ja^w^TKMW.^^'r r: BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME PROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OP 189X y^...l^g.7.kfe. m//J./..a. 6896-1 Cornell University Library BL1801 .D73 Confucianism and Taouism. olin 3 1924 029 166 374 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029166374 A MM' TO ILLUSTRATE COT^rTTCLyVISM. London: Piib]islieil>iylhe Society for Promoting Christian Eoowledgi:, NON-CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS SYSTEMS. CONFUCIANISM AND TAOUISM. WITH A MAP. BY SIR ROBERT K. DOUGLAS OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM, AND PROFESSOR OF CHINESE AT king's college, LONDON. SIXTH EDITION— REVISED. PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIEECTION OF THE GENERAL LITERATURE COMMITTEE. LONDON : SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE, NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, W.C. ; 43, QUEEN VICTORIA STREET, E.C. Nkw YORK : E. S. GORHAM. 1906 Richard' Clay fe Sons' Limited, BREAD STREET HILL, E.G., AND BUNGAY, SUFFOLK. PREFACE. The present volume contains a new survey of wide subjects for inquiry. The number of native authors whose writings it would be necessary to master in the preparation of a work de novo on Confucianism and Taouism is so great that it renders the accomplishment of such a task by any one author next to impossible. It has been necessary therefore for me to take ad- vantage of the labours of preceding European workers in the separate fields, as well as of Chinese writers not previously consulted. In the first category I have to acknowledge the very material assistance I have derived from Legge's "Chinese Classics,'' Faber's " Systematic Digest of the Doctrines of Confucius," translated from the German by P. G. Von Moellen- dorf; Johnson's " Oriental Religious China"; Watters' "Lao-tzu"; "The Speculations of 'the old Philoso- pher,' Lau-tsze," by Chalmers; Julian's "Le Livre de la Voie et de la Vertu " ; and " Le Livre des R&ompenses et des Peines," by the same Author. References to the native works above alluded to will be found in the foot-notes. Robert K. Douglas, CONTENTS, CONFUCIANISM. CIIAPTBK PAGi I. Introductory ... . 8 II. The Life of Confucius 25 III. The Teachings of Confucius ... 65 IV. The Training necessary to become a " Superior Man " 92 V. The Government of the State 132 VI. The Incidental Teachings of Confucius 14.3 VII. Mencius 154 VMI. Modern Confucianism.. . 158 TAOUISM. I. Introductory 173 II. The Taou tih king 186 III.. The Taou tih king (continued) 206 IV. Leih-tsze and Chwang-tsze 221 V. Later Taouism ■-. 235 VI. The Book of Rewards and Punishments 256 VII. The Book of Secret Blessings 272 VIII. Taouist Deities 275 CONFUCIANISM. TAOUISM. CONFUCIANISM. CHAPTER I. Introductory Confucius weis not an original thinker. To quote his own words, "he was a transmitter, and not a maker ; '' and in order therefore rightly to understand his teachings, and the effect they have produced, it is necessary to glance at the early history of the Chinese people, and to gain some acquaintance with the sources from which Confucius drew his inspiration. The earliest records of the Chinese which have been handed down to us represent them as a small tribe of wanderers camping in the primeval forests which then covered the district which is now known as the Province of Shanse. That they were not natives of the soil, but were pilgrims and strangers in the land, has been abundantly proved ; and one of the most striking evidences of this is found in the fact, that no strivings after the beginnings of knowledge are to be traced either in the Hterature or the traditions of China. At our first introduction to the people, we find them already possessed of a considerable ac- quaintance with the arts and sciences. It is natural, therefore, that we should look abroad for a contem- porary nation occupying the same plane of knowledge. INTRODUCTION. 9 with whom they may have been brought into contact, and such an one we meet with in the country north of the Persian Gulf. From the Babylonian tablets we learn that the dwellers in Elam and Chaldea enjoyed in many and striking particulars precisely the same knowledge as that which we find existing at the first on the banks of the Yellow River. It is incontestable, also, that many of the earliest Chinese characters are derived from the cuneiform writing of Babylonia, and Mr. C. J. Ball has done much to prove that Chinese is very nearly related to the ancient language of Akkadia. But one of the most interesting evidences on the point is furnished by the explanation of a strange astronomical anomaly, which appears at first sight quite unintelligible. In one of the earliest chapters of the Shoo King, or Book of History, astronomical indications are given, which imply the shifting of the cardinal points towards the west. That is to say, that the orientation described, re- presents the north as being in reality the north- west, and the south the south-east, and so on. The only ejtplanations of this displacement which, until lately, have been offered, have cast reflections On the astronomical knowledge of " the intelligent and accomplished " Emperor Yaou (2356 B.C.). But, as Dr. de Lacouperie has pointed out, the cunei- form tablets have revealed the fact, that precisely the same shifting of the points of the compass existed among the Akkadians. It is remarkable also to find, in confirmation of this discovery, that, according to the same scholar, all the Chaldean monuments, with the exception of the temple of 10 CONFUCIANISM. Bel-Merodach at Babylon, are orientated with the same inclination towards the west. It was then from the habitat thus indicated that the Chinese migrated, and moving probably along the southern slope of the T'eenshan range, finally reached the northern bend of the Yellow River in latitude 41°. Here, after a weary journey through the Mongolian Desert, they entered upon a rich and productive land where scarcely any labour was demanded by the soil from the emigrant, and where the rain, attracted by the tree-clad mountains, fell in regular and temperate showers upon the growing grain. This " garden of China," as it has been called, was then the first home of the Chinese in the " Middle Kingdom." But they were far from being allowed to take possession of the land unopposed. Like the Israelites of old, they found a land flowing with milk and honey, but also, like them, they had to fight their way, step by step, against the tribal possessors of the soil. The barbarous weapons and disjointed action, however, of the "Hordes of the North," "of the South," "of the East," and " of the West," who were their foes, were unable to resist the superior civilization and cohesion of the Chinese, and gradually as these advanced on to the plains the retreating " barbarians " sought shelter among the mountains. But in the presence of even such enemies it was necessary that the settle- ment of the country should be undertaken with caution, and as the main body pushed on, colonies were planted at strategical points on its course under the direction of chiefs, or " Pastors of Men," as Mencius calls them. INTRODUCTION. 1 1 The native records of events at this early period are not to be treated as history, and it is not until we reach the reign of Yaou (2356 B.C.) that we exchange the purest fable for even doubtful history. It is at this point that the Shoo King, or " Book of History," edited by Confucius, commences. " Anciently there was an Emperor Yaou," writes the editor, " all- informed, intelligent, accomplished, and thoughtful;" and if we are to accept the received account of his reign, this description does not do more than justice to his character. His first care, we are told, was to advance the able and virtuous to offices in the state, and finally he united and harmonized the myriad states of the empire ; and, lo ! the black-haired people were transformed. He appointed astronomers to calculate and delineate the movements and appear- ances of the sun, the moon, the stars, and the zodiacal spaces ; and he then determined the four seasons and the length of the year. He adopted intercalary months, and the calendar he arranged is that which is still in use in China. On the death of Yaou, Shun, who had shared his throne for some years, succeeded as sole emperor. Like his predecessor, he was " profound, wise, accom- plished, and intelligent. He was mild, respectful, and quite sincere. The report of his mysterious virtue was heard on high, and he was appointed to take the throne." One of his first public acts, after having still further perfected the astronomical calcu- lations of Yaou, was to sacrifice to Shang-te, the Supreme Ruler or God. " Thereafter," we are told, " he sacrificed specially, but with the ordinary forms, 12 CONFUCIANISM. to Shang-te ; sacrificed with purity and reverence to the six Honoured Ones ; offered appropriate sacri- fices to the hills and rivers ; and extended his worship to the host of spirits."! This is the first mention we have in Chinese history of religious worship, though the expressions used plainly imply that the worship of Shang-te at least had previously existed. It is to this 'Supreme Being that all the highest forms of adoration have been offered in all ages. By His decree kings were made and rulers executed judg- ment. In His hands were the issues of life and death, and he whom He blessed was blessed, and he whom He cursed was cursed. In all probability there was a time when the worship of Shang-te was the expression of the pure monotheistic faith of the Chinese. By degrees, however, corruptions crept in, and though Shang-te always remained the supreme object of veneration, they saw no disloyalty to him in rendering homage to the powers of nature which they learnt to personify, and to the spirits of their departed ancestors, who were supposed to guard and watch over, in a subordinate manner, the welfare of their descendants. During this reign the empire was divided into twelve provinces, and ministers of agriculture, crime, works, forests, religious worship, and of music were appointed. That the standard of morality was high, even at this early period, appears from the conversations which are reported' between Shun's vice-regent Yu and one of his advisers. In answer to the question put by ' Shoo king. Shun-teen. INTRODUCTION. 1 3 Yu, " What are the nine virtues ?" the minister replied, "Affability combined with dignity; mildness com- bined with firmness ; bluntness combined with respectfulness; aptness for government, combined with reverence ; docility combined with boldness ; straightforwardness combined with gentleness ; easi- ness combined with discrimination ; vigour combined with sincerity ; and valour combined with righteous- ness." ^ But though the excellence attributed to the early sovereigns of China appears much overwrought, an argument for its justice may be found in the fact that an equally overwhelming condemnation is reserved for the later sovereigns of the dynasty, which had its origin in the reigns of Yaou and Shun. Gradually the high standard of morality which had distinguished those emperors disappeared under the rule of their successors, until licentiousness, disorder, and anarchy reached their height under the infamous tyrant Kee Wang, who ascended the throne in the year 1818 B.C. This "injurer of men and destroyer of many,'' as he was called, exhausted both the men and means of his empire by constant wars with the neighbouring states. Under his rule the affairs of government were neglected, and the people cried aloud for relief from the tyranny to which they were subjected. A com- parison between the disorder which reigned in their own provinces and the quiet contentment of the people of the neighbouring state of Shang could not but force itself on the unfortunate subjects of Kee, ' Shoo king. Kaou-yaou mow. 1 4 CONFUCIANISM. who sighed for the gentle rule of King T'ang. At last the tyranny of the despot became unbearable, and in 1765 B.C. T'ang appealed to the people to rise against their oppressor, but at the same time he took care to explain to them that it was as the instrument of Heaven, and not as a rebel, that he took up arms. " It is not I," said he, " the little child, who dare to undertake what may seem to be a rebeUious enter- prise ; but for the many crimes of the sovereign of Hea, Heaven has commanded me to destroy him." ^ The struggle was of short duration. On one side were justice and strong battalions, and on the other divided counsels and disheartened defenders. But to the last Kee professed to feel perfectly secure. " Has ever the sun perished ? " said he to his people. " If the sun perish, then I and you will also perish." Legend says that in the final battle this phenomenon actually occurred. Two suns fought in the sky, and one was devoured by the other. The earth shook and rivers were dried up. Kee's troops were utterly routed, and the fallen emperor remained a prisoner in the hands of T'ang. In the person of the con- queror appeared a reflection of the virtues of Yaou and Shun. Harmony and tranquillity pervaded the empire, agriculture flourished, and the blessings of Heaven rested on the land. By degrees, however, his successors fell short of his example, until P'an-kang ascended the throne in 1401 b.c. For a time this sovereign restored prosperity to the country. He put an end to the abuses which had arisen, and created Shoo king, T'ang She. INTRODUCTION. 1 5 a new starting-point for his dynasty by changing its title from Shang to Yin, the name of the new capital which he established on the south of the Yellow River. With the death of P'an-kang the country again fell into disorder, which reached its height under the " dissolute, intemperate, reckless, oppressive " Show (1154 B.C. — 1122). As at the close of the last dynasty so now, a leader arose who drew all men unto him, and claiming the same Heaven-sent mission as that fulfilled by T'ang, the king of Chow took the field against the tyrant. Addressing the people, he said, " Show, the king of Shang, does not reverence Heaven above, and inflicts calamities on the people below. He has abandoned himself to drunkenness, and is reckless in lust He has made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, embankments, ponds, and all other extravagancies, to the most painful injury of you, the myriad people. He has burnt and roasted the loyal and good • He abides squatting on his heels, not serving Shang-te or the Spirits of Heaven and Earth, neglecting also the temple of his ancestors, and not sacrificing in it The iniquity of Shang is full. Heaven gives command to destroy it I, who am a little child, early and late am filled with appre- hensions. I have received charge from my deceased father Wan ; I have offered special sacrifice to God ; I have performed the due service to the great Earth, and I lead the multitude of you to execute the punishment appointed by Heaven." This summons was eagerly responded to, not only 1 6 CONFUCIANISM. by the immediate followers of Woo-Wang, but by the men of the neighbouring tribes. One battle decided the issue of the contest. Show's troops were utterly routed, and the tyrant finding all lost, burned himself to death, leaving his followers and empire at the mercy of the victor. With the energy of a reformer Woo remodelled the State on its ancient lines. He dis- possessed all incompetent holders of office, and pro- moted only those who proved themselves worthy and able. " He attached great importance to the people being taught the duties of the five relations of society, to their being well fed, and to the proper observance of funeral ceremonies and of sacrifices. He showed the reality of his truthfulness, and "proved clearly his righteousness. He honoured virtue, and rewarded merit. Then he had only to let his robes fall down, and fold his hands, and the empire was governed." The conquest of the turbulent state of Stang having been thus accomplished, communication with the western border tribes was re-established, and amongst others the people of Leu came to pay their homage and to acknowledge their fealty by a present of hounds. These the king would have accepted, but the imperial guardian dissuaded him from doing so on grounds which are identical with those on which the Chinese government of the present day has steadily refused to accept the inventions and advice proffered to it by foreigners. " The intelligent kings," be said, " have paid careful attention to their virtue, and the wild tribes on every side have willingly acknowledged subjection to them Complete virtue allows no contemptuous familiarity A INTRODUCTION. 17 prince should not value strange things to the con- temning things that are useful, and then his people will be able to supply all his needs Even dogs and horses, which are not native to his country, he will not keep ; fine birds and strange animals he will not nourish in his'kingdom. When he does not look on foreign things as precious, foreigners will come to him ; when it is work which is precious to him, then his own people will enjoy repose." These maxims, which are held to embalm the highest wisdom, have been carefully acteduponbyall virtuous sovereigns, and from a Chinese point of view the effect has been excellent. This proud spirit of self-containment has done much to maintain the spirit of adulation with which China has been regarded by the surrounding nations for so many centuries. But King Woo ha while Heaven executed a great establishing in- fluence, preserving and regulating the house of Yin, its sovereigns, on their part, were humbly careful not to lose the favour of God, and strove to manifest a good-doing corresponding to that of Heaven. But in these times, their successor showed himself greatly ignorant of the ways of Heaven. , , Greatly abandoned to dissolute idleness, he paid no regard to the bright principles of Heaven, nor the awfulness of the people. On this account Shang-te no longer protected him,, but sent down the great ruin which we have witnessed. Heaven was not with him be- cause he did not seek to illustrate his virtue. . . The sovereigns, of our Chow, by their great good- ness, were charged with the work of Te. They were charged to cut off" Yin. They have now done it, and announced the correcting work to God. In our affairs we have followed no double aims : — ye of the .royal house of Yin must follow us." Thus was .again brought out prominently the doctrine, re- iterated by Confucius, that a king's title to his throne lasted only as long as he followed the dictates of 20 CONFUCIANISM. riijaven, and that when he swerved persistently from the right course it was competent for the people to dethrone him. On the virtue and wisdom of the Duke of Chow Confucius was never tired of ex- patiating, and he looked upon it as a sign of his failing powers when he ceased to dream of his great model. To the duke succeeded Keun-ch'in in the vice- regal palace in the eastern capital, and the example of his illustrious predecessor was held up for his imitation in a long discourse addressed to him by the king on his taking office. The influence of his example on the manners of the people was earnestly insisted on. " You are the wind," said the king, " the inferior people are the grass." The people, he was reminded, are born good, and it is the fault, there- fore, of a ruler if he allows them by contact with evil to fall from the right way. From all accounts Keun- ch'in was not an unworthy occupant of the great Duke's throne, and the empire was fairly prosperous down to the end of the reign of King Ching m 1079 B.C. King K'ang, the son of this last monarch, next as- cended the throne, but though he professed himself desirous of following in the footsteps of Wan and Woo, who, as he said, were "greatly just and en- riched the people," he failed to reach the standard of virtue which had been set up by those sovereigns. His reign was a long one, but before it came to a close in 1051 the seeds of division and strife which were so soon to bear fruit had already been sown. The Book of History is silent as to his death and the INTRODUCTION. 2 1 reign of his successor, Chaou; but the Historical Record, after mentioning the fact of the death of K'ang, says : — " During the reign of Chaou ' the Royal Path' was somewhat deflected. The king went on a tour of inspection on the southern frontier from which he never returned. He died on the river." Of the next sovereign, Muh Wang, the Historical Record says that the Royal Path suffered a still further decline, and that the king encouraged a de- parture from the ways of Wan and Woo. The most noteworthy action of his reign was the promulgation, when he was a hundred years old, of a penal code, under which he drew up a regular scale of fines for the redemption of punishments. For this the Chinese historians condemn him, as they consider that these enactments first opened the door to the system of official bribery and corruption which has produced such evils in China ever since. Up to this point we have followed only the fortunes of the ruling state of Chow, since, until the ac- cession of King Muh, when, as the Historical Record says, the ways of Kings Wan and Woo were departed from, the history of that state may, speaking gene- rally, be said to have been the history of the whole empire. But as the hold of the supreme sovereign over his vassals began to loosen, the princes of the various states into which the China of that day was divided became restless under control, and each sought to aggrandize himself at the expense of his neighbours, and of his loyalty to his sovereign. At the time of which we write the Chinese were 22 CONFUCIANISM. Still clinging to the banks of the Yellow River, along which they had first entered the country, and formed, within the limits of China proper, a few states on either shore lying between the 33rd and 38th paral- lels of latitude, and the io6th and 119th of longitude. The royal state of Chow occupied part of the modern province of Honan. To the north of this was the powerful state of Tsin, embracing the modern province of Shanse and part of Chili ; to the south was the barbarous state of T'soo, which stretched as far as the Yang-tsze-keang ; to the east, reaching to the coast, were a number of smaller states, among which those of Ts'e, Loo, Wei, Sung, and Ching were the chief ; and to the west of the Yellow River was the state of Ts'in, which was destined eventually to gain the mas-: tery over the contending principalities. On the establishment of the Chow dynasty. King Woo had apportioned these fiefships among members of his family, his adherents, and the descendants of some of the ancient virtuous kings. Each prince was empowered to administer his government as he pleased so long as he followed the general lines indi^ cated by history ; and in the event of any act of ag- gression on the part of one state against another, the matter was to be reported to the king of the sovereign state, who was bound to punish the offender. It is plain that in such a system the elenients of disorder must lie near the surface ; and no sooner was the authority of the central state lessened by the want of ability shown by the successors of Kings Woo, Ching, and K'ang, than constant strife broke out between the several chiefs. The hand of every man was against INTRODUCTION. 23 his neighbour, and the smaller states suffered the usual fate, under like circumstances, of being en- croached upon and absorbed, notwithstanding their appeals for help to their common sovereign. The House of Chow having been thus found wanting, the device was resorted to of appointing one of the most powerful princes as a presiding chief, who should exercise royal functions, leaving the king only the title and paraphernalia of sovereignty. In fact, the China of this period was governed and administered very much as Japan was up till about twenty years ago. For Mikado, Shogun, and ruling Daimios, read King, presiding Chief, and Princes, and the parallel is as nearly as possible complete. The result of the system, however, in the two countries was different, for apart from the support received by the Mikado from the belief in his heavenly origin, the insular position of Japan prevented the possibility of the advent of elements of disorder from without, whereas the principalities of China were surrounded by semi- barbarous states, the chiefs of which were engaged in constant warfare with them, Confucius's deep spirit of loyalty to th^ House of Chow forbade his following in the Book of History the careers of the sovereigns who reigned between the death of Muh in 946 b.c, and the accession of P'ing in 770. One after another these kings rose, reigned, and died, leaving each to his successor an ever-increasing heritage of woe. During the reign of Seuen (827-781) a gleam of light seems to have shot through the pervading darkness. Though falling far short of the excellencies of the founders of the 24 CONFUCIANISM. dynasty, he yet strove to follow, though at a long interval, the examples they had set him ; and ac- cording to the Chinese belief, as an acknowledgment from Heaven of his efforts in the direction of virtue, it was given him to sit upon the throne for nearly half a century. His successor. Yew, " the Dark," appears to even less advantage. No redeeming acts relieve the general disorder of his reign, and at the instigation of a favourite concubine he is said to have com- mitted acts which place him on a level with Kee and Show. Earthquakes, storms, and astrological por- tents appeared as in the dark days at the close of the Hea and Shang dynasties. His capital was surrounded by the barbarian allies of the Prince of Shin, the father of his wife, whom he had dismissed at the request of his favourite, and in an attempt to escape he fell a victim to their weapons. With this event the Western Chow dynasty was brought to a close. Here, also, the Book of History comes to an end, and the Spring and Autumn Annals by Confucius takes up the tale of iniquity and disorder which overspread the land.' No more dreadful record of a nation's struggles can be imagined than that contained in Con fucius's history. The country was torn by discord and desolated by wars. Husbandry was neglected, the peace of households was destroyed, and plunder and rapine were the watchwords of the time. LIVE OF CONFUCIUS. 25 CHAPTER II LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. Such was the state of China at the time of the birth of Confucius (b.c. 551). Of the parents of the Sage we know but little, except that his father, Shuh-leang Heih, was a military officer, eminent for his com- manding stature, his great bravery, and immense strength, and that his mother's name was Yen Ching-tsai. The marriage of this couple took place when Heih was seventy years old, and the prospect, therefore, of his having an heir having been but slight, unusual rejoicings commemorated the birth of the son, who was destined to achieve such everlasting fame. Report says that the child was born in a cave on Mount Ne, whither Ching-tsai went in obedience to a vision to be confined. But this is but one of the many legends with which Chinese historians love to surround the birth of Confucius. With the same desire to glorify the Sage, and in perfect good faith, they narrate how the event was heralded by strange portents and miraculous appearances, how genii an- nounced to Ching-tsai the honour that was in store for her, and how fairies attended at his nativity. Of the early years of Confucius we have but scanty 26 CONFUCIANISM. record. It would seem that from his childhood he showed ritualistic tendencies, and we are told that as a boy he delighted to play at the arrangement of vessels and at postures of ceremony. As he advanced in years he became an earnest student of history, and looked back with love and reverence to the time when the great and good Yaou and Shun reigned in " A golden age, fruitful of golden deeds." At the age of fifteen "he bent his mind to learn- ing," and when he was nineteen years old he married a lady from the state of Sung. As has befallen many other great men, Confucius's married life was not a happy one, and he finally divorced his wife, not, how- ever, before she had borne him a son. Soon after his marriage, at the instigation of poverty, Confucius accepted the office of keeper of the stores of grain, and in the following year he was promoted to be guardian of the public fields and lands, It was while holding this latter office that his son was born, and so well known and highly esteemed had he already become that the reigning duke, on hearing of the event, sent him a present of a carp, from which circumstance the infant derived his name, Le ("a carp"). The name of this son seldom occurs in the life of his illustrious father, and the few references we have to him are enough to show that a small share of paternal affection fell to his lot. " Have you heard any lessons from your father dif- ferent from what we have all heard?" asked an inquisitive disciple of him. " No," replied Le, " he was standing alone once when I was passing through LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 27 the court below with hasty steps, and said to me, ' Have you read the Odes ?' On my replying, ' Not yet,' he added, 'If you do not learn the Odes, you will not be fit to converse with.' Another . day, in the same place and the same way, he said to me,. ' Have you read the rules of Propriety ?' On myjreplying, '.Not yet,' he added, ' If you do not learn the rules of Propriety, your character cannot be established.'" " I asked one thing," said the enthusiastic disciple, " and I have learned three things. I have learnt about the Odes; I have learnt about the rules of Pro- priety; and I have learnt that the superior man maintains a distant reserve towards his son." At the age of twenty-two we find Confucius re- leased from the toils of office, and devoting his time to the more congenial task of imparting instruction to a band of admiring and earnest students. With idle or stupid scholars he would have nothing to do, " I do not open the truth," he said, " to one who is not eager after_ knowledge, nor do I help any one who is not anxious to explain himself When I have presented one comer of a subject, and the listener cannot from it learn the other three, I do not repeat my lesson." When twenty-eight years old Confucius studied archery, and in the followingi.years took lessons in music from the celebrated master, Seang. At thirty he tells us " he stood firm," and about this time his, fame mightily increased, many noble youths en- rolled themselves among his disciples; and on his expressing a desire to visit the Imperial Court of Chow to confer on the subject of ancient ceremonies 28 CONFUCIANISM. with Laou-tsze, the founder of the Taouist sect, the reigning duke placed a carriage and horses at his disposal for the journey. The extreme veneration which Confucius enter- tained for the founders of the Chow dynasty made the visit to L6, the capital, one of intense interest to him. With eager delight he wandered through the temple and audience-chambers, the place of sacri- fices and the palace, and having completed his in- spection of the position and shape of the various sacrificial and ceremonial vessels, he turned to his disciples and said, " Now I understand the wisdom of the duke of Chow, and how his house attained to Imperial sway." But the principal object of his visit to Chow was to confer with Laou-tsze ; and of the interview between these two very dissimilar men we have various accounts. The Confucian writers as a rule merely mention the fact of their having met, but the admirers of Laou-tsze affirm that Confucius was very roughly handled by his mor^ ascetic contem- porary, who looked down from his somewhat higher standpoint with contempt on the great apostle of antiquity. It was only natural that Laou-tsze, who preached that stillness and self-emptiness were the highest attainable objects, should be ready to assail a man whose whole being was wrapt up in ceremonial observances and conscious well-doing. The very measured tones and considered movements of Con- fucius, coupled with a certain admixture of that pride which apes humility, must have been very irritating to the metaphysically-minded treasurer. And it was eminently characteristic of Confucius, LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 29 that notwithstanding the great provocation given hini on this occasion, he abstained from any re- joinder. We nowhere read of his engaging in a dispute. When an opponent arose, it was in keeping with the doctrine of Confucius to retire before him. " A sage," he said, " will not enter a tottering state nor dwell in a disorganized one. When right prin- ciples of government prevail he shows himself, but when they are prostrated he remains concealed." And cariying out the same principle in private life, he invariably refiised to wrangle. It was possibly in connection with this incident that Confucius drew the attention of his disciples to the metal statue of a man with a triple clasp upon his mouth, which stood in the ancestral temple at L6. On the back of the statue were inscribed these words : " The ancients were guarded in their speech, and like them we should avoid loquacity. Many words invite many defeats. Avoid also engaging in many businesses, for many businesses create many diflBculties." " Observe this, my children," said he, pointing to the inscription. " These words are true, and commend themselves to our reason." Having gained all the information he desired in Chow, he returned to Loo, where pupils flocked to him until, we are told, he was surrounded by an admiring company of three thousand disciples. His stay in Loo was, however, of short duration, for the three principal clans of the state, those of Ke, Shiih, and Mang, after frequent contests between them- selves, engaged in a war with the reigning duke, and overthrew his armies. Upon this the duke took '3° CONFUCIANISM refuge in the state of T'se, whither Confucius fol- lowed him. As he passed along the road he saw a woman weeping at a tomb, and having compassion on her, he sent his disciple Tsze-loo to ask her the cause of her grief. "You weep as if you had ex- perienced sorrow upon sorrow," said Tsze-loo. "I have," said the woman, " my father-in-law was killed here by a tiger, and my husband also ; and now' my son has met the same fate." " Why, then, do you ,not remove from the place?" asked Confucius. " Because here there is no oppressive government," replied the woman. On hearing this answer, Confucius ■remarked to his disciples, "My children remember ■this, oppressive government is fiercer than a tiger." Possibly Confucius was attracted to T'se by a knowledge that the music of the emperor Shun was ■ Still preserved at the court. At all events, we are t&ld that having heard a strain of the much-desired music on his way to the capital, he hurried on; and was so ravished with the airs he heard that for- three months he never tasted flesh. " I did not think," said he, " that music could reach such a pitch of excellence." Hearing of the arrival of the Sage, the Duke of T'se, King by name, sent for him, and after some conversation, being minded to act the part of a patron to so distinguished a, visitor, offered to make him a present of the city of Lin-k'ew with its revenues. But this Confucius declined, remarking to his disciples, "A superior man will not receive rewards except for services done. I have given advice to the duke King, but he has not followed it LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 3 I as yet, and now he would endow me with this place. Very far is he from understanding me." He still, however, discussed politics with the duke, and taught him that, "There is good government when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister ; when the father is father, and the son is son." " Good," said the duke ; " if, indeed, the prince be not prince, the minister not minister, and the son not son, although I have my revenue, can I enjoy it?" Though duke King was by no means a satisfac- tory pupil, many of his instincts were good, and he once again expressed a desire to pension Confucius, that he might keep him at hand ; but Gan Ying, the Prime Minister, dissuaded him from his purpose. " These scholars," said the minister, " are imprac- ticable, and cannot be imitated. They are haughty and conceited of their own views, so that they will not rest satisfied in inferior positions. They set a high value on all funeral ceremonies, give way to their grief,, and will waste their property on great funerals, so that they would only be injurious to the common manners. This Kung Footsze has a thou sand peculiarities. It would take ages to exhaust aM he knows about the ceremonies of going up and going down. This is not the time to examine into his rules of propriety. If you wish to employ him to change the customs of T'se, you will not be making the people your primary consideration." This rea- soning had full weight with the duke, who the next time he was urged to follow the advice of Confucius, cut short the discussion by the remark, " I am too old to adopt his doctrines." 32 CONFUCIANISM. Under these circumstances Confucius once more returned to Loo, only however to find that the con- dition of the State was still unchanged ; disorder was rife ; and the reins of government were in the hands of the head of the strongest party for the time being. This was no time for Confucius to take office, and he devoted the leisure thus forced upon him to the compilation of the " Book of Odes " and the " Book of History." But in process of time order was once more re- stored, and he then felt himself free to accept the post of magistrate of the town of Chung-too, which was offered him by the duke Ting. He now had an opportunity of putting his prin- ciples of government to the test, and the result partly justified his expectations. He framed rules for the support of the living, and for the observation of rites for the dead; he arranged appropriate food for the old and the young ; and he provided for the proper separa- tion of men and women. And the results .were, we are told, that, as in the time of king Alfred, a thing dropt on the road was not picked up ; there was no fraudu- lent carving of vessels; coffins were made of the ordained thickness ; graves were unmarked by mounds raised over them ; and no two prices were charged in the markets. The duke, surprised at what he saw, asked the sage whether his rule of government could be applied to the whole State. " Certainly," replied Confucius, " and not only to the state of Loo, but to the whole empire." Forthwith, therefore, the duke made him Assistant-Superintendent of Works, and shortly afterwards appointed him Minister of Crime, LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 33 Here, again, his success was complete. From the day of his appointment crime is said to have dis- appeared, and the penal laws remained a dead letter. Courage was recognized by Confucius as being one of the great virtues, and about this period we have related two instances in which he showed that he possessed both moral and physical courage to a high degree. The chief of the Ke family, being virtual possessor of the State, when the body of the exiled duke Chaou was brought from T'se for interment, directed that it should be buried apart from the graves "of his ancestors. On Confucius becoming aware of this decision, he ordered a trench to be dug round the burying-ground which should enclose the new tomb. " Thus to censure a prince and signalize his faults is not according to etiquette," said he to Ke. " I have caused the grave to be included in the cemetery, and I have done so to hide your dis- loyalty.'' And his action was allowed to pass un- challenged. The other instance referred to was on the occasion, a few years later, of an interview between the dukes of Loo and T'se, at which Confucius was present as master of ceremonies. At his instigation an altar was raised at the place of meeting, which was mounted by three steps, and on this the dukes ascended, and having pledged one another proceeded to discuss a treaty of alliance. But treachery was intended on the part of the duke of T'se, and at a given signal a band of savages advanced with beat of drum to carry off the duke of Loo. Some such stratagem had been considered probable by Confucius, and the instant D 34 CONFUCIANISM. the danger became imminent he rushed to the altar and led away the duke. After much disorder, in which Confucius took a firm and prominent part, a treaty was concluded, and even some land on the south of the river W3.n, which had been taken by Ts'e, was by the exertions of the Sage restored to Loo. On this recovered territory the people of Loo, in memory of the circumstance, built a city and called it, "The City of Confession." But to return to Confucius as the Minister of Crime. Though eminently successful, the results ob- tained under his system were not quite such as his tbllowers have represented them to have been. Noi :doubt crime diminished under his rule, but it was by' fno means abolished. In fact, his biographers men- llion a case which must have been peculiarly shocking to him. A father brought an accusation against his son, in the expectation, probably, of gaining his suit with ease before a judge who laid such stress on the virtues of filial piety. But to his surprise, and that of the on-lookers, Confucius cast both father and son into prison, and to the remonstrances of the head of the Ke clan answered, "Am I to punish for a breach of filial piety one who has never been taught to be filially minded ? Is not he who neglects to teach his son his duties, equally guilty with the son who fails in them ? Crime is not inherent in human nature, and therefore the father in the family and the govern- ment in the State are responsible for the crimes com- mitted against filial piety and the public laws. If a king is careless about publishing laws, and then peremptorily punishes in accordance with the strict LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 35 letter of them, he acts the part of a swindler ; if he collect the taxes arbitrarily without giving warning, he is guilty of oppression ; and if he puts the people to death without having instructed them, he cominits a cruelty." On all these points Confucius frequently insisted, and strove both by precept and example to impart the spirit they reflected on all around him. In the' presence of his prince we are told that his manner, though self-possessed, displayed respectful uneasiness.* When he entered the palace, or when he passed the vacant throne, his countenance changed, his legs bent under him, and he spoke as though he had scarcely breath to utter a word. When it fell to his lot to carry the royal sceptre, he stooped his body as though he were not able to bear its weight. If the prince came to visit him when he was ill, he had him- self placed with his head to the east, and lay dressed in his court clothes with his girdle across them. When the prince sent him a present of cooked meat, he carefully adjusted his mat and just tasted the dishes ; if the meat were uncooked, he offered it to Ae spirits of his ancestors, and any animal which was thus sent him he kept alive. At the village festivals he never preceded, but always followed after the elders. To all about him he assumed an appearance of simplicity and sincerity; To the court officials of the lower grade he spoke freely, and to superior officers his manner was bland but precise. Even at the wild gatherings whicl, accompanied the annual ceremony of driving away pestilential influences, he paid honour to the original D 2 36 CONFUCIANISM. meaning of the rite, by standing in court robes on the eastern steps of his house, and received the riotous exorcists as though they were favoured guests. When sent for by the prince to assist iii receiving a royal visitor, his countenance appeared to change. He inclined himself to the officers among whom he stood, and when sent to meet the visitor at the gate, " he hastened forward with his arms spread out like the wings of a bird." Recognizing in the wind and the storm the voice of Heaven, he changed coun- tenance at the sound of a sudden clap of thunder or a violent gust of wind. The principles which underlie all these details re- lieve them from the sense of affected formality which they would otherwise suggest. Like the Sages of old, Confucius had an overweening faith in the effect of example. " What do you say," asked the chief of the Ke clan on one occasion, " to killing the unprin- cipled for the good of the principled ? " " Sir," re- plied Confucius, "in carrying on your government why should you employ capital punishment at all ? Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and the people will be good." And then quoting the words of King Ching, he added, " The relation betw^een supe- riors and inferiors is like that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend when the wind blows across it." Thus in every act of his life, whe- ther at home or abroad, whether at table or in bed, 'whether at study or in moments of relaxation, he did lall with the avowed object of being seen of men and jof influencing them by his conduct And to a certain 'extent he gained his end. He succeeded in demo- LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 37 lishing a number of fortified cities which had formed the hotbeds of sedition and tumult ; and thus added greatly to the power of the reigning duke. He in- spired the men with a spirit of loyalty and good faith, and taught the women to be chaste and docile. On the report of the tranquillity prevailing in Loo, stran- gers flocked into the state, and thus was fulfilled the old criterion of good government which was afterwards repeated by Confucius, " the people were happy, and strangers were attracted firom afar." But even Confucius found it impossible to carry all his theories into practice, and his experience as Minister of Crime taught him that something more than mere example was necessary to lead the people into the paths of virtue. Before he had been many months in oflSce, he signed the death-warrant of a well- known citizen named Shaou for disturbing the public peace. This departure from the principle he had so lately laid down astonished his followers, and Tsze- kung — the Simon Peter as he has been called among his disciples — took him to task for executing so notable a man. But Confucius held to it that the step was necessary. " There are five great evils in" the world," said he : " a man with a rebellious heart] who becomes dangerous ; a man who joins to vicious deeds a fierce temper ; a man whose words are know- ingly false; a man who treasures in his memory noxious deeds and disseminates them ; a man who follows evil and fertilizes it All these evil quaUties were combined in Shaou. His house was a ren- dezvous for the disaffected ; his words were speci- ous enough to dazzle any one ; and his opposition 38 CONFUCIANISM. was violent enough to overthrow any independent man. But notwithstanding such departures from the Unes he had laid down for himself, the people gloried in his rule and sang at their work songs in which he was described as their saviour from oppression and wrong. Confucius was an enthusiast, and his want of suc- cess in his attempt completely to reform the age in which he lived never seemed to suggest a doubt to his mind of the complete wisdom of his creed Ac- cording to his theory, his official administration should have effected the reform not only of his sovereign and the people, but of those of the neighbouring states. But what was the practical result ? The contentment which reigned among the people of Loo, instead of instigating the Duke of Ts'e to institute a similar system, only served to rouse his jealousy. "With Confucius at the head of its government," said he, " Loo will become supreme among the states, and Ts'e, which is nearest to it, will be swallowed up. Let us propitiate it by a surrender of territory." But a more provident statesman suggested that they should first try to bring about the disgrace of the Sage. With this object he sent eighty beautiful girls, well skilled in the arts of music and dancing, and a hun- dred and twenty of the finest horses which could be procured, as a present to the Duke Ting. The result fully realized the anticipation of the minister. The girls were taken into the duke's hareem, the horses were removed to the ducal stables, and Confucius LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 39 was left to meditate on the folly of men who preferred listening to the songs of the maidens of Ts'e to the wisdom of Yaou and Shun. Day after day passed and the duke showed no signs of returning to his proper mind. The affairs of state were neglected, and for three days the duke refused to receive his ministers in audience. " Master,'' said Tsze-loo, " it is time you went." But Confucius, who had more at stake than his dis- ciple, was disinclined to give up the experiment on which his heart was set. Besides, the time was ap- proaching when the great sacrifice to Heaven at the solstice, about which he had had so many conversa- tions with the duke, should be offered up, and he hoped that the recollection of his weighty words would recall the duke to a sense of his duties. But his gay rivals in the affections of the duke still held their sway, and the recurrence of the great festival failed to awaken his conscience even for the moment Reluctantly therefore Confucius resigned his post and left the capital. But though thus disappointed of the hopes he entertained of the Duke of Loo, Confucius was by no means disposed to resign his rdle as the reformer of the age. " If any one among the princes would^ employ me," said he, " I would effect something con- siderable in the course of twelve months, and in three years the government would be perfected." But the tendencies of the times were unfavourable to the Sage. The struggle for supremacy which had been going on for centuries between the princes of the various states was then at its height, and though there 40 CONFUCIANISM. might be a question whether it would finally result m the victory of Tsin, or of Ts'oo, or of Ts'in, there could be no doubt that the sceptre had already passed from the hands of the ruler of Chow. To men therefore who were fighting over the possessions of a state which had ceased to live, the idea of employ- ing a minister whose principal object would have been to breathe life into the dead bones of Chow, was ridicu- lous. This soon became apparent to his disciples, who being even more concerned than their master at his loss of office, and not taking so exalted a view as he did of what he considered to be a heaven-sent mission, were inclined to urge him to make conces- sions in harmony with the times. " Your principles," said Tsze-kung to him, " are excellent, but they are unacceptable in the Empire, would it not be well therefore to bate them a little?" "A good husband- man," replied the Sage, " can sow, but he cannot se- cure a harvest. An artisan may excel in handicraft, but he cannot provide a market for his goods. And in the same way a superior man can cultivate his principles, but he cannot make them acceptable." But Confucius was at least determined that no efforts on his part should be wanting to discover the opening for which he longed, and on leaving Loo he betook himself to the state of WeL On arriving at the capital, the reigning duke received him with distinc- tion, but showed no desire to employ him. Probably expecting however to gain some advantage from the counsels of the Sage in the art of governing, he deter- mined to attach him to his court by the grant of an annual stipend of 60,000 measures of grain, — that LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 4I having been the value of the post he had just resigned in Loo. Had the experiences of his public life come up to the sanguine hopes he had entertained at its beginning, Confucius would probably have declined this offer as he did that of the Duke of Ts'e some years before, but poverty unconsciously impelled him to act up to the advice of Tsze-kung and to bate his principles of conduct somewhat. His stay, however, in Wei was of short duration. The officials at the court, jealous probably of the influence they feared he might gain over the duke, intrigued against him, and Confucius thought it best to bow before the coming storm. After living on the duke's hospitality for ten months, he left the capital, intending to visit the state of Ch'in. It chanced, however, that the way thither led him through the town of Kwang, which had suffered much from the filibustering expeditions of a notorious dis- turber of the public peace, named Yang Hoo. To this man of ill-fame Confucius bore a striking resem- blance, so much so that the townspeople, fancying that they now had their old enemy in their power, surrounded the house in which he lodged for five days, intending to attack him. The situation was certainly disquieting, and the disciples were much alarmed. But Confucius's belief in the heaven-sent nature of his mission raised him above fear. " After the death of King Wan," said he, " was not the cause of truth lodged in me? If Heaven had wished to let this sacred cause perish, I should not have been put into such a relation to it. Heaven will not let the cause of truth perish, and what therefore can the people of 42 CONFUCIANISM. Kwang do to me ? " Saying which he tuned his lyre, and sang probably some of those songs from his re- cently compiled Book of Odes which breathed the wisdom of the ancient emperors. From some unexplained cause, but more probably from the people of Kwang discovering their mistake than from any effect produced by Confucius's ditties the attacking force suddenly withdrew, leaving the Sage free to go wherever he listed. This misadven- ture was sufficient to deter him from wandering further a-field, and, after a short stay at Poo, he returned to Wei. Again the duke welcomed him to the capital, though it does not appear that he renewed his stipend, and even his consort Nan-tsze forgot for a while her intrigues and debaucheries at the news of his arrival. With a complimentary message she begged an inter- view with the Sage, which he at first refused ; but on her urging her request, he was fain obliged to yield the point. On being introduced into her presence, he found her concealed behind a screen, in strict accordance with the prescribed etiquette, and after the usual formalities they entered freely into conver- sation. Tsze-loo was much disturbed at this want of dis- cretion, as he considered it, on the part of Confucius, and the vehemence of his master's answer showed that there was a doubt in his own mind whether he had not overstepped the limits of sage-like propriety. " Wherein I have done improperly," said he, " may Heaven reject me ! may Heaven reject me !" This incident did not, however, prevent him from main- taining friendly relations with the court, and it was LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 43 not until the duke by a public act showed his in- ability to understand the dignity of the role which Confucius desired to assume, that he lost all hope of finding employment in the state of his former patron. On this occasion the duke drove through the streets of his capital seated in a carriage with Nan-tsze, and desired Confucius to follow in a carriage behind. As the procession passed through the market-place, the people perceiving more clearly than the duke the incongruity of the proceeding, laughed and jeered at the idea of making virtue follow in the wake of lust. This completed the shame which Confucius felt at being in so false a position. " I have not seen one," said he, " who loves virtue as he loves beauty." To stay any longer under the protection of a court which could inflict such an indignity upon him was more than he could do, and he therefore once again struck southward towards Ch'in. After his retirement from office it is probable that Confucius devoted himself afresh to imparting to his followers those doctrines and opinions which we shall consider later on. Even on the road to Ch'in we are told that he practised ceremonies with his dis- ciples beneath the shadow of a tree by the wayside in Sung. In the spirit of Laou-tsze, Hwuy T'uy, an officer in the neighbourhood, was angered at his reported " proud air and many desires, his insinuating habit and wild will," aiid attempted to prevent him entering the state. In this endeavour, however, he was unsuccessful, as were some more determined opponents, who two years later attacked him at Poo, when he was on his way to Wei. On this occasion 44 CONFUCIANISM. he was seized, and though it is said that his followers struggled manfully with his captors, their efforts did not save him from having to give an oath that he would not continue his journey to WeL But in spite of his oath, and in spite of the public slight which had previously been put upon him by the Duke of Wei, an irresistible attraction drew him towards that state, and he had no sooner escaped from the clutches of his captors than he continued his journey. This deliberate forfeiture of his word in one who had commanded them to " hold faithfulness and sin- cerity as first principles," suqmsed his disciples ; and Tsze-kung, who was generally the spokesman on such occasions, asked him whether it was right to violate the oath he had taken. But Confucius, who had learned expediency in adversity, replied, " It was an oath extracted by force. The spirits do not hear such." But to return to Confucius flying from his enemies in Sung. Finding his way barred by the action of Hwan T'uy, he proceeded westward and arrived at Ch'ing, the capital of the state of the same name. Thither it would appear his disciples had preceded him, and he arrived unattended at the eastern gate of the city. But his appearance was so striking that his followers were soon made aware of his presence. " There is a man," said a townsman to Tsze-kung, " standing at the east gate with a forehead like Yaou, a neck like Kaou Yaou, his shoulders on a level with those of Tsze-ch'an, but wanting below the waist three inches of the height of Yu, and altogether having the forsaken appearance of a stray dog." Recognizing LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 45 his master in this description, Tsze-kung hastened to meet him, and repeated to him the words of his informant. Confucius was much amused, and said : " The personal appearance is a small matter ; but to say I was like a stray dog — capital ! capital ! " The ruling powers in Ch'ing, however, showed no disposition to employ even a man possessing such marked characteristics, and before long he removed to Ch'in, where he remained a year. From Ch'in he once more turned his face towards Wei, and it was while he was on this journey that he was detained at P'oo, as mentioned abova Between Confucius and the Duke of Wei there evi- dently existed a personal liking, if not friendship The duke was always glad to see him and ready tc converse .with him ; but Confucius's unbounded ad- miration for those whose bones, as Laou-tsze said, were mouldered to dust, and especially for the founders of the Chow dynasty, made it impossible for the duke to place him in any post of importance. At the same time Confucius seems always to have hoped that he would be able to gain the duke over to his views : and thus it came about that the Sage was constantly attracted to the court of Duke Ling, and as often compelled to exile himself from it. On this particular occasion, as at all other times, the duke received him gladly, but their conversations, which had principally turned on the act of peaceful government, were now directed to warlike affairs. The duke was contemplating an attack on P'oo, the inhabitants of which, under the leadership of Hwan T'uy, who had arrested Confucius, had rebelled 46 CONFUCIANISM. against him. At first Confiicius was quite disposed to support the duke in his intended hostilities ; but a representation from the duke that the probable support of other states would make the expedition one of considerable danger, converted Confucius to the opinion evidently entertained by the duke, that it would be best to leave Hwan T'uy in possession of his ill-gotten territory. Confucius's latest advice was then to this effect, and the duke acted upon it. The duke was now becoming an old man, and with advancing age came a disposition to leave the task of governing to others, and to weary of Confucius's high-flown lectures. He ceased " to use" Confucius, as the Chinese historians say, and the Sage was there- fore indignant, and ready to accept any offer which might come from any quarter. While in this humour he received an invitation firom Pih Hih, an officer of the state of Tsin who was holding the town of Chung-mow against his chief, to visit him, and he was inclined to go. It is impossible to study this portion of Confucius's career without feeling that a great change had come over his conduct. There was no longer that lofty love of truth and of virtue which had distinguished the commencement of his official pfe. AdvMsity, instead of stiffening his back, had made him pliable. He who had formerly refused to receive money he had not earned, was now willing to take pay in return for no other services than the presentation of courtier-like advice on occasions when Duke Ling desired to have his opinion in support of his own ; and in defiance of his oft-repeated denun- ciation of rebels, he was now ready to go over to the LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 47 court of a rebel chief, in the hope possibly of being able through his means " to establish," as he said on another occasion, " an Eastern Chow." Again Tsze-loo interfered, and expostulated with him on his inconsistency. " Master," said he, " I have heard you say that when a man is guilty of personal wrong-doing, a superior man will not associate with him. If you accept the invitation of this Pih Hih, who is in open rebellion against his chief, what will people say ? " But Confucius, with a dexterity which had now become common with him, replied : " It is true I have said so. But is it not also true that if a thing be really hard, it may be ground without being made thin ; and if it be really white, it may be steeped in a black fluid without becoming black ? Am I a bitter gourd ? Am I to be hung up out of the way of being eaten." But nevertheless Tsze-loo's remon- strances prevailed, and he did not go. His relations with the duke did not improve, and so dissatisfied was he with his patron that he retired from the court. As at this time Confucius was not in the receipt of any official income, it is probable that he again provided for his wants by imparting to his disciples some of the treasures out of the rich stores of learning which he had collected by means of diligent study and of a wide experience. Every word and action of Confucius were full of such meaning to his admiring followers that they have enabled us to trace him into the retirement of private life. In his dress, we are told, he was careful to wear only the " correct " colours, viz. azure, yellow, carnation, white and black, and he scrupulously avoided red as being the 48 CONFUCIANISM. colour usually affected by women and girls. At the table he was moderate in his appetite but particular as to the nature of his food and the manner in which it was set before him. Nothing would induce him to touch any meat that was "high" or rice that was musty, nor would he 'eat anything that was not properly cut up or accompanied with the proper sauce. He allowed himself only a certain quantity of meat and rice, and though no such Umit was fixed to the amount of wine with which he accompanied his frugal fare, we are assured that he never allowed himself to be confused by it. When out driving, he never turned his head quite round, and in his actions as well as in his words he avoided all appearance of haste. Such details are interesting in the case of a man like Confucius, who has exercised so powerful an in- fluence over so large a proportion of the world's in- habitants, and whose instructions, far from being con- fined to the courts of kings, found their loudest utterances in intimate communings with his disciples, and in the example he set by the exact performance of his daily duties. The only accomplishment which Confucius pos- sessed was a love of music, and this he studied less as an accomplishment than as a necessary part of edu- cation. " It is by the odes that the mind is aroused," said he. " It is by the rules of propriety that the character is established. And it is music which com- pletes the edifice." But having tasted the sweets of official life, Confucius was not inclined to resign all hope of future employ- ment, and the Duke of Wei still remaining deat to LIFE OF CONFUCIDS. 4$ his advice, he determined to visit the state of Tsin, in the hope of finding in Chaou Keen-tsze, one of the three chieftains who virtually governed that state, a more hopeful pupil. With this intention he started westward, but had got no further than the Yellow River when the news reached him of the execution of Tuh Ming and Tuh Shun-hwa, two men of note in Tsin. The disorder which this indicated put a stop to his journey ; for had not he himself said " that a superior man will not ente.r a tottering state." His disap- pointment and grief were great, and looking at the yellow waters as they flowed at his feet, he sighed and muttered to himself : " Oh how beautiful were they ; this river is not more majestic than they were ! and I was not there to avert their fate ! " So saying he returned to Wei, only to find the duke as little inclined to listen to his lectures, as he was deeply engaged in warlike preparations. When Con- fucius presented himself at court, the duke refused to talk on any other subject but military tactics, and forgetting, possibly on purpose, that Confucius was essentially a man of peace, pressed him for informa- tion on the art of manoeuvring an army. " If you should wish to know how to arrange sacrificial vessels," said the Sage, " I wUl answer you, but about warfare I know nothing." Confucius was now sixty years old, and the con- dition of the states composing the empire was even more unfavourable for the reception of his doctrines than ever. But though depressed by fortune, he never lost that steady confidence in himself and his mission, which was a leading characteristic of his career, and K 50 CONFUCIANISM. when he found the Duke of Wei deaf to his advice, he removed to Ch'in, in the hope of there finding a ruler who would appreciate his wisdom. In the following year he left Ch'in with his disciples for Ts'ae, a small dependency of the state of Ts'oo. In those days the empire was subjected to constant changes. One day a new state carved out of an old one would appear, and again it would disappear, or increase in size, as the fortunes of war might deter- mine. Thus while Confucius was in Ts'ae, a part of Ts'oo declared itself independent, under the name of Ye, and the ruler usurped the title of duke. In earlier days such rebellion would have called forth a rebuke from Confucius ; but it was otherwise now, and, instead of denouncing the usurper as a rebel, he sought him as a patron. The duke did not know how to receive his visitor, and asked Tsze-loo about him. But Tsze-loo, possibly because he considered the duke to be no better than Pih Hih, returned him no answer. For this reticence Confucius found fault with him, and said, " Why did you not say to him, ' He is simply a man who, in his eager pursuit of knowledge, forgets his food ; who, in the joy of its attainments, forgets his sorrows ; and who does not perceive that old age is coming on ? ' " But whatever may have been the opinion of Tsze- loo, Confucius was quite ready to be on friendly terms with the duke, who seems to have had no keener relish for Confucius's ethics than the other rulers to whom he had offered his services. We are only told of one conversation which took place between the duke and the Sage, and on that occasion the duke LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 5t questioned him on the subject of government. Con- fucius's reply was eminently characteristic of the man. Most of his definitions of good government would have sounded unpleasantly in the ears of a man who had just thrown off his master's yoke and headed a successful rebellion, so he cast about for one which might offer some excuse for the new duke by attribut- ing the fact of his disloyalty to the bad government of his late ruler. Quoting the words of an earlier sage, he replied, "Good government obtains when those who are near are made happy, and those who are far off are attracted." Returning from Ye to Ts'ae, he came to a river which, being unbridged,left him no resource but to ford it. Seeing two men whom he recognized as political recluses ploughing in a neighbouring field, he sent the ever-present Tsze-loo to inquire of them where best he could effect a crossing. " Who is that holding the reins in the carriage yonder?" asked the first ad- dressed, in answer to Tsze-loo's inquiry. " K'lmg K'ew," replied the disciple. " K'ung K'ew, of Loo ? " asked^the ploughman. " Yes," was the reply. " He knows the ford/' was the enigmatic answer of the man as he turned again to his work ; but whether this reply was suggested by the general belief that Confucius was omniscient, or by way of a parable to signify that Confucius possessed the knowledge by which the river of disorder, which was barring the progress of liberty and freedom, might be crossed, we are only left to conjecture. Nor from the second recluse could Tsze-loo gain any practical information. " Who are you, sir?" was the somewhat peremptory question E 2 52 CONFUCIANISM. which his inquiry met with. Upon his answeruig that he was a disciple of Confucius, the man, who might have gathered his estimate of Confucius from the mouth of Laou-tsze, replied : " Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads over the whole empire, and who is he who will change it for you ? Rather than follow one who merely withdraws from this court to that court, had you riot better follow those who (like ourselves) withdraw from the world altogether ?" These words Tsze-loo, as was his wont, repeated to Confucius who thus justified his career : " It is impossible to associate with birds and beasts as if they were the same as ourselves. If I associate not with people, with mankind, with whom shall I associate ? If right principles prevailed throughout the empire, there would be no necessity for me to change its state." Altogether Confucius remained three years in Ts'ae, — ^three years of strife and war, during which his counsels were completely neglected. Towards their close, the state of Woo made an attack on Ch'in, which found support from the powerful state of Ts'oo on the south. While thus helping his ally, the Duke of Ts'oo heard that Confucius was in Ts'ae, and determined to invite him to his court. With this object he sent messengers bearing presents to the Sage, and charged them with a message begging him to come to Ts'oo. Confucius readily accepted the invitation, and prepared to start. But the news of the transaction alarmed the ministers of Ts'ae and Ch'in. " Ts'oo," said they, " is already a powerful state, and Confucius is a man of wisdom. Experience has proved that those who have despised him have LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 53 invariably suffered for it, and, should he succeed in guiding the affairs of Ts'oo, we should certainly be ruined. At all hazards we must stop his going.'' When, therefore, Confucius had started on his jour- ney, these men despatched a force which hemmed him in in a wild bit of desert country. Here, we are told, they kept him a prisoner for seven days, during which time he suffered severe privations, and, as was always the case in moments of difficulty,, the disciples loudly bewailed their lot and that of their master. ' Has the superior man," said Tsze-loo, " indeed, to endure in this way?" "The superior man may indeed have to suffer want," replied Confucius, " but it is only the mean man who, when he is in straits, gives way to unbridled license." In this emergency he had recourse to a solace which had soothed him on many occasions when fortune frowned : he played on his lute and sang. At length he succeeded in sending word to the Duke of Ts'oo of the position he was in. At once the duke sent ambassadors to liberate him, and he himself went out of his capital to meet him. But though he welcomed him cordially, and seems to have availed himself of his advice on occasions, he did not appoint him to any office, and the intention he at one time entertained of granting him a slice of territory was thwarted by his ministers, from motives of ex- pediency. " Has your majesty," said this officer, " any servant who could discharge the duties of ambassador like Tsze-kung? or any one so well qualified for a premier as Yen Hwuy ? or any one to compare as a general with Tsze-loo ? Did not kings 54 CONFUCIANISM. Wan and Woo, from their small states of Fung and Kaou, rise to the sovereignty of the empire ? And if K'lmg K'ew once acquired territory, with such disci- ples to be his ministers, it will not be to the prosperity ofTs'oo." This remonstrance not only had the immediate effect which was intended, but appears to have in- fluenced the manner of the duke towards the Sage, for in the interval between this and the duke's death, in the autumn of the same year, we hear of no counsel being either asked or given. In the successor to the throne Confucius evidently despaired of finding a patron, and he once again returned to Wei. Confiicius was now sixty-three, and on arriving at Wei he found a grandson of his former friend, the Duke Ling, holding the throne against his own father, who had been driven into exile for attempting the life of his mother, the notorious Nan-tsze. This chief, who called himself the Duke Chuh, being conscious how much his cause would be strengthened by the support of Confucius, sent Tsze-loo to him, saying, " The Prince of Wei has been waiting to secure your services in the administration of the state, and wishes to know what you consider is the first thing to be done." " It is first of all necessary," replied Con- fucius, " to' rectify names." " Indeed," said Tzse-loo, " you are wide of the mark Why need there be such rectification ? " " How uncultivated you are. Yew,'' answered Confucius; "a superior man shows a cautious reserve in regard to what he does not know. If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. If language be not in accordance LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 55 with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on successfully. When affairs cannot be carried on suc- cessfully, proprieties and music will not flourish. When proprieties and music do not flourish, punish- ments will not properly be awarded. When punish- ments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot. Therefore the superior man considers it necessary that names should be used appropriately, and that his direc- tions should be carried out appropriately. A superior man requires that his words should be correct." The position of things in Wei was naturally such as Confucius could not sanction, and, as the duke showed no disposition to amend his ways, the Sage left his court, and lived the remainder of the five or six years, during which he sojourned in the state, in close retirement. He had now been absent from his native state of Loo for fourteen years, and the time had come when he was to return to it But, by the irony of fate, the accomplishment of his long-felt desire was due, not to his reputation for political or ethical wisdom, but to his knowledge of military tactics, which he heartily despised. It happened that at this time Yen Yew, a disciple of the Sage, being in the service of Ke K'ang, conducted a campaign against Ts'e with much suc- cess. On his triumphal return, Ke K'ang asked him how he had acquired his military skill. " From Con- fucius," replied the general. " And what kind of man is he?" asked Ke K'ang. "Were you to employ him,'' answered Yen Yew, " your fame would spread abroad; your people might face demons and gods, 56 CONFUCIANISM. and would have nothing either to fear or to ask of them. And if you accepted his principles, were you to collect a thousand altars of the spirits of the land it would profit you nothing." Attracted by such a prospect, Ke K'ang proposed to invite the Sage to his court. " If you do," said Yen Yew, " mind you do not allow mean men to come between you and him." But before Ke K'ang's invitation reached Confucius an incident occurred which made the arrival of the messengers from Loo still more welcome to him. K'ung Wan, an officer of Wei, came to consult him as to the best means of attacking the force of another officer with whom he was engaged in a feud. Con- fucius, disgusted at being consulted on such a subject, professed ignorance, and prepared to leave the state, saying as he went away : " The bird chooses its tree ; the tree does not choose the bird." At this juncture Ke K'ang's envoys arrived, and without hesitation he accepted the invitation they brought. On arriving at Loo, he presented himself at court, and in reply to a question of the Duke Gae on the subject of govern- ment, threw, out a strong hint that the duke might do well to offer him an appointment. " Government," he said, " consists in the right choice of ministers." To the same question put by Ke K'ang he replied, " Employ the upright and put aside the crooked, and thus will the crooked be made upright" At this time Ke K'ang was perplexed how to deal with the prevailing brigandage. " If you, sir, were not avaricious, though you might oifer rewards to in- duce people to steal, they would not" This answer sufficiently indicates the estimate formed by Confucius LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 57 of Ke K'ang and therefore of the duke Gae, for so entirely were the two of one mind that the acts oi Ke K'ang appear to have been invariably "endorsed by the duke. It was plainly impossible that Confucius could serve under such a regime, and instead, there- fore, of seeking employment, he retired to his study and devoted himself to the completion of his Uterary undertaking. He was now sixty-nine years of age, and if a man is to be considered successful only when he succeeds in realizing the dream of his life, he must be deemed to have been unfortunate. Endowed by nature with a large share of reverence, a cold rather than a fervid disposition, and a studious mind, and reared in the traditions of the ancient kings, whose virtuous achieve- ments obtained an undue prominence by the obliteraj tion of all their faults and failures, he believed hi self capable of effecting far more than it was possib! for him or any other man to accomplish. In th( earlier part of his career, he had in Loo an oppo: tunity given him for carrying his theories of govern- ment into practice, and we have seen how they failed to do more than produce a temporary improvement in the condition of the people under his immediate rule. But he had a lofty and steady confidence in himself and in the principles which he professed, which prevented his accepting the only legitimate inference which could be drawn from his want of success. The lessons of his own experience were entirely lost upon him, and he went down to his grave at the age of seventy-two firmly convinced as of yore that if he were placed in a position of authority 58 CONFUCIANISM. " in three years the government would be per- fected." Finding it impossible to associate himself with the rulers of Loo, he appears to have resigned himself to exclusion from office. His wanderings were over — And as a hare, when hounds and homs pursue, Pants to the place from whence at first he flew, he had lately been possessed with an absorbing desire to return once more to Loo. This had at last been brought about, and he made up his mind to spend the remainder of his days in his native state. He had now leisure to finish editing the Shoo King, or " Book of History," to which he wrote a preface ; he also " carefully digested the rites and ceremonies determined by the wisdom of the more ancient sages and kings; collected and arranged the ancient poetry; and undertook the reform of music." He made a diligent study of the " Book of Changes," and added a commentary to it, which is sufficient to show that the original meaning of the work was as much a mystery to him as it has been to others. His idea of what would probably be the value of the kernel encased in this unusually hard shell, if it were once rightly under- stood, is illustrated by his remark " that if some years could be added to his life, he would give fifty of them to the study of the Book of Changes, and that then he expected to be without great faults." In the year 482 B.C. his son Le died, and in the following year he lost by death his faithful disciple Yen Hwuy. When the news of this last misfortune reached him, he exclaimed, "Alas ! Heaven is destroying LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 59 me ! " A year later a servant of Ke K'ang caught a strange one-homed animal while on a hunting ex- cursion, and as no one present could tell what animal it was, Confucius was sent for. At once he declared it to be a K'e-lin, and legend says that its identity with the one which appeared before his birth was proved by its having the piece of ribbon on its horn which Ching-tsae tied to the weird animal which ore sented itself to her in a dream on Mount Ne. This second apparition could only have one meaning, and Confucius was profoundly affected at the portent. " For whom have you come ? " he cried, " for whom have you come 1 " and then, bursting into tears, he added, " The course of my doctrine is run, and I am unknown." " How do you mean that you are unknown ? " asked Tsze-kung. " I don't complain of Providence," answered the Sage, " nor find fault with men that learn- ing is neglected and success is worshipped. Heaven knows me. . . . Never does a superior man pass away without leaving a name behind him. But my principles make no progress, and I, how shall I be viewed in future ages ? " At this time, notwithstanding his declining strength and his many employments, he wrote the " Ch'un ts'ew, or Spring and Autumn Annals," in which he followed the history of his native state of Loo, from the time of the Duke Yin to the fourteenth year of the Duke Gae, that is, to the time when the appear- ance of the K'e-lin warned him to consider his life at an end. This is the only work of which Confucius was the 6o CONFUCIANISM. author, and of this every word is his own. His biographers say that " what was written, he wrote, and what was erased, was erased by him." Not an ex- pression was either inserted or altered by any one but himself. When he had completed the work, he handed the manuscript to his disciples, saying, " By the Spring and Autumn Annals I shall be known, and by the Spring and Autumn Annals I shall be condemned." This only furnishes another of the many instances in which authors have entirely mis- judged the value of their own works. In the estimation of his countrymen even, whose reverence for his every word would incline them to accept his opinion on this as on every subject, the Spring and Autumn Annals holds a very secondary place, his utterances recorded in the Lun yu, or " Confucian Analects," being esteemed of far higher value, as they undoubtedly are. And indeed the two works he compiled, the "Shoo king'' and the "She king," hold a very much higher place in the public regard than the book on which he so prided himself. To foreigners, whose judgments are unhampered by his recorded opinion, his character as an original historian sinks into insignificance, and he is known only as a philosopher and statesman. Once again only do we hear of Confucius pre- senting himself at the court of the duke after this. And this was on the occasion of the murder of the Duke of Ts'e by one of his officers. We must sup- pose that the crime was one of a gross nature, for it raised Confucius's fiercest anger, and he who never wearied of singing the praises of those virtuous men LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 6l who overthrew the thrones of licentious and tyrannous kings, would have had no room for blame if the mur- dered duke had been like unto Kee or Show. But the outrage was one which Confucius felt should be avenged, and he therefore bathed and presented him- self at court. " Sir," said he, addressing the duke, " Ch'in Hang has slain his sovereign ; I beg that you will undertake to punish him." But the duke was indisposed to move in the matter, and pleaded the comparative strength of Ts'e. Confucius, however, was not to be so silenced. " One half of the people of Ts'e," said he, "are not consenting to the deed. If you add to the people of Loo one half of the people of Ts'e, you wiU be sure to overcome." This numerical argument no more affected the duke than the statement of the fact, and wearying with Confucius's importunity, he told him to lay the matter before the chiefs of the three principal families of the state. Before this court of appeal, whither he went with reluctance his cause fared no better, and the murder remained unavenged. At a period when every prince held his throne by the strength cf his right arm, revolutions lost half their crime, and must have been looked upon rather as trials of strength than as disloyal villanies. The frequency of their occurrence, also, made them less the subjects of surprise and horror. At the time of which we write, the states in the neighbourhood of Loo appear to have been in a very disturbed con- dition. Immediately following on the murder of the Duke of Ts'e, news was brought to Confucius that 62 CONFUCIANISM. a revolution had broken out in Wei. This was an occurrence which particularly interested him, for when he returned from Wei to Loo he left Tsze- loo and Tsze-kaou, two of his disciples, engaged in the official sendee of the state. "Tsze-kaou will return," was Confucius's remark, when he was told of the outbreak, " but Tsze-loo will die." The pre- diction was verified. For when Tsze-kaou saw that matters were desperate he made his escape; but Tsze-loo remained to defend his chief, and fell, fighting in the cause of his master. Though Con- fucius had looked forward to the event as probable, he was none the less grieved when he heard that it had come about, and he mourned for his friend, whom he was so soon to follow to the grave. One morning, in the spring of the year 478 B.C., he walked in front of his door, mumbling as he went : — The great mountain must crumble ; The strong beam must break ; And the wise man withers away like a plant. These words came as a presage of evil to the faithful Tsze-kung. " If the great mountain crumble,'' said he, " to what shall I look up ? If the strong beam break, and the wise man wither away, on whom shall I lean? The master, I fear, is going to be ill." So saying, he hastened after Confucius into the house. " What makes you so late ? " said Confucius, when the disciple presented himself before him ; and then he added, "According to the statutes of Hea, the corpse was dressed and coffined at the top of the eastern steps, treating the dead as if he were still the LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 63 host. Under the Yin, the ceremony was performed between the two pillars, as if the dead were both host and guest. The rule of Chow is to perform it at the top of the western steps, treating the dead as if he were a guest. I am a man of Yin, and last night 1 dreamt that I was sitting, with offerings before me, between the two pillars. No intelligent monarch arises ; there is not one in the empire who will make me his master. My time is come to die.'' It is eminently characteristic of Confucius that in his last recorded speech and dream, his thoughts should so have dwelt on the ceremonies of bygone ages. But the dream had its fulfilment.. That same day he took to his bed, and after a week's illness he expired. On the banks of the river Sze, to the north of the capital city of Loo, his disciples buried him, and for three years they mourned at his grave. Even such marked respect as this fell short of the homage which Tsze-kung, his most faithful disciple, felt was due to him, and for three additional years that loving fol- lower testified by his grief his reverence for his master " I have all my Hfe had the heaven above my head," said he, " but I do not know its height; and the earth under my feet, but I know not its thickness. In serving Confucius, I am like a thirsty man, who goes with his pitcher to the river and there drinks his fill, without knowing the river's depth." Mr. Williamson, who in 1865 visited the tomb of the Sage, thus describes it as it at present exists : " A fine avenue of old cypress-trees leads due north from the north gate to the burial-ground. In a forest of oak, cypress, and other trees, enclosed by a high wall, 64 CONFUCIANISM. is the grave. Entering the graveyard, we passed through a finely ornamented gate, and then to a second avenue, with lions and other creatures in stone on either hand, and the unfailing cypress overhead. As we approached the tomb, two sages larger than life faced each other, looking most solemnly, as if they wished to remind the visitor of the sacredness of the place. Passing the house where sacrifices are prepared and the worshippers rest and meditate, we were shown a tree planted by Tsze-kung, one of the Sage's disciples, and a pavilion erected by the emperor K'een-lung The tomb of Confucius is a huge mound, overgrown with trees and shrubs, having in front of it the usual arrangements for sacrifice. Beside it stands a tablet, twenty-five feet high by six feet broad, on which are engraved the name and doings of the Sage On the west of the tomb of the Sage is that of his son Le . . . . and all around the graves of the chiefs of the clan." The descriptions given by his contemporaries of the appearance of the Sage are so allegorical that they represent nothing definite to the mind, and pre- suppose an intimate acquaintance on the part of the reader with the outward form and shape of the emperors Yaou and Shun. In his name K'ew we have reference to a peculiarity in the shape of his head, which is said to have resembled Mount K'ew in having a hollow on the top; whence his name. His statue, which stands in the temple adjoining his tomb, represents him as having been " tall, strong, and well- built, with a full, red face, and large and heavy head." CONFUCIANISM. bj CHAPTER III. THE TEACHINGS OF CONFUCIUS. Posterity is the truest judge of a man's work. Many things may tend to warp the judgment of his contemporaries. His adoption of the popular view of the politics of the day may raise him to an extra- vagant height in their estimation, or should the oppo- site party enlist his advocacy, he may be proportion- ately undervalued No such considerations influence the finding of posterity. Being removed by time from the passions of the day, they are removed also from its prejudices. They are not so much concerned with the struggles and throes of parties as with the results to which those struggles and throes give birth. To them the hero of an age appears not unfrequently as a charlatan ; and in their estimation the man of genius, depressed by fortune and borne down by adversity, is restored to his legitimate position. No great character in history can appeal more surely from the opinion of his contemporaries to the verdict of posterity than Confucius. He was essen- tially a statesman, and the political views he advocated required for their development a sustained period of peace and quiet. He was born for a time of peace, «• 66 CONFUCIANISM. and he was nurtured amid the clash of arms ; he was designed by nature for the council-chamber, and he was destined to find governments administered by armed men surrounded by the din of war. The times [were against him, and he was obliged to yield to the [decrees of fate. Instead of being the honoured adviser of a virtuous sovereign striving to reproduce the heroic age of Yaou and Shun among a contented and law-abiding people, he spent the greater part of his life in ofifering his services to princes who dis- dained his overtures and laughed at his theories. It was a time of universal disorder and anarchy. "Right principles had long deserted the empire," and power had become the only standard of truth and virtue. No wonder, then, that Confucius's career was a failure. He was not a man who could shamelessly trim his sails to the passing breeze, and for him to fail was to enter his protest against the iniquities of the time. But what was lost to his contemporaries has been preserved for posterity. To the succeeding millions of China it has been a matter of unimportance that he was excluded from the council-chambers ot princes, so long as they have had access to the words of wisdom with which he instructed his disciples, and thus they have cared not for the contempt with which he was treated by lawless chiefs, so long as they have been able to make his views on the principles of government, and on the duties of citizens their own. Probably no man has been so contemned during his lifetime, and at the same time so worshipped by posterity, as Confucius. In both extremes there has THE TEACHINGS OF CONFUCIUS. 6? been some exaggeration. His standard of morality was high, and his doctrines were pure. Had he there- fore had an opportunity of exercising authority, it can but have resulted in good to an age when the notions of right and wrong were strangely confused, and when both public and private morality were at the lowest ebb. On the other hand, it is difficult to understand the secret of the extraordinary influence he has gained over posterity, and the more the problem is studied the more incomprehensible does it become. His system of philosophy is by no means complete, and it lacks life, if we may venture to say so in face of the fact that it has supplied the guiding principles which have actuated the performance of all that is great and noble in the life of China for more than twenty centuries. The Confucian literature as it stands at the present day is very large ; but if we separate out of the mass those canonical works which, according to universal belief, contain the complete system of Confucius, we shall hold in our hands only three thin volumes. The first is the Zun Yu, or "Confucian Analects," in which have been collected by the disciples the sayings of their great master. The other two are the 7a Hed, or " Great Learning," and the Chung Yung, or " Doc- trine of the Mean," both of which have been very generally attributed to Tsze-sze, the grandson of Confucius, and both of which contain digests of the doctrines of the Sage. But Confucius was less of an original thinker than a " transmitter," as he calls him- self, and therefore it becomes necessary to see what the older canonical works, such as the Yih King, or V 2 68 CONFUCIANISM. " Book of Changes," the She King, or " Book of Odes," and the Shoo King, or " Book of History," say with regard to the subjects of which he treats. In so doing we shall see that Confucius did not transmit faithfully the doctrines of the ancient sages, but, being unable to understand the spiritual side of the characters of those for whom he professed such unbounded admiration, lowered their teachings to the inferior level which he occupied. There is nothing spiritual in the teachings of Con- fucius. He rather avoided all references to the super- natural. In answer to a question about death, he answered, " While you do not know life, how do you know about death ? " Life, then, was his study, and life as represented by man as he exists. The ques- tions whence man came and whither he is going never troubled him; he simply looked on man as a member of a society, and strove to work out for himself by the light of ancient records how he might best contribute to his own happiness, and to that of the world in general. Man, he taught, is master of his own destiny, and not only so, but he is the equal of heaven and earth, and as such is able to influence the course of nature. By complete sincerity he is able to give its full deve- lopment to his nature. Having done this, he is able to do the same to the nature of other men. Having given its full development to the nature of other men, he can give their full development to the natures of animals and things. Having given their full develop- ment to the natures of animals and things, he can assist the transforming and nourishing powers of THE IDEAL MAN. 69 heaven and earth. Having assisted the transforming and nourishing powers of heaven and earth, he may with heaven and earth form a trinity.^ Then he becomes the equal of heaven and earth ;^ and when this stage is reached, universal order will prevail, and all things are nourished and perfected.^ , Such is the position which the ideal man occupies in the universe. And the ideal man is endowed by Heaven with an ideal nature. All men are born good, and all are alike possessed of heaven-sent, qualities which enable them to acquire the ideal nature. That which a man inherits is goodness, and when that is perfected, it becomes his nature.* As a native commentator remarks, the goodness bestowed by Heaven is like flowing water, which, when a man has perfected himself, is crystallized and becomes his nature. " The great God," said T'ang, " has conferred even on the inferior people a moral sense, by obeying which they attain a constant nature."'' Or, in other words, Heaven, in giving birth to all people, affixed to everything a corresponding law,^ which it is the duty of men to watch, listen to, understand and obey. When men do so, ministers and officials will be patriotic, the relations between fathers and sons will be perfected, and the people will maintain a con- stant nature, by obedience to which their affections will be set on benevolence, righteousness, patriotism, and filial piety. When once the ideal nature is ac- quired, it is like water of which the fount is perfectly ' Chung yimg, xxii. ' Chung yung, xxvi. $. ^ Chung yung, i. 5. * Yih king. ' Shoo king, T'ang kaou. " She king, Ta ya, Ching min. 70 CONFUCIANISM. clear and without impurities. It undergoes no change, but if it ever should be changed, it cannot be restored to its primitive state. It is the guiding principle of the heart, and finds its development in the affections and desires. And just as the nature of gold is hard- ness and the nature of fire is heat, so the nature of man is benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and faithfulness. There may however be an evil na- ture, for when King T'ai kea was not able to change his courses, E Yin, his minister, said to himself, " This is unrighteousness and is becoming by practice his nature."! This use of the word Sing, Nature, in this passage is however explained away by the commen- tators, who hold that it means habit, and not nature. These definitions of man's nature were endorsed by Confucius, who was especially loud in his com- mendations of that quoted above from the She king. Tsze-kung says, however, that the " master's . . . words about man's nature and the way of heaven cannot be heard ;" but this statement is probably due either to the fact that he did not understand what Confucius' did say on the subject, or because he was, as the dis- ciples generally were, anxious to eliminate from the teachings of the Master all that they considered to be beyond the intellectual or moral comprehension of the people. Confucius was not a speculative thinker, and therefore we do not find him dwelling to the same length on sucji speculations as Mencius and some of the late philosophers, but he said quite enough to show that he was in entire harmony on the subject Shoo king, T'sai kea. THE TEACHINGS OF CONFUCIUS. 7 1 with the ancient sages, i The natures of all men he taught are nearly alike, that is to say, the conditions of their endowment are not dissimilar, but by practice they get to be wide apart. He reiterated also the or- thodox belief that man's nature is good, and that its inherent goodness is displayed by its affection for the four decorous principles, i.e., humanity, rectitude, propriety, and knowledge. According to him, also, man's nature has an honourable place compared with those of heaven and earth, and is more honourable than that of things. For all things are endowed with distinctive natures, which, however, differ from man's nature in that they are incapable of being cultivated or taught. The goodness which is inherited from Heaven does not, unfortunately, always remain untainted, but is like running water which knows no stagnation, and is al- ways flowing onward to the sea. Some streams be- come defiled before they have run far, and others after long courses get defiled, some more some less. But that which cannot be defiled is not water. And so it is with men's natures : they nearly all leave the fountain pure, but become contaminated, some more some less, and some earlier than others, but they are all liable to contamination. This is true of the great mass of mankind, but there are two classes, the wise of the highest and the stupid of the lowest, who know no change. The gradations from the highest to the lowest class are explained by Confucius to be, " Those who are born ' Lun yu xvii. 3. 72 CONFUCIANISM. with the possession of knowledge are the highest class of men. Those who learn, and so readily get possession of knowledge, are the next. Those who are dull and stupid, and yet succeed in learning, are another class next to these. While those who are dull and stupid and yet do not learn, are the lowest of the people."! It is among members of the highest class, or Sages, that Nature reaches its highest development. The Sage is born in possession of knowledge and of per- fect purity. He obeys without effort the promptings of his nature, and thus maintains a perfect uprightness and pursues the heavenly way without the slightest deflection. He alone, possessing all the sage-like qualities, shows himself quick in apprehension, clear in discernment, of far-reaching intelligence and all- embracing knowledge, fitted to exercise rule ; magna- nimous, generous, benign, and mild, fitted to exercise forbearance ; impulsive, energetic, firm and enduring, fitted to maintain a firm hold ; self-adjusted, grave, never swerving from the mean, and correct, fitted to command reverence ; accomplished, distinctive, con- cehtrative, and searching, fitted to exercise discrimina- tion. All-embracing is he and vast, deep and active as a fountain, sending forth in their due seasons his virtues. All-embracing and vast ; he is like heaven. Deep and active as a fountain, he is like the abyss. He is seen, and the people all reverence him ; he speaks, and the people all believe him ; he acts, and the people are all pleased with him. Therefore hi? ' Lun yu, xvi. 9. THE SAGE. 73 fame overspreads the Middle Kingdom, and extends to all barbarous tribes. Wherever ships and carriages reach; wherever the strength of man penetrates; wherever the heavens overshadow and the earth sus- tains j wherever the sun and moon shine ; wherever frosts and dews fall : — all who have blood and breath unfeignedly honour and love him. Hence it is said : — " He is the equal of Heaven." ^ This view as held by Confucius is precisely that set forth in the earlier classics, where we are told that just as water flows in moist hollows, and fire approaches dry places ; the clouds follow the dragon, and the winds the tiger, so when the Sage acts, the myriads of things observe him.^ His virtues equal those of heaven and earth, his brightness is like that of the sun and moon ; his regularity is comparable to that of the four seasons ; and his good and ill-fortune to those of spirits and demons. When he takes the lead of Heaven, Heaven does not rebel, and when he follows Heaven, he observes Heaven's seasons. If Heaven does not rebel against him, much less should men, or spirits, or demons. It is the Sage alone who understands how to advance and to recede, to pre- serve and to destroy without losing his perfect cor- rectness.3 He loves to walk on the heavenly way, and is as steadfast as the way itself; and just as the sun and moon draw their splendour from heaven and shine everlastingly, so nature catches the reflected wisdom of the Sage and is changed in accordance with his ' Chung Yung, xxx. i. ' Yih king. K'een kwa. ' Idem. 74 CONFUCIANISM. likeness.! The Sage is thus perfectly virtuous, for he is bom without any disposition towards evil, he is adorned with all the accomplishments, and he is infi- nitely wise.3 His words are like water, which the more you measure it the deeper it seems, and the more- you search for it the further oif it appears to be. Again they are like fire, the more you stir it the brighter it becomes, and the more you leave it alone the greater becomes its strength. He gains knowledge without travelling, he describes things without seeing them, and he achieves his purpose without action. His lessons are taught rather by example than by words. He does nothing and the people are straight- way transformed ; he has no lusts and the people be- come spontaneously simple-minded. He delights in practising humility, and because he humbles himself he is exalted, because he avoids display he shines, and because he puts himself last he is first* It is said, however, that there are circumstances under which Sages may fall from their high estate ; for we are told in the Shoo king that " the Sages of the Shang dynasty by not taking thought became foolish, and the foolish by thinking became sages. " * The apparent inconsistency in this statement is to be ex- plained by supposing that the process in each case was gradual and extended through many generations. Thus we see that the descendants of the Sage T'ang, who was appointed by Shang-te to be a model to the " nine regions," ' gradually fell away until the depth of ' Yih king. Hang kwo. ' Shoo king. Ta yu mow. ' Laou-tsre. * Shoo king, To fang. ' She king. Shang sung chang fa. DESTINY. 75 folly and vice was reached in the person of Show, the last of the dynasty ; and in the same way we may suppose that Woo Wang's wisdom was the inherited completion of a progressive course of virtue extend- ing over ages. The qualifications of a Sage being of such surpass- ing excellence, it is plain that the honour of fellowship with so distinguished a band can be claimed for only a few. Those officially recognized as being holy men or Sages are: — Fuh-he (2852-2737 B.C.); Shin-nung (2737-2697); Hwang-te (2697-2597); Yaou (2356- 2255); Shun (2255-2205); Yu (2205-2197); T'ang (1766-1753) ; E)dn (ab. 1709) ; Pihe (ab. 1200) ; "Wan Wang (ab. 1200); Woo Wang (1122-1078); Chow kung(iio5); Le w Hea-hw uy (ab. 1600) ; and Con- fucius. • All these possessed the spotless and sinless nature which is the gift of Heaven, and which corresponds with man's destiny. For destiny is that which, together with the principles of benevolence, righteousness, propriety and faith, is bestowed on every man by Heaven. When these principles find their developments in thought and action, they become the ideal nature. After having been metamorphosed by the male and female principles ot nature, the destiny is sent forth as life. The coiripletion of the (appointed) transformation and the exhaustion of the (fixed) numbers is death. Therefore destiny is the beginning of nature, and death is the. end of life. 1 But life is nature, and therefore destiny is called ' K«a yu. 76 CONFUCIANISM. the giver and ender of life. In this sense Confucius speaks of his disciple Yen Hwuy. "There was Yen Hwuy; he loved to learn. He did not transfer his anger ; he did not repeat a fault. Unfortunately his destiny was short and he died ; and now there is not such another." ^ In some instances it appears simply as the equivalent of life, as when Confucius said, "The man who in the view of gain thinks of righteousness ; who in the view of danger is prepared to give up his destiny ; and who does not forget an old agreement however far back it extends ; — such a man may be reckoned a complete man." The gift of destiny to all men launches them in existence withi equal advantages, but the cares and temptations or the world affecting them in different ways soon pro:. duce variety. It is only a superior man who can ar- rive at the knowledge of his own destiny ; but having done so, he can arrive at the knowledge of the destiny of men and things. For things have destinies as well as men, but, unlike men, they are unable to con- trol their destinies. " If my principles," said Con- fucius, "are to advance, it is their destiny. If they are to fall to the ground, it is their destiny." ^ Sometimes destiny is used as meaning only com- mand or appointment. As when we are told that Woo Wang received his destiny to the throne in his old age.^ But destiny in its true sense is to Heaven what nature is to man. That which Heaven gives is destiny, and that which man receives is nature. Na- ture, seen in the affairs of life and in things, is right Lun yu, vi. 2. ' Lun yu, xiv. 38. ' Chung yung, xviii. 3. HEAVEN. 77 principle. Only the man who has exhausted right principles and given full development to nature, can understand the deep and unintermitting destinies of Heaven. It was to this pitch that Confucius says he arrived when he was fifty years of age. The same Heaven who is the bestower of destiny IS also the creator of all things. By its power all creation grows and flourishes, and under its influence human beings and things arrive at perfection. It is the subtle, ethereal fire which dwells in the highest heaven,! and yet humbles itself to behold the things which are upon earth. With perfect impartiality and infinite spiritual wisdom it watches over the happiness and the sufferings of the people, and the excellences and wrongs of kings and governors. Nothing passes unheard or unseen by it, though it neither hearkens nor looks. No darkness conceals from its view, and no privacy hides from its knowledge.^ By Heaven the virtuous are rewarded and the guilty are punished. Kings rule by its sufferance, and are deposed by its decree. "Moved with indignation at the crime of King Show, Great Heaven," we are told in the Shoc- king, "charged King Wan to display its majesty, and to destroy the t)rrant.'' Out of love for the people Heaven appoints rulers to protect and instruct them, that they may assist Shang-te in securing the tranquillity of the four quarters of the world. Heaven is unpitying, as when it sent down ruin on Yin, and brought to naught the dynasty of Hea. * Its favour ' Yih king. K'een kwa. " Shoo king. Shoo ming. ' Shoo king. 7 8 CONFUCIANISM. is not easily preserved, neither is it to be trusted. Only by carefully following the heavenly way can its smiles be propitiated, and only by a sedulous per- formance of the five duties, and the ceremonies attaching to the social distinctions, which it has itself ordained, can its goodwill be secured. For those, however, who thus obey the dictates of their destiny and develop the ideal human nature, which is the heritage of all. Heaven has in store long life and riches and honour. But man is in one sense independent of Heaven, and the Sage is, as we have seen, the equal of Heaven. It has laid down certain laws which, if any man obey, he may claim as a right all the blessings which Heaven has to give. Prayer is unnecessary, because Heaven does not actively interfere with the soul of man. It has endowed him at his birth with goodness, which may, if he will, become his nature, and his true destiny may thus be realized. But all this is to be accomplished by his own efforts. In common with all created things, he forms part of Heaven, and by fulfill- ing his destiny he is able to assist the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and earth. ^ Even the length of his days is in his own hands, for it is not Heaven that cuts man's life short, but by the results of his own conduct it is brought to an end. Some few passages in the Confucian Analects and elsewhere seem to invest Heaven with more of the character of a personal god ; as, for example, when the warden at E said to the disciples, " Heaven is Chung yung, xxii. SPIRITS AND DEMONS. 79' going to use your master as an alarm-bell ; " or again when Confucius said, "While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K'wang do to me ? " But the preponderating evi- dence goes to show that Heaven is but the equivalent of Providence, which orders but does not direct. Dividing with Heaven the worship of men, and holding an intermediate position between the two, stand spirits and demons. History does not reach back to a time when these spirits of the air were not worshipped. Fuh-he, we are told, sacrificed to them, and the " Book of History " contains numberless references to them. The She-ke, or Historical Re- cord, says that in the beginning the spirits were the associates of men, and when Chow-kung intercedes for the life of his brother King Woo,. he addresses himself to the spirits of his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, and advances as a reason why his life should be taken rather than that of the king, that he possesses the qualities which fit him more espe- cially to wait on the spirits. This deification of deceased men was accepted as z, common belief.. Confucius, we are told, sacrificed to the dead as though they were present, and to the spirits as though they were before him. ^ But to sacrifice to the spirit of a stranger he looked upon as flattery. ^ The spirits, then, are interested only in those things which con- cern the welfare of their descendants on earth, and thus, while in the case of private individuals the spirits watch over their family affairs, the souls of Lun yu, iii. 12. ' Lun yu, ii. 24. So CONFUCIANISM. departed emperors are consulted in all matters i elat- ing to the duties of government devolving on their imperial representative. In the Shoo king we are told that the Emperor Shun, in announcing an im- portant decision, said, " I consulted and deliberated with all my ministers and people. The spirits signi- fied their assent, the tortoise and the grass (instru- ments of divination) having both concurred." All national events of importance are to this day announced by the emperor to the spirits. Dr. Legge, in his paper on " Confucianism in Relation to Chris- tianity," quotes a prayer addressed to the spirits by an emperor of the Ming dynasty (1538 a.d.), when about to make a slight change in the title by which Shang-te was addressed : " Beforehand we inform you, all ye celestial and all ye terrestrial spirits," he prayed, "and will trouble you on our behalf, to exert your spiritual influences, and display your vigorous efficacy communicating our poor desire to Shang-te, and praying him mercifully to grant us his acceptance and regard, and to be pleased with the title which we shall reverently present." This prayer was addressed not only to the ances- tral spirits, but to those of heaven and earth, of hills and rivers, and of land and grain, all of which require that offerings should be made to them. But they by no means accept sacrifice indiscriminately. Entire sincerity is required of them who approach the altar, and only the sacrifices of those who fulfil this condi- tion are accepted by them.^ " Of old," we are told Shoo king. SPIRITS AKD DEMONS. 8 1 in the Shoo king, " the earlier sovereign of the Hea dynasty cultivated earnestly their virtue, and then there were no calamities from Heaven. The spirits of the hills and rivers were likewise all in tran- quillity." To arrive at this state of harmony with the spirits should be the object of every one, for it is only by so doing that the good-will of Heaven can be obtained. " The King of Hea," says the Shoo king, "could not maintain the virtue of his predecessors unchanged, but contemned the spirits and oppressed the people. Wherefore Heaven no longer extended its protection to him ; but looked out among the myriad regions to give its .guidance to one who might receive its favour, fondly seeking a possessor of pure virtue, whom it might make lord over all the spirits." On the subject of spirits, as on all matters relating to heavenly beings, Confucius was reticent. His mind was wrapt up in the things of this earth, and he looked upon all such subjects as obscure and unprofitable.. That they were worthy of reverence he was ready to affirm, but he considered that constant reference to them was likely to lead to superstition. " Spirits are to be respected," he said, " but to be kept at a dis- tance;" and in reply to a question put to him as to serving the spirits, he answered, " While you are not able to serve men, how can you serve their spirits?" But though he was opposed to supersti- tious riieddling with spirits, he was yet fully conscious of their constant presence. "How abundant," he said, "is the capacity of spiritual beings. We look for them, but do not see them; we listen for them, but do not hear them: yet they enter G 8a CONFUCIANISM. into all things, and there is nothing without them. They cause the people of the empire to fast and purify themselves, and to array themselves in their richest dresses in order to attend at their sacri- fices. Then, like overflowing water, they seem to be over the heads and on the right and left of their worshippers." The worship of spirits, however, takes the shape rather of respectful recognition of their existence than of devotional address to a godhead. They have no power of themselves to influence the fates of men, and even in some cases men are placed as lords over them, but reverence or want of reverence to them is rewarded or punished by Heaven. Sometimes, however, as in the prayer quoted above, they act as intercessors between man and Shang-te, and in this way occupy a parallel position to the saints of the Roman calendar. But the highest object of worship among the ancient Chinese was Shang-te, who approached nearer to the idea of the Hebrew God than any of their divinities. Heaven was high and great, but Shang-te ruled both heaven and earth. It was by his favour that sove- reigns ruled and nations prospered, and it was at his decree that thrones were upset and kingdoms were brought to nought. As an earthly sovereign rules over a kingdom, so Shang-te lords it over the azure heaven l^ The worship of Shang-te is the most ancient, as well as the most sacred form of Chinese worship. During the feign of Hwang-te (2697 b.c.) a temple ' Kin koo t'oo shoo tseih ch'ing. Shin e teen. SHANG-TK 83 was erected to his honour, and a century later music was added to the rites performed at his altar. When the sovereign worshipped before him, he wore a fur dress and a crown, and offered up on a round hillock a first-born male as a whole burnt sacrifice. 1 It was to him that prayer was made in all great emergencies, and in the eyes of the Emperor and people he ap- peared as a personal God, directing their ways, sup- porting them in their difficulties, and chastising them for their faults. When T'ang the founder of the Shang dynasty (1766 b.c), overthrew the iniquitous Kee, the last ruler of the Hea dynasty, he defended himself from the charge of rebellion by making a proclamation, in which he said, " The sovereign of Hea was an offender, and as I fear Shang-te I dare not but punish him." Again speaking to his people he said, " The good in you I will not dare to conceal, and for the evil in me I will not dare to forgive myself; I will examine these things in harmony with the mind of Shang-te. " ^ T'ang's belief in the personal interference of Shang-te in the affairs of man is plainly stated when he says, " The ways of Shang-te are not invariable ; he showers down blessings on the good, and pours down miseries on the evil." ^ But as time went on the distinctive belief in the personality of Shang-te became obscured, and he was degraded from his supremacy to the level of the im- personal heaven. In fact, later commentators afiirm that Shang-te is Heaven, Azure Heaven, the Greatest Deity in the Purple Obscure Palace, the most honoured I ' Chow le. ' Shfio king. " Ditto. G 2 84 CONFUCIANISM. one of Heaven, — all of which titles give but a very imperfect idea of the position he held in the sight of Yaou and of Shun and of the ancient Sages. Unfortunately on this point also Confucius departed from the higher faith of his ancestors, and by sanc- tioning the worship of spirits, and omitting all mention of Shang-te, he reduced that deity to his position of one among the host of heaven. Once only does he speak of Shang-te, and then it was only to state the fact that "by the ceremonies of the sacrifices to heaven and earth the kings Wan and Woo served Shang-te, and by the ceremonies of the ancestral temple they sacrificed to their ancestors." This re- mark shows that Confucius perceived that the various religious rites practised by the ancients had for their object the worship of the one God, but he allowed this knowledge to remain sterile. He deduced nothing from it either to spiritualize his teachings or to elevate his practice. The example of the earthly course run by the ancient Sagfes was sufficient in his own case to lead him into the same paths of virtue, and he com- mitted the mistake of supposing that the same cause would produce a like effect in all men. Starting with the belief that all men are born equally good, there is more excuse for the adopting of such a doctrine by Confucius than can be advanced for many later philosophers who have practically held the same view. But even he admitted that the temptations of the world and the flesh were apt to sully the original purity of man, and his experiences at the different courts he visited should have taught him that headlong passions, vicious habits, and weak wills. SHANG-TE. 85 need some stronger corrective than the contempla- tion of the virtue of Yaou and the purity of Shun. In spite, however, of the silence of Confucius on the subject of Shang-te, his worship has been main- tained, not perhaps in its original purity, but with marks of reverence which place its object on the highest pinacle of the Chinese Pantheon. At the present day the Imperial worship of Shang-te on the round hillock to the south of the city of Peking is surrounded with all the solemnity of which such an occasion is capable. "The altar is a beautiful marble structure, ascended by 27 steps, and orna- mented by circular balustrades on each of its three terraces. On it is raised a magnificent triple-roofed circular structure, 99 feet in height, which constitutes the most conspicuous object in the tout ensemble. . . These structures are deeply enshrined in a thick cypress grove — ^reminding the visitor of the custom which formerly prevailed among the heathen nations of the Old Testament, and of the solemn shade which surrounded some celebrated temples of ancient Greece. On the day before the sacrifices the Emperor proceeds to the Hall of Fasting, on the west side of the south altar. Here he spends the night in watching and meditation, after first inspecting the offerings. The tablets to the Supreme Ruler of Heaven {i.e. Sbang-te), and to the Emperor's ancestors, are preserved in the chapel at the back of each altar. There are no images. Both these chapels are circular, and tiled with blue glazed porcelain . . . The south altar the most important of all Chinese religious structures, has the following dimensions. It consists of a triple 86 CONFUCIANISM. circular terrace, zio ft. wide at the base, 150 in the - middle, and 90 at the top. In these notice the multiples of three :3X3 = 9, 3x5 = 15, 3x7 = 21. The heights of the three terraces, upper, middle, and lower, are 5-72 feet, 6 '23 feet, and 5 feet respectively. At the time of sacrificing, the tablets to Heaven and to the Emperor's ancestors are placed on the top J they are 2 feet 5 inches long and 5 inches wide. The title is in gilt letters; that of Heaven faces the south, and those of the ancestors east and west. The Emperor, with his immediate suite, kneels in front of the tablet to Shang-te, and faces the north. The platform is laid with marble stones, forming nine concentric circles; the inner circle consists of nine stones, cut so as to fit with close edges round the central stone, which is a per- fect circle. Here the Emperor kneels, and is sur- rounded first by the circles of the terraces and their enclosing walls, and then by the circle of the horizon. He thus seems to himself and his court to be in the centre of the universe, and, turning to the north, assuming the attitude of a subject, he acknowledges in prayer and by his position that he is inferior to Heaven, and to Heaven alone. Round him on the pavement are the nine circles of as many heavens, consisting of nine stones, then eighteen, then twenty- seven, and so on in successive multiples of nine till the square of nine, the favourite number of Chinese philosophy, is reached in the outermost circle of eighty-one stones. ... As might be expected, careful distinctions are made in the sacrifices. The animals ordinarily used for food by the ancient THE SUPERIOR MAN. Sj Chinese, and the fruits of the earth known to -them, are almost all included. But productions recently introduced into the country are not offered. To Heaven alone is offered a piece of blue jade, cylin- drical in shape and a foot long, formerly used as a symbol of sovereignty. But the great distinguishing sign of superiority is the offering of a whole burnt sacrifice to Heaven. "^ Next to the Sage in the scale of Confucian humanity is the superior man, but unlike the Sage his distinctive characteristics were unrecognized un- til pointed out by Confucius. From the dawn of history we hear of Sages, but such a being as the superior man, as portrayed in the Four Books, finds no place in the Shoo king. Twice only does the expression occur as pointing to a separate order. Once we are told that " When a prince treats supe- rior men with familiarity, he cannot get them to give him all their hearts."^ And again, "The superior man will have no luxurious ease." * But it was left to Confucius to develop the superior man who forms a leading feature in the Confucian philosophy. The Sage was incapable of evil. Bom with a perfectly pure nature, he had but to follow the dictates of his will to walk in the paths of virtue. No temptations to evil assailed him, and no allurements led him aside. But the superior man was not so; he was subject to faults and failings which, though they were as transient as the eclipses of the sun and moon Peking, by the Rev. J. Edkins. ' Shoo-king, Leu-gaou. ' Shoo-king. Woo-yih. 88 CONFUCIANISM. were yet equally observable by all men.'^ He was en- dowed with no special grace by nature, but by care- fully perfecting the good originally implanted in him, his " way bedame identical with that of Heaven and earth and of all things," ^ and he arrived at the dig- nity of a superior man. Nine things he strove after : in seeing to see clearly, in hearing to hear distinctly, in expression to be be- nign, in his demeanour to be decorous, in speaking to be sincere, in his duties to be respectful, in doubt to inquire, in resentment to think of difficulties, when he saw an opportunity for gain to think of righteous- ness.^ Three things he avoided : in youth, when the physical powers are not settled, he avoided lust ; in manhood, when the physical powers are in full vigour, he avoided quarrelsomeness ; in old age, when the animal powers are decayed, he avoided covetousness.* The superior man was righteous in all his ways; his acts were guided by the laws of propriety, and were marked by strict sincerity.^ Being without reproach, he was also without fear, and having studied deeply, his mind was untroubled by doubt or mis- giving. Nothing put him out of countenance, for wisdom, humanity, and valour were his constant companions. Of the ordinances of Heaven, of great men, and of the words of Sages, he alone stood in respectful awe, and this not out of servility, but because he possessed sufficient knowledge to com- ' Lun yu, xix. 20. = Chung jrung, xii. 4,. ' Lun yu, xvi. 10. * Ibid. xvi. 7. ' Ibid. XV. 17. THE SUPERIOR MAN. 89 prehend the wisdom embodied in those powers. Mere eloquence had no effect upon him, and he was careless about the animal comforts of this life. He laughed at want, for his aims were directed towards " the heavenly way," not towards eating j and for the same reason wealth and poverty were not causes of anxiety to him. He loved to associate with those among his equals who were students and scholars, and sought to perfect his virtue by converse with his friends. He never hesitated to improve his knowledge by inquiry ; he studied the past and was acquainted with the present. He was exacting only of himself, and was distressed by his want of ability. The neglect of his contemporaries did not affect him, but the thought that he had so' failed in virtue as not to leave a name behind him troubled him greatly. Confucius even admitted that he had failed to reach the level of the superior man. " In the way of the superior man," he said, " there are four things to not one of which have I as yet attained : — To serve my father as I would require my son to serve me; to serve my elder brother as I would require my younger brother to serve me; to behave to a friend as I would require him to behave to me. Earnest in practising the ordinary virtues, and careful in speaking about them; if, in his con- duct, he has anything defective, the superior man dares not but exert himself; and if, in his words, he has any excess, he dares not allow himself such license. Thus his words have respect to his actions, and his actions have respect to his words; is it 90 CONFUCIANISM not complete sincerity which makes the superior man?"i Theisuperior man is constantly striving to improve himself, and thus Confucius compared him to a traveller who has to traverse every step of the way which leads him to his destination, or to a moun- taineer, who, in order to reach the top of the peak, has to start from the foot. In this way he made sure and steady progress, and was calm and quiet, patiently waiting for the appointments of Heaven. Mean men, on the contrary, love to walk in dan- gerous paths, and prefer to look for the occurrence of some lucky event rather than enjoy that happy confidence which is the portion of those who walk in the " heavenly way." If, however, at any time the feet of the superior man should slip, he acts like " the archer who, when he misses the centre of the target, turns round and seeks for the cause of failure in himself." When asked what constituted the superior man, Confucius said : " He cultivates himself so as to give rest to the people." The welfare of the people was the constant care of Confucius and his followers, and the main object of their philosophy was so to order themselves as by the force of their example to turn men from their evil ways and thoughts to the pursuit of virtue. Then we are told that a superior man was humble in his conduct, respectful to his superiors, kind in nourishing the people, and just in ordering them. He rarely quarrelled, but when he did, he ' Chung yung, xiii. THK SUPERIOR MAN. 9 1 maintained his character, and his hatred was directed only against those whose conduct made them worthy objects of disdain. He hated those who proclaim the evils of others. He hated those who, being in a low station, slander their superiors. He hated those who possess valour unbalanced by the observance of propriety. And he hated those who are forward and determined, and, at the same time, of contracted understanding. Such were some of the leading characteristics of the superior man, and, according to the teachings of Confucius, he occupied no unattainable level. The way to arrive at the position of a superior man was open to all, and the steps to be trodd-en were clearly marked out. What those steps were we will proceed to describe in the following chapter. 92 CONFUCIANISM. CHAPTER IV. THE TRAINING NECESSARY TO BECOME A "SUPERIOR MAN." The various stages of moral advancement which it is necessary to go through before the level of the supe- rior man can be reached are thus laid down in " The Great Learning :" — "The ancients . . . wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, first extended to the utmost their knowledge. Such extension of knowledge lay in the investigation of things. Things being investi- gated, knowledge became complete. Their know- ledge being complete, their thoughts were sincere. Their thoughts being sincere, their hearts were then rectified. Their hearts being rectified, their persons were cultivated. Their persons being cultivated, their families were regulated. Their families being regu- lated, their states were rightly governed. Their states being rightly governed, the whole empire was made tranquil and happy." To effect the tranquillity and happiness of the empire was the main object of the teaching of Con- fucius, and as this result can only be obtained through the agency of superior men, except on the rare occasions when sages appear on the stage, it follows that they form the centre figures in his THE COMPLETION OF KNOWLEDGE. 93 philosophy. Their progress is from the near to the far, and each step must be made sure of before any further advance may be attempted. A prince, says the Le ke, who wishes to transform his people must begin by learning. This is the foundation upon which the future edifice must be built. There are no royal roads to the acquisition of the " heavenly way." If a man has sumptuous viands laid before him and does not eat them, he does not know their lusciousness ; and if a man were to arrive at the " heavenly way " without learning, he would not understand its excellence.^ But a man can no more arrive at the " heavenly way '' without learning, than a gem can be turned to some use without being cut.!' No pursuit can be acquired, and no virtue can remain untainted, without learning. If a man does not learn to play in tune, he cannot harmonize the chords ; if he does not study metaphor, he cannot write poetry ; if he does not study the various colours of clothes, he cannot conform to the rules of propriety; if the arts are not flourishing, he cannot take pleasure in learning. Therefore a superior man treasures up learning, he improves, rests; and is satisfied;^ for to be fond of learning is to be near to knowledge.* Without it benevolence becomes folly, wisdom vague- ness, sincerity recklessness, straightf6rwardness rude- ness, boldness disorder, and firmness foolishness.^ But study must be pursued with discretion, and ' Le ke. ' Ibid. ' Ibid. * Chung yung, xx. 10. ' Luu yu, xvii. 8, 3 94 CONFUCIANISM. can no more be divorced from thought than thought can be from it. " Learning without thought," said Confucius, " is labour lost ; thought without learning is perilous." ^ The exercise of independent thought formed no part in the Confucian system. Complete wisdom was to be found only among the ancient sages, and it followed therefore that the truest means of acquiring the highest knowledge was by contem- plating the deeds and sayings of those worthies. By no mental endeavour could any man hope to surpass or even to equal the supreme wisdom of Yaou and of Shun, and his surest way of acquiring a trace of the divine afflatus must be by studying and meditating on their careers. " I have been the whole day," said Confucius, "without eating, and the whole night with- out sleeping, occupied with thinking. But it was of no use; The better plan is to learn." ^ The supreme object of learning should be truth, and incidentally self-improvement and the knowledge of one's own faults. These are best to be acquired, according to Confucius, by studying the conduct of the holy and just men of antiquity, "The Book of Odes," " The Rules of Propriety," and the " Book of Changes." Of this last he said, as quoted above : " If some years were added to my life, I would give fifty to the study of the Book of Changes, and then I might come to be without great faults." By study therefore a man should learn to recognize his faults and to expose the inequalities in his disposition, and then to clear the ground for an advance towards virtue. ' Lun yu, ii. 15. ' Ibid. xv. 30. THE COMPLETION OF KNOWLEDGE. 95 By the pursuit of learning knowledge may be completed, and thus a perfect understanding of the principles of things may be obtained. Such knowledge must be thorough, and must be arrived at by research. It should embrace all subjects, from the highest to the lowest. Confucius said that" at the age of fifty he knew the destinies of heaven. Heaven itself is also to be known ; and to know men was one of the Sage's definitions of knowledge, the want of which is a far greater cause for regret than being unknown by men. But a man should be quite certain what he knows and what he does not know. "Yew, shall I teach you what knowledge is?" said Confucius. " When you know a thing, to hold that you know it ; and when you do not know a thing, to allow that you do not know it ; — this is knowledge." Thus, as Chwang-tsze put it, a man ought to stand firm like a chair on four legs, all of which are strong and of even length ; but a man who is uncertain or imperfect in his knowledge, is like a chair which, having lost a leg, or which stands unevenly on its feet, is useless as a support. The study of history is a fruitful source of know- ledge. Confucius, according to Tze-kung, acquired his knowledge by the contemplation of the doctrines and conduct of kings Wan and Woo. The regula- tions of the Hea dynasty may be known, said Con- fucius, by studying those of the Yin dynasty. The regulations of the Yin may be known by studying those of the Chow, and the regulations of the Chow may be known by studying those of dynasties which follow after, even at the distance of a hundred ages. 96 CONFUCIANISM. But something more must be arrived at besides mere knowledge. " A man's knowledge," said Confucius, " may be sufficient to attain, but if he has not virtue enough to enable him to hold, he will lose whatever he may have gained. And even if his virtue should be sufficieiit to enable him to hold, if he should be unable to govern with dignity, the people will not respect him. Again, if his knowledge and virtue should be sufficient, and he should be able to govern with dignity, yet if he try to move the people con- trary to the rules of propriety, full excellence is not reached." But true knowledge should enable a man to distinguish between truth and falsehood, and to assimilate all that is good, and to. discard all that is, evil, in that which he learns. More than this, however, is required by him : he must love the truth as well as know it, and must delight in it as well as love it. Then he may be said to have completed himself, and all created things. This is the com- pletion of knowledge. By the completion of this true knowledge the thoughts and intentions of the heart become sincere. By this is meant, as we are told in "The Great Learning" (vi. r), "allowing no self-deception, as when we hate a bad smell, and as we love what is beautiful. This is called enjoyment in oneself. There- fore the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone." The thoughts or intentions are such as proceed out of the heart, and he who wishes to rectify his heart must first make his intentions sincere, just as a man whose house is entered by burglars first turns out the thieves and then looks SINCERITY OF INTENTION. 97 after the welfare of his family ; or as a farmer fiist weeds his land before putting in his seed.^ The character " E," meaning thought or intention, differs little in meaning, the commentators tell us, from "Tsing," desires, and "Che," the will. "E" is rather the incipient form of " Che." The man who wishes to be pleased or to be angry exercises his " E," but the man who is pleased or angry exer- cises his " Che."^ " Che " is, therefore, the positive form of " E," and it is all-important that it should be sincere. If a man's intentions are not settled, he is like a ship without a compass, or a horse without a bridle. But the intentions of man are as often fixed on what is evil as on what is good, and there- fore they should strive to arrive at the same inten- tions as those of E Yin, whose delight was in the Taou of Yaou and Shun,* or as the Shoo-king (Leu yaou) puts it, " the intentions should repose in what is right, and words should be listened to according to their relation to right." The wishes and inten tions of the heart must be directed only towards that which is right ; and if the will be set on virtue, there will be no practice of wickedness.* Nothing can lead astray a man whose will is fixed. " The com- mander of a large state," said Confucius, " may be carried off, but the will of even a common man cannot be taken from him."^ He may, however, yield to temptation and surrender his will, as, ac- cording to Confucius, did " Hwuy and Shaou-leen, ' Kin koo t'oo shoo tseih ch'ing. Heo- hing teen. » Ibid. ' Ibid. * Lun /u, iv. 4. ' Ibid. ix. 25. H 98 CONFUCIANISM. who surrendered their will and submitted to taint in their persons, but yet their words corresponded with reason, and their actions are such as men are anxious to see."^ But the surest foundation on which to estabUsh the will is learning. " At fifteen," said Confucius, " my mind was bent on learning. At thirty I stood firm. At forty I had no doubts. At fifty I knew the decrees of Heaven. At sixty my ear was an obedient organ for the reception of truth. And at seventy I could follow what my heart desired without transgressing what was right. "^ The combination of extensive learning and a will firmly and sincerely set on the paths of duty, will surely lead a man forward in the course of virtue. Having completed his knowledge, he is able to arrive at a distinct appreciation of truth j and having bent his mind earnestly on the pursuit of truth, he is on the high way to rectify his heart. Though not taking so pronounced a view of the wickedness of the heart of man as the Psalmist, Confucianists hold that "it is restless and prone to err, and that its affinity for the right way is small."^ For out of it proceed pleasure, anger, sorrow, and joy,* all of which, when not kept under proper con- trol, are apt to disturb the harmony which should reign in the mind of the superior man. These evil passions have been likened by Choo He to the mud which lies at the bottom of a tub, leaving the water on the surface clear and bright ; but when temptations ' Lun yu, xviii. 8. ' Ibid. ii. 4. ' Shoo-king, Ta Yu mow. * Chung yung, i. 4. THE RECTIFICATION OF THE HEART. 99 arise which stir them, up then the whole body of water becomes turbid and impure. Thus we are told in the Shoo-king that the officers of Yin, in the con- fidence of their prideful extravagance, extinguished their sense of righteousness and displayed before men the beauty of their robes, proud, licentious, arrogant and boastful : the natural result was that they should end in being thoroughly bad. And though their lost hearts have been in a measure recovered it is difficult to keep them under propef restraint. ^ Or, as it is said in " The Great Learning," if a man be under the influence of passion he will be incorrect in his conduct. He will be the same if he is under the influence of terror, or under the influence of fond regard, or under that of sorrow and distress. When the mind (heart) is not present, we look and do not see, we hear and do not understand, we eat and do not know the taste of what we eat. ^ The remedy against these disturbing causes is to follow out the true line of conduct, ^ as pointed out by knowledge, and the way to which should have been previously cleared by making sincere the thoughts and intentions of the heart. But, above all things, virtue must be true virtue, for then only will the heart be at ease. The least admixture of hypocrisy will but add trouble to trouble, and stupidity to stupidity.* But the man who orders his affairs with righteousness, and his heart with pro- priety, will not only be advantaged in this life, but ' Shoo-king, Peih miag. Ta heo, vii. 12. ' Shop-king, P\yan kang. * Shoo-king, Chow kwan. H 2 lOO , CONrUCIANISM. will transmit a grand example to posterity.^ That temporal blessings flow from the exercise of virtue is an article of faith which is found everywhere in the old Confucian works. The Book of Odes points at the outward propriety of king Wan as the natural result of his maintaining in his heart a profound devotion to his duties,^ and the blessings which accompanied his reign to his having watchfully and reverently served God with complete intelligence.^ In his case, as in the case of every superior man, "riches adorned his house and virtue his person. His heart was expanded and his body was at ease."'* But the issues of the heart find their expression in the affections and desires, and it is therefore neces- sary that these should be set on what is right A man who is ripening for a superior man will then love learning, for out of it come the springs* of knowledge. But, above all things, his heart will be set on virtue, for with this there is nothing which can be compared.^ He will love also righteousness, propriety, and good faith. And if these ends be pursued in perfect sincerity, and with a mind free from the alloy of self-deception or b)-pocrisy, it may be said that the heart of such a one is rectified. The next step in the gradual advance towards perfection is the cultivation of the person. This is a grand turning point in the Confucian " way," and from it a new departure is taken. Up to this stage ' Shoo-king, Chung hwuy che kaou. ' She king, Odes of Yung. ' She king, Ta ya. * Ta heo, vi. 4. ' Lun yu, iv. 6, I. THE CULTIVATION OF THE PERSON. lOI the individual has been busy only with his own im- provement j but the cultivation of the person influences primarily those around him, and ultimately the whole empire. Every one, therefore, should carefully cultivate his person, having a due regard for others besides himself,^ and more especially is this the case with a sovereign, who, by cultivating his person with sincere virtue, brings all his subjects into harmonious concord with himself.^ The cultivation of the person must begin with introspection. Each man must carefully guard his words and watch his conduct. He must fly all that is base and disquieting, and must take benevolence as his dwelling-place, right- eousness as his road, propriety as his garment, wisdom as his lamp, and faithfulness as his chariri.^ Confucius said that dignity, reverence, loyalty, and faithfulness made up the qualities of a cultivated man. His dignity separates him from the crowd : being reverent, he is beloved ; being loyal, he is submitted to ; and being faithful, he is trusted. But all these qualities naturally find expression in words and conduct, and it is to the perfecting of these, therefore, that men must primarily give their attention. They must be earnest in what they are doing, and careful in their speech j* and, above allj things, their conduct must agree with their words; for if their conduct excels their words, wisdom will not be found in their utterances ; and if their words excel their conduct, they will commit an irreparable Shoo-king, Kaou-yaou mow. ^ Shoo-king, T'ae kea Lew Heang, Shwo yuen. ' Lun yu, i. 14. 102 CONFUCIANISM. injury on righteousness.! Words, and conduct, though the outcome of the individual, spread in their effects far and wide among the people. They are the sources of influence to the superior man, and when manifested, rule over glory and shame. ^ By his words, said Confucius, the superior man directs men, and by his conduct he warns them. But in order that he may do this, his words must be sincere* and carefully weighed. He must be cautious and slow in his speech,* which must always be to the point, and such as is appropriate to the occasion. " Confucius," we are told, " in his village, looked simple and sincere, and as if he were one who was not able to speak. When he was in the prince's ancestral temple, or in the court, he spoke minutely on every point, but cautiously. When he was waiting at court, in speaking with the officers ot the lower grade, he spoke freely, but in a straight- forward manner ; in speaking with the officers of the higher grade, he did so blandly, but precisely."* Quoting from the Shoo-king, Confucius said . "Fine, words and an insinuating appearance are seldom associated with true virtue."* Where virtue is, there will be corresponding words ; but it by no means follows that virtue Is -the invariable con comitant of plausible"' speech. Confucius began life,' he tells us, by judging of men's character by their words, but afterwards he weighed their words by the -i;:,. . ' Lew Heang, Shwo yuen. ' Yih-king, He tsze. ' Lun yu, i. 14. Ibid. xii. 3, 2. Mbid. X. I. - • Ibid. i. 3. THE CULTIVATION OF THE PERSON. I03 light of their conduct.^ But words are not to be demised, for it is by them that we learn to know men, and the utterances of the superior man are examples for all ages. It is a shame to a superior man when his conduct is not in accord "with his words. ^ Complete sincerity and scrupulous care should characterize both. He should be forbearing, gentle, and forgiving.^ "Is there one word," asked Tsze-kung, " which may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life? The master said. Is not reciprocity such a word ? What you do not want done to yourself, do not do to others."* But, practically, Confucius converted this negative into a positive form when he said : " In the way of the superior man there are four things, to none of which have I as yet attained — To serve my father as I would require my son to serve mej to serve my prince as I would require my minister to serve me ; to serve my elder brother as I would require my younger brother to serve me; and to offer first to friends what one requires of them."^ If the conduct of a man is sincere, it will be but the outward and visible sign of the virtue which is Ln him. Above all things, it is necessary that' a nian. should possess virtue. It must be cultivated, cherished, improved, and firmly grasped, for without it the highest careers must fail, and the proudest ruler must be brought low.® It is powerful enough ' Lun yu, v. 9, 2. ' Le ke. ' Chung yung, x. 3. ' Lun yu, xv. 23. ' Chung yung, xiii. 4. ' Lun yu, xiii. 22. 104 CONFUCIANISM. to move heaven, and there is no distance to which it does not reach.^ The report of Shun's mysterious virtue, says the Shoo-king, was heard on high, and he was appointed to occupy the imperial seat. But virtue is even more powerful than this, for it places its possessor on a level with the deity, as T'ang, through being always zealous in the reverent cultivation of his virtue, was the fellow of God.'* Firiply convinced that the virtue of a sovereign, like that of Kaou-Yaou, descends upon the people as rain or dew upon the earth, fertilizing the soil of their hearts by his gracious example, Confucianists hold that the government of a country is a test of the virtue of the king.* Let but his virtue be daily renewed, and not only the people of the empire but the subjects of all the neighbouring states will love him ; but, on the other hand, should he be full of his own will, he will be abandoned by even the nine classes of his kindred.* Thus the prince who rules by means of it is like the north polar star, which keeps its place, and all the stars turn towards it.' The wild tribes on all sides willingly acknow- ledge their subjection to him,^ and his throne will be established in wisdom, for he who practises virtue is not left to stand alone,'' but has always at his command the services of the wisest men in the empire.* ' Shoo-king, Ta Yu mow. ' Shoo-king, T'ae kea. ' Shoo-king, Ta Yu mow. * Shoo-king, Yu kung. ' Lun yu, ii. I. ' Shoo-king, Leu gaou. ' Lun yu, 4. Shoo-king, Kaou yaou mow. VIRTUE. TOS Virtue is the first principle of man's nature, and joy is the effulgence of virtue, says the Le ke. But virtue conforms to no invariable model, and is neces- sarily limited by the capabilities for good possessed by each individual.^ Confucius described it as con- sisting of knowledge, humanity, and valour j^ and on another occasion he said, " Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles, and follow after righteous- ness ; this is the way to exalt virtue."* But fortu- nately for all who desire to seek it, though it is very lofl:y, it is also very humble. Confucius himself declared that he dare not rank himself with the Sage and the man of complete virtue, but the standard which he set before himself was " the highest point of virtuous action," such as actuated T'ae-pih, the eldest son of King T'ae, who " thrice declined the empire, and the people in ignorance of his motives could not express their approbation of his conduct."* On the other hand, it may be described as doing one's duty. In the time in which Confucius lived virtue was at a low ebb. The practice of it was rare, and love for it was well-nigh extinct,^ except among those "weak brethren," "the good careful people of the villages, who are the thieves of virtue."^ But to any one who is really in earnest in his pursuit of virtue it is not -far to seek, and when it is found it is a treasure of great price. It is better than ' Shoo-king, Heen yew yih tih. ' Chung yung, xx. 8. ' Lun yu, xii. 10, i. ' Ibid. viil. I. ■■' Ibid. xv. 12 ; xvii. 13. « Ibid. XV. 8. ib6 CONFUCIANISM. life, and riches and honour are not to be compared with it. It gives rest to the heart, and places its possessor above the cares of this life, with its appe- tites and lusts. It is silent in its operation, and needs no herald to announce its presence. "The doings of supreme heaven have neither sound nor smell. This is perfect virtue. "^ The prominence given by Confucius to valour as a component part of virtue is evidence of the position he holds rather as a politician than as a moral philosopher. His leading idea was the preservation of the State. To this all his teachings tend, and those qualities therefore which might be expected to lead to this end are naturally estimated by him at a high value. Not that his idea of valour was confined only to mere physical courage. On the contrary, he laid great stress on the moral courage which enables a man to . throw aside his faults and failings, and to declare plainly in the face of temptations and ridicule that he is seeking after righteousness. "To go on the water and face dragons," said he, " is the valour of the. fisherman ; to hunt on land, and not avoid rhino- ceroses and tigers, is the valour of the huntsman ; to face encounters with deadly weapons, aiid to regard death as life, is the valour- of the soldier; but to recognize that poverty comes by the ordinance of Heaven, and that there is a tide in the affairs of men, and in the face of difficulty not to fear, is the valour of the sage."^ The highest kind of valour is that, therefore, which ' Chung yung, xxxiil. 6. Kung-lsze, Kea yu. VALOUR. ' 107 is accompanied by knowledge; and this kind was conspicuously displayed by Confucius when he .and his followers were attacked by overwheliriing numbers at Kwang. In reply to the expres- sions of alarm fot his safety uttered by his fol- lowers, he said, " After the death of King WaUj was not the cause of truth lodged in me ? If Heaven had wished to let this cause perish, then I should not have been placed in this relation to it. While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people of Kwang do to me?" When the country is at peace, says the Le ke, valour is utilized in establishing propriety and righteousness, and when the country is disturbed it is eniployed in fighting and overcoming. Thus valour may and should be used at all times, for if not employed it induces men to be unruly and rebellious.^ For valour which is not kept in bounds by reason ends in disorder and licentiousness -^ men's hearts are then "taken captive by their eyes and ears." They seek after action, and fall victims to the first evil counsellor they meet, or the first gust of passion which assails them. But the truly brave man must be righteous and benevolent; he must act up to ■ what he believes to be right f and must be calm in face of adversity. It has been said, that it requires greater courage in a soldier to run away in battle than to face the enemy, and Confucius seems to have been of this opinion, for Le ke. ' Lun yu, xvii. 23. ' Ibid. ii. 24. Io8 CONFUCIANISM. he says, To possess the feeling of shame is akin to valour.^ According to Confucius, benevolence is a leading characteristic of perfect virtue, for it is the root oi righteousness,^ inasmuch as it is the complete virtue of the original heart. By it all relations of society are maintained. The superior man, who is the em- bodiment of benevolence, cherishes the people by means of it,^ and it finds its highest development in the attachment of relatives.* But it extends its humanizing influences beyond the circle of friends, and outside the relations existing between governors and those they govern. The whole human race should be the recipients of it, and as Han Fei-tsze says, benevolence is to love men out of a sincere heart gladly, or, as Confucius said, benevolence is to love all men. The great enemy with which benevolence has naturally to contend is selfishness. It is difficult to be benevolent in the midst Of selfish desires, says the Le ke, but at the same time it may be used as a lever by which covetousness may be overcome. But it is plain that true benevolence cannot exist side by side with selfishness ; for just as matured benignity is the root, and respectful earnestness is the ground of benevolence, so is noble-minded generosity the result of it.^ Self must be conquered before a man can be truly benevolent. Dignity, said Confucius, is near to propriety, moderation to benevolence, and faithful- ness to love. ' Chung yung, xx. lo. ' Le ke. ' Yih king. K'een kwa. * Chung yung, xx. 5. " Leke. BENEVOLENCE. 1 09 But benevolence should be exercised with discre- tion, and should not be only the result of the impulses of the moment. " If a benevolent man," asked a disciple of Confucius, " should be told that there is a man in the well, I suppose he will go in after him ? " " Why should he ? " answered the Sage. " A superior man may be induced to go to the well, but he cannot be made to go down into it. He may be imposed upon, but he cannot be befooled."^ But though benevolence is nigh to all who seek after it, there are instances in which superior men have been lacking in it ; but on the contrary, no mean man was ever known to possess it.^ But to superior men, as a rule, its possession is beyond measure valuable. On no occasion will they act contrary to it. In moments of haste they cleave to it, and in seasons of danger they cling to it* The opposing front which selfishness shows to benevolence makes it, however, difficult for the scholar to practise that virtue. Selfishness is a heavy weight upon him, and is one from which the grave alone releases him.* But sufficient for their need is the strength of all who really strive after benevolence. Unfortunately, selfishness is more powerful in most men's minds than benevolence, and few shake off that which sits so lightly on them for that which is so difficult to bear. "Benevolence," said Confucius, " is more to man than either water or fire. And yet, though I have seen men die from treading on water and fire, I have never seen a man ' Lun yn, vi. 24. ' Ibid. xiv. 7. ' Ibid. iv. 5, 3. * Ibid. viii. a. I 10 CONFUCIANISM, die from treading the course of benevolence."' But some men struggle to attain it, and yet fail in the pur- suit. Even Confucius declined to rank himself as a perfectly benevolent man.^ There are, however, various degrees of benevolence. There is -the benevolence of the sage, there is the benevolence of the wise man, there is the benevolence of the virtuous man, and there is the benevolence of a hypocrite. Benevolence enables the sage to know heaven and to use the seasons, to know earth and to use its wealth, to know man and to pacify and please him. But the benevolent hypocrite is only outwardly, moderate and ceremonially clean. When disorder arises, he is unable to regulate it, and he does nothing to rectify vice and backslidings. Though he live in the village lane, he is as if sitting in mire and char-' coal. When ordered to appear at court, he professes himself ready to go through fire and water. But ,he gives employment to none but his own people, and won't taste any but his own food. He disturbs the age, and thinks lightly of death. His brothers he; neglects, and all his schemes turn out ill-omened. Such is a hypocrite's benevolence ; but, on the other, hand, " if the will be set on (true) benevolence, there will be no practice of wickedness." ^ But rightly to understand all that Confucius meant , by benevolence, we must consider the different quali- ties which he taught were embraced in that virtue. These were reciprocity, loyalty, reverence, and faith. The first two being so. nearly allied are always treated ' Lun yu, vii. 33. ' Ibid. iv. 4. LOYALTY, III together by Chinese philosophers. Reciprocity, they say, is bom of loyalty ; and, again, loyalty is the root and reciprocity is the branch ; loyalty is the substance, reciprocity the shadow.^ In explaining what he meant by reciprocity, Confucius found it easier to describe it by showing what is not reciprocity. As when a sovereign who is incapable of transacting business expects his ministers to serve him ; a man who is in- capable of filial piety expects his son to acknowledge his indebtedness to him ; a brother who is incapable of respect expects his younger brother to show him deference. These severally do not display recipro- city.^ To put oneself in the place of another is reciprocity, and to devote oneself entirely is loyalty.^ To devote oneself entirely to the performance of one's duties, said Confucius, is loyalty, and thus this virtue enters into every relation of life. There is no position in which this self-sacrificing devotion may not be displayed, but the term more especially applies to the higher kinds of devotion, notably patriotism. But ministers should serve their prince loyally,* people their sovereign,^ and even kings their subjects.^ Men should loyally discharge their duties to their fellow- men,7 and friends should loyally admonish one another in times of difficulty and temptation.^ But there is a limit to this last display of loyalty. " Loyally ad- monish your friend, and kindly try to lead him," said ' Sing le. ' Kung-tsze kea yu. ^ Kung-tszs kea yu. * Luri yu, iii. 19. " Ibid. ii. 20. ' Chung yung, XX. 14. ' Lun yu, i. 4. ' Ibid. xii. 23. 1 1 2 CONFUCIANISM. Confucius. " If, however, you find him impracticable, stop. Do not disgrace yourself." But the great end of loyalty should be to benefit the object of it. "Can there be loyalty which does not lead to the instruction of its object ?"i remarked Confucius; and thus it is doubly blessed, blessing both him that gives and him that takes. Though we are told in the Kung-tsze kea yu that loyalty is akin to sincerity, it is not always the sign of perfect virtue. For instance, we find Tsze- chang asking: "The minister Tsze-wan thrice took office and manifested no joy in his countenance, and as often retired from office without showing any dis- pleasure. He also made it a point to inform the new minister of the way in which he had conducted the government. What do you say of him ? " The Master replied, " He was loyal." " Was he perfectly virtuous?" again inquired the disciple. "I do not know," said the Sage. " How can he be pronounced perfectly virtuous ?"2 But though loyalty may exist without perfect virtue, perfect virtue cannot exist without loyalty. Without it patriotism would cease to exist, and every high and noble deed would be marred by the obtrusion of self-interest, of which loyalty is the abnegation. Much as loyalty is allied to reciprocity, so is dignity akin to reverence. It is the outward display of the reverence which finds its home in the heart It is by reverence that the superior man preserves internal rectitude, and by righteousness that he maintains an outward regularity of conduct.* As we might expect Lun yu, xiv. 8. ' Ibid. v. i8. ' Yih king. K'wan kwa. to learn from Confucius, reverence finds its highest employment in paying dutiful respect to one's parents. Not the mere perfunctory observance of the ordinary duties, " for dogs and horses are able to do something in this way,"i but with true reverence, as to the author of one's being, to serve and obey them. Next to parents, all superiors should be the objects of rever- ence. Ministers should reverently discharge their duties to their prince, and even the sovereign finds a superior in heaven to which his attitude should be reverent. " Heaven,'' says the Shoo-king, " hears and sees as our people hear and see ; Heaven highly ap- proves and displays its terrors as our people approve and would awe — such a connection there is between the upper and lower worlds. How reverent ought the master of the earth to be."^ But he should also approach his duties as a ruler with reverent solicitude. "In my relations to the millions of the people," said T'ai-k'ang, "I should feel as much anxiety as if I were driving six horses with rotten reins. How reverent ought the ruler of men to beV''^ But this reverence must be reciprocal, and to a certain extent conditional. A sovereign may only claini the rever- ence of his subjects when he rules them with gravity ajid propriety, in which case it becomes his due ; but he forfeits all right to it when he ceases to be a minister of God for good. The spirits also are fitting objects of reverence, though Confucius, with his intuitive dislike of the Lun yu, ii. 7. ' Shoo-king. Kaou-vaou mow, ' Shoo-king. Woo-tsze che ko. ' I 114 CONFUCIANISM. supernatural, recommended all wise men, while show- ing them respect, to keep aloof from them.^ And lastly, reverence is due from man to man. " Let the superior man never fail reverently to order his con- duct, and let him be respectful to others, and obser- vant of propriety, then all within the four seas will be his brethren." All the qualities mentioned above find their com- plement in faithfulness. Without it- they are nothing worth, and must degenerate into hollow hypocrisies. Faithfulness is the foundation of conduct,^ and is as necessary to truly virtuous conduct as a boat is to a man wishing to cross a river, or as oars are to a boat. A man may wish to be good, but if he has not estab- lished his conduct by faithfulness, he is like a man without a boat, or a boat without oars.^ With such faithfulness the learned should clothe themselves as with armour.* " Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles," ^ said Confucius ; and the earnestness with which he insists on this, repeating the same in- juiiction over and over again, is a point in his teach- ing which is well worthy of admiration. " I do not know," said lie, " how a man is to get on without fa,ithfulness. How can a carriage be made to go with- out the cross-bar for yoking the oxen to, or a small carriage without the arrangement for yoking the horses ? "^ And if faithfulness is so ^sential among men 1 Lun yu, vi. 20 ; xii. S, 4. ' Sin lun. 3 Sin lun. • Leke. ' r,un yu, ix. 24. » Ibid. ii. 22. FAITHFULNESS. II5 generally, more especially is it so between friends and between the' governed and the governors. The philo- sopher Tsang said that he examined himself daily to inquire whether he had been faithful to his friends,^ and even more important is it that rulers should act faithfully towards their subjects. The word of a sovereign must instantly pass as true coin among his people^ or they will cease to reverence him, and will turn with contempt from his instructions. " To rule ; a country of a thousand chariots," said Confucius, " there must be reverent attention to business, and faithfulness, economy in expenditure, and love for the people." By faithfulness in the above sense, Confucius meant sincerity, but in one or two passages in Confucian literature there seems to be a higher meaning attached to it, which would seem to imply a faith in 'a superin- tending providence. "When a man does not seek after that which he desires," says the Le-ke, "and yet obtains it, he exercises faith." And again Mencius says : "If a superior man has not faith, how can he take a firm hold on things ? " But these exceptions are overborne by the weight of every other reference, which point conclusively to the propriety of trans- lating the word Sin by faithfulness rather than by faith. The man who has developed all these virtues, and thus has cultivated his person, is considered competent to rule a family. In the family, Confucius recognized the concentration of those relations which ' Lun yu, i. 4. I 2 tie coNinrciANisM. exist in the State. The same virtues are required in the head of the family as in the ruler of a kingdom, a:nd the same respectful reverence should be paid by . the children to the father as is due from the subjects to the sovereign. ' A man, therefore, who can rule a family can govern a state. As master of a household he is the representative of Heaven, and the prototype of sovereigns. " Heaven and earth existing," says the Yih king, " all things exist ; all things existing, then male and female exist ; male and femaleexisting, then the relation of husband and wife exists ; from the existence of man and wife follows the relation of father and son ; father and son existing, then prince and minister exist ; prince and minister ex:isting, then upper and lower classes; upper and lower classes existing, decorum and propriety are interchanged. "^ "It is not possible," said Confucius in the "Great Learning," "for a man to teach others who cannot teach his own family. Therefore a ruler, without going beyond his family, completes the lessons for the State. There' is filial piety ; therewith the sovereign should be served. There is fraternal submission, with which the elders and superiors ■ should be served. There is kindness, with which the multitude should be treated. . . . From the loving example of one family the whole State becomes loving; and from its courtesies, the whole State becomes courteous; while, from the ambition and perverseness of one man, the whole State may be led to rebellious dis- order — stich is the nature of influence." This verifies ' Yih king. Seu kwa chuen. GOVERNMENT OF THE FAMILY. I-T7 the, saying: "Affairs may be ruined by a single sen- tence; a kingdom _ may be settled by one man. Yaou and Shun led on the people by benevolence, and .the people ifoilowed them. KeS and Shoiy led •on the empire with violence, and the people .fpUowed them. The orders which these issued were contrary to the practice which they loved, and so the people did not obey them. . On this account the ruler must himself be possessed of the good qualities, and then he may require them in the people. . . . Thus we see how the government of the State depends on the regulation of the famUy," : ■ In the Book of Poetry it is said: "Thatpeaqh- tree, so delicate and elegant ! How lu?curiant is its foliage! This girl is going to her husband's house- She will rightly .order her household." Let the household be rightly ordered, and then the people of the State may be taught. In the Book of Poetry ,it is also said: "They can discharge their, duties to their elder brothers. >They can discharge their duties to their younger brothers." L,et the ruler, discharge his duties to his elder and youpger brothers, and thep he may teach the people of the State; ,; .. ,, Again, in the Book of Poetry , it jis. written :" In .his deportment there is nothing, wrong,; he rectifies all the people. of the State;" Yes, whe?^ tji^ .ruler, .as a farther, a .son, and a brother is a ni()del);;then the people imitate him. ,. , . , . ,,(,; j,;;, , . ,; j; ; We have a,lready considered, the, ej^cell.enciesyijhich should distinguish the superior ,,map, and , by the exercise of which he should rule his household, and it now therefore ,pnly remams for us to review the Il8 CONFUCIANISM. virtue which should be displayed by his family in their relation towards him. And the first of all virtues, whether in a son or in a subject, is filial piety. It is this which distinguishes man from brutes ; it is this which recognizes the true relation between child and parent, between father and heaven ; and it is by the exercise of this, therefore, that the harmony of the universe is preserved. This idea was not origi- nated by Confucius, it had obtained a firm hold of the national mind many centuries before his time. "As an example of love," said E-yin to King Ching, " it is for you to love your elders ; and as an example of respect, it is for you to respect your relations. The commencement is in the family and State ; the consummation is in the empire." ^ Again, King Chirig, addressing his minister, said : " Fung, such chief criminals (as you have described) are greatly to be. abhorred, but how much more detestable are the unfilial and unbrotherly. As, for example, the son who does not reverently discharge his duty to his father, but greatly wounds his father's heart, causing him thereby to hate himj or the younger brother who is neglectful of the manifest will of Heaven, and refuses to respect his elder brother, so that his elder brother does not think of the toil of his parents in bringing him up, and is unbrotherly to his junior. If we who are charged with the government do not treat persons who proceed to such wickedness as offenders, the laws of our nature bestowed by Heaven on our people will be thrown into disbrder or ' Shoo-king. E-heun. FILIAL PIETY. II9 destroyed. You must deal speedily with such per- sons according to the penal laws of King Wan (12th century B.C.), punishing severely and sparing- not." 1 The King Wan here referred to in the course of an address against the use of spirituous liquors, makes an exception in favour of those who show filial piety to their parents. " Ye people of the land of Mei," he said, "if you busily employ yourselves in culti- vating your millet, and hastening about it in the ser- vice of your fathers and elders, and if with your carts and oxen you traffic to a distance, that you niay be able filially to supply the wants of your parents ; then when 3-our parents are happy, you may set forth your spirits clear and strong and use them."^ Confucius was then acting the part of a transmitter when he said : " Filial piety and fraternal submission ! are they not the root of all henevolent actions P"^ ! ; But what does filial piety consist, in ? According to Confucius it consists in obedience; in serving one's parents when alive according, to propriety; in burying them when dead according, to propriety,; and in sacrificing to them according to. propriety.* These outlines are filled up in other places with most minute details as to the conduct of sons, which should be such as not to cause their pareAts any anxiety beyond that arising from their illnesses.^ During the lifetime of his parents a son should not go abroad; or if he do so, then to a fixed place. When at home, he should rise with the first cockj- ' Shoo-king. K'ang kaou. " Shoo-king. Tsew kaou. ^ Lun yu, i. 2, 2. ' Ibid. ii. S, 3. ' Ibid. ii. 6. I20 CONFUCIANISM. crow, and having washed and dressed himself care- fully should inquire what the wishes of his parents are as to the food they would eat and drink. He should not enter a room unless invited by his father, nor retire without permission; neither should he speak unless spoken to. When leaving the house, he should report himself, and on returning should make his presence known. He should be regular in his amusements, attentive to his calling, constant in speech, and avoiding all reference to old age.^ This last is a point strongly insisted upon, and every boy has held up to him as an example to be followed the conduct of Laou Lai-tsze, who, fearing that the recognition by his parents of the fact that he was seventy years old would remind them of their own great age, used to dress himself in a child's frock and play about the room like an infant ! The highest form of filial piety- is then that shown towards . parents, for whom every ■ dutiful son must entertain the deepest affection. This being so, it follows naturally that he will wait upon them with a gladsome countenance and a pleasing manner. Recognizing that his body is inherited from his parents, he wil'l love them as part of his own self, and will shrink as much from doing anything likely to bring discredit on them, as from anything calcu- lated to ruin his own good name. " Of all things," said Confucius, " which derive their natures from heaven and earth, man is the most noble; and of all the duties which are incumbent on him, there is none ' Le ke. FILIAL PIETY. 121 greater than filial obedience; nor in performing-this is there anything so essential as to reverence' one's father ; and as a mark of reverence there is nothing more important than to place him on an equality with heaven. Thus did the noble lord of Chow. Formerly he sacrificed on the round altar to the spirits of his remote ancestors, as equal with heaven; and in the open hall he sacrificed to Wan. Wang (his father) as equal with Shang-te." This is one of the innumerable passages which enjoin the duty of ancestral worship. Confucius was less emphatic on this point than many of the earlier sages of .whose teachings he described himself as being a transmitter, but the principle runs through the' whole of :the Confucian system, and is intimately bound up with it. Confucianism must . be torn up by the roots .before it will be logically possible for the Chinese to make light of a . duty which springs from one of the most generous instincts of the human heart, and which is bound up with everything that is good in thecoiv stitution of the Chinese commonwealth. -. But while it is incumbent on a son to obey. the wishes of his parents, it is also part of his duty to remonstrate with them should they act contrary to the rules of propriety. But any such remonstrances must be made humbly and with bated breath ; and should these on the first occasion fail to effect their object, they may be repeated three times. Beyond this a dutiful son will not press his reproofs, but will mourn in silence the obduracy of his parents. When sick- ness befalls them, he must not only double his atten- tions to them, but he should display his grief by 122 CONFUCIANISM. leaving his cap tassel uncombed, by not walking abroad, by abstaining from tasty food and choice wine, from playing music, and from loud laughter.^ At their death he must give them the obsequies befitting their rank,^ and since a son is " fostered by his parents for three years " ' he should mourn for them for the same period. And his respect should teach him to preserve the customs of his father for the same time. The sacrifices at the tombs should be provided with no niggard hand and should be offered with a full consciousness of the presence of the dead.^ But filial piety is due to others besides parents. It commands the minister to serve his prince loyally ; the Mandarin to perform the duties of his oifice reverently j the friend to be faithful to his friend ; and the soldier to be brave in battle.^ But it spreads even beyond this. " Every tree," says the Le-ke, " has its appointed time to perish, and every beast its appointed time to die, and he who cuts down a tree or kills an animal before their time is guilty of unfilial conduct."^ Viewing with such supreme importance the duty of filial piety, it is Only natural that the State should visit with condign punishment those who are guilty of any dereliction of it. The heaviest penalties of the law have always been exacted in such cases and the Peking Gazette of 1877 contains mention of five culprits, one of whom was a lunatic, who were sliced to death for the murder of their parents. ' Le ke. " Chung yung, xviii. 3. ' Lun yu, xvii. 21, 6. * Ibid. xix. 5. » Le ke. « Ibid. FILIAL PIETY. 1 23 " Filial piety," said Confucius, " is the beginning of virtue, and brotherly love is the sequel of virtue." One is the. natural consequence of the other, just as filial piety follows on the display of sympathy from the parents. It is brotherly love which unites mem- bers of a household together, and which with filial piety is thfe root of all benevolent actions. " Happy unions" says the Book of Poetry, "with wife and children is like the music of lutes and harps. And when there is concord among brethren the harmony is delightful' and enduring^" There is no friend like a brother. He springs from the, same source as yourself, and was nourished at the same breasts. These were the considerations which knit together the hearts of brethren "in the brave days of old." Then brothers loved to dwell together under the same roof, and to lie beside each mother in the sa,me tomb. But nowadays' Chinese ' moralists complain that the love for wife and children surpasses that between brethren. " I have heard," says a well- known writer, " of brothers living asunder, but I never see man and wife living apart." And yet how much more sacred should be the bond, forged by Heaven, which unites brothers, than., that which, being the work of man, binds together husband and wife.i The love which brother should bear to brother is second only to that which is due from children to parents. It consists in mutual, friend- ship, joyful harmony, and dutiful obedience on the part of the younger to the elder brother. ' Ta tae Le ke, and commentaries. 124 CONFUCIANISM. No Step in Jife should be takei;i by a younger son without first consulting with his father , and elder brothers, and in return for the sympathy and affec- tion shown him, he should open his whole heart unreservedly to them. In all things the younger must show deference to the elder brother, and must give way to him in everything, whether in speaking or in walking, in sitting down and rising up.. On the other hand, elder brothers must show a good example to their juniors. "The posterity of the Sage .'.Con- fucius, it is stated, are never known to • be angry ; and the posterity of Ts3.ng-tsze, one of the Sage's most distinguished disciples, are never , known to revile, others. "1 And this is as it should be, forjare not brothers of the same flesh and bpnes ; and is not, therefpre,, a slight put uppn a brother really a slight put .upon the parents ? ? The .very inferior position held by women in .China from time inimemorial deprives them of all right :to fraternal regard. A slayish submissip.n is a wpman's highest duty, and np fjetter description can ^be given of the varipus fates awaiting sons and daughter? than that quoted below, from the Book ^of Poetry, where the ppet forecasts th.^ future of King Seuen ■? — '.' Sdn&ishiall beiM's:?' His was not a spiritual religion, but was a species of Mysticism, begotten of heart-weariness at the -hopeless prospect he saw before him in his country, and of an ardent longing for that repose which he found it impossible to secure among men whose one object in life was to secure their own advantage at all hazards and in defiance of all right. For years he communed with his own heart, and was still ; but at last the spirit burned within him, and he gave vent to his heart-searching protest against the literalism, hypocrisy, formality, and scholasticism of his time. He had no compliments to exchange with men like Confucius, who paraded their virtue before the world, and boasted of the excellence of their words and deeds. In his eyes, " one pure act of internal resig- nation was more worth than a hundred thousand exercises of one's own will." And who will not say that he was right ? As has already been stated, Laou-tsze's was pri- marily a politico-ethical system. So he himself regarded it, and so it was treated by his immediate followers. But whether it was the outcome of a deeper speculative belief on the origin and nature of the universe, or whether it led up to it, we have scattered throughout the Taoti-tik-king evidence that Laou-tsze had established in his own mind a com- plete theory on the existence of the material world and the constitution of man. ' Chap. Ix. 214 TAOUISM. According to him, all existing beings came forth from Taou, the " abyss mother," the " mother of all things." In the beginning was Taou, and when as yet it was an abstraction, inexpressible in words, he regarded it as potential existence, or, as he expresses it elsewhere, as non-existence. " From this point of view it is imperceptible to man, and can be spoken of only negatively ; and so such terms as non-existence, the unlimited or infinite, the non-exerting, the matter- less, are the expressions used with reference to Taou so considered." ^ It is thus the equivalent of chaos, and is the beginning of heaven and earth. With this creation it passes from potential to actual exis- tence, and out of non-existence comes existence. But whether as potential or actual existence, it is yet Taou, and existence and non-existence are regarded as one, for though two phenominally, they are one nominally. Considered as potential existence, Taou is "empty," "calm," "void," "shapeless," and "im- material." " Above it is not bright, below it is not obscure. Boundless in its operation, it cannot be named. Returning it goes home into nothing. This I call the appearance of non-appearance, the form of nothingness. This is what baffles investigation." ^ It is invisible, inaudible, and unreachable. At the same time, it contains potentially all life, form, and sub- stance, and from it proceed all created things, the heaven above, the earth beneath, and all the inhabi- tants of the earth. But it does more than create. It watches over its ■Wi;tter's " Lao-tefi," p. 46. » Chap. xjv. THE TAOU TIH KING. 215 -offspring with the fondness of a parent. It enters into the life of each individual thing ; it penetrates the impenetrable ; it produces, nourishes, enlarges, feeds, completes, ripens, cherishes, and covers all things. It is the good man's glor}' and the bad man's hope.^ It exalts the humble and abases the pride of the lofty. It equalises the careers of men, taking from him who has a superabundance and giving to him who wants. ^ It blesses those who help others in ad- versity, and gives a double portion to those who supply the wants of the needy.* But though all- pervading, it works unseen ; though ever inactive, it leaves nothing undone. It is everything and nothing ; it is the smallest possible quantity and yet the whole. It is the unity of the universe, and as such supports, strengthens, and nourishes all created things. The first chapter of the Taou-tih-king tells us that " that which is nameless is the beginning of heaven and earth," and elsewhere we are let into the secret of the processes which led up to this creation. Taou produced one, the first great cause; one produced two, the male and female principles of nature ; two pro- duced three ; and three produced all things beginning with heaven and earth. Heaven is treated by Laou- tsze much in the same way as by Confucius, but with far more reserve. In the utterances of both teachers we find the word used to designate the material heaven as well as a personified heaven. Just as Confucius speaks of the Sage as being the ' Chap. Ixii. ' Ibid. Ixxvii. ^ Ibid. Ixxxi. 2l6 TAOUISM. eqnal of heaven, Laou-tsze says that he is the asso- ciate of heaven, and that he is heaven itself, i Heaven, also according- to him, gives laws to the earth just as it takes its law from Taou? It has no special love, but regards all existing beings as grass-dogs made for sacrificial rites, i.e., for temporary purposes. It is as unselfish as it is impartial, and because it does not aim at life it lasts long. It is great and compassionate, and is ever ready to become the saviour of men. But it is also the material heaven, and maintains its exist- tence by the " clearness " which is imparted to it by its unity with Taou. Earth is treated much in the same way. It is in- ferior to heaven both as a personality and as part of the material universe, but it is associated with heaven in its existence and in its relation to man. As the material earth it is preserved from the danger of falling to pieces by its unity with Taou. Next to issue fresh from the teaming womb of Taou were all created things, thus illustrating the eternal" law of constant alternation from strength to weakness and back again to strength, which is common to all nature. Existence and non-existence mutually ori- ginate each other ; so also difficulty and ease, long and short, high and low, treble and bass, before and after. ^ Man also, who in his life is supple and tender, in his death is rigid and strong. And so with all things. When shrubs and trees which in their life are weak and tender become withered and tough it is a sign of their decay. When the tree has become ' Chap. xvi. ' IbixL xxv, * Ibid. ii. THE TAOU TIH KING. 217 Strong it is cut down. Thus that which is strong is laid low, and that which is weak and tender is lifted up.^ The heavy is the root of the light. The still is the ruler of the moving.^ All things endure for a set time and then perish. Together they came into being, and to each is allotted a certain period of growth and maturity, but when the highest point of vigour has been reached it straightway becomes old and returns home to its root. " This is said to be a reversion to destiny." Empti- ness is the only thing which endures, and this is at the same time of the highest use. The space between heaven and earth, for example, may be likened to a pair of bellows, which though it is empty never col- lapses, and which the more it is exercised the more it brings forth. So also with the wheel of a carriage, or an earthen vessel, or the windows and doors of a house. In each case it is the non-existing or empty part which is useful. The spokes and nave of the wheel, the walls of the earthen vessel, and the frames of the doors and windows are advantageous, but the use of each depends on the part which is empty. " So then existence may be said to correspond to gain, but non-existence to use."^ When a thing is to be weakened it must first be strengthened ; when it is about to be brought low, it must first be raised up ; and that which is to be taken away from it must first be given to it.* In the superiority of non-existence over existence ' Chap. Ixxvi. " Ibid. xxvi. ^ Ibid. xi. * Ibid, xxxvi. 2l8 TAOUISM. lies the lesson which above all others Laou-tsze desired to impress on man. The great concern of all men "in all ages has been to take care of the things of the body and to neglect the cultivation of the inner man ; to seek after the gratification of sense, and to forget the importance of the soul. And what is the result ? The five colours which so delight the eyes not unfrequently produce blindness. The five sounds which so enchant the ear are often the cause of deafness. A man's palate which at first revels in the five tastes soon loses all sense of flavour. The pursuit of pleasure or of ambition is equally deceptive. Riding and hunting will drive a man mad, and things hard to procure bring evil upon their possessors. " Therefore the sage makes provision for the inner man and not for his eyes. He puts aside the one that he may take the other in hand."^ He remembers that rest is the lord of motion, and never allows him- self to depart from a state of quietude and gravity.^ Such is a sketch of the doctrine set forth by Laou- tsze in the Taou-tih-king. It is an old-world belief and finds many parallels in the eastern and western worlds. Thus it is interesting as showing that the contemplation of the same objects of supreme im- portance to man has been attended by the same results among the quick-witted Greeks, the subtle-minded Hindoos, and the prosaic Chinamen. We know so little of Laou-tsze's history that it is impossible to say whether or no he drew his inspiration directly from India. It is possible that he did, but whether this be ' Chap, xiL • Ibid. xxvi. THE TAOU TIH KING. 219 SO or not, the resemblance between the leading cha- racteristics of Hindoo mysticism and those of TaouiSm are sufficiently striking. When we are told that Hin- doo mysticism " lays claim to disinterested love, as opposed to a mercenary religion ; that it reacts against the ceremonial prescriptions and pedantic Uterature of the Vedas ; that it identifies, in its Pantheism, subject and object, worshipper and wor- shipped ; that it aims at ultimate absorption into the infinite j that it inculcates as the way to this dissolu- tion absolute passivity, withdrawal into the inmost self, and cessation of all the powers ; that it believes that eternity may thus be realized in time ; that it has its mythical miraculous pretensions, i.e., its the- urgic department";^ we see reflected as in a glass the various stages through which Taouism has passed from the time it was first conceived in the mind of Laou-tsze down to its latest superstitious develop- ments. To the many and gross evils which have grown out of his system, Laou-tsze gave no countenance whatever. His was no superstitious faith, but was an abstract belief in an infinite essence, and though it is true that his teachings have led to the pantheistic identification of the creature with the creator, and that some of his utterances have been held to countenance the systems of charms and elixirs which have disgraced the religion in later times,' yet the Taou-tih-king stands forth as an undeniable witness to prove that its author was singularly free from all taint of such superstitions, * Vaughan's " Hours with the Mystics." 220 TAOUISM. and that nothing could be more opposed to the humility and self-emptiness which he preached with all sincerity than his own apotheosis, nor to his hatred of deception than the magical arts of his degenerate followers. His system was transcendental, but it was pure, and in rules of general morality he fell behind no heathen philosopher which the world has seen, and he far surpassed them all when he communicated that maxim which has been one of the great glories of Christianity : " Recompense evil with good." TAOUISM. 321 CHAPTER IV. LEIH-TSZE AND CHWANG-TSZE. But the same fate which has overtaken the systems of the founders of all religions was speedily to befall the doctrines of Laou-tsze. No doctrine however pure, not even Christianity itself, has been able every- where to maintain its purity. After the disappearance of the founder whose personal influence serves to maintain the religious standard he has established, and to whom all questions arising on disputed points may be referred, there remain but the records of his deeds and words. How soon the study of these may give rise to disputations and heresies, let the history of Christianity bear testimony. But among the Taouists these never obtained any firm hold among the followers of Laou-tsze. He had shown forth no mighty deeds, he had shunned the centres of concourse, his life had not been marked by any supernatural manifestations, nor by any notable acts of either power or self-devotion, and of the manner of his death nothing is known. His was a life of retired meditation, and the direction which in his many years of seclusion his thoughts took was foreign to the preconceived ideas and tone of the national mind. His ideas also had to compete with 222 TAOUISM those of a formidable rival in the person of Confucius, who paraded the country followed by a crowd of disciples, associating with kings and princes, and preaching the glories of his native land and the in- comparable excellence of the ancient rulers of China. Far more likely to attract were the sayings and doings of Confucius, which sounded pleasantly in the ears of a people already proud of the history of their country, and which attracted the attention of all men. Already the ground was prepared for the reception of the seed he was to cast upon it, and when in due time the harvest began to appear there was shown forth a goodly crop of the rich and great, the powerful and the wise. But on the other hand Taouism was as the cave of AduUam, a retreat to which all those who were discontented with their lots, and who despaired of the future of their country, took refuge. Such men were by no means the best depositories of the teachings of Laou-tsze. The genial tone and kindly thoughts of the " old philosopher " became trans- formed under their hands into sneers and complaints, and his philosophy of existence was converted into arguments in support of a careless indiiference of life and of death. Conspicuous among the early writers on Taouism are Lieh Yii-kow, commonly known as Lieh-tsze, and Chwang Chow, who is usually spoken of as Chwang- tsze. The first of these was born in the 5th century B.C., in the generation immediately succeeding that of Confucius and of Laou-tsze, and his writings fairly represent the tone which had already begun to be LEIH-TSZE AND CHWANG-TSZK. 223 taken up concerning the doctrines of his master. The beUef in the identity of existence and non- existence, and the constant alternations from one to the other observable in all nature, assumed in the eyes of Lieh-tsze a warrant for the old doctrine, " Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." " Why trouble oneself," he asks, "about anything in life? Is not death, which is but a return from existence to non-existence, ever close at hand ? My body is not my own ; I am merely an inhabitant of it for the time being, and shall resign it when I return to the ' Abyss Mother.' Why, then, should I weary myself in the pursuit of politics or of the many anxieties with which some men delight to perplex themselves? Rather let me 'take the goods the gods provide' and enjoy to-day, leaving the morrow to take care of itself." In this spirit he quotes with approval the account of an interview between Confucius and a follower of Laou- tsze namedYing, whom Confucius met wearing a leather girdle about his loins in the fields near the city of Ching, and who was solacing his loneliness by singing to his guitar. " Sir, what makes you so cheerful ? " asked Confucius. "I have indeed many causes for re- joicing," answered Ying. " Of all the things created by Heaven, are not human beings the most honourable? And I am a human being. That is one cause for rejoicing. Are not men noble and women contempti- ble ? And I am a man. That is a second cause for rejoicing. Again, are not some men born who never see the light of the sun or moon, and who never live to get out of swaddUng-clothes ? I have walked the earth for ninety years. That is a third cause for 224 TAOUISM. rejoicing. Poverty is the normal condition of scholars and death comes to all, why should I mourn because I live as others, and because I shall die like them?" "Good," said Confucius; "you are indeed wise." 1 A dream is the common medium adopted by Lieh- tsze for picturing ideal states of society, and thus he relates that the Emperor Hwang-te, after a long fast undertaken to subdue his lascivious propensities, fell asleep and dreamt that he was transported without effort into a far country, where the people were without rulers, for they were masters of themselves, — were without passion, for they controlled their desires. They regarded life without pleasure and death without dread, and therefore were overtaken by no untimely fates. They knew neither relations nor connections, and so were free from love and hate. Rebellion and sycophancy were unknown among them, and therefore they suffered no injury. There was nothing they either loved or cared for, and there was nothing they either reverenced or feared. They walked in water without being drowned, they threw themselves into the fire without being burnt, and they might be cut and struck without receiving hurt. They mounted into the air and walked as on the ground. They slept in space as though they were on their beds, and the clouds and the mists interfered with them not. They listened to the thunder and were not deafened. They saw beauty and ugliness, and their hearts re- mained firm. Mountains and valleys presented no ' Chun heu chin king. Keuen i LEIH-TSZE AND CHWANG-TSZE. 225 obstacles to them, for they walked on the paths of the gods. And so he awoke.^ In this allegory we have foreshadowed the gross superstitions which were soon to reduce the pure imaginings of Laou-tsze to the level of Shamanism. The doctrines taught by Laou-tsze, of the possible absorption of the creature into the Creator had already given rise to the pantheistic belief that even in this present life it was possible for men to become gods, and if gods, that then they were superior to the laws of nature. On this subject Leih-tsze questioned the keeper of the pass to whom Laou-tsze had given his Taou-tih king. At first Yin He was disinclined to answer, but at last admitted that men might walk in the air, and venture into fire without being burnt ; but he added, " This sort comes only with the possession of a perfectly pure spirit, and is not to be acquired by art." Leih-tsze, however, thought otherwise, and relates as facts wondrous tales of the adventures of Muh Wang, who by the aid of a magician from the West visited fairy-land, and made the acquaintance of the deity known as the Se wang moo, or Western Royal Mother. But he goes further, and states that a certain Laou Ching-tsze learnt from Yin He himself the arts of creating and of conjuring. Thus after three months' deep thought he was able to readjust the seasons ; to produce thunder in winter and ice in summer ; to make creatures which walked upon the earth to fly, and birds to lose the use of their wings. Chung heu chin king. Keuen 2. 226 TAOUISM. To a man holding such beliefs the memory of the matter-of-fact Confucius, who had so steadfastly set his face against all superstitious follies, was naturally distasteful, and we find him constantly holding him up to ridicule and triumphantly contrasting the know- ledge of uneducated lads with the so-called wisdom of the Sage. " One day," he tells us, " as Confucius was journeying in the East, he came upon two boys disputing. In reply to his questions as to the cause of their wrangling, one answered, ' I hold that when the sun rises in the east it is nearer to us than when it is overhead, and my reason for so thinking is that when it comes up it looks as large as the cover of a cart, and at noon it is no bigger than a wooden bowl.' ' I,' said the other, ' maintain that since the sun's rays, at rising, are cold and chill and at noon are hot, it follows that it is nearer to us at noon than in the morning.' Confucius was perplexed with the difficulty, and could give no decided answer. ' Where, then, is your great knowledge ? ' shouted the laughing boys after the retreating philosopher." On the origin and nature of the universe, Leih- tsze differed lamentably from Laoutsze, and enun- ciated a theory on the creation of the world which is quite unintelligible, and which is therefore here only literally translated. According to him, in the beginning was Tai-yth, or the Great Change ; Tai-choo, the Great Beginning ; Tai-che, the Great First ; and Tai-soo, the Great Pure. In the Great Change there existed no spirit. The Great Beginning was the origin of the spirit. The Great First was the beginning of form, and the Great Pure was the beginning of matter. LEIH-TSZE AND CHWANG-TSZE. 227 There was no separation between spirit, form, and matter, and all was chaos. And chaos was invisible, inaudible, and impalpable, and was therefore called Yih, " Change." . And " Change" was without form and void; and Change underwent a transformation, and became One. One was transformed and became Seven. Seven was transformed and became Nine, and Nine, the transformations having been exhausted, was retransformed and became One. One was the beginning of form. That which was pure and light ascended, and became heaven, and that. which was impure and heavy became earth. It is impossible to treat seriously such strange wanderings of thought as these, but the fact of their having been gravely put forward by Leih-tsze helps to' make intelligible the further fact that he believed in the magical wonders and tales of sorcery which he relate? in his writings; When we meet with such statements, therefore, that kestrels become on occasions crow-pheasants, that swallows become frogs, and that field-mice become quails, we feel that there is no inconsistency in them. Unfortunately, the influence of Leih-tsze's writings on the minds of his countrymen remains unaffected by the gross ignorance of the alphabet of physical and natural science which they display; and we are there- fore unable to dismiss him as an author unworthy of notice. In many parts of his work he supports his views of man's place in the universe with vigour and grace. It is to this branch of his subject that his followers pin their faith, and it is this which has. led them to exalt the indulgence of the licentious pleasures of the day to the highest place in their creed, and to Q 2 2 28 TAOUISM throw aside every moral restraint as a folly. This phase of Leih-tsze's doctrines cannot be better illus- trated than by a story he tells of Tsze-ch'an, a minister of the state of Ch'ing.^ This man had, by a careful administration extending over three years, brought the state to a prosperous and peaceful con- dition. But his success in this respect was marred by the knowledge that his two brothers, Kung-sun Chaou and Kung-sun Muh, were devoting their lives to the grossest debauchery. As Confucius had laid it down as an axiom that before a man is fit to rule a state he must have succeeded in ruling his own family, Tsze- ch'an felt that it was contrary to Taou that his brothers should thus continue to outrage propriety ; and after consulting with a friend, he betook himself to his erring brethren, and addressed them, saying, "That which ennobles men above beasts is the possession of knowledge and forethought. Those virtues which follow from knowledge and forethought are propriety and righteousness. The perfection of these qualities gives reputation and position ; but he who indulges his passions, and pricks up his ears at licentious pleasures, will destroy his life. Now listen to me, and if by to-morrow morning you have repented of your ways, by the evening you shall be in office (lit. eat emoluments)." To this the reprobates replied, " We have known all this a long time, and we have deliberately made our choice. Do you think we waited for you to tell us this ? Mortal life is difficult to get, but death comes Chung heu ching king. Keuen 7, page 4. LEIH-TSZE AND CHWANG-TSZE. 229 easily enough. Who would spend a life which is difficult to get, in looking forward to a death which comes so easily? The desire to generate propriety and righteousness in order to vaunt ourselves before men, and to dissemble our appetites and natures to assume reputations, would be to us worse than death. Our object is to exhaust the dissipations of life, and to drink to the dregs the pleasures of the passing moment. Our only regret is that our capabilities forbid our drinking as deeply of licentious joys as we desire, and that our strength fails us before our passions are satisfied. We have no leisure to grieve over the disgrace which attaches to our name, nor to the dangers to our lives which we incur. And if you, who are so puffed up at being able to govern a nation, think to disturb our consciences by your sermon, and delight our imaginations by the prospect of glory and emoluments, you are playing a despicable and pitiable part. We will now point out to you the difference between our philosophy and yours. Your delight is in external government, and while you by no means are always successful, you inflict misery on your coimtrymen ; but we, who take pleasure in internal government, rarely give rise to disorder, and our natures revel in enjoyment. It is true your system of government may remain in operation for a time in a kingdom, but it will not be in harmony with the minds of the people. Our internal government, on the other hand, might be carried into effect through- out the empire, and then the Taou of rulers and ministers would have rest. We have long wished td impart this system to you, and do you venture to 230 TAOUISM. produce youir scheme for our instruction?" Tsze- ch'an was dumbfounded, and had not a word to reply. But a day or two afterwards he told T3.ng- seih what had passed. " You have been living with true men," said his adviser, "and did not know it. Who can call you wise ? As to the order prevailing in the state of Ch'ing, that is a mere chance, and in no way attributable to your merit." Such is the philosophy of Leih-tsze. How far it differs from the doctrines of Laou-tsze a comparison with this and the preceding chapters will show. Fortunately, though Leih-tsze stands high in the estimation of scholars, it by no means follows that they subscribe to his opinions. With the wonderful power the Chinese have of assimilating whatever in literature or science harmonizes with their own views, they have adopted just as many of the opinions of Leih-tsze as are not in opposition to the teachings of Confucius ; the rest they treat as vain imaginings. Chwang-tsze. The remark of the celebrated commentator Choo He, that the disciples of Laou-tsze wandered further and further from his opinions as the period lengthened which separated them from him, does not hold good in the case of Lieh-tsze and Chwang-tsze. The preceding chapter will have shown how deeply Lieh-tsze erred in his views of Taouism; Chwang-tsze, on the other hand though far from being orthodox, kept more closely to the teachings of their common master. His compara- tive orthodoxy is admitted by Chinese scholars, and LEIH-TSZE AND CHWANG-TSZE. 23I his great work, the Nan hwa king, is not unfrequently edited in conjunction with the Taou tih king of Laou- tsze. The vanity of human effort was his main theme, and the Confucianists were the principal objects of his denunciations. The fussy politician who boasts of having governed the empire is given to understand that the empire would have been very much better governed if it had been left alone, and the man who seeks to establish a reputation is told that reputation is but "the guest of reality." "The tailor bird builds its nest in the deep forest, but only on one bough; the field mouse drinks from the river, but only enough to satisfy his thirst. "^ Such are the examples which should be followed by men, and not the political purists and the ambitious ceremonialists. If the world were but left to itself, people would wear that which they spun and eat that which grew. The mountains would be without paths, and the waters without ships. All created things would rejoice in life. Wild animals would wander in troops, and trees and shrubs would flourish, among which birds and beasts might roam. Then would men enjoy a golden age. No knowledge would separate them from vir- tue, and no desires would taint their purity. But what is the state of things now ? Sages turn round and round to become benevolent, and kick and struggle to become righteous, and people suspect them. They use frantic efiorts to make music, and they bow and distort themselves in their endeavours to act with propriety, and the empire begins to break ' Nan hwa king. Keuen i. 232 TAOUISM. up. Before cups of ceremony can be made, virgin timber must be spoilt Before sceptres can be formed, white jade must be cut and shaped. If Taou and virtue were not corrupted, whence would there be such things as benevolence and righteousness ? If the natural dis- position had not been departed from, what use would there have been for ceremonies and music ? If the five colours had not been thrown into confusion, whence would there have been lines and variations of colour ? If the five sounds had not been thrown into discord, who could have echoed the six notes ? The destruction of wood to make utensils is the crime of the workman, and the destruction of Taou and virtue to establish benevolence and righteousness, is the fault of the Sage." • Thus Chwang-tsze was brought face to face in oppo- sition to Confucius and to his own contemporary Mencius. Such men as these, he held, represented a disturbed order of things. When sages preached bene- volence, it was a sure sign that evil was abroad, and when they talked of honesty, that robbery was rife. And in their own way they did as much harm in teaching men to depend on externals, and to force into unnatural channels the childlike nature of man as the worst of criminals. Mean men devote their lives to the acquisition of gain, scholars to obtaining reputa- tion, and sages to governing the empire. But though the objects pursued by these men differ, and though they are called by different names, yet they all agree in doing violence to their natures. Pih E died for his ' Chwang-tsze. LEIH-TSZE AND CHWANG-TSZE. 233 good name at the foot of Mount Show-yang, and the robber Chih died through greed at the top of Tung- ling. But though they sacrificed their Hves for different objects, they agreed in having met with death and having outraged their natures. Who will say whether Pih E was right, and whether the robber Chih was wrong ? All the world are greedy. Some pursue benevolence and righteousness, and are called " superior men"; and others pursue goods and riches, and are called " mean men." But they all seek after some object with greediness.^ The step from doubting the existence of any real difference in the motives of men to that of doubting the reality of one's own thoughts and feelings, and consequently of one's personal existence, is not a dififi- cult one. And Chwang-tsze was at one with the code of Menu, and pronounced the waking state one of deceptive appearances — a life among mere phan- tasmata. On one occasion we are told he dreamt he was a butterfly, and that he was flitting about like a veritable insect, in complete oblivion of the existence of such an individual as Chwang-tsze. But suddenly he awoke, and found himself in the person of Chwang- tsze. The thought then occurred to his mind, "Was the vision that I was a butterfly a dream or a reality ? or am I now a butterfly dreaming that I am Chwang- tsze ? " 2 But though there was this unreality in existence, life was yet a thing to be cared for. Not as mean men, who are ever striving with fussy anxiety to add Chwang-tsze. Keuen 3. Chwang-tsze. Keuen i. 234 TAOUISM. a few years to their lives, nor as the rich and great, who surround themselves with every luxury to nourish their bodies and every gratification to nourish their senses, forgetting that these are but as so many axes which before long will hew down the tree of life which they vainly hope to support ; but as the true Taouist, who, by seeking something beyond the body, nourishes the body. " How best can I prolong my life ? " asked the Emperor Hwan-te of the celebrated Kwang-ching- tsze. " By teeping yourself pure and still,'' answered the hermit ; " and above all things by avoiding lust. Let not the form of a woman meet your eyes, and let ■not the thought of her cross your mind. Of all the temptations nien are heir to, she is the most dangerous. It is by following these rules that I have attained to my present advanced age." This care for life, however, was quite compatible, according to Chwang-tsze, with an indifference for death j and when his own end approached he met it with perfect calmness, telling his relations not to mourn over that which was inevitable. On the sub- ject of his funeral he declared, " I will have heaven and earth for my sarcophagus, the sun and moon shall be the insignia when I lie in state, and all creation shall be the mourners at my funeral." When his relatives remonstrated, saying that the birds of the air would tear his corpse, he replied, "What matters it ? Above there are the birds of the air, and below there are the worms and ants ; if you rob one to feed the other, what injustice is there done?"^ ■ Mayers's "Chinese Reader's Manual." TAOUISM. 23 s CHAPTER V LATER TAOUISM. The Chinese have no natural taste for philosophical speculations, and the Taouists, therefore, following the bent of their nature, threw aside the deeper musings of Laou-tsze with the same ease and in- difference with which the followers of Confucius discarded the abstruser portions of the Confucian system. A few years sufficed to cast entirely into the background all metaphysical considerations enun- ciated by the" old philosopher, and to construct out of the remnant of his teachings a system which might be applied to the practical concerns of life. How this new school came into existence, and who were its apostles, we have no means of knowing, but the fact that She Hwang-te made an exception in favour of Taouist works when he ordered the destruction of the books, may possibly indicate that in the third century B.C. its adherents were a large and powerful body. At a very early date the followers of Taou seem to have rejected Laou-tsze's doctrine of self-emptiness as insufficient to attract them, and to have sought to supplement it by making it a means to the attain- ment of everlasting life. The legend that Laou-tsze secured for himself immortality may have given rise to 236 TAOUISM. this desire, or possibly, conversely, this desire may have given rise to the legend of Laou-tsze's triumph over death. But, however that may be, we find that at the time of She Hwang-te, there was a very wide-spread belief in the existence of charms which had the power of conferring imperishable life. She Hwang-te him- self was a firm believer in this and kindred supersti- tions. He allowed himself to be persuaded into the belief that in the eastern sea there were golden islands of the blest, where dwelt genii, whose business and delight it was to dispense to all visitors to their shores a draught of innnortality compounded of the fragrant herbs which grew in profusion around them. So sincere was his faith that he fitted out a naval expedition to discover these much-to-be-desired regions, and placed a professor of magical arts, named Seu She, at the head of the undertaking. On the plea that it had been revealed to him that the expedition was likely to meet with a more favourable reception at the Golden Isles if a company of youths and maidens accompanied it, Seu She persuaded the emperor to send several thousands of girls and young men with him. On the return of the voyagers they reported that they had sailed within sight of the islands, but had been driven back by contrary winds. Nothing daunted, the emperor despatched a second expedition to bring back some of the waters of lite. This also failed. But private individuals were, it is stated, more fortunate than the emperor, and the people living on the sea-board of the states of Ts'e and Yen — a part of the modern provinces of Shantung and Chihli, — were visited LATER TAOUISM. 237 by numbers of travellers who had landed on the fairy islands, and who imparted to their country- men some of the secrets which had been communi- cated to them. Thus they learnt the arts of fusing metals, and of transforming themselves by the means of magical incantations. But no failure roused the emperor to a recognition of the imposture that was being played upon him. Countless sums were spent in vain, and profitless adventures at the command of Seu She, or other professors of magic. A pro- phetic announcement made to him that his dynasty would be overthrown by Hoo (the Huns) was suffi- cient to induce him to send an army of 300,000 inen against those northern borderers. With the success- ful conclusion of the campaign the emperor believed he had falsified the prophecy, but the Taouists claim its fulfilment in the ruin which overtook the dynasty in the fall of his successor, Hoo Hai. During the reign of She Hwang-te the more eminent of the professors of the magical arts adopted for themselves the title of Chin-jin, or True men. These magicians professed to have mastered the powers of nature. They threw themselves into fire without being burnt, and into water without being drowned. They held the secret of the philosopher's stone, and raised tempests at their will. They were on terms of familiarity with the immortal inhabitants of the Isles of the Blest, who made known ts them future events, and imparted to them the secret mysteries of Taou. But the time came when these men had to die, and as the acknowledgment of their deaths would have falsified their lives, it was 238 TAOUISM. given out, as each disappeared from view, that he had been carried off to some unknown paradise. Not being willing to recognise for their religion a foundation so modem as the time of Laou-tsze, the Taouists claimed Hwang-te, the third of the mythical five rulers, who is said to have ascended the throne in the year 2697 b.c, as the real author of their faith, and asserted that he never saw death, but was borne away from the earth on the back of a dragon. Unfortunately, however, the tomb of Hwang-te was knownjto exist, and this discrepancy was urged on the SEaouists by the Emperor Woo, of the Han Dynasty (140 — 86 B.C.), who seems to have imitated She Hwang-te in his patronage of the new sect. The answer of the priests was that the court officials of that day, being unwilling publicly to acknowledge his translation, made a pompous funeral over the clothes of their deified master, and that if the coffin were opened its contents would substantiate their story. Woo accepted this explanation, and allowed himself gradually to fall under the entire dominion of the priests. At first he was inclined to question their statements, but by degrees so entirely did his judg- ment become perverted, that he reached a stage when nothing became too hard for his faith. Like She Hwang-te he despatched several expeditions in quest of the Fortunate Isles, but with no better success than that which attended the efforts of his pre- decessor. He himself visited the Eastern Pung Mountain, and was shown the footprints of a gigantic genii who had appeared to the imperial professors of magic in the preceding night in the form of an old LATER TAOUISM. 239 man leading a dog by a string. This was before his faith became unquestioning, and he ventured to throw doubts on the footprint. The professors, however, persisted in their statements, and, judging from the influence they subsequently gained over him, appear to have successfully deceived him. At this time all traces of the Taouism of Laou-tsze had disappeared, and the attention of all his pro- fessed followers was directed to obtaining the elixir of immortality and the philosopher's stone. Death and poverty have always been regarded by man as the greatest evils under the sun, and in the dark and early ages of every nation's history sorcerers and alchymists have pretended to possess, the arts of healing these sores of humanity. Like the Chinese Taouists, the European alchymists of the middle ages sought a high ancestry for their art. Noah was believed to have been acquainted with the elixir vitce, and some were even bold enough to derive the first syllable of the word chemistry, and second of the word alchymy from the name of his son Shem, who was believed to have been an adept in the art. Moses also, said these writers, showed himself well versed in alchymy by being able to make the gold mix with or float on the water. In Rome and in Constantinople pretenders in the art of making gold and silver carried on a brisk trade during the first few centuries of the Christian era, and only a century ago Cagliostro and his wife reaped a golden harvest by the sale of the elixir of life at Brussels. The mania for these magical arts among the Chinese during the Ts'in and Western Han dynasties Z40 TAOUISM. seems to have been as general and as acute as the South-sea scheme madness among our forefathers. From the emperors downwards, the people devoted their lives to seeking immunity from death and poverty. Business of every kind was neglected, fields were left untilled, the markets were deserted, and the only people who gained any share of the promised benefits were the professors of Taouism, who trafficked with the follies of their countrymen, and who fattened on the wealth of the credulous. Among the most credulous was the Emperor Woo, who lavished money on all schemes suggested to him by the professors of Taouism. It was only necessary for them to tell him that Hwang-te had built such and such temples in honour of the genii, and he instantly gave orders for the erection of similar buildings. In this way he was persuaded to build a palace, which was to be a watch-tower for the genii, and entrance to which was gained by a myriad of doors. In the gar- dens surrounding it were ponds, in which swam fishes and reptiles said to have been brought from the Fortunate Isles, while large stone aviaries contained birds of every shape and hue. He dedicated Mount Tai to the worship of the genii, and raised a sacred mound at the foot of the mountain. At the consecra- tion of these holy places the emperor was present in person, and during the night after the ceremony a bright supernatural light rested on the mound which had been made holy. But it was obvious such an excess of zeal must be short-lived. The numerous predictions and smooth promises made by the Taouist priests must so often LATER TAOUISM. 24I have remained unfulfilled that even the most super- stitiously inclined must after a time have ceased to place any faith in them. Death must have so often cast to the winds the anticipated length of days held out as a reward by the magician, and the professed power of manufacturing gold, must have so fre- quently proved itself to be an imposition, that no wonder people began to weary of a system which was so plainly a sham. At this time Taouism was in no sense a religion, and exercised no control over the conduct of its votaries. The court of the Emperor Woo was too often the scene of the grossest immorality, and Taouist writers recount without shame the legendary amour of the emperor with his fairy visitor Se Wang Moo. The only object of the priests was to trade on the uni- versal desire for wealth and long life, and he who professed the greatest powers received the greatest rewards. " I know," said Le Shaou-keun to the emperor, " how to harden snow and to change it into white silver J I know how cinnabar transforms its nature and passes into yellow gold. I can rein the flying dragon and visit the extremities of the earth ; I can bestride the hoary crane and soar above the nine degrees of heaven." And in return for these imaginary powers he became the chosen adviser of the emperor, and received the most exalted honours. By the death of the Emperor Woo (b.c. 87) the magicians suffered an irretrievable loss. Emperor after emperor arose after him who either withheld all patronage from them or gave them a very qualified support. Neither did a change of dynasty restore R 242 TAOUISM. them to favour. They had had their day of un- bounded imperial patronage, and to a faith in their wild superstitious follies had succeeded a recurrence to the ethics of Confucius and the mysticism of Laou- tsze. During the reign of the Emperor Hwan (147-168 A.D.) great attention was paid to the system of Laou-tsze, and it was during this period that the custom of offering imperial sacrifices in the temple dedicated to the old philosopher at K'oo Heen, the supposed place of his Birth, was begun. Already, however, there were traces of the influence of Buddhism on the popular acceptance of the teachings of Laou-tsze. The duty of preserving life was held to be among the leading doctrines of the philosopher. Legends began, also, to appear of his career after leaving the Han-koo Pass, which bear so striking a resemblance to those met with in the life of Buddha, that it is impossible to doubt the source from which they were derived. After passing out into the wild country beyond the pass, Laou-tsze spent three nights under a mulberry-tree, exposed to the temptations of the evil one. Lovely women tried to induce him to accept their embraces, and, almost in the words of Buddha, he rejected their advances. "They are," said he, "but so many skin bags full of blood. It is by averting one's eyes from such, and by having nothing to say to them, that Taou is perfected. In this age voluptuous girls and winsome women are looked upon as the excellencies of the earth j while rich living and choice wines have ruined the taste of the empire." For some centuries from this time Taouism re- LATER TAOUISM. 243 tnained neglected, and during the reign of Tai-keen (569-583 A.D.) an order was issued abolishing all religious orders, whether Buddhist priests and nuns, or Taouist doctors, and forbidding the promulgation of all doctrines but those contained in the Confucian classics. But after the death of this monarch brighter days dawned on these heretics, and under the Northern Wei Dynasty both Taouism and Buddhism received a share 'of imperial patronage. During the reign of the Emperor T'ai Wu-te (424-452) there was a return to the superstitious pursuit of the elixir of life and the philosopher's stone, and K'ow Keen-che, a Taouist doctor, became the confidential adviser of the em- peror. At his instigation the emperor, in acknow- ledgment of the peace which his advice had gained for the empire, openly embraced Taouism, and at a solemn sacrifice accepted a magical charm as evidence of his adhesion to the doctrines of Laou-tsze. By strict law the reception of such a charm was no light matter. The candidate, by the practice of bene- volence, love, rest, and self-rectification, should have first gained for himself long life, and, having become a genii, have attained to incorporation in Taou. To each one who had thus perfected himself was given a charm, in the shape of a pure white book, in which were inscribed five thousand characters (the number of characters in the Taou tih king), tonsisting of the names of the officers of heaven, and certain incanta- tions for deceiving demons, which were unintelligible to the laity. Before receiving the charm the recipient underwent a fast, and on the day of the ceremony he appeared bearing a present and a gold ring before R 2 244 TAOUISM. the priest, who received the present, and, having cut the ring in two parts, returned one half to the recipient of the charm, and kept the other half himself, as a pledge of the vows taken by the saint. Together with the charm was also presented, in some cases, a seal, bearing the device of the sun, moon, and stars, which enabled the holder to cure sickness, to tread on knives without being cut, and to walk through fire without being burnt. These charms had been for more than a century in vogue among the Taouists. Like all the other super- stitious excrescences on the doctrine of Taou, this one was ascribed to Laou-tsze, and thus furnishes another instance of the want of grasp of the teachings of the " old philosopher " which Chinamen generally have displayed. To illustrate this, it is only necessary to quote from the writings of Ko Hung, one of the most celebrated doctors of Taouism during the fourth cen- tury, the purposes which the charms are said to serve. " All mountains," he says, " are inhabited by evil spirits, who are more or less powerful according to the size of the mountain. If the traveller has no pro- tection, he will fall into some calamity. He will be attacked by sickness, or pierced by thorns, or witness strange sights and sounds. He will see trees moved, but not by wind, and stones will fall without any apparent cause from impending rocks, and will strike him. He will lose his way and fall down precipices, or be assailed by wolves and tigers. Mountains should not be traversed in the winter — the third month is the best time for such expeditions, and then » lucky day should be chosen for setting out. Fast- LATER TAOUISM. 245 ing and purification for several days beforehand is also necessary, and a suitable charm should be worn on the person." " Sometimes a mirror is needed, for living things when they grow old can all, by means of their pure part, assume the human form. In such cases their true forms can be infallibly detected by means of a mirror, which should be nine inches in diameter, and suspended from the neck behind. These deceiving elves do not dare approach it ; or if one should ap- proach bent on mischief to the wayfarer, a glance in the mirror at the reflected image of the monster will reveal its true form. If it should be one of the genii, or some good spirit residing in the mountains, this, also, may be learnt by means of the mirror." i In order to illustrate the importance of carrying these charms, the same writer relates the following adventure as a fact : — " Beneath the Lin-lu mountain was an arbour where a demon resided. Whenever a traveller lodged there he fell sick and died ; all night long forty or fifty persons of both sexes were to be seen there dressed in yellow, black, or white. Pih E one evening halted here for the night, and having lighted his candle sat chanting sacred books until midnight. A party of ten or more persons then arrived, and having seated themselves opposite the traveller began to gamble. Meanwhile Pih E secretly took his mirror and saw reflected in it an assembly of ' "Proceedings of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society" (1855). Article on "Modern Development of Taouism," by Dr. Edkms. 246 TAOOISM. dogs ; so he took his candle and carried it so close to the clothes of one of the visitors as to burn them. When lo ! the smell was as of scorched hair. He then grasped his knife and stabbed one of the demons. At the same moment a voice was heard crying out ' I am killed,' and immediately a dog lay lifeless on the ground. The others ran away." ^ Such were the superstitious beliefs to which T'ai Wu te committed himself by the reception of the charms offered him by K'ow Keen-che, who taxed the credulity of his patron still further by professing to have gained the secret of the composition of the elixir of life. But the draught which he recommended to others failed to prolong his own days, and he died a victim of disease before he had attained any great age. But although the historians give us an account of his death-bed scene, and though there is preserved to us mention of the pompous funeral given to his remains at the command of the emperor, and of the Taouist ceremonies which were performed on the occasion, his followers stoutly affirm that he never saw death, but was carried up to heaven on the back of a dragon. Already, as is indicated by the above superstition, there was a large admixture of Buddhist ideas with the popular notions. Coupled with the use of charms grew up also a system known as Leen-yang, or self- training, which consisted in the ascetic sitting cross- legged in an upright position ; not that he might subdue ' " Proceedings of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society " (185s). Article on " Modern Development of Taouism," by Dr. Edkins. LATER TAOXnSM. 247 the flesh with the spirit and so become incorporated with Taou, nor that, like the Buddhists, he might win Nirvana, but that he might add years to his life, and rival the ages to which the Taouists of past times were said to have attained. This attitude was believed to promote longevity, since it tended to keep the breath in the lungs, and thus to ward off death, which is the final result of the unceasing expirations. The fact also of remaining still, and excluded from the world, helped to suppress that other enemy of life, the passions. And the ascetic, therefore, who sat in lonely silence in his solitary cave, overcame the pro- cess of decay which is natural to both, the bodies and minds of men, and purchased for himself at the expense of all that makes life attractive, a few more years of ascetic penance. It is quite possible that such an existence may have tended to lengthen life, and that the belief that some of the early Taouists lived far beyond the ordinary span of man's existence may be quite true. We have it on record that Quakers are as a rule a long-lived people, and the fact is generally attributed to their avoiding all forms of excitement. In the same way the early Taouists who attained to the rest, purity, and the condition of inaction advocated by Laou-tsze, doubtless avoided much of the wear-and-tear which tends to shorten the days of those who fight their way in the arena of life. The constitution, they held, is renewed every four- and-twenty hours, during which time a man makes 13,500 respirations, and as often therefore the con- stitution is drained. But that which is inhaled is the 248 TAOUISM. perfect breath of heaven and earth, and this, entering into the recesses of the body, not only prevents the constitution from wasting, but adds to the quantity and purity of the four elements (earth, water, fire, and air) of which the body is composed. When this con- dition of things prevails, the temper is cheerful, neither heat nor cold affects the health, and neither cares nor troubles harass the mind. The body is light, the bones strong, the breath vigorous, the spirit pure, and life becomes indefinitely prolonged. On the other hand, if the source of life is not strong, the vital essence weak, and the breath feeble, the constitution wastes and is not replenished. The whole frame is out of keeping with nature, and instead of gaining the perfect breath of heaven and earth, it accumulates in itself an excess of the female principle of nature, and but a diminished quantity of, the male principle. The consequence is that the breath becomes enfeebled, disease sets in, the breath is exhausted and the man dies. Asceticism and public worship soon became engrafted on the doctrine of Laou-tsze, and the Emperor T'ai-ho (477 — 500) signalized his reign by building temples and monasteries for the Taouist doctors, in imitation of those of the followers of Buddha, which already were dotted over the empire. Indeed, the many outward resemblances which now existed between the rites and ceremonies of the Taouist and Buddhist sects led to constant wranglings and heart-burnings between the professors of the two creeds. The imperial patronage enjoyed by the Taouist magicians and alchymists was fiercely LATER TAOUISM. 249 resented by the Buddhists, who pointed out that their opponents were nothing better than jugglers, while the Taouists retorted that the Buddhists were strangers in China, who, if they were not dealt with summarily, would inevitably cause disturbance by importing a foreign element into the empire. Such was the condition of parties when Woo (566 — 578) ascended the throne, andsoeagerwereboth sides to gain the imperial support that, to satisfy them, the emperor summoned a conclave of 2,000 doctors and priests to argue on their relative systems and difficulties. After full deliberation the emperor gave his award and classed them both after Confucianism, and ranked Taouism before Buddhism. At this time the Buddhists had fallen away as much from the teach- ings of Buddha as the Taouists had from those of Laou-tsze, and the rites of both sects had become full of the grossest immoralities. This, coupled with the constant troubles to which their mutual jealousies gave rise, induced the emperor, not long after the conclusion of the conclave, to issue a decree abolishing both forms of worship. But this ban was again soon removed, and the Emperor Tsing (580-581) not only recognised both faiths, but ordained that in all temples in which stood images of Buddha and Teen-tsun " the Honoured one of Heaven," i.e. Laou-tsze, they should both be placed in equal positions of honour facing south. With the accession of the T'ang Dynasty, however, Taouism gained the advantage over its foreign rival. The delusions of the elixir of immortality and the philosopher's stone began again to exercifie their 2$0 TAOUISM. influence over the minds of men. There are never wanting knaves to take advantage of the weaknesses of mankind, and so when this superstition revived, magicians appeared also, who pretended to possess the much-coveted secrets. During the reign of Ching Kwan (627 — 650) there arose, among a host of other alchymists, a certain foreigner named Nabourh Sopo, probably of Mongolian origin, who is said to have concocted a draught of longevity. Under the suc- ceeding emperor (650—684) the Taouists still held sway, and Laou-tsze received canonization by an imperial decree, which proclaimed him to be Yuen Yuen Hwang-te, i.e. the Emperor of the First Dark Cause. So great was the emperor's admiration for him and for his teachings, that he ventured on the daring innovation of including his writings in the subjects of examination -writh the works of Confucius. And not only so, but he insisted on his tributaries taking up the study of Taouism. Up to this time official posts had been conferred only on Confucianists, but now not only Taouists, but Buddhists also, were declared to be eligible for the public service. But in their turn they were con- strained to conform to the Confucian rites, and a special decree, issued by the Emperor K'ai-yuen (713 — 742), bade them perform towards their parents the filial duties inculcated by the Sage. Following the example set in the case of the principal disciples of Confucius, K'ai-yuen canonized Chwang-tsze and other followers of Laou-tsze, thus putting the sect in all points on an equality with Confucianism. He also dabbled in alchymy, and roused the remon- LATER TAOUISM. 25J strances of his ministers by taking a dose of " Gold- stone Medicine." Thus nourished by imperial patronaige, Taouist wonders became of frequent occurrence, and culminated in the appearance of Laou-tsze, who announced that if search were made in the Yin-he Pavilion in the Han-koo Pass, a charm of mystic efficacy would be discovered. By the emperor's orders a search was made, and it is need- less to add that a charm was found. Once again in the reign of this emperor, Laou-tsze appeared on earth, and in return for the favour thus shown him, the emperor canonized the saint under the title of the Great Sage Ancestor, and provided for the dis- tribution of the Taou-iih king throughout the empire. Under the remaining emperors of the T'ang Dynasty, Taouism received only occasional support, and at other times was the subject of persecution. During the reign of Paou-le (825 — 827) the Taouist doctors drew down the imperial wrath upon them by their intrigues and their pretensions, and were banished by a decree to the provinces of Kwang-tung and Kwang- se. But under Hwuy Ch'ang the tide turned again in their favour, and at their instigation Buddhism was officially stigmatized as a foreign religion. During the whole of this period the discipline among the Taouist priests was extremely lax. The law, or rather the custom, which had grown up among them with the extension of Buddhism, and which forbade their marrying, was generally disregarded. In all social matters there existed no difference between them and the mass of the people. They married and brought up families, they farmed and 252 TAOUISM. frequented the markets, and placed themselves on a level with the ordinary traders in everything except the payment of taxes, from which they had been made exempt by the decrees of converted emperors. Under the first emperor of the Sung Dynasty (960 — 976), however, a return to a stricter system was enforced, and their priests were forbidden to marry. During the reign of Hwei-tsung (iioi — 1126) it was provided that the Buddhists should adopt Taouist names for the ranks of their hierarchy. Shakya was to be called Teen-tsun, " the Honoured One oi Heaven" ; a Buddha was to be Ta-sze, " Great Teacher" ; a Lohan, Tsun-chay, " Honoured One" ; and a Priest, Tih-sze. Certain Taouist priests were given official rank, and jurisdiction over their church. The favour thus shown them by the emperors of the Sung Dynasty entailed on them persecution and loss when the Manchoos established the Kin, or Golden Dynasty over the north of the empire. To be the friend of the Sung was to be the enemy of the Kin Dynasty, and consequently the Taouists were looked upon with suspicion and aversion by the conquering Manchoos. Their freedom of movement was considerably curtailed, and all mandarins above the third rank were forbidden to hold any communi- cation whatever with the priests of the sect But from the Mongols, who had been trained up in wild superstitions, the Taouists found ample support. No sooner did the armies of Jenghiz Khan appear on the northern frontier of the empire, than Taouist alchymists and magicians attached them- selves to his banner. We read in history of pro- LATER TAOUISM. 253 phecies uttered by these soothsayers being fulfilled, and of strange portents being explained. So great was the encouragement given to their arts, that various sects of Taouists sprang into existence, the followers of which all pretended to possess super- natural powers, and all received imperial patronage. It is related that when Kubilai's empress was ill on one occasion, the emperor summoned the Taouist priests to pray for her recovery, and that in answer to their supplications — to whom addressed we are not told — she recovered her health. In return for the service thus rendered, Kubilai conferred honours upon the priests, and gave largely in support of their temples and monasteries. In a note to his edition of Marco Polo, Colonel Yule says of the Taouists of this time, " On the feast of one of their divinities, whose title Williams translates as 'High Emperor of the Sombre Heavens,' they assemble before his temple, and having made a great fire, about fifteen or twenty feet in diameter, go over it barefoot, preceded by the priests, and bearing the gods in their arms. They firmly assert that if they possess a sincere mind they will not be injured by the fire ; but both priests a:nd people get miserably burnt on these occasions. Escayrac de Lauture says that on those days they leap, dance, and whirl round the fire, striking at the devils with a straight Roman-like sword, and some- times wounding themselves, as the priests of Baal and Moloch used to do." Thus, when in 1368 Hung-woo, the founder of the Chinese Ming Dynasty, came to the throne, he found the Taouists a powerful and favoured sect. And 254 TAOUISM. wisely judging it impolitic to declare himself hostile to so numerous a body, he determined to try to guide the current which he could not stem. He issued, therefore, decrees forbidding Taouist priests to live separately, or to wear red clothes, after the manner of the Mongolian Buddhists and Shamanists. He or- dained also that all priests desiring official recognition should pass in the competitive examinations in the Confucian classics, that thus a bond of union might be maintained between them and the people of the empire. By Hung-woo's successors they were patronized or discountenanced according to the intelligence of the sovereign. Under Yung-lo, for example, their pretensions to supernatural powers were completely ignored, though the doctrines of Laou-tsze were duly respected. To an ambitious priest, who wished to persuade Yung-lo that the waters of longevity had a real existence, the emperor replied, " The only true means of acquiring longevity is to attain to purity of heart and freedom from desire"; thus plagiarizing the recommendation of Kwang-ching-tsze, uttered over four thousand years before, to those who wished to live long in the land. " Neither exercise your powers of sight nor of hearing, keep your bodies at rest and your minds at peace, and length of days will be your reward." Under Hung-che (1488 — 1506) the qualified support of the former emperors was exchanged for active hostility. The practice of alchymy was strictly forbidden as an absurd superstition, and the tenets of the sect were openly ridiculed by the emperor. Pointing to a burning temple on one occasion. LATER TAOUISM. 255 Hung-che said to the priest, " If those you worship were gods, would they, allow their dwelling-place to be burnt down, or at least, would they not save them- selves ? " Though the same incredulity was not dis- played by the succeeding emperors of the Ming Dynasty, Taouism did not receive the same support which had been accorded it by the Dynasty of Jenghiz Khan; and with the return of the Man- choos to power in 1636, even the limited patron- age which had been extended to it was withdrawn. One of the first decrees of the Emperor Ts'ung-tih (1636 — 1644) was directed against Taouists, magi- cians, and other heretics, whose doctrines were held to be calculated to disturb the public mind, and who were therefore ordered to be suppressed. But such people die hard, and during the reign of K'anghe (1661 — 1 7 2 1) they were still practising their callings, and had become so formidable that that emperor determined to check their influence with the people. With this inten- tion, he ordered that any magician or Taouist who should prescribe enchantments to recover people from illnesses should be sent to the Board of Punishments to be dealt with; and that any patient calling in the services of such quacks should be liable to punishment. And he further directed that all members of the " Do- nothing," the "White Lily," the "Incense-burners," the " Hung," the " Origin of Chaos," the " Origin of the Dragon," and the "Great Vehicle" sects, should be treated as criminals ; and that all persons assembling for the purpose of reading the Sutras, or marching in procession bearing banners or striking bells, should bi' punished by flogging or wearing the cangue. 2S6 TAOUISM. CHAPTER VI. THE BOOK OF REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. But though, as we have seen, modern Taouism has many points in common with Buddhism, it strikes off from it at the point where Buddhism runs counter to the tendency of the national mind. From the time of Confucius downwards the Chinese have been con- firmed in their belief that the consequences of their acts on earth will not follow them beyond the grave, and that it is therefore in this life that they must expect to gain the advantages of virtuous conduct and to receive condemnation for unrighteous beha- viour. In so far then as Buddhism treats of a heaven and a hell, Taouism has no fellowship with it, and on this point it is at one with Confucianism. As in the case of Confucianism also, modern Taou- ism has discarded the abstruse philosophy and hard sayings of the Taou iih king, and has adduced from its pages a system of plain morality. And just in the same way as it may be said that the maxims of K'ang- he embody popular Confucianism, so the Kan ying pern, or " Book of Rewards and Punishments," and the Yin chih wan, or " Book of Secret Blessings,'' con- tain all that is considered by the people of the present day essential in Taouism. THE BOOK OF REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. 257 The date of the first of these works is uncertain, but the claim which it puts forward to have had Laou-tsze as its author may safely be put on one side. It consists of two hundred and twelve maxims, which have been illustrated by short instances of personal narrative gathered from history up to the earlier part of the Ming Dynasty. We know also that it formed part of the grand collection of TaouiSt works which were published under the title of Taou chang in the latter part of the sixteenth century. The pro- bability is, therefore, that it was published not earlier than the fifteenth or sixteenth century. But though lacking any but assumed antiquity, it has- become, from the simplicity and practical wisdom of its teaching, to be the most popular of all the Taouist publications. So highly is it esteemed as a guide and instructor, that its distribution is considered to be a religious duty. Edition after edition appear from the local presses at the demand of charitable subscribers, who take means to disseminate copies among those who are too poor to buy them. As this work is the one above all others which exercises influence over Taouists of the present day, we add a translation of the text : — " Laou-tsze said, the bad and good fortune of man are not determined in advance ; man brings them on himself by his conduct. The recompense of good and evil follows as the shadow follows the figure." ' It is for this that there are in heaven and on earth spirits whose duty it is to search out the faults of men, and who, according to the lightness or gravity of their offences, reduce the length of their lives by s 258 TAOUISM. periods of a hundred days. When a period of a hundred days has been once diminished, poverty preys upon them little by little ; they are exposed to numerous miseries and difficulties ; men all hate them; punishments and misfortune accompany them; good fortune and happiness flee from them ; evil stars pour down calamities on them, and when all the periods of a hundred days are exhausted they die." " There are also the Three Counsellors, and ' the Bushel of the North,' the Prince of Spirits, who are placed over men. They record their crimes and their faults, and deduct periods of twelve years and of a hundred days." " There are also three spirits, called the San chth, who dwell in the bodies of men. When the Kang shin^ day comes, they mount to the palace of the heaven, and render their account of the crimes and the faults of men." " On the last day of the month the Spirit of the hearth (who presides over the lives of all the members of the household) does the same." " When a man commits a great fault, twelve years are deducted from his life ; when he commits a slight fault, a hundred days.'' " There are several hundreds of great and little faults. Those who wish to gain immortality should avoid them in advance." "Advance along the right way, and retreat from the evil way." ' The 53rd day of the cycle. THE BOOK OF REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. 259 " Do not walk on a crooked path." " Do not betray the secret of the household." " Accumulate virtues, and hoard up merits." " Be humane to animals.'' " Practise righteousness and filial piety, be affec- tionate towards your younger brothers and respectful towards your elder brothers." " Rectify yourself and convert men." " Have pity for orphans, and show compassion to widows." " Respect old men, and cherish infants." " Do no injury, either to insects, plants, or trees." " Pity the misfortunes of others." " Rejoice in the well-being of others." " Help them who are in want." " Save men in danger." " Rejoice at the success of others, and sympathize with their reverses, even as though you were in their place." " Do not expose the faults of others." " Never boast of your superiority." " Prevent the evil, and exalt the good." " Forego much, and take little." " Receive princely favours with fear." " Bestow favours without expecting recompense." " Give willingly." " A man who does these things is called virtuous. All men respect him. Providence protects him. Good fortune and office attend him. The demons flee from him. The god-like spirits guard him. He succeeds in all that he lays his hands to, and to him it is given the hope of immortality." s 2 26o TAOUISM. " He who wishes to become an immortal of heaven must do a thousand and three hundred good works. He who wishes to become an immortal of earth must do three hundred good works." " He who entertains thoughts contrary to justice will act contrary to reason." " (Do not) regard violence as a proof of ability." " He who has an inhuman heart will treat others with cruelty." " Don't inflict injury secretly upon the virtuous." [" He who inflicts an injury in broad daylight," said Chwang-tsze, " will be punished by men ; but he who inflicts an injury in secret will be punished by demons."] "Don't despise in secret your prince and your parents." " Be not wanting in respect to your instructors.' " Don't rebel against those you serve." " Don't take advantage of the ignorance of men to deceive them with lying words." " Don't calumniate your fellow-students." " Don't invent falsehoods, nor employ artifice and fraud." " Never divulge the faults of your parents.'' " Be not hard, violent, or inhuman." " Never hastily satisfy your wicked caprices." " Never confuse right and wrong." " Learn to distinguish between friends who are to be sought and those who are to be avoided." " Never ill-treat inferiors to gain merit." " Don't flatter your superiors with the hope of gaining their favour." THE BOOK OF REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. z6x " Be not forgetful of benefits." " Do not cherish resentments." " Do not think lightly of the lives of the people." " Do not introduce vexatious reforms into the ad- ministration of the empire." " Don't reward the unrighteous." ' Don't punish the innocent." " Don't commit murder for the sake of gain." " Do not overthrow another, that you may take his place." " Do not massacre the enemies who yield them- selves, nor kill those who offer their submission." " Do not exile the virtuous nor make destitute sages." " Do not insult orphans nor oppress the widows." " Do not violate the law and receive presents." " Don't make crooked that which is straight, nor make straight that which is crooked." " Don't rank faults as crimes." " Don't indulge in anger in punishing a culprit.'' " When you recognise a fault in yourself, correct it." " When you know what is right, do it." " Do not throw your own fault upon another." " Do not throw obstacles in the way of the arts and trades." " Do not throw contempt on and calumniate the holy men and sages." " Don't insult and treat with cruelty those who study reason and virtue." " Don't shoot at birds, nor hunt animals." " Don't drive insects from their holes, nor frighten roosting birds." 262 TAOUISM "Don't stop up the holes of insects, nor destroy the nests of birds." " Don't kill female animals great with young, nor break the eggs of birds." " Don't wish misfortunes to others." " Don't destroy the merit acquired by others." " Don't expose other men to danger to secure your own safety." " Don't seek your own advantage at the expense of others." " Don't give bad merchandise in exchange for good." " Don't give up the public good for private motives.'' " Don't suck other men's brains." " Don't conceal the virtues of others.'' " Don't expose the defects of others." " Don't reveal private affairs." " Don't pilfer other people's goods and riches." "Don't separate husband and wife, who are united as flesh to the bones." " Don't help another to do evil." " Don't give way to wilful passions, nor seek to impose by your power.'' " Don't insult men to triumph over them." " Don't destroy growing crops." " Don't break asunder marriages." " Don't make money improperly, nor pride your- self in your fortune." " If you escape punishment by a piece of good fortune, yet blush for your crime." " Don't usurp the advantages of others, nor throw the blame of your faults upon them.'' THE BOOK OF REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. 263 " Don't give your own misfortunes in marriage to others, nor sell your crimes." " Don't buy groundless praise!" "Don't hide within you a treacherous heart." " Don't decry the excellences of others, nor conceal your own imperfections." " Don't use your power to do violence to, or to oppress others." " Don't give way to cruelty, to killing and wound- ing." " Don't cut cloth without due cause." " Don't kill and cook domestic animals except in accordance with the rites." " Don't destroy or throw away the five kinds of grain.'' "Don't harass and inflict suffering oh men and animals.'' " Don't ruin households, nor despoil men of their riches." " Don't open the floodgates, nor start conflagra- tions to destroy the dwellings of others." " Don't upset the plans and prospects of others to destroy their merit." " Don't destroy men's tools [as for example the pencil of a scholar, the weapons of a soldier, the tools of a carpenter], so as to render them valueless." "When you see others covered with glory and honour, don't desire to see theni exiled from the country." " When you see Others possessed of riches, don't desire that they may lose them or dissipate them." " Don't envy beauty." 264 TAOUISM. " [A handsome figure excites the admiration of the world, but it does hot deceive Heaven."] " Don't desire the death of those to whom you owe money." " Don't hate and curse those who are unwilling to satisfy your demands." " Don't attribute the losses of others to their own faults." " Don't laugh at the deformities of others." " Don't put obstacles in the way of the promotion of men who are endowed with talents or worthy of praise." "Don't bury the effigy of a man to inflict an incubus upon him." [This refers to the practice of burying a wooden figure of a man to charm away his life, much in the same way that lately, in Shanghai and elsewhere, men were accused of making paper men which suffocated people in their sleep.] " Don't use poison to kill your neighbour's trees." " Don't harbour ill-feeling towards your instructors." " Don't resist and offend your father and elder brothers." " Don't delight in picking and stealing." "Don't enrich yourself by robbery and violence." " Don't seek to gain promotion by deceit and fraud." " Don't complain that rewards and punishments are unjustly awarded." " Don't give yourself up to ease and pleasure." " Don't inquire -minutely into the faults of inferiors and ill-treat them." " Don't frighten and terrify people in distress." THE BOOK OF REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. 265 " Don't murmur against Heaven at your lot, nor accuse men.'' " Don't scold the wind, nor abuse the rain." " Don't stir up strife and litigations between people." " Don't enter the society of evil-doers." ' Don't listen to what your wife and concubines say." ' Don't disobey the instructions of your father and mother." " Don't let new things. make you forget the old." " Never say anything you don't mean." " Don't blindly covet riches, nor have recourse to fraud to deceive your superiors." " Don't invent calumnies against innocent people." " Don't defame others, and speak of yourself as upright and sincere." " Don't abuse the spirits, and speak of yourself as a virtuous man." " Don't renounce the duties prescribed by reason, nor learn to do that which is contrary to reason." " Don't turn your back on your real parents, and seek parents at a distance." " Don't take heaven and earth to witness the in- nocence of your criminal relations." " Don't direct the penetrating glance of the gods on depraved actions." " Don't give alms and afterwards regret having done so." "Repay what you have borrowed." " Don't seek to obtain anything beyond the lot appointed you by Heaven." " Don't employ all your streilgth to accomplish your aims." 266 TAOUISM [" The ancients said : ' If you have strength and power, don't employ them to the utmost.' "] "Don't give youraelf up beyond measure to pleasure." " Don't assume a kind face, when there is cruelty in your heart." *' Don't give people foul food to eat." " Don't mislead the multitude with false doctrines." " Don't use a short foot, or an unfair measure, a light balance, or a small pint." " Don't adulterate articles of merchandise." " Don't seek after fraudulent profits." "Don't force respectable people to follow vile callings." " Don't deceive the innocent and set snares for them." " Don't covet insatiably the property of another.'' " Don't swear to your innocence before the gods." " Don't love wine, nor abandon yourself to dissipa- tion." "Don't enter into angry disputations with your near of kin.'' " If you would be a man, be sincere and upright." " If you would be a woman, be gentle and obedient." " Live in harmony with your wife." " Wives, respect your husbands." " Don't be always boasting." " Don't indulge in jealousy and envy." "Behave wisely towards your wife and sons." "Wives, be not wanting in your duties towards your father- and mother-in-law." THE BOOK OF REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. 26'J "Don't treat with contempt the souls of your ancestors." "Don't resist the orders of your superiors." " Don't do anything which is not useful." "Don't conceal a double mind." "Don't utter imprecations against yourself and gainst others." "Don't be unjust either in your love, or in your hate." ["If a man sees a Sage, he loves him; a vicious man, and he hates him. But if you hate any one unjustly, you close your eyes to his good qualities ; and if you love with partiality, you blind yourself to his faults."] " Don't leap over a Well or a hearth." [" Wells and hearths are presided over by certain spirits, and if you leap over them, not only do you insult the gods, but you show that you have forgotten the two things which are the foundation of the life of men."] " Don't pass either over food or over men." [" The San kwan king says, ' Those who have no respect for the grains, and -who dirty them in passing over them, will be trampled upon ' . . . Confucius said, ' He who carved the first men in wood, was deprived of posterity because he made them after the likeness of a man and used them at funerals."] " Don't kill your children, either after their birth or before they have seen the light." " Don't do anything clandestine or extraordinary." [" Confucius said, 'I don't imitate those who seek after hidden things, and who do strange things to divine the future.' "] 268 TAOUISM. " Don't sing and dance on the last day of the month, or on the last day of the year." ["On the last day of the month the Spirit of the Hearth, who presides over the lives of men, ascends to heaven to make known their merits and faults. . . On the last day of the year the Spirits of Heaven and Earth examine the virtues and the sins of men, to punish or recompense them."] " Don't shout or get angry on the first day of the month, or in the morning." ' Don't weep or spit towards the north." [" The north is the place where resides the Prince of the Stars of the north ; the north pole is the hinge of Heaven. . . ..If you dare to weep or spit towards the north, you outrage the gods and profane their presence, and you diminish the length of life which was accorded you by Heaven."] " Don't sing or weep before the hearth." "Don't burn perfumes with fire taken from the hearth." " Don't prepare food with dirty wood." " Don't rise up in the night naked and uncovered." [" The gods walk abroad during the night. Those who rise up in the night naked and uncovered com- mit a very grave crime."] " Don't inflict punishments at the eight periods known as Fa-tsieh," i.e. 4th February, 21st March, 6th May, 21st June, 8th August, 23rd September, 8th November, and 22nd December. [" At each of these periods the Male and Female principles of nature succeed each other, and at the same time an analogous change takes place in the THE BOOK OF REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. 269 human body. If the punishment of flogging be in- flicted at these times, the culprit not unfrequently dies under the chastisement."] " Don't spit towards shooting stars. [" These are phenomena which the Supreme Lord sends as a warning to men, and to turn them from their sins. Men ought therefore to be filled with fear, to practise virtue, and to offer sacrifices, to dissipate the calamities which threaten them."] " Don't point at a rainbow." ["When Confucius had finished the classic on Filial Piety, he observed a severe fast, and then turning towards the constellation of the North Bushel, he respectfully explained the motives with which he had composed his work. A red rainbow then fell from heaven, and changed into a piece of yellow jade, which Confucius received with a profound salutation."] " Don't point rudely at the sun, moon, and stars." " Don't stare at the sun or moon." " Don't set fire to the brushwood in order to hunt in the spring." [" Spring is the season when plants and trees begin to shoot, and then insects rear their young.. At this time nature gives life and increase to all living things. If we cause these to perish, we rebel against Heaven, and destroy a multitude of its creatures."] " Don't utter abuse towards the north." " Don't needlessly kill tortoises and serpents." [" The tortoise and the serpent answer to the con- stellation of the north known as Huen-woo. When, then, one kills these animals without legitimate ex- 270 lAOOISM. cuse, one draws down on oneself terrible misfor- tunes."] " The god which presides over the life of man inscribes all kinds of crimes, and according whether they are grave or light, he reduces the period of life by periods of twelve years or a hundred days. When the number of days is exhausted, the man dies ; and if at the time of his death there still remains any fault unexpiated, the punishment descends on his sons or grandsons." "Whenever a man takes unjustly the riches of others, the spirits calculate the number of his wives and children, and cause them one by one to die until a kind of compensation is established. If the inmates of his house do not die, then disasters by fire and flood, by thieves, by cheats, by loss of effects, by sickness, by slander or denunciation, will wipe off an equivalent of that which he has taken unjustly." " Those who kill innocent people are like enemies who exchange weapons and kill one another." " He who takes unjustly the riches of another, is like a man who tries to appease his hunger with tainted meat, or his thirst with poisoned wine. Al- though he thrives on it for the moment, death is sure to overtake him." " If you form in your heart a good intention, although you may not have done any good, the good spirits follow you. If you form in your heart a bad intention, although you may not have done any harm, the evil spirits follow you." " If a man who has done wrong repents and corrects himself, if he abstains from evil deeds, and accom- THK BOOK OF REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. 2? I plishes all sorts of good works, he will at length obtain joy and felicity. This is called changing evil fortune for good." " A good man is virtuous in his words, looks, and actions. If each day he practises these three virtues, at the end of three years Heaven will pour down blessings upon him. The wicked man is vicious in his words, looks, and actions. If each day he prac- tises these three vices, at the end of three years Heaven will send misfortunes upon him." " Why then do we not force ourselves to do good?"^ ' " Le Livre des Recompenses et 4es Peines." Traduit par Stanislas Julien. 272 TAOUISM CHAPTER VII THE BOOK OF SECRET BLESSINGS. In the Yin-chih-wan also, there is no reference what- ever to the doctrines of Taouism, but only a number of moral injunctions of great ethical purity. The work is popularly believed to have been written by the deity Wan-chang Te-keun, but the name of the real authoi: is unknown. The benevolent spirit which runs through its pages has caused it to be welcomed by Buddhists, Confucianists, and Taouists alike ; and next to the Kan-ying-feen it is the most popular religious work in China. Its teachings rest on a sound foundation where they inculcate the necessity of purifying the heart as a preparation for all right-doing. Be upright, it says, and straightforward, and renew your heart. Be com- passionate and loving. Be faithful to your master, and filially pious to your parents. Honour your elder brethren, and be true to your friends. Help the unfortunate ; save those who are in danger ; and set free the bird taken in a snare. Have pity towards the orphan and the widow; honour the aged, and be kind to the poor. Feed the hungry ; clothe the naked; and bury the dead. Use just weights and THE BOOK OF SECRET BLESSINGS. 273 measures, and do not overtax the people. Succour the sick, and give drink to the thirsty. Redeem the lives of animals, and abstain from shedding blood. Be careful not to tread upon insects on the road, and set not fire to the forests, lest you should destroy life. Burn a candle in your window to give light to the traveller, and keep a boat to help voyagers across rivers. Do npt spread your net on the mountains to catch birds, nor poison the fish and reptiles in the waters. Never destroy paper which is written upon; and enter into no league against your neighbour. Avoid contentions, and beware not to stir up ill blood. Use not your power to discredit the good, nor your riches to persecute the poor. Love the good, and flee from the face of a wicked man, lest you fall into evil. Hide your neighbours' faults, and speak only of their good deeds, and let your mouth utter the true sentiments of your heart. Remove stones and debris from the roadway, repair the footpaths, and build bridges. Publish abroad lessons for the improvement of mankind, and devote your wealth to the. good of your fellow-men. In all your actions follow the principles of Heaven, and in all your words follow the purified heart of man. Have all the Sages of antiquity before your eyes, and examine carefully your conscience. What good thing will be withheld from him who practises " secret benefits" ? Such are some of the leading maxims of this pam- phlet, which consists of only five hundred and forty- one words, but which has exercised, and is still exercising, an influence out of all proportion to its T S74 TAOUISM. bulk. It has gone through many thousand editions, and has become a household word throughout the empire. Benevolent people distribute copies gratis in the streets, and the zeal of engravers and com- mentators has increased its proportions to the size of a goodly volume. These two works may fairly be taken to represent the moral side of modern Taouism. Few professing Taouists trouble themselves at the present day about the musings of Laou-tsze, or the dreamy imaginings of his early followers. They pursue only their own good, mainly temporal, but also moral. To secure the former they have recourse to the magical works of the sect, and to the expounders of these, the Taouist priests. They buy charms and practise exorcisms at the bidding and for the profit of these needy charlatans, and they study with never-failing interest the advice and receipts contained in the numberless books and pamphlets pubUshed for their benefit. Into some of these, Buddhist ideas are largely im- ported, and the doctrine of the existence of hell, which finds no kind of canonical sanction, is com- monly preached. Liturgies, also framed on Buddhist models, abound, and in some cases not only the form, but even the phraseology of Hindoo works, is incar porated into these prayer-books. TAOUISM. 275 CHAPTER VIII. TAOUIST DEITIES. We have already referred to the intimate connection which exists betweet Taouism and Buddhism, and in nothing is this more apparent than in the Taouist Pantheon. Laou-tsze, the founder of the religion, knew nothing of gods and goddesses, and it was not until the introduction of Buddhism that his followers set up for themselves shrines and images. Naturally, the first person to be deified was Laou-tsze, and, fol- lowing the example of the Buddhists, who worship Sakyamuni in three persons, as the Tathagatha of the three ages — ^the past, the present, and the future, — they enthroned Laou-tsze as the highest object of worship, under the title of San tsing, or " the three pure ones." • Each person of this trinity is represented by an image, and, just as when one enters a Buddhist temple the three representations of the Tathagatha of the three ages meet one's eye, so in Taouist "palaces" Laou-tsze in his triple form is the principal object. But though Laou-tsze is the first object of reveren- tial worship, he is too purely the representative of abstract contemplation to allow of it being considered possible that he should take cognizance of things which are of the earth, earthy. It was necessary, r 2 276 TAOUISM. therefore, to introduce a god who, as the ruler of the world, should undertake direct superintendence of the affairs of men, and to whom they might convey their hopes and their griefs. Such a being they invented under the title of Yuh-hwang Shang-te, or " the Pre- cious Imperial God," who governs the physical uni- verse. As time went on, and magicians and alchymists began to flourieh, the idea that everjrthing in nature consists of two parts, matter and its essence, gave rise to the belief that the stars were the sublimated essences of things, and as such were to be regarded as gods, and as worthy of association with Yuh-hwang Shang-te. The earth, it was said, is composed of five constituent parts, viz., metal, wood, water, fire, and earth, which are represented in the heavens respectively by the planets Venus, Jupiter, Mercury, Mars, and Saturn. Many other stars have in the same way been deified,, and are believed to exercise a direct and powerful influence over the affairs of men. Thus the Taouist sees in the heavens an etherealized counterpart of the world around him, and as he believes that the relation between these two parts is as close as that between body and soul, he has learnt not only to worship the essences, but to bow down before the physical objects, such as the mountains, the valleys, the streams and the rivers, which they represent. The Great Bear comes in for a large share of the star-worship, one part being supposed to be the palace of a female divinity known as Tow-moo, and another part being dedicated to the god Kwei-sing. The powers of nature are also plenteously represented in the mythology. The God of Thunder is a common TAOUIST DEITIES. a?? object of worsnip, "and is represented as passing through many metamorphoses and fiUing all regions with his assumed forms. While he discourses on doctrine his foot rests on nine beautiful birds. Thirty- six generals wait on him for orders. A certain cele- brated book of instruction is said to have emanated from him. His commands are swift as winds and fire. He overcomes demons by the power of his wisdom, and he is the father and teacher of all living beings."^ Among other like deities are, "the Mother of Lightning," " the Spirit of the Sea," " the King of the Sea," and " the Lord of the Tide." The temples of the- Dragon King are also favourite resorts of wor- shippers, who in all convulsions of nature recognise the agency of this potent and amphibious monster. Serpents are looked upon as manifestations of this deity, and in times of flood often receive worship at the hands of the educated and the uneducated alike. During the flood which overspread the country round Tientsin in the year 1874, a serpent sought shelter in a temple near the city, and ensconced himself beneath one of the altars. Far from desiring to get rid of the intruder, the priests welcomed it as a sacred guest of good omen, and Li Hung-chang, the viceroy of the province, came in person to pay reverence to it as the personification of the Dragon King. But apart from these more general deities are gods who preside over the different pursuits and callings of men. As the number of deities is practically unlimited, and as it is obviously to the interest of the priests to Edkins's "Religion in Chian.' 278 TAOUISM. encourage worship of whatever kind at their temples, there has never been any difficulty in adding a god or two to the Pantheon. Thus students have chosen to appropriate to themselves a god, who is supposed to watch over the literary efforts of his votaries. Wan-ch'ang te keun, or the god of literature, is, accord- ing to legend, the disembodied spirit of Chang Chung, an official of the Chow Dynasty. Under subsequent dynasties he appeared on earth in the persons of men renowned for their scholarship and virtue, and finally, under the Yuen Dynasty, he was deified under the title of " Supporter of the Yuen Dynasty, diffuser of reno- vating influences, Sze-luh of Wan ch'ang, God and Lord." Since his apotheosis he has received official worship throughout the empire. Twice on each year, namely on the 3rd day of the second month, and again during the eighth month, sacrifices and invocations are offered to him on every altar by representatives of the emperor, when the following prayer is read by the official appointed for the purpose : — On this day of the moon, in the year , the emperor despatches his officer named to offer sacrifices unto the god Wan ch'ang, and to say : — O Divine Being ! Thou who didst manifest thy presence at Tung in the western region ; whose [star, the] pivot [of the firmament] doth make the circuit of the northern pole; who shineth brightly in the six- fold constellations ; who orderest the splendour of auspicious fates. "From generation to generation thou hast sent thy miraculous influence down upon earth. Thou hast TAOUIST DEITIES. 279 been the Lord and Governor of learning among men. In upholding that which is right, long hast thou brightly shone and stirred up hearts to thankfulness. It is meet that a tribute of reverence and worship be paid with sweet-scented offerings. Now, therefore, at this period of mid-spring (or mid-autumn) it behoves us to fulfil the season's adoration. May the fumes of this sacrifice, and the odour thereof, be acceptable to thee ! Look down, we beseech thee, on our devo- tion and our humility." ^ The worship thus offered by the emperor is re- flected among the people at large. In every city temples built by private munificence or by subscription are dedicated to the honour of Wan Ch'ang, in which Taouist priests and fortune-tellers ply their trades with never-failing success. In some cases the temples are built adjoining the colleges set apart for literary study, in order that the students may have ready access to the shrine of the deity on whose smile or frown depends their success or non-success at the competi- tive examinations. In the principal hall of the temple stand an altar and shrine, the interior of which " is occupied by a venerable figure, seated in calm and dignified repose, a benign expression manifested in the gilded features, and a flowing beard descending to the lap, upon which the hands lie folded. In front stand the narrow perpendicular tablets, set in deep frameworks of elaborate carving, which indicate the titles of the object of worship." At Canton there are no fewer than ten such temples, ' "Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society." New Series, No. 6. 28o TAOUISM. all of which are constantly attended by ambitious students or their relatives. At Choo-tung-yun, where Wan-ch'ang is said to have been born, stands the prin- cipal temple devoted to his honour. On one of the central beams of this building stands a brazen eagle, from the bill of which a string hangs down in front of the altar. Tied to the string is a pencil, with which the god is said to write words of mystic meaning on a table covered with sand. These heavenly messages are generally prophetic announcements of impending misfortunes; and it is said that in 1853 an intimation of this kind was sent by the priests of the temple to the celebrated viceroy Yeh, warning him of the poli- tical troubles which were beginning to disturb the provinces.^ Soldiers, again, worship Kwan-te, the God of War, who when on earth bore the name of Kwan yu. In early life he carried on the trade of selling bean-curd, but having a soul above so mean a calling, and the times in which he lived (under the Han Dynasty, during the second century) being favourable to ambitious enterprise, he embarked on the career of a soldier of fortune, and won for himself both honour and renown. He lived to receive the title of Baron, but being entrapped by a crafty enemy, he was taken and beheaded. For many centuries his name re- mained embalmed only in history, but during the twelfth century he was canonized under the title of Chung-hwuy Kung, "the Patriotic and Clever Duke," and a little later he was promoted to the rank of Prince. But it was reserved for the Emperor Taou- ' Gray's " China." TAOUIST DEITIES. 28 1 kwang to proclaim his apotheosis. After the supv pression of the Mahommedan rebellion under Chaiig- kihur in 1828, the emperor published the follbwing decree : — " Ever since the tripod of our dynasty was firmly established, his majesty Kwan-te has often gloriously displayed spiritual and divine aid. " Chang Ling, the commander-in-chief, reported last year that when the rebels, headed by Changkihur, advanced towards Aksu, and were attacked by our troops, a gale of wind suddenly arose, filling the air with flying sand and dust. Then the rebels saw in the distance a red flame illumining the heavensj and they were either slain or taken prisoners. " On another occasion, whilst Chang Ling was leading on the imperial forces at Hwan river, the rebels annoyed the camp during the whole night, till a violent tempest arose, which enabled our troops to dash in among the rebels without being perceived, when an innumerable multitude of them were taken, and had their ears cut off. " The next morning the' rebels all confessed that they saw in the midst of a red flame large horses and tall men, with whom they were utterly unable to con- tend ; and hence they were obliged to flee. " All these manifestations have proceeded from our looking up and relying on the spiritual majesty and glorious terror of Kwan-te, who silently plucked away the rebels' spirits, and enabled us to seize alive; the monster of wickedness (Changkihur), and so to eternally tranquillize the frontier. " It is therefore right to increase our sincere devo- 282 TAOUISM. tion to Kwan-foo-tsze, in the hope of insuring his protection and the tranquillity of the people, to tens and hundreds of thousands of years. " I therefore hereby order the Board of Ceremonies to prepare a few words to add to the title of Kwan- foo-tsze, as an expression of gratitude for the protec- tion of the god. Respect this." Once again, in 1855, when the followers of the T'ai-p'ing chief were carrying fire and sword through the central provinces of the empire, Kwan-te fought on the side of the imperial troops, and caused them to inflict a severe defeat upon the rebel host. For this act of mercy the reigning Emperor, Heen-fung, published a decree in which he commanded that the same divine honours which are paid to Confucius should be paid to Kwan-te. It is difficult to deter- mine how far this faith in the deity on the part of the authorities is real, and how far it is feigned. The majority of educated men regard such beliefs as popular superstitions, but notwithstanding this, the Government is willing to make use of them to support its authority by persuading the people that even the gods fight against the opponents of the Great Pure Dynasty. But probably no god is worshipped with greater fervour than is Tsai-shin, the God of Riches. Though the pursuit of riches and honour is discountenanced by all the leading Taouist writers, the natural desire for wealth has overcome all religious warnings and denunciations, and is as strong among the Taouists of China as among the most money-loving nation in the world. No god can boast more temples raised to his TAOUIST DEITIES. 283 honour than Tsai-shin. Every trader who at the end of the year finds the balance of his accounts in his favour, acknowledges the mercy shown him by making a votive offering to the dispenser of wealth ; and he who fears a loss attempts to propitiate the god by sacrifices and gifts. As bestowers of earthly benefits, the three subordi- nate star gods, in whose hands rest the blessings of happiness, rank, and old age, naturally find great favour among the essentially worldly Chinamen. Buddhists may preach of the happiness of Nirvana, and Taouists may expatiate on the advantages of incorporation in Taou, but the practically-minded Chinaman leaves the pursuit of these abstractions to those who preach, and devotes his attention to the acquisition of the blessings more immediately within his reach. If the Taouist temples had no niches for the gods of wealth, rank, happiness, and old age, the priests would make but a poor living, and three- fourths of the temples throughout the land would be deserted. It will be observed that there is nothing distinc- tively Taouist in the worship of these gods except the gross superstition which accompanies it, and it is evidence of the present very degraded condition of Taouism that, whenever a popular deity has to be en- throned, Taouist priests are the servitors chosen to wait upon his shrine. Combined with the office of guardian, these backsliding charlatans ply the trades of fortune-tellers, prophets, and doctors. If a mer- chant wishes to know whether a venture will turn out profitably or the reverse, or if a mother wants to be 284 TAOtJISM. assured whether her infant's future is to lie among the blessings of office, wealth, and long life, or to be ac- companied by poverty and misfortune, they betake themselves to a Taouist priest, who, well versed in the tricks which ape superhuman knowledge, returns oracular responses, which satisfy, for the time being at least, the superstitious wants of the applicants. Nor is their medical advice based on any surer basis. Dr. Gray, in his recent work on China, gives the following description of an incident he witnessed at a temple in Canton : — " Whilst I was visiting one of these temples, a father brought his son to the priests . . . saying that the child was possessed of a devil. Having con- sulted the idol, the priests informed him that there were no fewer than five devils in the body of his son, but that they were prepared to expel them all on the payment of a certain sum. The father agreed. The child .was then placed in front of the altar, and on the ground near his feet were placed five eggs, into which the priests adjured the devils to go. As soon as they were supposed to have entered the eggs, the chief of the priests covered them over with an earthenware vase, and at the same time sounded a loud blast upon a horn. When the vase was removed, the eggs, by a trick of legerdemain, were found no longer on the ground, but in the vase. The priest then proceeded to uncover his arm, and made an incision with a lancet on the fleshy part. The blood which flowed from the wound was allowed to mingle with a small quantity of water in a cup. The seal of the temple, the impression of which was the name of the idol, was then dipped into the blood and stamped upon the TAOUIST DKITIES. 285 wrists, neck, back, and forehead of the poor heathen child, who was suffering from an attack of fever and ague." Among the multitude of other gods which claim the allegiance of modern Taouists are the three celestial intendants, who are more purely sectarian. Tsze-wei te-keun, the intendant of heaven, is the distributor of happiness ; the second, Tsing-ling te-keun, the intend- ant of earth, is. the pardoner of offences; and the third, Yang-kow te-keun, the intendant of water, is he who delivers from danger. Besides these are the San tat', or three counsellors who watch over the actions of each person individually. They preside over the life and over the death of each, over length of days and shortened careers. There are the San chi, whose duty it is to register the deeds done by every one, whether they be good or evil. There is the god of the hearth, who has charge of the household generally, and of each member of it separately ; besides very many others. Inferior only to these deities is the Hierarcli of the Faith, who lives in considerable state in the Lung hu shan, or Dragon and Tiger Mountains, in the province of Kiang-se. It is believed that this prelate is the earthly, representative of Yuh-hwang Shang-te, who is but the ascended form of one of his ancestors. Since the apotheosis of this saint, there has not been wanting a member of his clan to sit upon the priestly throne. As in the case of the Lama of Tibet, the appointment is officially made among the members of the clan by lot. On the day appointed for the election, all the male members of the clan assemble at the priestly resi- 286 TAOUISM. dence, when a number of pieces of lead, each bearing the name of one of those present, are thrown into an earthenware vase filled with water. Around this stand priests, who invoke the " Three Pure Ones " to cause the piece of lead bearing the name of the per- son on whom the choice of the gods has fallen to rise to the surface of the water.^ The result of the elec- tion is reported to the emperor, in whose hands rests the confirmation of the appointment. Nominally the authority of this hierarch is supreme among the priests of the sect throughout the empire, but practically he seldom interferes with his subordinates. The present hierarch is said to be a very ordinary man, with but slight culture, and with as little sense of the dignity of his office. The mental and moral state of this man is a fitting representation o the condition of modem Taouism in China. Every trace of philosophy and truth has dis- appeared from it, and in place of the keen searchings after the infinite, to which Laou-tsze devoted himself, the highest ambition of his priestly followers is to learn how best to impose on their countrymen by the vainest of superstitions, and to practise on their credulity by tricks of legerdemain. By the educated classes they are looked down upon with supreme contempt, and only such of their beliefs as have received the ap- proval of the Government at different times for various causes, are in any way recognised by any but the most ignorant of the people. By law, candidates for the priesthood should go through a course of study ex- ' Dr. Giay's "China." TAOriST DEITIES. 287 tending over five years, at the end of which time they take the vows, and receive a licence from the local mandarins. But practically their novitiate is spent in serving the priests, who impart to them only such knowledge of chicanery and fraud as they them- selves possess, and a smattering of ethical science, to enable them to prompt the oracular responses of the gods to the inquiries of the sick and dying. The social morality of the priests is of the most degraded kind, and the nunneries, which, in imitation of the Buddhists, they have established throughout the empire, are by common report described as the haunts of every vice. Without a belief in any god apart from deified men, without the purer motives which influence the Buddhists in their endeavours to reach a higher life, having drifted, century after century, farther and farther away from all that is noble, un- selfish, and true, the modern Taouists have sunk lower in the estimation of their fellow-men than any but the most degraded of idolaters. THE END. Richard Clay & Softs^ Limited^ London aitd Bungay* 1Ron«Cbttstian TRcUgfous Si?stems. 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