the earth forms to the left of Mt. Apo." 
 
128 Field Museum op Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 OTHER BRANCHES OF THE TRIBE. 
 
 To the south and southwest of Mt. Apo, and west of Digos, are 
 seven settlements, the inhabitants of which are known as Obo or 
 Tigdapaya. On the south they meet the Bila-an, and, like this latter 
 people, extend over the watershed into the valley of the Cotabato river. 
 On the northwest they come in contact with the Ata. They have inter- 
 married with both of these tribes, have adopted many of their customs, 
 and in some cases their manner of dress. However, they consider 
 themselves, and are considered by the Bagobo, as a part of that tribe, 
 and recognize Tongkaling as their chief. Bagobo customs and blood 
 predominate, although intermarriage with the Negrito was evident 
 in nearly every individual of this division seen by the writer. 
 
 Immediately west of Daliao are three villages whose people are 
 known as Eto or Ata. Aside from a slightly greater percentage of in- 
 dividuals showing negroid features, these people do not differ in any 
 respect from the Bagobo. It does not seem that they should be classed 
 with the people later referred to as Ata. To the north, their lands 
 join the territory held by the Guianga. 
 
 The habitat of the division called Guianga begins a few miles back 
 of the Gulf and extends west to the watershed. An east and west line 
 drawn through the village of Taloma marks their southern boundary, 
 while to the north they approach the I,asan river. They are found in 
 a number of scattered settlements which owe allegiance and are subject 
 to five petty datu. Tongkaling is not recognized as having any au- 
 thority in the district, and there seems to be no remembrance of a time 
 when any of the Bagobo rulers held authority over the Guianga. Phys- 
 ically and culturally they do not seem to be far removed from the 
 Bagobo, while their language is so closely related that individuals of 
 the two divisions, meeting for the first time can carry on a conversation. 
 There is, however, considerable variation between the dialects, both in 
 intonation and vocabulary. 
 
 Further study may result in raising this branch to the dignity of a 
 tribe, but the information at hand does not justify us in considering them 
 other than a dialect group of the Bagobo. 
 
II. BILA-AN. 
 
 Synonyms. 
 
 (a) Tagalagad — "dwellers in the back country" is the name 
 generally applied to this tribe by the coast natives. 
 
 (b) Tagkogon — "dwellers in the cogon" — ^The group living on the 
 grass plains west of Malalag. 
 
 (c) BuLtJAN, BUI.UANES — The members of this tribe dwelling near 
 to Lake Buluan. This group is sometimes identified with the Tagabili 
 or Tagabulii who also reside in that region. 
 
 (d) BiRA-AN, Bara-an — Synonym for Bila-an, often used by the 
 neighboring Bagobo. 
 
 (e) VlLANES, BiLANES. 
 
 (f) Balud or TuMANAO — name sometimes applied by early writers 
 to the Bila-an who live on the Sarangani Islands. 
 
 This tribe is found in the mountains on the west side of Davao Gulf 
 beginning at an east and west line drawn through Bulatakay and ex- 
 tending south to Sarangani Point, and they also appear in small numbers 
 in the Sarangani Islands which lie just south of the mainland. At 
 Bulatakay they are a day's march back from the coast and to reach 
 them it is necessary to pass for several hours through a rolling belt of 
 forest land, then as the mountains are approached, gently sloping 
 cogon plains about ten miles in width are crossed. West of Malalag 
 they are still far from the sea with a belt of hill Tagakaolo between 
 them and the coast people. In this region they have spread out in 
 considerable numbers on to the grass plains, and for this reason are 
 locally known as Tagkogon "dwellers in the cogon." On the gulf 
 side of the divide, south of Malalag, they are found in small groups far 
 back in the mountains, while between them and the sea are Tagakaolo, 
 Kulaman and Moro. Along the watershed between the districts of 
 Davao and Cotabato they possess all the territory and even extend in 
 some numbers into the lowlands toward Lake Buluan. They are 
 distinctly a mountain people, having never reached the sea, except near 
 Sarangani Point, until after the advent of the American. Since then 
 a few hundred have been induced to move to the coast plantations, and 
 the town of Labau has been established on the Padada river about six 
 miles back of the coast. According to Mr. H. S. Wilson, tiibal ward 
 headman for the Bila-an, this tribe numbers about ten thousand persons, 
 of which number fifteen hundred reside on the Sarangani Islands. 
 
 129 
 
130 FiBLD Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., VoIv. XII. 
 
 The material here presented was gathered from the people of Labau, 
 the Malalag cogon, and those living near the headwaters of the Ma-al 
 and Padada rivers. 
 
 Formerly a neutral, uninhabited belt extended between them and the 
 coast people, and at stated intervals they went to recognized trading 
 points in this territory to exchange their agricultural and forest products 
 . for salt, fish, and other articles of barter. Beyond this trading and an 
 occasional fight, they had few dealings with the coast people and seem 
 never to have encountered the Spaniard. 
 
 They are almost unknown to history, for aside from two or three 
 short accounts,' based mostly on hearsay, we find no mention of them. 
 The 'Coast natives who knew them by name only had many stories con- 
 cerning their life and prowess, and one still hears that "the Bila-an are 
 of small stature but agile like monkeys. One may wander for days 
 through their territory without encountering a person and then when 
 in a bad place suddenly see the little people in hundreds swarming down 
 the sides of impassable cliffs. They are always in such numbers that, 
 while they use only the bow and arrow, they are almost sure to ex- 
 terminate the intruders." As a matter of fact, the Bila-an compare 
 in stature with the coast natives and differ little from them in color, 
 although a few individuals of decidedly lighter cast are met with. 
 
 Observations were made on thirty-eight men, but no women could 
 be induced to submit to being measured. The maximum height of the 
 men was found to be 163.6 cm.; minimum 142.3 cm.; with an average 
 of 154.7 cm. The cephalic indices showed 87.8 cm. as the maximum; 
 74 cm. the minimum; and 80.4 cm. the average. The greatest length- 
 height index was 78.6 cm.; the minimum 62.4 cm. and the average 
 69.7 cm. From these measurements it appears that the Bila-an are 
 somewhat shorter than the Bagobo; are more short headed, the majority 
 being brachycephalic ; while the height from tragus to vertex is about the 
 same in both groups, and both have the crown and back of the head 
 strongly arched. The face^ is absolutely shorter and relatively broader 
 than in the Bagobo. The forehead is usually high and full, but in 
 about one-third of the individuals measured it was moderately retreat- 
 ing, while in the same proportion the supra-orbital ridges were quite 
 strongly marked. In other features, as well as in hair form, eyes, 
 body form and color, this people conform to the description given of the 
 Bagobo (Plates XI,II-XI,VIII). 
 
 ' Blair and Robertson The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, pp. 239, 282-283. 
 Census of the Philippine Islands, 1905. 
 
 " Measured from the chin to the hair of the forehead. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 131 
 
 The greater part of this tribe live far back in the rugged mountains 
 which form the watershed between the Cotabato valley and the Gulf of 
 Davao. Travel through that district is entirely on foot, and is prin- 
 cipally along the water courses, so that in going from place to place a 
 person is continually crossing the stream. From time to time dim trails, 
 scarcely worthy of that name, lead from the river's bank almost per- 
 pendicularly up the mountain-side or to the summits of high hills, where 
 will be found one or two frail houses (Plate XlylX). The dwellings 
 are never in large groups, and more frequently each house is by itself. 
 From one habitation it is possible to look across the hills and see many 
 others at no great distance, to reach which would necessitate a descent 
 of several hundred feet and an equal climb up to each. 
 
 There is considerable variation in the architecture of the dwellings 
 but the following description of the home of Datu Dialum, on the head- 
 waters of the Ma-al river, will give the general plan of all. 
 
 Small hardwood poles about twenty feet in length formed the up- 
 rights to which the side and crossbeams were lashed, while in the center 
 of each end beam smaller sticks were tied to form the king posts. From 
 the ridge pole small timbers extended to the side beams, thus forming 
 the framework on which the final topping of flattened bamboo was laid. 
 This roof was of one pitch and at the sides overhung the walls by about 
 a foot. Twelve feet above the ground other poles were lashed to the 
 uprights and on these rested the cross timbers of the floor, which in 
 turn were covered with broad strips of bark. The side walls extended 
 between the floor and the beams, but in no place did they extend up to 
 the roof. Entrance to the dwelling was gained by a notched log. 
 
 Once inside the house the arrangement 
 impressed one as being similar to those of 
 the Bagobo. Just above the door, and again 
 in the far end of the room, poles were laid 
 across the beams to form the floors of lofts 
 which, in this case, were used as sleeping 
 rooms. 
 
 In front of the door, at the opposite side 
 of the room, was a bed of ashes in which 
 three stones were sunk to form the stove, 
 and above this was suspended a rack which 
 contained cooking pots, drying wood, ears of 
 corn, and the like. Close to the stove were 
 Tig! 36. a few earthen pots (Fig. 35) and many short 
 
 cooKi NG POT A ND GOV ER. bamboo tubes filled with water, while against 
 
132 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 the wall hung rattan frames filled with half cocoanut-shell dishes, 
 spoons, and two or three old Chinese plates. Near the center of the 
 room stood a rice mortar made by hollowing out a section of log. At 
 the far end of the room was a raised sleeping platform, such as is found 
 in all Bagobo houses, and extending from this to the center and on 
 each side of the room were narrow stalls where the women were engaged 
 in weaving, and in which they slept and kept their most valued pos- 
 sessions. 
 
 In the description of the house we have mentioned most of the 
 furnishings. In addition it is customary to find a few well made mats 
 of pandanus or buri palm leaf. These are spiead on the floor when 
 the owners wish to retire and for the rest of the time are rolled up and 
 laid along the walls. Carved forked sticks which serve as torch-holders 
 stand in various parts of the room, while somewhere near the stove 
 is a miscellany of wooden meat blocks, bamboo fans and fly swatters, 
 gourds filled with millet, salt, or mashed peppers, and shovel-shaped 
 or round rice winnowers, which also serve as common eating dishes 
 for the family and guests. Well made baskets stand by the walls or 
 hang from pegs along with articles of clothing, while spears, shields, 
 and other weapons are fastened to side walls or roof. 
 
 Small clearings are found at no great distance from these dwellings 
 and in them the people raise rice, corn, millet, camotes, sugar-cane, and 
 a few banana and hemp plants (Plate I^). As is the case with all the 
 wild tribes in this district, the Bila-an make new clearings as soon as 
 the cogon grass begins to invade their fields, and this in time causes 
 them to move their homes from one locality to another. 
 
 The domestic animals consist of a few chickens, dogs, an occasional 
 cat and pig, and in the lower cogon lands, a few families possess horses. 
 Some fish are secured from the river, while deer, wild pig, jungle fowl, 
 and other game are taken with traps or secured by hunting. 
 
 There seems never to have been a time when this tribe was organized 
 under a single leader as was the case with the Bagobo. Each district 
 is so isolated from the others and the population so scattering that any 
 such development has been barred, and hence the people of each river 
 valley or highland plain have their local ruler. The power of this 
 ruler is real only so far as his personal influence can make it so. He 
 receives no pay for his services, but his position makes it possible for 
 him to secure the help of his fellows when he is in need of workers or 
 warriors. In return he conducts negotiations with other groups and 
 administers justice in accordance with the customs handed down from 
 bygone ages. Upon his death he is succeeded by his eldest son, unless 
 
September, 1913. WiIvD Tribes of Davao District — CoivE. 133 
 
 the old men of the group should consider him incompetent, in which 
 case they will determine upon the successor. 
 
 Warriors who have killed one or more persons' are known as lEbE 
 (Plate XLII), and are permitted to wear plain red suits decorated 
 with embroidery. Their duties and privileges are much the same as 
 those of the Bagobo magani. 
 
 A class known as almo-os is composed mostly of middle-aged women 
 who are in close communication with the spirits and who, like the 
 mabalian of the Bagobo, conduct ceremonies to aid in the cure of the 
 sick, to secure good crops, or to thank the higher beings for their help 
 and watchfulness. Unlike the mabalian, these women are seldom 
 midwives, such duties being performed by a group called fandita? 
 Finally, we learn that slaves are sometimes taken from neighboring 
 tribes or even from unfriendly settlements of their own people, to 
 which class may be added offenders against the laws of the group. 
 Slavery, however, is not very prevalent, for men are not greatly desired 
 unless needed for a sacrifice, while young girls and women soon become 
 regular members of their master's family. 
 
 As has just -been indicated a man may have as many wives as he can 
 secure by purchase or capture, provided they are not blood relations, 
 but a new wife cannot be added to the family until the one preceding 
 has borne a child. 
 
 Difficulties are generally settled between the parties concerned, but 
 if they carry their case to the ruler they must abide by his decision. A 
 thief is usually compelled to return the stolen property, but in at least 
 one case the culprit was sacrificed.' 
 
 Murder can be avenged by a murder so long as the trouble remains 
 a family affair, but if the case goes to the ruler it is probable that he will 
 levy a fine on the culprit. Unfaithfulness in a wife can be punished 
 by the death of one or both offenders if the husband exacts the punish- 
 ment, otherwise a fine is imposed. 
 
 The type of clothing worn by this tribe is practically identical with 
 that of the Bagobo, while the cloth from which it is made is procured by 
 a like process. However, in the ornamentation of these garments there 
 is wide variation. Beads are not used to any great extent, but in their 
 place are intricate embroidered designs which excel, both in beauty and 
 technique the work of any other wild tribe in the Islands, while on the 
 more elaborate costumes hundreds of shell disks arfe used in artistic 
 designs. The woman's skirt is of hemp and is made in exactly the same 
 
 1 Said to be four among the Tagkogon. 
 
 2 Probably a corruption of the Moro term pandita. 
 
 3 See p. 145. 
 
134 Field Museum oe Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 manner as those of the Bagobo, but the general pattern is different, and 
 it seldom contains the broad decorative center panel (Plate LX). 
 
 Some of the men cut their hair so that it falls in bangs along the 
 center line of the forehead and behind reaches to the nape of the neck, 
 but the majority of them, and all the women, allow the back hair to 
 grow long and tie it in a knot at the back of the head. Ordinarily the 
 men dispense with head covering, or at most twist a bit of cloth into a 
 turban, but for special occasions they wear palm leaf hats covered with 
 many parallel bands of rattan and crowned with notched chicken 
 feathers (Plate LI). Rarely is a woman seen with any kind of head 
 
 FIG. 36. 
 
 WOMEN'S Combs. 
 
 protection or hair ornament other than a small comb which is peculiar 
 to this tribe (Fig. 36). This comb is made of bamboo or rattan splints 
 drawn together at the center but flarmg at top and bottom until it 
 forms an ornament in the shape of an hotu- glass. The ear plugs worn 
 by the men are of wood and are undecorated, but those of the women 
 have the fronts overlaid with incised brass plates (Fig. 37). In other 
 respects the dress of the women differs little from that of the Bagobo. 
 They have the same necklaces, arm and finger rings, leglets, and anklets, 
 although in less quantity. They also carry trinket baskets, but these 
 are larger than those used by the women of the other tribe and are 
 lacking in bead and bell pendants. However, they are tastily decorated 
 with designs in colored bamboo or fern cuticle. We have already noted 
 that the use of plain red garments is limited to warriors, but cloth of 
 that hue which contains narrow black stripes may be used by all. Quite 
 a number of garments are seen in which white patterns appear in a red 
 
September, 19 13. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 13 S 
 
 background (Plate LVIIIc). In this tribe the use of such suits is not 
 restricted, but with the neighboring Kulaman they can be worn by- 
 warriors^ only. 
 
 Before we proceed further with the description of the life of the 
 people, it will be well for us to inquire into their religious beliefs, for, 
 as is the case with all their neighbors, their faith in unseen beings 
 influences their daily life to a very great extent. The two following 
 tales deal with the Bila-an genesis. 
 
 "In the beginning was MElii — a being of such great size as to be 
 
 FIG. 37. 
 
 A. WOMEN'S EAR PLUGS. 
 
 B. MEN'S EAR PLUGS. 
 
 beyond comparison with any known thing; who was white, having gold 
 teeth, and who sat upon the clouds, and occupied all space above. 
 
 "He was very cleanly and was constantly rubbing himself with his 
 hands in order that he might keep his skin quite white. The scurf or 
 dead skin which, he thus removed, he placed to one side where it ac- 
 cumulated at last to such a heap that it annoyed him. To be rid of this 
 annoyance he made the earth, and being pleased with his work, he de- 
 cided to make two beings like himself only much smaller in size. This 
 he did from remnants of the material from which he made the earth. 
 
 ' See p. 155 for a description of this process. 
 
136 Field Museum of Naturajv History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 "Now, while Mfilii was making the first two men, and when he had 
 the first one finished, all excepting the nose; and the second one finished 
 all excepting the nose and one other part, Tau Tana (Funtana) or Tau 
 Dalom Tana appeared and demanded of M£lu that he be allowed to 
 make the nose. Then began a great argument in which Tau Dalom 
 Tana gained his point and did make the noses and placed them on the 
 faces of the first two people upside down. So great had been the 
 argument over this making and placing of noses that MeIvl forgot to 
 finish that part of the second person and went away to his place above 
 the clouds, and Tau Dalom Tana went away to his place below the 
 earth. Then came a great rain and the two people on the earth were 
 about to perish on account of the water which ran off their heads into 
 their noses. MElii seeing what was happening came to them and 
 changed their noses, and then told them that they should save all the 
 hair which came from their heads, and all the scurf which came from their 
 bodies to the end that when he came again he might make more people. 
 As time passed there came to be a great many people, and they lived 
 in a village having plenty to eat and no labor but the gathering of such 
 fruits as they desired. 
 
 "One day when the rest of the people were about the village and the 
 near country, a man and woman who had been left behind fell to gazing, 
 one upon the person of the other, and after a little while they went 
 away apart from the rest and were gone many days, and when they 
 returned the woman carried a child in her arms, and the people wondered 
 and were afraid. When MElii came again soon, knowing what had 
 taken place, he was very angry and he went away abandoning them, 
 and a great drought came, when for two seasons no rain fell and every- 
 thing withered up and died. At last the people went away, two by 
 two, one man and one woman together, and MElu never again came 
 to visit his people on earth."' 
 
 The writer did not hear the foregoing tale, but the following, with 
 more or less variation, was told to him by several Bila-an: 
 
 "In the beginning four beings, MElu and Fiuweigh-males, and Dwata 
 and Saweigh (or sEwE or sfi weigh) -females, lived on a small earth 
 or island as large as a hat and called salnaon. There were no trees or 
 grass on this island, but they had one bird called Baswit. They sent 
 this bird across the waters to secure some earth, the fruit of the rattan 
 and of trees. When it returned MElii took the earth and beat it the 
 same as a woman beats pots until he had made the land, then he planted 
 the seeds in it and they grew. When he had watched it for a time 
 ' Recorded by Mr. H. S. Wilson. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Da vao District— Cole. 137 
 
 M£lu said: 'Of what use is^ land without people'; so the others 
 said. Xet us make wax into people.' They did so, but when they put 
 the wax near to the fire it melted, so they saw they could not make 
 man that way. Next it was decided that they should use dirt, and 
 Mfilii and Fiuweigh began to make man. All went well until they 
 were ready to make the nose. Fiuweigh who was making this part 
 put the nose on upside down and when Mfilii told him that the people 
 would drown if he left it that way he became very angry and refused 
 to change it. When he turned his back, M£lu seized the nose quickly 
 and turned it as it now is, and you can see where, in his haste, he pressed 
 his fingers (at the root). 
 
 "The people they made were Adnato and Andawi, male and female. 
 These two had children, Tap! (or Mastafi) and Lakarol. (Informants 
 disagreed here, part insisting that M£sa, I^akbang, and Mangarang 
 were part of the first people made.) Their descendants were Sinudal $ , 
 Mody 6 ,^ Limbay 9 , Madinda 9 , Sinnamoway 6 , Kamansa 6 , Gilay 9 , 
 Gomayau 6 , Salau 6 , Slayen 9 , BaEn 9 , Kanfal 9 , Latara 6 ." 
 
 The last was the father of Alimama, the chief informant of this tale. 
 Inok, dato of Labau, is also of this line, tiracing his descent from Lak- 
 bang. 
 
 It is said that MElii and Saweigh now live below, Dwata and Fiu- 
 weigh in the sky. 
 
 A variation of this story credits M£lu and Dwata with being the 
 creators of Fiuweigh and S£weigh. They were the ancestors of men, 
 for they took earth and made it into the form of people and then whipped 
 it until it moved. The first people they made were Otis 6 and Lak- 
 bang 9 ■ Two of their children were Mastafi 6 and I^akarol (or 
 Landol) 9 . From these two came all the Bila-an. "These two lived 
 in a small distant place and their one animal was Baswit — a bird. 
 They sent him on a long journey and when he returned he brought a 
 piece of earth and the fruit of a pandag tree. I/akarol planted the 
 fruit in the piece of earth and when it grew the leaves fell down and 
 finally made the earth." 
 
 From these tales and later questioning we learn the MElii, or 
 M£LE, is the most powerful of all the natural spirits and that his help 
 is sought in times of calamity and at very important occasions. 
 
 Duwata (Duata, Dwata, Adwata, Diwata) is generally considered to 
 be the wife of M£lu and of equal strength with him. She is sometimes 
 identified with a female spirit called Kalalokan. 
 
 ' 6 male, 9 female. 
 
138 Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 Fiuweigh and SEweigh are now powerful spirits, but there is some 
 dispute as to whether they have always been so, or once were human. 
 
 Lamot ta Mangayo, also called Mandalangan, is the patron spirit of 
 the warriors and is in all respects almost identical with Mandarangan 
 of the Bagobo. 
 
 The busau axe a class of spirits, often ill-disposed toward men, who 
 live in various parts of the mountains. Bakay, one of the busau, is said 
 to be the owner of the deer and pig and is held in considerable esteem by 
 the people of the Padada region, but he is not recognized by the Tag- 
 kogon branch of the tribe. Another spirit, Bawi, who owns the rice, 
 is in great favor with the Padada people, but is unknown to the latter 
 group. Flau is the spirit of an unborn child whose mother died in 
 pregnancy. Its cry is often heard at night, and at times it attacks and 
 injures people. 
 
 These natural spirits are very powerful, and since they sometimes 
 interest themselves in the doings of mortals it behooves all to keep their 
 good will. Below them is another class of spirits, less powerful, but far 
 more concerned in the affairs of men, and for this reason more to-be 
 feared should they become displeased. This class is made up of the 
 spirits of the dead. A man's spirit, almogol, does not live in his body, 
 but always accompanies him during life. If at any time it wanders 
 the man becomes ill, and if it fails to return its owner dies. After 
 separating from the body the almogol goes to Kilot, a good place below 
 the earth where there is no work or punishment. There it spends most 
 of its time, but upon occasion returns to its former haunts where it aids 
 or injures the living. 
 
 The almo-os, already mentioned,^ have considerable influence with all 
 the spirits, but they are particularly close to the almogol. When a 
 person is ill he is placed in a little house known as lawig (Plate LH), 
 beside which a fire is kindled. Nearby are two decorated bamboo 
 sticks, behind which the spirit of the sick man stands while he watches 
 the proceeding. The almo-os takes a chicken in his hands and, while 
 five or six assistants dance, he chants, appealing to the spirit to see the 
 good things that are being prepared, and to be pleased to return to 
 the sick man. Occasionally, the music stops and one of the dancers 
 cries "almogol, here is food for you; you must not go away." After a 
 time the fowl is killed, is cooked over the fire, and is fed to the invalid, 
 while the "doctor" continues his song of entreaty. If the call pleases 
 the spirit it will pass between the bamboo sticks and go to the sick 
 person in the lawig, but if it is not convinced that it should remain it 
 ■ See page 133. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes oe Davao District— Cole. 139 
 
 departs, and the patient dies. The sick person is kept in the spirit 
 house for a day and is then returned to his home. 
 
 Little structures known as bolon are erected for other spirits who 
 may be trying to injure the almogol or attempting to persuade it to leave 
 its owner. 
 
 Certain ceremonies and offerings occur after a death, at the birth 
 of a child, at planting and harvest times, and when the warriors are 
 about to start on a raid; all of which will be spoken of in a later para- 
 graph. When approaching a place known to be owned by certain 
 spirits, it is thought wise to make a small offering. On the trail to 
 Ma-al is a large rock which marks the divide between the mountains 
 and the open cogon lands. As the writer's party approached this 
 stone one of the men removed some of his leg bands and placed them 
 beside the rock, at the same time praying the busau to "take the present 
 and do not let any of our party fall sick or be injured on the journey." 
 It is also customary for a man who wishes to buy anything or to make 
 a trade, first to make an offering of betel-nut to the spirit of some rich 
 man, and to ask his help in the venture. 
 
 Some new clearings are cut in the jungle each year, after the con- 
 stellation Balatik has risen out of the sea. The spirits place this sign 
 in the heavens to notify all that the land should be cleared, but it does 
 not call for a sacrifice as in the case of the people we have previously 
 described. At that time the men cut the trees and underbrush, and 
 after allowing them to dry, fire them. They also make the holes into 
 which the women drop seed rice. 
 
 When the land is ready for planting, a little house called botabwE is 
 built in the center of the field, and beside it is placed a platform or 
 table, sina-al, on which is an offering of food. Early in the morning, 
 while the others sleep, the owner and his wife carry the seed rice to the 
 field and place it on the botabwE. After a time they eat some of the 
 food which has previously been offered and then begin to plant, be- 
 ginning close to the spirit house. Soon they are joined by other workers 
 who aid them in the planting. These assistants do not receive payment 
 for their services other than food while working and like help when in 
 need. At this time a bamboo pole, with one end split and spread open 
 like a cup,^ is placed in front of the elevated platform of the family 
 dwelling and the guardian spirit of the fields is promised that after the 
 harvest he will receive the new seed rice. While the rice is growing 
 the men attend to the fences and the women keep down weeds or 
 
 ' This pole which is here known as sabak is the same as the tambara of the Bagobo. 
 See p. 66 and fig. 12. 
 
140 Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 frighten birds and other intruders away. When the crops have matured 
 all the people of a neighborhood will meet at the home of the chief, 
 and there celebrate a ceremony known as Pandoman. Two bundles of 
 rice are laid on a mat in the center of the room, and beside them a spear 
 is thrust into the floor. These are offerings to the great spirits MElii 
 and Dwata who are besought to give health to the workers while they 
 are gathering crops. As soon as this offering is made, the men begin 
 to build the rice granaries; meanwhile the women silently guard the 
 mat and gifts, for until the new storehouses are completed there must 
 be no dancing or merry-making. When all is ready for the harvest, the 
 wife of the owner goes alone to the field, and having cut a few heads of 
 grain, she carries them back to the house. One portion is placed in the 
 sabak another on a little platform, gramso, near to the house, as an 
 offering to MElii and Dwata; and the balance is cooked and eaten by 
 the family. The following morning all the women go to the fields to 
 gather the harvest. When the last bundle has been carried to the 
 house a celebration begins, agongs and EdEt furnish the music for the 
 dancers, and for a day and a night all feast and make merry; then the 
 workers return to their homes carrying small gifts of cooked food or 
 new rice. 
 
 Aside from clearing the land and helping somewhat with the rice 
 crops, the men seldom concern themselves with work in the fields but 
 leave the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and the like to 
 the women. 
 
 A large part of the food of the tribe is furnished by the fruits and 
 herbs of the jungle and here again the women are the chief providers. 
 Although in the sago industry both sexes have well defined duties. 
 
 Along the edge of the cogon lands are many large buri palms,^ from 
 which a starch commercially known as sago is secured. The men cut 
 down a tree close to its roots and remove the hard outer bark, thus 
 exposing the soft fibrous interior (Plate I^III) ; then a section of bamboo 
 is bent so as to resemble an adze, and with this the men loosen or break 
 up__the soft interior portion of the trunk. This is removed to a near-by 
 stream, and is placed in a bark vat into which water is led by means of 
 bamboo tubes. Here a woman works it with her hands until the 
 starch grains are separated from the fibrous matter. As the water 
 drains slowly out the fine starch is carried with it into a coarse cloth 
 sieve, which retains all the larger matter but allows the starch to be 
 carried into another bark vat below. Fresh water passes slowly through 
 
 ' See p. I lo note. 
 
 ^ Corypha umbraculifera. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 141 
 
 this lower vat, removing the bitter sap from the flour, which is de- 
 posited on the bottom of the vat. From time to time this is scraped 
 up and placed in baskets where it is kept until needed. The flour, 
 while rather tasteless, is nutritious and in years of drought is the chief 
 source of food supply. 
 
 Preparation of the meals, care of the children, basket and mat 
 making, weaving and decoration of clothing, take up most of the time 
 of the women when they are not engaged in the cultivation of the 
 fields or in search of forest products. 
 
 The hardest work in the fields falls to the men; they also strip the 
 hemp needed in weaving, while a few of them are skilled workers in 
 brass and copper and turn out bells and other ornaments not at all 
 inferior to those of the coast natives. Their methods of casting as 
 well as their manufactures are identical with 
 those of .the Bagobo from whom they probably 
 learned the art. So far as could be learned 
 no iron work is done by members of this tribe, 
 and the few spears and knives possessed by the 
 warriors seem to be trade articles. 
 
 The old men claim that until recent years 
 the bow and arrow was their sole offensive 
 weapon. It is certain that today they have 
 a greater variety of arrows and are more skillful 
 in the use of this type of weapon than are any 
 of their neighbors. None of the weapons 
 found on the gulf side 
 
 of the divide appeared 
 to be poisoned, but a 
 number secured by 
 Major Porter from 
 the Lake Buluan 
 region seem to have 
 been so treated 
 (Fig. 38). Different 
 types of arrows have 
 been developed 
 for different purposes; 
 one for fighting, 
 another for deer and 
 
 4 ^ 
 
 FIG. 38. 
 Bows. ARROWS AND QUIVER FROM 
 
 Lake Buluan region. 
 
142 FiBLD Museum of NaturaIv History— Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 pig, another for monkeys, and still others for fish and birds (Fig. 39). 
 Birds are killed also by means of reed blow guns, identical in type with 
 those shown on page 73, Fig. 18. As a rule such weapons are used 
 
 il 
 
 FIG. 39. 
 Bows AND ARROWS IN COMMON USE. 
 
 FIG. 40. 
 PITCH STICK USED IN THE CAPTURE OF SMALL BIRDS. 
 
 by boys. Pitch sticks (Fig. 40), chicken snares, and fish traps are in 
 common use, but bird nets and wooden decoys seem to be unknown. 
 
 When on a raid warriors carry beautifully carved shields, bows and 
 arrows, spears, and fighting knives (Plates LIV-IrV). They are in 
 bad repute with the coast natives, but are really far less warlike and 
 
September, 1913. W11.D Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 143 
 
 troublesome than any of their neighbors. Their isolated dwellings 
 serve as protection against invaders, but at the same time make it 
 difficult to gather large bodies of men for raiding purposes. It is only 
 when urged on by an invasion of their country, by a desire for revenge 
 for real or fancied wrongs, or when a victim is needed for a sacrifice 
 that great raids are planned. Before a war party is to start against 
 an enemy the leader takes eight pieces of betel nut and some leg bands 
 and placing them on his shield, bids his followers lay their weapons 
 upon them. Addressing the guardian spirit of the warriors, he speaks 
 as follows: "Now listen Lamot ta Mangayo, let the person who killed 
 my brother come to meet us even though his head does ache, for now we 
 offer to you. Give us good fortune in the fight." Upon returning 
 from the fray they place eight whole betel nuts, together with leaves, 
 on a plate, and having set it outside the house, one of the warriors calls 
 to IVLElu saying: "If the brother of the man we have killed in payment 
 for my brother calls on you for aid, you must not give heed, for here we 
 ihake a present to you." 
 
 There are no restrictions placed upon a pregnant woman, who, as 
 a rule, continues her regular duties until near the time of delivery'. 
 When the first pains begin an old man or woman offers four pieces of 
 betel riut to Mfilu, and to the spirit of the child's grandfather, if de- 
 ceased. The midwife prepares a drink which is supposed to aid in the • 
 delivery, and after the birth she cuts the umbilical cord with a bamboo 
 knife. She also assists about the house for a time, and for these services 
 receives two or three Chinese plates, some small knives, rings for the 
 right arm, and some needles. The father is not under any restrictions 
 at this time, but for a day of two he will gather young patina palms and 
 from them prepare food for his wife. 
 
 From birth until marriage the career of the child is without special 
 event. He is a welcome addition to the family, but no ceremonies 
 attend either his naming, or his arrival at the age of puberty. 
 
 As a rule, a youth does not take a wife until he is near twenty years 
 of age, and then his mate is generally of his own choosing. Having 
 decided upon a suitable girl he informs his parents and the friends he 
 may wish to accompany him when he goes to her home to press his suit. 
 Arrived at the house, the father of the suitor expresses his belief that 
 his son wishes to reside there since he now asks the daughter for his 
 wife. In reply he is told that the family is poor, having neither agongs, 
 animals, or other things of value. The suitor at once makes an offering 
 
 1 A woman does not work during her periods, and any food prepared by her at 
 that time would be refused by all who knew her condition. 
 
144 FiBivD MuseuM OP Naturai, History — ^Anth., Voi^. XII. 
 
 of some of these desired articles, but whatever the gift may be, a return 
 present equal to half its value must be made.' Should the girl's parents 
 reject the gift all negotiations would be called off and the guests return 
 home, but as a rule, both families are well aware of and favorable to the 
 expected wedding sometime before the visit of the groom's parents. 
 After the exchange of gifts, food is furnished first to the guests and later 
 to the couple, who in the presence of all the friends, feed each other 
 with rice and are henceforth considered as husband and wife. Until 
 after the birth of a child the couple live with the girl's family and the 
 groom serves his father-in-law. After the birth of an heir the couple 
 establish a home of their own and to it the husband may bring other 
 wives if he desires. He pays a price for these new wives, but does not 
 give any services to their families. The first mate is considered su- 
 perior to the others, and in case her husband dies, she acts as admin- 
 istrator of his property; however, the children of a second wife share 
 equally with those by the first marriage. 
 
 The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout 
 the night sing of the virtues of the deceased and of their own sorrow. 
 The body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three 
 days is- watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, abstain 
 from music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease 
 from weaving and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this 
 taboo would result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit 
 of the dead man is still near at hand and is sure to wr&ak his vengeance 
 on those who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in 
 mats and is buried at some little distance from the house. All the 
 people retm-n to the dwelUng, where the headman makes a cup out of 
 leaves, and having placed in it a narrow belt or string, together with 
 betel leaves, sets it adrift on a near-by stream, while all the men shout.^ 
 This removes the ban, so tliat all the people can resume their re- 
 gular occupations. 
 
 If the deceased has been a person of great importance, the death 
 should be followed eight days later by a human sacrifice. This rite, 
 while less common than with the Bagobo, is by no means infrequent, 
 and may be occasioned by several causes beside that of death. For 
 instance, if a person has been ill for a long time and his relatives have 
 become convinced that an enemy has used magic to bring about the 
 misfortune, they may seize and sacrifice him, even though he be a mem- 
 ber of their own community. A case is known where a thief was put 
 
 ' Note the similarity to the Bagobo custom. Page loi. 
 2 See pp. 157 and 161. 
 
Sbptbmbbr, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 145 
 
 to death in this manner. As there is considerable variation in the 
 accounts of this important ceremony the writer has thought it wise to 
 give the descriptions of two eye-witnesses. 
 
 The first informant was an eighteen year old Bila-an boy of lyabau 
 named Lantingan. His account is as follows: 
 
 "Sololin of Ma-al, the wife of Karan, a Bila-an living near Digos, 
 died and her husband, in company with Umook, Gamban, and Bunod, 
 Bagobos of Digos, and the people of Labau, decided that a sacrifice 
 was necessary both because of the death and in order that the size, 
 wealth, and fame of the tribe might be increased. About this time 
 Dianon, a Bila-an of Latian (now deceased), caught a man named 
 Saligon stealing camotes, sugar-cane, and corn from the land.^ He 
 bound and tied the man, and after a conference with Karan, Dianon 
 agreed to turn over his prisoner for the sacrifice if paid five agongs and 
 one gun. 
 
 "The sacrifice took place on a stream called Matinao near Labau 
 during the new moon. Two poles were sunk into the ground seven feet 
 apart, and a cross-piece attached about six feet above the ground. 
 The culprit was tied with hands crossed, one on each side of the horizon- 
 tal pole so that his arms were high above his head, and his feet were 
 fastened to a stake. 
 
 "The men gathered close around the poles, but the women and 
 children stood at a distance. Karan took his stand just back and to the 
 right of the victim, and Umook stood in front on the left side. Both 
 unsheathed their knives and then they called upon the spirits Dwata, 
 MElii and Lamot ta Mangayo to look and see that they were killing 
 the man because of his great fatdt; if this were not true they stirely 
 would not kill him.^ At this point Saligon, the victim, told the men 
 that he was not afraid to die, that if they killed him, their fault would be 
 great, but that if they would release him, he would return at once to 
 his home in Bilawan and would not cause them any trouble because of 
 what they had proposed to do. When he' stopped talking, Karan 
 struck him from in front just below the ribs with his fighting knife, and 
 Umook struck him from in back. The other men present who were 
 willing to pay for the privilege then struck at the body with their knives. 
 
 1 The woman Sololin had planted this sugar-cane and is reported to have eaten 
 some of it just prior to her death. The cane stolen was from the patch, but the 
 informant could not say whether or not this had anything to do with later develop- 
 ments. 
 
 2 The informant here added that if the man had not been guilty, Karan and 
 Umook would surely have been punished with sickness; but since they were not ill, 
 it is certain that he was bad, and that Dwata had taken his body up and would 
 not punish his murderers. • 
 
146 FiBivD Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 The body was then cut down and buried in a shallow grave already 
 prepared for it. No parts were carried away, although in some cases 
 the women take the long hairs of the victim and sew them in the de- 
 signs on the men's trousers in place of black thread." 
 
 Datu Baklay who now lives near the Padada river, but was formerly 
 a resident of the Malalag cogon plains, claims that the ceremony is 
 not a yearly event, as is the case with the Bagobo, neither does if follow 
 each death; but if the deceased has been a person of great importance 
 or a member of the ruler's family it should take place in eight days, 
 regardless of the phase of the moon or the position of the stars. He 
 further insists that neither Balatik nor any other constellation governs 
 the time of an offering, nor does such a ceremony insure better crops 
 or success in war. He describes the sacrifice following the death of 
 Datu Kalayan, his father, as follows : 
 
 "A BUa-an slave was purchased for one agong and preparations 
 made for a sacrifice. A small house without floor or sides was built in 
 the forest some distance from the town, and in this were two upright 
 poles which supported a crossbeam at a height of about seven feet. 
 Near them and inside the house a shallow grave was dug and then the 
 victim was brought in. He was tied to the horizontal pole, hands 
 crossed one on each side of the beam. The men filled the house, 
 leaving a free place only near the victim, and the women and children 
 crowded close around in the yard. After addressing the spirits, Lamot 
 ta Mangayo, MElii, and Dwata, I placed my spear to the man's side, 
 and then all the male relatives took hold of the shaft and at my signal 
 forced the weapon through the body. Other men then cut at the body 
 with their knives, finally releasing it from the pole. While it lay on 
 the ground the women and boys were allowed to enter the house and 
 throw spears at it, after which it was buried." 
 
 Baloey, a Kagan living at Padada, claims to have seen a Bila-an 
 sacrifice at Ma-al, about ten years ago, while Bagobo Datu Ansig of 
 Talun, and Tongkaling of Cibolan daim to have witnessed several of 
 these events. As their accounts agree in most particulars with the 
 two just recorded, it seems probable that we have here a fairly accurate 
 account of a rite which no white man has seen or can hope to see. 
 
 In studying the decorative art, of this people a person encounters the 
 
 same difficulties as with the Bagobo. Nearly all garments are covered 
 
 with elaborate patterns (Plates LVI-LX), to some of which all the 
 
 people will give the same names and explanations; but by far the 
 
 ' The informant further volunteered, that the Bila-an make a sacrifice every 
 two years, and that several years ago his uncle named KE was the victim. At that 
 time he was too young to remember the details. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes oe Davao District— Cole. 147 
 
 greater portion of the designs have only pattern names which are 
 unexplained. Many designs are readily identified as men and alligatoi s. 
 In Fig. 41 the forms marked a are identified as men and women, while 
 the conventionalized crocodile is shown in the same plates by the figures 
 marked b. Fig. 42 is perhaps the most interesting since it shows in one 
 garment the process of conventionalization. Nos. i, 2, 3 and 4, are 
 realistic representations of the human form; in 5 and 6 the heads are 
 
 FIG. 41. 
 DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING. 
 
 lacking but the figures are easily recognized, while the balance have 
 lost all resemblance to the original, except for the uplifted arms and 
 spread legs. However, the great majority of decorative patterns on 
 clothing are without meaning to the mass of the people, and this is 
 true also of the designs on baskets, in mats, the incised designs often 
 seen on pottery jars, and of the carvings which frequently cover hangers, 
 tobacco tubes, and the lake. 
 
148 Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 The language of this tribe, while quite uniform among its divisions, 
 varies considerably from that of any of their coast neighbors. There 
 is at once noticeable a more common use of obscure vowel and con- 
 sonant sounds, such as b, f, E, a, and k, in the beginning, end or even 
 in the body of the word; while the letter f, seldom found in Philippine 
 dialects, is here very common; and finally, there is wide variation in 
 vocabulary. 
 
 There are certain ill-defined tales to the effect that this tribe once 
 lived about I/ake Buluan, and one writer^ has attempted to show that 
 the tribal name is derived from that early home. Today they are still 
 
 ■ I. . I . . 1 1 _ I ^ 
 
 ^^■firipC: ' I' v.^ ' J" " Ci' 
 
 FIG. 42. 
 DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING. 
 
 in considerable numbers in that region, and this together with the fact 
 that they are now, and have been since the advent of the white man, 
 primarily an interior mountain people, helps to give credence to the 
 belief that they have spread to their present homes from the lake 
 district. Their language is a further proof that they have long been 
 separated from the people of the Davao Gulf region, for it differs more 
 from all the other dialects studied than did any of these vary among 
 themselves. Despite the foregoing statement, this brief sketch has 
 shown that in material culture, religion, and even physical type this 
 tribe does not differ radically from the Bagobo. 
 ' BlumENTritt, Smithsonian Report for 1899. 
 
III. KULAMAN. 
 
 Synonyms. 
 
 (a) CULAMANES. 
 
 (b) Manobo. 
 
 According to Governor Bolton this tribe numbers about thirty-five 
 hundred individuals and occupies a considerable portion of the coast, 
 and adjacent mountains, from the Padada river on the north to Saran- 
 gani Bay on the south. On the east side of Davao Gulf its members 
 are found along the beach and in the mountains, from Sigaboy to Cape 
 San Agustin, and also in a few scattered villages on the southeastern 
 Pacific Coast. 
 
 By their neighbors they are known as Kulaman or Manobo. The 
 former designation is translated as "bad man," but it is probable that 
 they received the name from the town of Kulaman, where they formerly 
 resided. They are equally well known as Manobo — a word meaning 
 "man." Earlier writers, misled by these two names, have generally 
 treated this people as forming two distinct groups, but this is quite 
 incorrect, both names being applied to a part or to the whole of the 
 tribe. It has also been customary to describe them as a part of the 
 great Manobo tribe which inhabits a large portion of Central and 
 Northeastern Mindanao. The writer is of the opinion that there is 
 not sufficient evidence to justify such a classification and that for the 
 present we must consider them as distinct from the Manobo of the 
 northern district as are the other tribes of Davao Gulf. 
 
 According to their own tales, the Kulaman once held all the coast 
 from the Padada River to Sarangani Bay, but did not extend far back 
 from the sea, since in the mountains lived the Tagakaolo and Bila-an 
 with whom they were constantly at war. When the Moro appeared 
 on their coasts and offered help against the hill tribes in return for 
 land, they were gladly received and were given several village sites 
 near to the mouths of various rivers. Aside from a few minor quarrels, 
 the Kulaman have always lived on friendly terms with these later 
 comers, and not a few of the tribe have been converted to Moham- 
 medism. 
 
 Influenced by their new allies they organized under several petty 
 rulers who were subservient to the daiu at Kulaman, and with this 
 superior organization they were able to carry on such successful warfare 
 
 149 
 
ISO Field Musbum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 against the hill tribes that the Tagakaolo were, for a time, partially 
 under their rule. 
 
 When the Spaniards arrived and undertook to subdue the Moro, 
 the Kulaman cast their lot with their Mohammedan allies, and even 
 after the power of the Moro was broken, they remained irreconcilable and 
 frequently raided the settlements under the care of the Spanish priests. 
 
 The recent history of the tribe, as told by Datu Bongkalasan of 
 Padada, as is follows : "About a hundred years ago when Gogo became 
 datu, he left Kulaman and settled at Piapi, not far from Padada, and 
 planted the cocoanut trees which can still be seen there. He was a 
 man with a very small head, but his arms were as large as a man's 
 legs. He lived until very old, and during his lifetime never did any 
 work but was always a great warrior. Under him the tribe became 
 strong and all the other datu feared him. When he died his son Kolatau 
 my uncle, succeeded him. Like his father, he was a great warrior and 
 all the neighboring tribes paid him slaves and other tribute. His 
 two sons died during his lifetime; so upon his death the leadership fell 
 to me, Bongkalasan." 
 
 By the time Bongkalasan became ruler, the influence of the Span- 
 iards was strong enough to break the power of any coast datu, and after 
 a hostile demonstration by the new ruler his town was destroyed and 
 his following scattered. A part of the people took to the hills while 
 others migrated to the east side of the Gulf and settled near Sigaboy. 
 It is not believed that any members of this tribe were in that vicinity 
 prior to this time. A further migration took place shortly after the 
 arrival of the Americans, when a brother of Bongkalasan took a number 
 of the Kulaman over to Sigaboy. A certain amount of communication 
 is kept up between the people on both sides of the Gulf and the dialects 
 are still so similar that it is certain the separation has not been for any 
 great period of time. 
 
 Upon the estabhshment of American rule a number of hemp planters 
 settled along the coast and soon their inducements to laborers began 
 to scatter the people, until today members of this tribe can be found 
 as far north as Santa Cruz. The power and influence of the datu has 
 waned until he now has a following of less than two hundred people. 
 Only that portion of the tribe which retired to the hills still maintains 
 any semblance of their old prowess and even those groups are growing 
 smaller year by year. 
 
 At the height of their power the men of the tribe were noted as boat- 
 builders' and fishermen. Fighting also took up a considerable portion 
 ' This art is now practically lost and their boats are secured from the Moro. 
 
September, 19 13. Wild Tribes op Davao District — C01.B. 151 
 
 of their time, for added to their desire for loot and slaves was a demand 
 for victims imposed by the warrior deity. The women cultivated little 
 patches of corn, camotes, and some cocoanuts, and at certain seasons 
 all the members of the tribe went to the forest to gather sago, but aside 
 from this the sea furnished most of their food supply. According to 
 their own stories they did not cultivate rice until recent years, and 
 Datu Bongkalasan insists that none of the people planted rice when 
 he was a boy. It is his belief that all the ceremonies connected with the 
 rice culture were learned from the Tagakaolo and Bila-an. 
 
 From the Spanish writers^ we hear little but evil of this people. 
 They are spoken of as warlike, superstitious, treacherous, and vengeful 
 as head-hunters "who expose the heads of their enemies on poles," and 
 as slavers. From Father Gisbert^ we learn that in 1886, about twelve 
 hundred members of the tribe were converted to.Christianity ; but during 
 the period following the departure of the Spaniards most of them desert- 
 ed the faith and returned to the old life. Since American occupation 
 they have been among the most troublesome people of Southern Min- 
 danao, and only as late as 1 9 1 1 were responsible for the deathof anum- 
 
 
 r 
 
 i.^ 
 
 "i-i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ber of planters and the destruction 
 of the plantations in the neighbor- 
 hood of Nuin. They are rapidly 
 breaking up as a tribe, and are inter- 
 marrying with the coast natives and 
 hill tribes, from both of whom they 
 are adopting artifacts and ideas. 
 Already they have so altered their 
 dwellings that we cannot refer to a 
 typical Kulaman home; their house- 
 hold utensils^ are those of their 
 
 li 
 
 
 Flt5 43 F'Q- ^4. 
 
 PART OF A HEMP CLOTH PILLOW COVER. WATERPROOF ^BASKET WITH I N- 
 
 1 Blair and Robertson, Vol. LV, p. 556. 
 
 ^ Blair and Robertson, Vol. XLIII, p. 242- , , , ., 
 
 ' Long narrow hemp cloth pillows (fig. 43) and round waterproot boxes with 
 infitting, tray-like tops (fig. 44) are found in nearly every house. The use of these 
 two articles is not confined to this people, but is typical of them. The same type 
 of box is found among the Manobo of the Agusan river valley. 
 
152 Field Museum of Naturai< History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 neighbors, and this is true also of most of the clothing, although one 
 special type will be mentioned later on. 
 
 As a result of their slave raids, and the adoption of captive women 
 and their offspring into the family, we find great variation in the mem- 
 bers of the tribe (Plates LXI-LXII). 
 
 Measiurements on twenty-seven men gave the following results: 
 
 Height: — Maximum 169.0 cm.; minimum 146.0 cm.; average 
 158.3 cm. 
 
 Cephalic Index: — Maximum 86.4; minimum 71.7; average 78.1. 
 
 Length-Height Index: — Maximum 76.5; minimum 61.9; average 
 68.4. 
 
 If these figures are compared with those of the Bagobo it will be seen 
 that there is little difference in the averages; however, this similarity 
 is less real than the figures indicate, for with the Kulaman there are 
 more individuals at both extremes. For example: the cephalic indices 
 of eight out of the twenty-seven were 80 or above, while six were less 
 than 75; again, in the length-height indices six were above 70 and an 
 equal number less than 65. In other respects there is such variation 
 that it is hard to generalize. It is noticeable that there is a greater 
 tendency toward prognathism than we have heretofore met with; the 
 forehead, while high, is moderately retreating and the supra-orbital 
 ridges prominent in most individuals; the hair is brown -black and is 
 inclined to curl in locks. The wide variation of type within the tribe 
 is to be expected when we know that its members have been constantly 
 recruited from the neighboring tribes. It is even possible that a con- 
 siderable number of slave women from distant islands may have been 
 added to the group by purchase from the More' 
 
 The religious beliefs have many points in common with those of the 
 neighboring tribes, but there are some which require special notice. 
 
 Two powerful beings, TimanEm and his wife Diwata^ are above all 
 other spirits. 
 
 Mandalangan, also called Siling or Manobo Siring, is much like the 
 Bagobo divinity of similar name. He is fond of war and bloodshed and 
 when there has been a great slaughter he feasts on the flesh and drinks 
 of the blood of the slain. Only warriors can address him and make the 
 offerings of red food which he demands. Once a year, usually after 
 
 ' According to early writers, the More of the Gulf carried on a lucrative slave 
 trade with this and other tribes. As the Moro raids were made by water and often 
 reached as far as the Northeastern coast of this island and souUi to the Celebes it 
 is quite possible that these remote districts have helped in the upbuilding of the 
 tribe under discussion. 
 
 ^ The Padada people say the term dlwata is a name which may be applied to the 
 timanEm, of whom there are two, a male and a female. 
 
September, 19 13. Wii^d Tribes op Davao District— Cole. 153 
 
 the rice harvest and when the moon is full, a raid must be made and 
 victims slain so that this spirit can feast.^ If the warriors fail to render 
 him this service Mandalangan will cause their bodies to swell up and 
 many will die, while sickness will visit all other members of the tribe.^ 
 
 The many spirits who inhabit rocks and large trees are generally 
 favorable to man and are collectively known as magintaldnan. 
 
 Tama owns the deer and wild pigs, and no one hunts or traps in the 
 forest until he has made an offering of betel nut to this spirit. When 
 game is secured its tail and ears are strung on rattan and are hung in a 
 tree, in exchange for the live animal. 
 
 The manidkan, generally evil spirits, resemble snakes, and Uke them 
 live in the ground. People are frequently made lame by simply stepping 
 over their homes. 
 
 Each man and woman has a spirit, kalalda,^ dwelling in his body 
 during hfetime. At death this spirit goes into the sky, unless it deserves 
 punishment, in which case it is hurried to Kilot, a region below. In 
 either place these spirits keep close watch over the living and bring 
 success or disaster according to their will. They have come to be 
 looked upon as the guardians of the fields, and suitable offerings are 
 made to them at planting and harvest time. 
 
 A few old men, makating, are thought to be able to address the 
 spirits with greater probability of success than the others; but they do 
 not stand in the same relation to the spirit world as do the mabalian of 
 the Bagobo. The nearest approach to that class is a group of women 
 known as lokEs*, who act as midwives and make use of roots and herbs 
 in curing sickness. 
 
 The people are warned of- disaster or impending danger by various 
 signs. A snake crossing the trail is an imperative order for the traveler 
 to turn back; the call of the limokon' is likewise a warning, while should 
 one of the principals to any agreement sneeze during the negotiations 
 the project would be delayed or abandoned. 
 
 There is only slight development of beliefs and ceremonies in con- 
 nection with the cultivation of field crops, due probably to the recent 
 adoption of agriculture by the members of this tribe. A field is seldom 
 
 ' Datu Bongkalasan says it was formerly the custom to make a foray at each 
 full moon. 
 
 ^ This was the reason given for the raid on the coast plantations in 191 1. 
 
 ' The Kulaman of Santa Cruz insist that each person has two kalalda, one on the 
 right side and one on the left. At death the one on the right side goes to a good 
 place in the sky, where there is no work and "thoughts come easy." The kalalda 
 of the left side goes into the ground to a poor place called Kilot. It is probable 
 that the neighboring Bagobo have influenced the beliefs of this group. 
 
 * In Santa Cruz known as hagbabolan or mananagdmen. 
 
 * See p. 63 note. 
 
154 Field Musbum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 planted to rice for more than one season, after which the land is used 
 for corn, camotes, and the like, until the invasion of cogon grass makes 
 further cultivation impossible. 
 
 As a result new land must be broken for each planting. When the 
 constellation layag "a sail," and balangay "a boat" appear in the month 
 of December, the people go to the desired plot, cut down the trees, and 
 when these are dry, fire them. 
 
 Before- the planting can be begun the seed rice must be carried to the 
 center of the field where a bamboo pole, talabtnian, and a stalk of sugar- 
 cane have previously been placed, as an offering to the kalalda who 
 guard the land. Again at harvest time an offering of food is taken to 
 this spot and the spirits of the dead are besought as follows: "Do not 
 take our rice, but let it last for a long time, for now we give a part to 
 you." A meal and dance follow the offering and then all who desire 
 may aid in cutting the new rice. 
 
 FIG. 45. 
 MAN'S KNIFE AND SHEATH. 
 
 No offerings are associated with the planting or harvesting of other 
 field crops, but the gathering of sago flour is attended by gifts to the 
 spirits of the dead and prayers for the health of the workers. The 
 method of obtaining and preparing the flour is the same as that already 
 described. Offerings are made before and after a hunt, and a man 
 never goes to fish without first placing a leg ring and some betel nut 
 on the sand close to the water, meanwhile saying, "You TimanEm 
 must give us some food, and you shall have your part." Upon his 
 return he places a small fish beside the first offering and is then free to 
 take his catch to the village. 
 
 In addition to the pursuits already outlined, we find that some of the 
 men are expert workers in iron (Fig. 45), copper, and brass, while the 
 women are weavers. Their weaving does not differ from that pre- 
 viously described, but a peculiar type of decoration has been developed 
 
September, 1913- Wii^d Tribes op Davao District — Coi,E. 155 
 
 by this tribe, and from them has spread sopiewhat to their neighbors. 
 Waxed threads are used to work designs into cloth so that when the 
 fabric is placed in dye the liquid will not reach the portions thus cov- 
 ered. Later, when the threads are removed, white patterns appear on 
 the red background (See Plate LXIII). 
 
 Slaves are kept, but their duties are so similar to those of the free- 
 born that it is impossible for the casual observer to pick out the members 
 of this class. 
 
 Until recent years a large part of the man's time was taken up in 
 preparation for or active participation in the inter -tribal fights. There 
 are several incentives for these raids. First is the desire for loot and 
 slaves ; then' comes the ambition of the young men to be recognized as 
 successful warriors; and finally, and most compelling is the demand of 
 the spirit Mandalangan for victims. 
 
 A man who has killed five or more persons is entitled to wear a red 
 suit covered with peculiar white designs (See Plate LXIII), and is 
 henceforth known as mabolot. When his score has reached twenty-five 
 he receives the still more honorable title of maisEg and is then allowed 
 to dress entirely in black and to deck his hair with red flowers.^ 
 
 A raid is made only when the moon is full. A dish of red rice is 
 decorated with red flowers and is placed in the center of the room. 
 Around it the warriors stick their spears and then one of the oldest of 
 the company takes up a handful of the food and offers it to the spirit, 
 saying: "Mandalangan come and eat, for we are ready to fight; go 
 with us and help us." As he finishes his prayer each warrior takes a 
 portion of the rice and throws it out of doors, for "they are not yet 
 worthy to eat what Mandalangan has left." Returning to the room 
 they all eat of white rice and are ready for the raid In addition to 
 their spears they should carry shields and fighting knives, and in recent 
 years quite a number have come into possession of firearms. 
 
 Although the warriors are bold in their attack and do not hesitate 
 to assault strong villages, they have no scruples against seizing or 
 killing members of small parties or the inhabitants of isolated dwell- 
 ings.^ It is necessary that the raiders secure at least one victim, 
 ■otherwise another foray must be made at once. The body of the slain 
 is opened, the liver is extracted and is eaten by the warriors who thus 
 
 ' The flowers used are Celbsia cristata L., Graptophyllum hortense nees; Coleus 
 atropurpeus Benlh. 
 
 2 Should water fall by accident on a warrior who is on a raid, it is considered a 
 bad omen and the plans may be changed or delayed. In one instance the owner 
 -of a place marked for attack fastened dishes of water so that the marauders un- 
 wittingly knocked them over on themselves, and, as a result, the place was left 
 ainharmed. « 
 
156 Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 "become like Mandalangan."' The head, forearms, and lower part 
 of the legs are carried back to the village where they are cut to pieces 
 by the women and children. The men take no part in this mutilation 
 of the body, but as soon as the fragments are buried they begin to dance, ' 
 meanwhile holding their unsheathed knives high above their heads. 
 After a time the head-man blows loudly on a decorated bamboo trumpet 
 (Fig. 46), while all the men unite in shouting "to announce their vic- 
 tory." At last they have fulfilled all the commands of Mandalangan 
 and without fear they enter the house and partake of the red food 
 which has been offered to him. 
 
 The events just preceding and following the birth of a child are very 
 similar to those of the Bagobo, except that there are no restrictions of 
 any kind placed on the father and mother, neither are there any cere- 
 
 FIG. 46. 
 
 Tambolang or Bamboo Trumpet. 
 
 monies connected with the birth or naming of a chUd unless unusual 
 events have convinced the people that the spirits are in some way 
 displeased.^ 
 
 The afterbirth, is placed in the care of an old woman who carries it 
 directly to a sturdy molave' tree and there attaches it to the branches 
 "so that the child may become strong like the tree." While on this 
 mission the bearer looks neither to the right nor to the left, nor does 
 she hesitate, for such actions on her part might influence the disposition 
 of the child or cause it to have physical deformities.* No special at- 
 tention is given to youths when they reach the age of puberty, although 
 it is customary to file and blacken their teeth at about that period. 
 
 Marriage is attended by gifts and ceremonies, such as we have 
 previously described. We find the groom paying a price for his bride, 
 
 ' At times the skull is opened and the brain eaten. 
 
 '' Triplets are killed, as with the Bagobo. 
 
 ' Vitex littoralis Decne. 
 
 * Similar beliefs are held by the Tinguian of Northern Luzon. 
 
Sbptembbr, 1913. Wild Teibbs op Davao District — Colb. 157 
 
 but receiving a return gift from her parents ; the couple feed one another 
 with rice and are thereby legally married; and finally we learn that a 
 child is kept with them until they have had intercourse. It is custo- 
 mary for the youth to se/ve his father-in-law-to-be for two or three 
 years preceding the wedding, after which he is released from such service. 
 
 As is the case with the neighboring tribes, polygamy is practiced, the 
 only bar to marriage being blood relationship. Upon the death of the 
 head of the family one-half of his property goes to his wife and half 
 to the children. If there are two or more wives, the first wife still 
 retains half, while all the children share equally in the balance of the 
 estate, thus leaving the second and succeeding wives without a portion. 
 
 Sickness may be caused by evil spirits, or it may be due to a desire 
 on the part of the kalalda to leave its present abode. In either case the 
 man becomes ill and it behooves him to take immediate steps to placate 
 the evil spirits or to convince his kalalda to remain with him. This 
 last can best be accomplished by bathing the sick person with water which 
 has been heated in a good agong. A fine dish would do equally well, 
 but should the hot water cause it to break the spirit would depart at 
 once. In extreme cases the lokEs will gather certain roots and brew 
 them into a drink which she gives to the sick person. At each tree or 
 shrub visited in her search for medicines she leaves an offering: of betel 
 nuts and leg rings, and when the drink has been prepared she makes a 
 further gift, meanwhile begging TimanEm to aid her in effecting a ciu-e. 
 If all efforts fail and the spirit leaves, the corpse is placed in the center 
 of the house, where it is kept from two to nine days according to the 
 wealth and prominence of the deceased. During this time no one should 
 sleep in the dwelling, for the spirit might be resentful and turn the face 
 of the sleeper black. 
 
 Usually, the body is bm-ied in the ground at a distance from the 
 house. The coffin is made out of a split log, in which weapons, jars, 
 and the like are placed for the use of the spirit. If the dead man has 
 been a warrior he ia dressed in the clothing distinctive of his rank, and 
 his grave is covered with red flowers. At times the coffins are shaped 
 to resemble small boats and are then placed on high poles near to the 
 beach. 
 
 For a month following a funeral the relatives refrain from all merry- 
 making. At the expiration of this period all go to a near-by river and 
 with their knives, cut to pieces a braided cord, which has been made 
 since the burial, and as they destroy it they shout "This is a man we 
 are killing. This is a man we are killing." Finally, the pieces are 
 thrown into the river and, the period of taboo is past. 
 
IV. TAGAKAOLO. 
 
 Synonyms. 
 
 (a) Tagakaola. 
 
 (b) Saka— "head of the river." 
 
 (c) Kagan, Kai<agan, Calaganbs, Calagars. 
 
 (d) Laoc. According to the account of Pastbli.' this name is given 
 to a small, degraded division of the Tagakaolo who live in the mount- 
 ains of Haguimitan on San Augustin peninsula. 
 
 The present habitat and general condition of this tribe is nearly the 
 same as that of the Kulaman. 
 
 Prior to Spanish times they held the hill region back of the coast, 
 between Malalag and Lais. On the Gulf side they were barred from 
 the sea by the Kulaman and Moro, while in the mountains they en- 
 countered the powerful Bila-an tribe. 
 
 About fifty years ago that part of the tribe living furthest to the 
 north united under the leadership of a brave warrior named Paugok, 
 and made war on the Bagobo. They were successful in this conflict 
 and drove their enemies from the rich valleys of the Padada and Bula- 
 takay rivers, where they established themselves. This brought them 
 in close contact with the Kulaman and Moro of the coast, with whom 
 they lived on friendly terms. The influence of the latter group was so 
 ^eat that the newcomers not only adopted their style of dress, but also 
 substituted cotton for hemp in the manufacture of their garments. 
 Today the members of this tribe can still be recognized by their close 
 fitting suits of red and yellow striped cloth, from which they have 
 received the name of Kagan.^ They have also been constant bor- 
 rowers, from all their neighbors, of ideas for house-building and uten- 
 sils. They have intermarried to some extent with the Kulaman, and 
 in times past Bila-an and Bagobo slave women have been added to the 
 tribe. 
 
 Today practically all the members of the Kagan division are found 
 living on the American plantations along the Padada and Bulatakay 
 rivers. They are on friendly terms with their Tagakaolo kinsmen, and 
 are still so like them in language, social customs, and religious beliefs, 
 that one description will sufiice for both. 
 
 • Bi,AiR and Robertson, Vol. XLIII, p. 259. 
 
 2 The general name applied to red cotton trade cloth. 
 
 IS8 
 
SsPTEMBBR, 1913. Wild Tribbs of Davao District — Cole. 159 
 
 At some unrecorded date a considerable portion of the tribe migrated 
 to the east side of Davao Gulf, and settled near Cape San Agustin, 
 where, it is said, they now number more than two thousand. 
 
 The name Tagakaolo signifies "those who dwell at the head of the 
 river," and is applied to all the hUl people living between the coast and 
 the country of the Bila-an. They have always been broken up into 
 small groups, often at war with one another, yet they appear to be 
 quite uniform in type, language, and religious behefs. In recent years 
 many of them have been induced to come down to the coast plantations, 
 but the great majority still remain in the mountains. They are of a 
 tiurbulent, warlike disposition, and have been a constant source of 
 trouble to the Spanish and American authorities.' At the time of the 
 writer's visit they had joined with the Kulaman in raiding the coast 
 settlements, and, as a result, were being vigorously pursued by the 
 American troops ; for this reason it was only possible to gain information 
 from those remaining on the plantations. 
 
 The total number of persons making up the tribe is estimated at six 
 thousand, but this is at best a mere guess. 
 
 There is scarcely any variation in physical type between the Kagan 
 branch and the Tagakaolo proper, while for the whole tribe there is less 
 variation between its members than in any group so far discussed. 
 
 The following results were obtained by measurements on twenty- 
 seven men: 
 
 Maximum height 166.6 cm.; minimum 151.3 cm.; average 157.4 cm. 
 
 Cephalic indices — Maximum 89.7; minimum 76.3; average 81.5. 
 
 Length-height indices — Maximum 79.0; minimum 63.1 ; average 70.0. 
 
 These tables show that aside from being more short-headed, this 
 tribe differs little from the Bagobo, Bila-an, and Kulaman. Like the 
 Kulaman, they have high foreheads, often full and vaulted but quite 
 as frequently retreating from well-marked supra-orbital ridges. They 
 are slightly more prognathous than the Kulaman, and in the majority 
 of cases the hair is curled in locks. The teeth are usually mutilated 
 and blackened, while shaving of the eyebrows and tattooing of the left 
 forearm and breast are quite common. 
 
 The historians of the tribe tell us that all the Tagakaolo are de- 
 scended from Lakbang, MEngEdan, and his wife Bodek. In the 
 beginning these three persons lived on a small island in the sea. Two 
 children, Linkanan and Lampagan, were born to them and they in 
 turn were parents of two birds — the kalau and sabitan. These birds 
 flew away to other places and returned with bits of soil which their 
 
 1 Members of this tribe were responsible for the murder of Governor Bolton. 
 
i6o Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 parents patted and moulded with their hands until they had formed 
 the earth. Other children were born and from them have come all the 
 people who now inhabit the land. 
 
 Two powerful spirits, Diwata and TimanEm, watched the formation 
 of the world, and when it was completed the latter spirit planted trees 
 upon it. He still takes considerable interest in the affairs of men and 
 each year sends the spirits Layag and Bangay,^ as stars, to tell the 
 people when to prepare their land for the planting of crops. 
 
 Other spirits, less friendly, have existed from the first time. Of 
 these one named Sihng causes much trouble by confusing travelers 
 through the forest. Spirits of unborn children — manttanak^ — wander 
 through the forest crying "ina-a-a" (mother), and often attack human 
 beings. The only way persons thus assailed can hope to escape is by 
 running to a stream and throwing water on the abdomens of their 
 piursuers. 
 
 The powerful spirit Tama owns the deer and wild pig, and is usually 
 kind to hunters Who offer him proper gifts. Should they fail in this 
 duty he may cause them to become lost or injured. Mandalangan 
 (Mandangan) is known as a powerful spirit who loves war and blood- 
 shed, but he is so closely interwoven in the minds of the people with 
 TimanEm that it is doubtful if he should be classed as a separate spirit. 
 
 In addition to these beings are the kawE, or shades of the dead, the 
 chiefs of whom are the people who created the earth. During life the 
 kawE live in the body, but after death they go to the sky where they 
 remain the greater part of the time. They do return to earth at certain 
 seasons, to aid or injiure the living, and it is usually one of their number 
 who keeps guard over the rice-fields. Certain persons known as baltan 
 can talk to these spirits and from them have learned the ceremonies 
 which the people should perform at certain seasons, and at the critical 
 periods of life. In the main these ceremonies are so similar to those 
 just described that it is useless to repeat. The proceedings at a birth, 
 marriage, or death are practically identical with the Kulaman, as are 
 also those at planting and harvest time. A slight variation was noticed 
 after the rice planting at Padada, when all the workers placed their 
 planting sticks on an offering of rice and then poured water over them 
 "so as to cause an abundance of rain." Another difference is noticed 
 following the death of a warrior. His knife lies in its sheath beside 
 the body for seven days and during that time can only be drawn if it 
 is to be used in sacrificing a slave. If such an offering is made it is 
 
 ' See page 154. 
 
 ' Frequently called busau. 
 
Sbptembbr, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 161 
 
 carried out in much the same way as the Bagobo sacrifice, except that 
 the bereaved father, son, or brother cuts the body in halves. 
 
 If it is impossible to offer a slave, a palm leaf cup is filled with water 
 and is carried to the forest. Here the relatives dance and then dip 
 the knife and some sticks in the water for "this is the same as dipping 
 them in blood." Later they are carried back and hung up in the house 
 of moiuming. 
 
 According to the long established custom, warriors must go to fight 
 once each year, when the moon is bright. Spears, fighting knives, 
 bows and arrows, sharpened bamboo sticks, and shields have long been 
 used, and to these several guns have been added in recent years. 
 
 The attack is from ambush and the victims are generally cut to 
 pieces, although women and children are sometimes taken captive. 
 Tufts of hair taken from the slain are attached to the shields of the 
 warriors, and an arm is carried back to the home town "so that the 
 women and children can cut it to pieces and become brave." 
 
 The foregoing account shows that the Kagan and Tagakaolo living 
 on the hemp plantations differ very little from their neighbors, whom 
 we have previously described. It may be that an investigation, carried 
 on in peaceful times, far back in the mountains, will show that more 
 radical differences exist in the great body of the tribe. 
 
V. ATA. 
 
 The people classed under this name are the least known of any of the 
 wild inhabitants of Mindanao. They probably receive their name from 
 the word aids which signifies "those up above" or "the dwellers in the 
 uplands." It does not appear that they form a single tribe, or that, 
 they are even of uniform type. 
 
 The writer did no intensive work with them, and the following notes 
 make no pretense of being first-hand knowledge. I have drawn on all 
 possible sources for this scanty information, but am mostly indebted 
 to the letters and reports of the late Governor Bolton, who, without 
 doubt, knew more of this people than any other white man. 
 
 I am thus compelled to make my descriptions vague ; indeed, my one 
 excuse for dealing with the Ata is to bring together such information 
 as we possess in the hope that it may be of value to some other worker 
 who may later take up the task of studying this little known people. 
 
 According to Governor Bolton, the Atd inhabit the regions west and 
 northwest of Mt. Apo, the headwaters of the Davao river — north and 
 west of the Guianga — as well as the headwaters of the I^asan, Tuganay, 
 and Ivibagawan rivers. In all these regions they extend over the water- 
 shed, converging toward the center of the island at the headwaters of 
 the Pulangi river. 
 
 It should be noted at the outset that the Eto or Ata, living between 
 the Guianga and Bagobo, should not be included in this division. 
 
 In the region about Mt. Apo they are closely allied to the Obo and 
 Tigdapaya,^ while in the region adjoining the Guianga they have inter- 
 married with that people and have adopted many of their customs as 
 well as dress. On the headwaters of the I,asan river we are told that 
 they are known as Dugbatang or Dugbatung; that they are a timid 
 degenerate branch having no fixed habitations and very little clothing; 
 they are small, with crispy hair, and often decorate their bodies with 
 tattooed designs. About twenty miles up the Tuganay river Governor 
 Bolton encountered a similar group of Atd whom he describes as being 
 very wild. From the headwaters of this river he crossed over near to 
 the source of the river I^ibagawan where he discovered a hitherto un- 
 known people — the Tugauanum — These he believed were mixed 
 Malay and Negrito, with crispy or curly hair and sharp features. 
 ' 'Seep. 128. 
 
 162 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes oe Davao District— Cole. 163 
 
 While in the central part of Mindanao, on the headwaters of the 
 Pulangi river, the writer saw about fifty people known as Tugauanum 
 who came over the mountains to trade. They were certainly of mixed 
 ancestry, showing a distinct infusion of Negrito blood, and in other 
 respects conforming to the description of Governor Bolton. Among 
 articles of barter carried by them were the typical knives and hemp 
 cloth of the west side of the Davao gulf region, showing that they are 
 at least in the line of trade with the tribes we have already studied. 
 
 According to their own stories, the original home of the tribe was 
 along the river Mapula which flows into the Tuganay near its source. 
 Governor Bolton tells of hearing, while in this section, of a peoplie called 
 Dedaanum "who were small and black and had curly hair," but who 
 had all been killed by the Tugauanum. He was also informed that a 
 numerous tribe of very small black people called Tugniah lived on the 
 headwaters of the river Omiern, which flows north of the I/ibagawan. 
 They were said to live in trees, to plant nothing, and to subsist on sago 
 flotu:. "Their bolos are like sabers and they use lances, bows, and 
 arrows." 
 
 The Governor classes the Tugauanum as Ata "since they speak the 
 same language" but he adds "they are probably the same race as the 
 Libabaoan." This latter people are elsewhere in his notes referred to 
 as Guibabauon or Dibabaoan. They live along the headwaters of the 
 Tagum river and are, he believes, a mixture of Ata and Mandaya.^ 
 
 From one source we learn that the Ata are small, in many respects 
 resembling the Negrito; that they are timid and are" either nomads or 
 build their houses high in the branches of trees. Another writer teUs 
 us that they are a superior type, with aquiline noses, thick beards, and 
 are tall. "They are very brave and hold their own with the Moro." 
 We are also told that they cultivate the soil and build good houses. 
 
 The estimates concerning their numbers are equally conflicting. 
 Governor Bolton gives the population as six thousand; the report of the 
 Philippine Commission for 1900 credits them with eight thousand, 
 while Father Gisbert believed that they aggregated "not less than 
 twenty thousand souls." 
 
 The divergent reports are due to the fact that up to the year 1886 
 only one village of this people had been visited,^ and since that time 
 only a few hasty trips have been made into their territory. 
 
 1 The writer believes that the Libabaoan are probably the same as the Divavaoan 
 who are classed as a branch ot the Mandaya. See p. 165. 
 
 2 Blair and Robertson^, Vol. XLIII, pp. 242-3. 
 
164 Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 From our present information it seems probable that the Ati are 
 descendants of an early invading people who intermarried first with the 
 early Negrito inhabitants, and later with other tribes with which they 
 came in contact. They have been free borrowers from their neighbors 
 in all respects, and hence we find them occupying all the steps from the 
 nomad condition of the pygmy blacks to the highly specialized life of 
 the Guianga. 
 
 The following account of their beliefs was extracted from letters 
 written by Governor Bolton. He fails to designate the section from 
 which the information was gathered, but its similarity to Bagobo and 
 Guianga makes it probable that the account comes from the Ata 
 dwelling near those people. Considerable variation will doubtless be 
 found in other districts. 
 
 "The greatest of all the spirits is Manama' who made the first men 
 from blades of grass, weaving them together until they resembled a 
 human form. In this manner he made eight persons — male and female 
 — who later became the ancestors of the Ata and all the neighboring 
 tribes. Long after this the water covered the whole earth and all the 
 Ata were drowned except two men and a woman. The waters carried 
 them far away and they would have perished had not a large eagle 
 come to their aid. This bird offered to carry them to their homes on 
 its back. One man refused, but the other two accepted its help and 
 returned to Mapula. 
 
 "The other deities are Mandarangan, Malalayng. god of agri- 
 culture; Mabalian, the spirit who presides over childbirth; Tarasyub 
 and Taratuan, the guardian spirits of the brass and iron workers; 
 Boypandi — the spirit who guards over the weavers." 
 
 While in the Ati country the Governor observed certain customs 
 of the people. As his party approached the pahsaded house of Ma- 
 dundun they stopped for twenty minutes to perform a ceremony called 
 anting-anting. "An old man waved his shield and a cloth, meanwhile 
 repeating mysterious words. Then each man was given a chew of 
 betel-nut and was well rubbed with a charm." "At Tuli a swarm of 
 bees passed over the house just as the party was ready to start. This 
 was taken as a sign that some of the party would be killed by the arrows 
 of the enemy, hence they refused to go." "Ivikewrise, if the dove 
 Umokan calls on the left side of the trail the party will refuse to proceed, 
 unless another limokan answers the call from the right side of the path." 
 ' See page 106. 
 
VI. MANDAYA. 
 
 ("Inhabitants of the Uplands")- 
 Synonyms. 
 
 (a) Mansaka ("Inhabitants of the mountain clearings"). This 
 name is applied to those Mandaya who formerly dwelt far back in the 
 mountains. Many of this division have recently emigrated to the coast 
 and are now found at the north and east part of Davao Gulf. 
 
 (b) Pagsupan. The appellation by which the members of this 
 tribe, living near the Tagum and Hi jo rivers, are known. 
 
 (c) Mangwanga or Mangeangan ("Dwellers in the forests"). 
 A name by which are designated those Mandaya who live in the heavily 
 forested mountains skirting the coast. 
 
 (d) Managosan or Magosan. The members of the tribe living 
 on the headwaters of the Agusan river bear this name. 
 
 (e) DiVAVAOAN. A division which inhabits a small district to the 
 south and west of Compostela. Very little is known of this people, 
 but from the information now at hand it seems that they should be 
 classed as a branch of the Mandaya. 
 
 HABITAT. 
 
 This tribe occupies both slopes of the mountain range which borders 
 the Pacific ocean, from about 9 degrees of North latitude south nearly 
 to Cape San Agustin. Its members are also found in considerable 
 numbers from the head of the Agusan drainage nearly to the town of 
 Compostela, and several settlements of this people are to be found 
 along the Hi jo and Tagum rivers, while in recent years a number have 
 established themselves on the eastern side of Davao Gulf. 
 
 Generally speaking, this whole region is extremely mountainous and 
 at the same time heavily wooded. It is only when the Agusan, Hijo, 
 and Tagum rivers are approached that the country becomes more open. 
 On the Pacific coast there are few harbors, for the mountains extend 
 down almost to the water's edge forming high sheer cliffs. Aside from 
 the three rivers mentioned the water courses are, for the greater part, 
 small and unnavigable and a short distance back from the coast appear 
 as tiny rivulets at the bottom of deep canons. 
 
 There is no organi7ation of the tribe as a whole, since each district 
 has its local ruler who is subject to no other authority. These divisions 
 are seldom on good terms, and are frequently in open warfare with one 
 another or with neighboring tribes. 
 
 i6s 
 
i66 Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 Despite this lack of unity and the great area they inhabit, their 
 dialects are mutually intelligible, and in other respects they are so 
 similar that I believe we are justified in regarding them as one group 
 linguistically, physically, and culturally. 
 
 DESCRIPTION. 
 
 Measurements made on fifteen men and five women gave the fol- 
 lowing results: 
 
 Height — Men: Maximum 161.3 cm., minimum 145.1 cm., average 
 153.9 cm. 
 
 Women: Maximum 152.3 cm., minim'um 144. i cm., average 
 146.8 cm. 
 
 Cephalic index — Men : Maximum 89.1, minimum 76.3, average 84.6. 
 
 Women: Maximum 84.8, minimum 75.2, average 81.3. 
 
 Length-height index — Men: maximum 78.7, minimum 64.5, average 
 74.2. 
 
 Women: Maximum 81.8, minimum 75.0, average 77.4. 
 
 From these figures it appears that there is considerable variation 
 between individuals, but a closer study of the charts shows that the 
 majority of those measured come closer to the averages than do the 
 members of any other group here mentioned (Plates LXIV-I^XIX). 
 
 Both sexes wear the hair long and comb it to a knot at the back of 
 the head. The women generally bang the hair over the forehead, while 
 the men allow a lock to fall in front of each ear. The hair is brown- 
 black and generally slightly wavy, although four individuals with straight 
 hair were seen. 
 
 ■ The forehead is high, and in about half the persons observed some- 
 what retreating; however, full, vaulted foreheads are by no means un- 
 common. The distance from the vertex to the tragus is uniformly 
 great. 
 
 The cheek bones are quite prominent, while the whole face tapers 
 from above so as to be somewhat angular. In twenty per cent of the 
 men the root of the nose seemed to be continuous with the supra- 
 orbital ridge, which, in such cases, was strongly marked. In general 
 the root of the nose is broad, low, and depressed, and there is a tendency 
 for the ridge to be somewhat concave. The lips are thick and bowed, 
 but there is little or no prognathism. 
 
 The skin of the body is not tattooed or mutilated in any other way, 
 but the eyebrows are often shaved to a thin line, and the teeth are filed 
 and blackened. Filing was formerly done with small stones but im- 
 ported files are now used for this purpose. The coloring is effected 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 167 
 
 by chewing the roots of the anmon vine and applying to the teeth the 
 "sweat" caught on a steel blade, held above bturning bark of the magawan 
 tree. This practice seems to have no significance other than that of 
 beautifying the person and saving the youth from the ridicule of his 
 fellows. To keep the teeth black, tobacco treated with lemon juice 
 which has stood on rusty iron is chewed frequently. 
 
 Despite constant statements to the effect that the members of this 
 tribe are light-colored and the assertion of one writer^ that at least one 
 division is white, observations made with the V. lyuschan color table 
 on more than fifty individuals showed that while certain persons are 
 somewhat lighter than their fellows, as was also the case in other tribes, 
 there is not an appreciable difference in color between this tribe and the 
 others of the Gulf region. 
 
 CLOTHING. 
 
 The ordinary man of the tribe wears a loosely fitting shirt and wide 
 trousers made of white or blue cotton cloth. (Plate IvXIX-LXX). 
 These garments are frequently decorated with embroidered designs 
 and are finished at the shoulders and knees with a cotton fringe. The 
 trousers are supported at the waist by means of a belt, and below reach 
 nearly to the ankles.^ An incised silver disk is attached to the front 
 of the jacket, while ornaments of beads, seeds, and alligators' teeth 
 encircle the neck. 
 
 When on the trail the man covers his head with a little palm bark 
 hat (Fig. 47). This is sometimes conical, but more frequently is 
 narrow and turned up at the front and back. Painted designs, betel 
 wings, and chicken feathers make the hat a striking decoration which 
 compensates for its lack of utility. 
 
 A class of warriors known as bagam^ dress in red and wear turbans 
 of the same hue, while women mediums, ballyan,^ may also make use 
 of red cloth. 
 
 Other women wear blue cotton jackets, in the fronts and back of 
 
 which are many artistic embroidered designs. Their hemp cloth 
 
 skirts, like those of the Bagobo, are made tube-like and are held at the 
 
 waist by means of belts. They are very careless about the hang of 
 
 ' Landor, The Gems of the East. It should be noted that the district from 
 which the white tribe was reported is now fairly well known and there seems to be no 
 reason to believe that the people residing there differ materially in color from the 
 other natives of the island. 
 
 * Along the coast this type of garment is now seldom seen, for the men are 
 adopting the close-fitting dress of the Moro. 
 
 ' See p. 180. 
 
 * See p. 174. * 
 
i68 
 
 F1E1.D Museum op Natural History— Anth., Vol. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Fig. 47. 
 men's hats. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 169 
 
 A- 
 
 FIG. 48 
 WOMAN'S COMB. 
 
 these garments and one side 
 may be above the calf of the 
 leg while the other drags on 
 the ground (Plate I,XVII). 
 No head coverings are worn, 
 but quite elaborate combs 
 (I^'ig. 48) are thrust into the 
 knots of hair at the back of 
 the head. Wooden ear plugs 
 (Fig. 49) ornamented with in- 
 cised silver plates and with 
 
 bead and silver pendants fit into openings in the lobes of the ears. Like 
 
 the men they wear necklaces of beads, sweet smelling herbs, and seeds. 
 
 Many of the latter are considered to have medicinal 
 
 value and are eaten to cure pains in the stomach. 
 
 One or more silver disks are worn on the chest or over 
 
 the breasts, while anklets, such as are used by the 
 
 women of the other tribes, are frequently seen. 
 
 Both sexes are fond of bracelets of brass, shell, or 
 
 vines, as well as of finger rings of tortoise shell and 
 
 silver (Plate I,XXI). 
 
 None of the garments contain pockets, and in 
 
 order to make up for this deficiency the men carry 
 
 bags (Plate LXX) suspended oh their backs by 
 
 means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In 
 
 these they carry their betel-nut outfits, tobacco, 
 
 and the like. Small covered waterproof baskets 
 
 (Plate LXVIII) serve the same purpose for the 
 
 women and are carried at the back or at the side. 
 
 HISTORY. 
 Probably no wild tribe in Mindanao has received 
 so much mention in histories, reports, and books of 
 travel as have the Mandaya, but these references 
 have been, in the main, so vague and often so mis- 
 leading that they are of little value for our pur- 
 poses. Quite in contrast with this mass of ma- 
 terial are the excellent reports of the late Governor 
 Bolton, and Mr. Melbourne A. Maxey,^ who for a 
 number of years has been closely associated with 
 1 Published in the Mindanao Herald. 
 
 FIG. 49. 
 EAR' PLUGS WITH 
 BELL PENDANTS. 
 
lyo Field Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 the members of the tribe residing in the vicinity of Cateel. In the 
 preparation of this paper frequent use has been made of the notes 
 gathered by these two gentlemen. 
 
 When the first white men visited the tribe they found that the 
 neighboring Moro were making frequent raids on their villages and 
 were carrying away women and children whom they sold to the Bagobo 
 and other tribes of the Gulf.' At the same time it was learned that 
 they, in turn, were slave holders and were eager to purchase captives 
 from the Mohammedan raiders. The great distances traveled by the 
 Moro in their raids make it possible that slaves from distant islands 
 may thus have been introduced into the tribe. Later we shall see that 
 it was difficult for a slave or a descendant of a slave to become a freeman, 
 yet it was by no means impossible, and it is likely that a considerable 
 part of the tribe are descendants of people brought to the district 
 through purchase and capture. Another possible source of outside 
 blood is suggested by well verified stories of castaways on the east coast 
 of Mindanao and adjacent islands.^ While working with the Mandaya 
 in the region of Mayo bay the writer was frequently told that three 
 times, in the memory of the present inhabitants, strange boats filled 
 with strange people had been driven to their coasts by storms. The 
 informants insisted that these newcomers were not put to death but 
 that such of them as survived were taken into the tribe. These stories 
 are given strong substantiation by the fact that only a few months 
 prior to my visit a boat load of people from the Carolines was driven 
 to the shores of Mayo bay and that their boat, as well as one survivor, 
 was then at the village of Mati. (Plate LXXII). I am indebted to 
 Mr. Henry Hubbel for the following explicit account of these castaways : 
 "One native banca of castaways arrived at Lucatan, N. E. corner of 
 Mayo Bay, Mindanao, on January 2nd, 1909. The banca left the 
 Island of Uluthi for the Island of Yap, two days' journey, on December 
 loth, 1908. They were blown out of their cotirse and never sighted 
 land until January 2nd, twenty-two days after setting sail. There 
 were nine persons aboard, six men, two boys, and one woman, all 
 natives of Yap except one man who was a Visayan from Capiz, Panay, 
 P. I., who settled on the Island of Yap in 1889. These people were 
 nineteen days without food or water except what water could be caught 
 during rain storms. The Visayan, Victor Valenamo, died soon after 
 
 ' Bi,AiR and Robertson. The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, p. 203. 
 ^ Foreman. The Philippine Islands, pp. 257-9. 
 Jagor. Travels in the Philippines. Ch. XX. 
 
SEPtEMBBR, 1 9 13. Wild Tribes op Davao District— C01.E. 171 
 
 his arrival, as a result of starvation. The natives recovered at once 
 and all traces of their starvation disappeared within two weeks. The 
 men were powerfully built, nearly six feet high. Their bodies were all 
 covered witli tattoo work. The woman was decorated even more than 
 the men. Fever soon took hold of these castaways and in a year's 
 time all died except one small boy who seems to have become accli- 
 mated and will become identified with the natives in Mati. I took care 
 of these people until they died. 
 
 "The clothing worn by the men and woman was nothing but the 
 'lavalava,' a scarf of sea-grass fiber about 18 inches wide and five feet 
 long. This was worn around the loins. 
 
 "The banca, which was of very curious construction, was taken to 
 Zamboanga last year by General Pershing, to be placed in Moro 
 Province Museum." 
 
 After the advent of the Spaniards into their territory a considerable 
 number of this people were converted to the Christian faith and were 
 induced to settle in villages. There they met and intermarried with 
 Visayan and other emigrants who had followed the Spaniards to the 
 South. During the time of the Spanish rule these settlements were 
 partially destroyed by Moro raiders, and following the Spanish- American 
 war these attacks became so frequent that many of the inhabitants 
 deserted their homes and returning to their mountain kinsmen again 
 took up the old life. The effect of this return is especially noticeable 
 in the vicinity of Caraga where as late as 1885 there were 596 Mandaya 
 converts. 
 
 Several attempts were also made to colonize the Mandaya near the 
 mouths of the Tagum and Hijo rivers, but the restlessness of the natives 
 or the hostility of the Moro was always sufl&cient to cause the early 
 break up of the new settlements. 
 
 The last great influence on this tribe has come through American 
 planters who have prevailed upon the more venturesome members to 
 come down to the coast plantations and there adopt the life of the 
 Christianized natives. Many of these adventurers have returned to 
 their mountain homes, carrying with them new ideas and artifacts and, 
 in some cases, wives from other tribes. With all these influences at 
 work there has been considerable modification of the life in many 
 districts, particularly along the Pacific coast. This description will 
 attempt to give the old life of the tribe as it still exists in the more 
 isolated districts, or as it was related by older people of the coast settle- 
 ments. 
 
172 Field Musbum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 MYTHOI.OGY AND REI.IGION. 
 
 In order to enter into a full understanding of the social, economic, 
 and aesthetic life we must have some knowledge of the mythology and 
 religious beliefs, for these pervade every activity. 
 
 Several stories accounting for natural phenomena and the origin 
 of the tribe were heard. One of these relates that the sun and moon 
 were married and lived happily together imtil many children had been 
 born to them. At last they quarreled and the moon ran away from 
 her husband who has since been pursuing her through the heavens. 
 After the separation of their parents the children died, and the moon 
 gathering up their bodies cut them into small pieces and threw them 
 into space. Those fragments which fell into water became fish, those 
 which fell on land were converted into snakes and animals, while "those 
 which fell upward" remained in the sky as stars. 
 
 A somewhat different version of this tale agrees that the quarrel 
 and subsequent chase occurred, but denies that the children died and 
 were cut up. It states that it is true that the offspring were animals, 
 but they were so from the time of their birth. One of these children 
 is a giant crab named tambanokaua who lives in the sea. When he 
 moves about he causes the tides and high waves; when he opens his 
 eyes lightning appears. For some unknown reason this animal fre- 
 quently seeks to devour his mother, the moon, and when he nearly 
 succeeds an eclipse occurs. At such a time the people shout, beat 
 on gongs, and in other ways try to frighten the monster so that he can 
 not accomplish his purpose.' The phases of the moon are caused by her 
 putting on or taking off her garments. When the moon is full she is 
 thought to be entirely naked. 
 
 According to this tale the stars had quite a different origin than that 
 just related. "In the beginning of things there was only one great star, 
 who was like a man in appearance. He sought to usurp the place of 
 of the sun and the result was a conflict in which the latter was vic- 
 torious. He cut his rival into small bits and scattered him over the 
 whole sky as a woman sows rice." 
 
 The earth was once entirely flat but was pressed up into mountains 
 by a mythical woman, Agusanan. It has always rested on the back of 
 a great eel whose movements cause earthquakes. Sometimes crabs 
 or other small animals annoy him until, in his rage, he attempts to 
 reach them, then the earth is shaken so violently that whole mountains 
 are thrown into the sea. 
 
 Tagba^nu'a'of Palawan."""* '''"'""' ''^"^'^ ^""^ ^'''''''' ^^°^^ *^^ ^atak and 
 
SSPTBMBBR, 19 13. Wii,D Tribes op Davao District— Colb. 173 
 
 A great lake exists in the sky and it is the spray from its waves which 
 fall to the earth as rain. When angered the spirits sometimes break 
 the banks of this lake and allow torrents of water to faU on the earth 
 below. 
 
 According to Mr. Maxey, the Mandaya of Cateel believe that many 
 generations ago a great flood occurred which caused the death of all 
 the inhabitants of the world except one pregnant woman. She prayed 
 that her chUd might be a boy. Her prayer was answered and she 
 gave birth to a son whose name was Uacatan. He, when he had grown 
 up, took his mother for his wife and from this union have sprung all the 
 Mandaya. 
 
 Quite a different account is current among the people of Mayo. 
 From them we learn that formerly the limokon,^ although a bird, could 
 talk like a man. At one time it laid two eggs, one at the mouth and 
 one at the source of the Mayo, river. These hatched and from the one 
 at the headwaters of the river came a woman named Mag,^ while a 
 man named BEgenday^ emerged from the one near the sea. For ' 
 many years the man dwelt alone on the bank of the river, but one day, 
 being lonely and dissatisfied with his location, he started to cross the 
 stream. While he was in deep water a long hair was swept against his 
 legs and held him so tightly that he narrowly escaped drowning. When 
 he succeeded in reaching the shore he examined the hair and at once 
 determined to find its owner. After wandering many days he met the 
 woman and induced her to be his wife. From this union came aU the 
 Mandaya. 
 
 A variant of this tale says that both eggs were laid up stream and 
 that one hatched a woman, the other a snake. The snake went down 
 the current tmtil it arrived at the place where the sea and the river 
 meet. There it blew up and a man emerged from its carcass. The 
 balance of the tale is as just related. This close relationship of the 
 limohon to the Mandaya is given as the reason why its calls are given 
 such heed. A traveler on the trail hearing the cooing of this bird at 
 once doubles his fist and points it in the direction from whence the 
 sound came. If this causes the hand to point to the right side it is a 
 sign that success will attend the journey.^ If, however, it points to 
 the left, in front, or in back, the Mandaya knows that the omen bird 
 is warning him of danger or failure, and he delays or gives up his mission. 
 The writer was once watching some Mandaya as they were clearing a 
 
 » See p. 63 note. 
 
 ^ Also known as Manway and fSamay. 
 
 ' Maxey states exactly the opposite, for the Mandaya of Cateel, i. e., the right 
 side is.bad, the left good. » 
 
174 FiBivD Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 piece of land, preparatory to the planting. They had labored about 
 two hours when the call of the limokon was heard to the left of the 
 owner. Without hesitation the men gathered up their tools and left 
 the plot, explaining that it was useless for them to plant there for the 
 limokon had warned them that rats would eat any crop they might try 
 to grow in that spot. 
 
 The people do not make offerings to this bird, neither do they regard 
 it as a spirit, but rather as a messenger from the spirit world. The old 
 men were certain that anyone who molested one of these birds would 
 die. 
 
 Another bird known as wak-wak "which looks like a crow but is 
 larger and only calls at night" foretells ill-fortune.' Sneezing is also 
 a bad omen, particularly if it occurs at the beginning of an imdertaking. 
 Certain words, accompanied by small offerings, may be sufficient to 
 overcome the dangers foretold by these warnings. It is also possible 
 to thwart the designs of ill-disposed spirits or human enemies by wearing 
 a sash or charm which contains bits of fungus growth, peculiarly shaped 
 stones, or the root of a plant called gam. These charms not only ward 
 off ill-fortune and sickness, but give positive aid in battle and keep the 
 dogs on the trail of the game.^ 
 
 There is in each community one or more persons, generally women, 
 who are known as ballyan. These piiestesses, or mediums, are versed 
 in all the ceremonies and dances which the ancestors have found effectual 
 in overcoming evil influences, and in retaining the favor of the spirits. 
 They, better than all others, understand the omens, and often through 
 them the higher beings make known their desires. So far as could 
 be learned the ballyan is not at any time possessed, but when in a trance 
 sees and converses with the most powerful spirits as well as with the 
 shades of the departed. This power to communicate with super- 
 natural beings and to control the forces of nature, is not voluntarily 
 sought by the future ballyan, but comes to the candidate either through 
 one already occupying such a position or by her being unexpectedly 
 seized with a fainting or trembling fit, in which condition she finds 
 that she is able to communicate with the inhabitants of the spirit 
 world. Having been thus chosen she at once becomes the pupil of 
 some experienced ballyan from whom she learns all the secrets of the 
 profession and the details of ceremonies to be made. 
 
 At the time of planting or reaping, at a birth or death, when a 
 great celebration is held, or when the spirits are to be invoked for the 
 
 ' The use of these magic sashes, known as anting-anting. is widespread throughout 
 the southern PhiHppines both with the pagan and Mohammedan tribes. 
 
SEPTEMBER, 1913. W11.D Tribes of Davao District— Coi,e. 175 
 
 cure of the sick, one or more of these women take charge of the cere- 
 monies and for the time being are the religious heads of the community. 
 At such a time the ballyan wears a blood-red waist/ but on other 
 occasions her dress is the same as that of the other women, and her life 
 does not differ from their's in any respect. 
 
 When about to converse with the spirits the ballyan places an offering 
 before her and begins to chant and wail. A distant stare comes into 
 lier eyes, her body begins to twitch convulsively until she is shivering 
 and trembhng as if seized with the ague. In this condition she receives 
 the messages of the spirits and under their direction conducts the 
 ceremony. 
 
 Rosell gives the following description of the possession of a ballyan.^ 
 Nothing of this nature was seen by the writer. 
 
 "They erect a sort of small altar on which they place the mUnaiigs 
 ■or images of the said gods which are made of the special wood of the 
 ■bayog tree, which they destine exclusively for this use. When the 
 tmfortunate hog which is to serve as a sacrifice is placed above the said 
 altar, the chief bailana approaches with balarao or dagger in hand 
 which she brandishes and drives into the poor animal, which will surely 
 be grunting in spite of the gods and the religious solemnity, as it is 
 fearful of what is going to happen to it; and leaves the victim weltering 
 in its blood. Then immediately all the bailanas drink of the blood in 
 order to attract the prophetic spirit to themselves and to give their 
 auguries or the supposed inspirations of their gods. Scarcely have 
 they drunk the blood, when they become as though possessed by an 
 infernal spirit which agitates them and makes them tremble as does 
 the body of a person with the ague or like one who shivers with the 
 cold." 
 
 SPIRITS. 
 
 The following spirits are known to the ballyan of the Mayo district : 
 I. DiWATA. A good spirit who is besought for aid against the 
 machinations of evil beings. The people of Mayo claim that they do 
 not now, nor have they at any time made images of their gods, but in 
 the vicinity of Cateel Maxey has seen wooden images called manaog, 
 ■which were said to represent Diwata on earth. According to his account 
 "the ballyan dances for three consecutive nights before the manaog, 
 invoking his aid and also holding conversation with the spirits. This 
 is invariably done while the others are asleep." He further states that 
 
 1 Pedro RosEI/I<, writing in 1885, says that the ballyan then dressed entirely in 
 red. Blair and RoBaRTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 217. 
 
 2 Blair and Robertson, Vol. XLIII, p. 218. 
 
176 Field Museum op Natural History^ — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 with the aid of Diwata the ballyan is able to foretell the future by the 
 reading of palms. "If she should fail to read the future the first time, 
 she dances for one night before the manaog and the following day is 
 able to read it clearly, the Diwata having revealed the hidden meaning 
 to her during the night conference."' 
 
 Spanish writers make frequent mention of these idols,^ and in his 
 reports' Governor Bolton describes the image of a crocodile seen by 
 him in the Mandaya country "which was carved of wood and painted 
 black, was five feet long, and life-like. The people said it was the 
 likeness of their god." Lieutenant J. R. Youngblood, when near the 
 headwaters of the Agusan River, saw in front of a chief's house "a 
 rude wooden image of a man which seemed to be treated with some 
 religious awe and respect." Mr. Robert F. Black, a missionary residing 
 in Davao, writes that "the Mandaya have in their homes wooden dolls 
 which may be idols." 
 
 From this testimony it appears that in a part of the Mandaya 
 territory the spirit Diwata, at least, is represented by images. 
 
 2. Asuang. This name is applied to a class of malevolent spirits 
 who inhabit certain trees, cliffs and streams. They delight to trouble or 
 injure the living, and sickness is usually caused by them. For this 
 reason, when a person falls ill, a ballyan offers a live chicken to these 
 spirits bidding them "to take and kill this chicken in place of this man, 
 so that he need not die." If the patient recovers it is understood that 
 the asudng have agreed to the exchange and the bird is released in the 
 jungle. 
 
 There are many spirits who are known as asudng but the five most 
 powerful are here given according to their rank. ' (a) Tagbamia, (b) 
 Tagamaling, (c) Sigbinan, (d) Lumaman, (e) Bigwa. The first two 
 are of equal importance and are only a little less powerful than Diwata. 
 They sometimes inhabit caves but generally reside in the bud-bud 
 (baliti) trees. The ground beneath these trees is generally free from 
 undergrowth and thus it is known that "a spirit who keeps his yard 
 clean resides there." In clearing ground for a new field it sometimes 
 becomes necessary to cut down one of these trees, but before it is 
 disturbed an offering of betel-nut, food, and a white chicken is carried 
 to the plot. The throat of the fowl is cut and its blood is allowed to 
 
 'In the Mayo district palmistry is practiced by several old people who make 
 no claim of havmg the aid of the spirits. Bagani Paglambayon read the palms of 
 the writer and one of his assistants, but all his predictions were of an exceedinelv 
 general nature and on the safe side. 
 
 ^ Blair and Robertson, Vol. XII, 269, XLIII, p. 217, etc. 
 ' Filed in the office of the Governor of Davao. 
 
September, 191 3. Wild Tribes oe Davao District — Cole. 177 
 
 fall in the roots of the tree. Meanwhile one of the older men calls 
 the attention of the spirits to the offerings and begs that they be accepted 
 in payment for the dwelling which they are about to destroy. This 
 food is never eaten, as is customary with offerings made to other spirits. 
 After a lapse of two or three days it is thought that the occupant of 
 the tree has had time to move and the plot is cleared. 
 
 In former times it was the custom for a victorious war party to place 
 the corpses of their dead, together with their weapons, at the roots of 
 a baliit tree. The reason for this custom seems now to be lost. 
 
 3. Busau. Among the Mandaya at the north end of Davao Gulf 
 this spirit is also known as Tuglinsau, Tagbusau, or Mandangum. He 
 looks after the welfare of the bagani, or warriors, and is in many respects 
 similar to Mandarangan of the Bagobo.^ He is described as a gigantic 
 man who always shows his teeth and is otherwise of ferocious aspect. 
 A warrior seeing him is at once filled with a desire to kill. By making 
 occasional offerings of pigs and rice it is usually possible to keep him 
 from doing injury to a settlement, but at times these gifts fail of their 
 purpose and many people are slain by those who serve him. 
 
 4. Omayan, or kalaloa nang omay, is the spirit of the rice. He 
 resides in the rice fields, and there offerings are made to him before the 
 time of planting and reaping. 
 
 5. MuNTiANAK is the spirit of a child whose mother died while preg- 
 nant, and who for this reason was bom in the ground. It wanders 
 through the forest frightening people but seldom assailing them.^ 
 
 6. Magbahaya. Some informants stated that this is the name 
 given to the first man and woman, who emerged from the limokon 
 eggs. They are now true spirits who exercise considerable influence 
 over worldly affairs. Other informants, including two ballyan denied 
 any knowledge of such spirits, while still others said magbabaya is a 
 single spirit who was made known to them at the time of the Tungud 
 movement.^ Among the Bukidnon who inhabit the central portion 
 of the island the magbabaya are the most powerful of all spirits. 
 
 7. Kalalca Each person has one spirit which is known by this 
 name. If this kalalda leaves the body it decays, but the spirit goes to 
 Dagkotanan — "a good place, probably in the sky." Such a spirit 
 can return to its former haunts for a time and may aid or injure the 
 living, but it never returns to dwell in any other form. 
 
 ' p. 106. 
 
 2 The belief in a similar spirit known as Mantianak is widespread throughout the 
 southern Philippines. 
 
 ' p. 179- 
 
178 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 In addition to those just mentioned Governor Bolton gives the 
 following list of spirits known to the Mandaya of the Tagum river 
 valley. None of these were accepted by the people of Mayo district. 
 According to rank they are Mangkokiman, Mongungyahn, Mibucha 
 Andepit, Mibuohn, and Ebu — who made all people from the hairs 
 of his head. 
 
 For the neighboring Mangwanga he gives, Likedanum as the creator 
 and chief spirit, Dagpudanum and Macguliput as gods of agriculture, 
 and Manamoan — a female spirit who works the soil and presides over 
 childbirth. All of these are unknown to the Mandaya of the Pacific 
 coast. 
 
 While in the Salug river valley Governor Bolton witnessed a most 
 interesting ceremony which, so far as the writer is aware, is quite 
 unknown to the balance of the tribe. His quotation follows: "One 
 religious dance contained a sleight of hand performance, considered 
 by the people as a miracle, but the chiefs were evidently initiated. A 
 man dressed himself as a woman, and with the gongs and drums beaten 
 rapidly he danced, whirling round and round upon a mat until weak 
 and dizzy, so that he had to lean on a post. For a time he appeared 
 to be in a trance. After resting a few minutes he stalked majestically 
 around the edge of the mat, exaggerating the lifting and placing of 
 his feet and putting on an arrogant manner. After walking a minute 
 or two he picked up a red handkerchief, doubled it in his hand so that 
 the middle of the kerchief projected in a bunch above his thumb and 
 forefinger; then he thrust this into the flame of an almaciga torch. 
 The music started anew and he resumed his frantic dance until the flame 
 reached his hand when he slapped it out with his left hand, and stopped 
 dancing; then catching the kerchief by two corners he shook it out 
 showing it untouched by fire. The daughter of Bankiaoan next went 
 into a trance lying down and singing the message of Tagbusau and 
 other gods to the assemblage. The singing was done in a small inclosed 
 room, the singer slipping in and out without my seeing her." 
 
 The letters of Pedro Rosell written at Caraga in 1885 contain many 
 references to the duties of the ballyan. In one account he records the 
 following song which he says is sung by the priestesses when they 
 invoke their gods Mansildtan and Badla.' 
 
 "Miminsad, miminsad si Mansildtan 
 Opod si Badla nga magadayao nang dumia 
 Bailan, managunsayao, 
 Bailan, managunliguit." 
 
 » Blair and Robertson, Vol. XUII, pp. 217-21, and Vol. XII, p. 270 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes oe Davao District— CoivE. 179 
 
 This means: 
 
 "Mansilatan has come down, has come down. 
 Later (will come) Badla, who will preserve the earth. 
 Bailanas, dance; bailanas, turn ye round about." 
 
 This Rosell takes as "a confirmation of the most transcendental 
 questions of our true religion," for in Mansilatan he finds the principal 
 god and father of Balda, "who descended from the heavens where he 
 dwells, in order to create the world. Afterwards his only son Badla 
 came down also to preserve and protect the world — that is men and 
 things — against the power and trickery of the evil spirits Pudaugnon 
 and Malimbung." The writer made persistent inquiry among the 
 Mandaya to the south of Caraga, but could not find a trace of a belief 
 in any one of the four spirits named; neither are these spirits mentioned 
 in the notes of Governor Bolton, nor in the excellent description of the 
 people about Cateel, furnished by such a careful observer as Mr. Maxey. 
 It seems that this account, together with the song and its translation, 
 must have been gathered from other than Mandayan sources. I/ong 
 before 1885 the town of Caraga had become one of the strongholds of 
 the church on the east coast of Mindanao, and Christianized settlers 
 from all the southern islands had come to the vicinity.' It is probable 
 that Rosell's information was secured from Christianized or Moro 
 emigrants, and the first spirits named refer to Badhala — Bathala, or 
 Batala — "the all powerful," and Dian Mansalanta — "the patron of 
 lovers and generation."^ 
 
 THE TUNGUD MOVEMENT 
 
 In 1 908. a religious movement known as tungud started among the 
 Manobo^ at the source of the Rio Libaganon. Soon it had spread over 
 practically the whole southeastern portion of Mindanao, and finally 
 reached the Mandaya of the Pacific Coast. According to Mr. J. M. 
 Garvan, of the Philippine Bureau of Science, the movement was 
 instigated by a Manobo named Mapakla. This njan was taken ill, 
 probably with cholera, and was left for dead by his kinsmen. Three 
 days later he appeared among the terrified people and explained, that 
 a powerful spirit named Magbabaya had entered his body and cured 
 him. He further stated that the world was about to be destroyed 
 
 1 They are often referred to as Caragas in the early writings. 
 
 ' Further information regarding these spirits will be found in the Relations of 
 Loarca, 1582 (Blair and Robertson, Vol. V, p. 171), and the Relation of Juan de 
 Plasencia, 1589 {ibid,_ Vol. VII, pp. 189-96, Vol. XII, p. 265). It is worthy of note 
 that the Bagobo spirit Togld!, who is one of the pair responsible for marriages and 
 birtfis, is sometimes addressed as Manilddan. 
 
 ' Not the Kulaman. 
 
i8o F1E1.D Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 and that only those persons who gave heed to his instructions would 
 survive. These instructions bade all to cease planting and to kill 
 their animals for, he said, "if they survive to the end they will eat you." 
 A religious house or shrine was to be built in every settlement, and 
 was to be looked after by divinely appointed ministers. Those persons 
 who were at first inclined to be skeptical as to the truth of the message, 
 were soon convinced by seeing the Magbabaya enter the bodies of 
 the ministers, causing them to perform new, frantic dances, interrupted 
 only by trembling fits during which their eyes protruded and gave 
 them the semblance of dead men. 
 
 By the time the tungvd had reached the Mayo district it had lost 
 most of its striking features, but was still powerful enough to cause 
 many of the Mandaya to kill their animals and hold religious dances. 
 The coast Moro, who at that time were restless, took advantage of 
 the movement to further a plan to drive American planters and 
 Christianized natives from the district. The leading Mandaya were 
 invited to the house of the Moro pandUa^ "to see the .spirit Diwata " 
 During several nights the son of the pandUa impersonated the spirit 
 and appeared in the darkened room.. Over his chest and forehead he 
 had stretched thin gauze and beneath this had placed many fire-flies, 
 which to the imaginative people made him appear superhuman. His 
 entrance into the room was attended by a vigorous shaking of the 
 house, caused by a younger brother stationed below. A weird dance 
 followed and then the spirit advised the people to rise and wipe out 
 the whole Christianized population. The Mandaya had become so 
 impressed by the nightly appearance of Diwata that it is more than 
 probable they would have joined the Moro in their project "had not an 
 American -planter at Mayo learned of the plot. He imprisoned the 
 leaders, thus ending a scheme which, if successful, would have given 
 new attributes to at least one of the spirits. 
 
 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 
 
 The before-mentioned ballyan direct the religious observances of 
 the tribe. Their mysterious powers give them great influence among 
 their fellows but, nevertheless, they are subservient to the local ruler. 
 
 The tribe is divided into many small groups, each of which is 
 governed by a bagani. To reach this coveted position a man must have 
 distinguished himself as a warrior and have killed at least ten persons 
 
 ' The religious head of the settlement. 
 
SEPTEMBER, 1913. WiivD Tribes oe Davao District — Coi,E. i8i 
 
 with his own hand/ The victims need not be killed in warfare and may- 
 be of any sex or age so long as they come from a hostile village. When 
 the required number of lives has been taken, the aspirant appeals to 
 the neighboring bagani for the right to be numbered in their select 
 company. They will assemble to partake of a feast prepared by the 
 candidate and then solemnly discuss the merits of his case. The 
 petition may be disregarded entirely, or it may be decided that the 
 exploits related are sufficient only to allow the warrior to be known as 
 a half bagani. In this case he may wear trousers of red cloth, but if he 
 is granted the full title he is permitted to don a blood-red suit and to 
 wear a turban of the same hue. This distinction is eagerly sought by 
 the more vigorous men of the tribe and, as a result, many lives are 
 taken each year. 
 
 A short time ago a candidate entered the district of Bungalung on 
 the east coast of Davao and killed thirty-two persons. In that same 
 section are now living five bagani who have gained this title by similar 
 exploits. Whole communities become involved in feuds as a result 
 of these individual raids, for it is the duty of a murdered man's family 
 to seek revenge for his death. It is not necessary that they kill the 
 offender, as any member of his family or settlement will suffice. In 
 some districts the unmarried relatives of a murdered person are not 
 allowed to wed until the death is avenged. 
 
 Instances are known where the old men have conferred the title of 
 bagani upon the son of some deceased warrior. In such a case the 
 recipient of the honor starts at once to fulfil the requirements of election, 
 for otherwise he brings disgrace to himself and family. In his own 
 settlement the oldest of the bagani becomes supreme ruler, and if 
 powerful enough he may extend his influence to a considerable distance. 
 In a few cases on the East coast the holders of the title have so instilled 
 fear of themselves into the neighboring districts that they have been 
 able to levy blackmail, even on the Christianiyed natives. War parties 
 are led by these wearers of the red garments, and they also enforce 
 the laws handed down from their forefathers. 
 
 The day a warrior is elevated to this order he is in a large measure 
 cut away from his fellows. He no longer associates with them as 
 equals but eats his meals alone, unless it happens that other bagani 
 are present. 
 
 * At Mayo it was said that it is necessary to kill only six, but the two bagani 
 living there had each killed more than twice that number. Among the Mansaka 
 the number required is often as high as thirty. 
 
 2 These are Maclingtong at Pandisan; Pankard at Tagauanan; Kasicknan, 
 Lewanan, and Malangit, in the mountains between Taguanan and Piso. 
 
i82 F1E1.D Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 Below the bagani in rank come the warriors, a class which includes 
 practically all the able-bodied free men; and still below them are the 
 slaves. Slavery was an ancient institution with this people when the 
 Spaniards first visited their country, and it has continued to flourish 
 up to the present, in all districts a little removed from the influence 
 of the white man. The great majority, of slaves are secured by capture, 
 but until recent years the Moro of the coast have carried on a lucrative 
 slave trade with this tribe. Girls and women become members of 
 their master's household, but their children are treated as slaves. 
 Captive boys and men aid their masters in the chase and in the fields, 
 and in most cases it would be hard indeed for a stranger to pick servant 
 from master. Sometimes the people of a neighboring village ransom 
 one of their fellows and in such a case the freed slave may return to his 
 old home or he may become a free member of the community in which 
 he has been serving. 
 
 DWELLINGS 
 
 The insecurity of life resulting from the conditions described has 
 caused the people to build their homes high in the branches of trees, 
 often so situated on the edge of cliffs that they can be approached only 
 from one direction (Plates LXXIII-LXXIV) . 
 
 Two sorts of dwellings are commonly seen. Of these, the rudest 
 rest on the limbs of trees, and conform in size and shape to the nature 
 of the supporting branches. Some few houses of this kind have 
 horizontal sides and sloping roofs, but more frequently a roof which 
 slopes directly from a central ridge pole to the edges of the platform 
 does away with the necessity of side walls. 
 
 The second and more common type of house is shown in Plate 
 LXXIV. Here the top of the tree has been cut off some fifteen or 
 twenty feet above the ground leaving a stump to serve as a part of the 
 foundation. Many smaller poles help support the floor and then extend 
 upward to form the wall and roof stays. The upper flooring of beaten 
 bark rests on cross-beams which have been lashed to the uprights. 
 Above it are occasional horizontal poles, forming a skeleton to which 
 the walls of nipa palm are fastened. In some houses two or three of 
 the foundation poles extend above the floor to such a height that they 
 are used as the supports for the ridge pole. In others true king posts: 
 rest on the beams, which in turn are supported by the corner poles. 
 From the ridge a number of smaller rods extend to or project out over 
 the side walls, and on them rests the roofing of nipa palm. A space 
 of several inches often intervenes between the roof and the side walls. 
 
September, 19 13. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 183 
 
 The whole structure is so firmly lashed together with rattan that it is 
 capable of withstanding severe storms, despite the fact that it gives and 
 creaks with every wind. During violent storms the house is further 
 secured by anchoring it with rattan lines to nearby trees. 
 
 Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of bamboo or rattan 
 ladders. These are drawn up at night, and with all means of access 
 thus removed the inhabitants need have little fear of a surprise attack. 
 If enemies do attempt to dislodge them the defenders have the advantage 
 of their elevated position in the use of their weapons. 
 
 Generally, each house contains only one room which varies in size 
 according to the number of inhabitants. Frequently two or three 
 families are found living in one house, for it is the custom for the suitors, 
 and often for the husbands of the married daughters, to live with the 
 girls' people. 
 
 Near the door, or in one corner of the room, is a small box of earth 
 in which several stones are imbedded. This constitutes the hearth, 
 about which is found a miscellany of pots, jars, and other kitchen 
 vessels. The smoke finds its way out through a small opening at each 
 end of the roof, or through the narrow space under the eaves. There 
 is no recognized arrangement of the room. Utensils' are scattered 
 promiscuously about and when the inhabitants are ready to sleep they 
 occupy such parts of the floor as are free or can be most easily cleared. 
 
 The people of a community build their houses within a short distance 
 of one anotjier, yet seldom so close together as to form a village. How- 
 ever, village life is not entirely unknown, for in the vicinity of Cateel 
 Governor Bolton found six houses, partially surrounded by palisades, 
 perched on the top of a conical hill. 
 
 Lieutenant Youngblood gives the following description of the 
 people and dwellings seen by him near the upper waters of the Agusan 
 river : 
 
 "The people seemed to be living in an atmosphere of fear as far 
 as intercourse with the world outside their crater-like valley was con- 
 cerned. They believed it was death to look upon the sea, of which 
 they had heard disjointed tales, but which none of them had ever seen. 
 They feared the coast people with a mortal fear, justified perhaps by 
 the experiences of occasional meetings in times gone by. They fear 
 each other to a certain extent, especially men who live further north 
 of the headwaters of the Agusan. This ever-present state of fear gives 
 coloring to their whole life. They take to the brush at the least 
 
 • These consist of baskets, rice mortars, and winnowers, weaving outfits, bark 
 dye vats, as well as traps asd weapons, nearly all of which are so similar to those 
 already described for the Bagobo that they do not call for special notice here. 
 
i84 FiEi,D Museum oe Naturai. History— Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 unwonted sound. They make their clearings on the steep mountain- 
 sides and in these build two or three of their houses in strategic posi- 
 tions. In the very construction of their dwellings the idea of security 
 in case of attack is predominant. 
 
 "The houses in this section are generally built in clearings on the 
 sawn-off trunk of some giant tree and placed from the ground some 
 forty or fifty feet. Numerous posts help support the structure, entrance 
 to which is gained by a notched pole firmly set in the ground and held 
 in place by tightly wound bejuca. Oftentimes this stair pole is bowed 
 outwards slightly, which gives it a peculiar appearance and requires 
 a considerable amount of skill in climbing. The front and only door 
 to these houses consists of a section of the floor composed of hewn 
 plank, hinged at one end. One end of this is raised by a bejuca rope 
 during the day, while at night it is let down forming a solid floor 
 throughout the house. 
 
 "The roof is of shingles made from mountain cane; the floor and 
 sides of hand-hewn logs and planks; the roof is at no place more than 
 seven feet from the floor and is blackened on the inside from smoke. 
 The largest house visited in this locality was that of Chief I/Cuanan, 
 and this was some twenty feet square. These houses consist of one 
 room and are inhabited by two or more families." 
 
 AGRICULTURE 
 
 About the settlements are the fields in which rice, corn, camotes, 
 sugar-cane, and a small amount of tobacco, cotton and hemp are raised. 
 However, the crops are usually so small that even with the addition of 
 game and forest products there is, each year, a period closely bordering 
 on starvation. New clearings are frequently made near to the old, for 
 the primitive tools^ with which the people work are ill-fitted to combat 
 the incursion into the open land of the rank cogon grass. Only the 
 exhaustion of suitable timber land for a new clearing, the prevalence 
 of an epidemic, or the near approach of a powerful enemy will cause 
 the people to move their homes from one district to another. 
 
 We have already referred to the important part the limokon plays 
 in the selection and clearing of a new plot of ground,^ and to the offer- 
 ings made to the spirits when it becomes necessary to cut down certain 
 trees.' The crops, aside from the rice, are planted and harvested 
 
 ' These consist of a mall axe, working knife, and planting stick. 
 
 ^ See pages 173 and 177. 
 
 ' Near Cateel the wishes of the spirits are learned by means of cords. A number 
 of strings are tied together in the center and the knot is buried. The loose ends are 
 then joined and if it happens that the two ends of a cord have been tied together it 
 is taken as a sign that the spirits give their consent to the proposed clearing. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes op Davao District — Cole. 185 
 
 without further reference to the spirit world, but the cultivation and 
 care of this cereal can only be carried on according to certain fixed 
 conditions. 
 
 About November first, when a group of seven stars called poyo poyo 
 appears in the west, it is a signal for all who expect to clear new land 
 to begin their labors. By December first this constellation rises 
 straight above and it is then time to plant. This is further confirmed 
 by the appearance of a star known as sabak. If any have delayed their 
 planting until the middle of December they are given a last warning 
 when the stars forming Bayatik^ appear. 
 
 As soon as the land has been cleared a pole is placed in the center 
 of the field and is surrounded by a fence. This is known as tagbinian 
 and seems to be erected in honor of the spirit Omayan, although by 
 some it is insisted that it is intended for his residence. The seed rice 
 is deposited inside the enclosure^ and the men begin to prepare the 
 soil about it. This they do by thrusting sharpened sticks into the 
 ground, thus making holes an inch or two in depth. Taking rice from 
 the tagbtntan the women follow, dropping seeds into the holes. 
 
 When the harvest time is near at hand the men repair the old 
 granaries or build new and then, when all is ready for the crop, an old 
 man or woman goes alone, in the middle of the night, to the fields and 
 there cuts a few stalks of the rice. Should this be neglected the crop 
 is sure to be small and will vanish quickly. This grain is not used as 
 an offering, nor are any gifts made to the spirits until the crop has been 
 harvested and the people are ready to eat of the new rice. At that 
 time a little of the recently harvested grain is placed on a dish, together 
 with other food and betel-nut, and is carried to the granary, where it 
 
 is presented to the spirit "in order that the 
 granary may always be full." When the 
 grain is needed for use it is removed from the 
 straw by pounding it with wooden pestles ; it 
 is then placed in a wooden mortar and is 
 again pounded until the husks are loosened. 
 This accomplished, the grain is freed from 
 chaff by tossing it in a winnower. If a greater 
 amount has been cleared than is needed it is 
 stored in gourds or water-proof baskets 
 
 (Fig. 50). A month or two after the harvest 
 ' This is the same as balatik, page 62. 
 2 Maxey relates that at planting and harvest 
 time the Mandaya of Cateel carry offerings to the 
 baliti trees and there offer it to Diwata, in suppli- 
 cation or thanks for an abundant crop. 
 
 FrG. 50. 
 GOURD RICE HOLDER. 
 
1 86 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 a great celebration is held, the principal features of which are a feast 
 and dance but no offerings are then made to the spirits. 
 
 The small crop of sugar-cane is made into an alcoholic drink, which 
 is sometimes indulged in at meal time but is generally reserved for 
 festive occasions. The juice is boiled with a plant called palba, similar 
 to ginger, and is stored away in bamboo tubes until it has reached a 
 suitable stage of fermentation. Another drink is made by boiling 
 strained honey with the palba and allowing it to ferment. 
 
 HUNTING AND FISHING 
 A considerable portion of the food supply is secured by hunting 
 and fishing. Small birds are captured by placing a sticky substance 
 on bare limbs of fruit-bearing trees, or by fastening gummed sticks 
 in places frequented by birds. When a victim alights on this it is held 
 securely until captured by the hunter. Fig. 5 1 shows another method 
 of securing such small game. A cord with a noose at one end is 
 
 FIG. 51. 
 BIRD SNARE. 
 
 attached to a bent limb. In the center of this cord is tied a short 
 stick which acts as a trigger. This trigger is placed with the top end 
 pressing against an arched twig a, while the other end draws b against 
 the sides of the arch. Other sticks rest on b and on them is a covering 
 of leaves on which is placed bait and the open noose. The weight of 
 a bird or small animal on the cross-piece is sufficient to release the 
 trigger and then the bent limb draws the noose taut. 
 
 The series of slip nooses attached to a central cord which surrounds 
 a tame decoy is also found in use here, and boys frequently secure 
 birds by means of blow-guns. The latter do not differ from those 
 
Sbptembbr, 1913. Wild Tribes op Davao District— Cole. 187 
 
 already described on p. 73, but with this tribe they are regarded 
 only as a boy's plaything. 
 
 Deer and pig are sometimes hunted by large parties with the aid 
 of dogs. In such cases an attempt is made to drive the animals past 
 concealed hunters, or to dispatch them with spears when brought to 
 bay by the dogs. The more successful method, however, is by means 
 of traps several types of which were seen by the writer. The first 
 and most common is a dead fall consisting of a heavy log so arranged 
 in the runway of the game that a passing animal will cause it to fall 
 Next in favor with the hunters is the bayatik. One end of a sapling 
 is tied horizontally to a tree and is then bent back like a spring. It is 
 held in place by means of a trigger which is released when an animal 
 distiurbs a vine stretched across the runway. Against the free end of 
 the spring a long bamboo spear or arrow is placed in such a manner 
 that it is thrown with great force against the animal which has released 
 the trigger. This trap is frequently used in warfare to protect the 
 retreat of a war party, or to surprise an enemy. 
 
 Sharpened bamboo sticks, two or three feet long, planted at points 
 where animals are accustomed to jump or run down steep inclines, are 
 ■wonderfully efficient in securing game. Sticks and leaves cover pits 
 in which sharpened poles are planted and into these unsuspecting 
 animals or members of a hostile party often fall. All these last named 
 devices are exceedingly dangerous and it is unadvisable for a traveler 
 in the jungle to try to penetrate a strange region unless accompanied 
 lay a native who knows the position of the traps and pits. 
 
 Fish are secured by means of bamboo traps through which a part 
 of the water of a stream is diverted. These traps do not differ in any 
 respect from those shown in Fig. 19. Along the coast metal fish- 
 Jiooks and dip and throw nets are in common use, but these are at 
 present largely obtained from the Moro. The easiest and hence the 
 most popular method of secmring fish is to mash together the poisonous 
 roots of the tobli tree and the fruit of the oliskEb. The pulp is then 
 sunk into still pools of water and in a short time the stupified fish 
 begin to float to the surface, where they are quickly seized by the 
 iishermen. 
 
 WARFARE 
 
 Mention has already been made of the use of pits and traps in 
 warfare. In addition to these it is customary for a returning war party 
 to conceal in the trail many saonag, small stiletto-shaped bamboo 
 
i88 FiBLD Museum of Natural History— Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 1 \ 
 
 i.W 
 
 J" ■ 
 
 ""%': 
 
 
 ■//I I 
 
 
 FIG. 52. 
 WOODEN SHIELDS. 
 
September, 191 3. Wild Tribes of Davao District — CoivE. 189 
 
 sticks, which pierce the feet of those in pursuit. A night camp is 
 effectively protected in the same manner against barefooted enemies. 
 
 The arms used are spears, fighting knives with wide bellied blades, 
 daggers, narrow shields with which weapons are deflected (Fig. 52), 
 and in some sections bows and arrows. The fighting knives and 
 daggers (Plates LXXV-I/XXVI) deserve more than casual notice. 
 The heavy bellied blades of the knives are highly tempered, and not 
 infrequently are bored through and inlaid with silver, in which instances 
 they are known as binuta, — blind (Plate LXXVa). The sheaths, with 
 their sharply upturned ends, are made of light wood on which are 
 carved decorations, attached or inlaid bands of silver, or stained 
 designs. The handles of the weapons are also decorated with incised 
 silver bands. 
 
 Much as the fighting knives are prized, the dagger, hayadau or 
 bddau, is in even greater favor. It is worn on the front left-hand part 
 of the body in ready reach of the right hand, and is never removed 
 unless the owner is in the company of trusted relatives. A light thread, 
 easily broken, holds the dagger in its sheath and the slightest disturbance 
 is enough to cause the owner to draw his weapon. 
 
 The older warriors claim that it formerly was their custom to 
 protect themselves with strips of hemp cloth, limbotung, which they 
 woimd many times around their bodies in order to ward off knife 
 thrusts, but this method of protection seems to have fallen into disuse.' 
 
 Individual warriors lie in ambush for their foes, but when a great 
 raid is planned the party is under the command of a bagani. These 
 attacks are arranged to take place during the full moon and the 
 warriors usually assault a settlement which they think can be taken by 
 surprise, and hence unprepared. It is very seldom that these people 
 fight in the open, and invaders do not attempt a combat unless they 
 feel sure of the outcome. If they find a house well protected they may 
 attempt to fire it by attaching a torch to an arrow and shooting it 
 into the grass roof, the occupants being slaughtered as they rush out. 
 If one of the enemy puts up an especially good fight his body is opened 
 and the warriors eat a portion of his heart and liver, thinking thus to 
 gain in valor. 
 
 Mr. Maxey mentions the use of poisoned weapons in the neighbor- 
 hood of Cateel, but the Mandaya of the south seem to be entirely 
 ignorant of this custom. Maxey's account of the preparation of the 
 poison is as follows: 
 
 » This type of protective armor is still used by the Bukidtion of Central Min- 
 danao. 
 
igo FiKLD MusBUM OF Natural History — -Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 "The poison is, according to the writer's informant, prepared as 
 follows: A long bamboo is cut and carried to a tree called camandag.'- 
 The bamboo must be long enough to reach to the limit of the shadow 
 cast by the 'tree to the trunk of the same, as the tree is so poisonous 
 that it even affects those who stand beneath it. The bamboo has a 
 sharp point which is stuck into the tree and receives the milk which 
 exudes from the cut. After several days the bamboo is removed and 
 the contents emptied into another bamboo which serves for a sheath 
 or quiver for the arrows, these being placed in it point down. The 
 slightest scratch will cause death. A peculiar thing about the tree 
 from which the poison is extracted, is that the person extracting must 
 not only not get under the tree, but must approach it from the windward, 
 as the effects of even the odor are unpleasant and dangerous." 
 
 INDUSTRIES 
 
 In the description of the tribe up to this point we have touched 
 upon those pursuits which engross the greater part of the time. In 
 addition to these, it falls to the lot of the women to manufacture and 
 decorate all the clothing worn by members of the tribe. Some cotton 
 is grown and is used in the manufacture of jackets, but the bulk of the 
 garments are of hemp. In the description of the Decorative Art we 
 shall deal with the decoration of the hemp cloth skirts worn by the 
 women. Here it is only necessary for us to observe that this cloth is 
 produced and colored by exactly the same process as is employed by 
 the Bagobo women.^ 
 
 A very Httle brass casting is done by the Mandaya of one district, 
 but it is evidently a crude copy of Moro work. By far the greater 
 part of the brass betel boxes, and ornaments of that metal, as well 
 as spear heads, are purchased from the coast Mohammedans. 
 
 Iron working is an ancient art with this people and the beauty and 
 temper of their knives and daggers is not excelled by the output of any 
 other Philippine tribe. In the manufacture of these weapons they 
 employ the same methods as their neighbors to the south and west. 
 
 No wild tribe in the archipelago has made so much use of silver in 
 the production of ornaments as has the Mandaya. Thin silver plates 
 are rolled into small tubes and are attached to the woman's ear plugs 
 (Fig. 49), finger rings of the same metal are produced in great numbers, 
 but the finest work appears in the large silver ornaments worn on the 
 breasts by both sexes (Fig. 53). Silver coins are beaten into thin 
 
 ' Crolon tiglium L. 
 
 * See p. 79. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 191 
 
 disks, in the center of which a hole is cut. About this opening appear 
 beautiful intricate designs, some engraved, others stamped with metal 
 dies. 
 
 All work i'n metal is limited to a few skilled men, but many lesser 
 industries, such as shaping tortoise shell rings and shell bracelets, 
 carving of spoons, and making baskets, are carried on by other members 
 of the tribe during their leisure hours. 
 
 BIRTH 
 
 In each district there are one or two midwives, known as managdmon. 
 They are women past middle life who are versed in the medicines and 
 rites which should be employed at the time of birth. They are not 
 considered as ballyan, yet they talk to the spirits upon certain occasions. 
 
 When a pregnant woman is about to be delivered the midwife 
 crushes the bark of the dap-dap^ tree and makes a medicine called 
 
 FIG. 53. 
 SILVER BREAST ORNAMENTS. 
 
 tagaumo, which she gives to the patient. It is claimed that this causes 
 the muscles to relax so that they allow an easy delivery. The Umbilical 
 cord is cut with a bamboo knife and as soon as the child has been 
 bathed it is given to the mother. The afterbirth is placed in a specially 
 prepared basket and is either hung against the side of the house or in 
 a nearby tree. For a few days the midwife assists about the house and 
 then, if all is well with the child, she takes her payment of rice, chicken, 
 and fish, and returns to her home. Should the child be ailing she will 
 return, and having placed rice and betel-nut on banana leaves she 
 carries these to the top of the house and there offers them to the 
 ' Erythrina indica Lam.- 
 
192 FiEivD Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 asuang,^ meanwhile asking those spirits to accept the offering and to 
 cease troubling the child. No ceremony takes place at the time of 
 naming or at the age of puberty, but at the latter period the teeth are 
 filed and blackened so that the young person may be more beautiful 
 and, therefore, able to contract a suitable marriage. 
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 Frequently parents arrange matches for their children while they 
 are still very young, but in the majority of cases the matter is left until 
 after the age of puberty when the wishes of the young people are taken 
 into consideration. The youth or his father having chosen a suitable 
 girl takes or sends a spear, knife, or other acceptable present to her 
 father. If this offering is accepted it indicates approval of the match, 
 and soon thereafter a feast is prepared to which friends of both families 
 are invited. At this feast the price to be paid for the girl and the time 
 of marriage are agreed upon, and at least partial payment is made. 
 As is the case with the neighboring tribes, a part of the value of this 
 gift is returned. Following the agreement the boy enters the service 
 of his fiancee's father and for a year or more lives as a member of the 
 family. Even after the marriage a considerable amount of service is 
 expected from him at the time of planting, harvesting, or building. 
 
 The marriage ceremony proper follows a feast, and consists of the 
 young couple feeding each other with rice and drinking from a common 
 cup. 
 
 Should anything occur to prevent the marriage, after the payment 
 for the girl has been made, the gifts must be returned or service equal 
 to their value must be rendered. 
 
 Unfaithfulness on the part of the woman seems to be the one cause 
 for a separation and this is uncommon, for unless her admirer purchases 
 her for a sum equal to the amount her husband spent in obtaining her, 
 the divorced woman remains as a slave in the home of her former 
 husband. 
 
 Polygamy is permitted and is quite common, but a man may not 
 take a second wife until a child has been born to the first. In addition 
 to his wives a man may have as many concubines as he can afford to 
 purchase. 
 
 It is said to be a grave offense for a man to embrace a married woman, 
 or even to touch the breasts, elbows, or heels of any woman he does 
 not intend to marry. An unmarried woman who permits such familiar- 
 ities is considered as good as married. Despite this assertion, the 
 
 ' See p. 176. 
 
September, 1913. Wild Tribes of Davao District— Cole. 
 
 193 
 
 writer knows of several cases where young people openly lived together 
 without being considered married, and later the parents arranged 
 marriages between these girls and other suitors. 
 
 According to several informants, incest is punished by the sacrifice 
 of the guilty parties. They are tied to a tree with their hands drawn 
 backward around the trunks and are then speared to death. This 
 seems to be the one and only occasion when human sacrifice is practiced 
 by members of this tribe. 
 
 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 
 
 When a person is seriously ill a ballyan is summoned and she, after 
 securing prepared rice, betel-nuts, and a live chicken, enters into com- 
 munication with the spirits. First she converses with the dead father 
 or other deceased relative of the sick person and requests his aid in 
 effecting a cure, next she presents food to Diwata and implores his 
 aid, and finally calls upon the asuang to whom she offers the live fowl 
 on the condition that they will cease trying to injure the patient. 
 Having thus done all in her power to influence the spirits she may 
 administer some simple remedy, after which she begins to dance contra- 
 clockwise, around a bamboo pole on which leaves and betel-nut have 
 been hung.' 
 
 If this treatment proves to be of no avail and the patient dies his 
 body is placed in the center of the house and for two days and nights 
 is guarded by relatives and friends. During the time that the body 
 remains in the dwelling the family is required to fast and all the people 
 of the settlement are prohibited from playing on agongs, from singing 
 or indulging in other signs of merriment.' Finally, the body is wrapped 
 in a mat and in buried in the forest.^ 
 
 Returning from the burial all the people partake of a feast and then 
 set fire to the dwelling "because we do not like the asuang which killed 
 the man in that house." Dxu'ing the ensuing nine days the spouse of 
 
 ' This ceremony usually takes place in the house, but if the man was taken ill 
 in the forest or in his field it may be conducted there. 
 
 ' Maxey gives the fbllowing account -of burial near Cateel: "The dead person 
 is dressed in his best clothes, wrapped in a piece of abaca cloth, and placed in a coffin 
 of bamboo poles, or one hewn from a solid log, if the person was one of means, and 
 buried. If of the poorer class he is jnerely wrapped in a piece of matting, and either 
 buried or covered over with stones, sticks, and the like. If of high rank, the body 
 is not buried, but' after preparation is taken into the forest and placed in a small 
 hut under a balete tree. Food, spears, bolos, hats, shields, and some articles of 
 furniture are placed on the graves to placate the spirits who might otherwise bring 
 harm to the surviving members of the clan or family. There is no fixed period of 
 mourning, but the members of the family must wear black for some time after the 
 death. The sick are never abandoned prior to death, but slaves nearing death are 
 sometimes killed to stop their sufferings. The owner, however, must first consult 
 with others of the clan." * 
 
194 FiEi/D Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 FIG. 54F 
 
 FIG. 54A TO H. Designs Representing the Human fof 
 
 FIG. 54H. 
 
September, 19 13. Wild Tribes oe Davao District— Cole. 195 
 
 the dead dresses in black and for a month following, or until they can 
 purchase a slave, the whole family is barred from merry-making. 
 Two reasons for the purchase of this slave were advanced by members 
 of the tribe. One was that the family could be happy if they were 
 still rich enough to purchase a slave. The second, that they thus 
 replaced the dead man with another, "for the slaves are like members 
 of our own family." 
 
 DECORATIVE ART. 
 
 The decorative art of the Mandaya is similar in many respects to 
 that of the Bagobo and Bila-an, yet in part it differs greatly from both. 
 As is true with the other tribes, the weavers make use of many figures 
 which they do not associate with any living forms, but which, neverthe- 
 less, strongly suggest that they may have been derived from realistic 
 designs. In addition to such patterns they frequently employ figures 
 which are intentional copies of human or animal forms. Of these the 
 most common are those representing a man and a crocodile; these 
 sometimes appear together, sometimes alone. The requirements of 
 the space to be filled, as. well as readiness of the worker to alter any 
 part in order to give a more pleasing effect to the design have resulted 
 in many distorted and conventionalized figures which can only be 
 explained by the artist. The accompanying drawings are taken from 
 articles collected by the writer and now in the Field Museum of 
 Natural History. 
 
 Patterns A to H in- Fig. 54 appear in hemp cloth skirts. These 
 show the steps in the conventionalization of ^ the human figure,^ as 
 explained by the weavers. In the first four the forms are so realistic 
 that they need no explanation, but E is more complicated. Here two 
 greatly conventionalized figures have been used, one erect, the other 
 with head down. The size of the head has been increased while the 
 body is represented by a small diamond-shaped pattern with out- 
 - stretched arms attached. The legs and feet of both figures help to 
 form a pattern similar to a head, except that it lacks the "hair" shown 
 in the end designs. F resembles the preceding quite closely. ' In it 
 the central head-like pattern does not appear and the legs and feet of 
 one figure help to form the head of the other. This design has been 
 doubled, thus necessitating some alteration of the figures at the points 
 of union. In G and H nearly aU the realistic elements have vanished, 
 yet certain resemblance to D and E can be discerned. 
 
 ' One weaver insisted that this figure represents a frog, because of its webbed 
 feet, but none of the others agreed with her. 
 
196 Field Museum of Naturai. History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 65D. 
 
 55 E. 
 
 55F. 
 
 mmm 
 
 myj 
 
 'Si^m 
 
 m 
 
 
 L«W 
 
 LM 
 
 '*n 
 
 55G. 
 
 55H. 551. 
 
 FIG. 65A TO J. CROCODILE DESIGNS. 
 
 55J. 
 
Septembbr, 19 13. Wild Tribes of Davao District — Cole. 197 
 
 We have already learned that the crocodile is held in great regard 
 and in some sections there is evidence of its more or less sacred char- 
 acter. Its importance in the minds of the people is well shown by the 
 frequency with which it appears in their decorative designs. Fig. 55 A 
 shows one of these animals which has just eaten a man. Both 
 figures are so realistic that the intention of the weaver is apparent. 
 In B, D, E, and F, the animal is still realistic, but the man disappears, 
 and in his place is a formless object or straight lines which are identified 
 as "something eaten." 
 
 The pattern G is given as the next step in the conventionalization. 
 Here the legs, feet, and "something eaten" have assumed undue pro- 
 portions, while nearly every trace of likeness has vanished. This 
 
 ^ ^^*4-l 
 
 FIG. 56. 
 CROCODILE DESIGN. 
 
 FIG. 57. 
 DESIGN USED IN WEAVING. 
 
 iigure is multiphed five times to obtain the highly conventionalized form 
 shown in H. 
 
 By referring to G it is possible to see how the complicated designs 
 in I and / have been derived, although they bear little resemblance 
 -to the original crocodile form. 
 
 Fig. 56 was identified as a crocodile but was not regarded as a step 
 in the conventionahzation shown. Many other figures such as 57 
 appear so closely related to the designs just described that it seems 
 certain they must have had a common origin, yet this was denied by 
 all the weavers, who insisted that such decorations were added only 
 to make the garments pretty. 
 
igS FiBLD MuseuM OF Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 Going from weaving to designs cut in wood, something of the same 
 state of affairs is encountered. Pattern a on the bamboo comb (Fig. 
 
 FIG. 58. 
 INCISED DESIGNS ON A BAMBOO LIME HOLDER. 
 
 48) is identified as the crocodile, yet the very similar figures shown on 
 a bamboo lime holder (Fig. 58) and on a wooden clothes-hanger (Fig. 
 
 59) are not so recognized. 
 
 Figs. 60 and 61 show charac- 
 teristic designs which are em- 
 broidered on jackets or carrying 
 bags. All these are added with 
 the one idea of beautifying the 
 garment, without any thought of 
 copying some living form. This is 
 true also of the incised zigzag lines, 
 scrolls, and meander patterns seen 
 on the silver breast disks (Fig. 53), 
 and those stained on palm bark: 
 hats (Fig. 47). 
 
 Tobacco pouches (Fig. 62) are 
 
 often completely covered with 
 
 bright colored geometrical designs 
 
 embroidered in trade yarn. This 
 
 work, which is quite unlike the 
 
 other decoration used by this. 
 
 people, was probably introduced 
 
 along with trade yarn and analine 
 Fig. 59. J 
 
 Clothes Hanger. ayes. 
 
Sbptember, 19 13. Wild Tribes oe Davao District.— C01.E. i 
 
 99 
 
 
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200 FieivD MussuM OF Natural History— Anth., Vol. XII. 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 From the material now at our disposal certain general conclusions 
 can be drawn. 
 
 A comparison of the physical measurements indicates that no group 
 is of pure race. There are significant variations between members of 
 different tribes, but these occur also between individuals of the same 
 village. The average person in each group is short-headed, yet long- 
 headed individuals are found in every tribe and variations just as great 
 as this appear in the other measurements and observations. 
 
 We have previously noted the evidences of an aboriginal pygmy 
 population, that has been partially absorbed by intermarriage vsdth the 
 later comers.* In all the groups, except the Bila-an, the percentage of 
 individuals showing evidences of Negrito blood increases as we go from 
 the coasts toward the interior, until in such divisions as the Obo and 
 Tigdapaya of the Bagobo, and the Tugauanum of the Ata, practically 
 all the people show traces of this admixture. 
 
 In addition to the types already described there are found in each 
 tribe individuals who in all but color might readily pass as white men. 
 These persons freely intermarry with the rest of the population, and 
 it is no uncommon thing to find in one family children of this sort as 
 well as those showing Negrito characteristics or those conforming to 
 the average tjrpe.^ 
 
 The facts indicate that the tribes now found in Davao District 
 did not reach the coasts of Mindanao at the same time, but rather that 
 they represent several periods of migration, of which the Kulaman is 
 the last. This tribe, which only a few generations ago seems to have 
 been made up of seafarers, has not yet entirely adapted itself to a 
 settled existence and it is only within the lifetime of the present genera- 
 tion that its members have taken seriously to agriculture. 
 
 It appears that the Bila-an once inhabited the district about Lake 
 Buluan, but the pressure of the Moro has forced most of them from that 
 region toward the mountains to the south and east. They have taken 
 possession of both sides of this mountain range, except for the lower 
 eastern slopes where they have encountered the Tagakaolo. 
 
 The other tribes probably landed on the southern or southeastern 
 coast of the Island, from whence they have gradually moved to their 
 present habitats. 
 
 ' Negrito are reported from the Samal Islands in the Gulf of Davao. 
 
 2 This will be discussed in a forthcoming publication on Physical Types. That 
 paper will present a full series of measurements accompanied by photographs, 
 including the Bukidnon of North Central Mindanao in which tribe this type is more 
 frequently seen than in Davao District. 
 
Septbmbbr, 19 13 Wild Tribes of Davao District — Coi,E. 201 
 
 Intermarriage between the tribes, Moro raids, warfare with the 
 accompanying capture of slaves, and the possible influence of boat-loads 
 of castaways, all have to be considered in deaUng with the types found 
 in Davao District. We have already seen that the physical measure- 
 ments indicate a complex racial history. 
 
 After giving full credit to all these influences, however, it does not 
 appear to the writer that such radical differences exist between the 
 tribes as will justify us in assigning to them different ancestry or places 
 of origin. The summarized description of the Bagobo given on page 56 
 would, with only slight modification, apply to all the other tribes, with 
 the exception of certain groups of the Ata in which the Negrito element 
 is very pronounced. In brief, the various influences that have been 
 at work on one group have influenced all the others, since their arrival 
 on the island of Mindanao. 
 
 This conclusion is further justified by the language in which a large 
 per cent of the words in daily use are common to aU the groups. Even 
 the Bila-an dialect, which differs more from all the others than do any 
 of those from one another, has so many words in common with the 
 coast tongues and is so similar in structure that one of my native boys, 
 who never before had seen a Bila-an, was able freely to carry on a con- 
 versation within a few days after his arrival in one of their most isolated 
 settlements. 
 
 Similar as are the people and their dialects, the cultural agreements 
 are even more noticeable. Taking the Bagobo as a starting point, we 
 find a highly developed culture which, with a few minor changes, holds 
 good for the tribes immediately surrounding. These in turn differ 
 little from their neighbors, although from time to time some new forms 
 appear. The Cibolan t)^e of dwelling, with its raised platform at one 
 end and box-like enclosures along the side walls, is met with until the 
 Mandaya territory is approached, while, with little variation, the house 
 furnishings and utensils in daily use are the same throughout the 
 District. The same complicated method of overtying, dyeing., and 
 weaving of hemp employed in the manufacture of women's skirts is 
 in use from Cateel in the north to Sarangani Bay in the south, while 
 in the manufacture of weapons the iron worker in Cibolan differs not 
 at all from his fellow-craftsman among the Mandaya. Here we are 
 confronted by the objection that, so far as is known, no iron work is 
 done by the Bila-an and Atd, but this is a condition which is encountered 
 throughout the archipelago. In the interior of Luzon are found 
 isolated villages, the inhabitants of which are expert workers in iron 
 
202 FlBIvD MUSBUM OF NaturaIv History — ^Anth., Voh. XII. 
 
 and steel, while their neighbors seem to be ignorant of the process.* 
 The writer holds to the opinion that iron working is an ancient art 
 throughout the Philippine archipelago and that its use for various 
 reasons, such as lack of material, has died out in certain sections. 
 Brass workers are found among most of the tribes, but, as was observed 
 earlier in this paper, there is sufficient evidence that the industry is 
 of recent introduction, and the amount and excellence of the work 
 done by the brass casters is governed by the nearness or remoteness of 
 Moro settlements. 
 
 Except for the cotton garments recently adopted by the Kagan 
 branch of the Tagakaolo, and the suits worn by the Mandaya men, 
 the clothing seen throughout the District is very similar. A few orna- 
 ments, such as the silver rings and breast disks of the Mandaya, have 
 only a limited distribution, but for the most part the decorations worn 
 by the different tribes differ only in the number of beads, bells, and shell 
 disks used in their manufacture. 
 
 In the ornamentation of their garments certain groups have special- 
 ized until the bead work of the Bagobo excels all such work found in 
 the Philippines. The same can be said of the intricate and beautifully 
 embroidered designs seen in the garments of the Bila-an or the oversewed 
 fabrics of the Kulaman, while the crudely embroidered patterns of the 
 Mandaya are wonderfully effective. Yet, despite apparent dissimilar- 
 ities, there is such a likeness in many forms of ornamentation, as well 
 as in the technique of the methods of production, that there seems to 
 be ample proof of free borrowing, or of a common origin. 
 
 • On the non-material side the similarities between the groups are 
 even more marked. In each tribe the warriors gain distinction among 
 their fellows, the protection of certain spirits, and the privilege of 
 wearing red garments, by killing a certain number of persons. Except 
 among the Kulaman, mediums much like the mabalian of the Bagobo 
 make known the wishes of the superior beings and direct the cere- 
 monies. The people are instructed when to plant by the spirits who 
 place certain constellations in the skies. These are the same for all 
 the groups, although often known by different names. The limokon 
 warns or encourages the traveler, while certain acts of the individual, 
 such as sneezing, are looked upon as warnings from unseen beings. 
 Many of these beings having like attributes, although often bearing 
 different names, are known to each group. The idea of one or more 
 spirits dwelUng in different parts of a man's body is widespread, while 
 
 .> .■ 'y^^ process used in Northern Luzon is very similar to that employed in Southera 
 JVlindanao. 
 
Sbptember, 1 9 13. J Wild Tribes op Davao District— Cole. 203 
 
 the_^belief that the right side of the body is under the care of good 
 influences and the left subject to the bad, is well nigh universal in the 
 District. 
 
 In conclusion note should be made of oft repeated assertions to the 
 effect that a part of the people of Davao District are white, and that 
 they are also cannibals and headhunters. The first can be dismissed 
 "with the statement that so far as the writer has been able to observe 
 or to learn from trustworthy sources, there is no justification for such 
 a story. It can be just as positively stated that neither the Mandaya 
 nor any other tribe here described practice cannabalism. Warriors 
 do eat a part of the livers and hearts of men who have shown great 
 valor, the eaters thus securing some of the good qualities of the victims. 
 The Kulaman warriors always taste of the liver of the slain "in order 
 to become like Mandalangan," but they expressed the greatest disgust 
 when it was suggested that the balance of the body might make good 
 food. 
 
 While it is true that the Kulaman take the heads, and sometimes 
 the arms,' of slain foes, and that the same custom is sometimes followed 
 by individual warriors of the other tribes, head-hunting for the sake of 
 the trophy is not practiced here, as is the case in Northern Luzon. 
 The skull or other portions of the body are kept only long enough to 
 prove the murder, or until they can be mutilated by the women and 
 children, "who thus become brave." 
 
 ' This is also the custom of the Bukidnon. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE VIM 
 
 ALTHOUGH THE HAIR IS OILED AND COMBED STRAIGHT BACK, STRAY LOOKS ARE 
 
 CONTINUALLY CREEPING OUT. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE XIII. 
 
 IN HOUSEBUILDING THe'roOF IS MADE FIRST AND IS TH EN RAISED TO TH E DESIRED 
 
 H EIGHT. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OFfNATURAL HISTORY. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII, PLATE XVI. 
 
 a— A HOUSE IN BANSALAN. 
 
 b— BAMBOO FENCE.AROUND A CLEARING. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII. PLATE XVIII. 
 
 WOODEN DECOY USED IN HUNTING DOVES. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE XX. 
 
 WOMAN STRIPPING THE HEMP WHICH IS TO BE USED FOR WEAVING. 
 
PLATE XXII. 
 
 a. Dried hemp. 
 
 b. Overtied warp threads. R^dy to be colored. 
 
 c. Dyed threads with overtying removed. 
 
 d. Colored threads ready for the loom. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE XXII. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE XXIV. 
 
 POLISHING THE CLOTH. 
 
 {Photo from Philippine Bureau of Science.) 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII, PLATE XXVI. 
 
 A AND B. KNIFE AND CARVED STICK USED IN DECORATING "JOB'S TEARS. 
 C. NECKLACE MADE OF THE.CARVED SEEDS. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. A KTHROPOLGGY. VOL. XII, PLATE XXVII. 
 
 BRASS WORKERS' FORGE AT ClBOLAN. 
 

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PLATE XXIX. 
 
 A and B— Men's working knives and sheaths. 
 C— Small knife used by both sexes. 
 D — Woman's knife (gE lat.) 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTOhY. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII, PLATE XXIX. 
 
PLATE XXX. 
 
 a. — Playing the agongs. 
 
 b. — The kodlon or native giiitar. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII. PLATE XXX. 
 
 (Photo (b) from Philippine Bureau of Science.) 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTH R0P0L03Y, VOL. XII, PLATE XXXI. 
 
 MAN'S Suit decorated with beads. Shell disks and applique. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII, PLATE XXXII. 
 
 FIGHTING KNIVES. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE XXXIII. 
 
 a— SHEATHS FOR THE FIGHTING KNIVES. 
 
 b— SHEATHS FOR THE SMALL WORKING KNIVES. 
 
PLATE XXXIV. 
 
 a. Bamboo basket woven in two colors. The central rim design (X) is 
 identified as a crocodile. 
 
 b. The basket rim has been decorated by sewing in designs with fern cuticle. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII. PLATE XXXIV. 
 
Plate XXXV. 
 
 a — Decorated tobacco boxes. The front of No. 2 is inlaid with yellow orchid 
 cuticle. 
 
 b — Wooden top.s of tobacco boxes inlaid with beads. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE XXXV. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII, PLATE XXXVII. 
 
 TYPICAL SPECIMENS OF WEAVING IN HEMP CLOTH. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE XXXVIIl 
 
 CENTER PANEL IN A WOMAN'S HEMP CLOTH SKIRT. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XH, PLATE XLIV. 
 
 BILA-AM FROM THE MAAL RIVER. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE XLIX. 
 
 a_THE HOUSES ARE PERCHED ON THE HILL-TOPS FAR ABOVE THE RIVER, 
 b— HOME OF DATU DIALUM. 
 
 {Photo [a] from Plnhpptne Bureau oi Science.) 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII. PLATE L. 
 
 a— MOUNTAIN-SIDE CLEARING AND RESIDENCE, 
 b— A CLEARING IN THE JUNGLE. 
 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY, 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII, PLATE Llll 
 
 SECURING SAGO, 
 
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PLATE LVIII. 
 
 a and b — Men's trousers decorated with embroidery and shell disks. 
 -Boys' trousers. The decoration is secured by oversewing the cloth before dyeing. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE LVIII. 
 
 MEN'S AND BOYS' TROUSERS. 
 

 
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FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE LXI. 
 
 KULAMAN MEN. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE LXII. 
 
 
 
 KULAMAN WOMEN. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLCGY, VOL. XII, PLATE LXIII. 
 
 SUIT WORN BY A MABOLOT. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE LXIV 
 
 MANDAYA MEN. 
 
 {Photo (a) from Philippine Bureau of Science)' 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE LXV. 
 
 A AND B. MANDAYA WOMEN. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. XII. PLATE LXVI 
 
 WOMAN WEARING THE MOST PRIZED ORNAMENTS OF THE TRIBE. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE LXVI 
 
 WOMAN FROM THE HEADWATERS OF THE MAYO RIVER. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII, PLATE LXVI 
 
 WATERPROOF TRINKET BOXES ARE CARRIED BY THE WOMEN. 
 
 (Photo from Philippine Bureau of Science., 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE LXIX. 
 
 CUSTOMARY DRESS OF THE MEN. 
 
 {Photo from Phihpptne Bureau oj Science.) 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII. PLATE LXX. 
 
 Bags which Serve as Pockets hang against the Backs of the m en, 
 
 (Photo from Philit>pine Bureau of Science.) 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. XII. PLATE LXXI 
 
 CAROLINE ISLAND BOAT AT MAYO BAY. 
 
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. XII. PLATE LXXIII. 
 
 Mandaya Tree House. 
 
 {Photo f torn Philippine Bureau of Science.) 
 
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CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 List of Illustrations m 
 
 Introduction , • aq 
 
 I. The Bagobo 51 
 
 Habitat 51 
 
 Number 51 
 
 Influence of Neighbors; History 52 
 
 Physical Type 56 
 
 Dress — Personal Adornment 57 
 
 Sketch of Fundamental Religious Beliefs 61 
 
 Dwellings — Household Utensils 63 
 
 Other Buildings 67 
 
 Food and its Preparation 68 
 
 Hunting and Fishing 72 
 
 Occupations 74 
 
 Transportation and Trade 90 
 
 Warfare 92 
 
 Social Organization 95 
 
 Laws, Property and Inheritance 98 
 
 Birth 99 
 
 Marriage loi 
 
 Sickness and Death 103 
 
 Beliefs concerning the Soul, Spirits, Oracles and Magic. . 105 
 
 Music, Dances and Ceremonies 109 
 
 Decorative Art 121 
 
 Mythology 125 
 
 Other Branches of the Tribe 128 
 
 II. The Bila-an 129 
 
 III. The Kulaman 149 
 
 IV. TheTagakaolo ' 158 
 
 V. TheAta 162 
 
 VI. The Mandaya 165 
 
 Habitat 165 
 
 Description 166 
 
 Clothing 167 
 
 History 169 
 
VI. The Mandaya — Continued. page 
 
 Mythology and ReHgion 172 
 
 Spirits 175 
 
 The Tungud Movement 179 
 
 Social Organization 180 
 
 Dwellings 182 
 
 Agriculture 184 
 
 Hunting and Fishing 186 
 
 Warfare 187 
 
 Industries 190 
 
 Birth 191 
 
 Marriage 192 
 
 Sickness and Death 193 
 
 Decorative Art 195 
 
 Conclusion 200 
 
 II 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 TEXT FIGURES 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1 . Shell bracelet 57 
 
 2. Necklace of rattan overlaid with fern and orchid cuticle. ... 57 
 
 3. Brass anklets worn by the women 58 
 
 4. Brass bracelets 58 
 
 5. Ear stretchers 59 
 
 6. Woman's ear plugs 60 
 
 7. Pubic shields 61 
 
 8. The "stove" 64 
 
 9. Bamboo plate rack 64 
 
 10. Rice mortar and pestle ... 65 
 
 11. Cocoanut shell spoon 65 
 
 12. Tambara 66 
 
 13. Rice, winnower 69 
 
 14. Lime and tobacco tubes 71 
 
 15. Spears used in fighting and hunting 72 
 
 16. Chicken snare and carrying case 72 
 
 17. Bow and arrows 73 
 
 18. Blow gun and darts 73 
 
 19. Bamboo fish trap 75 
 
 20. Fish spear 76 
 
 21. Fish lure 76 
 
 22-24. Types of weaving used in basketry 77 
 
 25. Cocoanut scraper 78 
 
 26. Stages in the manufacture of metal bells 81-2 
 
 27. Hemp machine 84- 
 
 28. Sugar cane press 84 
 
 29. Rice planter 87 
 
 30. Carrying frame 91 
 
 31. Front and back of decorated shield 93 
 
 32. Rotmd shield 93 
 
 33. Taw-gaw or bamboo guitar no 
 
 34. Realistic patterns in beads and shell disks 123 
 
 35. Cooking pot and cover 131 
 
 36. Women's combs 134 
 
 III 
 
PAGE 
 
 37. Ear Plugs 13s 
 
 38. Bows and arrows from Lake Buluan region 141 
 
 39. Bows and arrows in common use 142 
 
 40. Pitch stick 142 
 
 41. Embroidered designs 147 
 
 42. Designs on men's clothing 148 
 
 43. Portion of a hemp cloth pillow cover 151 
 
 44. Basket with infitting top 151 
 
 45. Man's knife and sheath 154 
 
 46. Bamboo trumpet 156 
 
 47. Men's hats 168 
 
 48. Woman's comb 169 
 
 49. Ear plugs . 169 
 
 50. Gourd rice holder 185 
 
 5 1 . Bird snare 186 
 
 52. Wooden shields 188 
 
 53. Silver breast ornaments 191 
 
 54. Designs representing the human form 194 
 
 55. Crocodile designs ■ 196 
 
 56. Crocodile design 197 
 
 57. Design used in weaving 197 
 
 58. Designs on a bamboo lime holder ; . 198 
 
 59. Clothes hanger 198 
 
 60-61. Embroidered figures on jackets and carrying bags 199 
 
 62. Tobacco pouches 199 
 
 PLATES 
 
 I. Tribal map of Davao District Frontispiece 
 
 II. Bagobo youth wearing the prized ivory ear plugs. 
 
 III. The men retain their long hair in place with decorated head 
 
 bands. 
 
 IV. Many strands of beads surround the necks of the men. 
 
 V. The features of some of the men approach those of the Negrito. 
 VI. Bagobo woman wearing the customary hair and neck ornaments. 
 VII. A typical Bagobo woman. 
 
 VIII. Although the hair is oiled and combed straight back, stray 
 locks are continually creeping out. 
 
 IV 
 
IX. The clothing worn by both sexes is decorated with 
 
 beads, shell disks, and embroidery. 
 X. A group of women in gala dress. 
 XI. (a) In lieu of pockets, the men carry decorated 
 hemp-cloth bags on their backs, 
 (b) The coming and passing generations, 
 (c and d) Customary dress of the children. 
 XII. (a) A youth having his teeth cut to points, 
 (b) The mutilated teeth. 
 
 XIII. In house-building, the roof is made first and is then 
 
 raised to the desired height. 
 
 XIV. Farm house with rice granary in the foreground. 
 XV. Home of Datu Tongkaling. 
 
 XVI. (a) A house in Bansalan. 
 
 (b) Bamboo fence surrounding a clearing. 
 XVII. (a) Brass boxes in which betel-nut, leaves and 
 lime are carried, 
 (b) Small mortars and pestles used in crushing 
 betel-nut. 
 XVIII. Wooden decoy used in hunting doves. 
 XIX. Tobacco boxes carried by the men. 
 XX. Woman stripping the hemp which is to be used for 
 
 weaving. 
 XXI. Overtying the warp threads before dyeing. 
 XXII. (a) Dried Hemp. 
 
 (b) Overtied warp threads ready to be colored. 
 
 (c) Dyed threads with overtying removed. 
 
 (d) Colored threads ready for the loom. 
 
 XXIII. Weaving. 
 
 XXIV. PoUshing the cloth. 
 
 XXV. Manufacture of the magani's headband: 
 
 (a) Overtied cloth. 
 
 (b) The colored headband. 
 
 XXVI. (a and b) Knife and carved stick used in decora- 
 ting "Job's tears. 
 
 (c) Necklace made of the carved seeds. 
 XXVII. Bi-ass worl^ers' forge at Cibolan. 
 
 XXVIII. Bracelet makers at work. 
 XXIX. (a and b) Men's working knives and sheaths. 
 
 (c) Small knife used by both sexes. 
 
 (d) Woman's knife. 
 
XXX. (a) Playing the agongs. 
 
 (b) The kodlon or native guitars. 
 XXXI. Man's suit decorated with beads, shell disks, and 
 
 appliqu£. 
 XXXII. Fighting knives. 
 
 XXXIII. (a) Sheathes for the fighting knives. 
 
 (b) Sheathes for the small working knives. 
 
 XXXIV. (a) Bamboo basket woven in two colors. The 
 
 central rim design is identified as a crocodile . 
 (b) The basket rim has been decorated by sewing 
 in designs with fern cuticle. 
 XXXV. (a) Decorated tobacco boxes. The front of speci- 
 men is inlaid with yellow orchid cuticle, 
 (b) Wooden tops of tobacco boxes inlaid with beads 
 XXXVI. Trinket baskets carried by the women. 
 XXXVII. T)rpical specimens of weaving in hemp cloth. 
 XXXVIII. Center panel in woman's hemp cloth skirt. 
 XXXIX. Beaded bags which the men carry on their backs. 
 
 XI/. Men's carrying bags decorated with beads, em- 
 broidery and appliqu^. 
 XXIyl. (a) No. 1 — Brass betel-nut box made by the Moro 
 No. 2 — Same of Bagobo manufacture, 
 (b) Tops of the same boxes. 
 XLII. A BUa-an lEhE. 
 XI^III. Bila-an man wearing wooden ear plugs. 
 XLIV. Bila-an from the Maal river. 
 XLV. Bila-an laborers on an American plantation. 
 XL VI. Women of Labau. 
 XLVII. (a) Woman in typical Bila-an dress. 
 
 (b) Bila-ah woman on a coast plantation. 
 XL VIII. Ordinary dress of the women. 
 XLIX. (a) The houses are perched on the hill tops, far 
 above the rivers, 
 (b) Home of Datu Dialum. 
 L. (a) Mountain-side clearing and residence, 
 (b) A clearing in the jungle. 
 LI. Men's hats decorated with chicken's feathers. 
 LII. A lawig. 
 LIII. Securing sago. 
 
 VI 
 
WV. (a and b) Fronts of carved shields. 
 
 (c) Back of a shield. In the upper third is carved 
 a hunting scene, showing a mail with his 
 spear and dog about to attack a crocodile. 
 1,V. Knives used by the men both for work and defense. 
 I/VI. Front and back of a man's jacket completely covered 
 with embroidered designs. Forms representing 
 the crocodile appear on the left shoulder and both 
 sleeves. 
 lyVII. Front and back of a man's jacket. 
 I/VIII. (a and b) Men's trousers decorated with embroid- 
 ery and shell disks, 
 (c) Boy's trousers. The decoration is secured by 
 oversewing the cloth before dyeing. 
 I/IX. Women's jackets, showing typical decoration. 
 LX. Specimens of Bila-an weaving. 
 LXI. Kulaman men. 
 IvXII. Kulaman women. 
 I/XIII, Suit worn by a maboldt. 
 LXIV. Mandaya men. 
 I/XV. Mandaya women. 
 LXVI. Woman wearing the most prized ornaments of the 
 
 tribe. 
 I/XVII. Woman from the headquarters of the Mayo river. 
 I/XVIII. Waterproof trinket boxes are carried by the women. 
 I^XIX. Customary dress of the men. 
 
 I/XX. Bags, which serve as pockets, hang against the backs 
 of the men. 
 I/XXI. Arm ornaments. 
 I^XXII. Caroline Island boat at Mayo Bay. 
 LXXIII. Mandaya tree dwelling. 
 LXXIV. Dwellings near the Mayo river. 
 LXXV. Fighting knives and sheathes. 
 
 I/XXVI. Daggers carried by the men. The sheathes are over- 
 laid with silver. 
 
 VII