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 Life of Francis Bacon / by Basil Montagu 
 
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THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 FRANCIS BACON. 
 
 BASIL MONTAGU 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 WILLIAM PICKERING. 
 
 MDCC(JXXXIII. 
 
 1^ 
 
ADDRESS TO THE READER. 
 
 About thirty years ago, I read in Lord Bacon's 
 will — " For my burial, I desire it may be in St. 
 Michael's Church, St. Albans : there was my mother 
 buried, and it is the parish church of my mansion- 
 house of Gorhambury,. and it is the only Christian 
 church within the walls of Old Verulam. For my 
 name and memory, I leave it to men's charitable 
 speeches, and to foreign nations and. the next ages." 
 
 This passage, not to be read till he was at rest 
 from his labours, impressed me with a feeling of his 
 consciousness of ill usage, and a conviction that the 
 time would arrive when justice would be done to his 
 memory. 
 
 The words were cautiously selected^ with the know- 
 ledge, which he, above all men, possessed of the 
 power of expression, and of its certain influence, 
 sooner or later, upon society, (a) They speak to me 
 
 (a) In a former will (see Baconiana, p. 203) there is the same 
 wish expressed, not in such polished terms. The sentence is, 
 " For my name and memory, I leave it to foreign nations and to 
 mine own countrymen, after some time be passed over." 
 
as loudly of a sense of injury, and of a reliance upon 
 
 the justice of future ages, as the opening of the 
 
 Novum Organum speaks with the consciousness of 
 
 power : (a) 
 
 FRANCISCUS 
 
 DE VERULAMIO 
 
 SIC COGITAVIT. 
 
 Under this impression I resolved to do the best in 
 my power to discover the real merits of the case. 
 
 I found that the subject had always been involved 
 in some mystery. Archbishop Tennison, the admirer 
 of Lord Bacon, and the friend of Dr. Rawley, the 
 domestic chaplain, the biographer and faithful friend 
 of Lord Bacon, thus mentions it in the Baconiana : 
 " His lordship owned it under his hand,(^) that he 
 was frail, and did partake of the abuses of the times ; 
 and surely he was a partaker of their severities also, 
 though they proved, by accident, happy crosses and 
 misfortunes. Methinks they are resembled by those 
 of Sir George Sommers, who being bound, by his 
 employment, to another coast, was by tempest cast 
 upon the Bermudas. And there a shipwrecked man 
 made full discovery of a new, temperate, fruitful 
 regioii, whidh none had before inhabited ; and which 
 mariners who had only seen its rocks, had esteemed 
 an inaccessible and enchanted place. The great 
 cause of his suffering is to some a secret. I leave 
 them to find it out by his words to King James : (c) 
 
 (a) Francis of Verulam thought thus. 
 
 (6) In his letter to King James, March 25, 1620, in the Cab. 
 
 (c) See Mr. Bushel's extract, p. 19. 
 
* I wish,' said he, * that as I am the first, so I may 
 be the last of sacrifices in your times.' And when, 
 from private appetite; it is resolved that a creature 
 shall be sacrificed, it is easy to pick up sticks enough, 
 fro.m any thicket whither it hath strayed, to make a 
 fire to' offer it with." 
 
 Dr. Rawley, (d) did not, as it seems, think it proper 
 to be more explicit,' because he judged " some papers 
 touching matters of estate, to tread too near to the 
 heels of truth, and to the times of the persons con- 
 cerned." 
 
 Having read this intimation in the Baconiana, I 
 procured, with some difficulty, a copy of the work 
 to which Archbishop Tennison alludes, (e) Amongst 
 constant expressions of affection and respect for his 
 old master, Bushel, when near seventy years of age, 
 thus speaks : 
 
 " But before this could be accomplished to his 
 own content, there arose such complaints against 
 his lordship and the then favourite at court, that 
 for some days put the king to this quere, whether 
 he should permit the favourite of his affection or the 
 oracle of his counsel to sink in his service; where- 
 upon his lordship was sent for by the king, who 
 after some discourse, gave him this positive advice, 
 to submit himself to his house of Peers, and that, 
 upon his princely word, he would then restore him 
 again, if they, in their honors, should not be sensible 
 
 (d) Baconiana, page 81. 
 
 (e) Bushel's abridgment of the Lord Chancellor Bacon's 
 Philosophical Theory in Mineral Prpsecutions. 
 
of his merits." Now, though my lord foresaw his 
 approaching ruin, and told his majesty there was 
 little hopes of mercy in a multitude when his enemies 
 were to give fire, if he did not plead for himself; 
 yet such was his obedience to him from whom, he 
 had his being, that he resolved his majesty's will 
 should be his only law, and so took leave of him 
 with these words : ' Those who strike at your Chan- 
 cellor, it is much to be feared, will strike at your 
 crown ;' and wished, that as he was then the first, 
 so he might be the last of sacrifices. Soon after, 
 according to his majesty's commands, he wrote a 
 submissive letter to the house, and sent me to my 
 Lord Windsor to know the result, which I was loth 
 at my return to acquaint him with ; for, alas ! his 
 sovereign's favour was not in so high a measure, but 
 he, like the phoenix, must be sacrificed in the flames 
 of his own raising, and so perished, like Icarus, in 
 that his lofty design ; the great revenue of his office 
 being lost, and his titles of honour saved but by the 
 bishop's votes, whereto he replied. That he was only 
 bound to thank his clergy. 
 
 " The thunder of which fatal sentence did much 
 perplex my troubled thoughts, as well as others, to 
 see that famous lord, who procured his majesty to 
 call this parliament, must be the first subject of 
 their revengeful wrath, and that so unparalleled a 
 master should be thus brought upon the public 
 stage, for the foolish miscarriages of his own ser- 
 vants, whereof with grief of heart I confess myself 
 to be one. Yet shortly after the king dissolved the 
 parliament, but never restored that matchless lord 
 
to his place, which made him then to wish the many 
 years he had spent in state policy and law study 
 had been solely devoted to true philosophy; for, 
 said he, the one at best doth but comprehend man's 
 frailty in its greatest splendour, but the other the 
 mysterious knowledge of all things created in the six 
 days work." 
 
 That during this recess there was an interview 
 between the King and the Chancellor appears from 
 the following passage in the Journals of the Lords. 
 On the 27th March, 1621, the house was adjourned 
 to the 17th of April. 
 
 " Wednesday, 17th April, 1621. 
 
 " The Lord Treasurer signified, that, in the interim 
 of this cessation, the Lord Chancellor was an humble 
 suitor unto his majesty, that he might see his majesty 
 and speak with him; and although his majesty, in 
 respect of the Lord Chancellor's person and of the 
 place he holds, might have given his lordship that 
 favour, yet, for that his lordship is under the trial of 
 this house, his majesty would not on the sudden 
 grant it. 
 
 " That on Sunday last, the King calling all. the 
 lords of this house which were of his council before 
 him, it pleased his majesty to shew their lordships 
 what was desired by the Lord Chancellor, demanding 
 their lordship's advice therein. 
 
 " The lords did not presume to advise his majesty ; 
 for that his majesty did suddenly propound such a 
 course as all the world could not advise a better ; which 
 was, that his majesty would speak with him privately. 
 
 *' That yesterday, his majesty admitting the Lord 
 
8 
 
 Chancellor to his presence, his lordship desired that 
 he might have a particular of those matters where- 
 with he is charged before the lords of this house; 
 for that it was not possible for him, who pas'sed so 
 many orders and decrees in a year, to remember all 
 things that fell out in them; and that this being 
 granted, his lordship would desire two requests of 
 his majesty. 1. That, where his answers should be 
 fair and clear to those things ' objected against himy 
 his lordship might stand upon his innocency. 2. 
 Where his answer should not be so fair a.nd clear, 
 there his lordship might be admitted to the extenua- 
 tion of the charge ; and where the proofs were full, 
 and undeniable, his lordship would ingenuously con- 
 fess them, and put himself upon the mercy of the 
 lords. 1,1/ : 
 
 " Upon all which his majesty's, answer was, he 
 referred him to the lords of this house ; and thereof 
 his majesty willed his lordship to make report to 
 their lordships. r ;, 
 
 " It was thereupon ordered that the Lord Treasurer 
 should signify unto his majesty, that the lords do 
 thankfully acknowledge this his majesty's favour, 
 and hold themselves highly bound unto his majesty 
 for the same. 
 
 " April 18th, 1621. 
 
 " The Lord Treasurer signified unto the lords, that, 
 by the appointment of their lordships, he did yester- 
 day present unto his majesty their lordships' humble 
 thanks for his majesty's gracious respect to their 
 lordships, in the message to this house, touching the 
 Lord Chancellor. 
 
9 
 
 " His majesty answered, that this acceptation of 
 the lords is as pleasing to his majesty as his majesty's 
 message could be unto the lords. And his majesty 
 said further, that this accession of parliament, though 
 no new session, gives his majesty occasion to say 
 somewhat to the lords; and therefore his majesty's 
 pleasure is, that the whole house do wait on his 
 majesty at Whitehall, on Friday next, in the after- 
 noon. 
 
 " 24th April. 
 
 The King being present, said in an address to 
 the house, "As many complaints, are i already made 
 against courts of judicature which are in examina- 
 tion and are to be proceeded upon by the lords, his 
 majesty will add some which he thinks fit to be also 
 complained of and redressed : viz. That no orders 
 be made but in public court, and not in chambers : 
 that excessive fees be taken away : that no bribery 
 nor money be given for the hearing of any cause." 
 
 " 24th .April^ post meridiem. 
 " The Prince His Highness signified unto the Lords 
 that the Lord Chancellor had sent a submission unto 
 their lordships." 
 
 Having been informed that there were many letters 
 of Lord Bacon's in the Lambeth Library, I took, 
 by the kind permission of the Archbishop, various 
 extracts from them. In one of the letters there is 
 the following passage in Greek characters : 
 
 0(j> fiy o^evff, <pap jSe it tjtpofi fu to tfay, Sar vsviafi 
 KopviQ ', ve^aT Ksvavpa KoXv/ii^aa : (3vt t wtXX aay tOut i 
 
 a2 
 
10 
 
 av£ yooS wappavr (j>op '. 6ey wEpE vor fe ypeaTear of(j)evBepQ 
 IV IcrpoEX VTTOV o)-gofx Ob waXX ^eXX. (a) 
 
 In another letter he says, " And for the briberies 
 and gifts wherewith I am charged, when the books 
 of hearts shall be opened, I hope I shall not be found 
 to have the troubled fountain of a corrupt heart, in a 
 depraved habit of taking rewards to pervert justice ; 
 howsoever I may be frail, and partake of the abuses 
 of the times." (b) 
 
 From these suggestions I have endeavoured, for 
 many years, without favour or aflFection, to assist in 
 discharging the debt which, as it appears to me, 
 society owes to this extraordinary man ; and in these 
 endeavours this attempt to write the life of Lord 
 Bacon originated. 
 
 B. M. 
 
 (a) Decyphered it is as follows : Of my offence, far be it 
 from me to say, dat veniam corvis ; vexat censura Columbas : 
 but I will say that I have good warrant for : they were not the 
 greatest offenders in Israel upon whom the wall fell. 
 
 (J) Letter to the King, May 25, 1620. 
 
11 
 
 fart I. 
 
 FROM THE BIRTH OF BACON TO THE DEATH OF 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Cfjapttr I. 
 
 From the Birth of Bacon to the Death of his 
 Father i 
 
 His Birth. The University. New Atlantis. Paris. 
 Death of his Father. Return to England. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 From the Death of his Father till he engaged 
 
 in active life xix 
 
 His admission at Gray's Inn. His occupations. 
 
 Ctjaptcc III. 
 
 From his entrance into active life till the 
 Death of Elizabeth xxv 
 
 Parties at court. Member for Middlesex. In his first 
 speech recommends improvement of the law. Justitia 
 Universalis. Speech as to the subsidies, which offends 
 the Queen. His dignified conduct. Ben Jonson's des- 
 cription of him as a speaker. Exertions to be Solicitor 
 General. Applies to the Lord Keeper, Lord Burleigh, 
 Sir Robert Cecil. Essex's exertions. Fleming ap- 
 pointed. Essex gives him an estate at Twickenham. 
 Returns to Twickenham. Invents barometer and other 
 instruments. Resumes his professional labours. Em- 
 ployed by the Queen. EflFort to secure a vacancy. M. A. 
 of Cambridge. Work on Elements of the law. Essex 
 appointed to command in Spain. The Essays. Sacred 
 
12 
 
 Meditations. Colours of Good and Evil. Proposal of 
 marriage to Lady Hatton. Reading on Statute of Uses. 
 Essex solicits command in Ireland. Interruption of inti- 
 macy between Bacon and Essex. Bacon dissuades 
 Essex from accepting the command. ' Essex appointed 
 Lord Lieutenant. His rash conduct. Intercession by 
 Bacon with the Queen. Return of Essex. His impri- 
 sonment. Bacon's friendship. Private investigation in 
 Star Chamber. Bacon's objection to this. Apology for 
 Essex. Public proceeding against Essex. Bacon coun- 
 sel against Essex. Reasons for this. Trial of Essex. 
 His application to the Queen after the trial. Obloquy 
 of Bacon. Imprudent conduct of partizans of Essex. 
 Bacon's exertions with the Queen for Essex. Writes 
 letters for him. Impropriety of this. Essex liberated. 
 Monopoly of Sweet Wines. Essex's violence. Bacon's 
 interview with the Queen. Treason of Essex. Bacon's 
 difficult situation. Trial of Essex. His Execution. 
 Account of his treason. Deathof the Queen. Bacon's 
 praise of the Queen. 
 
 ^art II. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF ELIZABETH TO THE DEATH 
 OF BACON. 
 
LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FROM HIS BIRTH TILL THE DEATH OF HIS FATHER. 
 1560 to 1580. 
 
 Francis Bacon was born atYork-House,(a) in the Strand, iseo-i. 
 on the 22nd of January, 1560, He was the youngest son of ^'^ ''"*• 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon, and of Anne, a daughter of the learned 
 and contemplative Sir Anthony Cooke, tutor to King 
 Edward the Sixth. (6) 
 
 Of Sir Nicholas, it has been said, that he was a man 
 full of wit and wisdom, a learned lawyer, and a true 
 gentleman; of a mind the most comprehensive to sur- 
 round the merits of a cause ; of a memory to recollect its 
 least circumstance ; * of the deepest search into affairs of 
 any man at the council table, and of a personal dignity so 
 well suited to his other excellencies, that his royal mis- 
 tress was wont to say, " My Lord keeper's soul is well 
 lodged." (c) 
 
 He was still more fortunate in the rare qualities of his 
 jnotheT,(d) for Sir Anthony Cooke, acting upon his favorite 
 
 (a) See note A at the end. (6) See note B at the'end. 
 
 * " He who cannot contract his sight as well as dilate it, wanteth a 
 great faculty ;" says Lord Bacon. 
 
 (c) See note C at the end. (d) See note D at the end. 
 
 VOL. XV. b 
 
11 LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 opinion then very prevalent,(e) that women were as capable 
 of learning as men, carefully instructed his daughters every 
 evening, in the lessons which he had taught the King 
 during the day ; and amply were his labors rewarded ; for 
 he lived to see all his daughters happily married; and 
 Lady Anne distinguished, not only for her conjugal and 
 maternal virtues, but renowned (a) as an excellent scholar, 
 and the translator, from the Italian, of various sermons 
 of Ochinus, a learned divine; and, from the Latin, of 
 Bishop Jewel's Apologia, recommended by Archbishop 
 Parker for general use. (b) 
 
 It was his good fortune not only to be born of such parents, 
 but also at that happy time " when learning (c) had made 
 her third circuit; when the art of printing gave books with 
 a liberal hand to men of all fortunes; when the nation 
 had emerged from the dark superstitions of popery ; when 
 peace, throughout all Europe, permitted the enjoyment of 
 foreign travel and free ingress to foreign scholars ; and, 
 above all, when a Sovereign of the highest intellectual 
 attainments, at the same time that she encouraged learning 
 and learned men, gave an impulse to the arts, and a 
 chivalric and refined tone to the manners of the people. 
 
 (e) See note E at the end. 
 
 (a) She translated from the Italian fourteen sermons concerning the pre- 
 destination and election of God, without date, 8vo. See Watt's Bibliotheca 
 Britannica. Title, Ochinus and Anne Cooke. — N.B. There is a publica- 
 tion entitled, " Sermons to the number of twenty-five, concerning the Pre- 
 destination." London: Printed by J. Day, without date, 8vo. — Query, 
 If by Lady Bacon. 
 
 (b) Ochinus Barnardin, an Italian monk of extraordinary merit, bom at 
 Sieima 1487. Died 1594. Watts (S.A.) Jewel's Apologia translated by 
 Anne Bacon 1600, 1606, 1609, Fol. 1626, 12mo. 1685, 1719, 8vo. See 
 Watts Tit. " Jewel." 
 
 (c) See Bacon's beautiful conclusion of Civil Knowledge in the advance- 
 ment of learning, which is in vol. 2. page 297 of this edition. 
 
LIFE OF BACON. HI 
 
 Bacon's health was always delicate, and his tempera- 
 ment was of such sensibility, as to be affected, even to 
 fainting, by very slight alterations in the atmosphere; a 
 constitutional infirmity which seems to have attended him 
 through life.(g) 
 
 While he was yet a child, the signs of Genius, for which 
 he was in after life distinguished, could not have escaped 
 the notice of his intelligent parents. They must have been 
 conscious of his extraordinary powers, and of their respon- 
 sibility that, upon the right direction of his mind, his 
 future eminence, whether as a statesman or as a philoso- 
 pher, almost wholly depended. 
 
 -He was cradled in politics ; he was not only the son of 
 the Lord Keeper, but the nephew of Lord Burleigh. He 
 had lived from his infancy amidst the nobility of the reign 
 of Elizabeth, who was herself delighted, even in his child- 
 hood, to converse with him, and to prove him with ques- 
 tions, which he answered with a maturity above his years, 
 and with such gravity that the Queen would often call him 
 her young Lord Keeper.(A) Upon the Queen's asking him, 
 when a child, how old he was, he answered, " two years 
 younger than your majesty's happy reign." 
 
 But there were dawnings of genius of a much higher 
 nature. (;r) When a boy, while his companions were 
 diverting themselves near to his father's house in St. 
 James's Park, he stole to the brick conduit to dis- 
 cover the cause of a singular echo ; (c) and, in his twelfth 
 
 (g) See note G at the end. 
 
 (A) See note H at the end. 
 
 (x) See Paradise Regained, B. I. "When I was yet a child," &c. — See 
 Burns : " I saw thee seek the sounding shore," &c. — See Beattie's Minstrel ; 
 " Baubles he heeded not," &c. 
 
 (c) The laws of sound were always a subject of his thoughts. In the third 
 century of the Sylva, he says, " we have laboured, as may appear, in this 
 
IV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 year, he was meditating upon the laws of the imagina- 
 tion, (it) 
 1573. At the early age of thirteen, it was resolved to send him 
 
 ■S^t- 13. to Cambridge, of which university, he, with his brother 
 versity. Anthony, was matriculated as a member, on the 10th of 
 
 inquisition of sounds diligently ; both because sound is one of the most 
 hidden portions of nature, and because it is a virtue which may be called 
 incorporeal and immateriate, whereof there be in nature but few.'' 
 
 As one of the facts, he says in his Sylva Syl varum, (Art. 140.) "There 
 is in St. James's fields a conduit of brick, unto which joineth a low vault ; 
 and at the end of that a round house of stone ; and in the brick conduit 
 there is a window; and in the round house a slit or rift of some little 
 breadth : if you cry out in the rift, it will make a fearful roaring at the win- 
 dow. The cause is, for that all concaves, that proceed from more narrow 
 to more broad, do amplify the sound at the coming out." 
 
 (t) In the tenth century of the Sylva, after having enumerated many of 
 the idle imaginations by which the world then was, and, more or less, always 
 vrill be, misled, he says, " With these vast and bottomless follies men have 
 been in part entertained. But we, that hold firm to the works of God, and 
 to the sense, which is God's lamp, lucerna Dei spiraculum hominis, will 
 inquire with all sobriety and severity, whether there be to be found in the 
 footsteps of nature, any such transmission and influx of immateriate virtues ; 
 and what the force of imagination is, either upon the body imaginant, or 
 upon another body. 
 
 He then proceeds to state the different kinds of the power of imagination, 
 saying it is in three kinds : the first, upon the body of the imaginant, in- 
 cluding likewise the child in the mother's womb ; the second is, the power 
 of it upon dead bodies, as plants, wood, stone, metal, &c. ; the third is, the 
 power of it upon the spirits of men and living creatures ; and with this 
 last we will only meddle. 
 
 The problem therefore is, whether a man constantly and strongly be- 
 lieving that such a thing shall be; as that such a one will love him; or 
 that such a one will grant him his request ; or that such a one shall recover 
 a sickness, or the like, it doth help any thing to the effecting of the thing 
 itself. 
 
 In the solution of this problem he, according to his custom, enumerates 
 a variety of instances, and, amongst others, the follovnng fact, which oc- 
 curred to him when a child, for he left his fether's house when he was 
 thirteen. 
 
 For example, he says, I related one time to a man, that was curious and 
 
LIFE OF BACON. V 
 
 June, 1573.(fc) They were both admitted of Trinity Col- 
 lege, under the care of Dr. John Whitgift, (c) a friend of 
 the Lord Keeper's, then master of the college, afterwards 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, and distinguished through life, 
 not only for his piety, but for his great learning, and un- 
 wearied exertions to promote the public good. 
 
 vain enough in these things; that I saw a kind of juggler, that had a pair 
 of cards, and would tell a man what card he thought. This pretended 
 learned man told me, it was a mistaking in me ; for (said he) it was not 
 the knowledge of the man's thought, (for that is proper to God,) but it was 
 the inforcing of a thought upon him, and binding his imagination by a 
 stronger, that he could think no other card. And thereupon he asked me a 
 question or two, which I thought he did but cunningly, knowing before 
 what used to be the feats of the juggler. Sir, (said he), do you remember 
 whether he told the card the man thought himself, or bade another to tell 
 it. I answered, (as was true), that he bade another tell it. Whereunto 
 he said, so I thought ; for (said he) himself could not have put on so 
 strong an imagination, but by telling the other the card, (who believed that 
 the juggler was some strange man, and could do strange things,) thatxither 
 man caught a strong imagination. I hearkened unto him, thinking for a 
 vanity he spoke prettily. Then he asked me another question : saith he, do 
 you remember whether he bade the man think the card first, and afterwards 
 told the other man in his ear, what he should think, or else that he did whisper 
 first in the man's ear, that should tell the card, telling that such a man 
 should think such a card, and after bade the man think a card ; I told him, 
 as was true ; that he did first whisper the man in the ear, that such a man 
 should think such a card; upon this the learned man did much exult, and 
 please himself, saying, lo, you may see that my opinion is right; for if 
 the man had thought first, his thought had been fixed ; but the other ima- 
 gining first, bound his thought. Which though it did somewhat sink with 
 me, yet I made lighter than I thought, and said, I thought it was confede- 
 racy between the juggler and the two servants ; though (indeed) I had no 
 reason so to think; for they were both my father's servants; and he had 
 never played in the house before. 
 
 (k) An. 1573. Jun. 10. Antonius Bacon CoU.Trin. Convict, i. admissus 
 in matriculam acad. Cantabr. 
 
 Franciscus Bacon Coll. Trin. Convict, i. admissus in matriculam aca- 
 demiae Cantabr. eodem die & anno. (Reg'' Acad.) 
 
 (c) See the Biog. Brit. In 1565, Whitgift so distinguished himself in 
 the pulpit, that the Lord Keeper recommended him to the queen. 
 
VI LIFK OF BACON. 
 
 What must have passed in his youthful, thoughtful, 
 ardent mind, at this eventful moment, when he first quitted 
 his father's house to engage in active hfe ? What must 
 have been his feelings when he approached the university, 
 and saw, in the distance, the lofty spires, and towers, and 
 venerable walls, raised by intellect and piety " and hal- 
 lowed by the shrines where the works of the mighty dead 
 are preserved and reposed, (a) and by the labours of the 
 mighty living, with joint forces directing their strength 
 against Nature herself, to take her high towers, and dis- 
 mantle her fortified holds, and thus enlarge the borders of 
 man's dominion, so far as Almighty God of his goodness 
 shall permit?" (6) 
 
 " As water," he says, " whether it be the dew of heaven, 
 or the springs of the earth, doth scatter and lose itself in the 
 ground, except it be collected into some receptacle, where 
 it may by union comfort and sustain itself, and for that 
 cause the industry of man hath made and framed spring- 
 
 (o) But the works touching Books are chiefly two : first, Libraries, wherein, 
 as in famous shrines, the reliques of the ancient saints, full of virtue, are 
 reposed. Secondly, New Editions of Authors, with corrected impressions ; 
 more faithful Translations, more profitable glosses, more diligent annota- 
 tions ; with the like train furnished and adorned. 
 
 In a letter to Sir Thomas Bodley, he says, " and the second copy I have 
 sent unto you, not only in good affection, but in a kind of congruity, in 
 regard of your great and rare desert of learning. For books are the shrines 
 where the saint is, or is believed to be. And you, having built an ark to 
 save learning from deluge, deserve propriety in any new instrument or 
 engine, whereby learning should be improved or advanced."^ — Steph. 19. 
 
 (b) Nor doth our trumpet summon, and encourage men to tear and 
 rend one another with contradictions ; and in a civil rage to bear arms, and 
 wage war against themselves ; but rather, a peace concluded between them, 
 they may with joint forces direct their strength against Nature herself; and 
 take her high towers, and dismantle her fortified holds ; and thus enlarge 
 the borders of man's dominion, so far as Almighty God of his goodness 
 shall permit. Adv. Learn. 
 
LIFE OF BACON. VU 
 
 heads, conduits, cisterns, and pools, which men have ac- 
 customed likewise to beautify and adorn with accomplish- 
 ments of magnificence and state, as well as of use and 
 necessity ; so this excellent liquor of knowledge, whether 
 it descend from divine inspiration, or spring from human 
 sense, would soon perish and vanish to oblivion, if it were 
 not preserved in books, traditions, conferences, and places 
 appointed; as universities, colleges, and schools, for the 
 receipt and comforting of the same. All tending to quiet- 
 ness and privateness of life, and discharge of cares and 
 troubles ; much like the stations which Virgil prescribeth 
 for the hiving of bees : 
 
 Principio sedes apibus statioque petenda, 
 Quo neque sit ventis aditus, etc. 
 
 Such were his imaginations of the tranquillity and occu- 
 pations in our universities. 
 
 He could not long have resided in Cambridge before he 
 must have discovered his erroneous notions of the mighty 
 living, and of the pursuits in which they were engaged. 
 Instead of students ready at all times to acquire any sort 
 of knowledge, he found himself " amidst men of sharp and 
 strong wits, and abundance of leisure, and small variety of 
 reading, their wits being shut up in the cells of a few 
 authors, chiefly Aristotle their dictator, as their persons 
 were shut up in the cells of monasteries and colleges ; and 
 knowing little history, either of nature or time, did, out of 
 no great quantity of matter, and infinite agitation of wit, 
 spin cobwebs of learning, admirable for the fineness of 
 thread and work, but of no substance or profit."(«) 
 
 (a) See the Advancement of Learning, under Contentious Learning. See 
 Gibbon's Memoirs. See vol. viii. London Magazine, page 509. Let hin 
 who is fond of indulging in. a dream-like existence go to Oxford, and 
 stay there ; let him study this magnificent spectacle, the same under all 
 aspects, with its mental twilight tempering the glare of noontide, or mel- 
 
Vlll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Instead of the University being formed for the discovery 
 of truths, he saw that its object was merely to preserve 
 and diflFuse the knowledge of our predecessors : instead of 
 general inquiry, he found that all studies were confined to 
 Aristotle, who was considered infallible in philosophy, a 
 Dictator to command, not a Consul to advise;* the lectures, 
 both in private in the colleges, and in public in the schools, 
 being but expositions of his text, and comments upon his 
 opinions, held as authentic as if they had been given under 
 the seal of the Pope, (a) Their infallibility, however, he was 
 not disposed to acknowledge. Whilst in the university he 
 formed his dislike of the philosophy of Aristotle, not for the 
 worthlessness of the author, to whose gigantic intellect he 
 ever ascribed all high attributes, but for the unfruitfulness 
 of his metliod, being a philosophy, as he was wont to say, 
 strong for disputations and contentions,(6) but barren for 
 the production of works for the benefit and use of man : 
 which, according to Bacon's opinion, is the only test of the 
 purity of our motives for acquiring knowledge and of the 
 value of knowledge when acquired ; " Men," he says, " have 
 entered into a desire of knowledge sometimes from a natural 
 curiosity and inquisitive appetite; sometimes to entertain 
 their minds with variety and delight ; sometimes for 
 ornament and reputation ; sometimes to enable them to 
 victory of wit and contradiction, and most times for lucre 
 and profession ; and seldom sincerely to give a true account 
 
 lowing the shadowy moonlight ; let him wander in her sylvan suburbs, or 
 linger in her cloistered halls ; but let him not catch the din of scholars or 
 teachers, or dine or sup with them, or speak a word to any of the privileged 
 inhabitants ; for if he does, the spell will be broken, the poetry and the 
 religion gone, and the palace of enchantment will melt from his embrace 
 into thin air. 
 
 * See Advancement of Learning, under Credulity, vol. ii. of this edition, 
 p. 43. 
 
 (a) Tennison. (t) Bawley — Tennison. 
 
LIFE OF BACON. IX 
 
 of their gift of reason, for the benefit and use of man : — as 
 if there were sought in knowledge a couch whereupon to 
 rest a searching and restless spirit; or a terrace for a 
 wandering and variable mind to walk up and down, with a 
 fair prospect ; or a tower of state for a proud mind to raise 
 itself upon ; or a fort or commanding ground for strife and 
 contention ; or a shop for profit and sale ; and not a rich 
 store-house for the glory of the Creator and the relief of 
 man's estate." 
 
 It was not likely that, with such sentiments he would 
 meet with much sympathy in the university. It was still 
 less probable that the antipathy' by which he was opposed 
 would check the ardour of his powerful mind. He went 
 right onward in his course, unmoved by the disapprobation 
 of men who turned from enquiries which they neither en- 
 couraged nor understood : and, seeing through the mists, 
 by a light refracted from below the horizon, that knowledge 
 must be raised on other foundations, and built with other 
 materials than had been used through a long tract of many 
 centuries, he continued his enquiries into the laws of 
 nature, (a) and planned his immortal work upon which he 
 laboured during the greater part of his life, (6) and ulti- 
 mately published when he was Chancellor, saying, " I have 
 held up a light in the obscurity of Philosophy ; which will 
 be seen centuries after I am dead."(c) 
 
 (a) I remember in Trinity College in Cambridge, there was an upper 
 chamber, which being thought weak in the roof of it, was supported by a 
 pillar of iron of the bigness of one's arm in the midst of the chamber; which 
 if you had struck, it would make a little flat noise in the room where it was 
 struck, but it would make a great bomb in the chamber beneath. — Sylva. 
 
 (b) See note I at end. 
 
 (c) See the dedication of the Novum Organura to the king. " Mortuus 
 fortasse id efiecero, ut ilia posteritati, novS, hac accens^ face in philosophise 
 tenebris, perlucere possint. 
 
X LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 1575. After two years residence he quitted the university with 
 ^t. 15. jjjg conviction not only that these seminaries of learning 
 were stagnant, but that they were opposed to the advance- 
 ment of knowledge. " In the universities," he says, " they 
 learn nothing but to believe : first, to believe that others 
 know that which they know not; and after, themselves 
 know that which they know not. They are like a becalmed 
 ship ; they never move but by the wind of other men's 
 breath, and have no oars of their own to steer withal :"(d) 
 and in his Novum Organum, which he published when 
 he was Chancellor, he repeats what he had said when a 
 boy. " In the universities, all things are found opposite 
 to the advancement of the sciences ; for the readings and 
 exercises are here so managed that it cannot easily come 
 into any one's mind to think of things out of the common 
 road: or if, here and there, one should venture to use a 
 liberty of judging, he can only impose the task upon 
 himself without obtaining assistance from his fellows ; and 
 if he could dispense with this, he will still find his in- 
 dustry and resolution a great hinderance to his fortune. 
 For the studies of men in such places are confined, and 
 pinned down to the writings of certain authors ; from which 
 if any man happens to differ, he is presently reprehended 
 as a disturber and innovator." (e) 
 
 Whether the intellectual gladiatorship by which stu- 
 dents in the universities of England are now stimulated, 
 then prevailed, does not appear, but his dislike of this 
 motive he early and always avowed. " It is," he says, 
 " an unavoidable decree with us ever to retain our native 
 candour and simplicity, and not attempt a passage to truth 
 under the conduct of vanity ; for, seeking real nature with 
 
 (d) See the tract in Praise of Knowledge, vol. i. of this edition, page 254. 
 
 (e) Ax. 90. Lib. i. 
 
LIFK OF BACON. XI 
 
 all her fruits about her, we should think it a betraying of 
 our trust to infect such a subject either with an ambitious, 
 an ignorant, or any other faulty manner of treating it." (a) 
 Some years after Bacon had quitted Cambridge, he 
 published his opinions upon the defects of universities ; (6) 
 in which, after having warned the community that, as 
 colleges are established for the communication of the 
 knowledge of our predecessors, there should be a college 
 appropriated to the discovery of new truths, a living spring 
 to mix with the stagnant waters, (c) " Let it," he says, 
 " be remembered that there is not any collegiate education 
 of statesmen, and that this has not only a malign influence 
 upon the growth of sciences, but is prejudicial to states 
 and governments, and is the reason why princes find a 
 solitude in regard of able men to serve them in causes of 
 state." (d) 
 
 (a) See the chapter on Vanity, in the admirable work, " Search's Light 
 of Nature :" where the distinction between the Love of ExcelUng and the 
 Love of Excellence as a motive for acquiring knowledge is fully explained. 
 
 (b) See note K at the end. 
 
 (c) See the sixth defect of universities, in Note M at die end, where he 
 says, the " serpent of Moses should devour the serpents of the enchanters." 
 
 (a!) Bacon says, first, therefore, amongst so many great fijundations of 
 colleges in Europe, I find strange that they are all dedicated to professions, 
 and none left free to arts and sciences at large. And this I take to be a 
 great cause, that hath hindered the progression of learning, because these 
 fundamental knowledges have been studied but in passage. For if you 
 will have a tree bear more fruit than it hath used to do, it is not any thing 
 you can do to the boughs, but it is the stirring of the earth, and putting new 
 mould about the roots, that must work it. Neither is it to be forgotten, 
 that iMs dedicating of foundations and dotations to professory teaming, hath 
 not only had a malign aspect and influence upon the growth of sciences, but 
 hath also been prejudicial to states and governments. For hence it pro- 
 ceedeth that princes find a solitude in regard of able men to serve them in 
 causes of state, because there is no education collegiate which is &ee, where 
 such as were so disposed might give themselves to histories, modem 
 languages, books of policy and civil discourse, and other the like enable- 
 ments unto service of state. See Note L at the end. This truth, confirmed 
 
XU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 These warnings seem to have been disregarded, and the 
 art of governing, not a ship, which would not be attempted 
 without a knowledge of navigation, but the ship of the 
 state, is entrusted, not to a knowledge of the principles of 
 human nature, but to the knowledge of Latin and Greek 
 and verbal criticisms upon the dead languages, (x) 
 
 And what has been the result? During the last two 
 centuries one class of statesmen has resisted all improve- 
 ment, and their opponents have been hurried into intem- 
 perate alterations: whilst philosophy, lamenting these 
 contentions, has, instead of advancing the science of govern- 
 ment, been occupied in counteracting laws founded upon 
 erroneous principles; Erroneous commercial laws; Erro- 
 neous laws against civil and religious liberty ; and Erro- 
 neous criminal laws, (x) 
 
 by daily experience, was, fifty years after his death, repeated by Milton, 
 who indignantly says, " when young men quit the university for the trade of 
 law, they ground their purposes, not on the prudent and heavenly contem- 
 plation of justice and equity, which was never taught them, but on the 
 promising and pleasing thoughts of litigious terms, fat contentions and flow- 
 ing fees : and, if they quit it for state affairs, they betake themselves to this 
 trust with souls so unprincipled in virtue and true generous breeding, that 
 flattery and court-shifts and tyraimous aphorisms appear to them the highest 
 points of wisdom." After having prescribed the proper order of education, 
 he adds. The next removal must be to the study of politics ; to know the 
 beginning, end, and reasons of political societies ; that they may not in a 
 dangerous fit of the commonwealth be such poor, shaken, uncertain reeds, 
 of such a tottering conscience, as many of our great counsellors have lately 
 shown themselves, but steadfast pillars of the state. After this they are to 
 drive into the grounds of law and legal justice, delivered first, and with best 
 warrant to Moses, and as fer as human prudence can be trusted, in those 
 extolled remains of Grecian lawgivers, Lycurgus, Solon, &c. and thence 
 to all the Roman edicts and tables with their Justinian; and so to the 
 Saxon laws of England. Milton. Education, vol. i. p. 270. 
 
 (x) " Such," says Milton, " are the errors, such the firuits of mispending 
 our prime youth at schools and universities as we do, either in learning 
 mere words, or such things chiefly as were better unlearned. See his Tract 
 on Education. 
 
LIFE OF BACON. XIU 
 
 So deeply was Bacon impressed with the magnitude of 
 this evil, that, by his will he endowed two lectures in 
 either of the universities, by " a lecturer, whether stranger 
 or English, provided he is not professed in divinity, law, 
 or physic." (»*) 
 
 The subject of universities, and the importance to the Atlantis. 
 community and to the advancement of science, that the 
 spring should not be poisoned or polluted, was ever present 
 to his mind, — and, in the decline of his life, he prepared 
 the plan of a college for the knowledge of the works and 
 creations of God, " from the cedar of Libanus to the moss 
 that groweth out of the wall :" but the plan was framed 
 upon a model so vast, that, without the purse of a prince 
 and the assistance of a people, all attempts to realize it 
 must be vain and hopeless. Some conception of his gor- 
 geous mind in the formation of this college, may appear 
 even at the entrance. 
 
 " We have (he says,) two very long and fair galleries : 
 in one of these we place patterns and samples of all man- 
 ner of the more rare and excellent inventions ; in the 
 other we place the statues of all principal inventors. There 
 we have the statue of your Columbus, that discovered the 
 West Indies ; also the inventor of ships ; your monk that 
 was the inventor of ordnance and of gunpowder ; the in- 
 ventor of music ; the inventor of letters ; the inventor of 
 printing; the inventor of observations of astronomy; the 
 inventor of works in metal ; the inventor of glass ; the in- 
 ventor of silk of the worm ; the inventor of wine ; the in- 
 ventor of corn and bread ; the inventor of sugars ; and all 
 these by more certain tradition than you have. Upon 
 every invention of value, we erect a statue to the inventor, 
 and give him a liberal and honourable reward. These 
 
 (m) See note M at the end. 
 
XIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 statues are some of brass ; some of marble and touchstone ; 
 some of cedar and other special woods gilt and adorned ; 
 some of iron ; some of silver ; some of gold." (m) 
 
 Such is the splendour of the portico, or ante-room. 
 Passing beyond it, every thing is to be found which ima- 
 gination can conceive or reason suggest, (m) 
 
 (m) This entrance to Bacon's college always forces itself on my mind, 
 when I visit the University Library of Cambridge: in which I see the 
 portrait of Mr. Thomas Nicholson, known by the name of Maps, the pro- 
 prietor of a circulating library, a laborious pioneer in literature. Under 
 his feet are some relics from classic ground, more valuable, perhaps, for 
 their antiquity than for their beauty. Delightful as is the love of antiquity, 
 this artificial retrospective extension of our existence (see Shakespeare's 
 Sonnet 123), might it not be adoned, in the present times, by casts from 
 the Elgin marbles, of which the cost does not exceed £200. By one 
 of the universities (I think it is of Dublin) these casts have been procured. 
 Let any parent of the mind, who considers the various modes by which 
 the heart of a nation is formed (which is beautifully described in Ramsden's 
 sermon on the Cessation of Hostilities), look in Boydell's Shakespeare, at 
 Barry's Cordelia, to be found, most probably, in' the Fitzwilliam collection: 
 and let him compare it with the magnificent affecting fainting female in 
 the Elgin marbles, and he will see the benefit which would result from 
 the university containing these valuable relics. 
 
 (k) We have large and deep caves of several depths : the deepest are 
 sunk six hundred fathom, and some of them are digged and made under 
 great hills and mountains ; so that if you reckon together the depth of the 
 hill and the depth of the cave, they are (some of them) above three miles 
 deep : these caves we call the lower region, and we use them for all coagu- 
 lations, indurations, refrigerations, and conservations of bodies. We use 
 them likewise for the imitation of natural mines, and the producing also of 
 new artificial metals, by compositions and materials. 
 
 We have high towers, the highest about half a mile in height, and 
 some of them likewise set upon high mountains, so that the vantage of the 
 hill with the tower is in the highest of them three miles at least. And these 
 places we call the upper region. We use these towers, according to their 
 several heights and situations, for insolation, refingeration, conservation, and 
 for the view of divers meteors, as vfinds, rain, snow, hail, and some of the 
 fiery meteors. 
 
 We have great lakes, both salt and fresh ; whereof we have use for the 
 fish and fowl. We use them also for burials of some natural bodies : for we 
 
LIFE OF BACON. XV 
 
 After having enumerated all the instruments of know- 
 ledge, " Such," he says, " is a relation of the true state of 
 Solomon's house, the end of which foundation is the know- 
 ledge of causes, and secret motions of things; and the 
 
 find a difference in things buried in earth, or in air below the earth ; and 
 things buried in water. We have also some rocks in the midst of the sea ; 
 and some bays upon the shore for some works, wherein is required the air 
 and vapour of the sea. We have likewise violent streams and cataracts, 
 which serve us for many motions : and likewise engines for multiplying 
 and enforcing of winds, to set also on going divers motions. 
 
 We have also a number of artificial wells and fountains, made in imi- 
 tation of the natural sources and baths ; as tincted upon vitriol, sulphur, 
 steel, brass, lead, nitre, and other minerals. 
 
 We have also great and spacious houses, where we imitate and de- 
 inonstrate meteors, as snow, hail, rain, some artificial rains of bodies, and 
 not of water, thunders, lightnings. 
 
 We have also certain chambers, which we call chambers of health, 
 where we qualify the air as we think good and proper for the care of divers 
 diseases, and preservation of health. We have also fair and large baths of 
 several mixtures, for the cure of diseases. 
 
 We have also large and various orchards and gardens; wherein we 
 do not so much respect beauty, as variety of ground and soil, proper for 
 divers trees and herbs : and some very spacious, where trees and berries 
 are set, whereof we make divers kinds of drinks, besides the vineyards. In 
 these we practise likewise all conclusions of grafting and inoculating, as well 
 of wild trees as fruit-trees, which produceth many effects. 
 
 We have also flimaces of great diversities, and that keep great diver- 
 sity of heats, fierce and quick, strong and constant, soft and mild, blown, 
 quiet, dry, moist, and the like. But above all we have heats, in imitation 
 of the sun's and heavenly bodies heats, that pass divers inequalities, and (as 
 it were) orbs, progresses and returns, whereby we may produce admirable 
 effects. 
 
 We procure means of seeing objects afer off, as in the heaven, and 
 remote places ; and represent things near as afer off, and things afar off as 
 near, making feigned distances. We have also helps for the sight, fer above 
 spectacles and glasses. 
 
 We have also parks and enclosures of all sorts of beasts and birds ; 
 which we use not only for view or rareness, but likewise for dissections and 
 trials, that thereby we may take light what may be wrought upon the body 
 of man. 
 
France. 
 
 XVI LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 enlarging of the bounds of human empire, to the effecting 
 of all things possible." (w) 
 
 In these glorious inventions of one rich mind, may be 
 traced much of what has been effected in science and me- 
 chanics, since Bacon's death, and more that will be effected 
 during the next two centuries. 
 1576. After three years residence in the university, his father 
 
 Mt. 16. sent him, at the age of sixteen, to Paris, under the care of 
 Sir Amias Paulett, the English ambassador at that court: (a) 
 by whom, soon after his arrival, he was entrusted with a 
 mission to the queen, requiring both secrecy and dispatch: 
 which he executed with such ability as to gain the appro- 
 bation of the queen, and justify Sir Amias in the choice of 
 his youthful messenger. 
 
 From the confidence thus reposed in him, and from the 
 
 We have also particular pools where we make trials upon fishes, as we 
 have said before of beasts and birds. 
 
 We have also places for breed and generation of those kinds of worms 
 and flies which are of special use, such as are with you your silk-worms 
 and bees. 
 
 We have also precious stones of all kinds, many of them of great 
 beauty and unknovra ; crystals and glasses of divers kinds. We represent 
 also ordnance and instruments of war, and engines of all kinds; and like- 
 wise new mixtures and compositions of gunpowder, wild-fires burning in 
 water and unquenchable; also fire-works of all variety, both for pleasure 
 and use. We imitate also flights of birds ; we have some degrees of flying 
 in the air; we have ships and boats for going under water, and brooking of 
 seas ; also swimming girdles and supporters. 
 
 We have also sound houses, where we practise and demonstrate all 
 sounds, and their generation. We have harmonies which you have not, of 
 quarter sounds, and lesser slides of sounds. Divers instruments of music 
 likevpise to you unknown, some sweeter than any you have ; with bells and 
 rings that are dainty and sweet. 
 
 We have also a mathematical house, where are all instruments, as well of 
 geometry as astronomy, exquisitely made. We have also houses of deceits 
 of the senses, &c. &c. 
 
 (n) See Note N at the end, for an account of the New Atlantis. 
 
 (a) Rawley, see note O at the end. 
 
IN FRANCE. XVU 
 
 impression made upon all with whom he conversed, upon 
 men of letters, with whom he contracted lasting friendships, 
 upon grave statesmen and learned philosophers, it was 
 manifest that the promise in his infancy of excellence, 
 whether for active or for contemplative life, seemed beyond 
 the most sanguine expectation to be realized- (a) 
 
 After the appointment of Sir Amias Paulett's successor. 
 Bacon travelled into the French provinces, and spent some 
 time at Poictiers. He prepared a work upon Cyphers, (6) 
 which he afterwards published, with an outline of the state 
 of Europe, (c) but the laws of sound and of imagination 
 continued to occupy his thoughts, (z) 
 
 (a) It is a feet not unworthy of notice, that an eminent artist, to whom, 
 when in Paris, he sat for his portrait, was so conscious of his inability to do 
 justice to his extraordinary intellectual endowments, that he has written on 
 the side of his picture: Si tabula daretur digna animum mallem. — See 
 the last note in the Notes to this Life. 
 
 (6) In the AugmentisScientiarum, Lib. vi. speaking of Cyphers, he says, 
 Ut verb suspicio omnis absit, aliud inventum subjiciemus, quod certS cfim 
 adolescentuli essemus Parisiis excogitavimus, nee etiam adhuc visa nobis 
 res digna est quae pereat. Watts' English Translation of this part is as 
 follows : But ihat jealousies may be taken away, we will annex another 
 invention, which, in truth, we devised in our youth, when we were at 
 Paris : and is a thing that yet seemeth to us not worthy to be lost. It 
 containeth the highest degree of cypher, which is to signify omnia per 
 omnia, yet so, as the writing infolding, may bear a quintuple proportion to 
 the vpiiting infolded ; no other condition or restriction whatsoever is required. 
 See p. 314, of vol. viii. of this edition. 
 
 (c) See note Q at the end. 
 
 (z) His meditations were both upon natural science and human sciences, 
 as will appear from the following facts. 
 
 In his history of life and death, speaking of the differences between youth 
 and old age, and having enumerated many of them, he proceeds thus : 
 When I was a young man at Poictiers in France, I femiliarly conversed 
 with a young gentieman of that country, who was extremely ingenious, but 
 somewhat talkative; he afterwards became a person of great eminence. 
 This gentleman used to inveigh against the manners of old people, and 
 would say, that if one could see their minds as well as their bodies, their 
 minds would appear as deformed as their bodies ; and indulging his own 
 VOL. XV, C 
 
1579. 
 iEt. 19. 
 
 XVlll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Whilst he was engaged in these meditations his father 
 died suddenly, on the 20th February, 1579. He instantly 
 returned to England. 
 
 humour, he pretended, that the defects of old men's minds, in some 
 measure corresponded to the defects of their bodies. Thus dryness of the 
 skin, he said, was answered by impudence ; hardness of tlie viscera, by 
 relentlessness ; blear-eyes, by envy ; and an evil eye, their down look, and 
 incurvation of the body, by atheism, as no longer, says be, looking vlp to 
 heaven; the trembling and shaking of tlie limbs, by unsteadiness and in- 
 constancy; the bending of their fingers as to lay hold of something, by 
 rapacity and avarice; the weakness of their knees, by fearfulness; their 
 wrinkles, by indirect dealings and cunning, &c.* 
 
 And again, for echoes upon echoes, there is a rare instance thereof in a 
 place which I will now exactly describe. It is some three or four miles 
 from Palis, near a town called Pont-Charenton ; and some bird-bolt shot 
 or more from the river of Sein. The room is a chapel or small church. 
 The walls all standing, both at the sides and at the ends. Speaking at the 
 one end, I did hear it return the voice thiiteen several times. (a) 
 
 There are certain letters that an echo will hardly express ; as S for one, 
 especially being principal in a word. I remember well, that when I went 
 to the echo at Pont-Charenlon, there was an old Parisian, that took it to be 
 work of spirits, and of good spirits. For, said he, call "Satan," and the 
 echo will not deliver back the devil's name; but will say, "va t'en;'' which 
 is as much in French as "apage," or avoid. And thereby I did hap to 
 find, that an echo would not return an S, being but a hissing and an in- 
 terior sound, (b) 
 
 So too the nature of imagination continued to interest him. In the Sylva, 
 art. 986, (c) he says, the relations touching the force of imagination and 
 the secret instincts of nature are so uncertain, as they require a great deal of 
 examination ere we conclude upon them. I would have it first throughly 
 inquired, whether there be any secret passages of sympathy between persons 
 of near blood ; as parents, children, brothers, sisters, nurse-children, husbands, 
 wives, &c. There be many reports in history, that upon the death of persons 
 of such nearness, men have had an inward feeling of it. I myself remember, 
 that being in Paris, and my father dying in London, two or three days before 
 my father's death I had a dream, which I told to divers English gentlemen, 
 that my father's house in the country was plastered all over with black 
 mortar. 
 
 * See vol. xiv. of this ed. p. 408. 
 (a) Sylva, art. 249, vol. iv. of this edition, p. 128. 
 (6) Sylva, art. 251, vol. iv. of this edition, p. 129. 
 (c) Vol. iv. of this edition, p. 528. 
 
XIX 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF HIS FATHER TILL HE ENGAGED 
 IN ACTIVE LIFE. 1580 to 1590. 
 
 Discovering, upon his arrival in England, that, by the isso. 
 sudden death of his father, he was left without a sufficient ^t- 20. 
 provision to justify him in devoting his life to contem- 
 plation, (a) it became necessary for him to select some 
 pursuit for his support, " to think how to live, instead of 
 living only to think." (^) 
 
 Law and Politics were the two roads open before him; 
 in both his family had attained opulence and honor. Law, 
 the dry and thorny study of law, had but little attraction 
 for his discursive aad imaginative mind. With the hope, 
 thetefore, that, under the protection of his political friends, 
 and the Queen's remembrance of his father, and notice of 
 him when a child, he might escape from the mental slavery 
 of delving in this laborious profession, he made a great 
 effort to secure some small competence, by applying to 
 Lord Burleigh to recommend him to the queen, and inter- 
 ceding with Lady Burleigh to urge his suit with his uncle, (d) 
 
 (a) Rawley Biog. Brit. 
 
 (c) This is an expression of his own, I forget where. 
 
 (rf) My singular good Lord, 
 
 My humble duty remembered, and my humble thanks presented for 
 your lordship's favour and countenance, which it pleased your lordship, at 
 my being with you, to vouchsafe me, above my degree and desert : My 
 
XX LITE OF BACON. 
 
 But his application was unsuccessful ; the queen and the 
 lord treasurer, distinguished as they were for penetration 
 into character, being little disposed to encourage him to 
 
 letter hath no farther errand but to commend unto your lordship the 
 remembrance of my suit, which then I moved unto you ; whereof it also 
 pleased your lordship to give me good hearing, so far forth as to promise to 
 tender it unto her majesty, and withal to add, in the behalf of it, that which 
 I may better deliver by letter than by speech ; which is, that although it 
 must be confessed that the request is rare and unaccustomed, yet if it be 
 observed how few there be which fall in with the study of the common 
 laws, either being well left or fi-iended, or at their own free election, or 
 forsaking likely success in other studies of more delight, and no less prefer- 
 ment, or setting hand thereunto early, without vraste of years; upon such 
 survey made, it may be my case may not seem ordinary, no more than my 
 suit, and so more beseeming unto it. As I forced myself to say this in 
 excuse of my motion, lest it should appear unto your lordship altogether 
 indiscreet and imadvised, so my hope to obtain it resteth only upon your 
 lordship's good affection toward me, and grace with her majesty, who, 
 raethinks, needeth never to call for the experience of the thing, where she 
 hath so great and so good of the person which recommendeth it. According 
 to which trast of mine, if it may please your lordship both herein and else- 
 where to be my patron, and to make account of me, as one in whose well- 
 doing your lordship hath interest, albeit, indeed, your lordship hath had 
 place to benefit many, and wisdom to make due choice of lighting places 
 for your goodness, yet do I not fear any of your lordship's former experi- 
 ences for staying my thankfulness borne in art, howsoever God's good 
 pleasure shall enable me or disable me, outwardly, to make proof thereof; 
 for I cannot account your lordship's service distinct from that which I to 
 God and my prince ; the performance whereof to best proof and purpose is 
 the meeting point and rendezvous of all my thoughts. Thus I take my 
 leave of your lordship, in humble manner, committing you, as daily in my 
 prayers, so, likewise, at this present, to the mercifal protection of the 
 Almighty. 
 
 Your most dutiful and bounden Nephew, 
 From Grey's Inn, B. Fra. 
 
 this 16th of September, 1580. 
 
 To Lady Burghley, to speak for him to her Lord. 
 
 My singular good Lady, 
 I was as ready to shew myself mindful of my duty, by waiting on your 
 ladyship, at your being in tovm, as now by writing, had I not feared lest 
 
STUDENT IN GRAY S INN. XXI 
 
 rely upon others rather than upon himself, and to venture 
 on the quicksands of politics, instead of the certain pro- 
 fession of the law, in which the queen had, when he was 
 a child, predicted that he would one day be " her Lord 
 Keeper."(d) 
 
 To law, therefore, he was reluctantly obliged to devote 
 himself, and, as it seems, in the year 1580, he was admitted 
 a student of Gray's Inn, of which society his father had 
 for many years been an illustrious member, (e) 
 
 Having engaged in this profession, he, as was to be 
 expected, encountered and subdued the difficulties and 
 obscurities of the science in which he was doomed to labour, 
 and in which, he, afterwards, was so eminently distinguished, 
 not only by his professional exertions and honours, but by 
 his various valuable works upon different practical parts of 
 
 your ladyship's short stay, and quick return might well spare me, that came 
 of no earnest errand. I am not yet greatly perfect in ceremonies of court, 
 whereof, I know, yoiu ladyship knoweth both the right use, and true value. 
 My thankful and serviceable mind shall be always like itself, howsoever it 
 vary from the common disguising. Your ladyship is wise, and of good 
 nature to discern from what mind every action proceedeth, and to esteem 
 of it accordingly. This is all the message which my letter hath at this tirile 
 to deliver, unless it please your ladyship further to give me leave to make 
 this request unto you, that it would please your good ladyship, in your 
 letters, wherewith you visit my good lord, to vouchsafe the mention and 
 recommendation of my suit; wherein your ladyship shall bind me more 
 unto you than I can look ever to be able sufficiently to acknowledge. Thus 
 in humble manner, I take my leave of your ladyship, committing you, as 
 daily in my prayers, so, likewise, at this present, to the mercifiil providence 
 of the Almighty. 
 
 Your Ladyship's most dutiful and bounden nephew, 
 From Grey's Inn, B. Fra. 
 
 this 16th of September, 1580. 
 
 (d) See ante page 111. 
 
 (e) The admission book at Gray's Inn begins in the year 1580; but the 
 first four pages have been torn out. Bacon's name, however, appears in 
 the list of members of the society, in the year 1581 : the book abounds 
 with Lord Bacon's Autographs. 
 
XXll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 the law, (a) and upon the improvement of the science by 
 exploring the principles of universal justice, the laws of 
 law. (b) 
 
 Extensive as were bis legal researches, and great as was 
 his legal knowledge, law was, however, but an accessory, 
 not a principal study, (c) It was not to be expected that 
 his mind should confine its researches within the narrow 
 and peiplexed study of precedents and authorities. He 
 contracted his sight, when necessary, to the study of the 
 law, but he dilated it to the whole circle of science, and 
 continued his meditations u pon his immortal work, which 
 he had projected when in the university, (d) 
 
 This course of legal and philosophical research was 
 accompanied with such sweetness and affability of deport- 
 ment, that be gained the affections of the whole society, 
 
 (a) See note R at the end, and note C C. 
 
 (b) See note S at the end. 
 
 (c) Contemplation feels no hunger, nor is sensible of any thirst, but of 
 that after knoTA ledge. How frequent and exalted a pleasure did David 
 iiad from his meditation in the divine law? all the day long it was the 
 t^eme of his thoughts: Tlie affairs of state, the government of his kingdom, 
 might indeed employ, but it was this only that refreshed his mind. How 
 short of this are the delights of the epicure ? how vastly disproportionate 
 are the pleasures of the eating and of the thinking man ? indeed as different 
 as the silence of an Archimedes in the study of a problem, and the stillness 
 of a sow at her wash. — South. 
 
 Being returned from travel, he applied himself to the study of the 
 common-law, which he took upon him to be his profession. Notwith- 
 standing that he professed the law for his livelihood and subsistence, yet 
 his heart and aftection was more carried after the affairs and places of state ; 
 for which, if the majesty royal then had been pleased, be was most fit. 
 The narrowness of his circumstances obliged him to think of some profession 
 for a subsistence ; and he applied himself, more through necessity than 
 choice, to the study of the common law, in which he obtained to great 
 excellence, though he made that (as himself said) but as an accessory, and 
 not his principal study.— Rawley. See note S at the end. 
 
 (d) See note I at the end. 
 
QUEEN S COUNSEL. XXUl 
 
 and the kindness he experienced was not lost upon him. 
 He assisted in their festivities ; he beautified their spacious 
 garden, and raised an elegant structure, known for many 
 years after his death, as "The Lord, Bacon's Lodgings," in 
 which at intervals he resided till his death, (b) 
 
 When he was only twenty-six years of age, he was isse. 
 promoted to the bench j (c) in his twenty-eighth year he -351.26. 
 was elected lent reader ; (d) and the 42nd of Elizabeth he 
 was appointed double reader. 
 
 His agreeable occupations, and extensive views of science, 
 during his residence in Gray's Inn, did not check his 
 professional exertions. In the year 1586, he applied to 
 the lord treasurer to be called within the bar ; (a) and in 
 
 (t) See note T at the end. 
 
 (c) See note V at the end. 
 
 (d) Dugdale, in his account of Bacon, says, in 30th Elizabeth, (being 
 then but twenty-eight years of age) the honorable society of Gray's Inn 
 chose him for their lent reader. Orig. p. 295. 
 
 (a) In the time of Lord Bacon there was a distinction between outer and 
 inner barristers. By the following letter in 1586, it will appear that he 
 applied to the lord treasurer that he might be called within bars. 
 To the Eight Honorable the Lord Treasurer.* 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I take it as an undoubted sign of your lordship's favour unto me that, 
 being hardly informed of me, you took occasion rather of good advice than 
 of evil opinion thereby. And if your lordship had grounded only upon the 
 said information of theirs, I might and would truly have upholden that few 
 of the matters were justly objected ; as the very circumstances do induce, 
 in that they were delivered by men that did misaifect me, and, besides, were 
 to give colour to their own doings. But because your lordship did mingle 
 therewith both a late motion of mine own, and somewhat which you had 
 otherwise heard, I know it to be my duty (and so do I stand affected,) 
 rather to prove your lordship's admonition effectual in my doings hereafter, 
 than causeless by excusing what is past. And yet (with your lordship's 
 pardon humbly asked) it may please you to remember, that I did endeavour 
 to set forth that said motion in such sort as it might breed no harder effect 
 than a denial. And I protest simply before God, that I sought therein an 
 
 * Lands. MS. li. art. 5. Orig. 
 
XXIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 his thirtieth year was sworn queen's counsel learned extra- 
 ordinary, (a) an honor which until that time, had never 
 been conferred upon any member of the profession. 
 
 ease in coming within bars, and not any extraordinary or singular note of 
 favour. And for that your lordship may otherwise have heard of me, it 
 shall malce me more wary and circumspect in carriage of myself; indeed I 
 find in my simple observation, that they which live as it were in umbra and 
 not in public or frequent action, how moderately and modestly soever they 
 behave themselves, yet laborant invidia; I find also that such persons as 
 are of nature bashful (as myself is), whereby they want that plausible 
 familiarity which others have, are often mistaken for proud. But once I 
 know well, and I most humbly beseech your lordship to believe, that 
 arrogancy and overweening is so far firom my nature, as if I think well of 
 myself in any thing it is in this, that I am fi-ee fi-om that vice. And I hope 
 upon this your lordship's speech, I have entered into those considerations, 
 as my behaviour shall no more deliver me for other than I am. And so 
 wishing unto your lordship all honour, and to myself continuance of your 
 good opinion, vrith mind and means to deserve it, I humbly take my leave. 
 Your Lordship's most bounden Nephew, 
 Grey's Inn, Fb. Bacon. 
 
 this 6th of May, 1586. 
 
 (a) Eawley, in his life, says, he was after a while, sworn to the queen's 
 counsel learned extraordinary; a grace, if I err not, scarce known before. 
 " He was counsel learned extraordinary to his Majesty, as he had been to 
 Queen Elizabeth." Extract bora Biographia Britannica, vol. I. page 373. 
 — He distinguished himself no less in his practice, which was very con- 
 siderable, and after discharging the ofiice of reader at Grays Inn, which he 
 did, in 1588, when in the twenty-sixth year of his age, he was become so 
 considerable, that the queen who never over valued any man's abilities, 
 thought fit to call him to her service in a way which did him very great 
 honour, by appointing him her council learned in the law extraordinary : 
 by which, though she contributed abundantly to his reputation, yet she 
 added but very little to his fortune, as indeed in this respect he was never 
 much indebted to her majesty, how much soever he might be in all others. 
 He, in his apology respecting Lord Essex, says, "They sent for us of the 
 learned council." 
 
XXV 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM HIS ENTRANCE INTO ACTIVE LIFE TILL HIS 
 DISAPPOINTMENT AS SOLICITOR, 1590 to 1596. 
 
 He thus entered on public life, submitting, as a lawyer and 1590 to 
 a statesman, to worldly occupations and the pursuit of ^^^^' 
 worldly honours, that, sooner or later, he might escape 
 into the calm regions of philosophy. 
 
 At this period the court was divided into two parties : 
 at the head of the one were the two Cecils ; of the other, 
 the Earl of Leicester, and afterwards, his son-in-law, the 
 Earl of Essex. 
 
 To the Cecils Bacon was allied. He was the nephew of 
 Lord Burleigh, and first cousin to Sir Robert Cecil, the 
 principal secretary of state ; but, connected as he was to 
 the Cecils by blood, his affections were with Essex. Gene- 
 rous, ardent, and highly cultivated, with all the romantic 
 enthusiasm of chivalry, and all the graces and accom- 
 plishments of a court, Essex was formed to gain partizans, 
 and attach friends. Attracted by his mind and character. 
 Bacon could have but little sympathy with Burleigh, who 
 thought £100. an extravagant gratuity to the author of 
 the Fairy Queen, which he was pleased to term an " old 
 8ong,"(b) and, probably deemed the listeners to such songs 
 little better than idle dreamers. There was much grave 
 learning and much pedantry at court, but literature of the 
 lighter sort was regarded with coldness, and philosophy 
 
 (6) See note X at the end. 
 
XXVI LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 with suspicion : instead, therefore, of uniting himself to the 
 party in power, be not only formed an early fiiendship 
 himself with Essex, but attached to his service his brother 
 Anthony, who had returned fiom abroad, with a great lepu- 
 tation for ability and a knowledge of foreign affairs, (c) 
 1591. This intimacy could not fail to exc'te the jealousy of 
 iEt. 31. Lord Burleigh; and, in after life. Bacon was himself 
 sensible that he had acted unwisely, and that his noble 
 kinsmen had some right to complain of the readiness with 
 which he and his brother had embraced the views of their 
 powerful rival. (d) Bat, attached as he was to Essex, 
 Bacon was not so imprudent as to neglect an application 
 to them whenever opportunity offered to forward his inte- 
 rests. In a letter written in the year 1591 to Lord Burleigh, 
 in which he says that " thirty-one years is a great deal of 
 sand in the hour-glass," he made another effort to extricate 
 himself from the slavery of the law, by endeavouring to pro- 
 cure some appointment at court; that, "not being a man 
 born under Sol that loveth honour, nor under Jupiter that 
 loveth business, but wholly carried away by the contem- 
 plative planet," he might by that mean become a true 
 pioneer in the deep mines of truth. (<Z) To these applications, 
 the Cecils were not entirely inattentive ; for, although not 
 influenced by any sympathy for genius, " for a speculative 
 man indulging himself in philosophical reveries, and calcu- 
 lated more to perplex than to promote public business," 
 as he was represented by his cousin. Sir Robert Cecil, {f) 
 they procured for him the reversion of the Registership of 
 the Star Chamber, worth about £1600. a year, for which, 
 modestly ascribing his success to the remembrance of his 
 father's virtues, he immediately acknowledged his obliga- 
 tion to the queen. This reversion, however, was not of 
 
 (c) See note Y at the end. (d) See note Z at the end. 
 
 (/) There is a letter containing this expression, but I cannot find it. 
 
Mt. 32. 
 
 MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT. XXVll 
 
 any immediate value; for, not falling into possession till 
 after the lapse of twenty years, he said that " it was like 
 another man's ground buttailing upon his house, which 
 might mend his prospect, but it did not fill his barns." (a) 
 
 In the parliament which met on February 19, 1592, and 1592 
 which was. chiefly called for consultation and preparation 
 against the ambitious designs of the King of Spain, (6) 
 Bacon sat as one of the knights for Middlesex, (c) On the 
 25th of February, 1592, he, in his first speech, earnestly 
 recommended the improvrementof the Jaw, an improvement 
 which through life he availed himself of every opportunity 
 to encourage(rf) not only by his speeches, but by his works; 
 in which he admonishes lawyers, that although they have 
 a tendency to resist the progress of legal improvement, 
 and are not the best improvers of law, it is their duty 
 to visit and strenglhen the roots and foundation of their 
 science, productive of such blessings to themselves and to 
 the community; and he submitted to the king that the 
 most sacred trust to sovereign power consisted in the 
 establishing good laws for the regulation of the kingdom, 
 and as an example to the world. 
 
 To assist in the improvement which he recommended, 
 he, in after life, prepared a plan for a digest and amend- 
 ment of the whole law, and particularly of the penal law 
 of England, and a tract upon Universal Justice; the one 
 like a fruitful shower, profitable and good for the latitude 
 of ground on which it falls, the other like the benefits of 
 heaven, permanent and universal, (e) 
 
 In another debate on the 7th of March, B^con forcibly 
 represented, as reasons for deferring for six years the pay- 
 ment of the subsidies to which the house had consented, 
 
 (o) See note Z Z at the end. (b) See note 2 Z at the end. 
 
 (c) See note A A at the end. (rf) See note B B at the end. 
 
 (e) See note C C at the end. 
 
XXVIII LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 the distresses of the people, the danger of raising public 
 discontent, and the evil of making so bad a precedent 
 against themselves and posterity, (o) With this speech the 
 queen was much displeased, and caused her displeasure 
 to be communicated to Bacon both by the Lord Treasurer 
 and by the Lord Keeper. He heard them with the calmness 
 of a philosopher, saying, that " he spoke in discharge of 
 his conscience and duty to God, to the queen, and to his 
 country; that he well knew the common beaten road to 
 favour, and the impossibility that he who had selected a 
 course of life ' estimate only by the few,' should be approved 
 by the many." (J) He said this, not in anger, but in the 
 consciousness of the dignity of his pursuits, and with the 
 full knowledge of the doctrine and consequences both of 
 concealment and revelation of opinion : of the time to speak 
 and the time to be silent, (c) 
 
 If, after this admonition, he was more cautious in the 
 expression of his sentiments, he did not relax in his parlia- 
 mentary exertions, or sacrifice the interests of the public 
 at the foot of the throne. He spoke often, and always with 
 such force and eloquence as to insure the attention of the 
 house ; and, though he spoke generally on the side of the 
 court, he was regarded as the advocate of the people: a 
 powerful advocate, according to his friend, Ben Jonson, 
 who thus speaks of his parliamentary eloquence : " There 
 happened in my time one noble speaker who was full of 
 gravity in his speaking : his language, where he could spare 
 or pass by a jest was nobly censorious. No man ever spake 
 more neatly, more pressly, more weightily, or suffered less 
 emptiness, less idleness in what he uttered: no member 
 of his speech but consisted of its own graces. His hearers 
 could not cough or look aside from him without loss : he 
 commanded when he spoke, and had his judges angry and 
 
 (a) See note D D at the end. (i) See note E E at the end. 
 
 (c) See note P F at the end. 
 
SOLICITORSHIP. XXIX 
 
 pleased at his devotion. No man had their affections more 
 in his power : the fear of every man that heard him was 
 lest he should make an end." 
 
 It would have been fortunate for society if this check 
 had impressed upon his mind the vanity of attempting to 
 unite the scarcely reconcileable characters of the philoso- 
 pher and the courtier. His high birth and elegant taste 
 unfitted Bacon for the common walks of life, and by sur- 
 rounding him with artificial wants, compelled him to exer- 
 tions uncongenial to his nature : but the love of truth, of 
 his country, and an undying spirit of improvement, ever 
 in the train of knowledge, ill suited him for the tram- 
 mels in which he was expected to move. Through the 
 whole of his life he endeavoured to burst his bonds, and 
 escape from law and politics, from mental slavery to intel- 
 lectual liberty. Perhaps the charge of inconsistency, so 
 often preferred against him, may be attributed to the vary- 
 ing impulse of such opposite motives.* 
 
 In the spring of 1594, (a) by the promotion of Sir Edward 
 Coke to the office of Attorney General, the Solicitorship ^-g. 
 became vacant. This had been foreseen by Bacon, and, Mt. 34. 
 from his near alliance to the Lord Treasurer; from the 
 friendship of Lord Essex ; from the honourable testimony 
 of the bar and of the bench ; from the protection he had a 
 right to hope for from the Queen, for his father's sake; 
 from the consciousness of his own merits and of the weak- 
 ness of his competitors, Bacon could, scarcely doubt of his 
 success. He did not, however, rest in an idle security; 
 for though, to use his own expression, he was " voiced 
 with great expectation, and the wishes of all men," yet he 
 strenuously applied to the Lord Keeper, to Lord Burleigh, 
 
 * During this year he published a tract, containing observations upon a 
 libel. See vol. v. of this edition, p. 384. ^" , 
 
 (o) 10 April, Dug. Orig. 
 
XXX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 to Sir Robert Cecil, and to his noble friend Lord Essex, to 
 further his suit. 
 
 To the Lord Keeper Puckering he applied as to a lawyer, 
 having no syrtipathy with his pursuits or value for his 
 attainments, in the hope of preventing his opposition, rather 
 than from any expectation of his support ;(«) and he calcu- 
 lated rightly upon the Lord Keeper's disposition towards 
 him, for, either hurt by Bacon's manner,' of which he 
 appeared to have complained, (i) or from the usual anti- 
 pathy of common minds to intellectual superiority, the 
 Lord Keeper represented to the Queen that two lawyers, 
 of the names of Brograve and Brathwayte, were more 
 meritorious candidates, (c) Of the conduct of the Lord 
 Keeper he felt and spoke indignantly. " If,'" he says, " it 
 please your lordship but to call to mind from whom I am 
 descended, and by whom, next to God, her Majesty, and 
 your own virtue, your lordship is ascended, I know yOU 
 will have a compunction of mind to do me any wrong." (<?) 
 
 To Lord Burleigh he applied as to his relation and 
 patron, and, as a motive to ensure his protection, he inti- 
 mated bis intenUon to devote himself to legal pursuits, an 
 intimation likely to be of more efficacy to this statesman 
 than the assui-ance that the completion" of the Novum 
 Organum depended upon his success : (e) and he fortned 
 a correct estimate of the Lord Treasurer, who strongly 
 interceded with the Queen, and kindly communicated to 
 Bacon the motives by which she was influenced against 
 him.(/) 
 
 To Sir Robert Cecil he also applied, as to a kinsman ; 
 and, during this course of his solicitation, having suspected 
 that he had been bribed by his opponent, openly accused 
 
 ((/) See note HH at the end. (6) See note 1 1 af the end. 
 
 (c) See rote K K at the end. (d) See note L L at the end. 
 
 (e) See note M M at the end. {f) See note N N at the end. 
 
SOLICITORSHIP. xxxi 
 
 him ; but, having discovered his error, he immediately ac- 
 knowledged that his suspicions were unfounded, (a) He 
 still, however, maintained that there had been treachery 
 somewhere, and that a word the Queen had used against 
 him had been put into her mouth by Sir Robert's mes- 
 senger. 
 
 Essex, with all the zeal of his noble and ardent nature, 
 endeavoured to influence the Queen on behalf of his friend, 
 by every power which he possessed over her affections and 
 her understanding ; (b) availing himself of the most happy 
 moments to address her, refuting all the reasons which she 
 could adduce against his promotion, and representing the 
 rejection of his suit as an injustice to the public, and a 
 great unkindness to himself. Not content with these 
 earnest solicitations, Essex applied to every person by 
 whom the Queen was likely to be influenced. 
 
 That Bacon had a powerful enemy was evinced not only 
 by the whole of Elizabeth's conduct during this protracted 
 suit, but by the anger with which she met the earnest 
 pleadings of Essex ; by her perpetual refusals to come to 
 any decision, and above all, by her remarkable expressions, 
 that " Bacon had a great wit, and much learning, but that 
 in law he could show to the uttermost of his knowledge, 
 and was not deep." Essex was convinced that this enemy 
 was the Lord Keeper, to whom he wrote, desiring " that 
 the Lord Keeper would no longer consider him a suitor for 
 Bacon, but for himself; that upon him would light the 
 disgrace as well of the protraction as of the refusal of the 
 suit; and complained with much bitterness of those who 
 ought to be Bacon's friends, (c) 
 
 (a) See note O O at the end. (b) See note P P at the end. 
 
 (c) To the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper, S^c. — My very good 
 Lord, The want of assistance from them which should be Mr. Fr. Bacon's 
 friends, makes [me] the more industrious myself, and the more earnest in 
 
XXXU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 To the Queen, Bacon applied by a letter worthy of 
 them both. He addressed her respectfully, but with a 
 full consciousness that he deserved the appointment, and 
 that he had not deserved the reprimand he had received 
 from her Majesty, for the honest exercise of his duty in 
 parliament. Apologizing for his boldness and plainness, 
 he told the Queen, " that his mind turned upon other 
 wheels than those of profit ; that he sought no great matter, 
 but a place in his profession, often given to younger men ; 
 that he had never sought her but by her own desire, and 
 that he would not wrong himself by doing it at that time, 
 when it might be thought he did it for profit ; and that if 
 her majesty found other and abler men, he should be glad 
 there was such choice of them, (a) This letter, according 
 to the custom of the times, he accompanied by a present of 
 a jewel. (_/) When the Queen, with the usual property 
 of royalty, not to forget, mentioned his speech in parlia- 
 ment which yet rankled in her mind, (6) and with an 
 antipathy, unworthy of her love of letters, said, " he was 
 rather a man of study, than of practice and experience ;" 
 he reminded her of his father, who was made solicitor of 
 the Augmentation Office when he was only twenty-seven 
 years old, and had never practised, and that Mr. Brograve, 
 
 soliciting mine own friends. Upon me the labour must lie of his estab- 
 lishment, and upon me the disgrace will light of his being refused. There- 
 fore I pray your lordship, now account me not as a solicitor only of my 
 friend's cause, but as a party interested in this ; and employ all your lord- 
 ship's favour to me, or strength for me, in procuring a short and speedy 
 end. For though I know it will never be carried any other way, yet I 
 hold both my friend and myself disgraced by this protraction. More I 
 vFould write, but that I know to so honourable and kind a friend, this 
 which I have said is enough. And so I commend your lordship to God's 
 best protection, resting, at your Lordship's commandment, — Essex. 
 (a) See note Q Q at the end. (b) See note S S at the end. 
 
 (/) See note RU at the end. 
 
SOLICITORSHIP. XXXIU 
 
 who had been recommended by the Lord Keeper, was 
 without practice, (a) 
 
 This contest lasted from April 1594 till November 1595; 
 and what at first was merely doubt and hesitation in the 
 Queen's mind, became a struggle against the ascendency, 
 which she was conscious Essex had obtained over her, as 
 she more than once urged that " if either party were to 
 give way it ought to be Essex; that his affection for 
 Bacon should yield to her mislike. (/) Of this latent 
 cause Essex became sensible, and said to Bacon, " I never 
 found the Queen passionate against you till I was pas- 
 sionate for you."(»ra) 
 
 Such was the nature of this contest, which was so long 
 protracted, that success could not compensate for the 
 trouble of the pursuit ; of this, and of the difficulties of his 
 situation, he bitterly complained. " To be," he said, " like 
 a child following a bird, which when he is nearest flieth 
 away and lighteth a little before, and then the child after 
 it again. I am weary of it, as also of wearying my good 
 friends." (n) 
 
 On the 5th of November, 1596,(o) Mr. Serjeant Fleming ^^gg 
 was appointed Solicitor-General, to the surprise of the ^t. 36. 
 public, and the deep-felt mortification of Bacon, and of his gj,!™^"^ 
 patron and friend. Lord Essex. The mortification of Essex 
 partook strongly of the extremes of his character; of the 
 generous regard of wounded affection, and the bitter 
 vexation of wounded pride: he complained that a man, 
 every way worthy had " fared ill, because he had made 
 him a mean and dependence;" but he did not rest 
 here : he generously undertook the care of Bacon's future 
 
 (o) See note TT at the end. 
 
 (f) See note P P, letter beginning " I went yesterday.'' 
 
 (m) See note P P, letter beginning " I have received.'' 
 
 (n) See note V V at the end. (o) See Dug. Orig. Jud. 
 
 VOL. XV. d 
 
XXXIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 fortunes, and, by the gift of an estate, worth about £1800. 
 at the beautiful village of Twickenham,^ endeavoured to 
 remunerate him for his great loss of time and grievous 
 disappointment, (a) 
 
 How bitterly Bacon felt the disgrace of the Queen's re- 
 jection is apparent by his own letter, where he says, that 
 " rejected with such circumstances> he could no longer 
 look upon his friends, and that he should travel, and hoped 
 that her majesty would not be offended that, no longer 
 able to endure the sun, he had fled into the shade." (b) 
 
 His greatest annoyance during this contest had arisen 
 from the interruption of thoughts generally devoted to 
 higher things. After a short retirement, " where he once 
 again enjoyed the blessings of contemplation in that sweet 
 solitariness which collecteth the mind, as shutting the eyes 
 does the sight," during which he seems to have invented 
 an instrument resembling a barometer, (c) he resumed his 
 usual habits of study, consoled by the consciousness of 
 worth, which, though it may at first embitter defeat from 
 a sense of injustice, never fails ultimately to mitigate dis- 
 appointment, by ensuring the sympathy of the wise and 
 the good. 
 
 This cloud soon passed away; for, though Bacon had 
 stooped to politics, his mind, when he resumed his natural 
 position, was far above the agitation of disappointed am- 
 bition. During his retirement he wrote to the Queen, 
 expressing his submission to the providence of God, which 
 he says findeth it expedient for me " tolerare jugum in 
 juventute mea;" and assuring her majesty that her service 
 should not be injured by any want of his exertions. (d) His 
 forbearance was not lost upon the Queen, who, satisfied 
 with her victory, soon afterwards, with an expression of 
 
 (o) See note W W at the end. (c) See note Y Y at the end. 
 
 (i) See note X X at the end. (d) 'See note ZZ at the end.' 
 
ELEMENTS OF LAW. XXXV 
 
 kindness, employed him in her service: and some eflFoft 
 was made to create a new vacancy, by the advancement of 
 Fleming, (a) 
 
 During the contest, the University of Cambridge had 
 conferred upon him the degree of master of arts,(&) and he 
 had in the first throes of vexation declared his intention of 
 retiring there, a resolution, which, unfortunately for phi- 
 losophy, he did not put into practice, (j?) 
 
 In the year 1596 Bacon completed a valuable tract jjgg 
 upon the* elements and use of the common law. (c) It jEt. 36. 
 consists in the first part of twenty-five legal maxims, (d) as Elements 
 specimens selected from three hundred, (e) in which he 
 was desirous to establish in the science of law, as he was 
 anxious to establish in all science, general truths for the 
 diminution of individual labour, and the foundation of 
 future discoveries : and, his opinion being, that general 
 truths could be discovered only by an extensive collection 
 of particulars, he proceeded in this work upon the plan 
 suggested in his Novum Organum. (f) 
 
 In the second part he explains the use of the law for 
 the security of persons, reputation, and property ; which, 
 with the greatest anxiety to advance freedom of thought 
 and liberty of action, he well knew and always inculcated, 
 was to be obtained only by the strength of the law re-- 
 straining and directing individual strength, (z) In Or- 
 pheus's Theatre, he says, all beasts and birds assembled, 
 and forgetting their several appetites, some of prey, Some 
 of game, some of quarrel, stood all sociably together, 
 listening to the airs and accords of the harp; the sound 
 
 (a) See note 3 A at the end. (e) See note 3 E at the end. 
 
 (b) See note 3 B at the end. (/) See note 3 F at the end. 
 
 (c) See note 3 C at the end. (x)r See note X X at the end. 
 
 (d) See note 3 D at the end. 
 
 (?) In societati civili, aut lex aut vis valet. Jtistitia Universalis. 
 
XXXVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 whereof no sooner ceased, or was drowned by some louder 
 noise, but every beast returned to his own nature ; wherein 
 is aptly described the nature and condition of men : who 
 are full of savage and unreclaimed desires of profit, of lust, 
 of revenge, which as long as they give ear to precepts, to 
 laws, to religion, sweetly touched with eloquence, and 
 persuasion of books, of sermons, of harangues; so long 
 is society and peace maintained ; but if these instruments 
 be silent, or sedition and tumult make them not audible, 
 all things dissolve into anarchy and confusion."* 
 
 His preface contains his favourite doctrine, that " there 
 is a debt of obligation from every member of a profession 
 to assist in improving the science in which he has success- 
 fully practised,(a) and he dedicated his work to tbe Queen, 
 as a sheaf and cluster of fruit of the good and favourable 
 season enjoyed by the nation, from the influence of her 
 happy government, by which the people were taught that 
 part of the study of a good prince was to adorn and honour 
 times of peace by the improvement of the laws. Although 
 this tract was written in the year 1596, and although he 
 was always a great admirer of Elizabeth, it was not pub- 
 lished till after his death, (a) 
 
 The exertions which had been made by Essex to obtain 
 the solicitorship for his friend, and his generous anxiety 
 to mitigate his disappointment, had united them by the 
 strongest bonds of affection. 
 
 In the summer of 1596, Essex was appointed to the 
 command of an expedition against Spain ; and though he 
 was much troubled during the embarkation of his troops, 
 by the want of discipline in the soldiery, chiefly volunteers, 
 and by the contentions of their officers, too equal to be 
 easily commanded, yet he did not forget the interests of 
 Bacon, but wrote from Plymouth to the new-placed lord 
 
 (a) See note 3 G at the end. 
 
THE ESSAYS. XXXVll 
 
 keeper, and to all his friends in power, strongly recom- 
 meniding him to their protection, (a) 
 
 In the early part of the year 1597 his first publication 1597. 
 appeared. It is a small 12mo. volume of Essays, (6) Re- ^^- ^'''■ 
 ligious Meditations, and a Table of the Colours of Good 
 and Evil. In his dedication to his loving and beloved 
 brother, he states that he published to check the circula- 
 tion of spurious copies, " like some owners of orchards, who 
 gathered the fruit before it was ripe, to prevent stealing ;" 
 and he expresses his conviction that there was nothing in 
 the volume contrary, but rather medicinable to religion 
 and manners, and his hope that the Essays would, to use 
 his own words, "be like the late new halfpence, which, 
 though the pieces were small, the silver was good." (b) 
 
 The Essays, which are ten (e) in number, abound with 
 condensed thought and practical wisdom, neatly, pressly, 
 and weightily stated, (f) and, like all his early works, are 
 simple, without imagery, (wi) They are written in his favou- 
 rite style of aphorisms, (m) although each essay is appa- 
 rently a continued work; (A) and without that love of 
 
 (a) See note 3 H at the end. (i) See note 3 1 at the end. 
 
 (e) 1. Of Study. 
 
 2. Of Discourse. 
 
 3. Of Ceremonies and Respect. 
 
 4. Of Followers and Friends. 
 
 5. Suitors. 
 
 6. Of Expense. 
 
 7. Of Regiment of Health. 
 
 8. Of Honour and Reputation. 
 
 9. Of Faction. 
 10. Of Negociating. 
 
 (J^ See Ben Jonson's description of his speaking in parliament, ante, 
 xxviii. 
 
 (m) See note 3 K at the end. 
 
 (A) The following is selected as a specimen from his first essay " Of 
 Study :" 
 
 % Reade not to contradict, nor to believe, but to waigh and consider. 
 
XXXVlll LIFE OF BACONT. 
 
 antithesis and false glitter to which truth and justness of 
 thought is frequently sacrificed by the writers of maxims. 
 
 Another edition, with a translation of the Meditationes 
 Sacrae, was published in the next year; and a third in 
 1612, when he was solicitor-general; and a fourth in 1625, 
 the year before his death. 
 
 The Essays in the subsequent editions are much aug- 
 mented, according to his own words : " I always alter when 
 I add, so that nothing is finished till all is finished," and 
 they are adorned by happy and familiar illustration, as in 
 the essay of " Wisdom for a Man's self," which concludes 
 in the edition of 1625 with the following extract, not to be 
 found in the previous edition : — " Wisdom for a man's self 
 is in many branches thereof a depraved thing. It is the 
 wisdom of rats, that will be sure to leave a house somewhat 
 before it fall. It is the wisdom of the fox, that thrusts 
 out the badger, who digged and made room for him. It is 
 the wisdom of crocodiles, that shed tears when they would 
 devour. But that which is specially to be noted is, that 
 those which, as Cicero says of Pompey, are sui amantes 
 sine rivali, are many times unfortunate. And whereas they 
 have all their time sacrificed to themselves, they become 
 in the end themselves sacrifices to the inconstancy of for- 
 tune, whose wings they thought by their self-wisdom to 
 have pinioned." 
 
 So in the essay upon Adversity, on which he had deeply 
 reflected, before the edition of 1625, when it first appeared, 
 he says : " The virtue of prosperity is temperance, the 
 
 % Some bookes are to be tasted, others to be swallowed, and some few 
 to be chewed and digested. That is, some bookes are to be read only in 
 partes ; others to be read but cursorily, and some few to be read wholly 
 and with diligenae and attention. 
 
 5r Histories make men wise, poets wittie, the mathematicks subtle, 
 natural philosophie deepe, moral, grave; logicke and rhetoricke able to 
 contend. 
 
THE ESSAYS. XXXIX 
 
 virtue of adversity is fortitude, which in morals is the more 
 heroical virtue. Prosperity is the blessing of the Old 
 Testament, adversity is the blessing of the New, which 
 carrieth the greater benediction, and the clearer revelation 
 of God's favour. Yet even in the Old Testament, if you 
 listen to David's harp, you shall hear as many hearse-like 
 airs as carols; and the pencil of the Holy Ghost hath 
 laboured more in describing the afilictions of Job than the 
 felicities of Solomon. Prosperity is not without many fears 
 and distastes ; and adversity is not without comforts and 
 hopes. We see in needleworks and embroideries, it is more 
 pleasing to have a lively work upon a sad and solemn 
 ground, than to have a dark and melancholy work upon a 
 lightsome ground: judge, therefore, of the pleasure of the 
 heart by the pleasure of the eye. Certainly virtue is like 
 precious odours, most fragrant when they are incensed, or 
 crushed: for prosperity doth best discover vice, but ad- 
 versity doth best discover virtue." 
 
 The essays were immediately translated into French and 
 Italian, and into Latin by some of his friends, amongst 
 whom were Hacket, Bishop of Litchfield, and his constant 
 affectionate friend, Ben Jonson. (i) 
 
 His own estimate of the value of this work is thus 
 stated in his letter to the Bishop of Winchester : " As for 
 my Essays, and some other particulars of that nature, I 
 count them but as the recreations of my other studies, and 
 in that manner purpose to continue them; though I am 
 not ignorant that these kind of writings would, with less 
 pains and assiduity, perhaps yield more lustre and repu- 
 tation to my name than the others I have in hand." 
 
 Although it was not likely that such lustre and repu- 
 tation would dazzle him, the admirer of Phocion, (k) who, 
 
 (») Tennison. See note (a), p. 226. (/c) Apothegm. 30, vol. i. p. 356. 
 
xl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 when applauded, turned to one of his friends, and asked, 
 "what have I said amiss?" although poJ)ular judgment 
 was not likely to mislead him who concludes his observa- 
 tions upon the objections to learning and the advantages 
 of knowledge, by saying, " Nevertheless I. do not pretend, 
 and I know it will be impossible for me, by any pleading 
 of mine, to reverse the judgment either of ^sop's cocky 
 that preferred the barleycorn before the gem ; or of Midas, 
 that being choseri judge between Apollo, president of the 
 muses, and Pan, god of the flocks, judged for plenty; or 
 of Paris, that judged for beauty and love against wisdom 
 and power. For these things continue as they have been ; 
 but so will that also continue whereupon learning hath ever 
 relied, and which faileth not. ' Justificata est sapientia a 
 filiis suis :'"(«) yet he seems to have undervalued this little 
 work, which, for two centuries, has been favourably re- 
 ceived by every lover of knowledge and of beauty, and is 
 now so well appreciated, that a celebrated professor of our 
 own times truly says : " The small volume to which he has 
 .given the title of " Essays," the best known and the most 
 popular of all his works, is one of those where the supe- 
 riority of his genius appears to the greatest advantage; 
 the novelty and depth of his reflections often receiving a 
 strong relief from the triteness of the subject. It may be 
 read from beginning to end in a few hours, and yet after 
 the twentieth perusal one seldom fails to remark in it some- 
 thing overlooked before. This, indeed, is a characteristic 
 of all Bacon's writings, and is only to be accounted for by 
 the inexhaustible aliment they furnish to our own thoughts, 
 and the sympathetic activity they impart to our torpid 
 faculties." (6) 
 
 During his life six or more editions, which seem to have 
 
 (o) See vol. ii. p. 88. (6) Dugald Stewart. 
 
COLOURS OF GOOD AND EVIL. xU 
 
 been pirated, were published; and, after his death, two 
 spurious essays " Of Death," and " Of a King," the only 
 authentic posthumous essay being the fragment of an essay 
 on Fame, which was published by his friend and chaplain. 
 Dr. Uawley. 
 
 The sacred meditations, which are twelve in number, (a) 
 are in the first edition in Latin, and have been partly in- 
 corporated into subsequent editions of the Essays, and into 
 the Advancement of Learning, (b) 
 
 The Colours of Good and Evil are ten in number, and 
 were afterwards inserted in the Advancement of Learn- 
 ing, (c) in his tract on Rhetoric. 
 
 Such was the nature of his first work, which was grate- 
 fiilly received by his learned contemporaries, as the little 
 cloud seen by the prophet, and welcomed as the harbinger 
 of showers that would fertilise the whole country. 
 
 While, in this year, the Earl of Essex was preparing for 1598. 
 his voyage. Bacon communicated to him his intention of ^^- ^^■ 
 making a proposal of marriage to the Lady Hatton, the mamage. 
 wealthy widow of Sir William Hatton, and daughter of Sir 
 Thomas Cecil, and desired his lordship's interest in sup- 
 port of his pretensions, trusting, he said, " that the beams 
 of his lordship's pen might dissolve the coldness of his 
 
 (a) Of the Works of God and Man. , 
 
 Of the Miracles of our Saviour. 
 
 Of the Innocency of the Dove, and the Wisdom of the Serpent. 
 
 Of the Exaltation of Charity. 
 
 Of the Moderation of Cares. 
 
 Of Earthly Hope. 
 
 Of Hypocrites. 
 
 Of Impostors. 
 
 Of the several kinds of Imposture. 
 
 Of Atheism. 
 
 Of Heresies. 
 
 Of the Church and the Scripture, 
 (i) See note 3 L at the end. <c) See vol. ii. p. 212. 
 
xlii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 fortune." (a) Essex with his wonted zeal, warmly advocated 
 the cause of his friend ; he wrote in the strongest terms to 
 the father and mother of the lady, assuring them " that if 
 Bacon's suit had been to his own sister or daughter, he 
 would as confidently further it, as he now endeavoured to 
 persuade them." Neither Bacon's merit, or the generous 
 warmth of his noble patron touched the heart of the lady, 
 who, fortunately for Bacon, afterwards became the wife of 
 his great rival. Sir Edward Coke, (J?) 
 
 1598. In this year he seems to have been in great pecuniary 
 ■ ■ difficulties, (c) which, however they may have interrupted, 
 
 did not prevent his studies; for, amidst his profes,sional 
 and political labours, he published a new edition of his 
 Essays, (d) and composed a law tract, not published until 
 some years after his death, entitled the History of the 
 Alienation Office. (^) 
 
 1599. In the year 1599, the celebrated , case of Perpetuities, 
 which had been argued many times at the bar of the King's 
 
 Uses. Bench, was on account of its difficulty and great import- 
 ance, ordered to be argued in the Exchequer Chamber 
 before all the judges of England ;(y) and after a first argu- 
 ment by Coke, Sdlicitor^General, a second argument was 
 directed, and Bacon was selected to discharge this arduous 
 duty, to which he seems to have given his whole mind ; 
 and although Sir Edward Coke, in his report, states that 
 he did not hear the arguments, the case is reported at 
 great length, and the reasoning has not been lost, for the 
 
 (ffl) See note 3 M at the end. 
 
 (b) See note 3 N at the end. 
 
 (c) See note 3 O at the end. 
 
 (d) It differs from the edition of 1597 only in having the Meditationes 
 Sacrae in English instead of Latin. 
 
 (e) See note 3 P at the end. 
 (/) 1 Coke, 121, p. 287. 
 
CASE OF PEUPETUTTIES. xliii 
 
 HI 
 
 manuscript exists, (a) and seems to have been incorporated 
 in his reading on the statute of uses to the society of 
 Gray's Inn. 
 
 He thus commences his address to the students : " I 
 have chosen to read upon the Statute of Uses, a law 
 whereupon the inheritances of this realm are tossed at 
 this day, like a ship upon the sea, in such sort, that 
 it is hard to say which bark will sink, and which will 
 get to the haven; that is to say, what assurances will 
 stand good, and what will riot. Neither is this any lack 
 or default in the pilots, the grave and learned judges ; but 
 the tides and currents of received error, and unwarranted 
 and abusive experience have been so strong, as they were 
 not able to keep a right course according to the law. 
 Herein, though I could not be ignorant either of the 
 difficulty of the matter, which he that taketh in hand 
 shall soon find, or much less of my own unableness, which 
 I had cdntinual sense and feeling of; yet, because I had 
 more means of absolution than the younger sort, and more 
 leisure than the greater sort, I did think it not impossible 
 to work some profitable effect ; the rather because where 
 an inferior wit is bent and constant upon one subject, he 
 shall many times, with patience and meditation, dissolve 
 and undo many of the knots, which a greater wit, distracted 
 with many matters, would rather cut in two than unknit : 
 and, at the least, if my invention or judgment be too barren 
 or too weak, yet by the benefit of other arts, I did hope to 
 dispose or digest the authorities and opinions which are in 
 cases of uses in such order and method, as they should take 
 light one from another, though they took no light from me." 
 
 He then proceeds in a luminous exposition of the sta- 
 tute, of which a celebrated lawyer of our times, (6) says: 
 
 (fl) See note 3 Q at the end. (6) Mr. Hargrave. 
 
xliv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 " Lord Bacon's reading on the Statute of Uses is a very 
 profound treatise on the subject, so far as it goes, and 
 shows that he had the clearest conception of one of the 
 most abstruse parts of our law. What might we not have 
 expected from the hands of such a master, if his vast mind 
 had not so embraced within its compass the whole field of 
 science, as very much to detach him from his professional 
 studies ?"(6) 
 
 There is an observation of the same nature by a cele- 
 brated professor in another department of science. Sir John 
 Hawkins, who, in his History of Music, says, " Lord Bacon, 
 in his Natural History has given a great variety of experi- 
 ments touching music, that show him to have not been 
 barely a philosopher, an inquirer into the phenomena of 
 sound, but a master of the science of harmony, and very 
 intimately acquainted with the precepts of musical compo- 
 sition." And, in coincidence with his lordship's sentiments 
 of harmony, he quotes the following passage : " The 
 sweetest and best harmony is when every part or instru- 
 ment is not heard by itself, but a conflation of them all, 
 which requireth to stand some distance off, even as it is in 
 the mixtures of perfumes, or the taking of the smells of 
 several flowers in the air." (i) 
 
 With these legal and literary occupations he continued 
 without intermission his parliamentary exertions, there not 
 having been during the latter part of the Queen's reign 
 any debate in which he was not a distinguished speaker, 
 or any important committee of which he was not an active 
 member, (d) 
 
 Ireland. Early in the year 1599 a large body of the Irish, denied 
 1599. the protection of the laws, and hunted like wild beasts by 
 
 Mt. 39. j^jj insolent soldiery, fled the neighbourhood of cities, shel- 
 
 (b) See note 3 R at the end. (d) See note 3 S at the end. 
 
ESSEX LORD LIEUTENANT. xlv 
 
 tered themselves in their marshes and forests, and grew 
 every day more intractable and dangerous; it became 
 necessary, therefore, that some vigorous measures should 
 be adopted to restrain their excesses. 
 
 A powerful army was raised, of which the command was 
 intended by the Queen to be conferred upon Lord Mount- 
 joy; but Essex solicited an employment, which at once 
 gratified his ambition and suited the ardour of his cha- 
 racter, and which his enemies sought for him more zealously 
 than his friends, foreseeing the loss of the Queen's favour, 
 from the certainty of his absence from court, and the 
 probable failure of his expedition. 
 
 From the year 1596 till this period there had been some Difference 
 interruption of the intimacy between Bacon and Essex, 
 arising from the honest expression of his opinion of the 
 unwise and unworthy use which Essex made of his power 
 over the Queen. Notwithstanding the temporary estrange- 
 ment which this difference of opinion occasioned, Essex 
 was unwilling to accept this important command without 
 consulting his intelligent friend. 
 
 Bacon's narrative gives a striking picture of both parties. 
 He says, *' Sure I am (though I can arrogate nothing 
 to myself but that I was a faithful remembrance to his 
 lordship) that while I had most credit with him his fortune 
 went on best. And yet in two main points we always 
 directly and contradictorily differed, which I will mention 
 to your lordship, because it giveth light to all that followed. 
 The one was, I ever set this down, that the only course to 
 be held with the Queen was by obsequiousness and observ- 
 ance ; and I remember I would usually engage confidently, 
 that if he would take that course constantly, and with 
 choice of good particulars to express it, the Queen would 
 be brought in time to Assuerus' question, to ask, What 
 should be done to the man that the king would honour ? 
 
xlvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 meaning, that her goodness was without limit, where there 
 was a true concurrence, which I knew in her nature to be 
 true. My lord, on the other side, had a settled opinion, 
 that the Queen could be brought to nothing but by a kind 
 of necessity and authority; and I well remember, when by 
 violent courses at any time he had got his will, he would 
 ask me : Now sir, whose principles be true ? And I would 
 again say to him: My lord, these courses be like to hot 
 waters, they will help at a pang ; but if you use them, you 
 shall spoil the stomach, and you shall be fain still to make 
 them stronger and stronger, and yet in the end they will 
 lese their operation : with much other variety, wherewith 
 I used to touch that string. Another point was, that I 
 always vehemently dissuaded him from seeking greatness 
 by a military dependence, or by a popular dependence, as 
 that which would breed in the Queen jealousy, in himself 
 presumption, and in the state perturbation; and I did 
 usually compare them to Icarus' two wings which were 
 joined on with wax, and would make him venture to soar 
 too high, and then fail him at the height. And I would 
 further say unto him : My Lord, stand upon two feet, and 
 fly not upon two wings. The two feet are the two kinds 
 of justice, commutative and distributive: use your great- 
 ness for advancing of merit and virtue, and relieving wrongs 
 and burdens, you shall need no other art or fineness : but 
 he would tell me, that opinion came not from my mind, 
 but from my robe. But this difference in two points so 
 main and material, bred in process of time a discontinuance 
 of privateness (as it is the manner of men seldom to com- 
 municate where they think their courses not approved) 
 between his lordship and myself; so as I was not called 
 nor advised with for some year and a half before his lord- 
 ship's going into Ireland, as in former time: yet never- 
 theless, touching his going into Ireland, it pleased him 
 
ESSEX LORD LIEUTENANT. xlvii 
 
 expressly and in a set manner to desire mine opinion and 
 counsel." (a) 
 
 Thus consulted, Bacon, with prophetic wisdom, warned Dissuades 
 him of the ruin that would inevitably result from his ac- 
 ceptance of an appointraentj attended not only with peculiar 
 diflBculties, which from habit and temper he was unfit to 
 encounter, but also with the certain loss of the Queen's 
 favour, from his absence, and the constant plotting of his 
 enemies. Essex heard this advice, urged as it was, with 
 an anxiety almost parental, as advice is generally heard 
 when opposed to strong passion. It was totally disregardedi 
 It is but "ustice to Bacon to hear his own words. He says : 
 " I did not only dissuade, but protest against his going, 
 telling him with as much vehemency and asseveration as I 
 could, that absence in that kind would exulcerate the 
 Queen's mind, whereby it would not be possible for him 
 to carry himself so as to give her sufficient contentment ; 
 nor for her to carry herself so as to give him sufficient 
 countenance, which would be ill for her, ill for him, and ill 
 for the state. And because I would omit no argument, I 
 remember I stood also upon the difficulty of the action : 
 many other reasons I -used, so as I am sure I never in any 
 thing in my lifetime dealt with him in like earnestness by 
 speech, by writing, and by all the means I could devise. 
 For I did as plainly see his overthrow chained, as it were 
 by destiny to that journey, as it is possible for a man to 
 ground a judgment upon future contingents. But my lord, 
 howsoever his ear was open, yet his heart and resolutiori 
 was shut against that advice, whereby his ruin tnight have 
 been prevented." (a) 
 
 It did not require Bacon's sagacity to foresee these sad 
 consequences. Elizabeth had given an unwilling assent 
 
 (a) Bacon's Apology, see vol. vi. p. 245. 
 
xlviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 1 to the appointment, and, though accustomed to yield to 
 the vehement demands of her favorite, was neither blind to 
 his faults, or slow in remembering them, when his absence 
 gave her time for reflection ; but she shared with all mon- 
 archs the common wish to obtain the disinterested affection 
 of those whom she distinguished with her favour, (a) 
 
 By the loss of Leicester, and the recent death of Bur- 
 leigh, she was left in the decline of her life " in a solitude 
 of friends," when Essex, of a character more congenial 
 to the Queen than either of those noblemen, became, 
 between twenty and thirty years of age, a candidate for 
 court favour. Well read, highly born, accomplished, and 
 imbued with the romantic chivalry of the times, he amused 
 her by his gaiety, and flattered her by his gallantry ; the 
 rash ingenuousness of his temper gave an air of sincerity 
 to all his words and actions, while strength of will, and a 
 daring and lofty spirit like her own, lessened the distance 
 between them, and completed the ascendancy which he 
 gained over her affections ; an ascendency which, even if 
 the Queen had not been surrounded by his rivals and 
 enemies, could not but be diminished by his absence. 
 1599. In March, 1599, he was appointed lord lieutenant, and, 
 ^t. 39. attended with the flower of the nobility and the acclama- 
 lieutenant. tio^s of the people, he quitted London, and in the latter 
 end of the month arrived at Dublin. From this time until 
 his return, the whole of his actions were marked by a 
 strong determination that his will should be paramount to 
 that of the Queen. 
 
 The first indication of his struggle for power was the 
 appointment, against the express wish of the Queen, of 
 his friend. Lord Southampton, to be general of the horse, 
 which he was ordered to rescind. Essex, who had much 
 personal courage, and who would have distinguished him-, 
 
 (a) See note 3 T at the end. 
 
Essex's imprudence. xlix 
 
 self at a tournament, or a passage at arms, being totally- 
 unfit to manage an expedition requiring all the skill, expe- 
 rience, and patient endurance of a veteran soldier, the whole 
 campaign was a series of rash enterprize, neglected oppor- 
 tunity, and relaxed discipline, involving himself and his 
 country in defeat and disgrace. By this ill-advised con- 
 duct he so completely aliened the minds of his soldiers, 
 that they were put to flight by an inferior number of the 
 enemy; at which Essex was so much enraged, that he 
 cashiered all the officers, and decimated the men. 
 
 Bacon, seeing how truly he had prophesied, and ob- 1597, 
 serving the pain felt by the Queen, availed himself of every Mt. 37. 
 
 opportunity to prevent his ruin in her affections. " After Interces- 
 ,,,.,,, „ _ , , , sion with 
 
 my lord s gomg, he says, " 1 saw then how true a prophet Queen. 
 
 I was, in regard of the evident alteration which naturally 
 succeeded in the Queen's mind, and thereupon I was still 
 in watch to find the best occasion that in the weakness of 
 my power I could either take or minister, to pull him out 
 of the fire if it had been possible ; and not long after, me 
 thought I saw some overture thereof, which I apprehended 
 readily, a particularity I think be known to very few, and 
 the which I do the rather relate unto your lordship, because 
 I hear it should be talked, that while my lord was in Ire- 
 land I revealed some matters against him, or I cannot tell 
 what ; which if it were not a mere slander as the rest is, 
 but had any, though never so little colour, was surely upon 
 this occasion. The Queen one day at Nonsuch, a little 
 (as I remember) before Cuffes coming over, I attending on 
 her, showed a passionate distaste of my lord's proceedings 
 in Ireland, as if they were unfortunate, without judgment, 
 contemptuous, and not without some private end of his 
 own, and all that might be, and was pleased, as she spake 
 of it to many that she trusted least, so to fall into the like 
 speech with me; whereupon I who was still awake, and 
 VOL. XV. e 
 
1 LIFE OF BACO]>f. 
 
 true to my grounds which I thought surest for my lord's 
 good, said to this effect : Madam, I know not the particu- 
 lars of estate, and I know this, that princes' actions must 
 have no abrupt periods or conclusions, but otherwise I 
 would think, that if you had my lord of Essex here with a 
 white staff in his hand, as my lord of Leicester had, and 
 continued him still about you for society to yourself, and 
 for an honour and ornament to your attendance and court 
 in the eyes of your people, and in the eyes of foreign 
 ambassadors, then were he in his right element; for, to dis- 
 content him as you do, and yet to put arms and power 
 into his hands, may be a kind of temptation to make him 
 prove cumbersome and unruly. And therefore if you would 
 imponere honam clausulam, and send for him, and satisfy 
 him with honour near you, if your affairs, which (as I have 
 said) I am not acquainted with, will permit it, I think 
 were the best way." (a) 
 Return of These kind exertions for his friend were, however, 
 Essex. wholly defeated by the haughtiness and imprudence of 
 Essex, who, to the just remonstrances of the Queen, gave 
 no other answers than peevish complaints of his enemies ; 
 and, to the astonishment of all persons, he, without her 
 permission, returned to England, arrived before any person 
 could be apprised of his intention, and, the Queen not being 
 in London, he, without stopping to change his dress, or to 
 take any refreshment, proceeded to Nonsuch, where the 
 court was held. Travel-stained as he was, he sought the 
 Queen in her chamber, and found her newly risen, with 
 her hair about her face. He kneeled to her, and kissed her 
 hands. Elizabeth, taken by surprise, gave way to all her 
 partiality for him, and to the pleasure she always had in 
 his company. He left her presence well pleased with his 
 reception, and thanked God, though he had suffered much 
 
 (a) Bacon's Apology, vol. vi. p. 254. 
 
Essex's return. li 
 
 trouble and storm abroad, that he found a sweet calm at 
 home. He had another conference for an hour with the 
 Queen before midday, from which he returned well con- 
 tented with his future prospects, receiving the visits of the 
 whole court, Cecil and his party excepted, (b) 
 
 During the day the Queen saw her ministers, (c) After Confine- 
 dinner he found her much changed : she received him ??™' °' 
 
 Essex to 
 
 coldly, and appointed the lords to hear him in council that his cham- 
 very afternoon. After sitting an hour, they adjourned the ^^''' 
 court to a full council on the next day; but, between eleven 
 and twelve at night, an order came from the Queen that 
 Essex should keep his chamber, (d) 
 
 On the next day the lords met in council, and presented To York 
 a favourable report to the Queen, who said she would House. 
 pause and consider it, Essex still continuing captive in his 
 chamber, (e) from whence the Queen ordered him to be 
 committed into custody, lest, having his liberty, he might 
 be far withdrawn from his duty through the corrupt coun- 
 sels of turbulent men, not however to any prison, lest she 
 might seem to destroy all hope of her ancient favor, but to 
 the Lord Keeper's, at York House, to which in the after-r 
 noon he was taken from Nonsuch, (f) 
 
 Bacon's steady friendship again manifested itself. He Bacon's 
 wrote to Essex the moment he heard of his arrival, and in steady 
 an interview between them, he urged the advice which he 
 had communicated in his letter. This letter and advice 
 are fortunately preserved. In his letter he says : My Lord, 
 conceiving that your lordship came now up in the person 
 of a good servant to see your sovereign mistress, which 
 
 (6) See Sydney Papers, 117 — 127. Camden and Birch. 
 
 (c) See Sydney Papers. Michaelmas day at noon, (vol. ii. p. 127) 
 containing the account of the different persons who hastened to court on 
 that day. 
 
 (d) Sydney Papers, vol. ii. p. 129. 
 
 (e) Sydney Papers, 130—133 (/) Sydney Papers, 131-9. 
 
Hi 
 
 LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 kind of compliments are many times "instar magnorum 
 meritorum ;" and therefore that it would be hard for me to 
 find you, I have committed to this poor paper the humble 
 salutations of him that is more yours than any man's, and 
 more yours than any man. To these salutations, I add a 
 due and joyful gratulation, confessing that your lordship, 
 in your last conference with me before your journey, spake 
 not in vain, God making it good, that you trusted we 
 should say, " quis putasset ?" Which, as it is found true 
 in a happy sense, so I wish you do not find another " quis 
 putasset," in the manner of taking this so great a service ; 
 but I hope it is as he said, " nubecula est cit6 transibit ;" 
 and that your lordship's wisdom and obsequious circum- 
 spection and patience will turn all to the best. So referring 
 all to some time that I may attend you, I commit you to 
 God's best preservation. 
 
 And his advice is thus stated by Bacon : " Well, the next 
 news that I heard, was that my lord was come over, and 
 that he was committed to his chamber for leaving Ireland 
 without the Queen's licence : this was at Nonsuch, where 
 (as my duty was) I came to his lordship, and talked with 
 him privately about a quarter of an hour, and he asked mine 
 opinion of the course that was taken with him; I told him : 
 My lord, nubecula est, cito transibit : it is but a mist ; but 
 shall I tell your lordship it is as mists are, if it go upwards, it 
 may perhaps cause a shower, if downwards it will clear up. 
 And therefore, good my lord, carry it so, as you take away 
 by all means all umbrages and distastes from the Queen, 
 and especially if I were worthy to advise you, (as I have 
 been by yourself thought, and now your question imports 
 the continuance of that opinion) observe three points : first, 
 make not this cessation or peace, which is concluded with 
 Tyrone, as a service wherein you glory, but as a shuffling 
 up of a prosecution which was not very fortunate. Next, 
 represent not to the Queen any necessity of estate, whereby, 
 
COMMITTAL TO LORD KEEPER. liii 
 
 as by a coercion or wrench, she should think herself enforced 
 to send you back into Ireland ; but leave it to her. Thirdly, 
 seek access, importune, opportune, seriously, sportingly, 
 every way. I remember my lord was willing to hear me, 
 but spake very few words, and shaked his head sometimes, 
 as if he thought I was in the wrong ; but sure I am, he 
 did just contrary in every one of these three points." (a) 
 
 After his committal to the Lord Keeper's there was great Private in 
 fluctuation of opinion with respect to his probable fate. JaStac °" 
 On one day the hope of his restoration to favour prevailed; Chamber. 
 on the next, as the Queen, by brooding over the miscon- 
 duct of Essex, by additional accounts of the consequences 
 of his errors in Ireland, by turbulent speeches and seditious 
 pamphlets, was much exasperated, his ruin was predicted. 
 Pamphlets were circulated and suppressed; there were 
 various conferences at York House between the different 
 statesmen and Essex ; and it was ultimately determined 
 that the matter should be investigated, not by public accu- 
 sation, but by a declaration in the Star Chamber, in the 
 absence of Essex, of the nature of his misconduct. Such 
 was the result of the Queen's conflict between public 
 opinion and her aflfection for Essex. (6) 
 
 In this perplexity she consulted Bacon, who from this. Bacon ob- 
 and from any proceeding, earnestly dissuaded the Queen, J^"^*^- 
 and warned her that, from the popularity of Essex and 
 this unusual mode of accusation, it would be said that 
 justice had her balance taken from her; and that, instead of 
 promoting, it would interrupt the public tranquillity. She 
 heard and was offended with his advice, and acted in 
 direct opposition to it. At an assembly of privy councellors, A. D. 
 of judges, and of statesmen, held on the 30th of November, ■^^^^• 
 they declared, without his being heard in his defence, the 
 nature of Essex's misconduct; a proceeding which, as 
 
 (a) Bacon's Apology, vol. vi. p. 254. (i) Sydney Papers, 131—139. 
 
liv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Bacon foretold, and which the Queen too late acknowledged, 
 aggravated the public discontent. At this assembly Bacon 
 was not present, which, when his absence was mentioned 
 by the Queen, he excused by indisposition, (g) 
 
 Bacon's account of this proceeding is as follows : " Im- 
 mediately after the Queen had thought of a course (which 
 was also executed) to have somewhat published in the 
 Star Chamber, for the satisfaction of the world, touching 
 my lord of Essex his restraint, and my lord of Essex not 
 to be called to it, but occasion to be taken by reason of 
 some libels then dispersed; which when her majesty pro- 
 pounded unto me, I was utterly against it, and told her 
 plainly that the people would say, that my lord was 
 wounded upon his back, and that justice had her balance 
 taken from her, which ever consisted of an accusation and 
 defence, with many other quick and significant terms to 
 that purpose ; insomuch that I remember I said, that my 
 lord in J'oro famm was too hard for her ; and therefore 
 wished her, as I had done before, to wrap it up privately : 
 and certainly I offended her at that time, which was rare 
 with me ; for I call to mind that both the Christmas, Lent, 
 and Easter Term following, though I came divers times to 
 her upon law business, yet me thought her face and manner 
 was not so clear and open to me, as it was at the first. But 
 towards the end of Easter term, her riiajesty brake with 
 me, and told me that she had found my words true, for 
 that the proceeding in the Star Chamber had done no 
 good, but rather kindled factious bruits, as she termed 
 them, than quenched them." (h) 
 
 If the partizans of Essex had acted with the cautious 
 wisdom of Bacon, the Queen's affections undisturbed 
 would have run kindly into their old channel, but his 
 
 (g) Bacon's Apology, vol. vi. p. 262. 
 (A) Sydney Papers, vol. ii. p. 138 — 164. 
 
PUBLICATION OF ESSEX 's APOLOGIE. Iv 
 
 followers, by new seditious discourses and oiFensive pla- 
 cards, never gave her indignation time to cool. About 
 Christmas, Essex from agitation of mind, and protracted 
 confinement, fell into a dangerous illness, and the Queen 
 sent to him some kind messages by her own physician, 
 but his enemies persuaded her that his illness was partly 
 feigned; and when at last his near approach to death 
 softened the Queen in his favour, the injudicious expres- 
 sions of those divines who publicly prayed for him, amount- 
 ing to sedition, entirely hardened her heart against him. 
 Upon the earl's recovery, and after some months patient 
 endurance on his part, the Queen desired to restore him to 
 favor J and on the 19th of March Essex was removed to 
 his own house, in the custody of Sir Richard Barkley. (i) 
 
 About three years previous to his accepting the command Apology 
 in Ireland, Essex published a tract, entitled " An Apologie ^"^ ^^^^^' 
 of the Earl of Essex against(A) those which jealously and 
 mahciously tax him to be the hinderer of the peace and 
 quiet of his country." This tract originated, as it seems, 
 in an admonition of Bacon's, which he thus states : " I re- 
 member, upon his voyage to the islands, I saw every spring 
 put forth such actions of charge and provocation, that I 
 said to him, my lord, when I came first unto you I took 
 you for a physician that desired to cure the diseases of the 
 state ; but now I doubt you will be like those physicians 
 which can be content to keep their patients low, because 
 they would always be in request: which plainness he 
 nevertheless took very well, as he had an excellent ear, 
 and was patientissimus veri, and assured me the case of the 
 realm required it; and I think this speech of mine, and 
 the like renewed afterwards, pricked him to write that 
 apology which is in many men's hands." {I) 
 
 (i) Sydney Papers, 149. {k) See note 3 V at the end. 
 
 (/) Bacon's Apology, vol. vi. p. 254. 
 
Ivi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Essex had scarcely been liberated, when the Apology 
 was reprinted by some injudicious partisan. The Queen, 
 greatly exasperated, ordered two of the printers to be im- 
 prisoned, and meditated proceedings against Essex j but 
 he having written to the Archbishop of Canterbury and 
 various of his friends, and having ordered the publishers 
 to suppress the work, the storm was averted. (Z) The spirit 
 in which the republication of this tract originated extended 
 to the circulation of other libels, (m) so reflecting upon the 
 conduct of the Queen, that she said the subject should be 
 publicly examined; and, acknowledging the foresight of 
 Bacon with respect to the former inquiry, she consulted 
 him as to the expediency of proceeding by information. 
 Public Against this or any proceeding Bacon earnestly pro- 
 
 proceeding tested ; and, although the honest expression of his senti- 
 agaiDst ' ' o r 
 
 Essex. ments so much offended the Queen that she rose from him 
 
 in displeasure, it had the effect of suspending her determi- 
 nation for some weeks, though she ultimately ordered that 
 Essex should be accused in the Star Chamber. 
 
 The following- is Bacon's account of this resolution: 
 " After this, during the while since my lord was committed 
 to my Lord Keeper's, I came divers times to the Queen, as 
 I had used to do, about causes of her revenue and law busi- 
 ness : when the Queen at any time asked mine opinion of 
 my lord's case, I ever in one tenor, besought her majesty 
 to be advised again and again, how she brought the cause 
 into any public question : nay, I went further, for I told 
 her my lord was an eloquent and well spoken man, and 
 besides his eloquence of nature or art, he had an eloquence 
 of accident which passed them both, which was the pity 
 and benevolence of his hearers j and therefore wished the 
 conclusion might be, that they might wrap it up privately 
 
 {I) Sydney Papers, vol. ii. 182-5-7, 191-2-3. 
 (m) Sydney Papers, vol. ii. 196 to 199. 
 
PUBLIC PROCEEDINGS AGAINST ESSEX. Ivii 
 
 between themselves, and that she would restore my lord to 
 his former attendance, with some addition of honour to 
 take away discontent. But towards the end of Easter 
 term her majesty brake with me, and told me that she had 
 found my words true, for that the proceeding in the Star 
 Chamber had done no good, but rather kindled factious 
 bruits (as she termed them) than quenched them, and 
 therefore that she was determined now for the satisfaction 
 of the world, to proceed against my lord in the Star 
 Chamber, by an information ore tenus, and to have my 
 lord brought to his answer ; howbeit she said, she would 
 assure me that whatsoever she did should be towards my 
 lord ad castigationem, et non ad destructionem, as indeed 
 she had often repeated the same phrase before : whereunto 
 I said, to the end utterly to divert her. Madam, if you 
 will have me speak to you in this argument, I must speak 
 to you as Friar Bacon's head spake, that said first. Time 
 is, and then Time was, and Time would never be ; for cer- 
 tainly, said I, it is now far too late, the matter is cold, and 
 hath taken too much wind; whereat she seemed again 
 oflPended, and rose from me, and that resolution for a while 
 continued ; and after, in the beginning of Midsummer term, 
 I attending her, and finding her settled in that resolution, 
 which I heard of also otherwise, she falling upon the like 
 speech, it is true, that seeing no other remedy, I said to 
 her slightly. Why, madam, if you will needs have a pro- 
 ceeding, you were best have it in some such sort as Ovid 
 spake of his mistress. Est aliquid luce, patente minus, to 
 make a council-table matter of it, and there an end ; which 
 speech again she seemed to take in ill part, but yet I think 
 it did good at that time, and helped to divert that course 
 of proceeding by information in the Star Chamber. Never- 
 theless, afterwards it pleased her to make a more solemn 
 matter of the proceeding, and some few days after, when 
 
Iviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 order was given that the matter should be heard at York 
 House, before an assembly of councillors, peers, and judges, 
 and some audience of men of quality to be admitted." (m) 
 
 Such were the measures adopted by the Queen to dispel, 
 as she termed them, " the bruits and malicious imputa- 
 tions" of her people; but, jealous of their affections, she 
 resented every murmur of public disapprobation by some 
 new severity to Essex; and her conduct, neither marked 
 by strict justice, or generous forgiveness, exhibited more 
 of the caprice of an angry woman than the steady resent- 
 ment of an offended monarch. What calamities would 
 have been averted, if, instead of suffering herself to be 
 hurried by this conflict of agitated feelings, the Queen had 
 attended to the advice of Bacon, whose care for her honour, 
 and love for his friend, might have been safely trusted, 
 and who looking through the present, decided upon conse- 
 quences with a certainty almost prophetic. The most 
 profound statesman of the present day, possessed of all the 
 light which history gives him, can add nothing to the 
 prudent politic course which Bacon pointed out to the 
 Queen. She rejected this advice with a blind despotism 
 that would neither be counselled with or against her incli- 
 nations, and fearing and suspecting all around her, ruined 
 the inan she wished to save, and eventually made total 
 wreck of her own peace of mind. 
 
 It was determined that proceedings should be instituted ; 
 but, as the Queen assured Bacon, only " ad castigationem 
 non ad destructionem," not to taint the character of Essex, 
 by which he might be rendered unable to bear office about 
 her person, but before a selected council, " inter domesticos 
 parietes, non luceforensi."{o) This resolution having been 
 formed, the Queen's counsel learned in the law, were 
 
 (n) See note 3 W at the end. (o) See 3 X at the end. 
 
COUIJSEL AGAINST ESSEX. - lix 
 
 assembled to determine upon the mode of proceeding. At 
 
 this meeting, it was said (p) by one of the courtiers, that Bacon 
 
 her maiestv was not resolved whether Mr. Bacon should •=°"."®^' 
 ■' y . against 
 
 act in this trial as one of her counsel. What must Essex, 
 have passed in his mind when he heard this observation ! 
 He knew enough of the common charities of courts to 
 suspect every thing. He knew that the Queen looked 
 with great jealousy and distrust at his having " crossed 
 her disposition" by his steady friendship for Essex. He 
 saw, therefore, that whether this remark was a stratagem 
 to sound his intentions, or that some attempt had beeii 
 made to ruin him in the Queen's opinion, by inducing her 
 to suppose that he would sacrifice her to the popular 
 clamour of which she was too sensible, it required his 
 immediate and vigilant attention. In this situation of no 
 common diflSculty the conflict of his various duties, to the 
 Queen, to Essex, and to himself, were instantly present to 
 his mind. 
 
 To the Queen he was under the greatest obligation : she Bacon's 
 was the friend of his father, arid had been his friend from "^ ^g °" 
 his infancy ; she consulted with him in all her difficulties ; Queen, 
 she had conferred upon him a valuable reversion of 2000/. 
 a year, had promoted him to be her counsel, and, what 
 perhaps was her greatest kindness, instead of having hastily 
 advanced him, she had, with a continuance of her friend- 
 ship, made him bear the yoke in his youth. Such were 
 his obligations to Elizabeth, of whoin he never spoke but 
 with affection for her virtues, and respect for her com- 
 manding intellect. 
 
 He had also great esteem for the virtues of Essex, and Friendship 
 great adniiration of the higher powers of his mind. He " ^^^^ 
 felt for him with all the hopes and fears of a parent for a 
 
 (p) See note 3 Y at the end. 
 
Ix 
 
 LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 wayward child, and with all the affection of a friend, from 
 a deep feeling of his constant regard, and the grateful recol- 
 lection of what, in the common world, would be deemed of 
 more importance, an act of pecuniary kindness, not, as in 
 these cases is generally supposed, to purchase, but to pro- 
 cure his liberty of thought and action. 
 
 Of his relative duties to the Queen and to Essex no man 
 was a more competent judge than Bacon: no man was 
 better, none so well grounded in the true rules of this 
 difficult part of moral science. In his tract on Duty, in 
 the Advancement of Learning, he truly says, " There is 
 formed in every thing a double nature of good ; the one as 
 every thing is a total or substantive in itself, the other as 
 it is a part or member of a greater bodyj whereof the latter 
 is in degree the greater and the worthier. This double 
 nature of good and the comparative thereof is much more 
 engraven upon man, if he degenerate not, unto whom the 
 conservation of duty to the public ought to be much more 
 precious than the conservation of life and being, according 
 to that memorable speech of Pompeius Magnus, when 
 being in commission of purveyance for a famine at Rome, 
 and being dissuaded with great vehemency and instance 
 by his friends about him, that he should not hazard him- 
 self to sea in an extremity of weather, he said only to them, 
 ' Necesse est ut earn non ut vivam.' " (r) And when Essex 
 proffered him assistance, he, weighing these duties, admo- 
 nished his friend that this was not to interfere with his 
 duty to his sovereign. His words were, " I must and will 
 ever acknowledge my lord's love, trust, and favour towards 
 me, after the Queen had denied me the solicitor's place, 
 when he said. You have spent your time and thoughts in 
 my matters ; I die, these were his very words, if I do not 
 somewhat towards your fortune. My answer, I remember, 
 
 (r) See note 3 Z at the end. 
 
COUNSEL AGAINST ESSEX. Ixi 
 
 was that for my fortune it was no great matter ; but that his 
 
 lordship's offer (which was of a piece of land worth about 
 
 £1800.) made me call to mind what was wont to be said 
 
 when I was in France of the Duke of Guise, that he was 
 
 the greatest usurer in France, because he had turned all 
 
 his estate into obligations. He bad me take no care for that, 
 
 and pressed it ; whereupon I said, " my lord, I see I must be 
 
 your homager, and hold land of your gift; but do you know 
 
 the manner of doing homage in law ? Always it is with a 
 
 saving of his faith to the king and his other lords." (a) 
 
 His considerations were not, however, confined to his Bacon's 
 
 duties to the Queen and to Essex, but extended to the ?"'y *° 
 .... . himself. 
 
 peculiar situation in which, with respect to his own worldly 
 
 prospects, he was placed. He saw that, if he did not plead 
 against Essex, all his hopes of advancement might, without 
 any benefit to his friend, be destroyed ; and that if he did 
 plead against him, he should be, exposed to obloquy and 
 misrepresentation. The consideration of his worldly pros- 
 pects were to him and to the community of great im- 
 portance. 
 
 It is, perhaps, to be lamented that, formed for contem- 
 plation, he was induced, either by his necessities, or any 
 erroneous notion of the virtue of activity, to engage in 
 public life, but he was always unskilful to note the card 
 of prudent lore, and it was his favourite opinion that, to 
 dignify and exalt knowledge, contemplation and action 
 should be nearly and strongly conjoined and united toge- 
 ther: a conjunction like unto that of the two highest planets, 
 Saturn, the planet of rest and contemplation, and Jupiter, 
 the planet of civil society and action. 
 
 Having engaged and encountered all the difficulties of 
 his profession, he was entitled, by his commanding intellect, 
 to possess the power, which, although it had not prece- 
 
 (a) Bacon's Apology. 
 
Ixii LIFE OF BACON, 
 
 dence in his thoughts, followed regularly in the train of 
 his duty ; not the common vulgar power, from ostentation, 
 loving trivial pomp and city noise; or from ambition, which, 
 like the sealed dove, mounts and mounts because it is 
 nnable to look about it ; but power to advance science and 
 promote merit, according to his maxim and in the spirit of 
 his own words "detur digniori." (s) " Power to do good is 
 the true and lawful end of aspiring; for good thoughts, 
 though God accept them, yet towards men are little better 
 than good dreams, except they be put in act; and that 
 cannot be without power and place, as the vantage and 
 commanding ground." With these prospects before him 
 he could not be so weak as hastily to abandon them, by 
 yielding to that generous illusion by which the noblest 
 minds are often raised in their own esteem by imagined 
 disinterestedness. 
 His pro- With respect to his professional duties he was in less 
 duties. difficulty. He knew that his conduct would be subject 
 " to envy and peril," but knowing also that these aspersions 
 would originate in good feeling, in the supposition of ingra- 
 titude and disregard of truth, he could not be alarmed at the 
 clamours of those who knew not what they did. To consider 
 every suggestion, in favour and in opposition to any opinion 
 is, according to his doctrine in the Novum Organum, the 
 only solid foundation upon which any judgment, even in 
 the calm inquiries of philosophy, can be formed. In public 
 assemblies, therefore, agitated by passions by which the pro- 
 gress of truth is disturbed, he of all men knew and admired 
 the wise constitution of our courts, (^) in which it has been 
 deemed expedient, that, to elicit truth, the judge should 
 hear the opposite statements of the same(^) or of different 
 powerful disinterested minds, who may be more able than 
 
 (s) See note 4 A at the end. (t) See note 4 B at the end. 
 
COUNSEL AGAINST ESSEX. Ixiii 
 
 the suitors to do justice to the causes upon which their 
 interests depend. A more efficacious mode to disentangle 
 difficulty, to expose falsehood, and discover truth, was, 
 perhaps, never devised. It prevents the influence of pas- 
 sions by which truth may be impeded, and calls in aid 
 every intellectual power by which justice may be advanced. 
 He was not likely, therefore, to be moved by the censures 
 of those who, ignorant of the principle upon which this 
 practice is founded, imagine advocates to be indiscriminate 
 defenders of right and wrong, (a?) instead of being officers 
 assisting in the administration of justice, and acting under 
 the impression that truth is best discovered by powerful 
 statements on both sides of the question. He was not 
 likely to be moved by that ignorant censure which mixes 
 the counsel with his client, instead of knowing that the 
 advocate is indifferent on which side he pleads, whether 
 for the most unfortunate or the most prosperous, for the 
 most virtuous or the most abandoned member of the com- 
 munity ; and thatj if he were not indifferent,— if he were 
 to exercise any discretion as to the party for whom he 
 pleads, the course of justice would be interrupted by pre- 
 judice to the suitor, and the exclusion of integrity from the 
 profession. The suitor would be prej udiced in proportion 
 to the respectability of the advocate who had shrunk from 
 his defence, and the weight of character of the counsel 
 would be evidence in the cause. Integrity would be ex- 
 cluded from the profession, as the counsel would necessarily 
 be associated with the cause of his client ,• with the slan- 
 derer, the adulterer, the murderer, or the traitor, whom it 
 may be his duty to defend. 
 
 Such were the various conflicting duties by which a 
 common mind might have been perplexed ; but, strong in 
 
 (x) See note 4 B at the end. 
 
Ixiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 knowledge, he, without embarrassment, looked steadily at 
 the undefined shapes of difficulty and danger, of possible 
 mistake or mischance, and, without any of the vacillation 
 in which contemplative genius is too apt to indulge, he 
 saw instantly the path of his duty, and steadily advanced 
 in it. He saw that, if he acted in obedience to general 
 rules, he ought neither to desert the Queen, or to bereave 
 himself of the power to do good. If, not adhering to 
 general rules, he exercised his own understanding upon 
 ^ the particular circumstances of the case, he saw that, by 
 
 yielding to popular feeling, he might gain momentary 
 applause, might leave Essex to a merciless opponent, and, 
 by depriving himself of all influence over the Queen, might 
 sacrifice his friend at the foot of the throne. 
 Bacon's fjg therefore wrote instantly to the Queen, and, by this 
 
 the Queen, sagacious and determined conduct, having at once defeated 
 the stratagems by which it was vainly hoped that he would 
 be entangled, he, regardless of the senseless clamour of 
 those who praise they know not what, and know not 
 whom ; of those who could neither be put in possession of 
 his real sentiments towards Essex, or the private communi- 
 cations on his behalf with the Queen, went right onward 
 with his own, and the approbation of intelligence. 
 
 The following is Bacon's own account of this extra- 
 ordinary event : — And then did some principal counsellors 
 send for us of the learned counsel, and notify her majesty's 
 pleasure unto us: save that it was said to me openly by 
 one of them, that her majesty was not yet resolved whether 
 she would have me forborn in the business or no. And 
 hereupon might arise that other sinister and untrue speech 
 that, I hear, is raised of me, how I was a suitor to be used 
 against my lord of Essex at that time ; for it is very true, 
 that I that knew well what had passed between the Queen 
 and me, and what occasion I had given her both of distaste 
 
COUNSEL AGAINST ESSEX. Ixv 
 
 and distrust, in crossing her disposition, by standing stead- 
 fastly for my lord of Essex, and suspecting it also to be a 
 stratagem arising from some particular emulation, I writ to 
 her two or three words of compliment, signifying to her 
 majesty, " That if she would be pleased to spare me in my 
 lord of Essex's cause, out of the consideration she took of 
 my obligation towards him, I should reckon it for one of 
 her greatest favours: but otherwise desiring her niajesty 
 to think that I knew the degrees of duties ; and that no 
 particular obligation whatsoever to any subject could sup- 
 plant or weaken that entireness of duty that I did owe and 
 bear to her and her service." And this was the goodly 
 suit I made, being a respect no man that had his wits 
 could have omitted : but nevertheless I had a farther reach 
 in it; for I judged that day's work would be a full period 
 of any bitterness or harshness between the Queen and my 
 lord : and therefore, if I declared myself fully according to 
 her mind at that time, which could not do my lord any 
 manner of prejudice, I should keep my credit with her ever 
 after, whereby to do my lord service. 
 
 The proceedings after this communication to the Queen 
 are thus stated by Bacon i — " Hereupon the next news that 
 I heard was, that we were all sent for again ; and that her 
 majesty's pleasure was, we all should have parts in the 
 business; and the lords falling into distribution of our 
 parts, it was allotted to me, that I should set forth some 
 undutiful carriage of my lord, in giving occasion and coun- 
 tenance to a seditious pamphlet, as it was termed, which 
 was dedicated unto him, which was the book before men- 
 tioned of King Henry IV, Whereupon I replied to thjit 
 allotment, and said to their lordships. That it was an old 
 matter, and had no manner of coherence with the rest of 
 the charge, being matters of Ireland : and therefore, that I 
 having been wronged by bruits before, this would expose 
 
 VOL, XV. f 
 
Ixvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 me to them more ; and it would be said I gave in evidence 
 mine own tales. It was answered again with good shew, 
 that because it was considered how I stood tied to my 
 lord of Essex, therefore that part was thought fittest for 
 me, which did him least hurt ; for that whereas all the rest 
 was matter of charge and accusation, this only was but 
 matter of caveat and admonition. Wherewith though I 
 VFas in mine own mind little satisfied, because I knew well 
 a man were better to be charged with some faults, than 
 admonished of some others; yet the conclusion binding 
 upon the queen's pleasure directly, ' volens nolens,' I 
 could not avoid that part that was laid upon me." (a) 
 June, On the 5th of June, 1600, this trial took place. It was 
 ^j ^Q marked by the same indecision that had characterised the 
 Trial of whole of the Queen's conduct. To give effect to her wishes 
 Lssex. ^jjg^|. jigggx should be censured, not sentenced, each man 
 had his part allotted ; and lest this mark of her disappro- 
 bation should hereafter be urged against him, she com- 
 manded that no ofiicial record should be kept of the pro- 
 ceedings, that he might not be rendered incapable of 
 bearing office in her household. 
 
 The privy council met at the lord keeper's house, and 
 were assisted by noblemen selected for that purpose. The 
 commissioners were eighteen, the auditory about two hun- 
 dred ; there was much state and solemnity in the assembly, 
 and much humility and contrition on the part of Essex, 
 who knelt while the commission was opened, and so re- 
 mained till he had leave to rise. From this mode of 
 conduct, which, doubtless, had been prescribed to him, he 
 never departed but once during his examination, and he 
 was then reminded by the lord treasurer of the course he 
 was expected to pursue. 
 
 (a) See Bacon's Apology, vol. vi. 264. 
 
TRIAL OF ESSEX. 1 
 
 XVU 
 
 The case was opened by a statement, that " to command 
 down the winds of malicious and seditious rumours where- 
 with men's conceits may have been tossed to and fro, the 
 Queen was pleased to call the world to an understanding 
 of her princely course held towards the Earl of Essex, as 
 well in herebefore protracting, as in now proceeding against 
 him, not in the ordinary and open place of offenders and 
 criminals, which might leave a taint upon his honour, but, 
 on account of his penitence and submission, her majesty 
 had ordered that the hearing should be before a great, 
 honourable, and selected council, a full and deliberate, and 
 yet in respect a private, mild, and gracious hearing." 
 The chief heads of the accusation were then stated by the 
 lawyers, who, with the exception of Bacon, either not in 
 the court secret, or disregarding their instructions, pursued 
 their argument with their usual pertinacity, coloured by 
 the respective characters of the men, and of course, by Sir 
 Edward Coke, with his accustomed rancour. Bacon, on the 
 contrary, though he was favoured with a part of the charge 
 least likely to be injurious to Essex, still complained that 
 he might injure his friend, and, though in array against 
 him, evidently fought on his side, (a) 
 
 To those persons present who were not already apprised 
 of the Queen's wishes. Bacon's speech would be considered 
 more consistent with his affection for his friend than his 
 duty to the Queen, as it was constructed as much as 
 possible to do him service. " I hope," he said, " that my 
 lord Essex himself, and all who now hear me, will consider 
 that the particular bond of duty, which I do now, and ever 
 will acknowledge that I owe unto his lordship, must be 
 sequestered and laid aside, in discharge of that higher 
 duty, which we all owe unto the Queen, whose grace and 
 
 (a) See note 4 C at the end for a full account of the trial. 
 
Ixviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 mercy I cannot- enough extol ; whereof the earl is a singular 
 work, in that, upon his humble suit, she is content not to 
 prosecute him in her court of justice, the Star Chamber, 
 but, according to his own earnest desire, to remove that 
 cup from him, for those are my lord's own words, and doth 
 now suffer his cause to be heard inter privates parietes, by 
 way of mercy and favour only, where no manner of dis- 
 loyalty is laid to his charge, for if that had been the ques- 
 tion this had not been the place." In this strain he pro- 
 ceeded through the whole of his address. 
 
 He constantly kept in view the Queen's determination 
 neither to injure her favourite in person nor in purse; he 
 averred that there was no charge of disloyalty ; he stated 
 nothing as a lawyer; nothing from his own ingenious mind; 
 nothing that could displease the Queen; he repeated only 
 passages from letters, in the Queen's possession, complain- 
 ing of her cruelty and obduracy ; topics which she loved to 
 have set forth in her intercourse with a man whom she was 
 thought to have too much favoured ; he selected the most 
 affecting expressions from the earl's letter, and though he 
 at last performed his part of the task, by touching upon 
 Hayward's book, he established in the minds of the hearers 
 the fact that Essex had called in the work a week after he 
 learnt that it was published. 
 
 To those who are familiar with Bacon's style, and know 
 the fertility of his imagination, and the force of his rea- 
 soning, it is superfluous to observe that he brought to this 
 semblance of a trial only the shadow of a speech ; and that 
 under the flimsy veil of an accuser there may easily be de- 
 tected the face of a friend. 
 
 In answer to these charges, Essex, on his knees, declared 
 that, ever since it had pleased her majesty to remove that 
 cup from him, he had laid aside all thought of justifying 
 himself, or of making any contestation with his sovereign ; 
 
TRIAL OF ESSEX. IxiX 
 
 that he had made a divorce between himself and the world, 
 and that, rather than bear a charge of disloyalty or want of 
 affection, he would tear his heart out of his breast with his 
 own hands. The first part of his defence drew tears from 
 many of the hearers ; but, being somewhat touched by the 
 sharp speeches and rhetorical flourishes of his accusers, he 
 expressed himself with so much heat, before he had gone 
 half through with his reply, that he was interrupted by the 
 lord keeper, who told him " this was not the course to do 
 him good ; that he would do well to commit himself to her 
 majesty's mercy ; that he was acquitted by all present of 
 disloyalty, of which he did not stand charged, but of dis- 
 obedience and contempt ; and if he meant to say that he 
 had disobeyed, without an intention of disobedience, it was 
 frivolous and absurd." 
 
 In pronouncing the censure, the lord keeper declared, 
 that if Essex had been tried elsewhere, and in another 
 manner, a great fine and imprisonment for life must have 
 been his sentence, but as he was in a course of favour, his 
 censure was, " That the Earl of Essex should be suspended 
 from his offices, and continue a prisoner in his own house 
 till it pleased her majesty to release him." The Earl of 
 Cumberland declared, that, if he thought the censure was 
 to stand, he would ask more time, for it seemed to him 
 somewhat severe ; and intimated how easily a general com- 
 mander might incur the like, but, in confidence of her 
 majesty's mercy, he agreed with the rest. 
 
 Of this day's proceedings a confused and imperfect ac- 
 count has been published by several historians, (a) and an 
 unfair view taken of the conduct of Bacon, who could not 
 have any assignable motive for the course they have attri- 
 buted to him. The Queen was evidently determined to 
 
 {a) See particularly Hume. 
 
1600. 
 
 Ixx LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 protect her favourite. The Cecils had abated their ani- 
 mosity. The people were anxious for his reinstatement. 
 Anthony Bacon was at this time living under the protection 
 of Essex, and the brothers were in constant and affectionate 
 intercourse. 
 6th June, The sentence had scarcely been pronounced, when Bacon's 
 anxiety for his friend again manifested itself. On the very 
 next day he attended the Queen, fully resolved to exert his 
 utmost endeavours to restore Essex again to favour. The 
 account of his interview with the Queen, from which his 
 friendship and the Queen's affection for Essex may be 
 seen, is thus stated by Bacon : " As soon as this day was 
 past, I lost no time ; but the very next day following, as I 
 remember, I attended her majesty, fully resolved to try 
 and put in ure my utmost endeavour, so far as I in my 
 weakness could give furtherance, to bring my lord again 
 speedily into court and favour ; and knowing, as I supposed 
 at least, how the Queen was to be used, I thought that to 
 make her conceive that the matter went well then, was 
 the way to make her leave off there ; and I remember well 
 I said to her, ' You have now, madam, obtained victory 
 over two things, which the greatest princes in the world 
 cannot at their wills subdue; the one is over fame; the 
 other is over a great mind : for surely the world is now, I 
 hope, reasonably well satisfied; and for my lord, he did 
 shew that humiliation towards your majesty, as I am per- 
 suaded he was never in his lifetime more fit for your 
 majesty's favour than he is now : therefore, if your majesty 
 will not mar it by lingering, but give over at the best, 
 and now you have made so good a full point, receive him 
 again with tenderness, I shall then think, that all that 
 is past is for the best.' Whereat, I remember, she took 
 exceeding great contentment, and did often iterate and put 
 me in mind, that she had ever said, that her proceedings 
 
TRIAL OF ESSEX. Ixxi 
 
 should be 'ad reparationem/ and not 'ad ruinam;' as 
 who saith, that now was the time I should well perceive 
 that that saying of hers should prove true. And farther 
 she willed me to set down in writing all that passed that 
 day." (a) 
 
 In a few days Bacon waited upon the Queen with the 
 naiTative, who, upon hearing him read Essex's answer, 
 which was his principal care, "was exceedingly moved in 
 kindness and relenting," and said, " How well you have 
 expressed my lord's part : I perceive old love will not easily 
 be forgotten." Availing himself of these favourable dispo- 
 sitions. Bacon ventured -to say to the Queen, " he hoped 
 she meant that of herself;" and in the conclusion suggested 
 that it might be expedient not to let this matter go forth 
 to the public, since by her own command no record had 
 been kept, and that it was not well to do that popularly 
 which she had not suffered to be done judicially. The 
 Queen assented, and the narrative was suppressed. (6) 
 
 (a) See Bacon's Apology, vol. vi. 266. 
 
 (b) Bacon's account is as follows :^I obeyed her commandment, and 
 within some few days after brought her again the narration, which I did 
 read unto her in two several afternoons ; and when I came to that part that 
 Set forth my lord's own answer, which was ray principal care, I do well 
 bear in mind, that she was extraordinarily moved with it, in kindness and 
 relenting towards my lord : and told me afterwards, speaking how well I 
 had expressed my lord's part, that she perceived old love would not easily 
 be forgotten: whereunto I answered suddenly, that I hoped she meant 
 that by herself. But in conclusion, I did advise her, that now she had 
 taken a representation of the matter to herself, that she would let it go no 
 farther : " For madam," said I, " the fixe blazeth well already, what should 
 you tumble it? And besides, it may please you to keep a convenience 
 with yourself in this case; for since your express dkection was, there 
 should be no register nor clerk to take this sentence, nor no record or 
 memorial made up of the proceeding, why should you now do that popu- 
 larly, which you would not admit to be done judicially ?" Whereupon 
 she did agree that that writing should be suppressed; and 1 think there 
 were not five persons that ever saw it. — Apology, vol. vi. 267. 
 
Ixxii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Obloquy Amidst these exertions, known at that time only to the 
 of Bacon. Q^ggn, to Essex, and to his confidential friends. Bacon was 
 exposed to great obloquy, and, at the time when he was 
 thinking only how he could most and best serve his friend, 
 he was threatened by the populace with personal violence, 
 as one who had deserted and betrayed him. Unmoved by 
 such clamour, upon which he had calculated, («) he went 
 right onward in his course. 
 
 To Sir Robert Cecil, and to Lord Henry Howard, the 
 confidential friend of Essex, and who had willingly shared 
 his banishment from court, he indignantly complained of 
 these slanders and threats. To Lord Howard he says : (b) 
 " My Lord, There be very few' besides yourself, to whom 
 I would perform this respect. For I contemn mendacia 
 famcE, as it walks among inferiors, though I neglect it 
 not, as it may have entrance into some ears. For your 
 lordship's love, rooted uj)on good opinion, I esteem it 
 highly, because I have tasted the fruits of it ; and we both 
 have tasted of the best waters, in my account, to knit 
 minds together. There is shaped a tale in London's forge, 
 that beateth apace at this time, that I should deliver 
 
 (a) His Apology to the Earl of Devonshire contains various observations 
 to this effect : — I was not so unseen in the world, but I knew the condition 
 was subject to envy and peril, &c. but I resolved to endure it, in expecta- 
 tion of better. Acording to the ordinary charities of court, it was given 
 out, that I was one of them that incensed the Queen against my lord of 
 Essex ; and I must give this testimony to my lord Cecil, that one time in 
 his house at the Savoy he dealt with me directly, and said to me, " Cousin, 
 I hear it, but I believe it not, that you should do some ill office to my lord 
 of Essex ; for my part, I am merely passive, and not active in this action ; 
 and I follow the Queen, and that heavily, and I lead her not ; my lord of 
 Essex is one that in nature I could consent with as well as with any one 
 living ; the Queen indeed is my sovereign, and I am her creature, I may 
 not lose her, and the same course I would wish you to take." Whereupon 
 I satisfied him how far I was from any such mind. 
 
 (6) Birch, 459. 
 
OBLOQUY OF BACON. Ixxiii 
 
 opinion to the Qaeen, in my lord of Essex' cause. First, 
 that it was premunire, and now last, that it was high 
 treason; and this opinion, to be in opposition and encounter 
 of the Lord Chief Justice's opinion, and the Attorney 
 General's. My lord, I thank God, my wit serveth me not 
 to deliver any opinion to the Queen, which my stomach 
 serveth me not to maintain : one and the same conscience 
 of duty guiding me and fortifying me. But the untruth 
 of this fable, God and my sovereign can witness, and 
 there I leave it; knowing no more remedy against lies 
 than others do against libels. The root, no question of 
 it is, partly some light-headed envy at my accesses to 
 her majesty; which being begun, and continued since my 
 childhood, as long as her majesty shall think me worthy 
 of them, I scorn those that shall think the contrary. And 
 another reason is, the aspersion of this tale, and the envy 
 thereof, upon some greater man, in regard of my nearness. 
 And therefore, my lord, I pray you answer for me to any 
 person that you think worthy your own reply and my 
 defence. For my lord of Essex, I am not servile to him, 
 having regard to my superior's duty. I have been much 
 bound unto him ; and, on the other side, I have spent more 
 time and more thoughts about his well doing than ever I 
 did about mine own. I pray God you his friends amongst 
 you be in the right. Nulla remedia, tarn faciunt dolorem, 
 quam qua sunt salutaria. For my part, I have deserved 
 better than to have my name objected to envy, or my life 
 to a ruffian's violence. But I have the privy coat of a good 
 conscience. I am sure these courses and bruits hurt my 
 lord more than all. So having written to your lordship, I 
 desire exceedingly to be preferred in your good opinion and 
 love. And so leave you to God's goodness." {x) 
 
 {x) The letter to Sir Rob. Cecil is to the same effect. See vol. xii. p. 168. 
 
Ixxiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 The answer of Lord Howard to this letter, the best 
 answer that could be made to the slanderers of whom 
 Bacon complains, is as follows : " I might be thought un- 
 worthy of that good conceit you hold of me, good Mr. 
 Bacon, if I did not sympathize with so sensitive a mind 
 in this smart of wrongful imputation of unthankfulness. 
 You were the first that gave me notice, I protest, at Rich- 
 mond of the rumour, though within two days after I heard 
 more than I would of it ; but as you suffer more than you 
 deserve, so I cannot believe what the greedy malice of the 
 world hath laid upon you. The travels of that worthy 
 gentleman in your behalf, when you stood for a place of 
 credit ; the delight which he hath ever taken in your com- 
 pany; his grief that he could not seal up assurance of his- 
 love by fruits, effects, and offices proportionable to an infi- 
 nite desire ; his study, in my knowledge, to engage your 
 love by the best means he could devise, are forcible per- 
 suasions and instances to make me judge that a gentleman 
 so well born, a wise gentleman so well levelled, a gentleman 
 so highly valued by a person of his virtue, worth, and 
 quality, will rather hunt after all occasions of expressing 
 thankfulness, so far as duty doth permit, than either omit 
 opportunity or increase indignation. No man alive out of 
 the thoughts of judgment, the ground of knowledge, and 
 lesson of experience, is better able to distinguish betwixt 
 public and private offices, and direct measure in keeping a 
 measure in discharge of both, to which I will refer you for 
 the finding out of the golden number. In my own parti- 
 cular opinion I esteem of you as I have ever done and your 
 rare parts deserve; and so far as my voice hath credit, 
 justify your credit according to the warrant of your pro- 
 fession, and the store of my best wishes in all degrees 
 towards you, 8ic. My credit is so weak in working any 
 strange effect of friendship where I would do most, as to 
 
IMPRUDENCE OF ESSEX. Ixxv 
 
 speak of blossoms without giving tastes of fruits were idle- 
 ness ; but if you will give credit to my words, it is not long 
 since I gave testimony of my good affection in the ear of 
 one that neither wants desire nor means to do for you. 
 Thus wishing to your credit that allowance of respect and 
 reverence which your wise and honest letter doth deserve, 
 and resting ever ready to relieve all minds (so far as my 
 ability and means will stretch) that groan under the bur- 
 then of undeserved wrong, I commend you to God's protec- 
 tion and myself to the best use you will make of me. In 
 haste from my lodging," &,c. 
 
 The partizans of Essex again interfered, to raise the 
 flames which Bacon had so judiciously suppressed, and 
 .again were the Queen's ministers compelled to check their 
 imprudence. 
 
 On the 12th of June, the lord keeper, in his usual June 12, 
 speech in the Star Chamber to the country gentlemen, ^°°°' 
 mentioned the late proceeding against the Earl of Essex, 
 who, he observed, had acknowledged his errors, and ex- 
 pressed his sorrow for them ; but that some wicked persons 
 had intermeddled by libelling what her majesty had done 
 in that point, which occasioned a proclamation to be pub- 
 lished against such seditious practices, (a) 
 
 Notwithstanding this ill-advised conduct, the Queen was 
 desirous to remove from Essex the restraint of a keeper, 
 when her indignation was again excited by a rumour, 
 that Essex had beein duly, authorized by her to create 
 knights, though his having conferred that honour had been 
 made a charge against him before the commissioners. In 
 the first moment of her displeasure she determined to 
 rescind the honours he had bestowed. Bacon advised her 
 against this step, and recommended that a letter written 
 
 (o) Sydney Papers, vol. ii. 201. 
 
Ixxvi LIFE OF BACOIVr. 
 
 by her own hand to Essex, when in Ireland, should be 
 made public, in which she had commanded to the con- 
 trary. Upon sending to Essex for her letter, he returned 
 a submissive reply, but said that it was either lost or 
 mislaid; and, though her anger was great at the non- 
 production of this document, she, early in the next month, 
 ordered him to be liberated from his keeper, but not to 
 quit London. (6) 
 
 Upon this release, which his declining health rendered 
 necessary, he solicited permission to retire to the house of 
 a relation near Reading ; a permission which the Queen, 
 although she commanded him to dismiss two of his friends 
 from his service, and although disturbed and displeased, 
 seemed inclined to grant, as she listened to friendly com- 
 munications made on his behalf, and received letters from 
 him, (c) in which, having discovered the wisdom of his 
 friend's advice, " that the Queen could not be controlled 
 by resistance," (d) he was endeavouring to regain by obse- 
 quiousness the ascendancy which he had lost by his rude 
 
 (6) Sydney Papers, p. 204. Her majesty is greatly troubled with the 
 last number of knights made by the Earl of Essex in Ireland, and purposes, 
 by piublic proclamation, to command them from the place due to their 
 dignity; and that no ancient gentleman of the kingdom gave them any 
 place. The warrant was signed, as I heard ; but by Mr. Secretary's very 
 special care and credit, it is stayed till Sunday the lords meet in court. 
 Mr. Bacon is thought to be the man that moves her majesty unto it, affirm- 
 ing, that by the law the earl had no authority to make them, being by her 
 majesty's own letter, of her own hand written, commanded the contrary. 
 
 Her Majesty had ordered the Lord Keeper to remove my lord of Essex's 
 keeper from him; but awhile after, being somewhat troubled with the 
 remembrance of his making so many knights, made a stay of her former 
 order, and sent unto the earl for her own letter, which she writ unto him to 
 command him to make none. But, with a very submissive letter, he 
 returned answer that he had lopt it or mislaid it, for he could not find it, 
 which somewhat displeases her majesty. As yet his liberty stands upon 
 these terms, kc. &c. — 28 June, 1600. 
 
 (c) Sydney Papers, 205-7-8-12. 
 
 (d) Ante, page xlv. 
 
Essex's liberation. Ixxvii 
 
 and headstrong violence ; assuring the Queen, " that he 
 kissed her royal hand and the rod which had corrected him ; 
 that he could never recover his wonted joy till he beheld 
 her comfortable eyes, which had been his guiding stars, 
 and by the conduct whereof he had sailed most happily 
 whilst he held his course in a just latitude; that now 
 he was determined to repent him of his offence, and to 
 say with Nebuchodonosor, my dwelling is with the beasts 
 of the field, to eat grass as an ox, and to be wet with the 
 dew of heaven, till it shall please the Queene to restore my 
 understanding to me." (a) 
 
 This abasement gratified Elizabeth, who said, " though 
 she did not expect that his deeds would accord with his • 
 words, yet, if this could be brought to pass with the fur- 
 
 (a) Camden, 169. Birch's Elizabeth, 461. One of the letters written by 
 Mr. Francis Bacon for the earl, and printed among the works of the former, 
 beginning with these words, " It were great simplicity in me," &c. is much 
 inferior to what the earl himself would have written. But there are two 
 others, which appear to have come from his lordship's own hand, and have 
 not yet been seen in print. The first is in these terras : 
 
 " Let me beg leave, most dear and most admired sovereign, to remember 
 the story of your own gracious goodness, when I was even at the mouth of 
 the grave. No worldly means had power to stay me in this world but the 
 comfort which I received from your majesty. When I was weak and fall 
 of infirmities, the increase of liberty which your majesty gave, and the gra- 
 cious message which your majesty sent me, made me recover in a few 
 weeks that strength, which my physicians in a long time durst not hope for. 
 And now, lastly, when I should be for ever disabled for your majesty's 
 service, and by consequence made unwilling to live, your majesty at my 
 humble supplication granted, that that cup should pass from me. These 
 are deeply engraven in my memory, and they shall ever be acknowledged 
 by my tongue and pen. But yet after all these, vdthout one farther degree 
 of your mercy, your servant perisheth. Indignatio principis mors est. He 
 cannot be said to live, that feels the weight of it. What then can your 
 majesty think of his state, that hath thus long lived under it, and yet sees 
 not your majesty reach out your fair hand to take off part of this weight ? 
 If your majesty could know what I feel, your sweet and excellent nature 
 could not but be compassionate. I dare not lift up my voice to speak, but 
 my humble (now exiled, though once too happy) eyes are lifted up, and 
 
Ixxviii LIFE OF BACOSr. 
 
 nace, she should be more favourable to the profession of 
 alchemy." 
 
 Bacon, who was too wise to cross Elizabeth in the 
 spring-tide of her anger, without waiting till it was ebbing- 
 water, now exerted all his power to reconcile her to her 
 favourite, whom, in his many accesses to the Queen, he 
 availed himself of every opportunity to serve; and, al- 
 though he could not, without exciting her displeasure, 
 directly communicate with him, he, by the intervention 
 of a friend, regularly acquainted him with the progress he 
 made in abating the Queen's anger ; and, the moment he 
 was restored to liberty, the assurances of his exertions were 
 repeated by letter, and through the whole summer were 
 regularly imparted to Essex. (6) ^^ 
 
 speak in their dumb language, which your majesty will answer your own 
 chosen time. Till then no soul is so afflicted as that of 
 
 " Your Majesty's humblest vassal, Essex. 
 
 The other letter was written on the 17th of November, the anniversary 
 of her accession to the throne : 
 
 " Vouchsafe, dread sovereign, to know there lives a man, though dead 
 to the world, and in himself exercised with continual torments of body and 
 mind, that doth more true honour to your thrice blessed day, than all 
 those that appear in your sight. For no soul had ever such an impression 
 of your perfections, no alteration shewed such an effect of your power, nor 
 no heart ever felt such a joy of your triumph. For they that feel the com- 
 fortable influence of your majesty's favour, or stand in the bright beams of 
 your presence, rejoice partly for your majesty's, but chiefly for their own 
 happiness. Only miserable Essex, full of pain, full of sickness, full of 
 sorrow, languishing in repentance for his offences past, hateful to himself, 
 that he is yet alive, and importunate on death, if your fevour be irrevo- 
 cable; he joys only for your majesty's great happiness and happy great- 
 ness : and were the rest of his days never so many, and sure to be as 
 happy as they are like to be miserable, he would lose them all to have 
 this happy 17th day many and many times renewed with glory to your 
 majesty, and comfort of all your faithful subjects, of whom none is accursed 
 but your Majesty's humblest vassal, Essex." 
 
 (b) See note 4 D at the end. 
 
Essex's liberation. Ixxix 
 
 In the same spirit, and with the same parental anxiety 
 by which all Bacon's conduct had been influenced, he 
 wrote two letters, one as from Anthony Bacon to Essex, 
 the other from Essex, in answer, both to be shown by 
 Bacon to the Queen ; and prepared a letter to be sent by 
 Essex directly to her majesty, (c) the scope of which were, 
 says Bacon, " but to represent and picture forth unto her 
 majesty my lord's mind to be such, as I knew her majesty 
 would fainest have had it: which letters whosoever shall 
 see, for they cannot now be retracted or altered, being by 
 reason of my brother's or his lordship's servants' delivery, 
 long since come into divers hands, let him judge, espe- 
 cially if he knew the Queen, and do remember those 
 times, whether they were not the labours of one that 
 sought to bring the Queen about for my lord of Essex his 
 good."{d) 
 
 To such expedients did his friendship for Essex induce 
 him to submit: expedients, which, however they may be 
 sanctioned by the conduct of courtiers, stooping, as they 
 suppose, to occasions not to persons, (:f) but ill accord 
 
 (c) See note 4 E at the end» 
 
 (rf) In another part of his Apology he says : " And I drew for him, by 
 his appointment, some letters to her majesty ; which though I knew well 
 his lordship's gift and style was far better than mine own, yet, because he 
 required it, alleging, that by his long restraint he was grown almost a 
 stranger to the Queen's present conceits, I was ready to perform it; and 
 sure I am, that for the space of six weeks or two months it prospered so 
 well, as I expected continually his restoring to his attendance." 
 
 (x) See the Advancement of Learning (vol. ii. page 33), under the head 
 of objections to learning from the manners of learned men. The passage 
 begins " not that I," and ends, " these stoopings to points of necessity and 
 convenience, though they may have some outward baseness, yet in a judg- 
 ment truly made, they are to be accounted submissions to the occasion, not 
 to the person." The nature of this debasement is powerfully stated in an 
 essay upon the Regal Character, by William Hazlitt, in page 336 of his 
 Political Essays. 
 
IxXX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 with the admonition of Bacon's philosophy, that " the 
 hpnest and just bounds of observation by one person upon 
 another, extend no further but to understand him suffi- 
 ciently, whereby not to give him offence ; or whereby to be 
 able to give him faithful counsel ; or whereby to stand upon 
 reasonable guard and caution with respect to a man's self: 
 but to be speculative into another man, to the end to know 
 how to work him, or wind him, or govern him, proceedeth 
 from a heart that is double and cloven, and not entire and 
 ingenuous." (a) Such is Bacon's doctrine, but having, as 
 it appears, in his youth, taken an unfortunate bias from 
 the censures of Burleigh and Cecil, and from the frequent 
 assertions of Elizabeth, that he was without knowledge of 
 affairs, he affected, through the whole of his life, an over- 
 strained refinement in trifles, and a political subtlety, which 
 never failed to awaken the suspicions of his enemies, and 
 was altogether unworthy of his great mind. 
 
 From these various efforts Bacon indulged the most 
 flattering hopes of the restoration of his friend to the 
 Queen's favour, in which, if Essex had acted with common 
 prudence, he would have succeeded j though the Queen 
 kept alive her displeasure by many passionate expressions, 
 " that he had long tried her anger, and she must have 
 further proof of his humility, and that her father would not 
 have endured his perverseness ;" but Bacon, who knew the 
 depths and soundings of the Queen's character, was not 
 dismayed by these ebullitions ; he saw, under the agitated 
 surface, a constant under-current of kindness. 
 
 Bacon's account is as follows : " From this time forth, 
 during the whole latter end of that summer, while the 
 court was at Nonsuch and Oatlands, I made it my task 
 and scope to take and give occasions for my lord's redinte- 
 
 (a) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 30. 
 
Essex's letters to the queen. Ixxxi 
 
 gration in his fortunes: which my intention, I did also 
 signify to my lord as soon as ever he was at his liberty, (a) 
 whereby I might without peril of the Queen's indignation 
 write to him; and, having received from his lordship a 
 courteous and loving acceptation of my good will and en- 
 deavours, I did apply it in all my accesses to the Queen, 
 which were very many at that time ; and purposely sought 
 and wrought upon other variable pretences, but only and 
 chiefly for that purpose. And on the other side, I did not 
 forbear to give my lord from time to time faithful adver- 
 tisement what I found, and what I wished. And I drew 
 for him, by his appointment, some letters to her majesty ; 
 which, though I knew well his lordship's gift and style was 
 far better than mine own, yet, because he required it, 
 alleging, that by his long restraint he was grown almost a 
 stranger to the Queen's present conceits, I was ready to 
 perform it ; and sure I am, that for the space of six weeks 
 or two months, it prospered so well, as I expected con- 
 tinually his restoring to his attendance. And I was never 
 better welcome to the Queen, nor more made of, than 
 when I spake fullest and boldest for him : in which kind 
 the particulars were exceeding many; whereof, for an 
 example, I will remember to your lordship one or two. 
 As at one time, I call to mind, her majesty was speak- 
 ing of a fellow that undertook to cure, or at least to ease 
 my brother of his gout, and asked me how it went for- 
 ward; and I told her majesty, that at the first he received 
 good by it, but after in the course of his cure he found 
 himself at a stay, or rather worse : the Queen said again 
 ' I will tell you. Bacon, the error of it : the manner of these 
 physicians, and especially these empirics, is to continue 
 one kind of medicine, which at the first is proper, being to 
 
 (a) See note 4 E at the end. 
 
 VOL. XV. g 
 
Ixxxii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 draw out the ill humour ; but after, they have not the dis- 
 cretion to change the medicine, but apply, still drawing 
 medicines, when they should rather intend to cure and cor- 
 roborate the part.' (a) ' Good Lord ! madam,' said I, * how 
 wisely and aptly can you speak and discern of physic 
 ministered to the body, and consider not that there is the 
 like occasion of physic ministered to the mind : as now in 
 the case of my lord of Essex, your princely word ever 
 was, that you intended ever to reform his mind, and not 
 ruin his fortune : I know well you cannot but think that 
 you have drawn the humour sufficiently; and therefore it 
 were more than time, and it were but for doubt of morti- 
 fying or exulcerating, that you did apply and minister 
 strength and comfort unto him : for these same gradations 
 of yours are fitter to corrupt than correct any mind of 
 greatness.' " 
 August, In the latter end of. August Essex was summoned to 
 1600. attend at York House, where the Lord Keeper, the Lord 
 
 ILsssx lib 6— 
 
 rated. Treasurer, and Secretary signified the Queen's pleasure 
 that he should be restored to liberty. He answered that 
 his resolution was to lead a retired life in the country, but 
 solicited them to intercede with her majesty that, before his 
 departure, he might once come into the presence of the 
 Queen, and kiss her hand, that with some contentment, he 
 might betake himself to his solitary life: hopes which, 
 however, seemed not likely to be realized, {d) as the Queen's 
 permission for him to retire into the country was accom- 
 panied with the declaration, that, although her majesty 
 was contented that he should be under no guard but of 
 duty and discretion, yet he must in no sort suppose that 
 
 (a) See Advancement of Learning, under the title Cure of Diseases, 
 vol. ii. p. 166. . 
 
 ((/) Sydney Papers, 213. 
 
RENEWAL OF SWEET WINES. Ixxxiii 
 
 he was freed of her indignation, or presume to approach 
 the court, or her person, {m) 
 
 Thus liberated, but not restored to the Queen's favour, 
 he walked forth alone, without any greetings from his 
 ' summer friends.' (jn) 
 
 In the beginning of September Essex retired to the September 
 country, with the pleasing hope that the Queen's affection ^^^'^' 
 was returning, and that he would not only be received into 
 favour, and restored to power, (x) but that, by the influence 
 of this aflFection he might secure an object of the greatest 
 importance, a renewal of his valuable patent for the mono- 
 poly of sweet wines, which, after having enriched him for 
 years, was now expiring. 
 
 Essex considered this renewal as one of the most critical 
 events of his life, an event that would determine whether 
 he might hope ever to be reinstated in his former credit 
 and authority; but Elizabeth, though capable of strong 
 attachments, inherited the haughty and severe temper of 
 her father, and, being continually surrounded by the ene- 
 mies of Essex, was persuaded that his lofty spirit was 
 not sufficiently subdued; and when, at length, she was 
 more favourably disposed towards him, he destroyed all 
 that her own lurking partiality and the kindness of his 
 friends had prepared for him by a letter, which, professing 
 aflPection and seeking profit, was so deficient in good taste 
 and in knowledge of the Queen's temper, that she saw, 
 through all the expressions of his devotion and humility. 
 
 (m) Original letters of Secretary Cecil to Sir George Carew, in the Lam- 
 beth Library, No. 604, fol. 23. 
 
 {x) Winwood's Memorials, vol. i. p. 254. Sir Henry Nevil to Mr. 
 Winwood, 9th Sept. 1600, a long letter upon different subjects, thus 
 concludes : " The Earl of Essex is gone to Ewelme, not without hope of 
 some further grace shortly: there are many arguments that the Queen 
 begins to relent towards him, and to wish him near her." 
 
Ixxxiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 a view only to his own interest. The Queen told me, says 
 Bacon, " that my lord had written her some very dutiful 
 letters, and that she had been moved by them, but when 
 she took it to be the abundance of his heart, she found it 
 to be but a preparative to a suit for the renewing of his 
 farm of sweet wines." To this complaint Bacon made the 
 following characteristic and ingenious reply : " O Madam, 
 how doth your majesty construe these things, as if these 
 two could not stand well together, which indeed nature 
 hath planted in all creatures. For there are but two sym- 
 pathies, the one towards perfection, the other towards pre- 
 servation: that to perfection, as the iron tendeth to the 
 loadstone ; that to preservation, as the vine will creep to- 
 wards a stake or prop that stands by it, not for any love 
 to the stake, but to uphold itself. And therefore, madam, 
 you must distinguish my lord's desire to do you service, is 
 as to his perfection that which he thinks himself to be 
 born for ; whereas his desire to obtain this thing of you, is 
 but for a sustentation." (t) 
 
 The result, however, was, that hurt by this letter, she 
 indignantly and somewhat coarsely refused his suit, say- 
 ing, " that an unruly beast ought to be stinted of his 
 provender." After a month's suspense, it was notified 
 to him that the patent was confided to trustees for the 
 Queen's use. (i/) 
 Essex's In the storm that now gathered round Essex, the real 
 
 vio ence. ^^.^^^^ ^£ j^j^ mind revealed itself. " When I expected," he 
 October, • n ,, i i • • p t 7 
 
 1600. s2Lm, " a harvest, a tempest has arisen to me; it 1 be want- 
 ing to myself, my friends, and my country, it is long of 
 others, not of myself ; let my adversaries triumph, I will not 
 follow the triumphal chariot." He who had declared his 
 willingness " to wander and eat grass with the beasts of the 
 
 (if) Apology, vol. vi. p. 2. (y) Camden, 170. Sydney Papers, 206. 
 
bacon's interview with the queen. Ixxxv 
 
 field, like Nebuchadnezzar, until the Queen should restore 
 his senses," now, that this abject prostration proved fruit- 
 less, loudly proclaimed that " he could not serve with base 
 obsequiousness; that he was thrust down into private life, 
 and wrongfully committed to custody, and this by an old 
 woman no less crooked in mind than in body." These ebul- 
 litions of peevish anger were duly repeated to the Queen 
 by those who hoped for his utter ruin. Elizabeth, shocked 
 at the ingratitude of a man upon whom she had lavished 
 so many favours ; whose repeated faults she had forgiven, 
 till forgiveness became folly, now turned away with extreme 
 indignation from all whom she suspected of urging one 
 word in his favour ; and, remembering the constant exer- 
 tions which had ever been made by Bacon on his behalf, 
 began to think of him with distrust and jealousy. She 
 would not so much as look at him ; and whenever he 
 desired to speak with her about law business, sent him out 
 slighting: refusals. 
 
 Bacon, acting in obedience to his own doctrine, " that January, 
 the best mean to clear the way in the wood of suspicion is ^f^h 
 frankly to communicate with the party who is suspect if 
 he is of a noble nature," (a) demanded the cause of this 
 alienation, in an interview with the Queen, which he has 
 thus related : — " Then, she remembering, belike, the con- 
 tinual, and incessant, and confident speeches and courses 
 that I had held on my lord's side, became utterly alienated 
 from me, and for the space of at least three months, 
 which, was between Michaelmas and New-year's-tide fol- 
 lowing, would not so much as look on me, but turned away 
 from me with express and purposelike discountenance 
 wheresoever she saw me ; and at such time as I desired to 
 speak with her about law business, ever sent me forth very 
 
 (a) See his Essay on'Suspicion, vol. i. p. 113. 
 
IxXXvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 slight refusals, insomuch as it is most true, that imme- 
 diately after New-year's-tide I desired to speak with her ; 
 and being admitted to her, I dealt with her plainly, and 
 said, Madam, I see you withdraw your favour from me, 
 and now I have lost many friends for ypur sake, I shall 
 lose you too : you have put me like one of those that the 
 Frenchmen call enfans perdus, that serve on foot before 
 horsemen, so have you put me into matters of envy without 
 place, or without strength ; and I know at chess a pawn 
 before the king is ever much played upon : a great many 
 love me not, because they think I have been against my 
 lord of Essex ; and you love me not, because you know I 
 have been for him : yet will I never repent me that I have 
 dealt in simplicity of heart towards you both, without 
 respect of cautions to myself, and therefore vivus vidensque 
 pereo. If I do break my neck, I shall do it in a manner 
 as Master Dorrington did it, which walked on the battle- 
 ments of the church many days, and took a view and survey 
 where he should fall : and so. Madam, said I, I am not so 
 simple, but that I take a prospect of mine overthrow, only 
 I thought I would tell you so much, that you may know 
 that it was faith, and not folly that brought me into it, and 
 so I will pray for you. Upon which speeches of mine, 
 uttered with some passion, it is true her majesty was 
 exceedingly moved; and accumulated a number "of kind 
 and gracious words upon me, and willed me to rest upon 
 this. Gratia mea sufficit, and a number of other sensible 
 and tender words and demonstrations, such as more could 
 not be; but as touching my lord of Essex, ne verbum 
 quidem. Whereupon I departed, resting then determined 
 to meddle no more in the matter, as I saw that it would 
 overthrow me, and not be able to do him any good." 
 
 Bacon's anguish, when he felt that the Queen's dis- 
 pleasure was gradually taking the form most to be dreaded. 
 
Essex's treason. Ixxxvii 
 
 the cold and severe aspect of offended justice, can be con- 
 ceived only by those who had seen his patient watchfulness 
 over his wayward friend. Through the whole of his career, 
 Bacon had anxiously pursued him, warning him, when it 
 was possible, to prevent the commission of error ; excusing 
 him to his royal mistress when the warning had proved 
 fruitless ; hoping all things, enduring all things ; but the 
 time seemed fast approaching, when, urged by his own 
 wild passions, and the ruffian crew that beset him, he 
 would commit some act which would place him out of the 
 pale of the Queen's mercy. 
 
 Irritated by the refusal of his patent, he readily listened 
 to the pernicious counsels of a few needy and interested 
 followers, Essex House had long been the resort of the 
 factious and discontented ; secretly courting the Catholics, 
 and openly encouraging the Puritans, Essex welcomed 
 all who were obnoxious to the court. He applied to the 
 King of Scotland for assistance, opened a secret corres- 
 pondence with Ireland, and, calculating upon the support 
 of a large body of the nobility, conspired to seize the 
 Tower of London and the Queen herself, and marshalled 
 his banditti to effect his purposes. 
 
 The Queen, who had been apprised of the unusual con- 
 course of persons to Essex House, was now fully acquainted 
 with the extent of his treasons. In this emergency she 
 acted with a firmness worthy of herself. She directed the 
 Lord Mayor of London to take care that the citizens were 
 ready, every man in his own house, to execute such com- 
 mands as should be enjoined them. To Essex she sent 
 the Lord Keeper, the Lord Chief Justice, and the Earl of 
 Worcester, to learn the cause of this treasonable assembly. 
 He said " that there was a plot against his life ; that some 
 were suborned to stab him in his bed ; that he and his 
 friends were treacherously dealt with, and that they were 
 
IxXXviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 determined on resistance." Deaf to all remonstrances, and 
 urged by his faction, he seized and confined the officers of 
 state, and, without plan, without arms, and with a small 
 body of conspirators, he proceeded into the city, calling 
 upon the citizens to join him, but calling in vain. Disap- 
 pointed in his hopes, and proclaimed a traitor, after a 
 fruitless attempt to defend himself, he was seized, and 
 committed to the Tower. 
 
 No man knew better, or felt more deeply the duties of 
 friendship, than Bacon: he did not think friendships 
 mere abstractions, metaphysical nothings, created for con- 
 templation only; he felt, as he has taught, that friendship 
 is the allay of our sorrows, the ease of our passions, the 
 sanctuary of our calamities ; (a) that its fruits are peace in 
 the affections, counsel in judgment, and active kindness; 
 the heart,,the head, and the hand. His friendship, there- 
 fore, both in words and acts, Essex constantly experienced. 
 In the wildest storm of his passions, while others suffered 
 him to drive onward, the voice of the pilot might be heard, 
 pointing out the sunken rocks which he feared would wreck 
 him ; and when, at last, bound hand and foot, he was cast 
 at the feet of the Queen, to undergo her utmost indigna- 
 tion, he still walked with him in the midst of the fire, and 
 would have borne him off unhurt, but for the evil spirits 
 which beset him. 
 
 It is impossible to form a correct judgment of the conduct 
 of Bacon at this unfortunate juncture, without considering 
 the difficulties of his situation, and his conflicting-duties. 
 Men of the highest blood and of the fairest character were 
 implicated in the treasons of Essex : men who were like 
 himself highly favoured by the Queen, and in offices of 
 great trust and importance. Bacon's obligations to Essex, 
 
 (fl) See J. Taylor's beautiful Essay on Friendship. 
 
Essex's treason. Ixxxix 
 
 and his constant efforts to serve him were well known; and 
 the Queen had of late looked coldly upon him, and might 
 herself suspect his fidelity ; for sad experience had proved 
 to her that a monarch has no true friend, (a) In the 
 interval between the commitment of Essex to the Tower, 
 and his arraignment, Bacon must, have become fully aware 
 of the facts which would condemn Essex in the eyes of 
 all good men, and render him amenable to the heaviest 
 penalty of the law. Awakened as from a dream, with the 
 startling truth that Essex was guilty as well as imprudent, 
 he saw that all which he and others had deemed rashness 
 was the result of a long concocted treason. In whatever 
 light it could be viewed, the course which Essex had pur- 
 sued was ruinous to Bacon. He had been bondsman again 
 and again to the Queen for the love and duty of Essex ; 
 and now he had the mortification of discovering that, in- 
 stead of being open and entire with him, Essex had abused 
 his friendship, and had assumed the dissembling attitude of 
 humility and penitence, that he might more securely aim a 
 blow at the very life of his royal benefactress. This double 
 treachery entirely alienated the affections of Bacon. He 
 saw no longer the high-souled, chivalric Essex, open as 
 the day, lucid as truth, giving both faults and virtues to 
 the light, redeeming in the eyes of all men the bounty of 
 
 (a) This day senight her Majestie was at Black&iars, to grace the mar- 
 riage of the Lord Herbert and his wife. The Bride fflett the Queen at the 
 Waterside, where my Lord Cobham had provided a Lectica, made hke 
 half a litter, wherein she was carried to my Lady Russell's by 6 Knights. 
 After supper tjie Mask came in, as I writ in my last ; and delicate it was, 
 to see 8 Ladies soe prettily and richly attired. Mrs. Fitton leade, and after 
 they had donne all their own ceremonies, these 8 Ladys Maskers choose 
 8 Ladies more to dawnce the measures. Mrs. Fitton went to the Queen 
 and woed her to dawnce ; her Majesty asked what she was ; Affection, she 
 said. Affection ! said the Queen, Affection is false. Yet her Majestie 
 rose and dawnced. — See also note 3 T at the end. Sidney Papers. 
 
XC LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 the crown; he saw only an ungrateful man, whom the 
 fiend ambition had possessed, and knew that the name of 
 that fiend was " Legion." 
 19th Feb. On the 19th of February Essex and Southampton were 
 arraigned, and, upon the trial, one of the conspirators, 
 allured by the hope of life, made a full disclosure of all 
 their treasons, (a) 
 
 Unable to deny facts clearly proved against him, Essex 
 could insist only upon his motives, which he urged with 
 the utmost confidence. He repeated his former assertion, 
 that there was a plot against his life, and that Cecil, 
 Cobham, and Raleigh had driven him to desperate mea- 
 sures. Bacon, who appeared as one of the counsel for the 
 crown, resisted these imputations, and said, " It is evident, 
 my lord of Essex, that you had planted in your heart a 
 pretence against the government of your country ; and, as 
 Pisistratus, calculating upon the affections of the people, 
 shewed himself wounded in the streets of Athens, so you 
 entered the city with the vain hope that the citizens would 
 join in your rebellion. Indeed, my lord, all that you have 
 said, or can say in these matters are but shadows, and 
 therefore methinks it were your best course to confess, and 
 not to justify." 
 
 Essex here interrupted him, and said, " The speech of 
 Mr. Bacon calls upon me to defend myself; and be it known, 
 my lords, I call upon him to be a witness for me, for he 
 being a daily courtier, and having free access to her majesty, 
 undertook to go to the Queen in my behalf, and did write 
 a letter most artificially, which was subscribed with my 
 name, also another letter was drawn by him to occasion 
 that letter with others that should come from his brother, 
 Mr. Anthony Bacon, both which he shewed the Queen, 
 
 («) See note 4 F at the end, for an account of the trial. 
 
TRIAL OF ESSEX. XCl 
 
 and in my letter he did plead for me feelingly against 
 those enemies, and pointed them out as particularly as was 
 possible ; which letters I know Mr. Secretary Cecil (a) hath 
 seen, and by them it will appear what conceit Mr. Bacon 
 held of me, so different from what he here coloureth and 
 pleadeth against me." (b) 
 
 To this charge, urged in violation of the most sacred 
 confidence, which Essex well knew would render Bacon 
 obnoxious to the Queen, and suspected by all parties, he 
 instantly and indignantly replied, " My lord, I spent more 
 hours to make you a good subject, than upon any man in 
 the world besides ; but since you have stirred up this point, 
 I dare warrant you this letter will not blush to see the light, 
 for I did but perform the part of an honest man, and ever 
 laboured to have done you good if it might have been, and 
 to no other end ; for what I intended for your good was 
 wished from the heart, without touch of any man's honour." 
 After this unjustifiable disclosure, which severed the last 
 link between them, Bacon only spoke. once, and with a 
 bitterness that showed how deeply he was wounded, (c) 
 
 (a) Essex added to this charge against Bacon a charge calculated, if 
 true, to rain Cecil, whom he asserted to have said, that the Infanta of 
 Spain had as much right to the crown of England as any of her competi- 
 tors : a charge refuted by Cecil, with the spirit and dignity of conscious 
 integrity. He said to the Earl of Essex, " For wit, wherewith you certainly 
 abound, I am your inferior; I am inferior to you in nobility, yet noble I 
 am ; a military man I am hot, and herein you go before me : yet doth my 
 innocency protect me ; and in this court I stand an upright man, and you 
 a delinquent." 
 
 (4) See ante, p. Ixxix. 
 
 (c) Years after the trial he complained of this injurious treatment to the 
 Earl of Devonshire, and Camden says, " Surely all this was done like a 
 friend, while he studied to put Essex in grace with the Queen.'' Camden 
 concludes the narrative with these words : " These things whereat I was 
 present myself, I have with uncorrupted fidelity compendiously related, and 
 have willingly omitted nothing." Apology, p. 170, and Camden, p. 186. 
 
XCll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Through the whole trial Essex conducted himself with 
 courage and firmness worthy of a better cause. Though 
 assailed by the lawyers with much rancour, and harassed 
 by the deepest search into his offences; though harshly 
 questioned by his adversaries, and betrayed by his confede- 
 rates, he stood at bay, like some noble animal, who fears 
 not his pursuers, nor the death that awaits him; and when 
 at last the deliberate voices of his fellow peers proclaimed 
 him guilty, he heard the sentence with manly composure, 
 and, without one thought of himself, sought only to save 
 the life of his friend. 
 
 Bacon having obtained a remission of the sentence in 
 favour of six persons (a) who were implicated, made one 
 more effort to serve this unhappy nobleman. He says, " for 
 the time which passed, I mean between the arraignment and 
 my lord's suffering, I was but once with the Queen, at what 
 time though I durst not deal directly for my lord as things 
 then stood ; yet generally I did both commend her majesty's 
 mercy, terming it to her as an excellent balm that did con- 
 tinually distil from her sovereign hands, and made an ex- 
 cellent odour in the senses of her people : and not only so, 
 but I took hardness to extenuate, not the fact, for that I 
 durst not, but the danger, telling her that if some base or 
 cruel minded persons had entered into such an action, it 
 might have caused much blood and combustion : but it ap- 
 peared well they were such as knew not how to play the 
 malefactors, and some other words which I now omit." 
 25th Feb. All exertions however proved fruitless, for after much 
 fluctuation on the Queen's part, (6) arising from causes 
 variously stated by historians, Essex, on the 25th of 
 February, was executed in the Tower. 
 The Queen having been coldly received by the citizens, 
 
 (a) Vol. vi. p. 273. (6) Camden, p. 187. 
 
 1601. 
 
ACCOUNT OF THE TREASON. XCUl 
 
 after the death of Essex, or moved by some other cause, 
 was desirous that a full statement should be made of the 
 whole course of his treasons, and commanded Bacon to 
 prepare it. He says, " her majesty taking a liking of my 
 pen, upon that which I had done before concerning the 
 proceeding at York House, and likewise upon some other 
 declarations, which in former times by her appointment I 
 put in writing, commanded me to pen that book, (6) which 
 was published for the better satisfaction of the world : which 
 I did but so, as never secretary had more particular, and 
 express directions and instructions in every point how to 
 guide my hand in it : and not only so, but after that I had 
 made a first draught thereof and propounded it to certain 
 principal councillors, by her majesties appointment, it was 
 perused, weighed, censured, altered, and made almost a new 
 writing, according to their lordships better consideration : 
 wherein their lordships and myself both were as religious 
 and curious of truth, as desirous of satisfaction : and myself 
 indeed gave only words and form of style in pursuing their 
 direction. And after it had passed their allowance, it was 
 again exactly perused by the Queen herself, and some alte- 
 rations made again by her appointment : after it was set to 
 print, the Queen, who as she was excellent in great matters, 
 so she was exquisite in small, noted that I could not forget 
 my ancient respect to my Lord of Essex, in terming him 
 ever my Lord of Essex, my Lord of Essex almost in every 
 page of the book, which she thought not fit, but would have 
 it made, Essex, or the late Earl of Essex : whereupon of 
 force it was printed de novo, and the first copies suppressed 
 by her peremptory commandment." He concludes the 
 whole with these words, " had I been as well beUeved 
 either by the Queen or by my lord, as I was well heard by 
 
 (h) See vol. vi. p. 274. 
 
XCIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 them both, both my lord had been fortunate, and so bad 
 myself in his fortune." 
 
 Happier would it have been for the Queen, and her ill- 
 fated favorite, had they listened to his warning voice. 
 Essex paid the forfeiture of his unrestrained passions by 
 the stroke of the axe, but Elizabeth suffered the lingering 
 torture of a broken heart; the offended majesty of England 
 triumphed, she " Queened it nobly," but the envenomed 
 asp was in her bosom ; she sunk under the consciousness 
 of abused confidence, of ill-bestowed favors, of unrequited 
 affection : the very springs of kindness were poisoned : 
 suspicious of all around her, and openly deserted by those 
 who hastened to pay court to her successor, her health 
 visibly declined, and the last blow was given to her by 
 some disclosure made on the deathbed of the Countess 
 of Nottingham. Various rumours have arisen regarding 
 this interview, and the cause of the Queen's grief; but the 
 fataj result has never been doubted. From that day, 
 refusing the aid of medicine, or food, or rest, she sat upon 
 the floor of her darkened chamber, and gave herself up to 
 the most unrestrained sorrow. The spirit that had kept a 
 world in awe was utterly prostrate ; and, after a splendid 
 and prosperous reign of forty-five years, desolate, afflicted, 
 March 24 ^^^ weary of existence, she lingered till the 24th of March, 
 1603. on which day she died, (g) 
 
 Bacon's respect for the Queen was more manifested after 
 her death, and even after his own death, than during her 
 life, (a) 
 
 In one of his wills (b) he desires, that, whatever part of 
 his manuscripts may be destroyed, his eulogy " In felicem 
 memoriam Elizabethae" may be preserved and published : 
 
 (g) See note 4 G at the end. (a) See note 4 H at the end. 
 
 (b) Baconiana. 
 
DEATH OF THE QUEEN. XCV 
 
 and, soon after the accession of James to the throne, he 
 thus speaks of the Queen. 
 
 " She was a princess that if Plutarch were now ahve to 
 write lives by parallels, would trouble him, I think, to find 
 for her a parallel amongst women. This lady was endued 
 with learning in her sek singular and rare even amongst 
 masculine princes ; whether we speak of learning, lan- 
 guage, or of science, modern or ancient, divinity or huma- 
 nity: and, unto the very last year of her life, she was accus- 
 tomed to appoint set hours for reading, scarcely any young 
 student in an university more daily or more duly. As for 
 her government, I assure myself, I shall not exceed, if I 
 do aflBrm that this part of the island never had forty-five 
 years of better times, and yet not through the calmness of 
 the season, but through the wisdom of her regimen. For 
 if there be considered of the one side, the truth of religion 
 established; the constant peace and security; the good 
 administration of justice; the temperate use of the prero- 
 gative, not slackened, nor much strained; the flourishing 
 state of learning, suitable to so excellent a patroness ; the 
 convenient estate of wealth and means, both of crown and 
 subject ; the habit of obedience, and the moderation of dis- 
 contents ; and there be considered, on the other side, the 
 differences of religion, the troubles of neighbour countries, 
 the ambition of Spain, and opposition of Rome ; and then 
 that she was solitary arid of herself; these things I say 
 considered, I could not have chosen a more remarkable 
 instance of the conjunction of learning in the prince, with 
 felicity in the people." 
 
 Cnti of pa^t I. 
 
LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 ifrom tfie SDeaf^ of (EHjabet^ to t^e 2D£atl) of 2Baton» 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FROM THE ACCESSION OF JAMES TILL THE PUBLICATION 
 
 OF The wisdom of the ancients, 
 
 1603 to 1610. 
 
 UpoJj the death of the Queen, BaCon had every thing to i603. 
 ejtpect ftom the disposition of her successor, who was a ^^' 
 lover of letters, was desirous to be considered the patron of 
 learning and learned men, was well acquainted with the 
 attainments of Bacon, and his reputation both at home and 
 abroad, and was greatly prepossessed in his favour by his 
 brother Anthony, who was much esteemed by the King, (a) 
 But neither the consciousness of his own powers or of the 
 King's discernment rendered Bacon inert or passive. He 
 used all his influence, both in England and in Scotland, to 
 insure the protection of James, (fi) He wrote to the Earl 
 
 (a) See Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 596, aiid note TTT at the end. 
 
 0>) He wrote to Mr. Foules, see vol. xii. page 114; to Sir Thomas 
 Challoner, see Vol. xii. page 113; to his friehd, Tobie Mathew, see vol. 
 xii. page 230 ; to Dr. Morrison, a Scottish physician, see vol. xiii. page 
 61 ; to Lord Kinlose, see vol. xii. page 101. 
 
 VOL. XV. h 
 
XCVIU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 of Northumberland, (c) and to Lord Southampton, (c) who 
 was imprisoned and tried with Essex, using these remark- 
 able words, " I may safely be that to you now, which I 
 was truly before." 
 
 Upon the approach of the King he addressed his majesty 
 in a letter written in the style of the times: (a) and he 
 
 (c) He wrote to the Earl of Northumberland, see vol. xii. pages 103 and 
 116 ; to Mr. Kempe, see vol. xii. page 25 ; to Mr. Davis, see vol. xii. page 
 115; and it is remarkable that he applied to the Earl of Southampton, 
 the fellow prisoner and convict with Lord Essex. In his letter to Mr. 
 Kempe he says, " My lord of Southampton expecteth release by the next 
 dispatch, and is already much visited, and much well wished. There is 
 continual posting by men of good quality towards the king; the rather, I 
 think, because this sprmg time it is but a kind of sport. It is hoped that 
 as the state here hath performed the part of good attorneys, to deliver the 
 King quiet possession of his kingdoms, so the King will re-deliver them 
 quiet possession of their places ; rather filling places yoid, than removing 
 men placed. So, &c." 
 
 The following is his letter to Lord Southampton : 
 
 " It may please your Lordship, — I would have been very glad to have 
 presented my humble service to your lordship by my attendance, if I could 
 have foreseen that it should not have been unpleasing unto you. And 
 therefore, because I would be sure to commit no error, I chose to write ; 
 assuring your lordship, how little soever it may seem credible to you at 
 •first, yet it is as true as a thing that God knoweth ; that this great change 
 hath vyrought in me no other change towards your lordship than this, that 
 I may safely be that to you now, which I was truly before. And so craving 
 no other pardon, than for troubling you witli my letter, I do not now begin 
 to be, but continue to be your Lordship's humble and much devoted 
 1603. Fr. Bacon." 
 
 See vol. xii. page 115. 
 
 (a) It may please your most excellent Majesty, 
 
 It is observed by some, upon a place in the Canticles, 
 Ego, sum jios campi, et lilium convallium, that, a dispari, 
 it is not said, Ego sum Jios horti, et lilium montium ; 
 because the majesty of that person is not inclosed for a 
 few, nor appropriated to the great. And yet, notwith- 
 
APPROACH OF THE KING. XCIX 
 
 submitted to the Earl of Northumberland, for the King's 
 consideration, a proclamation, recommending " the union 
 of England and Scotland ; attention to the sufferings of 
 
 standing, this royal virtue of access, which both nature 
 and judgment have planted in your majesty's mind, as the 
 portal of all the rest, could not of itself, my imperfections 
 considered, have animated me to make oblation of myself 
 immediately to your majesty, had it not been joined with 
 an habit of the like liberty which I enjoyed with my late 
 dear sovereign mistress; a princess happy in all things 
 else, but most happy in such a successor. And yet farther, 
 and more nearly, I was not a little encouraged, not only 
 upon a supposal, that unto your majesty's sacred ear, open 
 to the air of all virtues, there might perhaps have come 
 some small breath of the good memory of my father, so 
 long a principal counsellor in your kingdom; but also a 
 more particular knowledge of the infinite devotion and 
 incessant endeavours, beyond the strength of his body, 
 and the nature of the times, which appeared in my good 
 brother, Mr. Anthony Bacon, towards your majesty's ser- 
 vice; and were, on your majesty's part, through your 
 singular benignity, by many most gracious and lively signi- 
 fications and favours accepted and acknowledged, beyond 
 the merit of any thing he could eflect t which endeavours 
 and duties, for the most part, were common to myself 
 with him, though by design, as between brethren, dis- 
 sembled. And therefore, most high and mighty king, my 
 most dear and dread sovereign lord, since now the corner- 
 stone is laid of the mightiest monarchy in Europe; and 
 that God above, who hath ever a hand in bridling the 
 floods and motions both of the seas and of people's hearts, 
 hath by the miraculous and universal consent, the more 
 strange, because it proceedeth from such diversity of 
 causes, in your coming in, given a sign and token of great 
 happiness in the continuance of your reign ; I think there 
 
C LIFE- OF BACON. 
 
 unhappy Ireland ; freedom of trade and the suppression of 
 bribery and corruption; with the assurance, that every 
 place and service that was fit for the honour or good of the 
 commonwealth should be filled, and no man's virtue left 
 idle, unemployed, or unrewarded, and every good ordi- 
 nance and constitution, for the amendment of the estate 
 and times, be revived and put in execution." (d) 
 
 is no subject of your majesty's, which loveth this island, 
 and is not hollow or unworthy, whose heart is not set on 
 fire, not only to bring you peace-offerings, to make you 
 propitious ; but to sacrifice himself a burnt-offering or 
 holocaust to your majesty's service : amongst which number 
 no man's fire shall be more pure and fervent than mine ; 
 but how far forth it shall blaze out, that resteth in your 
 majesty's employment. So, thirsting after the happiness 
 of kissing your royal hand, I continue ever, &c. 1603. 
 
 (d) Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Northumberland, concerning a 
 Proclamation uppa tffe King's entry. 
 
 It may please your Lordship,— -;^m» hold it a thing formal and neces- 
 sary, for the King to forerun hisyMmuwjTfem never so speedy, with some 
 gracious declaration for the chenStun^jOTi^taining, and preparing of men's 
 affections. For which purpose, I have/conceived a draught, it being a 
 thing to me familiar, in my mistress ^er times, to have used my pen in 
 politic writings of satisfaction. The use of this may be in two sorts : first, 
 properly, if your lordship think convenient to shew the King any such 
 draught, because the veins and pulses of this state cannot but be known 
 here ; which if your lordship should, then I would desire your lordship to 
 Vfithdraw my name, and only signify that you gave some heads of direction 
 of such a matter to one of whose style and pen you had some opinion. 
 The other collateral, that though your lordship make no other use of it, 
 yet it is a kind of portraiture of that which I think worthy to be advised by 
 your lordship to the King, to express himself according to those points 
 which are therein conceived, and perhaps more compendious and signifi- 
 cant than if I had set them down in articles. I would have attended your 
 lordship, but for some little physic I took. To-morrow morning I will 
 wait on you. So I ever continue, &c. Fr. Bacon. 
 
 See vol. xii. p. 102, and vol. vii. p. 173, for the proclamation. 
 
KNIGHTHOOD. CI 
 
 Soon after the arrival of James, which was on the 7th of 
 May, Bacon, having had an audience, and a promise of 
 private access, thus describes the King to the Earl of 
 Northumberland : " Your lordship shall find a prince the 
 farthest from vain glory that may be, and rather like a 
 prince of the ancient form than of the latter time. His 
 speech is swift and cursory, and in the full dialect of his 
 country; in speech of business, short; in speech of dis- 
 course, large. He afFecteth popularity by gracing such as 
 he hath heard to be popular, and not by any fashions of 
 his own. He is thought somewhat general in his favours ; 
 and his virtue of access is rather, because he is much 
 abroad and in press, than that he giveth easy audience. 
 He hasteneth to a mixture of both kingdoms and occasions, 
 faster perhaps than policy will well bear. I told your 
 lordship once before, that methought his majesty rather 
 asked counsel of the time past, than of the time to come : 
 but it is yet early to ground any settled opinion." (rn) 
 
 The title of knighthood had hitherto been considered an 
 especial mark of royal favour ; but the King, who perceived 
 that the English gentry were willing to barter their gold 
 for an empty honour, was no less ready to barter his 
 honours for their gold. A general summons was, there- 
 fore, issued for all persons possessing £40 a year in land(«) 
 either to accept this title, or to compound with the King's 
 commissioners; and on the 23rd, the day of his corona- 
 tion, not less than three hundred gentlemen received the 
 honour of knighthood, amongst whom was Sir Francis 
 Bacon, who thought that the title might gratify the 
 
 (m) See vol. xii. p. 48. 
 
 n) Hume, who has shown great tenderness to the character of James 
 upon many occasions, is quite silent as to this extraordinaiy expedient to 
 raise money. See Progresses of James, 203. 
 
en LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 daughter of Alderman Barnham, whom he soon after mar- 
 ried, (c) 
 1604. In the opening of the year 1604 it was publicly an- 
 nounced that a parliament would be assembled early in 
 the spring ; and never could any parliament meet for the 
 consideration of more eventful questions than at that mo- 
 ment agitated the public mind. It did not require Bacon's 
 sagacity to perceive this, or, looking forward, to foresee 
 the approaching storm. Revolutions are sudden to the 
 unthinking only. Political disturbances happen not without 
 their warning harbingers. Murmurs, not loud but porten- 
 tous, ever precede these convulsions of the moral world : (a) 
 murmurs which were heard by Bacon not the less audibly 
 from the apparent tranquillity with which James ascended 
 the throne. " Tempests of state," he says, " are commonly 
 greatest when things grow to equality; as natural tem- 
 
 (e) Bacon's sentiments of the value of knighthood may be seen by the 
 following letters : 
 
 To Robert, Lord Cecil. 
 
 It may please your good Lordship, — Lastly, for this divulged and almost 
 prostituted title of knighthood, I could without charge, by your honour's 
 mean, be content to have it, both because of this late disgrace, and because 
 I have three new knights in my mess in Gray's Inn commons ; and be- 
 cause I have found out an alderman's daughter, a handsome maiden, to 
 my liking. So as if your honour will find the time, I will come to the 
 court from Gorhambury upon any warning. So I remain your Lordship's 
 most bounden, Fu. Bacon. 
 
 3rd July, 1603. 
 
 To Robert, Lord Cecil. 
 
 It may please your good Lordship, — For my knighthood, I wish the 
 manner might be such as might grace me, since the matter will not; I 
 mean, that I might not be merely gregarious in a troop. The coronation 
 is at hand. It may please your lordship to let me hear fi-om you speedily. 
 So I continue your Lordship's ever much bounden, Fe. Bacon. 
 From Gorhambury, this 16th of July, 1603. 
 
 See some observations respecting Lady Bacon, in note HHH at the end. 
 
 («) See Coleridge's Friend, vol. ii. p. 243. 
 
COMMENCEMENT OP PAHLIAMENT. ClU 
 
 pests are greatest about the equinox j and as there are 
 certain hollow blasts of wind and secret swellings of seas 
 before a tempest, so are there in states : 
 
 lUe etiam caecos instare tumultus 
 
 Saepe monet, fraudesque et operta tumescere bella." («) 
 
 These secret swellings and hollow blasts, which arise from 
 the conflicts between power, tenacious in retaining its au- 
 thority, and knowledge, advancing to resist it, are materials 
 certain to explode, unless judiciously dispersed. Of this 
 Bacon constantly warned the community, by recommending 
 the admission of gradual reform. " In your innovations," 
 he said, " follow the example of time, which innovateth 
 greatly, but quietly." (6) — The advances of nature are all 
 gradual: scarce discernible in their motions, but only 
 visible in their issue. The grass grows and the shadow 
 moves upon the dial unperceived until we reflect upon 
 their progress. 
 
 These admonitions have always been disregarded or re- 
 sisted by governments, and, wanting this safety valve, 
 states have been periodically exposed to convulsion. In 
 England this appeared at Runnymede in the reign of John, 
 and in the subversion of the Pope's authority in the reign 
 of Henry the Eighth. 
 
 When the spirit of reform has once been raised, its pro- 
 gress is not easily stayed. Through the ruins of catholic 
 superstition various defects were discovered in other parts 
 of the fabric : and the people, having been spirit-broken 
 during the reign of Henry, and lulled during the reign 
 of Elizabeth, reform now bijrst forth with accumulated 
 impetuosity. So true is the doctrine of Bacoii, that ?' when 
 any of the four pillars of government are mainly shaken, 
 
 (a) Essay on Sedition, vol. i. p. 44. 
 (6) Essay on Innovations, vol. i. p. 82. 
 
CIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 or weakened, which are religion, justice, counsel, and 
 treasure, men had need to pray for fair weather." (a) 
 
 The state of Bacon's mind at this period may be easily 
 conceived. The love of order (6) and the love of improve- 
 ment, apparently not really opposed to each other, were his 
 ruling passions : and his mode of improvement was the same 
 in all science, (c) natural or human, (<^) by experiment, 
 and only by experiment ; by proceeding with the greatest 
 caution, and by remembering that, after the most careful 
 research, we may be in the greatest error : *' for who will 
 take upon him, when the particulars which a man knows and 
 which he hath mentioned, appear only on one side, there 
 may not lurk some particular which is altogether repugnant: 
 as if Samuel should have rested in those sons of Jesse which 
 were brought before him in the house, and should not have 
 sought David, who was absent in the field." (e) He never 
 presumed to act until he had tried all things : never used 
 one of Briareus's hundred hands, until he had opened all 
 Argus's hundred eyes.(f) He acted through life upon his 
 father's favourite maxim, " stay a little that we may make 
 an end the sooner." 
 
 This was his general mode of proceeding, which, when 
 the experiment was attended with difficulty, generated more 
 caution ; and he well knew that, of all experiments, state 
 alterations are the most difficult, the most fraught with 
 danger. 
 
 Zealous as he was for all improvement ; believing, as he 
 did, in the omnipotence of knowledge, that " the spirit of 
 man is as the lamp of God, wherewith he searcheth the 
 inwardness of all secrets ;"(g) and, branding the idolaters of 
 
 (a) Essay on Sedition, vol. i. p, 44. 
 (6) Vol. ii. p. 63. Adv. of Learning, 
 (f) See postea, under Novum Organum. 
 
 (d) This is Bacon's division. ( f) Essay of Delays, vol. i. p. 73. 
 
 (e) Adv. of Learn, vol. ii. p. 180. (g) Adv. of Learning, Afol. ii. p. 11. 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF PARLIAMENT. CV 
 
 old times as a scandal to the new, he says, " It is good not 
 to try experiments in states, except the necessity be urgent, 
 or the utility evident : and well to beware that it be the 
 reformation that draweth on the change, and not desire 
 of change- that pretendeth the reformation : that novelty, 
 though it be not rejected, yet be always suspected; and, 
 as the scripture saith, 'that we make a stand upon the 
 ancient way, and then look about us, and discover what is 
 the straight and right way, and so to walk in it;'(?) always 
 remembering that there is a difference in innovations, 
 between arts and civil affairs. In civil affairs, a change, 
 even for the better, is to be suspected, through fear of dis- 
 turbance: because they depend upon authority, consent, 
 reputation, and opinion, and not upon demonstration ; but 
 arts and sciences should be like mines, resounding on all 
 sides with new works and further progress." (r) 
 
 Such was the state of his mind upon entering into 
 public life at the commencement of the parliament, which 
 assembled on the 19th of March, 1604, when having already 
 made some progress in the King's affections, (s) he was 
 
 (q) Essay on Innovations, vol. i. p. 82. 
 
 (r) Nov. Organum, Aph. 90. vol. ix. 
 
 (s) Mr. Constable was Bacon's brother-in-law; and was, as it seems, 
 knighted on March 14 (James's Progresses, 3^2), and knighted upon the 
 interposition of Bacon, as appears by the foUovfing letter: 
 
 A Letter to Mr. Murray, of the King's bedchamber. 
 Mr. Murray, — It is very true, that his majesty, most graciously at my 
 humble request, knighted the last Sunday my brother-in-law, a towardly 
 young gentleman; for which favour I think myself more bound to his 
 majesty than for the benefit of ten knights; and to tell you truly, my 
 meaning was not, that the suit of this other gentleman, Mr. Temple, should 
 have been moved in my name. For I should have been unwilling to have 
 moved his majesty for more than one at. once, though many times in his 
 majesty's courts of justice, if we move once for our feiends, we are allowed 
 to move again for our. fee. But indeed my purpose was, that you might 
 have been pleased to have moved it as for myself. Nevertheless, since it 
 
CVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 returned both for St. Albans and for Ipswich, (a) which 
 Vorough he elected to represent.; and, at this early period, 
 so great a favourite was he with the house, that some of 
 the members proposed him as Speaker. (5) 
 
 On the 22nd of March, the King first addressed the 
 parliament, recommending to their consideration the union 
 of the two kingdoms ; the termination of religious discon- 
 tents ; and the improvement of the law. (a) 
 
 Upon the return of the Commons to the lower house, the 
 storm commenced. Prayers had scarcely been ended, and 
 the house settled, when one member proposed the imme- 
 diate consideration of the general abuse and grievance of 
 purveyors; — the burthen and servitude to the subjects of the 
 kingdom, attendant upon the wardship of children; — the 
 oppression of monopolies ; — the abuses of the Exchequer, 
 and the dispensation of penal statutes. After this proposal, 
 received by an expressive silence, another member called 
 the attention of the house to what he termed three main 
 grievances : the burthen, charge, and vexation of the com- 
 missaries' courts; — the suspension of learned and grave 
 ministers for preaching against popish doctrine ; — and de- 
 populations by inclosure. (a) 
 
 To consider these weighty subjects a select committee 
 of the house was appointed, including Bacon as one of 
 the members. This committee immediately entered upon 
 
 is so fer gone, and that the gentleman's friends are in some expectation of 
 success, I leave it to your kind regard what is further to be done, as willing 
 to give satisfaction to those which have put me in trugt, and loth on the 
 other side to press above good manners. And so, with my loving com- 
 mendations, I remain, yours, &c. — 1603. 
 
 (a) Commons' Journals. See note J J J at the end. 
 
 (b) Here, after some silence, the names of others were muttered ; as of 
 Sir Francis Hastings, Sir Henry Nevill, Sir Francis Bacon, Su: Edward 
 Hobby, Sir Henry Mountague, the Recorder of London, and others ; but 
 the more general voice ran upon Sir Edward Phelips, who thereupon stood 
 up, and used some speech to excuse and disable himself, to this effect, &c. 
 
COMMKNCEMENT OF TROUBLES. CVU 
 
 their inquiries, and, so ready were the parties with their 
 evidence, and so active the members in their proceedings, 
 that on the 26th Bacon made his report to the house of 
 the result of their investigations, (a) 
 
 The political discontent, thus first manifested, increased 
 yearly under the reign of James, and having brought his 
 son to the scaffold, continued till the combustible matter 
 was dispersed. " Cromwell," it was said, " became Pro- 
 tector, because the people of England were tired of kings, 
 and Charles was restored because they were weary of 
 Protectors." Such are the consequences of neglecting 
 gradual reform. 
 
 During the whole of the conflicts in the commencement 
 of this stormy session, Bacon's exertions were unremitting. 
 He spoke in every debate. He sat upon twenty-nine com- 
 mittees, (a) many of them appointed for .the consideration 
 of the important questions agitated at that eventful time. 
 He was selected to attend the conferences of the privy 
 council ; to report the result ; and to prepare various re- 
 monstrances and addresses ; was nominated as a mediator 
 between the Commons and the Lords ; and chosen by the 
 Commons to present to the King a petition touching pur- 
 veyors, (c) 
 
 (a) Commons' Journals. 
 
 (c) He said : " The message I now bring your majesty 
 concerns the manifold abuses of purveyors. In this 
 grievance, to which the poor people are most exposed, 
 and men of quality less, we shall require your majesty 
 to conceive that you hear the very groans and complaints 
 of your commons more truly than by representation, for 
 there is no grievance in your kingdom so general, so con- 
 tinual, so sensible, and so bitter to the common subject, 
 as this whereof we now speak, assuring ourselves that 
 never king reigned who had better notions of head and 
 notions of heart for the good and comfort of his loving 
 
CVUl LIFE OF BACOISr. 
 
 To his address, clothed in language the most respectful, 
 yet distinctly pointing out what was expected by the people, 
 the King listened with the patience due from a sovereign 
 to his suffering and oppressed subjects; and, instead of the 
 displeasure felt by Elizabeth at his firm and honest bold- 
 ness, (a) he received it kindly, and replied to it graciously. 
 
 Many of his speeches are fortunately preserved : (x) they 
 are all distinguished for their fitness for the hearers and 
 the occasion, their knowledge of affairs, and their pithy, 
 weighty eloquence. 
 
 The King had hitherto continued to employ Bacon, in 
 the same manner in which he. had served the late Queen; 
 but he now thought fit to shew him higher marks of favour 
 than he had received from her majesty; and accordingly, 
 on the 25th of August, 1604, constituted him by patent 
 his counsel learned in the law, with a fee of forty pounds 
 a year, which is said to have been a " grace scarce known 
 before;" (6) and he granted him the same day, by another 
 patent under the great seal, a pension of sixty pounds a 
 
 subjects. The abuses of purveyors are of three sorts : 1st. 
 They take in kind what they ought not to take. 2. They 
 take in quantity a greater proportion than comes to your 
 majesty's use. 3. They take it in an unlawful manner; 
 instead of takers they become taxors, imposing and extort- 
 ing divers sums of money, sometimes in gross, sometimes 
 as stipends annually paid to be free from their oppressors. 
 They take trees, which they cannot do by law, which are 
 the beauty, shelter, and countenance of men's houses, and 
 that under the value; nay, they are grown to that extremity 
 that they will take double poundage, once when the de- 
 benture is made, and again when the money is paid." — 
 See vol. vi. p. 3, for the whole speech. 
 
 (a) Ante, p. xxxi. (x) See vols. v. and vi. 
 
 (i) See Rawley's Life. 
 
KING S COUNSEL. CIX 
 
 year, for special services received from his brother Anthony 
 Bacon and himself. (6) 
 
 It must not be supposed that either political altercations 
 or legal promotions diverted his attention from the acqui- 
 sition and diffusion of knowledge. He ki^w well the 
 relative worth of politics and philosophy. 
 
 His love of knowledge was never checked, perhaps it 
 was increased by his occupations in active life. " We 
 judge," he says, " that mankind may conceive some hopes 
 from our example, which we offer, not by way of ostenta- 
 tion, but because it may be useful. If any one therefore 
 should despair, let him consider a man as much employed 
 in civil affairs as any other of his age, a man of no great 
 share of health, who must therefore have lost much time, 
 and yet, in this undertaking he is the first that leads the 
 way, unassisted by any mortal, and steadfastly entering 
 the true path that was absolutely untrod before, and sub- 
 mitting his mind to things, may somewhat have advanced 
 the design." (d) Politics employed, but the love of know- 
 ledge occupied his mind, (e) It advanced like the river, 
 which is said to flow without mingling her streams with 
 the waters of the lake through which it passes, {f) 
 
 During the vacation of this year, he escaped from exer- 
 tions respecting the Union, (g) to Eton, where he conversed 
 on the subject of education with his friend. Sir Henry 
 Saville, then provost of the college ; to whom, upon his 
 return, he wrote the following letter : 
 
 To Sir Henry Saville. 
 Coming back from your invitation at Eton, where I had 
 refreshed myself with company, which I loved ; I fell into 
 
 (i) See note TTT at the end. (d) Nov. Org. Aph. v. 
 
 (e) See a letter of Bp. Hall's on the Pleasure of Study and Contemplation. 
 
 (J) Fuller's Holy State. Essay of Company, b. iii. c. 5. 
 
 (g) See his letter to Sir Robert Cotton, dated 8th Sept. 1604. 
 
GX LIFE OF BAGON, 
 
 a consideration of that part of policy whereof philosophy 
 speaketh too much, and laws too little; and that is, of 
 education of youth. Whereupon fixing my mind awhile, 
 I found straightways, and noted, even in the discourses of 
 philosopher^, which are so large in this argument, a strange 
 silence concerning one principal part of that subject. For 
 as touching the framing and seasoning of youth to moral 
 virtues, (as tolerance of labours, continency from pleasures, 
 obedience, honour, and the like,) they handle itj but 
 touching the improvement and helping of the intellectual 
 powers, as of conceit, memory, and judgment^ they say 
 nothing: whether it were, that they thought it to be a 
 matter wherein nature only prevailed, or that they intended 
 it, as referred to the several and proper arts, which teach 
 the use of reason and speech. 
 
 But for the former of these two reasons, howsoever it 
 pleaseth them to distinguish of habits and powers ; the ex'' 
 perience is manifest enough, that the motions and faculties 
 of the wit and memory may be not only governed and 
 guided, but also confirmed and enlarged, by customs and 
 fexercise daily applied : as if a man exercise shooting, he 
 shall not only shoot nearer the mark, but also draw a 
 stronger bow. (a) And as for the latter, of comprehending 
 these precepts within the arts of logic and rhetoric ; if it 
 be rightly considered, their office is distinct altogether from 
 this point ; for it is no part of the doctrine of the use or 
 handling of an instrument, to teach how to whet or grind 
 the instrument to give it a sharp edge, or how to quench 
 it, or otherwise, whereby to give it a stronger temper. 
 
 Wherefore, finding this part of knowledge not broken, t 
 have, but " tanquam aliud agens," entered into it, and salute 
 you with it; dedicating it, after the ancient manner, first 
 as to a dear friend, and then as to an apt person ; for as 
 
 (a) The same remark will be found in one of his Essays. 
 
EDUCATION. CXI 
 
 much as you have both place to practise it, and judgment 
 and leisure to look deeper into it than I have done. Herein 
 you must call to mind/Apwov fdv vSHp. Though the argu- 
 ment be not of great height and dignity, nevertheless it 
 is of great and universal use. And yet I do not see why^ 
 to consider it rightly, that should not be a learning of 
 height which teacheth to raise the highest and worthiest 
 part of the mind. But, howsoever that be, if the world 
 take any light and use by this writing, I will the gratula- 
 tion be to the good friendship and acquaintance between 
 us two. And so recommend you to God's divine protection. 
 
 With this letter he presented a tract upon " Helps to 
 the Intellectual Powers,'* which contains similar observa- 
 tions upon the importance of knowledge and improvement 
 of the Body, (rf) 
 
 From these suggestions^ the gerjn of his opinions upon 
 the same subject in the Advancement of Learning, it 
 appears that he considered the object of education to be 
 knowledge and improvement of the body and of the mind. 
 
 How far society has, after the lapse of two centuries, 
 concurred with him in these opinions, and, if he is not in 
 error, how far we have acted upon his suggestions, may 
 deserve a moment's consideration. 
 
 Bacon arranges knowledge respecting the body(e) into 
 
 La. 
 
 The preservation. 
 Health. ■{ 2. The cure of diseases. 
 
 LS. The prolongation of life. 
 
 „, ,, ri. Athletic, 
 II. Strength,-! 
 
 Gymnastics, 
 
 III. Beauty. 
 
 IV, Pleasure, 
 
 (d) See vol. i. p. 337. (e) Adv. of Learning, vol. ii. p. 158. 
 
CXU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 These subjects considered of importance by Bacon; by 
 the ancients, and by all physiologsts, (b) do not forin any 
 part of our University education. The formation of bodily 
 habits, upon which our happiness and utility must be 
 founded, are left to chance, to the customs of our parents, 
 or the practices of our first college associates. All nature 
 strives for life and for health. The smallest moss cannot be 
 moved without disturbing myriads of living beings. If any 
 part of the animal frame is injured, the whole system is 
 active in restoring it : but man is daily cut oflP or withered 
 in his prime ; and, at the age of fifty, we stand amidst the 
 tombs of our early friends; 
 
 At some future time the admonition of Bacon, that 
 " although the world, to a christian travelling to the land 
 of promise, be as it were a wilderness, yet that our shoes 
 and vestments be less worn away while we sojourn in this 
 wilderness, is to be esteemed a gift coming from divine 
 goodness," may, perhaps, be considered deserving attention. 
 
 1. Invention. 
 
 2. Judgment, 
 
 3. Memory. 
 L4. Tradition. 
 
 Bacon arranges knowledge respecting the mind into 
 
 ■ I. The understanding, 
 
 mi 1, fl- The image of good. 
 Lii, The will. { „ „, , ° ?. . , 
 1^2. The culture of the mmd. 
 
 In the English universities there is not, except by a few 
 lectures, some meagre explanations of logic, and some 
 indirect instruction by mathematics upon mental fixedness, 
 any information imparted upon the nature or conduct of 
 
 (6) See note Q Q Q at the end. 
 
UNDERSTANDING. CXUl 
 
 the understanding, and Locke might now repeat what he 
 said more than a century ago : " although it is of the 
 highest concernment that great care should be taken of 
 the mind, to conduct it right in the search of knowledge 
 and in the judgments it makes : yet the last resort a 
 man has recourse to in the conduct of himself is his 
 understanding. A few rules of logic are thought suffi- 
 cient in this case for those who pretend to the highest 
 improvement: and it is easy to perceive that men are guilty 
 of a great many faults in the exercise and improvement 
 of this faculty of the mind, which hinder them in their 
 progress, and keep them in ignorance and error all their 
 lives." (a) 
 
 At some future period our youth will, perhaps, be 
 instructed in the different properties of our minds, under- 
 standing, reason, imagination, memory, will, (b) and be 
 taught the nature and extent of our powers for the dis- 
 covery of truth; — our different motives for the exercise of 
 our powers J — the various obstacles to the acquisition of 
 knowledge, — and the art of invention, by which our reason 
 will be " rightly guided, and directed to the place where 
 the star appears, and point to the very house where the 
 babe lies." 
 
 In the English universities there are not any lectures 
 upon the passions ; but this subject, deemed important by 
 all philosophy, human and divine, is disregarded, (c) except 
 by such indirect information as may be obtained from the 
 
 (a) See Introduction to Locke's Conduct of the Understanding and to 
 the Essay. See note Y Y Y at the end. 
 
 (6) " Facultates autem animse notissimae sunt ; Intellectus, Batio, Phan- 
 tasia, Memoria, Appetitus, Voluntas dehique universae illse, circae quas 
 versantur scientise Logica! et Ethicae." Augmentis Scientiarum, lib. iv. 
 p. 242. Vol.^ viii. p. 242. • 
 
 (c) See note WWW at the end. 
 
 VOL. XV. * 
 
CXIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 poets and historians ; by whom the love of our Country is 
 taught, perhaps, if only one mode is adopted, best taught, 
 in the midst of Troy's flames : and friendship by Nisus 
 eagerly sacrificing his own life to save his TaelOved EuryialiiS : 
 and with such slight information we are suffered to embark 
 upon our voyage, without any direct instruction as to the 
 tempests by which we may be agitated ; by which so many, 
 believing they are led by light from heaven, are wrfickfed 
 and lost ; and so few reach the true haven of a well ordered 
 mind ; " that temple of God which he graceth wiih his 
 perfection and blesseth with his peace, hot suffering it to be 
 removed although the earth be removed, and although the 
 mountains be carried into the midst of the sea." 
 
 At some future time it may be deemed worthy of con- 
 sideration whether inquiry ought not to be made of the 
 nature of each passion, and the harmoiiy which results 
 from the exact and regular movement of the whole, (z) 
 Greatness In the fall of the year Bacon expressed to the Lord Chan- 
 cellor an inclination to write a history of Great Britain ,'(a) 
 and he prepared a work, inscribed to the King, upon* its 
 true greatness. 
 
 " Fortunatos nimiura sua si bona norint." 
 
 In this work in which, he says, he has not any purpose 
 vainly to represent this greatness, as in water, which shews 
 things bigger than they are, but rather, as by an instrument 
 of art, helping the sense to take a true magnitude ftild 
 dimension, he intended an investigation of the general 
 
 (s) Saville was Provost of Eton. On Sept. 21 the King partook of a 
 banquet at Eton College, and knighted Saville : this letter must therefore 
 have been written after the 21st Sept. ; and it seems to have been written in 
 1604, as it is a rudiment of that part of the Advancement of Learning which 
 relates to universities, and was published in 1605. 
 
 (a) See vol. xii. p. 69. 
 
 of Britain. 
 
GREATNESS pF BRITAIN. CXV 
 
 truths upon Avbioh tiie iprosperity of states depends, with a 
 paiticular application of them to this island. He has, 
 however, only drawn the outline, and filled up two or 
 three detached parts, reserving the minute investigation of 
 .the whole subject for other works, (b) 
 
 According to his usual method, he commences the tract 
 ,by clearing the way, in the removal of some erroneous 
 opinions, on the (dependence of government upon extent 
 of territory; — upon wealth; — upon fruitfulness of soil; — 
 -and upon fortified towns. Each of .these subjects it was 
 his intention to have separately considered, hut he Jias in 
 this fragment x:ompleted only the two first sections. 
 
 To expose the error, that the strength of a kingdo^nde- Extent of 
 ipends upon the ejctent of territory, " Look," he says, " at *^'^'""7- 
 the kingdom of Persia, which extended from Egypt to 
 Bactria and the tbprders of the East, and yet was over- 
 thrown and conquered by,a nation not much bigger than 
 'the isle of Britain. Look, too, at the state of Rome, which, 
 when too extensivCj became no better than a carcass, 
 whereupon all the vultures and birds of prey of the world 
 did seize and ravine for many ages ; as a perpetual monu- 
 ment of the essential difference between the scale of miles 
 and the scale of forces : and that the natural arms of each 
 province or the protecting arms of the principal state, 
 may, when the territory is too extensive, be unable to 
 .counteract the two dangers incident to every government, 
 . foreign invasion and inward rebellion." 
 
 Jiaving'tljrus generally refuted this erroneous opinion, he 
 beautifully explains that the power of territory, as to ex- 
 
 (ft) See vol. v.. p. 311 ; also see his treatise on the Art of Govempient, 
 which he notified the next year, and published in the decline of his life ; 
 see Advancement of Learning in fine, vol. ii. p. 295, and de Augmentis, 
 vol. ix. p. 72; and see his essay on the true Greatness of Kingdoms and 
 States, vol. i. p. 97. 
 
CXVl 
 
 LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Compact- 
 ness. 
 
 Martial 
 valour. 
 
 tent, consists in compactness, — with the heart sufficient to 
 support the extremities; — the arms, or martial virtues, 
 answerable to the greatness of dominion ; — and every part 
 of the state profitable to the whole. Each of these sections 
 is explained with his usual extensive and minute investi- 
 gation, and his usual felicity of familiar illustration. 
 
 With respect to compactness, he says, " Remember the 
 tortoise, which, when any part is put forth from the shell, 
 is endangered." 
 
 With respect to the heart being sufficient to sustain the 
 extremities, "Remember," he says, " that the state of Rome, 
 when it grew great, was compelled to naturalize the Latins, 
 because the Roman stem could not bear the provinces and 
 Italy both as branches ; and the like they were contented 
 after to do to most of the Gauls: and Sparta, when it 
 embraced a larger empire, was compared to a river, which 
 after it had run a great way, -and taken other rivers and 
 streams into it, ran strong and mighty, but about the head 
 and fountain was shallow and weak." 
 
 With respect to martial valour, " Look," he says, " at 
 every conquered state, at Persia and at Rome, which, while 
 they flourished in arms, the largeness of territory was a 
 strength to them, and added forces, added treasures, added 
 reputation : but when they decayed in arms, then greatness 
 became a burthen ,- like as great stature in a natural body is 
 some advantage in youth, but is a burthen in age; so it is 
 with great territory, which when a state beginneth to de- 
 cline, doth make it stoop and buckle so much the faster." 
 
 And with respect to each part being profitable to the 
 whole, he says, in allusion to the fable in jEsop, by which 
 Agrippa appeased the tumult, that health of body and of 
 state is promoted by the due action of all its parts, " Some 
 provinces are more wealthy, some more populous, and some 
 more warlike ; some situate aptly for the excluding or 
 
GREATNESS OF BRITAIN. CXVll 
 
 expulsing of foreigners, and some for the annoying and 
 bridling of suspected and tumultuous subjects ; some are 
 profitable in present, and some may be converted and 
 improved to profit by plantations and good policy." 
 
 He proceeds with the same minuteness to expose the Riches, 
 error, that the power of government consists in riches ; by 
 explaining that the real power of wealth depends upon 
 mediocrity, joined with martial valour and intelligence. 
 
 The importance of martial valour and high chivalric spirit 
 he avails himself of every opportunity to enforce. " Well," 
 he says, " did Solon, who was no contemplative man, say 
 to Croesus, upon his shewing him his great treasures, 'When 
 another comes with iron he will be master of all your gold ;' 
 and so Machiavel justly derideth the adage that money is 
 the sinews of war, by saying, ' There are no other true 
 sinews of war but the sinews and muscles of men's arms.' " 
 
 So impressed was he with the importance of elevating 
 the national character that, three years before his death, (a) 
 he spoke with still greater energy upon this subject, in 
 his treatise upon the Greatness of States. " Above all 
 things," he says, " cultivate a stout and warlike disposition 
 of the people ; (6) for walled towns, stored arsenals, goodly 
 races of horses, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance, artil- 
 lery, and the like, all this is but sheep in a lion's skin, 
 unless the breeding and disposition of the people be war- 
 like ;" and, " as to the illusion that wealth may buy assist- 
 ance, let the state which trusts to mercenary forces ever 
 remember, that, by these purchases, if it spread its feathers 
 
 (a) De Augmentis, published 1623, vol. ix. p. 72. 
 (i) See Sir W. Jones's translation of the ode, by Alceus. 
 " What constitutes a state ? 
 Not high rais'd battlement or labour'd mound. 
 Not cities proud with spires and turrets crown'd, 
 No: man, high-minded man, &c. &c." 
 
CXVUl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 for a time beyond the comptfss of its nest, it will mew them 
 soon after;" and, in this spirit, he records various maxims to 
 counteract the debasement of character attendant upon the 
 worship of gold : and above all, the evil of sedentary and 
 within-door mechanical arts, requiring rather the finger 
 than the arm; which in Sparta, Athens, and Ronie was left 
 to slaves, and amongst christians should be the employment 
 of aliens, and not of the natives, who should be tillers of 
 ground, free servants, and labourers in strong and manly 
 arts. 
 
 Such were the opinions of Bacon. Hot? far they will 
 meet with the approbation of political economists in these 
 enlightened times, it is not necessary, in this analysis of his 
 sentiments, to inquire. If he is in error, he may, in the 
 infancy of the science of government, be pardoned for 
 supposing that the national character would not be elevated 
 by making sentient man a machine, or by those processes, 
 by which bones and sinews, life and all that adorns life, is 
 transmuted into gold. The bell by which the labourers 
 are summoned to these many windowed fabrics in our 
 manufacturing towns, sweeter to the lovers of gain than 
 holy bell that tolls to parish Church, would have sounded 
 upon Bacon's ear with harsher iiiipOrt than the Norman 
 curfew, (a) He may be pardoned, though he should warn 
 us that in these temples, not of liberty, the national cha- 
 racter will not be elevated by the femployment of children, 
 not in the temper of Him who took them in his arms, put 
 his hands upon them and blessed them, but in never 
 ceasing labour, with their morals sapped and undermined, 
 their character's lowered and debased. It is possible that 
 if he had witnessed the cowering looks and creeping gait, 
 or shameless mirth of these little slaves, he might have 
 
 (a) See William Wordsworth's noble poem, "The Excursion." 
 
GREATNESS OF BRITAIN. CXIX, 
 
 thought of Thebes or TyfiC or falaiyra, and of the insta- 
 bility of ajl hi|,man governnpeiits, ^yhatever their present 
 riches or grandeur may be, unless the people are ekvated 
 by virtue. 
 
 Si^ch, hpw^yer, were his sentiment^ ; and, even if they 
 are erroaepus, it cannot but be Ijaiuented that the only pa^-ta 
 of th^s work which are comple,ted aqd applied to Great , 
 Brit^iq, are those which relate to extent and wealth. The 
 remaining errors . of fri^itfuUiess of the soil, and fortified 
 towns are not investigated. 
 
 - Having thus cleared the way by ^hewing in what the 
 strength of government/does not consisi;, he intended to 
 explain in ^hat it did consist : . 
 
 1. In a fit situation, to which his observations are confined. 
 
 2. In the population and breed of men. 
 
 ' 3. In the valour and military disposition of the peqple. 
 4. In the fitness of every man to be a soldier. 
 6. In the temper of the government to elevate the na- 
 
 ' tional character ; and, 
 6. In command of the sea : the dowry of Great Britain. 
 
 During the next terms and the next sessions of parha- 1605. 
 ment his legal and political exertions continued without ^^' 
 
 intermissioDi. Committees were appointed for the conside- 
 ration of subsidies J of articles fojr religion; purveyors; 
 recusants ; rjestAring deposed ministers ; abuses of the Mar- 
 shalsea court, and for the better execution, of penal laws i^ 
 ecclesiastical causes. He was a member of them all ; and, 
 mindful of the mode in which, during the late session, he 
 had discharged his duties as representative of the house, 
 he was elected to deliver to the King thp charge of the 
 Commons respecting ecclesiastical grievances. 
 
 In every debate in this session he was the powerful 
 advocate, in speeches which now exist, for the union of the 
 
CXX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 kingdoms and the union of the laws ; (a) during which he 
 availed himself, according to his usual mode, when oppor- 
 tunity offered, to recommend as the first reform, the reform 
 of the law, saying, " The mode of uniting the laws seemeth 
 to me no less excellent than the work itself; for if both 
 laws shall be united, it is of necessity, for preparation and 
 inducement thereunto, that our own laws be reviewed and 
 recompiled; than the which, I think, there cannot be a 
 work that his majesty can undertake, in these his times of 
 peace, more politic, more honourable, nor more beneficial 
 to his subjects, for all ages." 
 Advance- In the midst of these laborious occupations he published 
 
 ment o j^j^ celebrated work upon " the Advancement of Learning," 
 Learning. ~ °' 
 
 which professes to be a survey of the then existing know- 
 ledge, with a designation of the parts of science which were 
 unexplored ; the cultivated parts of the intellectual world 
 and the desarts ; a finished picture with an outline of what 
 was untouched. 
 
 Within the outline is included the whole of science. 
 After having examined the objections to learning; — the 
 advantages of learning; — the places of learning or uni- 
 versities; — the books of learning or libraries, " the shrines 
 where all the relics of the ancient saints, full of true virtue, 
 and that without delusion or imposture, are preserved 
 and reposed;" — after having thus cleared the way, and, 
 as it were, " made silence to have the true nature of 
 learning better heard and understood," he investigates all 
 knowledge : 
 
 1st. Relating to the Memory, or History. 
 
 2nd. Relating to the Imagination, or Poetry. 
 
 3rd. Relating to the Understanding, or Philosophy. 
 
 (a) Vol. V. from 1 to 106. 
 
ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. CXXl 
 
 Such is the outline : within it the work is minutely ar- 
 ranged, (a) abounds with great felicity of expression, and 
 nervous language: but not contenting himself, by such 
 arrangement, with the mere exhibition of truth, he adorned 
 it with familiar, simple, and splendid imagery, (ft) 
 
 (a) The arrangement of the work may be thus generally exhibited : 
 
 I. The excellence of Learning, and its communication. 
 
 Iri. By divines. 
 1. Objections to learning. -{ 2. By poUticians. 
 Ls. From errors of learned men. 
 2. Proofs of advantages of learning, i' jj^^ 
 
 II. What has been done and what omitted. 
 fl. Universities. 
 
 1. Preliminary. -j 2. Libraries. 
 
 Ls. Persons of the learned. 
 
 fl. History. 
 ■I 2. Poetry. fl. 
 
 13. Philosophy, i 2. 
 13. 
 
 J2. Division. •{ 2. Poetry. fl. Natural religion. 
 
 2. Natural philosophy. 
 Human philosophy. 
 
 (6) Disapproving of the manner of the stoics, who laboured to thrust 
 virtue upon men by concise and sharp sentences and conclusions, which 
 have no sympathy with the ime^ation and will, he in this work avails 
 himself of every opportunity to reduce intellectual to sensible things. 
 " That which is addressed to the senses," he says, " strikes more forcibly 
 than that which is addressed to the intellect. The image of a huntsman 
 pursuing a hare; or an apothecary putting his boxes in order; or a man 
 making a speech; or a boy reciting verses by heart; or an actor upon the 
 stage, are more easily remembered than the notions of invention, disposi- 
 tion, elocution, memory, and action." This work abounds, therefore, with 
 ornament. 
 
 So, Shakespeare, in one of his sonnets, says: 
 
 " Since 1 left you, mine eye is in my mind. 
 
 And that which governs me to go about 
 
 Doth part his function, and is partly blind, 
 
 Seems seeing, but eifectually is out; 
 
 For it no form delivers to the heart 
 
 Of bird, of flower, or shape, which it doth latch; 
 
CXXH LIF? OF BACON. 
 
 When, speaking of t\xe error pf ppixuno^ min^s ^^tiifing 
 from a?tiye life, fe? sa,y^^ <' Pytfl\agp;:aSj being asked ^h^t. 
 he was, answered, that if Hif rp were evei^ at 1il\e Olympic 
 games, he, knew \^ ^lannei^, t^i?i,t sp^e came as nxercl^^iits 
 to utter tji^r cpmtnoditiies, ai^d gome came tp m^^l^e, gopd 
 cheer, and some came to look on, and that he was one of 
 them that came to Ippk pn ; but men must knpw, that in 
 this theatre pf man's hfe, it is reserved pnly fpr Gpd and 
 angels tp be Ippkers-pn." (c) Sp, when explaining the danger 
 tp which intellect i^ exppsed pf running put intp sensualjty 
 pn its retirement frpta active 1 ife, he says,, in anpt^ier work, (a) 
 " When I was chancellpr I told Gpndpmar, the Spanish 
 ambassador, that I would willingly fprbear the honour, to 
 get rid of the burthen ; that I had always 9, desire to lead 
 a private life. Gpndomar 3.nswered, that, he would tell 
 me a tale ; ' My lord, there was pnce an pld rat that wpuld 
 needs leave the wprld: he acquainted the ypung rats thsit 
 he would retire into his hple, s^nd spend his days in soli- 
 
 Of his quick objects hath the mind no part, 
 
 Nor his own vision holds mfcat it doth catch; ■ . r 
 
 For if it see the md'st or g«nUest sight. 
 
 The most sweet ihvour, or deform'st creature. 
 
 The mountain or the sea, the day or night. 
 
 The crow, or'dove, it shapes them to your feature. 
 Incapable of more, replete with you, 
 My most true mind thus maketh mine untrue." 
 
 §0 too, Fuller, speakipg of the divine, says, " His simjles and illus- 
 trations are alwaies &miliar, never contemptible. Indeed reasons are the 
 pillars of the fabric of a sermon, but similitudes are the windows which 
 give the best lights.'' 
 
 I somewhere, but where I forget, have read that the mind of a celebrated 
 divine was first excited to religious meditation by so?Be Dutch tiles which 
 ornamented the fireplsjce in ^g nursery. 
 
 (c) Advancement of Learning, yol, ii. p. 275. 
 («) See vol. i. pp. 347 and 454.. 
 
ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. CXxiii 
 
 tade, and eommaHdeid them to respect his i^ilosophicali 
 seclusion. They forbore two or three days: at last one, 
 hardier than his fellows, ventured in to see how he did ; 
 he entered, and found him sitting in the midst of a rich 
 parmesaii cheese.' " 
 
 In such familiar explanations did he indulge himself: it 
 being his object not to inflate trifles into marvels, but to 
 reduce marvels to plain things. Of these simple modes 
 of illustrating truth it appears, from a volume of Apo- 
 thegms, published in the decline of his M&, and a re- 
 comtnendation of them,- in thia treatise, (i) as a useful 
 appendage to history, that he had formed a collection. 
 
 When the subject required it, he, without departing from 
 simplicity, selected images of a higher nature ^ as, when 
 esplainifig how the body acts itpon the mind, and antici- 
 pating the common senseless observation, that such investi- 
 gations are injurious to religiora, " Do not," he says, 
 " imagine that inquiries of this nature question the immor- 
 tality of the soul, or derogate from its sovereignty over the 
 body. The infant in its mother's womb paxtakeg of the 
 accidents of its mother, but is separable in due season." (e) 
 So, too, when explaining that the body is decomposed by 
 the depredation of innate spirit and of ambient air, and 
 that if the action of these causes can be prevented, the 
 body will defy decomposition : " Have yoiu never," he 
 says, " seen a fly in amber, more beautifully entombed 
 than an Egyptian monarch ?"(c) and, when ^speaking of 
 the resemblance in the different parts of nature, and calling 
 upon his readers to observe that truths are generail, he 
 says, " Is. not the delight of the quavering upon a stop 
 
 (b) See under Appendices to History, vol. ii. p. 118. 
 (e) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 157. 
 
 (c) Sylva Sylvanmi, Cent. i. Art. MO. 
 
CXXIV LIKE OF BACON. 
 
 in music the same with the playing of light upon the 
 water, 
 
 ' Splendet tremulo sub lumine pontus.' " (d) 
 
 Such are his beautiful and playful modes of familiarizing 
 abstruse subjects: but to such instances he did not con- 
 fine himself. He was too well acquainted with our nature, 
 merely to explain truth without occasionally raising the 
 mind by noble and lofty images to love it. 
 
 It must not be supposed that, because he illustrated 
 his thoughts, he was misled by imagination, which never 
 had precedence, but always followed in the train of his 
 reason : (a) or, because he had recourse to arrangement, 
 that he was enslaved by method, which he always disliked, 
 as impeding the progress of knowledge, (a) It is, therefore, 
 his constant admonition, that a plain, unadorned style, in 
 aphorisms, is the proper style for philosophy ; and in apho- 
 risms the Novum Organum and his tract on Universal 
 Justice are composed. But, although this was his general 
 opinion ; although he was too well acquainted with . what 
 he terms the idols of the mind, to be diverted from truth 
 by the love of order; yet, knowing the charms of theory 
 and system, and the necessity of adopting them to insure 
 a favourable reception for abstruse works, he did not 
 reject these garlands, at once the ornament and fetters of 
 science. They may now, perhaps, be laid aside, and the 
 noble temple which he raised may be destroyed; but its 
 gorgeous magnificence will never be forgotten, and amidst 
 the ruins a noble statue will be seen by every true wor- 
 shipper of beauty and of knowledge. 
 
 To form a correct judgment of the merits of this treatise 
 
 (rf) De Aug. lib. iii. c. i. v. 8. p. 155. 
 (fl) See note RRR at the end. 
 
ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. CXXV 
 
 it is but justice to the author to remember, both the time 
 when it was written and the persons for whom it was 
 composed, " length and ornament of speech being fit for 
 persuasion of multitudes, although not for information of 
 kings." 
 
 The work is divided into two books : the first con- Division, 
 sisting of his dedication to the King ; — of his statement of 
 the objections to learning, by divines, by politicians, and 
 from the errors of learned men ; — and of some of the advan- 
 tages of knowledge. 
 
 If, in compliance with the custom of the times, (c) or Dedica- 
 from an opinion that wisdom, although it ought not to °"' 
 stoop to persons, should submit to occasions, (a) or from a 
 morbid anxiety to accelerate the advancement (i) of know- 
 
 (c) See the last note in the work. 
 
 (/i) " Not that I can tax or condemn the morigeration or application of 
 learned men to men in fortune. For the answer was good that Diogenes 
 made to one that asked him in mockery, ' How it came to pass that philo- 
 sophers were the followers of rich men, and not rich men of philosophers V 
 He answered soberly, and yet sharply, ' Because the one sort knew what 
 they had need of, and the other did not.' And of the like nature was the 
 answer which Aristippus made, when having a petition to Dionysius, and 
 no ear given to him, he fell dovm at his feet; whereupon Dionysius staid, 
 and gave him the hearing, and granted it: and afterward some person, 
 tender on the behalf of philosophy, reproved Aristippus, that he would 
 oflFer the profession of philosophy such an indignity, as for a private suit to 
 fell at a tyrant's feet : but he answered, ' It was not his feult, but it was the 
 feult of Dionysius, that he had his ears in his feet.' Neither was it accounted 
 weakness, but discretion in him that would not dispute his best with 
 Adrianus Csesar ; excusing himself, ' That it was reason to yield to him that 
 commanded thirty legions.' These and the like applications, and stooping 
 to points of necessity and convenience, cannot be disallowed; for, though 
 they may have some outward baseness, yet in a judgment truly made, they 
 are to be accounted submissions to the occasion, and not to the person." 
 
 (b) It is so difficult to love and be wise, that Bacon was constantly over 
 anxious to accelerate the progress of knowledge : " I have held up a light," 
 he says, " in the obscurity of philosophy, which will be seen centuries after 
 
CXXVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 ledge, Bacon could delude himself by the supiposition 
 ithat his Msome dedication to the King -was consistent 
 either with the simplicity or .dignity -of philogophy^ he must 
 have forgotten whait Seneca said to Nero, "Suffer m;e ito 
 stay here a little longer with thee, not to flatter thine ear, 
 •for that is not my custom, as I have always preferred to 
 loffend by truth than to please by flattery." He must have 
 tfoigotten that when JBsop said to Solon, " Either we must 
 -not come to princes, or we -must seek to please and content 
 them ; Solon answered, " Either we .must not come to 
 princes at all, or we must speak truly and counsel them 
 for the best." He must have forgotten his own doctrine, 
 tthat books ought to have no patrons but tnuth and reason, (c) 
 
 I^am-dead;" Jjut-not content with this, he imagined that the protection j)f 
 kings was necessary for the protection of truth, forgetting his own doctrine 
 that, " Veritas temporis filia dicitur non authoritatis." 
 
 Iii his letter of the 12th of October, 1620, to the King, he says, 
 speaking of the Novum Organum: "This work is but a new body of 
 -elay, whereinto your Majesty, by your countenance and protection, may 
 breathe life. And, to tell your Majesty truly what I think, I account your 
 favour maybe to'this work as mvich as an hundred years time : for I am 
 persuaded, the wotk will gain upon men's mihds in ages, but your gracing 
 it may make it tilke hold more swiftly rwhichd would be very glad of, it 
 .being a- work meant, not for, praise or glory, but for.practice, and the^ good 
 .of men." 
 
 If this opinion of the necessity of the King's protection, or of any 
 patronage, for the progress of knowledge, be now supposed a weakness : if 
 in these times, and in this enlightened country, truth has nothing to dread : 
 if Galileo may now, without fear of the inquisition, assert that the earth 
 moves round; or when an altar is raised to the " unknovm God," he who 
 is ignorantly worshipped, we may declare; let us not be unmindful of the 
 present state of the press in our countries^ or forget that, although Bacon 
 saw a little ray of distant light, yet that it was seen from far, the refiacticm 
 of truth yet below the horizon. 
 
 (c) " But in the mean time I have no purpose to give allowance to sonie 
 conditions and courses base and unworthy, wherein divers professors of 
 learning have wronged themselves, and gone too far ; such as were those 
 "trencher philosophers, which in the later age of the Roman state were 
 
ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. '6XXvii 
 
 and he must also have forgotten his own nervous md 
 beautiful admonition, -that "the honest and just bounds df 
 observation by one person upon anothfer extetid no further 
 but to understand him sufficiently whereby not l6 giVe hirti 
 oflTeflce; or whereby to be ablfe to give hilh fkithful coun- 
 sel ; or \ivherd)y to'staiid upon reasonable gtiard a;nd cautidh 
 with respect to a man's self: but to be speculative into 
 another man, to the end to know hdw to work him, or 
 wind him, or govern liim, proceedeth from a heart that is 
 double and cloven, and not entire aiid ingenuous, which 
 as in frie'hdship it is want of integrity, So towards princes 
 or superiors it is want of duty." 
 
 If his work had been addressed to the philosoplry of the Objections 
 country, instead of having confined his professional objec- and"dr 
 tions to divines arid politicians, he would have explained ticians. 
 that, as our opinions always constitute our intellectual 
 and often our worldly wealth, prejudice is common to 
 us all, (a) and is particularly conspicuous amongst all 
 professional men with respect to the sciences which they 
 profess, (a) 
 
 His objections to learning from the errors of learned Errors of 
 
 men contain his observations upon the study of words r'^™^** 
 
 '^ •' ' men. 
 
 upon useless knowledge ; iand upon falsehood, called by 
 him delicate learning ; contentious learning; and fantastical 
 learoipg; all of them erroneously considered objectioq^ to 
 
 usually in the houses of great persons, being little better than solemn para- 
 sites. Neither is the modem dedication of books and writings, as .to 
 patrons, to be commended : for that books, such as are worthy the name of 
 books, ought to have no patrons but truth and reason. And the ancient 
 custom was to dedicate them only to private. a.ndrequal friends, or to entitle 
 the books with their names ; or if to kings and great persons, it was to some 
 such as the argument of the book was fit and proper for : but these and the 
 like courses may deserve rather reprehension than defence." 
 
 (a) Sefe postea, under Novum Organurn. 
 
CXXVlll LIFE OF BACOIV. 
 
 learning ; as the study of words is merely the selection of 
 one species of knowledge ; and contentious learning is only 
 the conflict of opinion which ever exists when any science 
 is in progress, and the way from sense to the understanding 
 is not sufficiently cleared ; (c) and falsehood is one of the 
 consequences attendant upon inquiry, as our opinions, 
 being formed not only by impressions upon our senses, 
 but by confidence in the communication of others and our 
 own reasonings, unavoidably teem with error, which can 
 by time alone be corrected. 
 Study of As it is Bacon's doctrine that knowledge consists in 
 understanding the properties of creatures and the names 
 by which they are called, " the occupation of Adam in 
 Paradise," (d) it may seem extraordinary that he should 
 not have formed a higher estimate than he appears to have 
 formed of the study of words. Words assist thought; 
 they teach us correctness; they enable us to acquire the 
 knowledge and character of other nations ; (e) and the 
 
 (c) See Nov. Org. Aph. 76. vol. ix. p. 227. 
 
 (d) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 55. 
 
 (e) The following ingenious observations are from the De Augmentis, 
 book vi. chap. i. vol. viii. p. 309. " Atqueun^ etiam hoc pacto capientur 
 signa baud levia, sed observatu digna (quod fortassfe quispiam non putaret) 
 de ingeniis et moribus populorum et nationum, ex Unguis ipsorum. Equi- 
 dem libentfer audio Ciceronem notantem, quiid apud Graecos desit verbum, 
 quod Latinum illud Ineptum reddat; ' Propterea,' inquit, ' qu&d Grsecis 
 hoc vitium tam familiare fiiit, ut illud in se ne agnoscerent quidem :' digna 
 certfe gravitate Roman^ censura. Quid illud quiid Grseci in compositioni- 
 bus verborum tantS, licentiS, usi sunt, Romani contrk magnam in h&c re 
 severitatem adhibuemnt? Planfe coUigat quis Graecos fiiisse artibus, Ro- 
 manes rebus gerendis,magis idoneos. Aitium enim distinctiones verborum 
 compositionem ferfe exigunt; at res et negotia simplicioia verba postulant. 
 Quin Hebraei tantum compositiones illas refugiunt, ut malint metaphor^ 
 abuti quam compositionem introducere. Quinetiam verbis tam paucis et 
 minimfe conimixtis utuntur, ut plan& ex linguS, ips& quis perspiciat gentem 
 fuisse illam Nazaraam, et a reliquis gentibus separatam. Annon et illud 
 
ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. CXXIX 
 
 Study of ancient literature in particular, if it is not an 
 exercise of the intellect, is a discipline of humanity ; if it 
 do not strengthen the understanding, it softens and refines 
 the taste ; it gives us liberal views ; it accustoms the mind 
 to take an interest in things foreign to itself; to love virtue 
 for its own sake ; to prefer glory to riches, and to fix our 
 thoughts on the remote and permanent, instead of narrow 
 and fleeting objects. It teaches us to believe that there 
 is really something great and excellent, in the world, sur- 
 viving all the shocks and accidents and fluctuations of 
 opinion, and raises us above that low and servile fear, 
 which bows only to present power and upstart authority. 
 Rome and Athens filled a place in the history of mankind 
 which can never be occupied again. They were two cities 
 set on a hill which can not be hid ; all eyes have seen 
 them, and, their light shines like a mighty sea-mark into 
 the abyss of time, 
 
 " Still green with bays each ancient altar stands." (a) 
 
 But, notwithstanding these advantages. Bacon says, " the 
 studying words and not matter is a distemper of learning, 
 of vphich Pygmalion's frenzy is a good emblem ; for words 
 are but the images of matter, and to fall in love with them 
 is all one as to fall in love with a picture." (5) 
 
 These different subjects are classed under the quaint 
 
 observatione dignum (licfet nobis modemis spiritus nonnihil retundat) anti- 
 quas linguas plenas declinationum, casuum, coujugationum, temporum, et 
 similium fuisse; modemas, his ferfe destitutas, plurima per praepositiones 
 et verba auxiliaria segni^r expedire ? San'fe fecilfe quis conjiciat, utcilnque 
 nobis ipsi placemus, ingenia priomm saeculorum nostris fUisse multb 
 acutiora et subtiliora. Innumera sunt ejusmodi, quae justum volumen 
 complere possint." . 
 
 (o) See this passage in William Hazlitt's Table Talk. 
 
 (6) Vol. ii. p. 37. 
 
 VOL. XV. A 
 
CXXX LIFE OF BACON. ' 
 
 ekpi'ession of " Distempers of Learning," to which, that the 
 metaphor may be preserved, he has apfiended various other 
 defects, under the more quaint terra of " peccant Humours 
 of Learning." (6) 
 
 His observations upon the advantages of learning, al- 
 though encumbered by fanciful and minute analysis, abound 
 with beauty ; for, not contenting himself with the simple 
 position with which philosophy would be satisfied, that 
 knowledge teaches us how to select what is beneficial and 
 avoid what is injurious, he enumerates various modes, 
 divine and human, by which the happiness resulting from 
 knowledge ever has been and ever will be manifested. 
 
 After having stated what he terms divine proofs of the 
 advantages of knowledge, he says, the human proofs are : 
 
 1. Learning diminishes afflictions from nature. 
 
 2. Learning diminishes evils from man to man. 
 
 3. There is a union between learning and military virtue. 
 
 4. Learning improves private virtues. 
 
 1. It takes away the barbarism of men's minds. 
 
 2. It takes away levity, temerity, and insolency. 
 
 3. It takes away vain admiration. 
 
 4. It takes away or mitigates fear. 
 
 5. It disposes the constitution of the mind not to 
 
 be fixed or settled in its defects, but to be sus- 
 ceptible of growth and reformation. 
 
 5. It is power. 
 
 6. It advances fortune. 
 
 7. It is our greatest source of delight. 
 
 8. It insures immortality. 
 
 (b) See next pt^e for the Analysis. 
 
ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. 
 
 CXXXl 
 
 These positions are proved, by all the force of his reason, Govem- 
 and adorned by all the beauty of his imagination. When ™^°'* 
 speaking of the power of knowledge to repress the incon- 
 veniences which arise from man to man, he says, " In 
 Orpheus's theatre all beasts and birds assembled, and, for- 
 getting their several appetites, some of prey, some of game, 
 some of quarrel, stood all sociably together, listening to 
 the airs and accords of the harp; the sound whereof no 
 sooner ceased, or was drowned by some louder noise, but 
 every beast returned to his own nature ; wherein is aptly 
 described the nature and condition of men, who are full of 
 savage and unreclaimed desires of profit, of lust, of revenge; 
 which, as long as they give ear to precepts, to laws, to 
 religion, sweetly touched with eloquence and persuasion of 
 books, of sermons, of harangues, so long is society and 
 peace maintained; but if these instruments be silent, or 
 sedition and tumult make them not audible, all things dis- 
 solve into anarchy and confusion." 
 
 So when explaining, amidst the advantages of know- 
 ledge, its excellency in diffusing happiness through sue- Posthu- 
 ceeding ages, he says, " Let us conclude with the dignity ' 
 and excellency of knowledge and learning in that where- 
 
 . mousfame. 
 
 The Analysis of this subject is as follows : 
 
 ri. Fi 
 ri. General. -^ 2. C 
 Ls. D 
 
 Distempers of 
 Learning, t 
 
 Fantastical. 
 
 Contentious. 
 
 Delicate. 
 
 -2. Peccant humours. 
 
 2. Prevalence of Truth. 
 
 3. Arrangement. 
 
 4. Universality. 
 
 5. Metaphysics. 
 
 6. Infecting opinions. 
 
 7. Haste. 
 
 8. Positiveness. 
 
 9. Want of Invention. 
 .10. Erroneous motives. 
 
CXXXll LIFE OF BACON. . 
 
 unto man's nature doth most aspire, which is, immortality 
 or continuance : for to this tendeth generation, and raising 
 of houses and famihes; to this buildings, foundations, and 
 monuments ; to this tendeth the desire of memory, fame, 
 and celebration, and in effect the strength of all other 
 human desires. We see then how far the monuinents of 
 wit and learning are more durable than the monuments of 
 power or of the hands. For have not the verses of Homer 
 continued twenty-five hundred years, or more, without the 
 loss of a syllable or letter; during which time infinite 
 palaces, temples, castles, cities, have been decayed and 
 destroyed ? It is not possible to have the true pictures or 
 statues of Cyrus, Alexander, Csesar ; no, nor of the kings 
 or great personages of much later years ; for the originals 
 cannot last, and the copies cannot but leese of the life 
 and truth : but the images of men's wits and knowledges 
 remain in books exempted from the wrong of time, and 
 capable of perpetual renovation. Neither are they fitly to 
 be called images, because they generate still, and cast their 
 seeds in the minds of others, provoking and causing infinite 
 actions and opinions in succeeding ages; so that, if the 
 invention of the ship was thought so noble, which carrieth 
 riches and commodities from place to place, and consociateth 
 the most remote regions in participation of their fruits, 
 how much more are letters to be magnified, which, as ships, 
 pass through the vast seas of time, and make ages so 
 distant to participate of the wisdom, illuminations xind 
 inventions, the one of the other?" 
 
 After having thus explained some of the blessings at- 
 tendant upon knowledge, he concludes the first book with 
 lamenting that these blessings are not more generally 
 preferred, (a) 
 
 (a) See Einte, page xi. 
 
ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. 
 
 CXXXIU 
 
 The second book, after various preliminary observations, 
 and particularly upon the defects of universities, (6) of 
 which, from the supposition that they are formed rather 
 for the discovery of new knowledge than for diffusing 
 the knowledge of our predecessors, he, through life, seems 
 to have formed too high an estimate, he arranges and 
 adorns every species of history, (d) which he includes 
 within the province of memory, — and every species of 
 poetry, (e) by which imagination can "elevate the mind 
 from the dungeon of the body to the enjoying its own 
 divine essence:" — and, passing from poetry, by saying, 
 " but it is not good to stay too long in the theatre : let 
 us now pass on to the judicial place or palace of the mind, 
 which we are to approach and view with more reverence 
 and attention," he proceeds to the investigation of every 
 species of philosophy, divine, natural, and human, of which, 
 from his analysis of human philosophy, or the science of 
 man, some conception may be formed of the extent and 
 perfection of the different parts of the work. 
 
 (6) See note K at the end. 
 
 (rf) The following is his Analysis of History : 
 
 1. Different 
 Histories. 
 
 1. Natural. 
 
 Of Creatures. 
 Of Marvels. 
 Of Arts. 
 
 p- ^-s-^-^- U: SS£ 
 
 2. Civil. 
 
 .2. Perfect. 
 
 [ 
 
 1. Simple 
 
 2. Mixed. 
 
 (i; 
 
 Biography. 
 Chronicles. 
 Relations. 
 
 0; 
 
 The Church. 
 3. Ecclesiastical. •{ 2. Prophecy. 
 Providence. 
 fl. Memorials. 
 .2. Appendices. ■{ 2. Epistles. 
 
 Ls. Apothegms. 
 
 (e) 1. Narrative. 2. Representative. 3. Parabolical. 
 
CXXXIV 
 
 LIFE OF BACON. 
 
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ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. CXXXV 
 
 These different subjects, exhibited with this perspicuity, 
 are adorned with beautiful illustration and imagery : as, 
 when explaining the doctrine of the will, divided into the 
 image of good or the exhibition of truth, and the culture 
 or Georgics of the mind, which is its husbandry or til- 
 lage so as to love the truth which it sees, he says, " The 
 neglecting these Georgics seemeth to me no better than to 
 exhibit a fair image or statue, beautiful to behold, but 
 without life or motion." (a) 
 
 Having thus made a small globe of the intellectual 
 world, he, looking at the work he had made, and hoping 
 that it was good, thus concludes : " And being now at 
 some pause, looking back into that I have passed through, 
 this writing seemeth to me, ' si nunquam fallit imago,' 
 (as far as a man can judge of his own work) not much 
 better than the noise or sound which musicians make 
 while they are tuning their instruments, which is nothing 
 pleasant to hear, but yet is a cause why the music is 
 sweeter afterwards: so have I been content to tune the 
 instruments of the muses, that they may play that have 
 better hands. And surely, when I set before me the con- 
 dition of these times, in which learning hath made her 
 
 (a) The passage is as follows : " In the handling of this 
 science, those which have written seem to me to have done 
 as if a man, that professeth to teach to write did only 
 exhibit fair copies of alphabets and letters joined, without 
 giving any precepts or directions for the carriage of the hand 
 and framing of the letters : so have they made good and fair 
 exemplars and copies, carrying the draughts and portrai- 
 tures of good, virtue, duty, felicity j propounding them well 
 described as the true objects and scopes of man's will and 
 desires; but how to attain these excellent marks, and how to 
 frame and subdue the will of man to become true and con- 
 formable to these pursuits, they pass it over altogether," &c. 
 
CXXXyi LIFE OF.BACON. 
 
 third visitation or circuit in all the qualities thereof:' as 
 the : excellency and vivacity of the wits of this age; the 
 noble helps and. lights which we have by the travails of 
 ancient writers ; the art of printing, which communicateth 
 books to men of all fortunes ; the openness of the world 
 by. navigation, which hath disclosed multitudes of experi- 
 ments, and a mass of natural history ; the leisure where- 
 vpith these times abound, not employing men so generally 
 in civil business as the states of Grsecia did, in respect of 
 their popularity, and the state of Rome, in respect of the 
 greatness of their monarchy; the present disposition of 
 these times at this instant to peace ; the consumption of 
 all that ever can be said in controversies of religion, which 
 have so much diverted men from other sciences ; and the 
 inseparable property of time, which is ever more and more 
 to disclose truth, — I cannot but be raised to this persuasion, 
 that this third period of time will far surpass that of the 
 Grecian and Roman learning ; only if men will know their 
 own strength, and their own weakness both; and take, 
 one from the other, light of invention, and not fire of con- 
 tradiction ; and esteem of the inquisition of truth, as of an 
 enterprize, and not as of a quality or ornament; and employ 
 wit and magnificence to things of worth and excellency, 
 and not to things vulgar and of popular estimation." 
 
 Of this work he presented copies to the King and to 
 different statesmen, and, to secure its perpetuity, he exerted 
 himself with his friends to procure a translation of it into 
 Latin, which, in the decline of his life, he accomplished, (o) 
 1606. As a philosopher. Bacon, who beheld all things from a 
 cliff, thus viewed the intellectual globe, dilating his sight 
 to survey the whole of science, and contracting it so that 
 the minutest object could not escape him. 
 
 (a). For the different editions and further particulars' of tTiis work, see 
 note AAA at the end. 
 
 Mt. 46. 
 
IKKLAND. CXXXVU 
 
 Sweet as such speculations were to such a mind : pleas- 
 ing as the labour must have been in surmounting the 
 steeps : delightful to tarry upon them, and painful to quit 
 them, he did not suffer contemplation to absorb his mind ; 
 but as a statesman, he was ever in action, ever advancing 
 the welfare of his country. These opposite exertions were 
 the necessary result of his peculiar mind ; for, as knowledge 
 takes away vain admiration, as no man marvels at the play 
 of puppets who has been behind the curtain, (a) Bacon 
 could not have been misled by the baubles by which com- 
 mon minds are delighted ; (d) and, as he had examined the 
 nature of all pleasures, and felt that knowledge and bene- 
 volence, which is ever in its train, surpassed them all,-(e) 
 the chief source of his happiness, wherever situated, must 
 have consisted in diminishing evil and in promoting good. 
 
 With his delicate health and intense love of knowledge, 
 he ought in prudence to have shunned the broad way and 
 the green, and retreated to contemplation ; but it was 
 his favourite opinion that, " in this theatre of man's life, 
 God and angels only should be lookers-on ; that contem- 
 plation and action ought ever to be united, a conjunction 
 like unto that of the two highest planets, Saturn the planet 
 of rest, and Jupiter the planet of action." 
 
 He could not, thus thinking, but engage in active life ; 
 and, so engaged, he could not but act in obedience to the 
 passion by which he was alone animated; by exerting 
 himself and endeavouring to excite others to promote the 
 public good. We find him, therefore, labouring as a states- 
 man and a patriot to improve the condition of Ireland ; to 
 
 (a) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 80. 
 
 (d) When the populace huzzaed Dr. Svidft upon his arrival in Ireland, 
 " I vrish," he said, " they would huzza my lord mayor.'' 
 
 (e) Advancement of Learning, vol, ii. p. 85. 
 
CXXXVlll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 promote the union of England and Scotland ; to correct 
 the errors which had crept into our religious establish- 
 ments, and to assist in the amendment of the law; and, 
 not content with the fruits of his own exertions, calling 
 upon all classes of society to co-operate in reform. 
 
 To professional men he says, " I hold that every man is 
 a debtor to his profession, from the which, as men do of 
 course seek to receive countenance and profit, so ought 
 they to endeavour themselves by way of amends, to be a 
 help and ornament." (a) And he admonishes the King, that, 
 " as a duty to himself, to the people, and to the King of 
 kings, he ought to erect temples, tombs, palaces, theatres, 
 bridges, make noble roads, cut canals, grant multitude of 
 charters and liberties for comfort of decayed companies 
 and corporations ; found colleges and lectures for learning 
 and the education of youth ; institute orders and fraternities 
 for nobility, enterprize, and obedience; but, above all, 
 establish good laws for the regulation of the kingdom, 
 and as an example to the world." 
 Ireland. On the first day of the ensuing year he thus presented, 
 
 as a new year's gift to the King, a discourse touching the 
 plantation of Ireland : (b) " I know not better how to 
 express my gpod wishes of a new year to your majesty, 
 than by this little book, which in all humbleness I send 
 you. The style is a style of business, rather than curious 
 or elaborate. And herein I was encouraged by my expe- 
 rience of your majesty's former grace, in accepting of the 
 like poor field fruits touching the union. And certainly 
 I reckon this action as a second brother to the union. For 
 I assure myself that England, Scotland, and Ireland, well 
 united, is such a trefoil as no prince except yourself, vyho 
 are the worthiest, weareth in his crown." 
 
 (o) See note 3 G at the end. (6) Vol. v. p. 170. 
 
SCOTLAND. CXXXIX 
 
 In this discourse, his knowledge of the miseries of Ire- 
 land, that still neglected country, and of the mode of pre- 
 venting them, with his heartfelt anxiety for her welfare, 
 appears in all his ardent endeavours, by all the power he 
 possessed, to insure the King's exertions for " this desolate 
 and neglected country, blessed with almost all the dowries 
 of nature, with rivers, havens, woods, quarries, good soil, 
 temperate climate, and a race and generation of men, 
 valiant, hard, and active, as it is not easy to find such 
 confluence of commodities, if the hand of man did join 
 with the hand of nature; but they are severed,^ — the harp 
 of Ireland is not strung or attuned to concord. This work, 
 therefore, of all other, most memorable and honourable, 
 your majesty hath now in hand; specially, if your majesty 
 join the harp of David in casting out the evil spirit of 
 superstition, with the harp of Orpheus, in casting out deso- 
 lation and barbarism."(a) 
 
 His exertions respecting the union of England and Scot- Scotland. 
 land were, both in and out of parliament, strenuous and 
 unremitted. He spoke whenever the subject was agitated. 
 He was a member of every committee that was formed to 
 carry it into effect : he prepared the certificate of the com- 
 missioners appointed to treat of the union : and he was 
 selected to report the result of a conference with the Lords; 
 until, exhausted by fatigue, he was compelled to intercede 
 with the house that he might be assisted by the co-opera- 
 tion of other members in the discharge of these arduous 
 duties; (5) and, it having been decided by all the judges, 
 after an able argument of Bacon's, that all persons born in 
 Scotland after the King's commission were natural born 
 subjects, he laboured in parliament to extend these privi- 
 
 (a) Speech on General Naturalization. 
 
 (b) Commons' Journals. 
 
Cxl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 leges to all . Scotland, that the rights enjoyed by the 
 children should not be withheld from their parents. 
 
 The journals of the Commons contain an outline of many 
 of his speeches, of which one upon the union of laws, and 
 another upon the general naturalization of the Scottish 
 nation were completed, and have been preserved ; and are 
 powerful evidence of his zeal and ability in this good cause, 
 exerted at the risk of the popularity, which, by his inde- 
 pendent conduct in parliament, he had justly acquired, (a) 
 But he did not confine his activity to the bar or to the 
 House of Commons. In his hours of recreation he wrote 
 three works for the use of the King: "A Discourse upon 
 the happy Union; (6) "Considerations on the same;"(c) 
 and a preparation towards " the union of these two mighty 
 and warlike nations under one sovereign and monarchy, 
 and between whom there are no mountains or races of 
 hills, no seas or great rivers, no diversity of tongue or 
 language that hath created or provoked this ancient and 
 too long continued divorce." 
 Church His anxiety to assist in the improvement of the church 
 
 appears in his exertions in parliament, and in his publica- 
 tions in his times of recreation. When assisting in the 
 improvement of our civil establishment, he was ever mind- 
 ful that our country ought to be treated as our parents, with 
 mildness and persuasion, and not with contestations ; (d) 
 and, in his suggestions for the improvement of our religious 
 establishments, his thoughts have a glory around them, 
 from the reverence with which he always approaches this 
 sacred subject, and particularly on the eve of times, which 
 he foresaw, when voices in religion were to be numbered 
 and not weighed, and when his daily prayer was, " Rer 
 member, O Lord, how thy servant hath walked before 
 
 Reform. 
 
 (a) Vol. V. p. 1. (6) Vol. V. p. 16. 
 
 (c) Vol. V. p. 1 to 106. {d) Advancement of Learning. 
 
CHURCH REFORM. Cxli 
 
 thee: remember what I have first sought, and what hath 
 been principal in my intentions. I have loved thy assem- 
 blies : I have mourned for the division of the church : I 
 have delighted in the brightness of thy sanctuary. This 
 vine which thy right hand hath planted in this nation, I 
 have ever prayed unto thee that it might stretch her 
 branches to the seas and to the floods." 
 
 His publications are two : the one entitled, " An Adver- 
 tisement, touching the Controversies of the Church of 
 England ;" the other " Certain Considerations touching 
 the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of 
 England." These tracts abound with thought; and, ac- 
 cording to his usual mode, consist of an extensive survey 
 of the whole of our religious establishment, and the most 
 minute observations of all its parts, even to the surplice of 
 the minister, that simple pastoral garment, which, with 
 the crook' to guide, and to draw back the erring flock, 
 beautiful emblems of the good shepherd, are still retained 
 by the established church. 
 
 His tract upon church controversies (a) contains an out- Church 
 line of all religious disputes, and abounds with observations S'O™™'"*''- 
 well worthy the consideration of ecclesiastical controver- 
 sialists; who will, perchance, submit to be admonished 
 by Bacon that, as christians, they should contend, not as 
 the briar with the thistle, which is most unprofitable, but 
 as the vine with the olive, which bears best fruit. 
 
 The considerations touching the pacification of the cAwrcA Edification 
 are dedicated to the King; and, after apologizing for his^j^^^^j^ 
 interposition as a layman with ecclesiastical matters, (6) 
 and describing the nature of the various reformers, and 
 the objections to the reform of the church, he examines 
 with great accuracy the government of bishops, — the 
 
 (a) See this tract analyzed, vol. vii. p. xx. in preface, and see the tract in 
 text, vol. vii. p. 28. 
 (-J) Vol. V. p. 61. 
 
Cxlii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 liturgy, — the ceremonies, and subscription, — a preaching 
 ministry, — the abuse of excommunications, — :the provision 
 for sufficient maintenance in the church, and non-residents 
 and pluralities, of which he says : " For non-residence, 
 except it be in case of necessary absence, it seemeth an 
 abuse, drawn out of covetousness and sloth ; for that men 
 should live of the flock that they do not feed, or of 
 the altar at which they do not serve, is a thing that can 
 hardly receive just defence; and to exercise the office of 
 a pastor, in matter of the word and doctrine, by deputies, 
 is a thing not warranted." (a) And he thus concludes: 
 " Thus have I, in all humbleness and sincerity of heart, to 
 the best of my understanding, given your majesty tribute 
 of my cares and cogitations in this holy business, so highly 
 tending to God's glory, your majesty's honour, and the 
 peace and welfare of your states ; insomuch as I am per- 
 suaded, that the papists themselves should not need so 
 much the severity of penal laws, if the sword of the spirit 
 were better edged, by strengthening the authority, and 
 suppressing the abuses in the church." 
 Solicitor Early in this year an event occurred of considerable 
 ^°^ ■ importance to his worldly prospects and professional tran- 
 ^t. 47. quillity, by the promotion of Sir Edward Coke from the 
 office of Attorney General to the Chief Justiceship of the 
 Common Pleas, occasioning a vacancy in the office of 
 Solicitor General, which Bacon strenuously exerted him- 
 self to obtain, under the delusion, that, by increasino- his 
 practice, he should be enabled sooner to retire into contem- 
 plative life. He applied to Lord Salisbury, to the Lord 
 Chancellor, (6) and to the King, by whom on the 25th 
 
 (a) The good shepherd knoweth his sheep, and is known of them ; but 
 the hireling fleeth because he is an hireling, 
 (i) His letter to the Chancellor concludes with saying, " I am much 
 
SIR EDWARD COKE. CxliU 
 
 day of Juiie^l6'07, he was appointed Solicitor, to the great 
 satisHietioii of his profession, (c) the prospect of worldly 
 emclumoi)!., and the hope of professional tranquillity, by a 
 Jcniovid fcoai conflict with the coarse mind and acrid 
 humour of Sit Edward Coke, rude to his equals and inso- 
 lent to the unfortunate. 
 
 Who can forget his treatment of Bacon who, when 
 reviled, reviled not again, (d) but in due season thus expos- 
 tulated with liim : 
 
 Mr. Attorney, — I thought best once for all, to let you 
 know in plainness what I find of you, and what you shall 
 find of rae. You tajte to yourself a liberty to disgrace and 
 disable my law, ray experience, my discretion. What it 
 pleaseth you I pray think of me; I am one that knows 
 both mine own wants. and other men's: and it may be, 
 perchance, that mine mend, others stand at a stay. And 
 surely, I may not endure in public place to be wronged, 
 without repelling the same to my best advantage to right 
 myself. You are great, and therefore have the more enviers, 
 
 deceived if your lordship find not the King well inclined, and my Lord 
 Salisbuiy forward and affectionate." 
 
 (c) In his letter to Lord Salisbury, he says, " I have been voiced to this 
 office." 
 
 (d) " A true Semembrance of the Abuse I received of Mr. Attorney 
 
 General publicly in the Exchequer the first day of term; for the 
 truth whereof I refer myself to all that were present. 
 
 " I moved to have a reseizure of the lands of George More, a relapsed 
 recusant, a fugitive, and a practising traitor; and shewed better matter for 
 the Queen against the discharge by plea, which is ever with a ' salvo jure.^ 
 And this I did in as gentle and reasonable terms as might be. 
 
 " Mr. Attorney kmdled at it, and said, ' Mr. Bacon, if you have any 
 tooth against me, pluck it out ; for it will do you more hurt than all the 
 teeth in your head will do you good.' I answered coldly in these very 
 words; ' Mr. Attorney, I respect you: I fear you not; and the less you 
 speak of your own greatness, the more I will think of it.' 
 
 " He replied, ' I think scorn to stand upon terms of greatness towards 
 
CXliv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 which would be glad to have you paid at another's cost. 
 Since the time I missed the Solicitor's place, the rather, I 
 think, by your means, I cannot expect that you and I 
 shall ever serve as Attorney and Solicitor together, but 
 either to serve with another, upon your remove, or to step 
 into some other course ; so as I am more free than ever I 
 was from any occasion of unworthy conforming myself to 
 you more than general good manners, or your particular 
 good usage shall provoke : and, if you had not been short- 
 sighted in your own fortune, as I think, you might have 
 had more use of me ; but that tide is passed. I write not 
 this, to show my friends what a brave letter I have v^ritten 
 to Mr. Attorney ; 1 have none of those humours, but that 
 I have written is to a good end : that is, to the more 
 decent carriage of my master's service, and to our particular 
 better understanding one of another. This letter, if it shall 
 be answered by you in deed and not in word, I suppose it 
 will not be worse for us both ; else it is but a few lines lost, 
 which, for a much smaller matter I would have adventured. 
 So this being to yourself, I for my part rest, &c. 
 
 you, who are less than little; less than the least:' and other such strange 
 light terms he gave me, with that insulting, which cannot be expressed. 
 
 " Herewith stirred, yet I said no more but this : ' Mr. Attorney, do not 
 depress me so far; for I have been your better, and may be again, when it 
 please the Queen.' 
 
 " With this he spake, neither I nor himself could tell what, as if he had 
 been bom attorney general; and in the end bade me not meddle "with the 
 Queen's business, but with mine own, and that I was unsworn, &c. I 
 told him, sworn or unsworn was all one to an honest man; and that I ever 
 set my service first, and myself second ; and wished to God, that he would 
 do the like. 
 
 " Then he said, it were good to clap a ' cap. utlegatunr^on my back ! 
 To which I only said he could not; and that he was at fault; for he 
 hunted upon an old scent. 
 
 " He gave me a number of disgraceful words besides ; which I answered 
 with silence, and shewing that I was not moved vnih them." 
 
SOLICITOR GENERAL. cxlv 
 
 Of Coke's bitter spirit there are so many painful instances, 
 that, unless Bacon had to complain of unfairness in other 
 matters, the acrimony which overflowed upon all, could 
 not be considered altogether the effect of personal rivalry. 
 It would have been well had his morbid feelings been con- 
 fined to his professional opponents ; but, unmindful of the 
 old maxim, " let him take heed how he strikes, who strikes 
 with a dead hand," his rancorous abuse extended to prisoners 
 on trials for their lives, (a) for which he was severely cen- 
 sured by Bacon, who told him that in his pleadings he was 
 ever wont to insult over misery. (6) 
 
 Who can forget Coke's treatment of Raleigh, entitled as 
 he was by station and attainments to the civil observances 
 of a gentleman, and, by long imprisonment and subsequent 
 misfortunes, to the commiseration of all men. It is true 
 that there were some persons present at this trial, who 
 remembered that Raleigh and Cobham had stood only a 
 few years before, with an open satisfaction, to witness the 
 death of Essex, against whom they had secretly conspired ; 
 but even the sense of retributive justice, though it might 
 deaden their pity, could not lessen their disgust at the 
 cruel and vulgar invectives of Coke, whose knowledge 
 neither expanded his intellect, or civilized his manners. 
 Fierce with dark keeping, his mind resembled some of 
 those gloomy structures where records and muniments are 
 piled to the exclusion of all higher or nobler matters. For 
 genius he had no love : with philosophy he had no sym- 
 .pathy. 
 
 Upon the trial of Raleigh, Coke, after denouncing him 
 
 (a) Coke, upon the trial of Mrs. Turner, told her that she was " guilty 
 of the seven deadly sins;" .that she was "a whore, a bawd, a sorcerer, a 
 witch, a papist, a felon, and a murderer.'' 
 
 (b) Letter of expostulation, vol. vii. p. 297. 
 VOL, XV. i 
 
Cxlvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 as an atheist and a traitor, reproached him, with the usual 
 antipathy of a contracted mind to superior intellect, for 
 being a genius and man of wit. (c) 
 
 (c) Raleigh. To whom speak you this? You tell me news I never 
 heard of. 
 
 Attorney. Oh, sir, do I ? I will prove you the notoriest traitor that ever 
 came to the bar. After you have taken away the King, you would alter 
 religion : as you, Sir Walter Raleigh, have followed them of the bye in 
 imitation ; for I will charge you with the words. 
 
 Raleigh. Your words cannot condemn me ; my innocency is my defence. 
 Prove one of these things wherewith you have charged me, and I will con- 
 fess the whole indictment, and that I am the horriblest traitor that ever 
 lived, and worthy to be crucified with a thousand thousand torments. 
 
 Attorney. Nay, I will prove all : thou art a monster ; thou hast an 
 English face, but a Spanish heart. Oh sir ! I am the more large, because 
 I know with whom I deal ; for vie have to deal to-day with a man of wit. 
 
 Raleigh. If truth'be constant, and constancy be in truth, why hath he 
 forsworn that that he hath said? You have not proved any one thing 
 against me by direct proofs, but all by circumstances. 
 
 Attorney. Have you done? The King must have the last. 
 
 Raleigh. Nay, Mr. Attorney, he which speaketh for his life must speak 
 last. False repetitions and mistakings must not mar my cause. You 
 should speak secundum allegata et probata. I appeal to God and the King 
 in this point, whether Cobham's accusation be suiBcient to condemn me. 
 
 Attorney. The King's safety and your clearing cannot agree. I protest 
 before God, I never knew a clearer treason. 
 
 Raleigh. I never had intelligence with Cobham since I came to the Tower. 
 
 Attorney. Go to, I will lay thee upon thy back, for the confidentest 
 traitor that ever came at a bar. Why should you take eight thousand 
 crowns for a peace ? 
 
 Lord Cecil. Be not so impatient, good Mr. Attorney ; give him leave to 
 speak. 
 
 Attorney. If I may not be patiently heard, you will encourage traitors, 
 and discourage us. I am the King's sworn servant, and must speak : if 
 he be guilty, he is a traitor : if not deliver him. 
 
 Note, here Mr. Attorney sat down in a chafe, and would speak no more, 
 until the- Commissioners urged and intreated him. After much ado he 
 went on, and made a long repetition of all the evidence, for the direction of 
 the jury : and at the repeating of some things. Sir Walter Raleigh inter- 
 rupted him, and said he did him wrong. 
 
 Attorney. Thou art the most vile and execrable traitor that ever lived. 
 
 Raleigh. You speak indiscreetly, barbarously, and uncivilly. 
 Attorney. I want words sufficient to express thy viperous treasons. 
 
SOLICITOR GENERAL. Cxlvii 
 
 When Bacon presented him with a copy of his Novum 
 Organum he wrote with his own hand, at the top of the 
 title page, Edw. C. ex dono aiictoris. 
 
 Auctori Consilium. 
 Instaurare paras veteruin documenta sophoram : 
 Instaura Leges Justitiamq ; prius. 
 
 And over the device of the ship passing between Hercules's 
 pillars, he wrote the two following verses : 
 
 " It deserveth not to be read in schools, 
 But to be freighted in the Ship of Fooles."(''') 
 
 From professional altercations with this contracted mind 
 Bacon was rescued by his promotion. 
 
 Another and more important advantage attendant upon 
 his appointment was the opportunity which it afforded 
 him to assist in the encouragement of merit and in legal 
 reform. Detur digniori was his constant maxim and con- 
 stant practice. (6) He knew and taught that power to do 
 good is the true and lawful end of aspiring; and, when 
 appointed Solicitor, he acted in obedience to his doctrines, 
 encouraging merit, and endeavouring to discharge the duty 
 which he owed to his profession by exertions and works 
 for the improvement of the law. (c) 
 
 Raleigh. I think you want words indeed, for you have spoken one thing 
 half a dozen times. 
 
 Attorney. Thou art an odious fellow, thy name is hateful to all the realm 
 of England for thy pride. 
 
 Raleigh. It will go near to prove a measuring cast between you and me, 
 Mr. Attorney. 
 
 Attorney. Well, I will now make it appear to the world, that there never 
 lived a viler viper upon the face of the earth than thou. — State Trials. 
 
 See note X X X X at the end. 
 
 (a) See note YY YY at the end. 
 
 (b) Sic postea, when he was Chancellor. See note 4 A at the end. 
 Paley, vol. i. p. 94. 
 
 (c) See note C C at the end. 
 
cxlv 
 
 111 
 
 LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Cogitata et 
 Visa, &c. 
 
 Wisdom 
 of the 
 Ancients. 
 
 In the midst of arduous affairs of state and professional 
 duties, he went right onward with his great work, con- 
 ferring with various scholars and philosophers, from whose 
 communications there was any probability of his deriving 
 advantage. 
 
 In the progress of the Novum Organum he had, at diffe- 
 rent periods, even from his youth, arranged his thoughts 
 upon detached parts of the work, and collected them under 
 different titles : " Temporis partus maximus,"(a) " Filum 
 Labyrinthi,"(5) " Cogitata et Visa, &c."(c) 
 
 He now sent to the Bishop of Ely the " Cogitata et 
 Visa."(<?) He communicated also on the subject with his 
 friend, Mr. Mathew, who, having cautioned him that he 
 might excite the prejudices of the churchmen, spoke freely, 
 yet with approbation of the work, (e) He also sent the 
 tract to Sir Thomas Bodley, who received it with all the 
 attachment of a collegian to Aristotle and the schoolmen 
 and university studies, and, with the freedom of a friend, 
 respectfully imparted to Bacon that his plan was vi- 
 sionary. (/) 
 
 In the year 1609, as a relaxation from abstruse specula- 
 tions, (g) he published in Latin his interesting little work, 
 
 (a) See vol. xi. p. 478. 
 
 (6) See vol. i. p. 311, and vol. x. p. 372. 
 
 (c) See vol. x. p. 462. 
 
 (d) See the letter, vol. xii. p. 93. 
 
 (e) See vol. xii. p. 90 to 94. 
 (/) See vol. xii. p. 83. 
 
 (g) " Le changement d'etude est toujours un delasement pour moi." 
 
 D'Aguesseau. 
 
 " What an heaven lives a scholar in, that at once in one close room can 
 daily converse with all the glorious martyrs and fathers ? that can single 
 out at pleasure either sententious TertuUian, or grave Cyprian, or resolute 
 Hierome, or flovfing Chrysostome, or divine Ambrose, or devout Bernard, 
 or (who alone is all these) heavenly Augustine, and talk with them, and 
 hear their wise and holy counsels, verdicts, resolutions ; yea (to rise higher), 
 with courtly Esay, with learned Paul, with all their fellow-prophets, 
 
WISDOM OF THE ANCIENTS. cxlix- 
 
 " De Sapientia Veterum," of which he sent a copy to his 
 friend, Mr. Mathew, saying, " My great work goeth for- 
 ward, and after my manner I alter ever when I add." 
 
 This treatise is a species of parabolical poetry, explained 
 in the Advancement of Learning, and expanded by an in- 
 sertion in the treatise De Augmentis Scientiarum of three 
 of the Fables, (a) " One use of parabolical poesy consists," 
 he says, " in withdrawing from common sight those things 
 the dignity whereof deserves to be retired, as the secrets 
 and mysteries of religion, policy, and philosophy, which are 
 therefore veiled and invested in fables and parables, and, 
 next to sacred writ, are the most ancient of all writings ; 
 for adopted, not excogitated by the reciters, they seem to 
 be like a thin rarefied air, which, from the traditions of 
 more ancient nations, fell into the flutes of the Grecians." 
 
 This tract seems, in former times, to have been much 
 valued, for the same reason, perhaps, which Bacon assigns 
 for the currency of the Essays ; " because they are like the 
 late new halfpence, where the pieces are small, but the 
 silver is good." 
 
 The fables, abounding with a union of deep thought and 
 poetic beauty, are thirty-one in number, (6) of which a 
 part of " The Syrens, or Pleasures," may be selected as a 
 specimen. 
 
 apostles ; yet more, like another Moses, with God himself, in them both ? 
 Let the world contemn us ; while we have these delights we cannot envy 
 them; we cannot wish ourselves other than we are." See Bishop Hall's 
 beautiful essay on the Pleasure of Study aud Contemplation, 
 (a) See vol. viii. p. 124. 
 
 (i) Cassandra, or Divination. Endymion, or a Favourite. 
 
 Typhon, or a Rebel. The Sister of the Giants, or Fame. 
 
 The Cyclops, or the Ministers of Actaeon and Pentheus, or a Cu- 
 
 Terror. rious Man. 
 
 Narcissus, or Self Love. Orpheus, or Philosophy. 
 
 Styx, or Leagues. Coelum, or Beginnings. 
 
 Pan, or Nature. Proteus, or Matter. 
 
 Perseus, or War. Memnon, or Youth too forward. 
 
cl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 In this fable he explains the common but erroneous 
 supposition, that knowledge and the conformity of the will, 
 knowing and acting, are convertible terms. — Of this error 
 he, in his essay of " Custom and Education," admonishes 
 his readers, by saying, "Men's thoughts are much according 
 to their inclination ; their discourse and speeches according 
 to their learning and infused opinions, but their deeds are 
 after as they have been accustomed ; iEsop's damsel, trans- 
 formed from a cat to a woman, sat very demurely at the 
 board-end till a mouse ran before her." — In the fable of 
 the Syrens he exhibits the same truth, saying, " The habi- 
 tation of the Syrens was in certain pleasant islands, from 
 whence, as soon as out of their watch-tower they disco- 
 vered any ships approaching, with their sweet tunes they 
 would first entice and stay them, and, having them in 
 their power, would destroy them ; and, so great were the 
 mischiefs they did, that these isles of the syrens, even as 
 far off as man can ken them, appeared all over white with 
 the bones of unburied carcasses : by which it is signified 
 that albeit the examples of afflictions be manifest and 
 eminent, yet they do not sufficiently deter us from the 
 wicked enticements of pleasure." (a) 
 
 Tithonus, or Satiety. Dionysius, or Passions. 
 
 Juno's Suitor, or Baseness. Atalanta, or Gain. 
 
 Cupid, or an Atom. Prometheus, or the State of Man. 
 
 Diomedes, or Zeal. Scylla and Icarus, or the Middle 
 Daedalus, or Mechanic. Way. 
 
 Ericthonius, or Imposture. Sphynx, or Science. 
 
 Deucalion, or Restitution. Proserpina, or Spirit. 
 Nemesis, or the Vicissitudes of Metis, or Counsel. 
 
 Things. The Syrens, or Pleasures. 
 Achelous, or Battle. 
 
 (a) See note C C C at the end, for the various editions of this work, and 
 observations upon them. See vol. iii. p. 1, for the English, and vol. xi. 
 p. 271, for the Latin. 
 
cli 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM THE PUBLICATION OF THE WISDOM OF THE 
 
 ANCIENTS TO THE PUBLICATION OF 
 
 THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 In consequence of the limitation, in the court of King's Marshal- 
 Bench, (a) of the jurisdiction of the Marshalsea court to ^^^■ 
 the officers of the King's household, a new court of record 
 was erected by letters patent, styled " Curia virgi palatii 
 snmmi Regis," to extend the jurisdiction ; and the judges 
 nominated by the letters patent were Sir Francis Bacon 
 the Solicitor General, and Sir James Vavasour, then Mar- 
 shal of the Household. (5) In this office he delivered a 
 learned and methodical charge to a jury upon a commission 
 of oyer and terminer, in which he availed himself of an 
 opportunity to protest against the abuse of capital punish- 
 ment, (c) " For life," he says, " I must say unto you in 
 general that it is grown too cheap in these times; it is 
 set at the price of words, and every petty scorn and dis- 
 grace can have no other reparation ; nay, so many men's 
 lives are taken away with impunity, that the very life of 
 the law, the execution, is almost taken away." 
 
 When Solicitor he argued in the case of Sutton's Hos- Charter 
 pital, or the Charter House, (d) against the legality of the House. 
 
 (a) Michelbonn's case, 6 Co. 20. 
 
 (b) A history of this court, its officers, &c. may be found in a tract pub- 
 lished by Clarke and Co. Law-booksellers, Portugal Street, A.D. 1812. 
 See also Buckley on Jurisdiction of Marshalsea, 1827. 
 
 (c) See vol. vi. p. 85. 
 Id) lOCo. 1. 
 
clii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 foundation, and, fortunately for the advancement of charity 
 and of knowledge,. he argued without success, as its va- 
 lidity was confirmed J and in 1611 this noble institution 
 was opened, to the honour of its munificent founder, who 
 preferred the consciousness of doing good to the empty 
 honours which were offered to divert him from his course, (a) 
 It seems, however, that Bacon's objections to the charity 
 were not confined to his argument at the bar, but were the 
 expression of his judgment, as he afterwards addressed a 
 letter of advice to the King, pointing out many imaginary 
 or real defects of the project, (6) in which he says, " I wish 
 Mr. Sutton's intentions were exalted a degree j and that 
 which he meant for teachers of children, your majesty 
 should make for teachers of men ; wherein it hatli been my 
 ancient opinion and observation, (c) that in the universities 
 of this realm, which I take to be of the best endowed 
 universities of Europe, there is nothing more wanting 
 towards the flourishing state of learning than the honour- 
 able and plentiful salaries of readers in arts and profes- 
 sions ; for, if you will have sciences flourish, you must ob- 
 serve David's military law, which was, ' that those which 
 staid with the carriage should have equal part with those 
 which were in the action.' " (c) 
 1612. In the year 1612, he published a new edition of his 
 lEt. 52. essays^ enlarged and enlivened by illustrations and ima- 
 
 the Prince, gery,(rf) which, upon the sudden death of Prince Henry, (e) 
 and 
 
 Essays. — ■ 
 
 (a) See note A AAA at the end. 
 (6) See vol. v. p. 374. 
 
 (c) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 94. 
 
 (d) See note 3 1 at the end. 
 
 (e) Prince Henry died 6th Nov. 1612. See the intended dedication, in 
 note 3 I at the end. See the character of Prince Henry, in Hume's 
 history. See Wilson's history. 
 
CONFESSION OF FAITH. cliii 
 
 to whom it was intended to be dedicated, he inscribed to 
 his brother, (a) 
 
 In this year he, as Solicitor General, appeared on behalf 
 of the crown, upon the prosecution of the Lord Sanquhar, 
 a Scottish nobleman, for murder; and his speech, which 
 has been preserved, is a specimen of the mildness ever 
 attendant upon knowledge. (6) After having clearly stated 
 the case, he thus concludes : " I will conclude toward you, 
 my lord, that though your offence hath been great, yet 
 your confession hath been free, and your behaviour and 
 speech full of discretion ; and this shews, that though you 
 could not resist the tempter, yet you bear a christian and 
 generous mind, answerable to the noble family of which 
 you are descended, (c) 
 
 (a) To my loving Brother, Sir John Constable, Knight.* 
 
 My last essays I dedicated to my dear brother. Master 
 Anthony Bacon, who is with God. Looking amongst my 
 papers this vacation, I found others of the same nature; 
 which, if I myself shall not suifer to be lost, it seemeth the 
 world will not, by the often printing of the former. Missing 
 my brother, I found you next, in respect of bond both of 
 near alliance and of straight friendship and society, and 
 particularly of communication in studies, wherein I must 
 acknowledge myself beholding to you ; for as my business 
 found rest in my contemplations, so my contemplations 
 ever found rest in your loving conference and judgment. 
 So wishing you all good, I remain 
 
 Your loving brother and friend, Fea. Bacon.-j- 
 See the dedication to Goldsmith's Traveller. 
 
 (b) See note (c), next page. 
 
 (c) He was executed before Westminster Hall-gate. The reader, for his 
 fuller information in this story of the Lord Sanquhar, is desired to peruse 
 
 • Brother to Lady Bacon. t See note 3 1 at the end. 
 
cliv LIFE OF BACOJSr. 
 
 During the time he was Solicitor, he composed, as it 
 seems, his " Confession of Faith." (a) 
 Attorney Bacon as Solicitor naturally looked forward to the office 
 General. q£ Attorney General, to which he succeeded on the 27th of 
 October, upon the promotion of Sir Henry Hobart to the 
 Chief Justiceship of the Common Pleas, (b) Never was 
 man more qualified for the office of Attorney General than 
 Bacon. With great general knowledge, ever tending to 
 humanize (c) and generate a love of improvement ;(«Z) with 
 great insight into the principles of politics (e) and of uni- 
 versal justice, (e) and such worldly experience as to enable 
 him to apply his knowledge to the times in which he lived. 
 " Non in republic^. Platonis ; sed tanquam in faice Ro- 
 muli;" -with long unwearied professional exertion in the 
 law of England, publications upon existing parts of the 
 law, and efforts to improve it, he entered upon the duties 
 of his office with the well founded hope in the profession, 
 that he would be an honour to his name and his country. 
 
 the case in the ninth book of the Lord Coke's reports; at the end of which 
 the whole series of the murder and trial is exactly related. See also vol. 
 vi. p. 167. 
 (o) See the preface to vol. vii. p. xix. 
 
 (b) There are extant two letters to Lord Salisbury (see vol. xii. p. 63), 
 one to the Chancellor, vol. xii. p. 105, and one to the King, vol. xii. p. 106, 
 respecting this appointment. 
 
 (c) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 80. " It is an assured truth 
 which is contained in the verses : 
 
 ' Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes, 
 Emollit mores, nee sinit esse feros." 
 
 It taketh away the wildness and barbarism and fierceness of men's minds ; 
 but indeed the accent had need be upon 'fideliter:' for a little superficial 
 learning doth rather work a contrary effect." 
 
 (d) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 82. " The unlearned man 
 knows not what it is to descend into himself, or to call himself to account; 
 nor the pleasure of that ' suavissima vita, indies sentire se fieri meliorem.' " 
 
 (e) See note C C at the end. 
 
ATTORNEY GENEKAL. clv 
 
 and without any fear that he would be injured by the 
 dangerous authority with which he was entrusted. Al- 
 though power has, upon ordinary minds, a tendency to 
 shape and deprave the possessor, upon intelligence it tends 
 more to humble than to elevate. When Cromwell, indig- 
 nant that Sir Matthew Hale had dismissed a jury because 
 he was convinced that it had been partially selected, said 
 to this venerable magistrate, " You are not fit to be a 
 judge," Sir Matthew answered, " It is very true." When 
 Alexander received letters out of Greece of some fights 
 and services there, which were commonly for a passage 
 or a fort, or some walled town at the most, he said, " It 
 seemed to him, that he was advertised of the battle of 
 the frogs and the mice, that the old tales went of: so cer- 
 tainly, if a man meditate much upon the universal frame 
 of nature, the earth with men upon it, the divineness of 
 souls except, will not seem much other than an ant-hill, 
 where as some ants carry corn, and some carry their 
 young, and some go empty, and all to and fro a little heap 
 of dust." (a) 
 
 With the duties of the office he was well acquainted. 
 As a politician he never omitted an opportunity to amelio- 
 rate the condition of society, and exerted himself in all the 
 usual House of Commons questions: thus dilating and 
 contracting his sight and too readily giving up to party 
 what was meant for mankind. As public prosecutor, he 
 did not suffer the arm of justice to be weakened either by 
 improper lenity or severity at variance with public feeling, (b) 
 
 (a) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 81 . 
 
 (b) See his advice to Villiers, vol. vi. p. 419, in which he says, " A 
 word more, if you please to give me leave, for the true rules of moderation 
 of justice on the King's part. The execution of justice is committed to his 
 judges, which seemeth to be the severer part; but the milder part, which 
 
clvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Knowing that the efficacy of criminal legislation consists 
 in duly poising the powers of law, religion, and morals ; 
 and being aware of the common erroneous supposition, 
 that, by an increase in the quantity of any agent, its 
 beneficial effects are also increased, (a) he warned the com- 
 munity that the acerbity of a law ever deadened the execu- 
 tion, by associating compassion with guilt, and confounding 
 the gradation of crime, and that the sentiment of justice in 
 the public mind is as much or more injured by a law which 
 outrages public feeling, as by a law which falls short or 
 disappoints the just indignation of the community. 
 
 But, not confining his professional exertions to the dis- 
 charge of the common duties of a public prosecutor, he 
 availed himself of his situation to advance justice and 
 humanity, and composed a work for compiling and 
 amending the laws of England, which he dedicated to 
 the King, (a) " Your majesty," he says, " of your favour 
 having made me privy councillor, and continuing me in 
 the place of your Attorney General, I take it to be my 
 duty not only to speed your commandments and the busi- 
 ness of my place, but to meditate and to excogitate of 
 myself, wherein I may best, by my travails, derive your 
 virtues to the good of your people, and return their thanks 
 
 is mercy, is wholly left in the King's immediate hand : and justice and 
 mercy are the trae supporters of his royal throne. 
 
 " If the King shall be wholly intent upon justice, it may appear with an 
 over-rigid aspect; but if he shall be over-remiss and easy, it draweth upon 
 him contempt. Examples of justice must be made sometimes for terror to 
 some ; examples of mercy sometimes, for comfort to others ; the one pro- 
 cures fear, and the other love. A king must be both feared and loved, 
 else he is lost." 
 
 (a) Debent igitur homines ludibrium illud mulieris ^sopi cogitare; 
 quae sperarat ex duplicate mensurS. hordei gallinam suam duo ova quotidie 
 parituram. At ilia impinguata nullum peperit. — De Augmentis, lv. v. 8. 
 p. 267. 
 
THE PARLIAMENT. clvii 
 
 and increase of love to you again. And after I had 
 thought of many things, I could find, in my judgment, 
 none more proper for your majesty as a master, nor 
 for me as a workman, than the reducing and recompiling 
 the laws of England." (a) 
 
 In this tract, having traced the exertions of different 
 legislators from Moses to Augustus, he says, " Caesar si ab 
 eo qusereretur quid egisset in togS,, leges se respondisset 
 multas et praeclarus tulisse;" and his nephew Augustus 
 did tread the same steps but with deeper print, because of 
 his long reign in peace, whereof one of the poets of his 
 time saith, 
 
 " Pace data terris animum ad civilia vertit 
 Jura suum, legesque tulit justissimus auctor."(6) 
 
 From July, 1610, until this period, there had not been 1614. 
 any parliament sitting ; and the King, unable to procure JE-i- 54. 
 the usual supplies, had recourse, by the advice of Lord 
 Salisbury, to modes injurious to himself, and not warranted 
 by the constitution. Bacon, foreseeing the evils which 
 must result from these expedients, implored the King to 
 discontinue them, and to summon a parliament, (c) 
 
 (o) See note C C at the end. 
 
 (b) So, too, Sir Samuel Romilly, who was animated by a spirit public 
 as nature, was no sooner promoted to the office of Solicitor General, 
 than he submitted to parliament his proposals for the improvement of the 
 bankrupt law and the criminal law. " Long," he says, " has England 
 been a scene of carnage and desolation; a brighter prospect has now 
 opened before us. 
 
 ' Peace hath her victories 
 
 Not less renovmed than war."* 
 
 * Multis ille flebilis occidit 
 NuUi flebilior mihi. 
 
 (c) * * * I will make two prayers unto your majesty. 
 The one is, that these cogitations of want do not any ways 
 
clviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 A parliament was accordingly summoned, and met in 
 April, 1614, when the question, whether the Attorney- 
 General was eligible to sit in the house was immediately 
 agitated; and, after debate and search of precedents, it 
 was resolved, that, by reason of his office, he ought not 
 
 trouble or vex your mind. I remember Moses saith of the 
 land of promise, that it was not like the land of Egypt 
 that was watered with a river, but was watered with 
 showers from heaven; whereby I gather, God preferreth 
 sometimes uncertainties before certainties, because they 
 teach a more immediate dependance upon his providence. 
 Sure I am, nil novi accidit vobis. It is no new thing for 
 the greatest kings to be in debt ; and, if a man shall parvis 
 componere magna, I have seen an Earl of Leicester, a Chan- 
 cellor Hatton, an Earl of Essex, and an Earl of Salisbury 
 in debt ; and yet was it no manner of diminution to their 
 power or greatness. 
 
 My second prayer is, that your majesty, in respect of 
 the hasty freeing of your estate, would not descend to any 
 means, or degree of means, which carrieth not a symmetry 
 with your majesty and greatness. He is gone from whom 
 those courses did wholly flow. So have your wants and 
 necessities in particular, as it were, hanged up in two 
 tablets before the eyes of your Lords and Commons, to be 
 talked of for four months together ; to have all your courses 
 to help yourself in revenue or profit put into printed books, 
 which were wont to be held arcana imperii ; to have such 
 worms of aldermen to lend for ten in the hundred upon 
 good assurance, and with such * *, as if it should save the 
 bark of your fortune ; to contract still where might be had 
 the readiest payment, and not the best bargain ; to stir a 
 number of projects for your profit, and then to blast them, 
 and leave your majesty nothing but the scandal of them; 
 to pretend an even carriage between your majesty's rights 
 and the ease of the people, and to satisfy neither. These 
 
DUELLING. clix 
 
 to sit in the House of Commons, as he was an attendant on 
 the Lords ; but it was resolved that the present Attorney 
 General shall for this parliament remain in the house, 
 although this privilege shall not extend to any future 
 attorney general. 
 
 Upon his entrance on the discharge of his legal duties. Duelling. 
 an opportunity to eradicate error accidentally presented J g^^^"^' 
 itself. Amongst the criminal informations filed in the Star ^t. 54. 
 Chamber by his predecessor, he found a charge against 
 two obscure persons for the crime of duelling. Of this 
 opportunity he instantly availed himself, to expose the 
 nature of these false imaginations of honour, by which, 
 in defiance of virtue, disregard of the law, and contempt 
 of religion, vice and ignorance raise themselves in the , 
 world upon the reputation of courage; and high-minded 
 youth, full of towardness and hope, such as the poets call 
 " aurorae filii," sons of the morning, are deluded by this 
 fond disguise and puppetry of honour, (a) 
 
 courses, and others the like, I hope, are gone with the 
 deviser of them, which have turned your majesty to inesti- 
 mable prejudice. 
 
 I hope your majesty will pardon my liberty of writing. 
 I know these things are majora quam pro fortuna : but 
 they are minor a quam pro studio et voluntate. I assure 
 myself your majesty taketh not me for one of a busy nature; 
 for my state being free from all difficulties, and I having 
 such a large field for contemplations, as I have partly, and 
 shall much more make manifest to your majesty and the 
 world, to occupy my thoughts, nothing could make me 
 active but love and affection. So praying my God to bless 
 arid favour your person and estate, &c. 
 
 (a) In the tract, which may be found in vol. vi. p. 108, 
 he considers, 1st, the mischiefs of duelling; 2ndly, the 
 causes; 3rdly, the origin, 8cc. and various other topics. 
 
clx LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Under- The King's great object in summoning a parliament 
 
 was the hope to obtain supplies ; a hope which was totally 
 defeated by a rumour that several persons, attached to 
 
 In considering the mischiefs, he says, " It is a miserable 
 effect, when young men full of towardness and hope, such 
 as the poets call ' aurorse filii,' sons of the morning, in 
 whom the expectation and comfort of their friends con- 
 sisteth, shall be cast away and destroyed in such a vain 
 manner." 
 
 In considering the causes, he says, " The tirst motive, 
 no doubt, is a false and erroneous imagination of honour ; 
 by which the spirits of young men, that bear great minds 
 are deluded and carried away by a stream of vulgar opi- 
 nion, to which men of value feel a necessity to conform. 
 
 He then shews that this invention of modern times origi- 
 nated in France, and was unknown to the ancients in 
 Greece and Rome the most valiant and generous nations 
 of the world ; and when, amongst the Turks, there was a 
 combat of this kind performed by two persons of quality, 
 wherein one of them was slain ; the other party was con- 
 vened before the Bashaw, by whom the reprehension was 
 in these words : " How durst you undertake to fight one 
 with the other? Are there not Christians enough to 
 kill?" 
 
 He then says, " For this apprehension of a disgrace, that 
 a fillip to the person should be a mortal wound to the repu- 
 tation, it were good that men did hearken unto the saying 
 of Gonsalvo, the great and famous commander, that was 
 wont to say a gentleman's honour should be " de tel^ 
 crassiore," of a good strong warp or web, that every little 
 thing should not catch in it ; when, as now, it sems they 
 are but of cobweb lawn or such light stuff, which cer- 
 tainly is weakness, and not true greatness of mind, but 
 like a sick man's body that is so tender that it feels every 
 thing." 
 
UNDERTAKERS. clxi 
 
 the King, had entered into a confederacy, and had under- 
 taken to secure a majority to enable him to control the 
 house. To pacify the heat. Bacon made a powerful 
 speech, (a) in which he ridicules the supposition that any 
 .man can have embarked in such a wild undertaking as to 
 control the Commons of England: to make a policy of 
 insurance as to what ship shall come safe home into the 
 
 He concludes by calling upon the lords, "for justice' 
 and true honour's sake, honour of religion, law, and the 
 King, to co-operate with him against this fgnd and false 
 disguise or puppetry of honour." 
 
 (a) The speech itself may be found in vol. vi. p. 13. 
 The following is a short outline of it : " Mr. Speaker," 
 he says, " I have been hitherto silent in this matter of 
 Undertaking, wherein, as I perceive, the house is much 
 enwrapped. 
 
 " First, because to be plain with you-, I did not well 
 understand what it meant, or what it was ; and I do not 
 love to offer at that I do not thoroughly conceive. That 
 private men should undertake for the Commons of Eng- 
 land : Tvhy ? a man might as well undertake for the four 
 elements: it is a thing, so giddy, and so vast: it is so 
 wild for any man to think that he can make a policy of 
 insurance as to what ship shall come safe home into the 
 harbour in these troubled seas,"-&c. as in the text. 
 
 " The second reason that made me silent was, because 
 this suspicion and rumour of undertaking settles upon no 
 person certain. It is like the birds of paradise," &c. as in 
 the text. 
 
 " And lastly, since I perceive that this cloud still hangs 
 over the house, and that it may do hurt, as well in fame 
 abroad as in the King's ear, I resolved with myself to do 
 the part of an honest voice in this house, to counsel you 
 what I think to be for the best." 
 
 voh. XV. m 
 
clxii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 harbour in these troubled seas; to find a new passage for 
 the King's business, by a new and unknown point of the 
 compass: to build forts to intimidate the house, unmind- 
 ful that the only forts by which the King of England can 
 command, is the fort of affection moving the hearts, and 
 of reason the understandings of his people. He then 
 implores the house not to listen to these idle rumours, 
 existing only in the imagination of some deluded enthu- 
 siast, who like the fly upon the chariot wheel, says. What 
 a dust do I raise! and, being without foundation or any 
 avowed author, are like the birds of paradise, without 
 feet, and never lighting upon any place, but carried away 
 by the wind whither it listeth. Let us then," he adds, 
 " instead of yielding to these senseless reports, deliberate 
 uppn the perilous situation in which the government is 
 placed : and, remembering the parable of Jotham, in the 
 case of the trees of the forest, that when question was, 
 whether the vine should reign over them? that might 
 riot be; — and whether the olive should reign over them? 
 that might not be, let us consider whether we have not 
 accepted the bramble to reign over us. For it seems that 
 the good vine of the King's graces, that is not so much 
 in esteem: and the good oil, whereby we should relieve 
 the wants of the estate and crown, is laid aside ; and this 
 bramble of contention and emulation, this must reign and 
 rule amongst us." 
 
 Having examined and exposed all the arguments, he 
 concludes by saying : " Thus I have told you mine opinion. 
 I know it had been more safe and politic to have been 
 silent; but it is more honest and loving to speak. When 
 a man speakeith, he may be wounded by others ; but if he 
 holds his peace from good things, he wounds himself." 
 
 The exertions of Bacon and of the King's friends being, 
 however, of no avail, the King, seeing no hope of assist- 
 
1614. 
 ^t. 54. 
 
 BENEVOLENCE. clxiii 
 
 ance, in anger dissolved the parliament, and committed 
 several of the members who had spoken freely of his 
 measures. 
 
 This violence, instead of allaying, increased the ferment June, 
 in the nation; and, unable to obtain a siipply from par- 
 liament, and being extremely distressed for money, several 
 of the nobility and clergy in and about London, made 
 presents to the King; and letters were written to the 
 sheriffs and justices in the different counties, and to ma- 
 gistrates of several corporations, informing them what had 
 been done in the metropolis, and how acceptable and 
 seasonable similar bounty would be from the country. 
 
 Amongst others, a letter was sent to the Mayor of 
 Marlborough in Wiltshire, where Mr. Oliver St. John, a 
 gentleman of an ancient family, was then residing, who 
 wrote to the mayor on the 11th of October, 1614, repre- 
 senting to him that this benevolence was against law, 
 reason, and religion,(a) and insinuating that the King, by 
 
 (a) Wilson says, " These fair blossoms not producing the hoped-for 
 fruit, they find out new projects to manure the people.; different much in 
 name and nature ; a benevolence extorted ; a free gift against their wills 
 was urged upon them, and they that did not give in their money must give 
 in their names, which caimed a kind of fright with it. But the most know- 
 ing men (like so many pillars to the kingdom's liberties) supported their 
 neighbour's tottering resolutions, with assuring them that these kind of 
 benevolences were against law, reason, and religion. 
 
 " First, against law, being prohibited by divers acts of parliament; and 
 a curse pronounced against the infringers of them. 
 
 " Secondly, against reason, that a particular man should oppose Ms 
 judgment and discretion to the wisdom and judgipgnt of the King sjsenibled 
 in parliament, who have there denied any such aij. 
 
 " ITiirdly, against religion, that a king violating his oath (taken ^t his 
 coronation foi; maintaining the laws, liberties, and customs of, the realm) 
 should be assisted by the people in an act of so much injustice a;id 
 impiety. These and many other arguments, instilled into the people by 
 some good patriots, were great impediments to the benevolence; so that 
 
Clxiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 promoting it, had violated his coronation oath, and that, 
 by such means as these. King Richard the Second had 
 given an opportunity to Henry the Fourth to deprive him 
 of his crown; desiring, if he thought fit, that his senti- 
 ments should be communicated to the justices who were 
 to meet respecting the benevolence. 
 
 For this letter, Mr. St. John was tried in the Star 
 Chamber on the 15th of April, 1615; when, the Attorney 
 General appearing, of course, as counsel for the crown, 
 the defendant was fined £5000., imprisoned during the 
 King's pleasure, and ordered to make submission in writing. 
 
 So deeply were the judges impressed with the enormity 
 of this offence, that some of the court thought the crime 
 of a higher nature than a contempt, but they all agreed 
 that the benevolence was not restrained by any statute; 
 and the Lord Chancellor, who was then, as he supposed, 
 on his death-bed, more than once expressed his anxiety 
 that his passing sentence upon Mr. St. John might be his 
 last act of judicial duty, (a) 
 
 they got but little money, and lost a great deal of love : for no levies do so 
 much decline and abase the love and spirits of the people as unjust levies. 
 Subsidies get more of their money, but exactions enslave the mind; for 
 they either raise them above, or depress them beneath their sufferings, 
 which are equally mischievous, and to be avoided." 
 
 (o) A letter reporting the state of my Lord Chancellor's health, 
 , Jan. 29, 1614. 
 
 It may please your excellent Majesty, — Because I know your majesty 
 would be glad to hear how it is with my Lord Chancellor; and that it 
 pleased him out of his ancient and great love to me, which many times in 
 sickness appeareth most, to admit me to a great deal of speech with him 
 this afternoon, which during these three days he hath scarcely done to aily ; 
 I thought it might be pleasing to your majesty to certify you how I found 
 him. I found him in bed, but his spirits fresh and good, speaking stoutly, 
 and without being spent or weary, and both veiling and beginning of him- 
 self to speak, but wholly of your majesty's business. Wherein I cannot 
 
BENEVOLENCE. clxv 
 
 Such was the state of the law and of the opinion of 
 justice which at that time prevailed ! (a) 
 
 forget to relate this particular, that he wished that his sentencing of I. S. at 
 the day appointed might be his last work, to conclude his sendees, and 
 express his affection towards your majesty. I told him I knew your 
 majesty would be very desirous of his presence that day, so it might be 
 without prejudice, but otherwise your majesty esteemed a servant more than 
 a service, especially such a servant. Not to trouble your majesty, though 
 good spirits in sickness be uncertain calendars, yet I have very good com- 
 fort of him, and I hope by that day, &c. 
 
 See to the same effect, a letter of Feb. 7, 1614, entitled, A letter to the 
 King, touching my Lord Chancellor's amendment, and the putting off 
 I. S. his cause. 
 
 (a) Bacon's speech has fortunately been preserved.* — 
 " In the last parliament there was," he says, " a great and 
 reasonable expectation in the community that the people 
 would grant to the King such supplies as were necessary 
 for the maintenance of the government : and there was in 
 the house a general disposition to give, and to give largely. 
 The clocks in the house, perchance, might differ ; some 
 went too fast, some went too slow : but the disposition to 
 give was general. It was, however, by an accident de- 
 feated; and this accident, happening thus contrary to 
 expectation, it stirred up and awaked, in divers of his 
 majesty's worthy servants and subjects, of the clergy, the 
 nobility, the court, and others here near at hand, an affec- 
 tion loving and cheerful, to present the King some with 
 plate, some with money, as a freewill offering. As the 
 occasion did awake the love and benevolence of those that 
 were at hand to give, so it was apprehended and thought 
 fit, by my lords of the council, to make a proof whether 
 the occasion and example both would not awake those in 
 
 * See vol. vi. p. 138. It is entitled. The Charge given by Sir Francis 
 Bacon, his Majesty's Attorney General, against Mr. I. S. for scandalizing 
 and traducing, in the public sessions, letters sent from the Lords of the 
 Council touching the benevolence. 
 
clxvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 The dissatisfaction which existed in the community, at 
 the state of the government, now manifested itself in 
 various modes, and was, according to the usual efforts of 
 
 the country, of the better sort to follow. - Whereupon, their 
 lordships devised and directed letters unto the sheriffs and 
 justices, which declared what was done here above, and 
 wished that the country might be moved, especially men 
 of value. Care was however taken, that that which was 
 then done might not have the effect, no nor the shew, no 
 nor so much as the shadow of a tax : breeding or bringing 
 in, any ill precedent or example. It was not so much as 
 recommended, until many that were never moved nor dealt 
 with, ex mero motu, had freely and frankly sent in their 
 presents. The whole carriage of the business had no cir- 
 cumstance compulsory. There was no proportion or rate 
 set down, not so much as by way of a wish : there was no 
 menace of any that should deny ; no reproof of any that 
 did deny, no certifying of the names of any that had 
 denied. It was a benevolence, not an exaction; it was 
 what the subject of his good will would give, not what the 
 King of his good will would take. 
 
 Amongst other countries, these letters of the lords came 
 to the justices of Devonshire, who signified the contents 
 thereof, and gave directions and appointments for meet- 
 ings, concerning the business, to several towns and places 
 within that county, and amongst the rest, notice was 
 given unto the town of A. The mayor of A. conceiving 
 that this Mr. I. S. (being a principal person, and a 
 dweller in that town) was a man likely to give both money 
 and good example, dealt with him, to know his mind; 
 but he, instead of sending an answer, absented himself, 
 and published a seditious accusation against the King 
 and the state, and sent it to the mayor to read at the 
 meeting." 
 
 He then divides the libel into four parts, saying, " The 
 
PROSECUTIONS. clxvii 
 
 power, attempted to be repressed by criminal prosecu- 
 tions. Amongst others, the Attorney General was employed 
 in the prosecution for high treason of a Mr. Peacham, 
 
 first of these, which concerns the King, I have taken to 
 myself, the other three I have distributed to my fellows ; 
 and the part which I have selected gives me a just and 
 necessary occasion to make some representation of his 
 majesty, such as truly he is found to be in his government, 
 
 " My lords, I do not mean to make any panegyric or 
 laudative, but it is fit to bum incense where evil odours 
 have been cast and raised. The libel says King James is a 
 violator of the liberties, laws, and customs of his kingdoms. 
 I say he is a constant protector and conservator of them 
 all: in maintaining religion; in maintaining the laws of 
 the kingdom, which is the subject's birthright ; in tempe- 
 rate use of the prerogative ; in due and free administration 
 of justice, and conservation of the peace of the land. 
 
 " For religion, he hath maintained it not only with sceptre 
 and sword, but by his pen. He hath awaked and reautho- 
 rized the whole party of the reformed religion throughout 
 Europe, which through the insolency, and diverse artifices 
 and enchantments of the adverse part, was dejected. He 
 hath summoned the fraternity of kings to enfranchise 
 themselves from the usurpation of the see of Rome. He 
 hath made himself a mark of contradiction for it. 
 
 " I cannot remember religion and the church, but I must 
 think of the seedplpts of the same, which are the univerT- 
 sities, to which he hath been a benign or benevolent 
 planet, by whose influence those nurseries and gardens of 
 learning; were never more in flower nor fruit. 
 
 " For the maintaining of the laws, which is the hedge 
 and fence about the liberty of the subject, I may truly 
 aflSrm it was never jn better repair. He doth concur with 
 the votes of the nobles, Nolumus leges Anglia mutare. 
 He is an enemy of innovation ; neither doth the univer- 
 
clxvii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 a clergyman between sixty and seventy years of age; of 
 Mr. Owen, of Godstow in Oxfordshire, a gentleman of 
 property and respectability j and of William Talbot, an 
 Irish barrister, for maintaining, in different modes, that, if 
 
 sality of his own knowledge carry him to neglect or pass 
 over the very forms of the laws of the land. 
 
 " As for the use of the prerogative, it runs within the 
 ancient channels and banks ; some things that were con- 
 ceived to be in some proclamations, commissions, and 
 patents as overflows, have been by his wisdom and care 
 reduced, whereby, no doubt, the main channel of his pre- 
 rogative is so much the stronger; for evermore overflows 
 do hurt the channel. 
 
 " As for administration of justice, my lords here of the 
 council and the King himself meddle not (as hath been 
 used in former times) with matters of meum and tuum, 
 but leave them to the King's courts of law or equity ; and 
 for mercy and grace (without which there is no standing 
 before j ustice), we see the King now hath reigned twelve 
 years in his white robe, without almost any aspersion of 
 the crimson die of blood. There sits my Lord Hobart, that 
 served Attorney seven years: I served with him. We 
 were so happy, as there passed not through our harids 
 any one arraignment for treason, and but one for .any 
 capital offence, which was that of the Lord Sanquhar ; the 
 noblest piece of justice (one of them) that ever came forth 
 in any king's times. As for penal laws, which lie as snares 
 upon the subjects, it yields a revenue that will scarce 
 pay for the parchment of the King's records at West- 
 minster. 
 
 " And lastly, for peace; we see manifestly, his majesty 
 bears some resemblance of that great name, a prince of 
 peace; he hath preserved his subjects, during'his reign, in 
 peace both within arid without, Touching the benevolence, 
 T leave it to others." 
 
TRIAL OF PEACHAM. clxix 
 
 the King were excommunicated and deprived by the Pope, 
 it was lawful for any person to kill him. 
 
 The prosecution against Peacham was for several trea- 
 sonable passages in a sermon, found in his study, but 
 never preached, and never intended to be preached, (a) 
 
 Doubts being entertained both of the fact with respect 
 to the intention to preach, and of the law supposing the 
 intention to have existed, recourse was had to expedients 
 from which, in these enlightened times, we recoil with 
 horror. 
 
 To discover the fact, this old clergyman was put upon 
 the rack, and was examined "before torture, in torture, 
 between torture, and after torture," but no confession was 
 extorted, which was instantly communicated by Bacon to 
 the King. (6) 
 
 (a) Cro. Cas. 125. 
 (6) A Letter to his Majesty, concerning Peacham's cause. 
 
 It may please your excellent Majesty, — It grieveth me 
 exceedingly, that your majesty should be so much troubled 
 with this matter of Peacham's; whose raging devil seemeth 
 to be turned into a dumb devil. But although we are 
 driven to make our way through questions (which I wish 
 were otherwise) yet I hope well the end will be good. But 
 then every man must put to his helj)ing hand ; for else I 
 must say to your majesty, in this and the like cases, as 
 St. Paul said to the centurion, when some of the mariners 
 had an eye to the cock-boat, " except these stay in the 
 ship, ye cannot be safe." I find in my lords great and 
 worthy care of the business. And for my part, I hold my 
 opinion and am strengthened in it by some records that I 
 have found. God preserve your majesty. Your majesty's 
 most humble and devoted subject and servant. 
 31st January, 1614. 
 
clxx LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 To be certain of the law, the King resolved to obtain 
 the opinions of the judges before the prosecution was com- 
 menced. For this purpose, the Attorney General was 
 employed to confer with Sir Edward Coke, Mr. Serjeant 
 Montague to speak with Justice Crooke, Mr. Serjeant 
 
 To the King. 
 
 May it please your most excellent Majesty, — I send 
 your majesty enclosed a copy of our last examination of 
 Peacham,* taken the 10th of this present; whereby your 
 majesty may perceive that this miscreant wretch goeth 
 back from all, and denieth his hand and all; no doubt 
 being fully of belief that he should go presently down to 
 his trial, he meant now to repeat his part which he pur- 
 posed to play in the country, which was to deny all. But 
 your majesty in your wisdom perceiveth that this denial of 
 his hand, being not possible to be counterfeited, and to be 
 sworn by Adams, and so oft by himself formerly confessed 
 and admitted, could not mend his case before any jury in 
 the world, but rather aggravateth it by his notorious impu- 
 dency and falsehood, and will make him more odious. 
 He never deceived me ; for when others had hopes of dis- 
 covery, and thought time well spent that way, I told your 
 majesty, pereuntibus millejigura: and that he now did 
 but, turn himself into divers shapes, to save or delay his 
 punishment. And therefore, submitting myself to your 
 majesty's high wisdom, I think myself bound in conscience 
 to put your majesty in remembrance, whether Sir John 
 Sydenham* shall be detained upon this man's impeach- 
 ing, in whom there is no truth. Notwithstanding that 
 farther inquiry be made of this other Peacham, and that 
 
 * He had been confronted, about the end of Febraary or beginning of 
 March, 1614-15, with Mr. Peacham, about certain speeches which had 
 formerly passed between them. — MS. letter of Mr. Chamberlain to Sir 
 Dudley Carleton, from London, March 2, 1614-15. 
 
TRIAL OF PEACUAM. clxxi 
 
 Crew witli Justice Houghton, and Mr. Solicitor with Jus- 
 tice Dodderidge, who were instructed by Bacon that they 
 should presently speak with the three judges, before he 
 could see Coke; and that they should not in any case 
 make any doubt to the judges, as if they mistrusted they 
 would not deliver any opinion apart, but speak resolutely 
 to them, and only make their coming to be, to know 
 what time they would appoint to be attended with the 
 papers. The three judges very readily gave their opinions ; 
 but with Sir Edward Coke the task was not so easy : for 
 his high and independent spirit refused to submit to these 
 private conferences, contrary, as he said, to the custom of 
 the realm, which requires the judges not to give opinion 
 by fractions, but entirely and upon conference; and that 
 this auricular taking of opinions, single and apart, was new 
 and dangerous, (a) 
 
 information and light be taken from Mr. Poulet* and 
 his servant, I hold it, as things are, necessary. God pre- 
 serve your majesty. Your Majesty's most humble and 
 devoted subject and servant, Fe. Bacon. 
 
 March 12, 1614. 
 
 (a) Sir Matthew Hale would never suffer his opinion in any case to be 
 known till he was obliged to declare it judicially; and he concealed his 
 opinion in great cases so carefully, that the rest of the judges in the same 
 court could never perceive it : his reason was, because every judge ought 
 to give sentence according to his own persuasion and conscience, and not 
 to be swayed by any respect or deference to another man's opinion; and 
 by his means it hath happened sometimes, that when all the barons of the 
 Exchequer had dehvered their opinions, and agreed in their reasons and 
 arguments, yet he coming to speak last, and differing in judgment from 
 them, hath expressed himself with so much weight and solidity, that the 
 barons have immediately retracted their votes and concurred with him. 
 
 * John Poulet, Esq. knight of the shire for the county of Somerset, in 
 the parliament whicb met April '5, 1514. He was created Lord Poulet oT 
 Henton St. George, June 23, 1627. 
 
clxxii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 The answer to this resistance, Bacon, thus relates in a 
 letter to the King : " I replied in civil and plain terms, 
 that I wished his lordship, in my love to him, to think 
 better of it; for that this, that his lordship was pleased 
 to put into great words, seemed to me and my fellows, 
 when we spake of it amongst ourselves, a reasonable and 
 familiar matter, for a king to consult with his, judges, 
 either assembled or selected, or one by one. I added, 
 that judges sometimes might make a suit to be spared 
 for their opinion till they had spoken with their brethren j 
 but if the King upon his own princely judgment, for 
 reason of estate, should think it fit to have it other- 
 wise, and should so demand it, there was no declining; 
 nay, that it touched upon a violation of their oath, which 
 was to counsel .the King without distinction, whether it 
 were jointly or severally. Thereupon I put him the case 
 of the privy council, as if your majesty should be pleased 
 to command any of them to deliver their opinion apart and 
 in private; whether it were a good answer to deny it, 
 otherwise than if it were propounded at the table. To this 
 he said, that the cases were not alike, because this con- 
 cerned life. To which I replied, that questions of estate 
 might concern thousands of lives ; and many things more 
 precious than the life of a particular; as war and peace, 
 and the like." (a) 
 
 By this reasoning Coke's scruples were, after a struggle, 
 removed, and he concurred with his brethren in obedience 
 to the commands of the King, (b) 
 
 From the progress which knowledge has made, during 
 the last two centuries, in the science of justice and its 
 administration, mitigating severity, abolishing injurious 
 restraints upon commerce, and upon civil and religious 
 
 (a) Vol. xii. p. 128. (b) See note ZZ at the end. 
 
TllIAL OF PEACHAM. clxxiii 
 
 liberty, and preserving the judicial mind free, almost, from 
 the possibility of influence, we may, without caution, 
 feel disposed to censure the profession of the law at that 
 day for practices so different from our own. Passing out 
 of darkness into light, we may for a moment be dazzled, 
 and forget the ignorance from which we have emerged; 
 an evil attendant upon the progress of learning, which 
 did not escape the observation of Bacon, by whom we are 
 admonished, that " if knowledge, as it advances, is taken 
 without its true corrective, it ever hath some nature of 
 venom or malignity, and some effects of that venom, which 
 is ventosity or swelling. This corrective spice, the mixture 
 whereof maketh knowledge so sovereign, is charity; of 
 which the apostle saith, ' If I spake with the tongues of 
 men and angels, and had not charity, it were but as a 
 tinkling cymbal." ' (a) 
 
 For having thus acted in 'obedience to the King's com- 
 mands, by a compliance with error sanctioned by the prac- 
 tice of the profession. Bacon has, without due consideration 
 been censured by a most upright, intelligent judgfe of 
 modem times, who has thus indirectly accused the bar as 
 venal, and the bench as perjured. (6) 
 
 To this excellent man posterity has been more just: we 
 do not brand Judge Foster with the imputation of cruelty, 
 for having passed the barbarous and disgraceful sentence 
 upon persons convicted of high treasopj wlych was not 
 abolished till the reign of George the Fourth ; nor do we 
 censure the judges in and before the time of Elizabeth for 
 not having resisted the infliction of torture, sanctioned by 
 the law, which was founded upon the erroneous principle 
 that men will speak truth, when under the influence of a 
 
 (a) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 101. 
 (6) See note Z Z at the end. 
 
clxxiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 passion more powerful than the love of truth ;(ffl) nor shall 
 we be censured, in future times, for refusing, in excessive 
 obedience to this principle, to admit the evidence of the 
 richest peer of the realm, if he have the interest of six- 
 pence in the cause; nor has Sir Matthew Hale been visited 
 with the sin of having condemned , and suffered to be 
 executed, a mother and her daughter of eleven years 
 of age, for witchcraft, under the quaint advice of Sir 
 Thomas Brown, one of the first physicians and philosophers 
 of his, or, indeed, of any time, who was devoting his life 
 to the confutation of what he deemed vulgar errors ! (b) 
 
 (o) Beccaria. " The result of torture, then, is a matter of calculation, 
 and depends on the constitution, which differs in every individual, and is 
 in proportion to his strength and sensibility; so that to discover truA by 
 this mfethod is a problem, which may be better solved by a mathematician 
 than a judge, and may be thus stated. The force of the muscles, and the 
 sensibility of the nerves of an innocent person being given, it is required to 
 find the degree of pain necessary to make him confess himself guilty of a 
 given crime." 
 
 (b) Amy Duny and Rose Callender were tried and condemned at Bury 
 St. Edmunds, in Suffolk, by the Lord Chief Baron Hale ; an account of 
 the trial was printed in his lordship's lifetime. They were tried upon thir- 
 teen several indictments : Amy Duny was charged with bewitching Mr. 
 Pacey's children, and causing them to have fits, and when Sir Thomas 
 Brown, the &mous physician of his time, who was in court, was desired by 
 my Lord Chief Baron to give his judgment in the case, he declared, " that 
 he was clearly of opinion that the fits were natural, but heightened by the 
 devil, co-operating with the malice of the witches at whose instance he did 
 the villanies;'' and he added, " that in Denmark there had been lately a 
 great discovery of witches who used the very same way of afflicting persons, 
 by conveying pins into them." This made that great and good man doubt- 
 ful, but he was in such fears that he would not so much as sum up the 
 evidence, but left it to the jury with prayers, " that the great God of 
 Heaven would direct their hearts in that weighty matter." The jury, 
 having Sir Thomas Brown's declaration about Denmark for their encou- 
 ragement, in half an hour brought them in guilty upon all the thirteen 
 indictments. After this my Lord Chief Baron gave the law its course, and 
 they were condemned, and died declaring their innocence. 
 
TRIAL OF PEACH AM. clxXV 
 
 nor will the judges of England hereafter be considered 
 culpable for having at one session condemned and left for 
 execution six young men and women under the age of 
 twenty, for uttering forged one-pound notes; (a) or for 
 having, so late as the year 1820, publicly sold for large 
 sums the places of the officers of their courts. 
 
 To persecute the 'lover of- truth for opposing established 
 customs, and to censure him in after ages for not having 
 been more strenuous in opposition, are errors which will 
 never cease until the pleasure of self-elevation from the 
 depressioi^ of superiority is no more. " These things must 
 continue as they have been : so too will that also continue, 
 whereupon learning hath ever relied, and which faileth 
 not: justificata est sapientia a filiis suis."(^) 
 
 Bacon, unmoved by the prejudice, by which during his 
 life he was resisted, or the scurrilous libels by which he 
 was assailed, went right onward in the advancement of 
 knowledge, the only effectual mode of decomposing error 
 Where he saw that truth was likely to be received, he 
 presented her in all her divine loveliness. When he could 
 not directly attack error, when the light was too strong for 
 weak eyes, he never omitted an opportunity to expose it. 
 Truth is often silent as fearing her j udge, never as suspecting 
 her cause. 
 
 In his letter to the King, stating that Peacham had 
 been put to the torture, he says, " though we are driven to 
 make our way through questions, which I wish were other- 
 wise, (c) yet I hope the end will be good :" and, unable at 
 
 (a) See the public newspaper of December 4, 1820. 
 
 (6) See Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 88. 
 
 (e) See note (6), ante, p. 169. In his apology respecting Essex, he 
 says, " For her majesty being mightily incensed with thj^t book, which 
 was dedicated to my Lord of Essex, being a story of the firet year of 
 King Henry IV. thinking it a seditious prelude to put into the people's 
 
clxxvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 that period to counteract the then common Custom of 
 importuning the judges, he warned Villiers of the evil. 
 "By no means," he says, "be you' persuaded to inter- 
 pose yourself, either by word, or letter, in any cause de- 
 pending, or like to be depending in any court of justice, 
 nor suffer any other great man to do it where' you can 
 hinder it, and by all means dissuade the King himself 
 from it, upon, the ; importunity of any for themselves, or 
 their friends : if it should prevail, it perverts justice; but 
 if the judge be so just, and of such courage, as he ought 
 to be, as not to be inclined thereby, yet it always leaves a 
 taint of suspicion behind it; judges must be as chaste as 
 Caesar's wife, neither to be, nor to be suspected to be un- 
 just; and. Sir, the honour of the judges in their judicature 
 is the King's honour, whose person they represent," (a) ,, 
 
 The trial of Peacham took place at Taunton on the 7th 
 of August, 1615, before the Chief Baron and Sir Henry 
 Montagu. Bacon did not attend, but the prosecution was 
 conducted by the King's Serjeant and Solicitor, when, the 
 old clergyman, who defended himself, "very simply, al- 
 
 head boldness and faction, said, she had an opinion that there was treason 
 in it, and asked me if I could not find any places in it that might be 
 drawn within case of treason : whereto I answered, for treason surely I 
 found none, but for felony very many. And when her majesty hastily 
 asked me, wherein ? I told her, the author had committed very apparent 
 theft : for he had taken most of the sentences of Cornelius Tacitus, and 
 translated them into English, and put them into his text; and another 
 time, when the Queen would not be persuaded that it was his wiitiitg 
 whose name was to it, but that it had some more mischievous' author ; and 
 said with great indignation, that she would have him racked to produee his 
 author: I replied, "Nay, madam, he is a doctor; never rack his person, 
 but rack bis style ; let him have pen, ink, and paper, and help of books, 
 and be- enjoined to continue the story where it breaketh off, and I will 
 .undertake by collating the styles to judge whether he were the author 
 or no." ■ -■ ., , . . : -; ,v-, -. 
 
 (o) See Advice to Villiers, vol. vi. p. 400. 
 
TRIAL OF OWEN'. clxxvii 
 
 tiiough obstinately and doggedly enough," was convicted, 
 but, some of the judges doubting whether it was treason, 
 he was not executed. (6) 
 
 (b) Edmund Peacham, a minister in Somersetshire [MS. letter of Mr. 
 Chamberlain, dated January 5, 1614-5]. I find one of both his names, 
 who was instituted into the vicarage of Ridge, in Hertfordshire, July 22, 
 1581, and resigned it in 1587 [Newcourt Reporter, vol. i. p. 864]. Mr. 
 Peacham was committed to the Tower for inserting several treasonable 
 passages in a sermon never preached, nor, as Mr. Justice Croke remai'ks 
 in his Reports during the reign of King Charles I. p. 125, ever intended 
 to be preached. Mr. Chamberlain, in a letter of the 9th of February, 
 1614-5, to Sir Dudley Carleton, mentions Mr. Peacham's having been 
 " stretched already, though he be an old man, and, they say, much above 
 threescore ; but they could wring nothing out of him more than they had 
 at first in his papers. Yet the king is extremely incensed against him, 
 and vrill have him prosecuted to the uttermost." In another letter, dated 
 Februaiy 23, we are informed that the king, since his coming to London 
 on the 15th, had had " tlie opinion of the judges severally in Peacham's 
 case ; and it is said, that most of them concur to find it treason ; yet my 
 lord chief justice [Coke] is for the contrary ; and if the Lord Hobart, that 
 rides the western circuit, can be drawn to jump with his colleague, the 
 chief baron [Tanfield], it is thought he shall be sent down to be tried, and 
 trussed up in Somersetshire." In a letter of the 2nd of March, 1614-5, 
 Mr. Chamberlain vmtes, " Peacham's trial at the western assizes is put off, 
 and his journey stayed, though Sir Randall Crew, the king's seqeant, and 
 Sir Henry Yelverton, the solicitor, were ready to go to horse to have waited 
 on him there." " Peacham, the minister," adds he, in a letter of the 13th 
 of July, 1615," that hath been this twelvemonth in the Tower, is sent do wn 
 to be tried for treason in Somersetshire, before the lord chief baron and Sir 
 Henry Montagu, the recorder. The Lord Hobart gave over that circuit 
 the last assizes. Sir Randall Crew and Sir Henry Yelverton, the king's 
 Serjeant and solicitor, are sent down to prosecute the trial." The event of 
 this trial, which was on the 7th of August, appears from Mr. Chamberlain's 
 letter of the 14th of that month, wherein it is said that " seven knights 
 were taken from the bench, and appointed to be of the jury. He defended 
 himself very simply, but obstinately and doggedly enough. But his offence 
 was so foul and scandalous, that he was condemned of high treason; yet 
 not hitherto executed, nor perhaps shall be, if he have the grace to submit 
 himself, and shew some remorse. He died, as appears fi:om another letter 
 of the 27th of March, 1616, in the jail at Taunton, where he was said to 
 have " left behind a most wicked and desperate writing, worse than that he 
 was convicted for." 
 
 VOL. XV. n 
 
clxxviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 The same course of private consultation with the judges, 
 would have been adopted in the case of Owen;, had not 
 the Attorney General been so clear in his opinion of the 
 treason, as to induce him to think it inexpedient to imply 
 that any dloubt could be entertained, (a) , 
 
 His speeches against Owen(6) and Talbot,(c) which are 
 preserved, are in the usual style of speeches of this nature, 
 with some of the scurrility by which the eloquence of the , 
 bar was at that time polluted. 
 
 When speaking of the King's clemency, he says, " The 
 King has had too many causes of irritation : he has been 
 irritated by the Powder treason, when, in the chair of 
 majesty, his vine and olive branches about him, attended 
 by his nobles and third estate in parliament, he was, in 
 the twinkling of an eye, as if it had been a particular 
 doomsday, to have been brought to ashes, and dispersed to 
 the four winds. — He hath been irritated by wicked and 
 monstrous libels, and by the violence of demagogues, who 
 have at all. times infested, and in times of disturbance, , 
 when the sciim is uppermost, ever will infest society ; con- 
 fident and daring persons. Nihil tarn verens, quam ne dubi- 
 tare aliqua de re, videretur, priding themselves in pulling 
 
 (n) A letter to the King of account of Owen's cause, &c. lllhFeJ). 1614. 
 
 It may please your excellent Majesty,— Myself, with the .rest of your 
 counsel learned, conferred with my Lord Cooke and the res;t of the judges 
 of the King's Bench only, being met at my lord's chamber, concerning the 
 business of Owen. For although it be true that your majesty in your letter 
 did mention, that, the same course might be held in the taking of opinions 
 apart, in this which was prescribed and used in Peachara's cause; yet 
 both my lords of the council and we, amongst ourselves, holding it, in 
 a case so clear, not needful; but rather that it would import a difiidence' 
 in us, and deprive us of the means to debate it with the judges (if cause 
 were), more strongly (which is somewhat) we thought best rather to use 
 this form. 
 
 (A) Vol. vi. p. 172. (c) Vol. vi. p. 452. 
 
VILLIEUS. • clxxix 
 
 ,, i >■ .. ...;.. ,;.,;( 
 
 down magistrates, and chaunting the psalm, "Let us hind 
 the kings in chains, and the nobles in fetters of iron." 
 
 During this year an event occurred, which materially; 
 affected the immediate pursuits and ^ future fate of Sir 
 Francis Bacon, — the King's selection of a new favourite, , 
 
 George Villiers, a younger son of Sir George Villiers 
 and Mary Beaumont, on each side well descended, was 
 born in 1592. Having early lost his father, his education , 
 was conducted by Lady Villiers, and, though he was natu- 
 rally intelligent and of quick parts, more attention was 
 paid to the graces of manner and the lighter accomplish- 
 ments which ornament a gentleman, than the solid learning 
 and virtuous precepts which form a great and good ma!n. 
 At the age of eighteen he travelled to France, and, haying 
 passed three years in the completion of his studies, he^ 
 returned to the seat of his forefathers, in Leicestershire,) 
 where he conceived an intention of settling himself in 
 marriage; but, having journeyed to London, and consulted 
 Sir Thomas Gresham, that gentleman, charmed by his . 
 personal beauty and graceful deportment, advised hinj to , 
 relinquish his intention, and try his fortune at court. 
 Shrewd advice, which he, without a sigh, obeyed. He 
 sacrificed his affections at the first temptation of ambition. 
 
 The King had gradually withdrawn his favour from 
 Somerset, equally displeased by the haiughtin^s^' of his 
 manners, and by an increasing gloom that obscure^ all 
 those lighter qualities which had formerly contributed to 
 his amusement, a gloom soon after fatally explained. 
 Although powerfully attracted by the elegance and gaiety 
 of Villiers, yet James had been so harassed by Cjomplaints 
 of favouritism, that he would not bestow any appointment 
 upon him, until solicited by the Queen and some of the 
 gravest of his councillors. In 1613 ViUiers was taken 
 into the King's household, and rose rapidly to the highest 
 
clxXX LIFSiQF J^CON. 
 
 honours. He was nominated cupbearer, received several 
 lucrative appointments ; the successive honours of knight- 
 hood, of a barony, an, earldom, a marquisate, and was 
 finally created E|uke of Buckingham, 
 
 From the paternal character pf Bacon's protection of the 
 new favourite,, it is probable that he had early sought his 
 assistance and adyice ; as a friendship was formed between 
 them, which continued with scarcely any interruption till 
 the death, and, indeed, after the death of Bacon : (a) a 
 friendship which was always marked by a series of the 
 wisest and best counsels, and was never checked by the 
 increased power and elevation of Villiers. 
 
 This intimacy between an experienced statesmaij and 
 a rising , favourite was naturally looked upon tvith ' some 
 jealousy, but it ought to have been remeinbered that there 
 was never any intimacy between Bacon and Somerset. In 
 the whole of his voluminous correspondence, there is hot 
 one letter of solicitation or compliment to that powerful 
 favourite, or any vain attempt to divert him from his own 
 gratifications to the advancement of the public good; but 
 in Villiers he thought he saw a better nature, capable of 
 such culture^ as to be fruitful in good works. Whatever 
 the motiveswere in which this union originated, the records 
 extant of the spirit by which it was cemented are honotir- 
 able to both. In the courtesy and docility of Villiers, 
 Bacon did not foresee the rapacity that was to end in his 
 own disgrace, and in the violent death of the favourite. 
 
 About this period. Sir George Villiers personally and by 
 letter, importuned his friend to communicate his senti- 
 ments respecting the conduct which, thus favoured by the 
 King, it would be proper for him to observe; and, con- 
 sidering these requests as commands. Bacon wrote a letter 
 
 "■■'■ ' ■-"■ • ■ ., 'U > if^iihuL 
 
 ~,H.'"^r, n.., .:.:,^. (a) See Bacon's will., . ,-.,jf,«ri'3 f :v,iuh 
 
>/ VlLLIERS. l"» clXXXi 
 
 of advice to Villiers, SucB as is* riot usually given itf cotirt^i 
 but of a'' strain equally free a:nd friendly, calculated t6 
 aiake the person to whom it was addressed both good a,tld 
 great, and equally honourable to the giver and the receiver" ! 
 advice which contributed not a little to his prosperity in 
 life. ^' It is an essay on the fdllowing subjects :'(a;)'Vfi^ ^-="11 
 
 1. Matters that concern relieion, and the church and 
 churchmen. ^ , 
 
 2. Matters concerning justice, and the laws, and the 
 professors thereof. , 
 
 3. Councillors, and the council table, and the great 
 offices and officers of the kingdom. . ,„ 
 
 ^ ^ . I- . . ^ , ,■ W.. i -^^ .. jllltai '-nil 
 
 4. roreign negociations and embassies. 
 
 5. Peace and war, both foreign and civil, and in that 
 the navy and forts, and what belongs to them. 
 
 . 6. Trade at home and abroad. "" , 
 
 7. Colonies, or foreign plantations. , -. , 
 
 ^ " ' > . . I / !'• 11 fi'jiii.^. 1(1 umel fjiio 
 
 8. The court and curiality. „ 
 
 ■ J ■' I ' riijs 10 . >iiuro/i3i 
 
 ji-Each of these subjects he explains, with a minuteness 
 scarcely to be conceived, exxsept by the admirers of his 
 works, who well know his extensive and minute survey of 
 every subject to which he directed his attention. (6) u et^j 
 
 (a) See vol. VI. p. 400. 
 
 (i) From the following analysis, some conception of his vigilance IHa^ 
 be formed ! 1 oi ««>■// i t] /t (ji n^ii'jiot tiu. ti'D noo&S. 
 
 . 1st, General advice as to Suitors. , 
 
 .'.irii;ovjfJ '■ ''■• _'„ [J5 ,::K>fi7^%.b awo 
 
 U , I- Religion. ^ , . i / 
 
 1.- Protestant religion. 2. Doctrine. 3. Church discipline; its atten- 
 tion.'^ 4. Catholics. 5. Archbishops and Bishops.-"" 6. Deans, Caiiotisi 
 &Ojf 7. Clergy. 8. Dissenters. 9. Ceremonies. <i\.0. Vicars, 63fli^ 
 11-., Preservation of revenue of church. 12. Universities, ^^-j.^. jj ,,^| 
 
 leJlsI & 9ioi7f myjuQ "• Justice. ^jac„ -,„ jg^ii :;misbh 
 
 1. The Law of the land. 2. Resistance to arbitrary power. 3. The 
 
 Judges. 4. Of private application to them. S. Ontihecircuiti. 6. TTieir 
 
 duties. 7. Charges to thera by the Chancellor. 8. Public and private. 
 
,C^^JC^ii LIFE. QIv BACON. 
 
 In the, beginning qf the year 1613 Sir Thomas Overbury 
 ,vvas, poigoped in tbe.TQ^er by one Weston, of which crime 
 ,h^ vva^ conyjcted,, receiwd sentence of dea,th, and was exe- 
 
 9. Not to being hurried from term to term. 10. Attendance of sheriffs. 
 
 ,11. Suing to be a judo;e. 12. Advancing puisne judgee. 13. Serjeants 
 at law. 14. King's counsel. 15. Provincial attorneys: of the court of 
 iWarda. 16. Of the duchy of Lancaster. 17. Welsh Judge. 18. Limi- 
 tation of juiisdiction. 19. IVIinisters of justice. 20, 21. Sheriffs, their 
 
 opl^ction. 22. Lord lieutenants. 23. Justices of the peace. 24. Their 
 nomination. 25. The moderation of justice. 26. Lenity and severity. 
 27. Court of Parliament. 28. Its institution. 29. Its duties. 30. Le- 
 gislature. 31. Its judicial power. 32. The House of Commons. 33. The 
 use of parliaments. 34. Ecclesiastical law. 
 
 III. Councillors of State and Great Officers of the Kingdom. 
 1, Different sorts. 2. Privy council. 3, 4. Their election. 5. Their 
 number. 6. ']pieir duties. 7 . Impropriety of hasty expression of opinion. 
 8. Impropriety of hasty decision. 9. The King's presence. 10. Secretary. 
 1;^. Not to interfere in private causes. 12. Clerks of council. 13. Great 
 .pfficers. 14. From all professions. 
 
 IV. Negociations, Embassies, &c. 
 1. Queen Elizabeth did vary, according to the nature of the employment, 
 the quality of the persons she employed. 2. An embassy of gratulation or 
 ceremony, some noble person, eminent in place and able in purse. 3. An 
 embassy of weight, concerning affairs of state, choice of some person of 
 known judgment, wisdom, and experience; and not of a young man not 
 weighed in state matters, nor of a mere formal man. 4. Young noblemen 
 or gentlemen, as assistants. 5. Grave men, skilful in the civil laws and 
 langijages; conversant in courts. 6. Negociation about mg^rchants' affairs, 
 QQftors of the civil law. 7. Lieger ambassadors or agents, vigilant, indus- 
 trious, and discreet men, and had the language of the place. 8. Their 
 care to give timely intelligence of occurrences. '9. Theircharge. 10. Their 
 general instructions in writing, and private instructions. 11. There were 
 sent forth young men of good hopes, to be trained up : this course I shall 
 recommend unto you,' to breed up a nursery of public plants. 
 
 V. Peace and War. I in my own disposition and profession am wholly 
 for peace. 
 1 . I shall not need to persuade you to the advancing of it, nor the King 
 your master. 2. God is the God of peace. 3. Justice is the best pro- 
 tector of it, and providence for war is the best prevention. 4. 'Wars. 
 
(Jtitfed. In the jJrbg'ress of the trial suspicibtisHaVJli^ been 
 eicited agiainst the Eatl' and Countess of Somerset, as 
 having been deeply concerned in this barbarous act; their 
 
 5. War of invasion. 6- Be always prepared.' 7. Tlie navy; 8,9. Tack- 
 ling, sails, and cordage. 10. True art'of building of ship's. ' 11. Pbwdfer 
 and ammunition. 12. With mariners and seamen: 13. Sea captains and 
 conimattders, and other officers. 1'4-. Amity and alliance vfiih the 'Hol- 
 landers. IS. Scotland. 16. Civil -war. 17. Competitidnrtoi the crowh. 
 18, 19, 20. A king to have a "corivenient stock of treasure. 21. Magazine 
 of all sorts. 22. Expfert and able commanders: 23. Govemiug' mJl'ilAity 
 affairs in times of peace. 24. The faithful,'the traitorous, the nfeutrals. '■ 
 
 VI. Trade. , , .i, ■ . r. 
 
 1. The home trade. 2» Improve lands. 3. Pla;iting of orchards. 4. 
 Gardens. 5. Hop-yards'. 6. Planting and preserving woods. 7. Drain- 
 ing of drowned lands. 8. Dairies. 9.' Laiid gained from forfets and 
 chases; diie care that the poor comnioners have no injury. 10. 'The 
 making navigable rivers. 11. The planting of Hemp and flax. 12. Linen 
 cloth or cdrdage. 13. Wools and leather. 14. Costly laces. IS. l^ie 
 breeding of cattle. 16. The minerals of the kiiigdom. 17. Fishing;! "'iS. 
 Merchandise in foreign parts. 19. Returns in solid commodities. 20. 
 Monopolies. 21. Commission for the managing of these., 
 
 vn. Colonies. ' ' '^' 
 
 1. Choice of the place. 2. Colonies raised by leave of the King, niot 
 by command. 3. Fit governor. 4. Dependency upon the crown of Eng- 
 land. 5. (General, the common law of England ; when plantation settled, 
 courts of justice as in England. 6. Assistance of some able and military 
 man. 7. The discipline of the church. 8. One continent. 9. Houses; 
 plant. 10. Woods; minerals. 11. Build vessels and ships. 12. Wicked 
 person nor suffered to go into those countries. 13. No merc}iant suffered 
 to, work upon theirnepessities. 14. Subordinate' council, 15. The King's 
 profit. 
 
 VIII. Court and Curiality. 
 
 1. The Kipg must be exemplary. 2. But your greatest care must be, 
 that the great men of his court, for you must give me leave to be plain witli 
 5^bu, for so is your injuiiction laid upon me, yourself in the first place, who 
 are first in the eye of all men, give no just cause of scandal, either by light, 
 opivain, or by oppressive carriage. , 3. The great officers of the King. 4. 
 . Mii^st^rial officers.' 5. Leave the ordering of household affairs torthe 
 ..white, staffs. 6. Green-eloth. 7. His majesty's own table. 8. Preserve 
 
clxXXiV LltK OF BACON. 
 
 injudieious friends, by endeavouring- >to: circulate, a report" 
 that these suspicions were but an artifice to' ruin tbat 
 nobleman, the King commanded the Attorney General to 
 prosecute in the Star Chamber Mr. Lumsden, a gentleman 
 of' good family in ScotlEind>"Sir John Hollis, afterwards ^ 
 Earl of Glare, and Sir John Wentworth, who were coht 
 victed and severely punished. The speech of Bacon upofl 
 this trial is fortunately preserved, (a) 
 
 Shortly after- this investigation, so many circumstances 
 transpired, all tending to implicate the Earl and Countessi 
 of Somerset, and so great an excitement prevailed through 
 the whole countryy that the King determined to bring 
 these great offenders to*trial; a resolution which he could 
 not have formed without the most painful struggle be- 
 tvveen his duty to the public and his anxiety to protect 
 hisfallen favourite. His sense, of duty as the dispenser of 
 justice prevailed. Previbiis to the trial, which took plade 
 May 1616, the same course of private consultation with 
 ti^e judges was pursued, and the King eausec} it to be 
 privately intimated to Somerset, that it would be his own 
 fault if favour was hot extended to him: (6) favour which 
 was encouraged by Bacjon, in a letter to the King, in which 
 he says, "The great downfall of so great persons carrietl?, 
 in itself a heavy judgment, and a kind of civil death, 
 although their lives should not be taken. All which may 
 satisfy honour fpr sparing their, lives." 
 
 In his speech upon the trial (c) Bacon gave a dear .and^ 
 circurhstantial acfiourit of the whole conspiracy against- 
 
 the revenues of crown; empty coffers give an ill sound. 9. Forfeitures*' 
 10. Pastimes and disports, when there is a queen and ladiesu ■ 11. But fori 
 the King and Prince. 12. Dice' and cards, 
 
 (a) Vol.-vi. p. 154. 
 
 (6) See letter of A!p*il 28, 1 61 6, 'frorh Bacon to ViUiers,^ voL vi. p; 323> . 
 
 (c) See vol. vi. p. 235. ■<' ■■■ s 
 
SOMERSET, i'i cliXXXV 
 
 Oneqbiiry, describing the various prad/icesi against his life ; 
 hultttough he fully and fairly exeeuted.hisdijity as Attorney 
 (aenfendy it 'was<witboub malice onharshiiesS, availing, hiih" 
 self of an opportxanity^ of which he never <lost sight, to 
 retonmietijd meroy;(*)l£lnd thoughiithefriendsdof the new 
 favooriteiwerei supposed to have beett'dteply intete^ed in; 
 theidowofaH of Somerset, and accused of secretly woitking 
 his ruin, Bacon gained great honour in the opinions of all 
 men, by his impartial, and yet merciful treatment of a 
 man(c) whom in his prosperity he had shunned and desi- 
 pJ^dv'iti DHJu /H-iK ">[(i:ir,/'i m; ijs'n'j (.>- iiiv. ^p>-'vt (i.c-l * 
 ^ Early in this year a dispute which occasioned consider* 1615. 
 able agitation, -arose between the Court of Chancery and ^t- 55. 
 
 ' ,^ '■■•^^" '"'•■'■■ ^^^^t '■ TTTm ~ 
 
 (b) " My lords^ this is now the second time within the space of thirteen 
 
 years rei^n of our happy sovereign, that ttis high tribunal-seat ot jlistice, 
 ordained' for the trial by peers, hath been opened an^i'^!^ected; and that, 
 with a rare eireiit,,stipplied <and exercised, by one and the sam^ person,, 
 whicl) is a, great honour to you, my Lord Steward. r , , 
 
 " In all this meantime the King hath reigned in his white robe, not 
 sprinkled with any drop of blood of any of Ms nobles of this kihgdohi'. 
 Nayv such harve been the depths of his BaeFcy, as even those. noblemen's | 
 bjpods,, against whom the proceeding was at Winchester, Cobham . ^d, 
 Grey, were attainted and corrupted, but not spilt or taken away ; but that 
 they remained rather spectacles of justice in their continual imprisonment, 
 than monuitfehtS (jiif justice in the memory of their suffering. ' " jK/Jf?* 3f 
 
 " I am veiy glad to hear this unfortunate lady doth take this course, to 
 confess fuUy and freely, a,nd thereby to give glory to God and to justice. 
 It is, as I may term it, the nobleness of an offender to confess : arid there- 
 fore those meaner persons, upon whoiri justice passed before, confessed 
 not; she dofli.' I' ktiow yoilr lordships ' Cannot behold her without c6m- 
 pSissionjrinanyi.lihi^s ,n33y jpays you, her youth, her person, .her sex, her 
 noble femily ; yea, her provocations, if I should enter into the cause itself, 
 and furies about her ; but chiefly her penitency and confession. But jus- 
 tice is the work of this day; the mercy-seat was in the inner part of the 
 temple ; the throne is public. But since this lady hath by her confession 
 prevented my evidence, and your verdict, and that this day's lahour is 
 eased : there resteth, in the legal proceeding, but for me to prayrthat her 
 C(MJfes9iDn'mayber'i!ett!)Wied,;andJjudgrtent!thfireupoa"« mjit;. >»<<. ;,\i 
 
 (c) Biographia Brit. 469, art. Bfffo«. i'fs 17 i- i,ii ,,x ;•,) 
 
the Gon^t'of Kinds' Bench, respecting the jtirisdiction of 
 the Chancellor after judgment given in courts of law. 
 Upon this dispute, heightened by the warmth and haughti- 
 ness of Sir Edward Coke, and the dangerous illness of 
 the Chancellor at the time when Coke promoted * the 
 inquiry, the King and Villiers conferred with Bacon, to 
 whom and other eminent members of the profession, the • 
 matter was referred, and, upon their report, the King in 
 person pronounced judgment in favour of the Lord Chan- 
 cellor, with some strong observations upon the conduct of 
 Coke, (a) , 
 
 1616. ^1 Pending this. investigation j Villiers it seems communi- 
 
 '' cated to Bacon the King's intentioti either to admit him a 
 I ..... 
 
 member^of the privy council, or upon the death or resigna- 
 tion of the Chancellor, to entrust him with the great seal, 
 
 . av |. ' , I" : .J ' . 
 
 ■ (a) Camden's Annals of King James, June 20, 1616. Sanderson's 
 Hist, of King James, p. 431. Stephens's Introduction to Lord Bacon's 
 Letters, p. 33.-^ See lettei? from Bacon to the King, dated 21 Feb. 1515-16, 
 'toi a fall account of this dispute,'* its projects, and termination, it will be 
 found in vol. xii. page 36. ''" ''''■' 
 
 \^ A Letter to Sir George Villiers, touching the difference between the 
 Courts of Chancery and King's Bench. 
 Sir, — I received this morning from you tv?o letters by the same bearer, the 
 one -written before the other, both after his majesty had received' my last. 
 In this difference between the two courts of Chancery and King's Bench 
 (for so I had rather take it at this time, than between the persons of my 
 Lord Chancellor and my Lord Chief Justice,) I marvel not, if rumour get 
 way of true relation; for I know fame hath swift .wings, especially that 
 which hath black feathers; biit within these two days (for sooner I cannot 
 be ready) I will writS-tO his. majesty both the narrative truly, and my 
 opinion sincerely, taking much comfort^ that 1 serve such a king, as hath 
 God's property, in discerning truly of men's hearts. I purpose to speak 
 with my Lord Chancellor' this day, and so to exhibit that cordial of his 
 majesty's grace, as I hope this other accident will rather rouse and raise 
 his spirits than deject him, or incline him to a relapse; meanwhile, I com- 
 mend the wit of a mean man that said this other day, well (saith he) next 
 term you shall have an old man come with a besom of wojinwood in his 
 
ATTORNJiy GENERAL. dxxxvii 
 
 a trust to which he was certain of itii%CiteEisiCf^fti;'iS, jecQ^j- 
 .wendation.,(c) ,^<,„r9 Inentsbiii. toJIb >.,fl'o(.Bfi') -idi 
 -it Having thus discharged the duties of- SoHcitor and 
 Attorney General, with much credit to himself and advan- 
 tage to the community, he early in the year 1615rl6, ex- 
 presised toVilliers his wish to be admitted a member pf 
 the privy council, from the hope that he mighty be of 
 service "in times which did never more require a king's 
 attorney to be well armed, and to wear a , gauntlet and not 
 a glove." (d) In consequence of this communication, the 
 
 hand, that will sweep away all this. For it is my Lord Chancellor's 81 ^T 
 feshioD, especially towards the summer, to carry a posy of wormwood. I ^■•' '-■'f^- 
 write this letter in haste, to return the messenger with it. God keep you, 
 and long and happily may you serve his majesty. Your true and affec- 
 tionate servant.— Feb. 10,1615. ""'' ' 
 
 Postscript. Sir, I humbly thank you for your inward letter : I have 
 burned it as you commanded, but the flame it hath kindled in me will 
 never be extinguished. . ' , 
 
 ,S, (f) See letter to Villiers, 21st Feb. 1615-16, vol. i. p. 1, containing the 
 following statement: " My Lord Chancellor told me yesterday, in plain 
 terms, that if the King would ask his opinion touching the person that he 
 would commend to succeed him, upon death or disability, he would name 
 me for the fittest man. You may advise whether use may not be made of 
 this offer." » ... ir..u> 
 
 •ih ■ -mv ,.r: -m ' ' ' 'v'^. 
 
 ,gj (d) Another letter to Sir George Villiers, touching a motion to swear 
 
 rfo,^ ' him Councillor, Feb. 27, 1615. ,^„.ji,f, ^^^j, ^,, 
 
 "' Sir, — I humbly pray you not to think me over hasty or much in appetite, 
 if I put you in remembrance of my motion of strengthening me with the 
 oath and trust of a privy councillor ; not for mine own strength (for as to 
 that I thank God I am armed within) but for the strength of my service. 
 The times I submit to you who knoweth them best. But sure I am, thefe 
 
 n*vere never times which did more require a king's attorney to be well armed, 
 and (as I said once to you) to wear a gauntlet, and not a glove. The 
 arraignments when they proceed; the contention between the Chaijcery 
 
 •'and King's Bench ; the great cause of the Rege inconsulto, which is ,$o 
 precious to the iKing's- pierogative ;i divers other services that concern the 
 King's revenue, and; the repair of his estate. iBesides,,it pleasfth his majesty 
 to accept well of my relations touching his businpss; whiffih may seeni.a 
 
clk^xvii i tipfc at iiAcbk. 
 
 ]fcltig;,'on the 3rd of Jtine, gdf ei hitti the optiOii either to be! 
 made privy councillor, Or the assurance 6f Succeeding the 
 Chancellor. Bacon, for reasons which he has thus ex- 
 pressed in a letter to Villiets,' preferred being-sworn |)Bivy 
 councillor: ''" airiinoq J .'V.Viq oibt-ndh ad *-i'!'-.(un9q 
 
 " Sir, the King giveth me a noble choice, and you ar^ 
 the man my heart ever told me you were. Ambition Wotild 
 dfaw me to the latter part of the choice; but in respect of 
 my hearty wishes that my Lord Chancellor may live loiig, 
 and the small hopes I have that I shall live long myself,' 
 and above all, because I"see his majesty's service daily 
 and instantly bleedeth ; towards which I persuade myself 
 (vainly perhaps, but yet iii mine own thoughts firitily arid 
 constantly) that I shall give, when I am of the table,' some 
 effectual furtherance (as a poor thread of the labyrinth, 
 which hath no other virtue but an united continuance with-^ 
 out interruption or distraction), I do accept of the former 
 to be councillor for the present, and to give over pleading 
 .TX-diatj^j the bar; let the other matter rest upon my proof and 
 his' majesty's pleasure, and the accidents of time. For to 
 speak plainly I would be loath that my Lord Chancellor, 
 to whoiix I owe most after the King and yourself, should 
 be locked to hifr su"fct!essor for any advancement or gracing' 
 of me. So I ever remain your true and inost'detbtfed'arid 
 obliged servant.— 3rd June, 1616.'"""' *« -J-^uaisaiq adJ bas 
 -noD o) iBKriJitini vim 'lo itwo' "jdr fino'{9d naad ^isd 
 
 He was accordingly sworn of the privy council, and took . 
 
 his seat at the board on the 9th of June;' it. having been 
 
 kind of interloping (as the merchants call it) for one that is no councillor. 
 But I leave all unto you, thinking myself infinitely bounden unto you for 
 your great favours; the beams whereof I see plainly reflect upon me even 
 from others : so that now I have no greater ambition thail this ; 1,hat as the 
 King sheweth himself to you the best master, so I might ^e fo\ind your 
 best servant. In which wish and vow I shall ever test, inbst devoted and 
 affectionate to obey your commands. " ' ' '^ 
 
PRiyy cauNci laqr. (jlis^iJaK 
 
 I^eviou^ly. , ?ig.Keed,;(«)i that though, in geagral heishoiilcl; 
 cpase to plead as an advocate, his^permission to give cpurjsel 
 in causes should continue, and that if any urgcsnt. and 
 weighty matter shoijld arise, that he might .wjth tl»e King'?, 
 permission be allowed to plead. Upon this unusual honour 
 he , was immediately congratulated hy the university of 
 
 Cambridge. (o) , „&^'\,tr unj em blot irfO Jijs /in nnni. ariJ 
 ^ Such were the occupations,, of this philosopher, who 
 during, the three years in which period he was Attorney, 
 G^^j;iej'^,cpnducted himself with such prudent moderation 
 iOi so many perplexed and difficult cases, and with such 
 ejY^Hii^s and integrity, that hjs conduct has never been 
 (j^e.stiGi;ii.^d, nor has malice dared to utter of him the least 
 ca,^mny,. (c) ^f\}-\Q > ff. , a^^rff ,-2 f',:rf« > \pM ('/fneJanoD 
 
 iHe now a,pproached his last act as Attorney General, 
 which was of the same nature as the first, his prosecution, 
 of Mr. Markham in the Star Chamber, for sending a chal- 
 lenge to Lord Darcy.(d) f,. .,,,.,■,., <^rf( ,„) lotl/onuoo &^oi 
 
 On the Sjd of March, 1616-17, Lord Brackley, (heft 1616-17, 
 Lord Chancellor, being worn out with age and infirmities,; ^*" ^^' 
 resigned the great seal, and escaped, for a short inteyyaV 
 from the troubles of the court of Chancery, over which he, 
 had presided for thirteen^ years, amidst the disputes be- 
 t]py;^n,|J}j§,,higl^^j,fij3unal and the courts of common law, 
 and the pressure of business which had so increased as to 
 have been beyond the power of any individual to con- 
 
 On the 7th of the same month, the sea!ls Were delivered. 
 
 by the King to Sir Francis Bacon, with four admonitions : 
 
 ' > tanooo ^i .tertj -mo 10* ; M (Ibo SilJ kb) ^icijohoJO' l<< ':,ivA 
 
 Til , ■ ' lau iia " I" y Mi ■ -: ■ J oJn/ U>' ■ ' i;'' 
 
 n:.^9 ^'n (f) ?ee letter of 5tl> July, 1616, vol. xii. p.„196.i„^,jg| ,,,.j,g „r, ^ 
 grii "B (i) See letter pfStli July, 1,616, vol. xii. p. 190, ,, ,^19^70 i.oi* 
 ,„o,j (p) JVIaUet!s Life oiy^xA Bapon, p. 19, in a, note, fjjyvei^,, ,„,>( 
 has, 'M, ^P]?^'?.P^P,«'?'iP^ ^29. £,n^ rtg^ „,,„,^ „) toBviae igM 
 (e) See note D D D at the en4,„ -, „ . .,„>,, .,^^ ,„ •.■-..Toif .11.-. 
 
CXC LII'K OF BACON. 
 
 Fifst, to contain the jurisdiction of the court within its 
 true and due limits, without swelling or excess.''' Second/y, 
 not to put the grieat seal to letters patent as a matter of 
 course to follow after precedent warrants. ^Thirdly, to 
 retrench all unnecessary delays, that the subject might 
 find that he did enjoy the same remedy agaiilst the fainting 
 of the soul and the consumption of the estate, which wks 
 speedy justice. "Bis dat, qui'cito 6.z.t.''"'^l Fourthly, that 
 justice might pass with as easy charge as might be; and 
 that those same brambles, that grow about justice, of need- 
 less charge ahd expense, and all manner of exactibnsy 
 might be rooted out so far as might be. {b) -^T" =^>'W t,ii iCtlJ 
 
 Thus was Francis Bacon, then in the fifty-seventh year 
 of his age, created Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of 
 England.* H: ' "'^''' 'fJ*- **" ''■"''* • ^ *'* '""^^' '"■'■ ''^,^'"' 
 
 Iti the joy of recent possession he insta,nllywPote to Bis 
 friend and patron, the Eairl of Buckingham, with a pen'' 
 
 overflowing with the expression of his gratitude. ■ '* ' 
 
 ,jil.:;v biur iy.n-j'Oxi • • "» lo i"iu.ir'. 
 
 My dearest Lord, — It is both in cares and kindness, 
 that small ones float up to the tongue, and great ones sink 
 down into the heart in silence. Therefore I could speak 
 little to your lordship to-day, neither had I fit time. But' 
 I liilist profess thus miich, that in this day's work you are 
 the truest and perfectest mirrbr and example of firm and ' 
 generous friendship that ever \Pas in court. " And I shall ' 
 count every day lost, wherein I shall not either study yoUi: 
 welldoing in thought, or do your name honour in speech, 
 or perform you service in deed. Good my Lord, account 
 and accept me your most bounden and devoted friend and 
 servant of all men living, ' . "^ Fr. Bacon, C. S. 
 
 March 7, 1616-17. , n ,^bod 91!' t. »!'(;•/ '5 
 '. : : *' »rf^>f hi ttJl '. 
 
 (t) See note E E E at the end. 
 
LORD KiEEPER,,; CXCl 
 
 Such is t^e nature of bumaQ delight'^ suqh the nature 
 of human foresight! ,<, ynifb.„g 't>odt'w j?JiraiI sub fane wH 
 
 As he must have, known,, what he has so beautifully,, 
 ta,ught, that a man of genius can seldom be permanently 
 influenced by ^worldly distinction : as he well knew that 
 his own happiness and, .Wi^^ity. consisted not in action but , 
 in contemplation, (a) as he had published his, opinion that. 
 " men in great place are thrice servants; servants of the, 
 soTfj^reigp or state, servants of fame, and servants of buaii, , 
 ness; so as they have no freedom, neither in their persons, 
 nor ,ip their actions, nor in their times," (6) it is probable ,; 
 that he was urged to this and to every other step on the jj 
 ro^d to aggrandizement, either by the importunities of his 
 fainily, pr by his favourite opinion, that "knowledge is , 
 never so dignified and exalted as when contemplation and j 
 action are nearly and strongly conjoined together: a con- 
 jupctjon like unto that of the two highest plap^ts, Sa<<i*i;a,i 
 the planet of i:est .^nd.cpntemplation, and Jupi^ej; il^h^o 
 planet of civil society and action." 
 
 It b^s been said by some of the ancient magicians, t^at 
 they could see clearly all which was to befal, others, but, > 
 that of their own future life they could discern nothing.,,, 
 It jnight be a curious speculation for any admirer of the,] 
 works 0(f thji^,gre?it, man, to collect the oracles he would £ 
 haive d^Uyered ,tQ w^rn any other philosopher of the pror. j 
 baf)le: d^i^i; and , certain infelicity of accepting such an 
 .oflSqe in suph times. jf,„ ^y.^^^ ^ niTwdv/ Jioi , i b ^ava Jxruoo 
 •7-^li nm^ — . I'^M ' .' uT' vi 'hii^iji-iiii hi ;■:■ ^i'M'4.J aw 
 
 Jin (") SeenoteFFFattheend.,jf, ,,, <,:,,,n98 WO^ fO' ■'i vr|'TO 
 
 ban r(^)"TbP>i M^'!'eoDme(0 worst imprisonment) ^[ff iqmiti bnB 
 The dungeon -c^ thyself. Thy soul ,,,i „,,,,, i|„ 'i.,^^,.^-.. 
 Imprisoned, now indeed 
 
 In real darkness of the body, dwells ~' ''"^f .t t;i;M. 
 Shut up from outward light." — Samson Agonistes. 
 
 Essay on Great Place, vol. i. p. 33. ,, , , , ,-,/,. 
 
CXCU I.1FE OF BACON. 
 
 To the hope of wealth he would have said, " it diverts 
 and interrupts the prosecution and advancement of know- 
 ledge, like unto the golden ball thrown before Atalanta, 
 which, while she goeth aside and stoopeth to take it up, 
 the race is hindered. 
 
 " Declinat cursus aurumq. volubile tollit." (a) 
 
 To the importunities of friends he would have ansvyered 
 by his favourite maxim, " You do not duly estimate the 
 value of pleasures ; for if you observe well, you shall find 
 the logical part of some men's minds good, but the mathe- 
 matical part nothing worth: that is, they can judge well 
 of the mode of attaining the end, but ill of the value of the 
 end itself." (6) 
 
 He would have warned ambition that " the seeled dove 
 mounts and mounts because he is unable to look about 
 him."(c) 
 
 To the supposition " that worldly, power is the means to 
 do good," he would have said, " A man who spends his 
 life in an impartial search after truth, is a better friend to 
 mankind than any statesman or hero, whose merits are 
 commonly confined within the circle of an age or a nation, 
 and are not unlike seasonable and favouring showers, 
 which, though they be profitable and desirable, yet serve 
 for that season only wherein they fall, and for a latitude of 
 ground which they water; but the benefices of the phi- 
 losopher, like the influences of the sun and the heavenly 
 bodies, are for time permanent, for place universal : those 
 again are commonly mixed with strife and perturbation; 
 
 (a) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 52. 
 
 (b) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 286. 
 
 (c) Essay on Ambition, vol. i. p. 127. 
 
EORD KEEPER. CXClll 
 
 but these have the true character of divine presence, and 
 come in aura leni without noise or agitation." (rf) 
 
 (d) " Zeno and Chrysippus did greater things in their studies, than if 
 they had led armies, borne offices, or given laws ; which in truth they did, 
 not to one city alone, but to all mankind. Their quiet contributed more to 
 the common benefit than the sweat and labour of other people. That 
 retreat is not worth the while, which does not afford a man greater and 
 nobler works than business. There is no slavish attendance upon great 
 officers ; no canvassing for places ; no making of parties ; no disappoifat- 
 ments in my pretension to this charge, to that regiment, or to such or such 
 a title; no buoy of any man's favour or fortune, but a calm enjoyment of 
 the general bounties of providence, in company with a good conscience. 
 A wise man is never so busy, as in the solitary contemplation of God and 
 the works of nature. He withdraws himself to attend the service of future 
 ages:" Seneca. 
 
 " There were reckoned above human honours, honours heroical and 
 divine ; in the distribution whereof antiquity observed this order. Founders 
 of states, lawgivers, extirpers of tyrants, fathers of their country, and other 
 eminent persons in civil merit, were honoured with the title of Worthies 
 only, or Demi-Gods ; such as were Theseus, Minos, Romulus, and: the 
 like : on the other side, such as were inventors and authors of new arts, and 
 such as endowed man's life with new commodities and accessions, were 
 ever consecrated among the gi'eater and entire gods, which happened to 
 Ceres, Bacchus, Mercury, Apollo, and others, which indeed was done 
 justly, and upon sound judgment. The introduction of noble inventions 
 seems to hold by far the most excellent place among all human actions. 
 And this was the judgment of antiquity, which attributed divine honours 
 to inventors, but conferred only heroical honours upon those who deserved 
 well in civil affairs, such as the founders of empires, legislatore, and deli- 
 verers of their country. And whoever rightly considers it will find this a 
 judicious custom in former ages, since the benefits of inventors may extend 
 to all mankind, but civil benefits only to particular countries or seats of 
 men; and these civil benefits seldom descend to more than a few ages, 
 whereas inventions are perpetuated through the course of time. Besides, a 
 state is seldom amended, in its civil affairs, without force and perturbation, 
 whilst inventions spread their advantage, without doing injury, or causing 
 disturbance." Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 62. 
 
 In his New Atlantis he says, " We have two very long and fair galle- 
 ries : in one of these we place patterns and sa(nples of all manner of the 
 more rare and excellent inventions; in the other we place the statues of all 
 principal inventors. There we have the statue of your Columbus, that 
 VOL. XV. 
 
CXCIV LIFE OF BACON- 
 
 The flattering illusion of good to result from the union 
 of contemplation and action would have been dissipated by 
 the admonition, that the life and faculties of man are so 
 
 discovered the West Indies; also the inventor of ships; your monk, that 
 was the inventor of ordnance and of gunpovpder ; the inventor of music ; 
 the inventor of letters ; the inventor of printing ; the inventor of observa- 
 tions of astronomy ; the inventor of works in metal ; the inventor of glass ; 
 the inventor of silk of the worm ; the inventor of wine ; the inventor of corn 
 and bread ; the inventor of sugars ; and all these by more certain tradition 
 than you have. Then have we divers inventors of our own, of excellent 
 works, which since you have not seen, it were too long to make descrip- 
 tions of them ; and besides„in the right understanding of those descriptions 
 you might easily err. For, upon every invention of value, we erect a 
 statue to the inventor, and give him a liberal and honourable reward. 
 These statues are some of brass; some of marble and touchstone; some of 
 cedar and other special woods gilt and adorned ; some of iron ; some of 
 silver; some of gold." 
 
 " For ray part, I should think of a man who spent his time in such a 
 painful impartial search after truth a better friend to mankind than the 
 greatest statesman or hero, the advantage of whose labours is coniined to a 
 little part of the world and a short space of time, whereas a ray of truth 
 may enlighten the whole world, and extend to future ages." 
 
 Minute Philosopher. 
 
 " But to speak my mind freely on the subject of consequences, I am 
 not so scrupulous perhaps, in my regard to them, as many of my profession 
 are apt to be : my nature is frank and open, and warmly disposed, not 
 only to seek, but to speak what I take to be true, which disposition has 
 been greatly confirmed by the situation into which Providence has thrown 
 me. For I was never trained to pace in the trammels of the church, nor 
 tempted by the sweets of its preferment to sacrifice the philosophic freedom 
 of a studious to the servile restraints of an ambitious life : and from this 
 very circumstance, as often as I reflect upon it, I feel that comfort in my 
 ovm breast which no external honours can bestow. I persuade myself 
 that the life and faculties of man, at the best but short and limited, cannot 
 be employed more rationally or laudably than in the search of knowledge; 
 and especially of that sort which relates to our duty and conduces to our 
 happiness. In these inquiries, therefore, wherever I perceive any glim- 
 mering of truth before me, I readily pursue, and endeavour to trace it to 
 its source ; without any reserve or caution of pushing the discovery too far, 
 or opening too great a glare of it to the public. I look upon the discovery 
 of any thing which is true as a valuable acquisition to society ; which can- 
 
LORD KEEPER. CXCV 
 
 short and limited that this union has always failed, and 
 must be injurious both to the politician and to the philoso- 
 pher, (a) To the politician, as, from variety of speculation, 
 he would neither be prompt in action nor consistent in 
 general conduct ; (6) and as, , from meditating upon the 
 universal frame of nature, he would have little disposition 
 to confine his views to the circle where his usefulness 
 might be most beneficial. To the philosopher, as powers 
 intended to enlarge the province of knowledge, and en- 
 lighten distant ages, would be wasted upon subjects of 
 mere temporary interest, debates in courts of justice, and 
 
 not possibly hurt or obstruct the good effect of any other truth whatsoever; 
 for they all partake of one common essence, and necessarily coincide with 
 each other : and like the drops of rain, which fall separately into the river, 
 mix themselves at once with the stream, and strengthen the general current." 
 
 Middleton. 
 
 (a) " Sed quid ego haec," says Cicero, " quae cupio deponere, et toto 
 animo, atq: omni cur& ^CKoaoftiv. Sic, inquam, in animo est: vellem 
 ab initio." 
 
 " Indeed, my lord, I greatly deceive myself, if in this hard season, I 
 would give a peck of refuse wheat for all that is called feme and honour in 
 the world." Such is the lamentation of Burke. 
 
 " If this," says Lord Bacon, " be to be a Chancellor, I think if the great 
 seal lay upon Hounslow Heath, nobody would take it up." 
 
 " In the traditions of astrology, the natures and dispositions of men 
 are not without some colour of truth, distinguished from the predomi- 
 nancies of planets ; as that some are by nature made and proportioned for 
 contemplation, others for matters civil, others for war, others for advance- 
 ment, others for pleasure, others for arts, others for changeable course of 
 life, but none the union of the opposite qualities of extreme contemplation 
 and extreme action." De Aug. 
 
 (6) " Men of genius are rarely either prom;f)t in action, or consistent 
 in general conduct. Their early habits -have been those of contemplative 
 indolence, and the day dreams with which they have b^en accustomed 
 to amuse their solitude adapt them for splendid speculation and temperate 
 and practicable counsels." — Coleridge. See similar observations in Aiken's 
 Miscellaneous Pieces in Prose, in the Essay against inconsistency in our 
 expectations. 
 
CXCVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 the mechanism of state business. That Bacon should have 
 been doomed to such occupations, that he, who stood the 
 lofty beacon of science, evermore guiding the exploring 
 scholar in voyages of discovery to improve and bless man- 
 kind, should voluntarily have descended to the shifting 
 quicksands of politics, is a theme for wonder and pity. 
 He could have pointed out to another the shoals, the 
 sunken rocks, and the treacherous nature of the current ; 
 but he adventured, — and little minds can now point out 
 where he was lost, and where the waters went over his 
 soul." 
 
 Much as it is to be lamented that he should have 
 accepted this office, the loss to science seems, in some 
 sort, to have been compensated by his entire devotion to 
 his professional and political duties: duties for which he 
 possessed unrivalled powers. 
 
 It has been truly said by the biographer of Bacon's 
 successor, that " the Chancellorship of England is not a 
 chariot for every scholar to get up and ride in. Saving 
 this one, perhaps it would take a long day to find another. 
 Our laws are the wisdom of many ages, consisting of a 
 world of customs, maxims, intricate decisions, which are 
 responsa prudentum. Tully could never have boasted, if 
 he had lived amongst us. Si mihi vehementer occupato sto- 
 machum moverint, triduo me juriscorisultum projitehor. (a) 
 He is altogether deceived, that thinks he is fit for the exer- 
 cise of our judicature, because he ,is a great rabbi in some 
 academical authors; for this hath little or no copulation 
 with our encyclopedia of arts and sciences. Quintillian 
 might judge right upon the branches of oratory and philo- 
 • sophy, Omnes disciplinas inter se conjunctionem rerum, et 
 
 (a) " If the advocates of Rome angered him, though he were full of 
 business, he would pass for a lawyer in three days." — Orat. pro Mar. 
 
LORD KEEPKll. CXCVll 
 
 commurdonem habere, (a) But our law is a plant that grew 
 alone, and is not entwined into the hedge of other profes- 
 sions; yet the small insight that some have into deep 
 matters, cause them to think that it is no insuperable task 
 for an unexpert man, to be the chief arbiter in a court of 
 equity. Bring reason and conscience with you, the good 
 stock of nature, and the thing is done. Mquitas optimo 
 cuique notissima est, is a trivial saying, a very good man 
 cannot be ignorant of equity; and who knows not that 
 extreme right is extreme injury ? But they that look no 
 further than so, are short-sighted : for there is no strain of 
 wisdom more sublime, than upon all complaints to measure 
 the just distance between law and equity; because in this 
 high place, it is not equity at lust and pleasure that is 
 moved for, but equity according to decrees and precedents 
 foregoing, as the dew-beaters have trod the way for those 
 that come after them." (6) 
 
 Of Bacon's fitness for this office, some estimate may be 
 formed by a consideration of the four principal qualifica- 
 tions of a Chancellor, as 
 
 A Lawyer. 
 
 A Judge. 
 
 A Statesman. 
 
 And the Patron of Preferment. 
 
 As a Lawyer he had for a series of years been engaged 
 in professional life. He had been Solicitor and Attorney 
 General ; had published upon different parts of the law ; 
 had deeply meditated upon the principles of equity, and 
 had availed himself of every opportunity to assist in 
 
 (a) " Let all partition of knowledge be accepted rather for lines and 
 veines, than for sections and separations." — Adv. of Learning, vol. ii. 
 p. 153, where there ai'e similar and valuable observations. 
 
 (i) Hackett's Life of Williams. 
 
CXCVlll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 improvement of the law, in obedience to his farourite 
 maxim, " that every man is a debtor to his profession, 
 from the which, as men do of course seek countenance and 
 profit, so ought they of duty to endeavour themselves by 
 way of amends to be a help and ornament." (a) 
 
 As a Judge, he, from his infancy, had seen the different 
 modes in which judicial duties were discharged, had medi- 
 tated deeply and published his opinions upon the perfection 
 of these duties " to the suitors, to the advocates, to the 
 officers of justice underneath them, and to the sovereign 
 or state above them:" (6) and, in his addresses to the 
 judges upon their appointment or promotion, he availed 
 himself of every opportunity to explain them. 
 
 As a Statesman, we have seen that he was cradled in 
 politics ; (c) that his works abound with notices of his poli- 
 tical exertions ; that his advice to Sir George Villiers is 
 an essay upon all the various duties of a statesman, with 
 respect to religion, justice, the council table, foreign nego- 
 ciations, peace and war, trade, the colonies and' the 
 court ;(c?) and of his parliamentary eloquence his Triend 
 Ben Jonson says, (e) " There happened in my time one 
 
 (o) See ante, pp. cxxxviii and clxvi, and notes C C and 3 G. 
 
 (i) See his Essays on Delay, on Dispatch, and on Judicature. See his 
 addresses to the Judges, vol. vii. p. 241 to 270. See postea, and see his 
 advice to Villiers, vol. vi. p. 41, " But because the life of the lavps lies 
 in the due execution and administration of them, let your eye be, in the 
 first place, upon the choice of good judges : these properties they had need 
 to be furnished with ; to be learned in their profession, patient in hearing, 
 prudent in governing, powerful in their elocution to persuade and satisfy 
 both the parties and hearers; just in their judgment; and, to sum up all, 
 they must have these three attributes ; they must be men of courage, fearing 
 God, and hating covetousness ; an ignorant man cannot, a coward dares 
 not be a good judge." 
 
 (c) Ante, p. 111. 
 
 (d) See vol. vi. p. 400, ante, p. clxxxi. 
 
 (fi) Ante, p. xxviii. I venture here to repeat the passage. 
 
LORD KEEPER. CXCIX 
 
 noble speaker who was full of gravity in his speaking; 
 his language, where he could spare or pass by a jest, 
 was nobly censorious. No man ever spake more neatly, 
 more pressly, more weightily, or suffered less emptiness, 
 less idleness in what he uttered. No member of his 
 speech but consisted of his own graces. His hearers could 
 not cough or look aside from him without loss. He com- 
 manded where he spoke, and had his judges angry and 
 pleased at his devotion. No man had their affections more 
 in his power. The fear of every man that heard him was 
 lest he should make an end." 
 
 As a Patron, he considered preferment a sacred trust, to 
 preserve and promote high feeling, encourage merit, and 
 counteract the tendency of learning to dispose men to 
 leisure and privateness. (a) 
 
 In his advice to Villiers, as to the patrimony of the 
 church, he says, " You will be often solicited, and perhaps 
 importuned to prefer scholars to church livings : you may 
 further your friends in that way, ' cseteris paribus ;' other- 
 wise remember, I pray, that these are not places merely of 
 favour ; the charge of souls lies upon them, the greatest 
 account whereof will be required at their own hands ; but 
 they will share deeply in their faults who are the instru- 
 ments of their preferment." (6) 
 
 A few weeks after he was appointed Lord Keeper, he 
 thus writes to a clergyman of Trinity College, Cambridge : 
 " After my hearty commendations, I having heard of you, 
 
 (a) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 19. 
 
 (b) See vol. vi. p. 410. Sir E.Coke said, "As for the many benefices in 
 his ovra patronage, he freely gave them to the vforthy men, being wont to 
 say, in his law language, that he would have church livings pass by livery 
 and seisin, not bargain and sale." Chancellor Wrottesley said, " Two things 
 my servants shall not gain by, tny livings and my decrees : the one are 
 God's, the other the Kirfg's." 
 
CC LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 as a man well deserving, and of able gifts to become profit- 
 able in the church ; and there being fallen within my gift 
 the rectory of Frome St. Quintin with the chapel of Ever- 
 shot, in Dorsetshire, which seems to be a thing of good 
 value, eighteen pounds in the king's books, and in a, good 
 country, I have thought good to make offer of it to you ; 
 the rather for that you are of Trinity college, whereof my- 
 self was some time ; and my purpose is to make choice of 
 men rather by care and inquiry, than by their own suits 
 and commendatory letters. So I bid you farewell. 
 
 From your loving friend, Fe. Bacon, C. S." 
 From Dorset House, 23rd April, 1617. 
 
 Upon sending to Buckingham his patent for creating 
 him a viscount, he says, " I recommend unto you prin- 
 cipally, that which I think was never done since I was 
 born, and which, because it is not done, hath bred almost 
 a wilderness and solitude in the King's service ; which is 
 that you countenance and encourage, and advance able 
 men, in all kinds, degrees, and professions. For in the 
 time of the Cecils, the father and the son, able men were 
 by design and of purpose suppressed ; and though of late 
 choice goeth better, both in church and commonwealth, 
 yet money and time-serving, and cunning canvasses and 
 importunity prevaileth too much. And in places of mo- 
 ment, rather make able and honest men yours, than advance 
 those that are otherwise, because they are yours." 
 
 And in his appointment of judges, it will be seen that he 
 was influenced only by an anxiety to select the greatest 
 ability and integrity, " science and conscience," (a) for these 
 important trusts. 
 
 In the exercise of this virtue there was not any merit 
 peculiar to Bacon. It was the common sympathy for 
 
 («) Fuller. 
 
LORD KEEPER. CCl 
 
 intellect, which, from consciousness of the imbecility and 
 wretchedness attendant upon ignorance, uses power to 
 promote merit and relieve wrongs. It passes by the par- 
 ticular infirmities of those who contribute any thing to 
 the advancement of general learning: judging it fitter that 
 men of abilities should jointly engage against ignorance 
 and barbarism. This had many years before his promo- 
 tion been stated by Bacon : " Neither can this point 
 otherwise be; for learning endueth men's minds with a 
 true sense of the frailty of their persons, the casualty of 
 their fortunes, and the dignity of their soul and vocation : 
 so that it is impossible for them to esteem that any great- 
 ness of their own fortune can be a true or worthy end of 
 their being and ordainment ; whereas the corrupter sort of 
 mere politicians, that have not their thoughts established 
 by learning in the love and apprehension of duty, nor ever 
 look abroad into universality, do refer all things to them- 
 selves, and thrust themselves into the centre of the world, 
 as if all lines should meet in them and their fortunes ; 
 never caring, in all tempests, what becomes of the ship of 
 state, so they may save themselves in the cockboat of their 
 own fortune." (b) 
 
 (V) " Napoleon happened to see a captain or lieutenant-colonel of 
 engineers, who was mcidestly assisting in the fortifications of the place, 
 and with whom he entered into a discussion of certain points connected 
 with the business in which he was engaged. Shortly after, the ofBcer 
 unexpectedly received a letter, informing him that he was appointed aid- 
 de-camp to the Emperor, and directing him to repair to the Tuileries, 
 to enter upon his duties. The poor pfficer was filled with astonishment; 
 he thought he was dreaming, or that the letter had been misdirected. 
 He was so extremely diffident, and possessed so little knowledge of the 
 world, that this announcement of his promotion threw him into great 
 perplexity. He recollected having once seen me at Antwerp, and he 
 begged I would render him my assistance. Accordingly, on his arrival 
 in Paris, he came and assured me of his total ignorance of court, manners, 
 and the embarrassment he felt in presenting himself to the Emperor. 
 
ceil LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 This truth, necessarily attendant upon all Tsnowledg«, is 
 not excluded from judicial knowledge. It has influenced 
 all intelligent judges : Sir Thomas. More; the Chancellor 
 de I'Hopital ; Lord Somers, to whom he has been compared ; 
 d'Aguesseau ; Sir Edward Coke, and Sir Matthew Hale. 
 Bacon's favourite maxim therefore was, " Detur digniori: 
 qui beneficium digno dat omnes obligat;" and in his 
 prayer, (a) worthy of a Chancellor, he daily said, " This 
 vine which my right hand hath planted in this nation I 
 have ever prayed unto thee that it might stretch her 
 branches to the seas and to the floods." 
 
 Whatever were Sir Francis's gratifications, attendant 
 upon the dignity of this promotion, in direct pecuniary 
 profit he sustained great loss : as he relinquished his ofiice 
 of Attorney General, worth at least £6000. a year, his 
 Chancellorship to the Prince, and his post of Registrar of 
 the Star Chamber, worth about £1600. a year, (6) whilst 
 the direct profits of the great seal were only £918. 15s. (c) 
 Of the amount of the indirect profits from fees and pre- 
 sents it is, of course, impossible to form a correct estimate. 
 It must, however, have been considerable, as, according to 
 
 However, I soon succeeded in encouraging him ; and before he reached 
 the gate of the palace, he had mustered a tolerable degree of confidence. 
 This ' officer was General Bernard, whose gi'eat talents were brought into 
 notice by this circumstance, and who, at the time of our disasters, pro- 
 ceeded to America, where he was placed at the head of the military 
 works of the United States." — Las Cases, iv. 62. 
 
 " A man who by a partial, prejudiced, or corrupt vote, disappoints a 
 worthy candidate of a station in life, upon which his hopes, possibly, or 
 livelihood, depended, and who thereby grievously discourages merit and 
 emulation in others, commits, I am persuaded, a much greater crime, than 
 if he filched a book out of a library, or picked a pocket of a handkerchief." 
 
 Paley. 
 
 (a) Vol. vii. p. 1. 
 
 (b) Biog. Brit. p. 392. 
 
 (c) See note E E E at the end. 
 
LOED KEEPEK* CClll 
 
 the oriental customs of the times, statesmen were then 
 seldom approached by a suitor without some acceptable 
 offering. 
 
 The new year's gifts, regularly presented to the King, 
 were of immense value, and were given by the great officers 
 of state, peers and peeresses, the bishops, knights, and 
 their ladies, gentlemen and gentlewomen, and even from 
 the tradesmen, and all the officers of the household. These 
 presents were chiefly in money, but sometimes varied by 
 the taste of the donors. As a matter of curiosity, it may 
 be noticed, that Sir Francis Bacon gave to the Queen " one 
 pettycoat of white sattin, embrodered all over like feathers 
 and billets, with three broad borders, fair embrodered with 
 snakes and fruitage, ' emblems of wisdom and bounty ;' 
 exhibiting, even at that day, a fancy delighting in splen- 
 dour and allegory ;" (a) and so general was the practice, 
 that when Bacon applied to the Queen to be appointed 
 Solicitor General, his application was accompanied by the 
 present of a jewel, (b) 
 
 This custom of making presents to persons in power 
 was not confined to the reigning monarch, but extended 
 to statesmen. They were made, as of course, to Lord 
 Salisbury, to Lord Burleigh, and to all persons in office, 
 and made by the most virtuous members of the com- 
 munity, (c) The same custom extended to the Chan- 
 
 (a) See note Z Z Z Z at the end. 
 
 (i) See ante, p. xxxii, and note R R at the end. 
 
 (c) In April, 1595, the Bishop of Durham thus wrote to Lord Burleigh : 
 " Right Honourable, Your L. having alwaies been an especial patron to 
 the see of Duresme, wherein it hath now pleased God and her majesty to 
 place me, thoughe unworthie ; and myself reaping the fruite of your L. 
 and extraordinarie furtherance in obtayning the same, I could not without 
 great note of ingratitude (the monster of nature) but yelde your L. some 
 signification of a thankfiil minde. And seeking by all good means, but 
 contrary to myne expectation, not finding any office or other particular 
 
Cciv LIFE OF BACON, 
 
 oellor, (a) and to the Judges. In the time of Henry the 
 Sixth the practice existed, (a) In the time of Sir Thomas 
 
 presentlie voyde, either fiu for me to offer your lordship, or sure for your 
 L. to receive at my hande, I have presumed in lieu thereof to present your 
 good lordship with an hundred pounds in golde, which this bringer will 
 deliver to your L. It is no recompense any waie proportionable, I con- 
 fesse, to your lordship's great goodnesse towards me, but onely a sclender 
 token of my dutie most bounden to your L. and a pledge of my service 
 alwaies to be at your L. commandment afore and above any man alive, 
 which I beseech your lordship to accept in such part as is simply and 
 feilhfully meant. And so desyring the continuance and encrease of your 
 L. honorable opinion and favour, of the which I shall endeavour, by God's 
 grace, your L. shall never repent yourselfe. I most humblie betake your 
 good L. to the blessed tuition of the Almighty. Your Lordship's most 
 humble and bounden, Tobias Dunelm." 
 
 A mode of address, which about the same period, was adopted by the 
 Duke of Wirtemberg: " Monsieur, Je ne double que vous ne soyez 
 aduertij de ce que j'ay par cij deuant, comme mesmes auec ceste com- 
 modite, escrit et demande humblement a La Serenissime Royne d'Angle- 
 terre et de me laisser passer environ 1000 pieces de trap hors le renomm^ 
 royaulme d'Icelle, librement et sans aulcun peage, et pource que je scay, 
 que vous pourrez beaucoup en cest affaire. Je vous prye bien fort, vous ij 
 employer. Affin que je puisse auoir vne bonne et brefue respounce, telle 
 comme je le desire et demande, dont mon commis le present ponteur a 
 charge, vous je present de ma part vne chaine d'or pov. vos peines. La- 
 qaelle accepterez: s'il vous plaist de bon cueur. En tous lieux la on 
 j'auray moyen de recognoislre cela en vre endroict j'en suis content de vous 
 grattiffier a vre contentement, de telle volunte, comme apres mes affec- 
 tionnees recommendatione. Prye Dieu vous avoir, Monsieur, en sa sainte 
 digne garde. De Stuctgart ce 12me de Decembre, 1594. Vre bien 
 affectionn^, Frideeich." 
 
 See note Z Z at the end, where various instances will be found. 
 
 (a) Receiving presents was a practice neither uncommon among his 
 predecessors in that court, nor, I believe, imputed to them for unrighteous- 
 ness. This will appear plainly by the curious anecdote that follows; 
 which I myself copied from the original manuscript, in the possession of 
 Henry Wise, Esq. of Hampton Court. 
 
 " Declarant etiam executores predicti quod ipsi ad speciale rogatum 
 proedicti domini Henrici fill docti Domini nuper comitis, quod erat eis ad 
 preceptum, dederunt Domino Cancellario Anglise, 1 shaving bacyn argenti, 
 quse erat predicti domini patris sui, viz. Ad excitandum dictum Dominum 
 
PRESENTS TO JUDGES. CCV 
 
 More, when the custom seems to have been waning, pre- 
 sents were, without any offence, offered to that righteous 
 man ; (b) and it is mentioned by the biographer of Sir 
 
 Cancellariutn fore benevolum et benefacientem materiis dicti Domini Hen- 
 rici in curiis Domini regis pendentibus pretium viii£. 
 
 " Declarant etiam executores predicti quod ipsi (Jederant Domini Archi. 
 Cantuarise Cancellario Angliae, J. saultauri ad similitudinem Cervi jacentis 
 facti, quod erat dicti domini nuper comitis, appretiatum ad £40. 16s. Bd. 
 ad intentionem ut ipse Dom. Archi. et Cane, suum bouum Dominum et 
 auxilium dictis executoribus favorabiliter pstenderet et faceret in certis ma- 
 teriis que versus eosdem executores ad grave prejudicium et impedimentum 
 debite executionis testamenti et ultime voluntatis dicti Domini nuper 
 comitis subtiliter movebantur; ad valentiam sicut predicitur." 
 
 This paper is called, Declaracio Thomse Huggeford, Nicoli Rody et 
 Willi. Berkswel presbyter. These were executors and feoffees of Richard 
 Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, and this declaration was made in the 21st 
 year of Henry the Sixth, to account for certain plate, jewels, and so forth, 
 which had come into their hands as his executors. — Copied by me from 
 some work, which I cannot, at present, find. B. M. 
 
 (b) His integrity in his office was sufficiently proved by the reduced state 
 of his circumstances when he resigned the seals ; but there are two or three 
 anecdotes which will serve to illustrate, this part of his character. 
 
 After his fell, the Earl of Wiltshire, the father of Anne Boleyne, preferred 
 a complaint s^ainst him to the council, for having taken a bribe fi:om one 
 Vaughan. Sir Thomas confessed that he had received the cup from the 
 hands of Vaughan's wife, but immediately ordering the butler to. fill it with 
 wine, he drank to her, and when she had pledged him, says he, " as freely 
 as your husband hath given this cup to me, even so fireely give I the same 
 to you again, to give your husband for his new year's gift." 
 
 At another time one Gresliam having a cause depending in Chancery, 
 sent Sir Thomas a fair gilt cup, the fashion of which pleased him so well, 
 that he caused one of his own, of more value to be delivered to the mes- 
 senger for his master, nor would he receive it on any other condition. 
 
 Being presented by a lady vrith a pair of gloves, and forty pounds in 
 angels in them, he said to her, " Mistress, since it were against good man- 
 ners to refiise your new year's gift, I am content to take your gloves, but as 
 for the lining, I utterly refiise it." , 
 
 The following anecdote of More is given by Lord Bacon in his Essays : 
 A person who had a suit in Chancery sent him two silver flagons, not 
 doubting of the agreeableness of the present. On receiving them. More 
 called one of his servants, and told him to fill those two vessels with the 
 
CCVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Augustine NichoUs, one of the judges in the time of 
 James the First, as an instance of his virtue, that " he 
 had exemplary integrity, even to the rejection of gratuities 
 after judgment given, and a charge to his followers that 
 they came to their places clear handed, and that they 
 should not meddle with any motions to him, that he might 
 be secured from all appearance of corruption." (a) 
 
 This custom, which, more or less, seems to have pre- 
 vailed at all times in nations approaching civilization> was 
 about the year 1560 partially abolished in France by the 
 exertions of I'Hopital, which abolition is thus stated by 
 Mr. Butler, in his life of the Chancellor : 
 
 " Another reformation in the administration of justice, 
 which I'Hopital wished to effect, was the abolition of the 
 epices, or presents made, on some occasions, by the parties 
 in a cause, to the judges by whom it was tried. 
 
 " A passage in Homer, (b) where he describes a com- 
 partment in the shield of Achilles, in which two talents of 
 gold were placed between two judges, as the reward of 
 the best speaker, is generally cited to prove, that even in 
 the earliest times, the judges were paid for their adminis- 
 tration of justice, (c) 
 
 " Plutarch mentions, that under the administration of 
 Pericles, the Athenian magistrates were first authorized to 
 require a remuneration from the suitors of their courts; 
 
 best wine in his cellar ; and turning round to the servant who had pre- 
 sented them, " Tell your master,'' replied the inflexible magistrate, " that 
 
 he approves my wine, I beg he would not spare it." 
 
 (a) Lloyd. 
 
 (t) See the passage in note Z Z at the end. 
 
 (c) Mr. Butler adds: " But an attentive reader will probably agree 
 with Mr. Mitford in his construction of the passage, that the two talents 
 were not the reward of the judge who should give the best opinion, but the 
 subject of the dispute, and were to be adjudged to him who established his 
 title to them by the best arguments.'' 
 
LORD KEEPER. CCVU 
 
 In ancient Rome, the magistrates were wholly paid by the 
 public ; but Justinian allowed some magistrates of an in- 
 ferior description to receive presents, which he limited tq 
 a certain amount, from the suitors before them. , 
 
 " Montesquieu (6) observes, that ' in the early ages of 
 the feudal law, when legal proceedings were short and 
 simple, the lord defrayed the whole expense of the admi- 
 nistration of justice in his court. In proportion as society 
 became reftped, a more complex administration of justice 
 became necessary,- and it was considered that not only 
 the party who was cast, should, on account of his having 
 instituted a bad cause, but that the successful party 
 should, on account of the benefit which he had derived 
 from the proceedings of the court, contribute, in some 
 degree, to the expenses attending them; and that the 
 public, on account of the general benefit which it derived 
 from the administration of justice, should make up the 
 deficiency,' 
 
 " To secure to the judges the proportion which the 
 suitors were to contribute towards the expense of justice, 
 it was provided, by an ordonnance of St. Louis, that at 
 the commencement of a suit, each party should deposit 
 in court the amount of one tenth part of the property 
 in dispute : that ihe tenth deposited by the unsuccessful 
 party should be paid over to the judges on their pass- 
 ing sentence; and that the tenth of the successful party 
 should then be returned to him. This was varied by 
 subsequent ordonnances. Insensibly it became a custom 
 for the successful party to wait on the. judges, after sen- 
 tence was passed, and, as an acknowledgment of their 
 attention to the cause, to present them with a box of 
 sweetmeats, which was then called epices, or spices. By 
 
 (b) Esprit des Loix, L.xxviii. ch. 35. 
 
CCVIII LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 degrees, this custom became a legal perquisite of the 
 judges ; and it was converted into a present of money, and 
 required by the judges before the cause came to hearing: 
 Non deliberetur donee solventur species, say some of the 
 ancient registers of the parliaments of France. That prac- 
 tice was afterwards abolished; the amount of the Apices 
 was regulated; and, in many cases, the taking of them 
 was absolutely forbidden. Speaking generally, they were 
 not payable till final j udgment ; and if the matter were 
 not heard in court, but referred to a judge for him to hear, 
 and report to the court upon it, he was entitled to a pro- 
 portion only of the Apices, and the other judges were 
 entitled to no part of them. Those among the magistrates 
 who were most punctual and diligent in their attendance 
 in court, and the discharge of their duty, had most causes 
 referred to them, and were therefore richest in 6pices ; but 
 the superior amount of them, however it might prove their 
 superior exertions, added little to their fortune, as it did 
 not often exceed JG50. and never £100. a year. The judges 
 had some other perquisites, and also some remuneration 
 from government; but the whole of the perquisites and 
 remuneration of any judge, except those of the presidents, 
 amounted to little more than the epices. The presidents 
 of the parliament had a higher remuneration ; but the 
 price which they paid for their offices was proportionably 
 higher, and the whole amount received by any judge for 
 his epices, perquisites, and other remunerations, fell short 
 of the interest of the money which he paid for the charge ; 
 so that it is generally true, that the French judges admi- 
 nistered justice not only without salary, but even with 
 some pecuniary loss. Their real remuneration was the 
 rank and consideration which their office gave them in 
 society, and the respect and regard of their fellow citizens. 
 How well does this illustrate Montesquieu's aphorism, 
 
PRESENTS TO BACON. CCIX 
 
 that the principle of the French monarchy was honour ! 
 It may be truly said, that the world has not produced a 
 more learned, enlightened, or honourable order in society, 
 than the French magistracy. 
 
 " Englishmen are much scandalized, when they are in- 
 formed that the French judges were personally solicited 
 by the suitors in court, their families and protectors, and 
 by any other person whom the suitors thought likely to 
 influence the decision of the cause in their favour. But it 
 all amounted to nothing: — to all these solicitations the 
 judges listened with equed external reverence and internal 
 indifierence ; and they availed themselves of the first mo- 
 ment when it could be done with decency, to bow the 
 parties respectfully out of the room: it was a corvee on 
 their time which they most bitterly lamented." 
 
 Bacon had scarcely been an hour appointed Lord Keeper 
 when these presents of gold and of furniture, and of other 
 costly articles, were showered upon him by various per- 
 sons, and amongst others, by the suitors of the court, (a) 
 
 Immediately after his appointment as Lord Keeper, he 
 waited upon the late Lord Chancellor, to acquit himself of 
 the debt of personal gratitude (6) which he owed to that 
 
 (a) This appears from the answers to the charges which, at the time 
 when " greatness was the mark, and accusation the game," were made 
 against Bacon. 
 
 The second article of the charge was : " In the same cause he received 
 from Edward Egerton 4001." To which he answers : " I confess and 
 declare, that soon after my first coming to ^e seal, being a time when I 
 was presented by many, the 400/. mentioned in the said charge was deli- 
 vered unto me in a purse, and, as I now call to mind, from Mr. Edward 
 Egerton, but as far as I can recollect, it was expressed by them that brought 
 it to be for iavours past, and not in respect of favours to come." 
 
 (6) Baconiana, p. 248. — In 14 Jac. he was constituted Lord- Keeper of 
 the Great Seal (7 Martii), being then fifty-four years of age. It is said in 
 a libel (in which are many other notorious slanders), " that the Duke of 
 
 VOL. XV. p 
 
CCX WFE OF BACO>f. 
 
 worthy person, and to acquaint him with his master's 
 gracious intentions, to confer upon him the title of an earl, 
 with a pension for life ; an honour which, as he died on the 
 
 Buckingham, to vex the very soul of the Lord Chancellor Egerton, in his 
 last agony, did send Sir Francis Bacon to him for the seals; and likewise 
 that the dying Chancellor did hate that Bacon should be his successor, and 
 that his spirit not brooking this usage, he sent the seals by his servant to 
 the King, and shortly after yielded his soul to his Maker." In which few 
 words there are two palpable untruths. For first, the King himself sent 
 for the seal, not the Duke of Buckingham ; and he sent for it, not by Sir 
 Francis Bacon, but by Secretary Winwood, vpith this message, that himself 
 would be his under-keeper, and not dispose of the place of Chancellor 
 while he lived; nor did any receive the seal out of the King's sight till the 
 Lord Egerton died, which soon fell out. Next, the Lord Chancellor Eger- 
 ton was willing that Master Attorney Bacon should be his successor, and 
 ready to forward his succession; so far was he from conceiving hatred 
 against him, either upon that or any other account. The Lord Egerton 
 was his friend in the Queen's time ; and I find Mr. Bacon making his 
 acknowledgments in a letter to him, in these words, which I once tran- 
 scribed fi:om the unpublished original : " For my placing, your lordship 
 best knoweth, that when I was most dejected with her majesty's strange 
 dealing towards me, it pleased you of your singular favour so far to comfort 
 and encourage me, as to hold me worthy to be excited to think of succeed- 
 ing your lordship in your second place ; signifying, in your plainness, that 
 no man should better content yourself. Which your exceeding favour you 
 have not since carried from ; both in pleading the like signification into the 
 hands of some of my best firiends, and also in an honourable and answerable 
 ^ commendation of me to her majesty. Wherein I hope your lordship (if it 
 please you call to mind) did find me neither overweening, in presuming 
 too much upon it, nor much deceived in my opinion of tlie event for the 
 continuing of it still in yourself, nor sleepy in doing some good offices to 
 the same purpose." This favour of the Lord Egerton's, which began so 
 early, continued to the last. • And thus much Sir Francis Bacon testified in 
 a letter to Sir George Villiers, of which this is a part : " My Lord Chan- 
 cellor told me yesterday, in plain terms, that if the King would ask his 
 opinion touching the person that he wbuld commend to succeed him, upon 
 death or disability, he would name me for the fittest man. You may 
 advise whether use may not be made of this offer." And the like appears 
 by what Master Attorney wrote to King James during the sickness of my 
 Lord Chancellor. Amongst other things, he wrote this to the King : " It 
 pleased my Lord Chancellor, out of his ancient and great love to me, 
 
SCOTLAND. CCXl 
 
 15th of the month, before the completion of the arrange- 
 ments, was transferred to his son, who was created Earl of 
 Bridgewater by the first patent to which the new Lord 
 Keeper affixed the seal, (a) 
 
 On the 14th of March the King quitted England, to Scotland. 
 visit his native country; and Sir Francis had scarcely 
 been a week raised to the office of Lord Keeper, when he 
 was placed at the head of the council, and entrusted with 
 the management of all public affairs. 
 
 The King was accompanied by Buckingham, who, in his 
 double capacity of Prime Minister and Master of the 
 Revels, assisted with equal readiness at the discussions 
 which were to direct the nation, and the pastimes con- 
 trived to amuse the King. Graceful in all exercises and 
 a fine dancer, Buckingham brought that diversion into 
 great request, while his associates willingly lent themselves 
 to the devices which his better taste disdained ; for James 
 is said to have loved such representations and disguises as 
 were witty and sudden, the more ridiculous the more 
 pleasant. (6) 
 
 which many times in sickness appeareth most, to admit me to a great deal 
 of speech with him this afternoon, which, during these three days, he hath 
 scarcely done to any." 
 
 (o) See Life of Egerton, Biog. Brit. See Camden's Annals. 
 
 (b) " Our King dedicated this summer to the northern climate ; it is now 
 fourteen years revolution, since the beams of majesty appeared in Scotland. 
 He begins his journey with the spring, warming the country as he went, 
 with the glories of the court : taking such recreations by the way, as might 
 best beguile the days, and cut them shorter, but lengthen the nights (con- 
 trary to the seasons). For what with hawking, hunting, and horse-racing, 
 the days quickly ran away ; and the nights with feasting, masking, and 
 dancing, were the more extended. And the King had fit instruments for 
 these sports about his person, as Sir George Goring, Sir Edward Zouch, 
 Sir John Finnit, and others, that could fit and obtemperate the King's 
 humour ; for he loved such representations and disguises in their maska- 
 ladoes as were witty and sudden, the more ridiculous the more pleasant. 
 
CCXU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 The policy of the favourite seems to be clear. He had 
 endeavoured to prevent the King's visit ; and, in surround- 
 ing his royal master with these buffooneries, he well knew 
 that he should disgust the better part of the Scottish no- 
 bility, and keep aloof all those grave and wise counsellors, 
 who could not recognize, under the disguise of a masquer, 
 the learned pupil of Buchanan, and the ruler of two 
 kingdoms. 
 
 "And his new favourite, being an excellent dancer, brought that pastime 
 into the greater request. To speak of his advancement by degrees were to 
 lessen the King's love ; for titles were heaped upon him, they came rather 
 like showers than drops; for as soon as Somerset declined, he mounted. 
 :Such is the court motion ! Knighthood and gentleman of the bedchamber 
 were the first sprinklings : and the then old Earl of Worcester (who had been 
 long master of thfe horse to the late Queen, and continued it to this time) 
 was made Lord Privy Seal, in exchange of his place, and a good sum of 
 Tnoney put into the scale ; and Sir George Villers (Baron of Whaddon, 
 Viscount Villers, and Earl of Buckingham, also of the privy council) is 
 made Master of the Horse. In this glory he visits Scotland with the 
 "King, and is made a privy counsellor there. Favourites are not complete 
 figures, if the prince's bounty be not circulai', as well in his northerly 
 inotion as his southerly. He now reigns sole monarch in the King's affec- 
 •tion : every thing he doth is admired for the doer's sake. No man dances 
 better, no man runs, or jumps better; and indeed he jumped higher than 
 ever Englishman did in so short a time, from a private gentleman to a 
 dukedom. But the King is not well without him, his company is his 
 solace, and the court grandees cannot be well but by him, so that all 
 ■addresses are made to him, either for place or office in court or common- 
 wealth. The bishops' sees did also ebb and flow, fi:om the wane or fiilness 
 of his influence upon them ; and having a numerous kindred of the rank 
 of gentry, which he planted about him, as a nursery in the court, to make 
 them virescere, and spring up the better, the dew of these offices, and the 
 fi:esh springs that came from those seas must be contributed. It cannot 
 with modesty be expressed how greedily some of our prelates would clear 
 all the passages of a bad conscience, to bring in such waters of comfort, 
 lest it should bespatter the more worthy, and brand them all with si^nony, 
 which dares not be done. But where God hath his church, the devil 
 many times will have his chapel : it was ever his ambition to be like unto 
 him." — Wilson. 
 
TAKES HIS SEAT IN CHANCERY. CCxiii 
 
 Through the whole of this progress a constant communi- 
 cation was maintained between Buckingham and the Lord 
 Keeper, (a) 
 
 On the 7th of May, being the first day of term, the Seat in 
 Lord Keeper went in great state to Westminster, in the ^''™*'®'^' 
 following order : 
 
 1. Clerks and inferior officers in Chancery. 
 
 2. Students in law. 
 
 3. Gentlemen servants to the Keeper, Serjeants at 
 
 arms, and the seal-bearer, all on foot. 
 
 4. Himself, on horseback, in a gown of purple satin, 
 
 between the Treasurer and the Keeper of the 
 Privy Seal. 
 
 5. Earls, Barons, and Privy Councillors. 
 
 6. Noblemen of all ranks. 
 
 7. Judges, to whom the next place to the privy coun- 
 cillors was assigned. 
 
 In this pomp he entered the hall. (6) How diflFerent 
 from the mode in which his successor took his seat ! (c) 
 
 (a) Newark, 6th April, vol. xii. p. 315; Auckland, 18th April, vol. xii. 
 p. 316; Newcastle, 23rd April, vol. xii. p. 317; Edinburgh, 3rd June, 
 vol. xii. p. 318. 
 
 (b) G. Camdeni Regni Jacobi I. Annaluem Apparatus, Anno 1617, 
 Mail 7. — Primo die termini Franciscus Baconus Gustos Sigilli solenni 
 PompS. processit ad Practorium West-monasteriense hoc ordine. 1. Scribae 
 et inferiores officiarii in Cancellarift. 2. Studiosi juris. 3. Famuli gene- 
 rosi Custodis servientes ad arma et sigillifer pedibus. 4. Ipse in equo tog^ 
 ex purpura sattin inter Thesaurarium et Custodem Privati Sigilli. 5. Co- 
 mites, barones, consiliarii privati. 6. Nobiles se interposuerunt. 7. Judices 
 quibus locus sissignatus erat proximus consiliariis privatis. 
 
 ' (c) The following is the account by Bishop Racket, of Archbishop Wil- 
 liams, Lord Bacon's successor, taking his seat : " Upon the first day of 
 term, when he was to take his place in court, he declined the attendance of 
 his great friends, who offered, as the manner was, to bring him to his first 
 sitting with the pomp of an inauguration. But he set out early in the 
 
CCXIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Upon the Lord Keeper's entrance, he in the presence 
 
 of so many honourable witnesses, (a) addressed the bar. 
 
 His stating the nature of the charge which had been given to 
 
 address, j^.^ by the King, when he was entrusted with the great 
 
 seal, and the modes by which, under the protection of 
 
 God, it was his intention to tbey what he was pleased to 
 
 call his majesty's righteous commandments. 
 
 Jurisdic- With respect to the excess of jurisdiction, or tumour of 
 
 "°°" the court, which was the first admonition, the Lord Keeper 
 
 dilated upon all the causes of excess, and concluded with 
 
 an assurance of his temperate use of authority, and his 
 
 conviction that the health of a court as well as of a body 
 
 consisted in temperance. 
 
 Patents. With respect to the cautious sealing of patents, which 
 
 was the second admonition, the Lord Keeper having stated 
 
 six principal cases in which this caution was peculiarly 
 
 requisite, and to which he declared that his attention 
 
 should be directed, thus concluded : " And your lordships 
 
 morning with the company of the judges and some few more, and passing 
 through the cloisters into the abbey, he carried them with him into the 
 chapel of Henry the Seventh, when he prayed on his knees (silently, but 
 very devoutly, as might be seen by his gesture,) almost a quarter of an 
 hour : then, risings up cheerfully, he was conducted, with no other train, to 
 a mighty confluence that expected him in the hall, whom, from the court of 
 Chancery, he greeted with this speech," &c. — See note BBBB at the end. 
 In Walton's Life of Herbert, he says, " Herbert was presented by Dr. 
 Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury, to the living of Bemerton in his thirty-sixth 
 year. When at his induction, he was shut into Bemerton church, being 
 left there alone to toll the bell (as the law requires him) he staid so much 
 longer than an ordinary time, before he returned to those friends that staid 
 expecting him at the church door, that his friend Mr. Woodnot looked in 
 at the church window, and saw him lie prostrate on the ground before the 
 altar; at which time and place (as he after told Mr. Woodnot) he set 
 some rules to himself for the future manage of his life, and then and there 
 made a vow to labour to keep them." 
 
 (fl) Ante, p. cxc. For the speech, see vol. vii. p. 241. 
 
SPEECH AS LORD KEEPER. CCXV 
 
 see in this matter of the seal, and his majesty's royal com- 
 mandment concerning the same, I mean to walk in the 
 light, so that men may know where to find me ; and this 
 publishing thereof plably, I hope will save the King from 
 a great deal of abuse, and me from a great deal of envy ; 
 when men shall see that no particular turn or end leads 
 me, but a general rule. 
 
 With respect to speedy justice, which was the third Delay, 
 admonition, and upon whic*h, in his essays on " Delay and 
 Dispatch," (a) it appears that he had maturely deliberated, 
 he explained the nature of true and affected dispatch ; and, 
 having divided delays, into the delays of the judge and of 
 the suitor, he said, " For myself, I am resolved that my 
 decree shall come speedily, if not instantly after the hear- 
 ing, and my signed decree speedily upon my decree pro- 
 nounced. For fresh justice is the sweetest; and to the 
 end that there be no delay of justice, nor any other means- 
 making or labouring, but the labouring of the counsel at 
 the bar. 
 
 "Again, because justice is a sacred thing, and the end 
 for which I am called to this place, and therefore is my 
 way to heaven ; and if it be shorter, it is never a whit the 
 worse, I shall, by the grace of God, as far as God will give 
 me strength, add the afternoon to the forenoon, and some 
 fourth night of the vacation to the term, for the expediting 
 and clearing of the causes of the court ; only the depth of 
 the three long vacations I would reserve in some measure 
 free from business of estate and for studies, arts, and 
 sciences, to which in my own nature I am most inclined. 
 
 " There is another point of true expedition, which resteth 
 much in myself, and that is in my manner of giving 
 orders. For I have seen an affectation of dispatch turn 
 
 (a) Vol. i. pp. 73 and 83. 
 
CCXVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 utterly to delay at length : for the manner of it is to take 
 the tale out of the counsellor at the bar his mouth, and to 
 give a cursory order, nothing tending or conducing to the 
 end of the business. It makes me remember what I heard 
 one say of a judge that sat in Chancery; that he would 
 make forty orders in a morning out of the way, and it was 
 out of the way indeed ; for it was nothing to the end of 
 the business : and this is that which makes sixty, eighty, 
 an hundred orders in a cause, to and fro, begetting one 
 another; and, like Penelope's web, doing and undoing. 
 But I mean not to purchase the praise of expeditive in 
 that kind ; but as one that have a feeling of my duty, and 
 of the case of others. My endeavour shall be to hear 
 patiently, and to cast my order into such a mould as may 
 soonest bring the subject to the end of his journey." 
 
 And as to the delays of the suitor, he thus concluded : 
 " By the grace of God, I will make injunctions but a hard 
 pillow to sleepers ; for if I find that he prosecutes not with 
 effect, he may, perhaps, when he is awake, find not only 
 his injunction dissolved, but his cause dismissed." 
 Expense. With respect to the last admonition, that justice should 
 not be obstructed by unnecessary expense, he expressed 
 his determination to diminish all expense, saying in sub- 
 stance what he had said in his essay on Judicature : (a) 
 " The place of justice is an hallowed place, and therefore not 
 only the bench, but the foot-pace, and precincts and pur- 
 prise thereof ought to be preserved without scandal and 
 corruption ; for, certainly ' grapes (as the scripture saith) 
 will not be gathered of thorns or thistles;' neither can 
 justice yield her fruit with sweetness amongst the briars 
 and brambles of catching and polling clerks and minis- 
 ters; which justifies the common resemblance of the 
 
 (b) Vol. i, p. 179. 
 
SPEECH AS LORD K'EEPER. CCXVll 
 
 courts of justice to the bush, whereunto, while the sheep 
 flies for defence in weather, he is sure to lose part of his 
 fleece." 
 
 He concludes his address with some observations upon 
 projected improvements in the practice of the court, and 
 his intention to frame ordinances for its better regulation. 
 " My lords," he added, " I have no more to say, but now 
 I will go on to business." 
 
 Upon his retirement from the court he communicated to 
 Buckingham, then at Edinburgh, an account of the day's 
 proceedings, in a letter, saying, " Yesterday I took my place 
 in Chancery, which I hold only from the King's grace and 
 favour, and your constant friendship. There was much 
 ado, and a great deal of world. But this matter of pomp, 
 which is heaven to some men, is hell to me, or purgatory 
 at least. It is true I was glad to see that the King's choice 
 was so generally approved, and that I had so much inte- 
 rest in men's good wills and good opinions, because it 
 maWeth me the fitter instrument to do my master service, 
 and my friend also. 
 
 " After I was set in Chancery, I published his majesty's 
 charge, which he gave me when he gave me the seal, and 
 what rules and resolutions I had taken for the fulfilling 
 his commandments. I send your lordship a copy of that 
 I said, (a) Men tell me, it hath done the King a great 
 deal of honour J insomuch that some of my friends that 
 are wise men and no vain ones, did not stick to say to me, 
 that there was not these seven years such a preparation for 
 a parliament; which was a commendation, I confess, 
 pleased me well. I pray take some fit time to shew it his 
 majesty, because, if I misunderstood him in any thing, I 
 
 {a) Stephens, p. 202. See vol. xii. p. 244 ; and, for the speech, vol. vii. 
 f>. 241. 
 
match. 
 
 CCXVIU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 may amend it, because I know his judgment is higher and 
 deeper than mine." 
 
 The approbation of the King was immediately communi- 
 cated by Buckingham, (a) 
 Spanish Before the King's departure for Scotland he had ap- 
 pointed commissioners for managihg the treaty of marriage 
 between the Prince his son, and the Infanta of Spain. 
 The Lord Keeper, who had too much wisdom not to per- 
 ceive the misfortunes which would result from this union, 
 prudently and honestly advised the King not to proceed 
 with the treaty, (6) stating the diflBculties which had 
 already occurred from a disunited council ; but the King 
 fell into the snare which the politic Gondomar had pre- 
 pared for him, and persisted to negociate an alliance, in 
 opposition to his own interests, the advice of his ablest 
 councillors, and the universal voice of his people. A more 
 unequal game could not be played, than between the 
 childish cunning of this blundering, obstinate, good- 
 humoured king, and the diplomacy of the smooth, intel- 
 lectual, determined Gondomar, graceful, supple, and fatal 
 as a serpent. 
 
 Bacon, who was fully aware of the envy which pursued 
 his advancement, was careful to transmit an exact account 
 of his proceedings, and, in dispatches which appeared only 
 to contain a narrative of passing events, conveyed to the 
 King and his favourite many sound maxims of state 
 policy. His royal master, who was not insensible of his 
 services, greatly commended him, and Buckingham ex- 
 pressed his own admiration- of the wisdom and prudence 
 of his counsels. 
 
 This sunshine was, however, soon after clouded by a 
 circumstance, which is worth noting only as it shows 
 
 (a) Vol. xiii. p. 10. 
 
 (6) Letter of 19th April,, 1617, vol. xii. p. 243. 
 
MARRIAGE OF VILLIERS. CCxix 
 
 the temper of the times, and the miserable subjection 
 in which the favourite held all persons, however eminent 
 in talent or station. Sir Edward Coke, who had been 
 disgraced the year before, unable to bear retirement, 
 aggravated as it was, by the success of his rival, ap- 
 plied, during the King's absence, to Secretary Winwood, 
 submissively desiring to be restored to favour; and he,' 
 who, in support of the law, had resisted the King to his 
 face, and had rejected with scorn the proposal of an 
 alliance with the family of Buckingham, now offered " to Marriage 
 do any thing that was required of him," and to promote, °*^^'l*'^*- 
 upon their own terms, the marrie^e of his daughter with. 
 Sir John ViUiers. Winwood, who, for party purposes, was 
 supposed to enter officiously into this business, readily 
 undertook the negociation. It was not attended with 
 much difficulty: the young lady, beautiful and opulent, 
 was instantly accepted. 
 
 Bacon, for many cogent reasons, which he fairly ex- 
 pressed both to the King (a) and to Buckingham, strongly 
 opposed this match, displeasing to the political friends of 
 Buckingham, and fraught with bitterness from the oppo- 
 sition of Lady Hatton, the young lady's mother, upon 
 whom her fortune mainly depended. Bacon's dislike to 
 Coke, and the possible consequienees to himself from this 
 alliance, were supposed by Buckingham to have influ- 
 enced this unwise interference; which he resented, first 
 by a cold silence, and afterwards by several haughty 
 and bitter letters : and, so effectually excited the King's 
 displeasure, that, on his return, he sharply reprimanded 
 in the privy council those persons who had interfered in 
 this business. Buckingham, who could shew his power, 
 as well in allaying as in raising a storm, was soon 
 ashamed of the King's violence, and seeing the ridicule 
 
 ,1,11 .. .^ . ■ , 
 
 (a) See the letters, vol. xii. p. 324-7. 
 
CCXX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 that must arise from his inflating a family quarrel into a 
 national grievance, interceded "on his knees "(a) for 
 Bacon. A reconciliation, of course, took place, but not 
 without disgrace to all the parties concerned; exhibiting 
 on the one part unbecoming violence, and on the other the 
 most abject servility. The marriage, which had occa- 
 sioned so much strife, was solemnized at the close pf the 
 month of September ; and Sir Edward Coke was recalled 
 to the council table, where, after the death of Winwood, 
 he did not long keep his seat. 
 Finance. This sjtorm having subsided, the Lord Keeper turned his 
 attention to the subject of finance, and endeavoured to 
 bring the government expenses, now called the Civil list, 
 within the compass of the ordinary revenue; a measure 
 more necessary, since there had never been any disposition 
 in parliament to be as liberal to James as to his illustrious 
 predecessor. 
 
 The difficulties which the council met in the projected 
 retrenchments from the officers of state whose interests were 
 affected, confirmed the remark of Cardinal Richlieu, " that 
 the reformation of a king's household is a thing more fit 
 to be done than successfully attempted." This did not dis- 
 courage the Lord Keeper, who went manfully to the work, 
 and wrote freely to Buckingham and to the King himself, 
 upon the necessity both of striking at the root, and lopping 
 off the branches ; of considering whether Ireland, (b) instead 
 of being a burthen to England, ought not, in a great 
 measure, to support itself; and of diminishing household 
 expenses, and abridging pensions and gratuities, (c) 
 
 (a) See letter, vol. xii. p. 342. (b) .See vol. xii. p. 267. 
 
 (c) To the King. 
 May it please your Majesty, — Being yesterday assembled in council to 
 proc€ed in the course we had begun for retrenchment of your majesty's 
 
CIVIL LIST. CCXXl 
 
 Notwithstanding these efforts to retrench all unnecessary 
 expenditure in the household, the pecuniary distresses of 
 the King were so great, that expedients, from which he 
 ought to have been protected by the Commons, were 
 adopted, and the gfant of patents and infliction of fines 
 was made a profitable source of revenue : although Bacon 
 had, upon the death of Salisbury, earnestly prayed the 
 King " not to descend to any means, or degree of means. 
 
 expenses, we thought it appurtenant to our duties to inform your majesty 
 how far we have proceeded in the several heads of retrenchments by your 
 majesty at your departure committed unto us, that when you know in 
 what estate our labours are, your judgment may the better direct any fur- 
 ther course, as shall be meet. 
 
 The matter of the household was by us, some days since, committed 
 peremptorily to the officers of the house, as matter of commandment from 
 your majesty, and of duty in them, to reduce the expense of your house to 
 a limited charge of fifty thousand pounds by the year, besides the benefit 
 of the compositions; and they have ever since painfully, as we are in- 
 formed, travailed in it, and will be ready on Sunday next, which was the 
 day given them, to present some models of retrenchments of divers kinds, 
 all aiming at your majesty's service. 
 
 In the point of pensions we have made a beginning, by suspending some 
 wholly for a time, and of others of a third part ; in which course we are 
 still going on, until we make it fit to be presented to your majesty ; in like 
 manner, the Lord Chamberlain and the Lord Hay did yesterday report 
 unto us what their travail had ordered in the wardrobe ; and although some 
 doubt did arise unto us, whether your majesty's letters intended a stay of 
 ovu; labours, until you had made choice of the sub-committee intended by 
 you, yet, presuming that such a course by sub-committee was purposed 
 rather for a furtherance than let to that work, we did resolve to go on still, 
 till your majesty's further directions shall come unto us ; and then, according 
 to our duty, we will proceed as we shall be by your majesty commanded; 
 in the mean time, we thought it our duty to iaform your majesty of what 
 we have done, that neither your majesty may conceive that we have been 
 negligent in those things which were committed unto us, nor your direc- 
 tions by your late letters hinder or cast back that which is already so fer 
 proceeded in. And so humbly kissing your royal hands, and praying to 
 the Almighty for your long and happy reign over us, we rest, &c. 
 Dec. 5, 1617.— See vol. xiii. p. 12. 
 
CCXXll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 which Cometh not of a symmetry with his majesty and 
 greatness, (a) 
 
 While these exactions disclosed to the people the King's 
 poverty, they could daily observe his profuse expenditure 
 and lavish bounty to his favourite; recourse, therefore, 
 was had to Buckingham by all suitors; but neither the 
 distresses of the King, nor the power of the favourite 
 deterred the Lord Keeper from staying grants and patents, 
 when his public duty demanded this interposition: an 
 interference which, if Buckingham really resented, he con- 
 cealed his displeasure ; as, so far from expressing himself 
 with his usual haughtiness, he thanked his friend, telling 
 him that he " desired nothing should pass the seal except 
 what was just or convenient" (6) 
 Lord On the 4th of January, 1618, the Lord Keeper was 
 
 Chancel- seated Lord High Chancellor of England, and in July 
 
 lor, and ° . 
 
 Verulam. Baron of Verulam, to which, as stated in the preamble to 
 
 the patent of nobility, witnessed by the Prince of Wales, 
 
 Duke of Lenox, and many of the first nobility, the King 
 
 was " moved by the grateful sense he had of the many 
 
 faithful services rendered him by this worthy pers6n." In 
 
 the beginning of the same year the Earl of Buckingham 
 
 was raised to the degree of Marquis. 
 
 Dulwich. In August, 1618, the Lord Keeper, with a due sense 
 
 of the laudable intentions of the founder, stayed a patent 
 
 for the foundation of Dulwich College, from the conviction 
 
 that education was the best charity, and would be best 
 
 (a) See ante, p. clviii, note. 
 
 (6) " My honourable Lord, — I have received your lordship's letters, 
 wherein I see the continuance of your love and respect to me, in any thing 
 I vrrite to you of, for which I give your lordship many thanks, desiring 
 nothing for any man but what you shall find just and convenient to pass. 
 ■" Your Lordship's faithful servant, G. Buckingham." 
 
 Vol. xiii. p. 13. 
 
CIVIL LIST. CCXXIU 
 
 promoted by the foundation of lectures in the university. 
 This his favourite opinion, which he, when Sohcitor Gene- 
 ral, had expressed in his tract upon Sutton's Hospital, (a) 
 and renewed in his will, (6) was immediately communi- 
 cated to Buckingham, (c) to whom he suggested that part 
 of the founder's bounty ought to be appropriated to the 
 advancement of learning. 
 
 Firm, however, as Bacon was with respect to patents, 
 his wishes, as a politician, to relieve the distresses of the 
 King, seem to have had some tendency to influence his 
 mind as. a judge. In one of his letters he expresses his 
 anxiety to accelerate the prosecution, saying, " it might, if 
 wind and weather permit, come to hearing in the term ;" 
 and in another he says, " the evidence went well, and I 
 will not say I sometimes helped it as far as was fit for 
 a judge." (d) 
 
 (a) Ante, p. cliii. (6) Ante, p. xiii, 
 
 (c) See note XOY at the end. See vol. xii. p. 259. 
 
 (d) The following are the letters, which must speak for themselves : 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, — ^These things which I write now and heretofore 
 in this cause, I do not write so as any can take knowledge that I write, 
 but I dispatch things ex officio here, and yet think it fit inwardly to adver- 
 tise the King what doth occur. And I do assure your lordship, that if I 
 did serve any Jcing whom I did not think fei away wiser than myself, I 
 would not write in the midst of business, but go on of myself. 
 
 This morning, notwithstanding my speech yesterday with the duke, he 
 delivered this letter inclosed, and I having cleared the room of all save the 
 court and learned counsel (whom I required to stay), the letter was read a 
 little before our hour of sitting. When it was read, Mr. Attorney began to 
 move that my lord should not acknowledge his offences as he conceived he 
 had committed them, but as they were charged; and some of the lords 
 speaking to that point, I thought fit to interrupt and divert that kind of 
 question ; and said, before we considered of the extent of my lord's sub- 
 mission we were first to consider of the extent of our own duty and-power ; 
 for that I conceived it was neither fit for us to stay proceeding, nor to 
 move his majesty in that which was before us in course of justice ; unto 
 
CCXXIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 So true is it, as Bacon hitnself had taught, that, a judge 
 ought to be of a retired nature, and unconnected with 
 
 which (being once propounded by me) all the lords and the rest un& voce 
 assented. I would not so much as ask the question whether, though we. 
 proceeded, I should send the letter to his majesty, because I would not 
 straiten his majesty in any thing. 
 
 The evidence went well (I will not say I sometimes helped it as far as 
 was fit for a judge), and at the arising of the court I moved the lords 
 openly, whether they would not continue this cause ftom day to day till it 
 were ended, which they thought not fit in regard of the general justice, 
 which would be delayed in all courts : yet afterwards within I prevailed so 
 fer, as we have appointed to sit Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, and to 
 sit by eight of the clock, and so to dispatch it before the King come, if we 
 can. God preserve and prosper you. I ever rest your liordship's most 
 obliged friend and feithful servant, Fe. Vertjlam, Cane. 
 
 This 22nd of October, Friday, 
 at4of the clock, 1619. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, — I think fit to let your lordship understand what 
 passed yesterday in the Star-chamber touching Suffolk's business. 
 
 There came to me the clerk of the court in the inner chamber, and told 
 me that my Lord of Suffolk desired to be heard by his council at the * 
 sitting of the court, because it was pen * * * him. 
 
 I marvelled I heard not of it by Mr. Attorney, who should have let me 
 know as much, that I might not be taken on the sudden in a cause of that 
 weight. I called presently Mr. Attorney to me, and asked him whedier he 
 knew of the motion, and what it was, and how he was provided to answer 
 it. He signified to me, that my lord would desire to have the commission 
 for examinations in Ireland to be returnable in Michaelmas term. I said 
 it might not be, and presently drew the council then present to me, and 
 made Mr. Attorney repeat to them the passages past, and settled it, that 
 the commission should be returnable the first day of the next term, and 
 then republication granted, that it inight, if accidents of wind and weather 
 permit, come to hearing in the term. And upon motion in open court it 
 was ordered accordingly. 
 
 God ever preserve and prosper you. I pray God this great easterly 
 wind agree well with his majesty. Your Lordship's most obliged fiiend 
 and faithfiil servant, Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 May 6, 1619. 
 
 See also letter, October 14, 1619, vol. xiii. p. 19. 
 
DUTCH MERCHANTS. CCXXV 
 
 politics. So certain is the injury to the administration of 
 justice, from the attempt to blend the irreconcileable 
 characters of judge and poKtician; the judge unbending 
 as the oak, the politician pliant as the osier : (a) the 
 judge firm and constant, the same to all menj the 
 politician, ever varying, 
 
 " Orpheus in sylvis, inter delphinas Arion :" 
 
 It was, about this time, discovered that several Dutch 
 merchants of great opulence had exported gold and silver 
 tor the amount of some millions, (i) There are various 
 letters extant upon this subject, exhibiting the King's 
 pecuniary distresses, his rash facility in making promises, 
 and the discontent felt by the people at his improvidence, 
 and partiality for his own countrymen. 
 
 (a) See Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 33, for instances of this sort 
 of compliance. 
 
 (b) " My very good Lord, — ^The discovery I think very happy : for 
 if it be true, it will be a great benefit to his majesty ; it will also content 
 his people much, and it will demonstrate also that Scotland is not the 
 leech (as some discoursers say) but the Netherlanders that suck the 
 realm of treasure: so that the thing is very good. But two things I 
 must represent to his majesty : the first, that if 1 stay merchants fi-om 
 their trading by this writ, I must do it either ex officio, or by special 
 warrant from his majesty. If ex officio, then I must have more than 
 a bare surmise to grant the writ upon, so as I must be acquainted with 
 the grounds, or at least appearance of proofs. If by special warrant, then 
 I desire to receive the same. The other is, that I humbly beseech his 
 majesty that these royal boughs of forfeiture may not be vintaged, or 
 cropped by private suitors (considering his majesty's state as it is), but 
 that Sir Thomas Vavasor or Sir John Britten may have a bountiful and 
 gracious reward of their discovery, but not the prime, or without stint. 
 In sura, I would wish his majesty to refer the whole business and carriage 
 of the same for his honour and profit to the commissioners of treasure, or 
 because it is a legal forfeiture to myself, Mr. Chancellor, Sir Edward Coke, 
 and my Lord Chief Justice of England, and by us his majesty shall be 
 
 vol.. XV. y 
 
CCXXVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Though evidently rejoicing at this windfall for his royal 
 master, (a) Bacon, regardless of the importunities of the 
 Attorney General, refused to issue writs of ne exeat against 
 the inerchants till he had obtained evidence to warrant 
 his interposition, and cautioned his majesty against grant- 
 ing the forfeitures accruing from this discovery, (i) He 
 entreated that a commission might be formed, empowering 
 Sir E. Coke, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Lord 
 Chief Justice, and himself, to investigate this matter. 
 These observations were well received, and immediately 
 adopted by the King; and, although informations were 
 filed against a hundred and eighty, only twenty of the 
 principal merchants were tried and convicted. They were 
 fined to the amount of £100,000, which, by the inter- 
 cession of Buckingham, was afterwards remitted to about 
 £30,000. (c) The rest of the prosecutions were stayed at 
 his instance, intercession having been made to him by 
 letters from the States General, and probably by the mer- 
 chants themselves in the way in which he was usually 
 approached by applicants. 
 
 While this cause was pending, the Earl of Suffolk, 
 Lord Treasurer, was prosecuted, with his lady, in the Star 
 Chamber, for trafficking with the public money to the 
 amount of £50,000 ; and they were sentenced to imprison- 
 ment and fine, not, according to the judgment of Sir 
 Edward Coke, of £100,000, but of £30,000. Bacon com- 
 Biended Coke to the Kingy as having done his part 
 
 assured to know the best course for his justice, honour, and profit, and 
 that he inay dispose what bounty he will. 
 See also vol. xii. pp. 263, 265, 37'4. 
 
 (a) See letter of October 14, 1619, vol. xiii. p. 19. 
 (6) See note (a), ante, p. ccxxiv. 
 {c) Stephens, p. xlvii. 
 
LORD SUFFOLK. CCXXVU 
 
 excellently, (a) but pursued his own constant course, activity 
 in detecting the offence, and moderation in punishing the 
 oflPender. After a short confinement they were released 
 at the intercession of Buckingham, and the fine reduced 
 to £7000. 
 
 The motives by which Buckingham was influenced in 
 this and similar remissions may possibly be collected from 
 his conduct in the advancement of Lord Chief Justice 
 Montagu, who, for a sum of £20,000, was appointed to 
 the Treasurership, vacated by the removal of Lord Suffolk, 
 and was created a peer; for which offence this dispenser 
 of the King's favours was, in the reign of Charles the First, 
 impeached by the Commons, but he, after the death of 
 Bacon and of the King, solemnly denied the accusation, by 
 protesting " that the sum was a voluntary loan to the King 
 by the Lord Treasurer after his promotion, and not an 
 advance to obtain the appointment." (6) 
 
 (a) See letter of 13th November, 1619, vol. xii. p. 77. 
 
 (6) Let the letters upon this transaction, of which the originals are in 
 the Tanners MSS. in Oxford, speak for themselves : they have irot hitherto 
 been printed. 
 
 " My good Lord, — If rumour carry me into error, yet I beseech you 
 lett secresy cover my error, non living knowes what I write, nor I hope 
 shall, yf that I write shall not please you. What ground it hath I know 
 not, nor whence the opinion ryseth, but bothe in court and abroade it is 
 strongly conceyted, talked, and told me, as yf the King hadde purpose to 
 make me L, Treasorer. Your lordship best knowes the King's purposes. 
 Yf my service should be thought of use to make him a ritche king, as in 
 all things els he is a happy king, I would be content to sacrifice my lyf^ 
 my labour, and all my fortunes to do him that office. And for my obliga- 
 tion to you I would leave the earnest of ten thousand pounds, to bestow 
 where and when you shall appoint. 
 
 « This proceedes not of baseness to buy that which otherwise I were not 
 worthy of, nor of pryde to be made bfetter then I am, but sincerely to shew 
 how mutch I zeale my master's good ; and God assistinge, I would not 
 feare to effect what it seemes the world thinks I could and might performe. 
 My second ends; ar to shew how mutch and how truly I am yours, and 
 would be while I live. ^ 
 
CCXXviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Such were the occupations to which this philosopher 
 was doomed; occupations which) even as Chancellor, he 
 
 '' Yf all this be but the vapour of sum men's fencys yt will quickly 
 spend itself, yf it be a thing worth your thought I am at your dispose. 
 
 " To-moiTow morninge I am commanded to attend the King about 
 matters of his revenue. In the mean time and so always I shall rest 
 
 " Your Lordship's obliged servant, H. Mountagu. 
 
 " 3. Jan. 1618. 
 " To the right honorable and my most honored 
 lord, the Marquess of Buckingham, these." 
 
 Tanners MSS. Oxford, 74, f. 233. 
 
 " My honored Lord, — I have ever observed that those whoe with inge- 
 nuity and industry have acquired a fortune sildome part with it, but upon 
 stricte conditions. Yet soe happy doth my Lord Cheefe Justice thinke 
 himself in the promised assurance of your love, and such is his confidence 
 of the King's favor, having your lordship to frend, as that it drawes him to 
 cast his fortunes at his majestie's feete, and to bee disposed of by your 
 lordship, being confident that you will waye and measure him by that 
 which may stand well with his estate : if his majestie will require of him 
 twenty thousand ould peeces he yeelds to it, and desires not to be pressed 
 further. Of this wound he hopes he may in time, with your favor recover, 
 therfore is well content to languish of this disease a while, in obedience (as 
 he himselfe cals it) to his royall master^ his will. 
 
 " He is vfilling to pay this sum hee offers by ten thousand peeces at a 
 time, the first payment to be made presently, and the laste when his 
 majestie takes his jiirnye, contenting himselfe with the honor of a Viscount 
 untill the King shall thinke fit to confer more honor upon him. 
 
 " The terme ends on Tuesday come sevennight. The Treasorer is to be 
 swome in the Chancery and in the Exchequer courts ; therfore it will be 
 requisite if your lordship make good your promise for his having the place 
 before Christmas, that my Lord Cheefe Justice be sent for presently to 
 come to the King. For the office requires no other ceremony but dely very 
 of the stafFe by the King's hand; and direction would be sent for drawing 
 his patent of honor, and that other concerning his office, and the resolution 
 and direction would be expedited. If this satisfy not his majestie, his 
 resolution to cast himselfe at his majestie's feete, and bee directed by your 
 lordship, wil give the King and your lordship advantage to dispose of 
 him; ffor I find him more inclining to his Majestie's pleasure then his 
 owne ends. , 
 
POLITICS. CCXXIX 
 
 regretted, saying, most truly, " I know these things do not 
 pertain to me ; for my part is to acquit the King's office 
 
 " Th\is hoping I have given your lordship a good account of vphat you 
 gave me in charge, I tiss your hands, and rest 
 
 " Your Lordship's servant, and affectionate brother, Ed. Villiers. 
 " November the 17th, 1620. 
 " To the Right Honorable my very good lord and 
 brother, the Marquess of Buckingham, these." 
 
 Tanners MSS. No. 290, f. 31. 
 
 " Sir Edward, — I have written a short letter to my lorde, for that I 
 holde necessary for me to do. And I have named twenty thousand 
 poundes to him. Wherfore I praye yow putt out the worde peeces in your 
 letter, and put it downe poundes, for I am resolved not to exceede it. 
 The payment shall be at my lord's appointment ; but for divers reasons, I 
 thought both before and senc that I spake vrith you, I had rather com of 
 fiaire then com higher then twenty thousand poundes, though it may be 
 thought little, the greater som consider'd. 
 
 " For the Kinge's speedy sendinge for me before the tearme end, I have 
 senc thought of yt, and findinge it not to be of necessity duringe the 
 tearme, and that conveniently I canot go downe, and some tearme busi- 
 nesses require dispatch at my hahdes, therfor I think best that be lefle out 
 of the letter, and mention only to be made of givinge order for the two 
 patents I spake of, yf the Kinge be pleased vrith it. Thus with my true 
 love remembred, I rest your assured, H. Mountagu. 
 
 " I have sent you my letter unsealed, that you may see yt, and then 
 seale it upp.'' 
 
 This letter is without direction, but on the back is vnitten in Sir Edward 
 Villiers' hand : 
 
 " This note J received from my Lord Cheefe Justice since I wrote my 
 letter according to his owne direction." 
 
 Tanners MSS. No. 114, f. 186. 
 
 . " My most honored Lord, — Such is the value of that worde where you 
 please to say you joyne handes vrith me in the point of contract, that it 
 overswaies in me all other thoughts that otherwise have reflection uppon 
 me. This respect and those perswasions of Sir Ed. Villiers have made me 
 yealding to twenty thousand poundes: my estate, God be thanked, is- worth 
 that and twenty thousand more, yet hadd I rather yealde yt all then to 
 reiiise the King in any thinge he pleaseth to demaund, or think me fitt for. 
 
CCXXX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 towards God, in fhe maintenance of the prerogative, and 
 
 and senc your nobleness hath pleased to price my trae, sincere, and- con- 
 stant aiFection at such a rate as I perceive you have done, holde me the 
 unworthiest that ever was yf I bee ever v^antinge, false, or fainte, in that I 
 have professed. It overjoyes me to finde that the merrit and memory of 
 my brother Winchester still lives with your lordship, but not to troble you 
 with many wordes or more professions, 
 
 " I rest assuredly at your honor's command, H. Mountagu. 
 
 " 18 Nov. 1620. 
 " To the right honorable my singular good Lord, 
 the Lord Marques Buckingham, Lord High 
 Admirall of England." 
 
 On the 3rd of Dec. 165iO, Lord Chief Justice Montagu was appointed 
 Lord Treasurer.* In June, 1626, after the death of Bacon and of King 
 James, Buckingham was impeached by the Commons upon many charges, 
 of which the tenth was, " Whereas no places of judicature in the courts of 
 justice of our sovereign lord the King, nor other like preferments given by 
 the kings of this realm ought to be procured by any subjects whatsoever 
 for any reward, bribe, or gifts ; he the said duke in or about the month of 
 December, in the eighteenth year of the reign of the late King James of 
 famous memory, did ptocure of the said king the office of High Treasurer 
 of England to the Lord Viscount M. now Earl of M.; which office, at 
 his procurement, was given and granted accordingly to the Lord Viscount 
 M. And as a reward for the said procurement of the said grant, he 
 the said duke did then receive to his own use of and from the said Lord 
 Viscount M. the sum of £20,000 of lawful money of England." — Rush- 
 worth, i. 334. See Cobbett's Parliamentary History, i. 115. 
 
 To this charge the duke answered, "That he received not, or had a 
 penny of either of those sums to his own use j but the truth is, the Lord 
 M. vras made Lord Treasui-er by his late majesty without contracting for 
 any thing for it ; and after that he had the office conferred upon him, his 
 late majesty moved him to lend him twenty thousand pounds, upon 
 promise of repayment at the end of a year; the Lord M. yielded it,' so as 
 he might have the duke's word that it should be repaid to him accordingly. 
 The duke gave his word for it, the Lord M. relied upon it, and delivered 
 the said sum to the hands of Mr. Porter, then attending upon the duke, 
 by the late king's appointment, to be disposed of as his majesty should 
 direct. And according to tlie King's direction, that very money was fully 
 
 * Dugdale's Baronage, ii. 280. 
 
JUDICIAL EXERTIONS. CCXXXl 
 
 to oblige the hearts of the people to him by the adminis- 
 tration of justice." (a) 
 
 From these political expedients he turned to his more Judicial 
 interesting judicial duties. How strenuously he exerted 
 himself in the discharge of them may be seen in his 
 honest exultation to Buc!^ingham, and may be easily con- 
 ceived by those who know how indefatigable genius is in 
 
 paid out to others, and the duke neither had nor disposed of a penny 
 thereof to his own use, as is suggested against him. And afterwards, when 
 the Lord M. lefl that place, and his money was not repaid unto him, he 
 urged the duke upon his promise; whereupon the duke being jealous of 
 his honour, and to keep his word, not having money to repay him, he assured 
 lands of his own to the Lord M. for his seciuity. But when the duke 
 was in Spain, the Lord M. obtained a promise fiom his late majesty of 
 some lands in fee farm, to such a value as he accepted of the same in satis- 
 £iction of the said money, which were afterward passed unto him ; and at 
 the duke's return the Lord.M. delivered back unto him the security of the 
 duke's lands, which had been given unto him as aforesaid." 
 
 Rushworth, i. 387. See Cobbett. 
 
 (o) See his letter to the Earl of Buckingham, of November 19, 1617, 
 vol. xii. p. jJ52. •' My very good Lord, — ^The liking which his majesty hath 
 of our proceeding, concerning his household, telleth me that his majesty 
 cannot but dislike the declining and tergiversation of the inferior officers, 
 which by this time he understandeth. There be but four kinds of retrench- 
 ments : 1. The union of tables. 3. The putting down of tables. 3. The 
 abatement of dishes to tables. 4. The cutting off new diets and allowance 
 la,tely raised : and yet perh^tps such as are more necessary than some of 
 the old. In my opinion the first is the best and most feasible. The Lord 
 Chamberlain's table is the priiicipal table of state. The Lord Steward's 
 table I think is much frequented by Spottish gentlemen. Your lordship's 
 table hath » great attendance ; and the groom of the stole's table is much 
 resorted to by the bedchamber. These v?OMld not b? touched ; but for the 
 rest (his majesty's case considered) I think they may well be united into 
 one. These things are out of my element, but my care runneth where the 
 King's state most laboureth : Sir Lionel Craijfield is yet sick, for which I 
 am very sorry; for methinks his majesty upon these tossings over of his 
 business from one to others hath an apt occasion to go on with subcom- 
 mittees. God ever preserve and prosper you. Your Lordship's true friend 
 and devoted servant." 
 
CCXXXll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 any business in which it is interested : (a) how ardent and 
 strenuous it is in encountering and subduing all difficulties 
 to which it is opposed. (a) 
 
 In a letter to Buckingham of the 8th of June, 1617, he 
 says, (fi) " This day I have made even with the business of 
 the kingdotn for common justice ; not one cause unheard ; 
 the lawyers drawn dry of all the motions they were to 
 make; not one petition unanswered. And this, I think, 
 could not be said in our age before. This I speak, not out 
 of ostentation, but out of gladness, when I have done my 
 duty. I know men think I cannot continue if I should 
 thus oppress myself with business: but that account is 
 made. The duties of life are more than life; and if I die 
 now, I shall die before the world be weary of me, which in 
 our times is somewhat rare." And in two other letters he, 
 from the same cause, expresses the same joy. (c) 
 
 These exertions did not secure him from the interference 
 of Buckingham, or protect him, as they have never pro- 
 tected any judge, from misrepresentation and calumny; 
 but, unmoved by friendship or by slander, he went right 
 onward in his course. He acted as he taught, from the 
 
 (a) See vol. ii. p. 21, Advancement of Learning. 
 
 (i) See vol. xii. p. 348. 
 
 (c) In a letter of Dec. 6, 1617, vol. xii. p. 339, he says, " Your lordship 
 may marvel, that together with the letter from the board, which you see 
 passed so well, there came no particular letter from myself; wherein, 
 though it be true, that now this very evening I have made even with the 
 causes of Chancery, and comparing with the causes heard by my lord, that 
 dead is, of Michaelmas term was twelvemonth, I find them to be double so 
 many and one more; besides that the causes that I dispatch do seldom 
 turn upon me again, as his many times did.'' — And in a letter of May 17, 
 1619, vol. xiii. p. 17, he says, " I send now to know how his majesty doth 
 after his remove, and to give you account that yesterday was a day of 
 motions in the Chancery. This day was a day of motions in the Star 
 Chamber, and it was my hap to clear the bar, that no man was left to 
 move any thing, which my lords were pleased to note they never saw 
 before." 
 
Buckingham's interference, ccxxxiii 
 
 conviction that "a popular judge is a deformed thing: 
 and plaudits are fitter for players than magistrates. Do 
 good to the people, love them, and give them justice, but 
 let it be * nihil inde expectantes :' looking for nothing, 
 neither praise nor profit." (a) 
 
 Notwithstanding Bacon's warning to Buckingham, that Bucking- 
 he ought not, as a statesman, to interfere, either by word J"^'* "'" 
 or letter, in any cause depeiiding, or like to be depending 
 in any court of justice, (&) the temptations to Buckingham 
 were, it seems, too powerful to induce him to attend to this 
 admonition, in resistance of a custom so long established 
 and so deeply seated, that the applications were, as a 
 matter of course, made to statesmen and to judges, by the 
 most respectable members of the community, and by the 
 two universities, (c) 
 
 Early in March Sir Francis was appointed Lord Keeper, 
 and, on the 4th of April, Buckingham thus wrote : " My 
 honourable Lord, — ^Whereas the late Lord Chancellor 
 thought it fit to dismiss out of the Chancery a cause 
 touching Henry Skipwith to the common law, where he 
 desireth it should be decided ; these are to intreat your 
 lordship in the gentleman's favour, that if the adverse 
 party shall attempt to bring it now back again into your 
 lordship's court, you would not retain it there, but let it 
 rest in the place where now it is, that without more vexa- 
 tion unto him in posting him from one to another, he may 
 have a final hearing and determination thereof. And so I 
 rest your Lordship's ever at command, G. Buckingham. 
 
 " My Lord, this is a business wherein I spake to my 
 Lord Chancellor, whereupon he dismissed the suit." {d) 
 
 (a) Speech to the Judges before the circuit, vol. vii. p. 258. 
 (6) See ante, p. clxxvi. 
 
 (c) See note Z Z at the end. 
 
 (d) This is thejirst of many letters which the Marquis of Buckingham 
 
ham, 
 
 CCXXXIV LIFE OF BACOX. 
 
 Scarcely a week passed without ?i repetition of these 
 solicitations, (a) 
 Wrayn- When Sir Francis was first entrusted with the great 
 seal, he found a cause entitled Fisher v. Wraynham, which 
 had been in the court from the year 1606. He immediately 
 examined the proceedings, and, having ordered the attend- 
 ance of the parties, and heard the arguments of counsel, 
 he terminated this tedious suit, by decreeing agg,inst the 
 defendant Wraynham, who was a man described as holding 
 a smooth pen and a fine speech, but a fiery spirit. He 
 immediately published a libel against the Chancellor and 
 the late Master of the Rolls : for which he was prosecuted 
 in the Star Chamber, (b) 
 
 Sir Henry Yelverton, in stating the case, said, " I was 
 of counsel with Mr. Wraynham, and pressed his cause as 
 far as equity would suflFer. But this gentleman being of 
 an unquiet spirit, after a secret murmuring, breaks out 
 into a complaint to his majesty, and, not staying his return 
 out of Scotland, but fancying to himself, as if he saw 
 some cloud arising over my lord, contpiled his undigested 
 thoughts into a libel, and fastens it on the King. And his 
 most princely majesty, finding it stuffed with most bitter 
 reviling speeches against so great and worthy a judge, 
 
 wrote tp Jjord Bacon in fevour of persons who had cases depending in, or 
 likely to come into the court of Chancery. The marquis made the same 
 kind of applications to Lord Bacon's successor, the Lord Keeper Williams, 
 in whose life by Bishop Hacket, part i. p. 107, we are informed, that 
 " there was not a cause of jnomept, but, as soon as it came to publication, 
 one of the parties brought letters from this mighty peer, and the Lord 
 Keeper's patron." — See note Z Z at the end. See this letter, vol. xii. p. 314. 
 
 (a) See a collection of some of these letters in note Z Z at the end. 
 
 (6) State Trial?. See a tract, published 1725, entitled. Vindication of 
 the Chancellor from the aspersions of Wraynham. See Hpbart's Eepotts, 
 p. 220, and Popham, p. 135. 
 
WRAYNHAM. CCXXXV 
 
 hath of himself commanded me this day to set forth and 
 manifest his fault unto your lordships, that so he might 
 receive deserved punishment. In this pamphlet Mr. Wrayn- 
 ham saith, he had two decrees in the first Lord Chancellor's 
 time, and yet are both cancelled by this Lord Chancellor 
 in a preposterous manner: without cause j without matter; 
 without any legal proceedings; without precedent, upon 
 the party's bare suggestions, and without calling Mr. 
 Wraynham to answer : to reward Fisher's fraud and per- 
 juries; to palliate his unjust proceedings; and to confound 
 Wraynham's estate : and that my lord was therein led by 
 the rule of his own fancy. But he stayeth not here. 
 Not content to scandalize the living, he vilifies the dead, 
 the Master of the Rolls, a man of great understanding, 
 great pains, great experience, great dexterity, and of great 
 integrity ; yet, because he followed not this man's humour 
 in the report thereof, he brands him with aspersions." 
 
 And Mr. Serjeant Crowe, who was also counsel for the 
 prosecution, said, " Mr. Wraynham, thus to traduce my 
 lord, is a foul offence ; you cannot traduce him of corrup- 
 tion, for thanks be to God, he hath always despised 
 riches, and set honour and justice before his eyes. My 
 lords, I was of counsel with Fisher, and I knew the merits 
 of the cause, for my Lord Chancellor seeing what recom- 
 pense Fisher ought in justice to have received, and finding 
 a disability in Wraynham to perform it, was enforced to 
 take the land from Wraynham to give it to Fisher, which 
 is hardly of value to satisfy Fisher's true debt and 
 
 Wraynham was convicted by the unanimous opinion 
 of the court; (a) and the Archbishop of Canterbury, in 
 
 (a) Consisting of Sir Edward Coke, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 the Lord Chancellor Bacon, the Lord Chief Justices of the King's Bench, 
 
CCXXXVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 delivering his judgment, said, "The fountain of wisdom, 
 hath set this glorious work of the world in the order 
 and beauty wherein it stands, and hath appointed princes, 
 magistrates, and judges, to hear the causes. of the people. 
 It is fitting, therefore, to protect them from the slanders 
 of wicked men, that shall speak evil of magistrates and 
 men in authority, blaspheming them. And therefore, 
 since Wraynham hath blasphemed and spoken evil, and 
 slandered a chief magistrate, it remaineth, that in honour 
 to God, and in duty to the king and kingdom, he should 
 receive severe punishment." (a) 
 
 Common Eleas, and Exchequer, the Secretary of State, and other states- 
 men; of the Bishops of Ely and London, and the. Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury. 
 
 '{a) See in Hooker the following noble passage: " Since the time that 
 God did first proclaim the edicts of his law upon the world, heaven and 
 earth hare hearkened unto his voice, and their labour hath been to do hi$ 
 will. He made a law for the rain ; he gave his decree unto the sea, that 
 the waters should not pass his commandment. Now, if nature should 
 intermit her course, and leave altogether, though it were for a while, the 
 observation of her own laws : if those principal and mother elements of the 
 world, I whereof all things in this lower world are made, should lose the 
 qualities which now they have; if the frame of that heavenly arch erected 
 over our heads should loosen and dissolve itself; if celestial spheres should 
 forget their wonted motions, and by irregular volubility turn themselves 
 any way as it might happen; if the prince of the lights of heaven, which 
 now, as a giant, doth run his unwearied course, should as it were, through 
 a languishing feintness, begin to stand, and to rest himself; if the moon 
 should wander from her beaten way,- the times and seasons of the year 
 blend themselves by disordered and confused mixture, the winds breathe 
 out their last gasp, the clouds yield no rain, the earth be defeated of 
 heavenly influence, the fruits of the earth pine away, as children at the 
 withered breasts of their mother, no longer able to yield them relief; what 
 would become of man himself, whom these things do now all serve ? • See 
 we not plainly, that obedience of creatures unto the law of nature is the 
 stay of the whole world? 
 
 "Of law there can be no less acknowledged than that her seat is the 
 bosom of God; her voice the harmony of the world : all things in heaven 
 and earth do her homage; the very least as feeling her care, and the greatest 
 
PRESENTS. CCXXXVll 
 
 According to the custom of the times, a suit of hangings 
 for furniture, worth about £160, was presented to the 
 Lord Chancellor, on behalf of Fisher, by Mr. Shute, who, 
 with Sir Henry Yelrerton, was one of his counsel in the 
 cause, (a) 
 
 This present was not peculiar to the cause of Wraynham 
 and Fisher, but presents on behalf of the respective suitors 
 were publicly made by the counsel in the cause, and were 
 offered by the most virtuous members of the community, 
 without their having, or being supposed to have any influ- 
 ence upon the judgment of the court. 
 
 In the cause of Rowland Egerton and Edward Egerton Egerton 
 £400 was presented before the award was made, on behalf*"^ ^^^' 
 of Edward, by the counsel in the cause. Sir Richard Young 
 and Sir George Hastings, who was also a member of the 
 House of Commons, but the Lord Keeper decided against 
 him: (6) and £300 was presented on behalf of Rowland, 
 
 as not exempted from her power. Both angels and men, and creatures of 
 -what condition soever, though each in different sort and manner, yet all 
 with uniform consent, admiring her as the mother of their peace and joy." 
 
 Oi) This appears in the charge of bribery, afterwards preferred against 
 the Chancellor. — ^To the eighth article of the charge, " In the cause 
 between Fisher and Wrenham, the Lord Chancellor, after the decree 
 passed, received a suit of hangings worth one hundred and threescore 
 pounds and better, which Fisher gave him by advice of Mr. Shute :" I 
 confess and declare, that some time after the decree passed, I bfeing at that 
 time upon remove to York House, I did receive a suit of hangings of the 
 value, I think, mentioned in the charge, by Mr. Shute, as from Sa Edward 
 Fisher, towards the furnishing of my house, as some others, that were no 
 ways suitors, did present me vfith the like about that time. 
 
 (b) The second article of the charge, namely, "In the same cause he 
 received from Edward Egerton £400 :" I confess and declare, that soon 
 after my first coming to the seal; being a time when I was presented by 
 many, the £400 mentioned in the said charge, was delivered unto me in a 
 purse, and, as I now call to mind, from Mr. Edward Egerton; but as for 
 as I can recollect, it was expressed by them that brought it to be for 
 fcvours past, and not in respect of favours to come. 
 
CCXXXVIU LIFE OP BACON. 
 
 after the award was made in his favour by the Chancellor 
 Awbrey and Lord Hobart;(a) and in the cause of Awbrey and 
 ^^ , Bronker £100 was presented on behalf of Awbrey, before 
 
 the decree, by his counsel. Sir George Hastings, and a 
 Grocers severe decree was made against Awbrey. (b) 
 
 aiidA.po- jjj ^ reference between the company of Grocers and 
 
 thecanes. ^ ■' 
 
 Apothecaries, the Grocers presented £200, and the Apothe- 
 caries a taster of gold, and a present of ambergris, (c) 
 
 (a) To the first article of the charge, namely, " In the cause between 
 Sir Rowland Egerton and Edward Egerton, the Lord Chancellor received 
 £300 on the part of Sir Rowland Egerton, before he had decreed the 
 cause :'' I do confess and declare, that upon a reference from his majesty of 
 all suits and controversies between Sir Rowland Jlgerton and Edward 
 Egerton, both parties submitted themselves to my award by recognizances 
 reciprocal in ten thousand marks apiece ; thereupon, after divers hearings, 
 I made my award with the advice and consent of my Lord Hobart; the 
 award was perfected and published to the parties, which was in February. 
 Then some days after, the £300, mentioned in the charge, was delivered 
 unto me. Afterwards Mr. Edward Egerton fled off fi'om the award ; then 
 in Midsummer term following a suit was begun in Chancery by Sir Row- 
 land to have the award confirmed, and upon that suit was the decree made 
 mentioned in the article. 
 
 (b) To the sixteenth article of the charge, namely, " In a cause between 
 Sir William Bronker and Awbrey, the Lord Chancellor received from 
 Awbrey £100 :'' I do confess arid declare that the sum was given and 
 received, but the manner of it I leave to witnesses. — See in note GGG 
 the proceedings of 17th March, where it appears that " a killing order was 
 made against Awbrey." 
 
 (c) To the twenty-fourth, twenty-fifth, twenty-sixth articles of the charge, 
 namely, the twenty-fourth, " There being a reference from his majesty to 
 his lordship of a business between the Grocers and the Apothecaries, the 
 Lord Chancellor received of the Grocers £200." The twenty-fifth article, 
 " In the same cause, he received of the Apothecaries, that stood with the 
 Grocers, a taster of gold worth between £400 and £500, and a present of 
 ambergrease." And the twenty-sixth article, " He received of a new com- 
 pany of Apothecaries, that stood against the Grocers, £100 :" To these I 
 confess and declare, that the several sums fi:om the three parties were 
 received; and for that it was no judicial, business, but a concord of compo- 
 sition between the parties, and that as I thought all had received good, and 
 they were all three common purses, I thought it the less matter to receive 
 
BERTRAM. CCXXXIX 
 
 In the cause of Hody and Hody, which was for a great Hody and 
 inheritance, a present of gold buttons, worth about £60, ^°^^- 
 was given by Sir Thomas Parrot, one of the counsel in the 
 cause, (a) after the suit was ended. 
 
 This slander of Wraynham's was not the only evil to 
 which he was exposed. 
 
 On the 12th of November, 1616, John Bertram, a suitor Lord Clif- 
 in Chancery, being displeased with a report made by Sir *°°" 
 John Tindal, one of the masters of the court, shot him 
 dead as he was alighting from his carriage, and, upon 
 his committal to prison, he destroyed himself. An account 
 of this murder was published under the superintendence 
 of Sir Francis, to counteract the erroneous opinions which 
 had been circulated through the country, and the false 
 commiseration which the misery of this wretched offender 
 had excited, (6) in times, when the community was alive 
 to hear any slander against the administration of justice. 
 
 that which they voluntarily presentedj for If I had taken itinlhe nature of 
 a corrupt bribe, I knew it could not be concealed, because it must needs 
 be put to account to the three several companies. 
 
 (a) The article of the charge, namely, " In the cause between Hody and 
 Hody, he received a dozen of buttons value £50, about a fortnight after 
 the cause was ended :" I confess and declare, that as it is laid in the 
 charge, about a fortnight after the cause was ended, it being a suit for a 
 great inheritance, there was gold buttons aboiit the value of £50, as is 
 mentioned in the charge, presented unto me, as I remember, by Sir Thomas 
 Perrott arid the party himself. 
 
 (Jb) In a letter to the King, dated 21st November, at ten at night, 1616, 
 vol. xii. p. 311, he says, " For this wretched murderer Bertram, now gone 
 to his place, I have, perceiving your majesty's good liking of what I . 
 
 propounded, taken order that there shall be a declaration concerning the 
 cause in the King's Bench, by occasion of punishment of the offence of 
 his keeper; and Einother in Chancery, upon the occasion of moving for an 
 order, according to his just and righteous report. And yet vnthal, I have 
 set on work a good pen* (and myself will overlook it) for riiaking some 
 little pamphlet fit to fly abroad in the country^" 
 
 * Birch, p. 104, says it was Mr. Trott, 
 
CCxl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 When the morbid feeling of insane minds is awakened, 
 there is always some chance of a repetition of its out- 
 
 The tract, containing some iniserable wood-cuts of the murder, and of 
 the murderer hanging against the wall, is entitled, " A true Relation of a 
 most desperate Murder, committed upon the Body of Sir John Tindall, 
 Enighte, one of the Maisters of the Chancery, who with a pistoll charged 
 with 3 buUetts, was slaine going into his chamber within Lincolnes Inne, 
 the 12 day of November, by one John Baitram, Gent, which Bartram 
 afterwards hanged himselfe in the Kinges-Bench in Southewark, on Sun- 
 day, being the 17th day following, 1616." — It contains the following 
 passage : " Two several dales (with two or three keepers at least waiting on 
 him,) was he sent for by the judges to be examined. At the first going, 
 he was called to the barre, and an inditement read to him for the murther 
 aforesaid, to which he pleaded not guilty. At his passing along the 
 streets, his presence so full of age, and his &ce so full of sorrowes, together 
 with the rumour of his wrongful! undoing, which quickly spread it selfe 
 amongst the people, moved them to such commiseration, that they shed 
 tears to see what misery he was falne into ; they prayed for him, and cursed 
 the other. Upon the Saturday, before the Sunday in the which he cast 
 away himselfe, did he thus goe abroad, and returning about foure of the 
 clocke in the evening, with a slowe and dull pace, fitting to his yeeres. 
 He seemed in his chamber rather vexed than dejected. His thoughts 
 appeared and made shew, to be troubled than tormented. And rather 
 because hee did expect vrithin a day or two at the most, to be fetched to 
 his tryall : and the next day after to be sent to execution. Which as some 
 say, hee fearing that it should have beene to hang alive in chaynes, strucke 
 so strong impression unto him, that to avoid that shame, and that torture, 
 he purposed to lay violent hands upon himselfe, if he could meet oppor- 
 tunity." 
 
 Annexed to the tract is another tract, entitled, " A true Relation of the 
 Ground, Occasion, and Circumstances, of that horrible Murther committed 
 by John Bartram, Gent, upon the body of Sir John T3mdal, of Lincolns 
 Inne, Knight, one of the Masters of, the Honorable Court of Chancery, the 
 twelfth day of this instant Novemb. Written by way of Letter fi:om a 
 Gentleman to his Country fiiend. Together with the Examination of the 
 said Bartram, taken before the right Honourable Sir Fra. Bacon, Knight, 
 his Maiesties Attumey Generall, and Sir Henry Yelverton, Knight, his 
 Maiesties SoUiciter General, according to speciall directions given by his 
 Maiestie in that behalfe. London, printed by John Beale. 1616." — As 
 John Beale printed for Bacon, it is probable that it was under his superin- 
 tendence. 
 
LORD CLIFTON. COxli 
 
 rages, (a) Towards the end of the year the Lord Keeper 
 was in danger of sharing the fate of Sir John Tindal, 
 from the vindictive temper of Lord Clifton, against whom 
 a decree had been made, who declared publicly that " he 
 was sorry he had not stabbed the Lord Keeper in his 
 chair the moment he pronounced judgment." (A) As 
 soon as this misguided suitor, who aifter wards destroyed 
 himself, was committed to the Tower, Bacon wrote to 
 Buckingham, saying, " I pray your lordship in humble- 
 ness to let his majesty know that I little fear the Lord 
 Clifton, but 1 much fear the example, that it will animate 
 ruffians and rodomonti extremely against the seats of 
 justice, which are his majesty's own seats, yea, and 
 against all authority and greatness, if this pass without 
 public censure and example, it having gone already so 
 far as that the person of a baron hath been committed 
 to the Tower. The punishment it may please his majesty 
 to remit, and I shall, not formally but heartily, intercede 
 for him, but an example, setting myself aside, I wish for 
 terror of persons that may be' more dangerous than he, 
 towards the first judge of the kingdom." (6) 
 
 At the conclusion is a third tract, entitled, " The Examination of John 
 Bartram, taken this 16 d^ of November, 1616, before Sir Francis Bacon, 
 his Maiesties Attorney Generall, and Sir Henry Yelverton, his Maiesties 
 Solicitor Generall. London, printed by John.Beale, 1616." 
 
 (o) See note X O U at the end. 
 
 (6) See letter of March 17, 1617, vol. xii. p. 257 ; and in another 
 letter, vol. xii. p. 255, he says, " If his majesty at any time ask touching 
 the Lord Clifton's business, I pray your lordship represent to his majesty 
 thus much, that whatsoever hath passed I thank God I neither fear him 
 nor hate him; but I am wonderful careful of the seat of justice, that they 
 may still be well munited, being principal sinews ot his majesty's authority. 
 Therefore the course will be (as I am advised) that for this heinous mis- 
 prision (that the party without all colour or shadow of cause should threaten 
 the life of his judge, and of the highest judge in the kingdom next his 
 majesty) he be first examined, and if he confess it, then an ore tenus ; if he 
 
 VOL. XV. r 
 
CCxlii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Not content with dis6harging the common duties of a 
 judge, he laboured, whenever an opportunity offered, to 
 improve the administration of justice. 
 Law He carried into effect the proposal, which,, when Attorney 
 
 Reporters. Qgnei-al, he had submitted to the King, that two legal re- 
 porters, with an annual stipend to each of £100, should 
 be appointed, (a) — He realized the intention, which he ex- 
 Ordi- pressed upon taking his seat, (6) by issuing ordiIl£^nees for 
 Chancery ^^^ better administration of justice in the Chancery, upon 
 which the practice of the court at this day is founded, (c) 
 
 confess it not, then an information in the Star chamber, and he to remain 
 where he is till the hearing. But I do purposely forbear yet to have him 
 examined till the decree or agreement between him and my Lord Aubigny 
 (which is now ready) be perfected, lest it should seem an oppression by the 
 tenor of the one to beat him down in the other. Thus I ever rest your 
 Lordship's true friend and devoted servant, Fe. Bacon, Cane." 
 
 (a) See his proposal for amending the laws, vol. v. p. 349. " It resteth 
 Tjut for your majesty to appoint some grave and sound lawyers, with some 
 honourable stipend." 
 
 In Rymer's Foedera, vol. xvii. p. 27, may be found " Ordinatio quae 
 constituautur les Reporters de Lege.'' It is directed to Sir Francis Bacon 
 and to Sir Julius Caesar. After stating the King's anxiety to preserve 
 the ancient law, and to prevent innovations, it has been thought good to 
 revive and renew the ancient custom, to appoint some grave and learned 
 lawyers as reporters, &c. 
 
 In a letter to Buckingham of October 16, 1617, vol. xii. p. 334, he says, 
 " I send also two bills for letters patents to the two reporters ; and for the 
 persons, I send also four names, with my commendations of those two, for 
 which I will answer upon my knowledge. The names must be filled in 
 the blanks, and so they are to be returned." 
 
 . What might be the advantages of these appointments during the reign of 
 James, it may perhaps be uimecessary to inquire. In the present times, 
 when there is a liberty of unlicensed printing, the desire to difiuse know- 
 ledge, and the facility to obtain pecuniary emolument, require not the aid 
 of government. Between the years 1800 and 1823, there were no less than 
 a hundred and eight volumes of reports published; and they are now 
 much, very much, increased. 
 
 (b) See vol. vii. p. 273. 
 
 (c) For the Ordinances, see vol. vii. p. 256, 
 
JUDGE. pckliii 
 
 Before the circuits he assembled the judges, and explained 
 his views of their duties, when they, as the planets of the 
 kingdom, were representing their sovereign, in the admi- 
 nistration of law and justice; (a) — ^to advance kind feeling 
 and familiar intercourse, he introduced a mode, at that 
 time not usual, of inviting the judges to dinner ; thus mani- 
 festing, as he says in a letter to Lord Burleigh, that it is 
 ever a part of wisdom not to exclude inferior matters of 
 access amongst the care of great : and, upon the promotion 
 of any judge, he availed himself of the opportunity to 
 explain the nature of judicial virtues, of which an extensive 
 outline may be seen in his works, (b) 
 
 " The judge is a man of ability, (c) drawing his learning 
 out of his books, and not out of his brain ;(d!) rather learned 
 than ingenious ; more plausible than witty ; more reverend 
 than plausible, (e) — He is a man of gravity ; (_/*) of a re- 
 
 (a) Vol. vii. p. 258. 
 
 (A) Essays on Judicature, Delays, and Dispatch, in vol. i. ; his Advice 
 to Villiers, vol. vi. p. 400 j and the speech used by Sir Francis Bacon, 
 Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, to Sir William Jones, upon 
 his calling to be Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, 1617; the Lord Keeper's 
 speech in the Exchequer to Sir John Denham, -when he was called to be 
 one of the batons of the Exchequer; and to Justice Hutton, when called 
 to be one of the judges of the Common Pleas. — ^Vol. vii. p. 263. 
 
 (c) The ignorance of the judge is the ruin of the innocent 
 
 {d) He should draw his learning out of his books, and not out of his 
 brain; and continue the studying of books, and not spend upon the old 
 stock. — Bacon. 
 
 (e) Lord Bacon says, judges should be rather reserved than affable. 
 The judges are, or ought, to be, of a reserved and retired character, and 
 wholly unconnected vnth the political world. — Burke. 
 
 (_/■) Non est major confiisio, quam serii et joci. 
 
 See his tract on Church Controversies, vol. vii. p. 32, where he says, 
 " Job speaking of the majesty and gravity of a judge in himself saith, ' If 
 I did smile, they believed it not:' as if he should have said, if I diverted 
 or glanced upon conceit of mirth, yet men's minds were so possessed with 
 a reverence of the action in hand, as they could riot receive it." 
 
 As for jest, there be certain things which ought to be privileged from it; 
 
CCxliv LIFE OF BACOX. 
 
 tired nature, and unconnected with politics :(rf) his virtues 
 are inlaid, not embossed. — He is more advised than con- 
 fident. — He has a right understanding of justice, depending 
 not so much on reading other men's, writings, as upon 
 the goodness of his own natural reason and meditation, (e) 
 — He is of sound judgment; not diverted from the truth 
 by the strength of immediate impression. — He is a man of 
 
 namely, religion, matters of state, great persons, any man's present business 
 of importance, and any case that deserveth pity; yet there be some that 
 think their wits have been asleep, except they dart out somewhat that is 
 piquant and to the quick, that is a vein which would be bridled : " Parce 
 puer stiraulis, et fortius utere loris." — See Essay of Discourse, vol. i. p. 113. 
 
 Hence, therefore, levity in a judge always is, to a certain extent, painful, 
 and particularly to the suitors, to whom the present business is important. 
 " It may be play to you, but it is death to us." Perhaps the right line 
 may be seen in his essay on Adversity : " In embroidery we find it more 
 pleasing to have a lively work on a solemn ground, than a dead work 
 upon a light ground; judge therefore of the pleasures of the heart by the- 
 pleasures of the eye. 
 
 He avoideth all jesting on men in misery : easily may he put them out 
 of countenance whom he hath power to put out of life. — Fuller. 
 
 (d) He scarce ever meddled in state intrigues, yet upon a proposition 
 that was set on foot by the Lord Keeper Bridgeman, for a comprehension 
 of the more moderate dissenters, and a limited indulgence towards such as 
 could not be brought with the comprehension, he dispensed with his 
 maxim of avoiding to engage in matters of state. — Hale's Life, p. 68. 
 
 He would never be brought to discourse of public matters in private con- 
 versation ; but in questions of law, when any young lawyer put a case to 
 him he was very communicative, especially while he was at the bar : but 
 when he came to the bench he was very reserved. — Hale's Life. 
 
 (e) A judge should be a person of good knowledge and ability; well 
 versed and skilled in the laws concerning matters under debate; endued 
 with good measure of reason, enabling him to sift and canvass matters of 
 fact, so as to compare them accurately with the rules of right. — Barrow. 
 
 The things that make a good judge, or good interpreter of the laws, are, 
 first, a right understanding of that principal law of nature, called equity 
 which depending not on the reading of other men's writings, but on the 
 goodness of a man's own natural reason and meditation, is presumed to be 
 in those most that have mos leisure, and had the most inclination to n(edi~ 
 tate thereon, — Hobbs. 
 
JUDGE. CCxlv 
 
 integrity :(y") — of well regulated passions; beyond the 
 influence either of anger, (g) by which he may be in- 
 capable of judging, or of hope either of money (A) or of 
 
 (_/") The enamel which adometh the dove's nest never shines so clear 
 and glorious as when the sun shines upon it : so the ornaments of power 
 never look so splendid as when they are surrounded hy a glory of virtue. 
 
 Ahove all things, integrity is their portion and proper virtue. " Cursed," 
 saith the law, " is he that removeth the landmark." The n^slayer of a 
 mere-stone is to blame; but it is the unjust judge that is the capital 
 remover of landmarks, when he defineth amiss of lands and property. One 
 foul sentence doth more hurt than many foul examples ; for these do but 
 corrupt the stream, the other corrupteth the fountain : so saith Solomon, 
 " Fons turbatus, et vena corrupta est Justus cadens in causa sua coram 
 adversario.'' He so hates bribes, that he is jealous to receive any kindness 
 above the ordinary proportion of friendship. — ^Bacon. 
 
 It is not ability alone that is sufficient. He must have both science 
 and conscience. — Fuller. 
 
 He that pretendeth to judge others should himself be innocent; under 
 no indictment, and not liable to condemnation. Is it not very improper 
 for a criminal, for one who is not only in truth, and in his own conscience 
 guilty, but who standeth actually convicted of heinous offences, to sit upon 
 the bench determining about the deeds and states of others ? It is the case 
 of us all, we are all notoriously guilty of heinous crimes before God, we 
 all do lie under the sentence of his law, we do all stand in need of pardon 
 ii-om omr judge ; his mercy is our only hope and refuge ; and shall we then 
 pretend to be judges, or be passing sentence on our brethren ? If only 
 those who are free and guiltless should judge, who could undertake it? 
 There would surely be no more than there appeared then, when in the 
 case of the woman taken in adultery our Lord propounded the like con- 
 dition : He that is without sin amongst you, let him cast the first stone at 
 her : upon which proposition the sequel was, and they that heard it being 
 convicted by their own conscience, went out one by one, beginning at the 
 eldest, even to the last, and Jesus was left alone, and the woman standing 
 in the midst; so infallibly, should no man be allowed to judge who was 
 not himself void of the like guilt, would every man escape censure. 
 
 (g) Sir M. Hale, in his rules for things necessary to be continually had 
 in remembrance, says, " That in the execution of justice I carefully lay 
 aside my own passions, and not give way to them, however provoked." 
 
 (k) The next security for the impartial administration of justice, especially 
 in decisions to which government is a party, is the independency of the 
 judges. As protection against every illegal attack upon the rights of the 
 
CCxlvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 worldly advancement, (A) by which he may dlecide un- 
 
 subject by the servants of the crown is to be sought for from these tribunals, 
 the judges of the land become not unftequently the arbitrators between the 
 king and flie people, on which account they ought to be independent of 
 either; or, what is the same thing, equally dependent upon both: that is, 
 if they be appointed by the one, they should be removeable only by the 
 other. This was the policy which dictated that memoiable improvement 
 in our constitution, by which the judges, who before the revolution held 
 their offices during the pleasure of the King can now be deprived of them 
 ' only by an address from both houses of parliament, as the most regular, 
 solemn, and authentic way by which the dissatis&ction of the people cap 
 be expressed.-^Paley. 
 
 To the community this is of importance. 1. To secure his impartiality. 
 2. Because not seemly for him to be haggling as hucksters, and labotuing 
 for his subsistence. 
 
 To make this independency of the judges complete, the public salaries 
 -of their office ought not only to be certain both in amount and continuance, 
 but so liberal as to secure their integrity from the temptation of secret 
 bribes ; which liberality will answer also the further purpose of preserving 
 their jurisdiction from contempt, and their characters from suspicion, as 
 well as of rendering the office worthy of the ambition of men of eminence 
 in their profession.^-Paley. 
 
 When the present condition of the judges is compared with that when 
 the crovm had a power of dismissing them at pleasure, a great step appe*s 
 to be gained towards the upright administration of justice. Their places 
 and salaries are now secured for life, except upon an address from both 
 houses of ^ariiament, which nothing but flagrant misconduct on their parts 
 fcan be supposed to produce, and they may pronounce sentence vrithout 
 any fear of the loss of dignity or emolument. ■nir. 
 
 (A) Hobbs says a judge should have a conterhpt of unnecessary riches 
 and preferirients. Their fortunes should be above temptation, and their 
 Spirits above private influence. '■•'' 
 
 ■ He should be incapable of promotion. Sir William Jones, the late judge 
 in India, in one of his letters to Sir James Macpherson respecting some 
 promotion that appears to have been offered to him, expresses himself in 
 the foUoviring terms : " If the whole legislature of Britain were to offer me 
 a different station from that which I now fill, I should grateiully and 
 respectfully decline it. The character of an ambitious judge is, in my 
 opinion, very dangerous to public justice ; and if I were sole legislator, it 
 should be enacted that every judge as well as every bishop should remain 
 for life in the place which he first accepted." ' 
 '7 Lord Teignmouth's Life of Sir W. Jones. 
 
JUDGE. ccxlvii 
 
 justly J or of fear (i) either of the censure of others, which 
 
 (j) He ytTao will faithfully perform his duty, in a station of great trust 
 and power, must needs incur the utter enmity of many, and the high dis- 
 pleasure of more ; he must sometimes struggle with the passions and inte- 
 rests, resist the applications, and even punish the vices of men potent in 
 the conunonwealth, who will employ their ill influence towards procuring 
 impunity, or extorting undue fevours for themselves or their dependents. 
 He must conquer all these difficulties, and remove all these hindrances out 
 of the way that leads to justice ; must dare even to break the jaws of the 
 wicked, and to pluck the spoil out of his teeth. He is the guardian of the 
 public quiet ; appointed to restrain violence, to quell seditions and tumults, 
 and to preserve that order and peace which preserves the world. — Atterbury. 
 
 That judge is most loved for his good nature who is feared for his 
 resolution. 
 
 When early in the reign of Charles the First, Judge Jenkins imprisoned 
 divers persons in his circuit, or condemned them to die, as being guilty of 
 ' high treason, this provoked the officers of government ; and, the judge 
 being taken prisoner at the capture of Hereford, he vras hurried up to 
 London, and committed to the Tower. On being brought to the bar of 
 the court of Chancery, he denied the authority of the commissioners, 
 because their seal was counterfeited, in consequence of which he was sent 
 to Newgate. From thence he was brought to the bar of the House of 
 Commons, and reprimanded by the Speaker for refusing to kneel. He 
 answered, " As long as you had the King's arms engraved on your mace, 
 and acted under his authority, had I come here I would have bowed my 
 body in obedience to that authority." For this speech he was, without 
 ■ trialj voted guilty of high treason, and he was sent back to Newgate. 
 After this the house sent a committee to Newgate, making splendid offers 
 to the judge if he -would acknowledge their power to be lawful. To which 
 he answered, " Far be it from me to ovm rebellion to be lawiul because it 
 is successful." Upon this they admonished him that he had a wife and 
 nine children. Upon which the old judge said, " Had my wife and 
 children petitioned you in this matter, I would have looked upon her as 
 a whore, and them as bastards." Upon this the committee departed, 
 leaving him in the expectation of being led out to execution. " They 
 may lead me," said he, " if so it please them, but I will suffer with the 
 Bible under one arm and Magna Charta under the other." 
 
 Rex v. Knollys, 6 Wm. and M. 1 Ld. Kaym. 10.— At the conclusion 
 of this case, it is said. Note, that this judgment was very distasteful to some 
 lords; and therefore in Hilary term, 1697, 9 Wm. III. the Lord Chief 
 Justice Holt was summoned to give his reasons of this judgment to the 
 
CCxlviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 is cowardice, or of giving pain when it ought to be 
 given, whicih is improper compassion. <A) — He is just both 
 
 House of Peers, and a committee was appointed to hear and report them 
 to the house, of which the Earl of Rochester was chairman. But the 
 Chief Justice Holt refused to give them in so extrajudicial a manner; but 
 he said that if the record was removed before the peers by error, so that it 
 came judicially before them, he would give his reasons very willingly; but 
 if he gave them in this case, it would be of very ill consequence to all 
 judges hereafter in all cases. At which answer some lords were so oifended, 
 that they would have committed the Chief Justice to the Tower, but, not- 
 withstanding, all their endeavours vanished in smoke. 
 
 Colonel Whaley, who commanded the garrison, came into court, and 
 urged " that a man was killed for disobeying the Protector's order, and 
 that the soldier was but doing his duty, yet the judge (Sir M. Hale) 
 regarded both his reasons and his threatening very little, and therefore pro- 
 nounced sentence upon him. — Hale's Life. 
 
 Two of Sir Matthew Hale's rules are : That popular or court applause or 
 distaste have no influence upon any thing I do, in point of distribution of 
 justice. Not to be solicitous what men will say or think, so long as I 
 keep myself exactly according to the rules of justice. 
 
 See the account of Judge Gascoyne in Henry V. 
 
 (ft) It is for you, upon reading the information, and by comparing it 
 with the pamphlet, to see whether the sense the Attorney General has 
 affixed is fairly affixed, always being guided by this that vvhere it is truly 
 ambiguous and doubtful, the inclination of your judgment should be on 
 the side of innocence; but if you find you cannot acquit him without dis- 
 torting sentences, you are to meet this case, and all other cases, as- 1 stated 
 yesterday, with the fortitude of men, feeling that they have a duty upon 
 them superior to all leaning to parties ; namely, the administration of jus- 
 tice in the particular cause. — Lord Kenyon, in Stockdale's case. 
 
 Gentlemen, let me desire you again and again to consider all the 'cir- 
 cumstances of this man's case, abstracted from the influence of prejudice 
 and habit ; and if ought of passion assumes dominion over you, let it be 
 of that honest, generous nature, that good men must feel when they see an 
 innocent man depending on their verdict for life. 
 
 Curran, for Finnerty, p. 222. 
 
 One of Sir Matthew Hale's rules is, " That in business capital, though 
 my nature prompt me to pity, yet to consider that there is also a pity due 
 to the country." Another is, " If in criminals it is a measuring cast to. 
 incline to mercy and acquittal. In criminals of blood, if the fact be 
 evident, severity is justice." 
 
JUDGE. CCxlix 
 
 in private (/) and in public. — He without solicitation 
 accepts the office, with a sense of public duty. (»ra) — He is 
 
 (I) After Sir Matthew Hale was made a judge, he would needs pay 
 more for every purchase he made than it was worth; if it had been but a 
 horse he was to buy, he would have outbid the price. — Hale's Life, p. 153. 
 
 For such law as man giveth other wight, 
 
 He should himself usin the same by right. — Chaucer. 
 
 I have somewhere heard that Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, who was 
 extremely fond of money, directed his steward to buy for him an estate 
 which was to be sold in the neighbourhood. The steward returned, and 
 informed his lordship that he was the purchaser of the estate, and had made 
 a good bargain, for that it was worth £8,000 more than the sum which he 
 had given. Lord Hardwicke ordered the feet to be ascertained, and directed 
 the £8,000 to be paid to the person of whom the estate was bought. " The 
 Chancellor of England ought not," he said, " to give less for an estate than 
 it is worth." 
 
 (m) When an application was made to General Washington to accept 
 the command of the American army, he said, " Though I am truly sensible 
 of the high honour done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress 
 from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience inay not be 
 equal to the extensive and important trust: however, as the Congress 
 desire it, I will enter into the momentous duty, and exert every power 
 I possess in their service, and for support of the glorious cause ; and I beg 
 they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of 
 their approbation. But, lest some unlucky event should happen unfevdur- 
 able to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in 
 the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I ido not think 
 myself equal to the command I am honoured with. As to pay, I beg 
 leave to assure the Congress, that as no pecuniary consideration could 
 have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of 
 my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. 
 I will keep an exact account of my expenses. These, I doubt not, they 
 will discharge, and that is all I desire." 
 
 Barrow, Serm. 20. p. 98. No judge should intrude himself into the 
 office, or assume a judicial power without competent authority ; that is, by 
 delegation from superior powers, or by voluntary reference of the parties 
 concerned. 
 
 He ought not to buy his place. " Grapes will not be gathered of thorns 
 and thistles. The judge's office ought not to be bought. They that buy 
 justice by wholesale to make themselves savers must sell it by retail. 
 
 Fuller. 
 
ccl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 patient (A;) in hearingj in inquiry, and in insult ;(/) quick 
 in apprehensioi), slow in anger. His determination to 
 censure is always painful to him, like Caesar when he 
 threatened Metellus with instant death, ' Adolescens, 
 durius est mihi hoc dicere qu^m facere.'(»2) — He does 
 not affect the reputation of dispatch, (re) nor forget that 
 
 If any sue to be made a judge, for my own part I should suspect him : 
 but if, either directly or indirectly, he should bargain for a place of judica- 
 ture, let him be rejected with shame; vendere jure potest, emerat ilkprius. 
 See^nte, p. clxxvi. 
 
 (k) It being no grace to a judge, first to find that which he might hare 
 heard in due time from the bar; or to show quickness of conceit in cutting off 
 evidence or counsel too short ; or to prevent information by questions, though 
 pertinent: an overspeaking judge being no well-tuned cymbal. — Bacon. 
 
 (/) Small streams are agitated by the vrind: deep streams move on. 
 Scarcely any part of a judge's conduct demands more judgment than the 
 proper mode of acting when insulted, when the generality of men are off 
 their guard. 
 
 If any adverse party crossed him, he would patiently reply, " If another 
 punish me, I will not punish myself." — Lloyd's Life of Sir Edw. Coke. 
 
 He is calm amidst every storm. He is the steady rock amidst unruly 
 waves. 
 
 (m) He behaved himself with that regard to the prisoners which became 
 both the gravity of the judge, and the pity that was due to men whose lives 
 lay at stake, so that nothing of jeering or unreasonable severity ever fell 
 fi;om him. He also examined the witnesses in the softest manner, taking 
 care th^t they should be put under no confusion, which might disorder 
 their memory; and he summed all the evidence so equally when he 
 charged the jury, that the criminals themselves never complained of him. 
 When it came to him to' give sentence, he did it with that composedness 
 and decency, and his speeches to the prisoners directing them to prepare 
 for death, were so weighty, so free of all affectation, and so serious and 
 devout, that many loved to go to the trials when he sate judge, to be edified 
 by his speeches and behaviour in them, and used to say, they heard very 
 few such sermons. — Hale. 
 
 The sentence of condemnation he pronounceth with all gravity. Tis 
 best when steeped in the judge's tears. — Fuller. 
 
 (n) He did not affect the reputation of quickness and dispatch, by a hasty and 
 captious hearing of counsel. He would bear with the meanest, and give every 
 
JUDGE. ccli 
 
 an ^over-speaking judge is no well tuned cymbal.-^ 
 He is diligent in discovering the merits of the cause: 
 by his own exertions ;(/> ) from the witnesses, and 
 the advocates. — He is cautious in his judgment; not 
 forming a hasty opinion: not tenacious in retaining an 
 opinion when formed : * never ashamed of being wiser 
 tO'-day than he was yesterday:' never wandering from 
 the substance of the matter in judgment into useless 
 subtlety and refinement. — He does not delay justice. 
 
 man his full scope, thinking it much better to lose time than patience. — Life of 
 Hale. Seneca says of Claudius, " He passed sentence una tantum parte 
 audita saepe et nulla." He is patient and attentive in hearing the pleadings 
 and witnesses on both sides. Avdi alteram partem is a maxim of which he 
 never loses sight. One of Sir M. Hale's rules is, " That I suffer not myself to 
 be prepossessed with any judgment at all till the whole business and both 
 parties be heard." Another is, " That I never engage myself in the beginning 
 of any cause, but reserve myself unprejudiced till the whole be heard." 
 
 (p) If the cause be difficult, his diligence is the greater to sift it out. For though 
 there be mention, Psalm xxxvii. 6, of righteousness as clear as the noon-day, 
 yet God forbid that that innocency which is no clearer than twilight should be 
 condemned. And seeing one's oath commands another's life, he searcheth 
 whether malice did not command that oath ; yet when all is done, the judge 
 may be deceived by false evidence. But blame not the hand of the dial, if it 
 points at a false bour, when the fault is in the wheels of the clock' which direct 
 it, and are out of fr^e. — Fuller. 
 
 Sir M. Hale, in his' rules of things to be continually had in remembrance, 
 says, " That I be wholly intent upon the business I am about, omitting all 
 Other cares and thoughts as unseasonable and interruptions." 
 
 I remember that, when I was a young man, a prisoner was tried at the Old 
 Bailey for a capital offence in secreting a letter. I forget the judge by whom 
 he was tried, but Sir Soulden Lawrence was on the bench, and when the judge 
 by whom he was tried was about to charge the jury. Sir Soulden stated a point 
 of law which had occurred to him in favour of the prisoner. This attention of Sir 
 Soulden saved the man's life : his name was Fooley, Benjamin Fooley I think. 
 
 Lord ^Idon was very much in the habit of taking home the pleadings after 
 the case had been argued. He told me that, in reading some pleadings, he had 
 just discovered that the counsel had omitted to notice the only point upon which 
 the case turned. He mentioned it, and the bar saw their error. He was one 
 of the most, if not the most pains-taking judge, it is my firm conviction, that eveir 
 existed. 
 
Cclii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 — He is impartial ; (6) never suffering any passion to 
 interfere with the love of truth. — He hears what is 
 spoken, not who speaks ; (c) whether it be the sovereign, 
 or a pauper ; (e) a friend, or a foe ; a favourite advocate, {f) 
 
 (b) Hobbs says, " A judge should be able in judgments to divest him- 
 self of all fear, anger, hatred, love, and compassion." 
 
 When a judge is capable of being influenced by any thing but law, or a 
 cause may be recommended by any thing that is foreign to its own merits, 
 we may venture to pronounce that the nation is hastening to ruin. 
 
 Guardian, 99. 
 
 Denys de Cortes, advocate of the parliament of Paris, and counsellor to 
 the Chatelet, was so renowned for his integrity, that when a man who was 
 condemned to death by the latter court, and intended to appeal to the 
 parliament, heard that he was one of his judges, he submitted instantly to 
 the sentence, saying, " He was convinced he merited death, since he was 
 condemned by Denys de Cortes.'' 
 
 A judge in the Isle of Man, on entering upon the functions of his office, 
 takes the following oath : " By this book, and by the holy contents thereof, 
 and by the wonderful works that God hath miraculously wrought in heaven 
 above and in earth beneath in six days and seven nights, I do swear that I 
 will without respect of favour or friendship, love or gain, consanguinity or 
 affinity, envy or malice, execute the laws of this isle justly betwixt our 
 sovereign lord the King and his subjects within this isle, and betvidxt party 
 and party as indifferently as the herring's back-bone doth lie in the midst 
 of the fish." — Wood's account of the Isle of Man. 
 
 (c) Parties come differently into court. It is the duty of a judge to 
 make this difference as little as possible. D. Lord Eldon, Gourlay v. 
 Duke of Somerset, Jan. 26, 1824. 
 
 (e) By a decision in the House of Lords, which was delivered by Lord 
 Rosslyn when Chancellor, a most virtuous clergyman was in a moment 
 reduced from afiBuence to poverty. The moment the Chancellor had pro- 
 nounced judgment, he walked from the woolsack to the bar of the house 
 where the clergyman stood. He said, " As a judge I have decided against 
 you : your virtues are not unknown to me. May I beg your acceptance- 
 of this presentation to a vacant living, which I happen, fortunately, to have 
 at my disposal." It was worth about £600 a year. 
 
 (/) He has no favourites in the court. It is a strange thing to see, that 
 the boldness of advocates should prevail with judges ; whereas they should 
 inoitate God in whose seat they sit; who represseth the presumptuous, and 
 giveth grace to the modest. But it is more strange that judges should have 
 
JUDGE. ccl 
 
 111 
 
 or an intelligent judge, (g) — He decides according to law ; 
 'jus dicere: non jus dare,' is his maxim. (A) — He delivers 
 his judgment in public, (i) ' palam atque astante corona.' 
 
 " He discharges his duty to all persons. — To the suitors, 
 by.. doing justice, and by endeavouring to satisfy them 
 that justice is done:(a) — to the witnesses,(6) by patience, (c) 
 
 noted favourites, which cannot but cause multiplication of fees, and suspicion 
 of by-ways. 
 
 Sir Matthew Hale, in his rules, says, " Not to give any undue precedence to 
 causes : not to recommend counsel." 
 
 (g) His judgment is his own, uninfluenced by the opinions of his brethren. 
 In England the junior judge is first to deliver his judgment. He should mix 
 well the freedom of his own opinion with reverence for the opinion of his fellows. 
 — BacoB, ■ In forming his judgment he acts from the dictates of his own 
 understanding, unbiassed by the opinions of his brother judges. ■"'.•'• 
 
 Sir M. Hale would never suffer his opinion in any case to be known till he 
 was obliged to declare it judicially ; and he concealed his opinion in great cases 
 so carefully, that the rest of the judges in the same court could never perceive it. 
 His reason was, because every judge ought to give sentence according to his 
 own persuasion and conscience, and not to be swayed by any respect or defe- 
 rence to another man's opinion ; and by his means it hath happened sometimes 
 that when all the barons of the Exchequer had delivered their opinions, and 
 agreed in their reasons and arguments, yet he coming to speak last, and differing 
 in judgment from them, hath expressed himself with so much weight and 
 solidity, that the barons have immediately retracted their votes and concurred 
 with him. 
 
 (A) Etenim optima est lex, quse minimum relinquit arbitrio judicis : 
 optimus judex, qui minimum sibi. — Justitia Universalis, Aph. 94, vol. ix.- 
 p. 94. 
 
 (i) Nee decreta exeant cum silentio ; sed judiceS sententise suse rationes 
 adducant, idque palam, atque astante corona : ut quod ipsa potestate sit 
 liberum, fama tamen et existimatione sit circumscriptum. — Justitia Uni- 
 versalis, Aph. 38, vol. ix. p. 92. 
 
 (a) The duty of a judge is not only to do justice, but to satisfy the parties 
 that, to the best of his ability, justice has been done. He may err in dis- 
 covering -what is just; but, in satisfying the parties of his anxiety to be 
 just, he need never err. Cicero says of Brutus, " Etiam quos contra 
 statuit aequos placentos que dimisit." 
 ' He was not satisfied barely to give his judgment in causes, but did 
 
 (6) See note (*), next page. (c) See note (c), next page. 
 
Ccliv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 kindness, and by encouragement : — to the jurors, by being a 
 light to lead them to justice :— to the advocates, by hearing 
 
 especially in all intricate ones, give such an account of the reasons that 
 prevailed with him, that the counsel did not only acquiesce in his authority, 
 but were so convinced by his reasons, that I have heard many profess that 
 he brought them often to change their opinions; so that his giving of 
 judgment was really a learned lecture upon that point of law; and which 
 was yet more, the parties themselves, though interest does too generally 
 corrupt the judgment, were generally satisfied with the justice of his 
 decisions, even if they were made against them. — Hale's Life, p. 91. 
 
 (6) If any shall browbeat a pregnant witness, on purpose to make his proof 
 miscarry, he checketh them, and helps the witness that labours in his delivery. 
 On the other side he nips these lawyere who, under a pretence of kindness to 
 lend a witness some words, give him new matter, yea clean contrary to what he 
 intended . — Fuller. 
 
 (c) He is patient and attentive in hearing the witnesses, though tedious. 
 He may give a waking testimony who hath but a dreaming utterance; and 
 many country people must be impertinent before they can be pertinent, 
 and cannot give evidence about a hen, but first they must begin with it in 
 the egg. All which our judge is contented to hearken to. — Fuller. 
 
 He meets not testimony half way, but stays till it come at him : he that 
 proceeds on half evidence will not do quarter justice. Our judge will not 
 go till he is lead. — Fuller. 
 
 Let not the judge meet the cause half way, nor give occasion to the 
 party to say his counsel or proofs were not heard. 
 
 Patience is the lawyer's gift. — Lloyd's Life of Sir John Jefii:ey, 223. 
 
 " Pradens qui patiens," was Lord Burleigh's saying, and Sir Edward 
 Coke's motto. Lord Burleigh is said to have carried matters prudently 
 and patiently as became so great a statesman. — Lloyd. 
 
 But nothing was more admirable in him than his patience : he did not 
 aifect the reputation of quickness and dispatch, by a hasty and captious 
 hearing of counsel. He would bear with the meanest, and give every man 
 his fvill scope, thinking it much better to lose time than patience. In sum- 
 ming up an evidence to a jury, he would always require the bar to interrupt 
 him if he did mistake, and to put him in mind of it, if he did forget the 
 least circumstance ; some judges have been disturbed at this as a rudeness, 
 which he always looked upon as a service and respect done to him. 
 
 Hale's Life, p. 177. 
 
 As his majesty was secured by his loyalty, so his subjects were by his 
 patience, a virtue he carried with him to the bench, to attend each circum- 
 stance of an evidence, each allegation of a plea, each plea in a cause ; 
 hearing wha.t was impertinent, and observing what was proper. His usual 
 
JUDGE. CClv 
 
 them patiently ; (d) correcting their defects, not suffering 
 justice to be perverted by their ingenuity, and sneou- 
 raging their merits : — to the inferior officers by rewarding 
 the virtuous, skilful in precedents, wary in proceeding, 
 and understanding in the business of the court; and 
 discountenancing the vicious, sowers of suits, disturbers 
 of jurisdiction, impeders, by tricks and shifts, of the 
 plain and direct course of justice, and bringing it into 
 oblique lines and labyrinths: and the poller and exacter 
 of fees,(y) who justifies the common resemblance of the 
 courts to the bush, whereunto while the sheep flies for 
 defence in weather, he is sure to lose part of his fleece: 
 — to himself, by counteracting the tendency of his situa- 
 tion to warp his character, and by proper use of times of 
 recreation :—ta his profession, by preserving the privi- 
 leges of his office, and by improvement of the law: — 
 and to society by advancing justice and good feeling, in 
 the suppression of force and detection of fraud ; (A) in 
 
 sa}ring (as Seijeant Mandevil reports it), being, " We must have two douls, 
 as two sieves : one for the bran, the other for the flour; the one for the gross 
 of a discourse, the other for the quintessence." — Lloyd's Life of Fitzjames. 
 
 The errors of patience are on the one side slowness, on the other dispatch. 
 
 (d) It is no grace to a judge first to find that which he might have heard 
 in due time firom the bar; or to shew quickness of conceit in cutting off 
 evidence or counsel too short, or to prevent information by questions, 
 though pertinent. 
 
 (/■) His hands, and the hands of his hands (I mean those about him) 
 must be clean; and uncomipt firom gifts, from meddling in titles, and 
 from serving of turns, be they of great ones or small ones. 
 
 One of Sir M. Hale's rules is, "To charge my seiTants, 1st, not to 
 interpose in any business whatsoever; 2ndly, not to take more than their 
 known fees. 
 
 (k) Force the vice of strength : cunning the vice of weakness. The 
 principal duty of a judge is to suppress force and fiaud ; whereof force is 
 the more pernicious when it is open, and fraud when it is close and dis- 
 guised. A judge ought to prepare his way to a just sentence, as God 
 useth to prepare his way, by raising valleys and taking down hills: so 
 
cclvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 readiness to hear the complaint* of the distressed ;(/) in 
 looking with pity upon those who have erred and strayed ; 
 in courtesy; in discountenancing contentious suits ;(«) in 
 attending to appearances, (o) esse et videri; in encouraging 
 respect for the office ;(q') and by resigning in due 'time." (r) 
 
 when there appeareth on either side an high hand, Violent prosecution, 
 cimning advantages taken, combination, power, great counsel^ then is the 
 virtue of a judge seen to make inequality equal, that he may plant his 
 judgment as upon an even ground. " Qui fortitur emungit, elicit san- 
 guinem j" and where the wine-press is hard wrought, it yields a harsh wine 
 that tastes of the grape-stone. 
 
 Q) He should have ears always open compassionately to hear the com- 
 plaints of widows, orphans, afflicted and forlorn people, who endure all 
 the torments of the world to break through the press to manifest their 
 injuries. A widow, whose son had been slain, and who was unable to 
 attain justice, had the courage to accost the Emperor Trajan in the midst 
 of the street, amidst an infinite number of people and the legions attending 
 him to the war in Walachia, to which he was departing. He alighted 
 from his horse, heard her, and ordered justice to be done. This is repre- 
 sented on Trajan's pillar. 
 
 (n) He should discountenance contentious suits. Contentious suits 
 should be quickly ejected as the surfeit of courts. 
 
 De minimis non curat lex is a maxim of the law of England. 
 
 Contentious suits ought to be spued out as the surfeit of courts. 
 
 Bacon. 
 
 He causeth that contentious suits should be spued out as the surfeits of 
 courts. — Fuller. 
 
 (o) Not ostentatiously, but from a knowledge that observers are influ- 
 enced by appearance to Ipok at the reality. 
 
 {q) Sir Matthew Hale says, amongst the things to be continually had in 
 remembrance, " That in the administration of justice I am entrusted for 
 God, the King, and Country." 
 
 He should encourage a sentiment of respect for the judicial office ; not 
 for ostentation, but as a mode to advance a love of justice. 
 
 The judge exalts not himself but his office. 
 
 (r) He said he could not with a good conscience continue in it since he 
 was no longer able to discharge the duty belonging to it. — Hale's Life, p. 99. 
 
 Mr. Justice Heath used to say he would never resign, but would die 
 " with harness on his back." 
 
 He does not set in a cloud, but shines clear to the last. 
 
GORHAMBURY. Cclvii 
 
 In his youth he had exerted himself to improve the 
 gardens of Gray's Inn : (b) in gardens he always delighted,(c) 
 thinking them conducive to the purest of human pleasures, 
 and he now, as Chancellor, had the satisfaction to sign the 
 patent for converting Lincoln's Inn Fields into walks, (d) 
 extending almost to the wall where his faithful friend Ben 
 Jonson had, when a boy, worked as a bricklayer, (e) 
 
 For relaxation from his arduous occupations he was 
 accustomed to retire to his magnificent and beautiful 
 residence at Gorhambury, the dwelling place of his ances- 
 tors, where, (f) " when his lordship arrived, St. Albans 
 seemed as if the court had been there, so nobly did he live. 
 His servants had liveries with his crest: his watermen 
 were more employed than even the King's." 
 
 About half a mile from this noble mansion, of which the 
 ruins yet remain, and within the bounds of Old Verulam, 
 the Lord Chancellor built, at the expense of about £10,000, 
 a most ingeniously contrived house, where, in the society 
 of his philosophical friends, he escaped from the splendour 
 of Cha.ncellor, to study and meditation. " Here," says 
 Aubrey, his lordship much meditated, his servant, Mr. 
 Bushel], attending him with his pen and inkhorn to set 
 down his present notions. Mr. Thomas Hobbes told me 
 
 (A) Ante, p. xxiii. (c) See his Essays on GJardens, vol. i. p. 152. 
 
 (d) To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 My very good Lord, — I send the commission for making Lincoln's Inn 
 Fields into walks for his majesty's signature. It is without charge to his 
 majesty. God preserve and prosper you. Your Lordship's most obliged 
 ftiend and faithful servant, Fe. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 Nov. 12, 1618. 
 (e) His mother, after his father's death, married a bricklayer, and it is 
 generally said, that he wrought some time with his father-in-law, and par- 
 ticularly on the garden wall of Lincoln's Inn, next to Chancery Lane. 
 
 Aubrey's account of Ben Jonson, vol. iii. p. 412. 
 (/) Aubrey. 
 
 VOL. XV. •' 
 
Cclviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 that Ms lordship would employ him often in this service, 
 whilst he was there, and was better pleased with his 
 minutes, or notes, set down by him, than by others who 
 did not well understand his lordship. He told me that he 
 was employed in translating part of the Essays, viz. three 
 of them, one whereof was that of Greatness of Cities, the 
 other two I have now forgot." (a) 
 
 Such was the gorgeous splendour, such the union of 
 
 action and contemplation in which he lived. 
 
 Alienation About this period the King conferred upon him the 
 
 York valuable farm of the Alienation Office, and he succeeded 
 
 House. in obtaining for his residence, York House, the place of 
 
 his birth, and where his father had lived, when Lord 
 
 Keeper in the reign of Elizabeth. (5) 
 
 This may be considered the summit of this great man's 
 worldly prosperity. He had been successively Solicitor 
 and Attorney General, Privy Councillor, Lord Keeper, and 
 Lord Chancellor, having had conferred upon him the dig- 
 nities first of Knight, then of Baron of Verulam, and 
 early in the next year, of Viscount St. Albans ; but, above 
 all, he was distinguished through Europe by a much 
 prouder title, as the greatest of English Philosophers. 
 His birth At York House, on the 22nd of January, 1620, he cele- 
 ^A D hrated his sixtieth birthday, surrounded by his admirers 
 
 1620. and friends, amongst whom was Ben Jonson, who com- 
 JEtt 60 
 
 posed in honour of the day a poem founded on the fiction 
 
 of the poet's surprize upon his reaching York House, 
 
 (a) See Aubrey, p. 228. I have an engraving of this house. 
 
 (6) Besides other good gifts and bounties of the hand, which his majesty 
 gave him, both out of the broad seal, and out of the Alienation Office, to 
 the value in both of £1900 per annum, which, with his manor of Gorham- 
 bury, and other lands and possessions near thereunto adjoining, amounting 
 to a third part more, he retained to his dying day. — Rawley. See note 
 A of this work. 
 
SIXTIETH BIRTHDAY. CcHx 
 
 at the sight of the genius of the place performing some 
 mystery, (a) Fortune is justly represented insecurely 
 placed upon a wheel, whose slightest revolution may cause 
 her downfall. It has been said that wailing sounds were 
 heard before the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem, 
 and at last the rushing of mighty wings when the angel 
 of the sanctuary departed. — Had the poet been a prophet, 
 he would have described the good genius of the mansion, 
 not exulting, but dejected, humbled, and about to depart 
 for ever. 
 
 (a) " Hail, happy genius of this ancient pile ! 
 How comes it all things so about thee smile ? 
 The fire, the wine, the men ? and in the midst 
 Thou stand'st, as if some mystery thou didst. 
 Pardon, I read it in thy face; the day 
 For whose return, and many, all these pray. 
 And so do I. This is the sixtieth year 
 Since Bacon, and thy lord was born, and here : 
 Son to the grave wise Keeper of the Seal, 
 Fame and foundation of the English weal. 
 What then the father was, that since is he. 
 Now with a title more to the degree ; 
 England's High Chancellor, the destin'd heir. 
 In his soft cradle, to his father's chair. 
 Whose even thread the fates spin round and full 
 Out of their choicest and their whitest wool. 
 'Tis a brave cause of joy, let it be known, 
 For 'twere a narrow gladness kept thine own. 
 Give me a deep crown'd bowlj that I may sing. 
 In raising him^ the wisdom pf my. king;" 
 
Cclx LIKE OF BACON. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM THE PUBLICATION OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM 
 
 TO HIS RETIREMENT FROM ACTIVE LIFE, 
 
 October, 1620, to June, 1621. 
 
 Glittering in the blaze of worldly splendour, and 
 absorbed in worldly occupations, the Chancellor, now sixty 
 years of age, could no longer delude himself with the 
 hope of completing his favourite work, the great object 
 of his life, upon which he had been engaged for thirty 
 years, and had twelve times transcribed with his own 
 hand. He resolved at once to abandon it, and publish the 
 small fragment which he had composed, (a) For this act 
 
 (a) " His book of Instauratio Magna (which, in his account was the 
 chiefest of his works) was no slight imagination or fancy of his brain, but 
 a settled and concocted notion ; the production of many years labour and 
 travail. I myself have seen at the least twelve copies of the Instauration, 
 revised year by year, one after ancAher, and every year altered and amended 
 in the frame thereof; till at last it came to that model in which it was 
 committed to the press : as many living creatures do lick their young ones 
 till they bring them to their strength of limbs." Rawley's Life. 
 
 " There be two of your council, and one other bishop of this land 
 (Dr. Andrews), that know I have been about some such work near thirty 
 years, so as I made no haste. And the reason why I have published it 
 now, specially being unperfect, is, to speak plainly, because I number my 
 days, and would have it saved. There is another reason of my so doing, 
 which is to try whether I can get help in one intended part of this work, 
 namely, the compiling of a natural and experimental history, which must 
 be the main foundation of a true and active philosophy." Letter to the 
 King, see vol. ix. p.xiii, in preface. 
 
LITERATE EXPERIENCE. Cclxi 
 
 of despair he assigned two reasons : — " Because I number 
 my days, and would have it saved ;" and " to try whether 
 I can get help in one intended part of this work, namely, 
 the compiling of a Natural and Experimental History, 
 which must be the foundation of a true and active phi- 
 losophy." (a) — Such are the consequences of vain attempts 
 to unite deep contemplation and unremitted action ! Such 
 the consequences of forgetting our limited powers j that 
 we can reach only to our arm's length, and our voice be 
 heard only till the next air is still ! (6) 
 
 It will be remembered, that in the Advancement of 
 Learning, he separates the subject of the human mind (c) 
 into 
 
 '1. The Understanding. 
 .2. The Will. 
 
 1. Invention. 
 
 2. Judgment. 
 
 3. Memory. 
 .4. Tradition. 
 
 Under the head of Invention, he says, " The invention 
 of sciences, I purpose, if God give me leave, hereafter to 
 propound, having digested it into two parts; whereof the 
 one I term experientia literata, and the other, interpretatio 
 naturce: the former being; but a degree and rudiment of 
 the latter. But I will not dwell too long, nor speak too 
 great upon a promise." — This promise he, however, lived 
 partly to realize. 
 
 In the year 1623, he completed his tract upon Literate 
 
 (a) See vol. xiv. p. 4. 
 
 (i) See the fable of Memnon, in the Wisdom of the Ancients, vol. iii. 
 p. 40. 
 
 (c) Ante, p. cxii. 
 
CClxii LTFK OF BACON. 
 
 Experience, (a) in which, after having explained that our 
 inventions, instead of resulting from reason and foresight, 
 had ever originated in accident : that " we are more be- 
 holden to a wild goat for surgery : to a nightingale for 
 modulations of music : to the ibis for some part of physic : 
 to a pot-lid that flew open for artillery: in a word, to 
 chance rather than to Ic^ic : so that it is no marvel that 
 the Egyptians had their temples full of the idols of brutes ; 
 but almost empty of the idols of men:" he divides this 
 art of Discovery into two parts : " For either the indi- 
 cation is made from experiments to experiments, or from 
 experiments to axioms, which may likewise design new 
 experiments ; whereof the former we will term Experientia 
 Literata ; the latter, Interpretatio Nafurce, or Novum 
 Organum : as a man may go on his way after a three-fold 
 manner, either when himself feels out his way in the dark ; 
 or, being weak-sighted, is led by the hand of another j or 
 else when he directs his footing by a light. So when a 
 man essays all kind of experiments without sequence or 
 method, that is a mere palpation ; but when he proceeds 
 by direction and order in experiments, it is as if he were 
 led by the hand ; and this is it which we understand by 
 Literate Experience ; for the light itself, which is the third 
 way, is to be derived from the interpretation of nature, or 
 the 'New Organ" {b) 
 Literate He then proceeds to explain his doctrine of " Literate 
 
 ^perience. Experience," or the science of making experiments. The 
 hunting of Pan. (c) 
 
 In this interesting inquiry the miraculous vigilance of 
 this extraordinary man may, possibly, be more apparent 
 
 (a) De Augmentis, L. v. vol. viii. p. 265. 
 
 (i) De Aug. vol. viii. p. 265. 
 
 (c) Fable of Pan. See Wisdom of Ancients, vol. iii. p. 11. 
 
LITERATE EXPERIENCE, 
 
 cclxiii 
 
 than in his more abstruse works. An outline of it is 
 subjoined, (a) 
 
 (a) The art of experimenting is, 
 
 -1. Simple. 
 
 -1. Systematic. 
 
 1. Production 
 
 2. Inversion 
 
 3. Variation 
 
 
 .4. Translation. 
 
 -2 Compound. 
 
 By repetition. 
 By extension. 
 By compulsion. 
 
 Of the matter. 
 Of the eflBcient. 
 Of the quantity. 
 
 From nature. 
 
 1. To nature. 
 
 2. To art. 
 From art. 
 
 1. To a different art. 
 
 2. To a pait of the 
 
 same art. 
 From experiment to 
 experiment. 
 
 2. Chance. 
 
 A few moments consideration of each of these subjects 
 will not be lost. 
 
 Production is experimenting upon the result of the 
 experiment, and is either, 1st, by Repetition, continuing the 
 experiment upon the result of the experiment ; as Newton, 
 who, after having separated light into seven rays, proceeded 
 to separate each distinct pencil of rays: or, 2ndly, by 
 Extension, or urging the experiment to a greater subtlety, 
 as in the memory being helped by images and pictures 
 of persons: may it not also be helped by imaging their 
 gestures and habits ? or, 3rdly, by Compulsion, or trying an 
 experiment till its virtue is annihilated : not merely hunting 
 the game, but killing it ; as burning or macerating a load- 
 stone, or dissolving iron till the attraction between the 
 iron and the loadstone is gone. 
 
 Invebsion is trying the contrary to that which is mani- 
 fested by the experiment : as in heating the end of a small 
 bar of iron, and placing the heated end downwards, and 
 
Cclxiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 The Novum Organtjm is the next subject of consider- 
 ation. It thus opens : 
 
 your hand on the top, it will presently burn the hand. 
 Invert the iron, and place the hand on the ground, to 
 ascertain whether heat is produced as rapidly by descent 
 as by ascent. 
 
 Vakiation is either of the matter, as the trying to 
 make paper of woollen, as well as of linen j or of the 
 efficient, as by trying if amber and jet, which when rubbed, 
 will attract straw, will have the same effect if warmed at 
 the fire; or of the quantity, like jEsop's huswife, who 
 thought that by doubling her measure of barley, her hen 
 would daily lay her two eggs. 
 
 Translation is either from nature to nature, as Newton 
 translating the force of gravity upon the earth to the celes- 
 tial bodies ; or from nature to art, as the manner of distillino- 
 might be taken from showers or dew, or from that homely 
 experiment of drops adhering to covers put upon pots of 
 boiling water ; or from art to a different art, as by trans- 
 ferring the invention of spectacles, to help a weak sight, to 
 an instrument fastened to the ear, to help the deaf; or to 
 a different part of the same art : as, if opiates repress the 
 spirits in diseases, may they not retard the consumption 
 of the spirits so as to prolong life ; or from experiment tO' 
 experiment : as upon flesh putrefying sooner in some cellars 
 than in others, by considering whether this may not assist 
 in finding good or bad air for habitations. 
 
 Such are the modes of experimenting by translation,* 
 
 * They may be thus exhibited r 
 
 ^, -c. . 5 Tb nature. 
 
 1. From nature, jrj,^^^^ 
 
 - -p 5 To a different art. 
 
 z. f rom art. ^,j,^ ^ different part of the same arU 
 
 3. From experiment to experiment. 
 
KOVUM ORGANUM. CclxV 
 
 FRANCISCUS 
 
 DE VERULAMIO 
 
 SIC COGITAVIT.(a) 
 
 His despair of the possibility of completing his important 
 Work, of which his Novum Organum was only a portion, 
 appears at the very entrance of the volume, which, instead 
 of being confined to the Novum Organum, exhibits an 
 outline, and only an outline of the whole of his intended 
 labours. 
 
 open to all men who will awake and perpetually fix their 
 eyes, one while on the nature of things, another on the 
 application of them to the use and service of mankind. 
 
 Copulation of experiments is trying the efficacy of 
 united experiments, which, when separate, produce the 
 same effect : as, by pulling off the more early buds when 
 they are newly knotted, or by laying the roots bare 
 until the spring, late roses will be produced. Will not 
 the germination be more delayed by a union of these 
 experiments ? 
 
 Chances of an experiment, or the trying a conclusion 
 not for that any reason, or other experiment, induceth you 
 to it, but only because the like was never attempted 
 before : an irrational, and, as it were, a passionate manner 
 of experimenting ; but yet the wonders of nature lie out of 
 the high road and beaten paths, so as the very absurdity 
 of an attempt may sometimes be prosperous. 
 
 Such is the nature of his tract entitled " Literate Expe- 
 rience." 
 
 (a) Vol. ix. p. 145, 6, 7. Cum autem incertus esset, quando haec 
 alicui posthac in mentem ventura sint; eo potissimum usus argumento, 
 quod neminem hactenus invenit, qui ad similes cogitationes animum 
 applicuerit; decrevit prima quseque, quae perficere licuit, in publicum 
 edere. Neque haec festinatio ambitiosa fait, sed soUicita ; ut si quid illi 
 
Cclxvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 After his dedication to the King, (a) he, according to 
 his wonted mode, clears the way by a review of the 
 state of learning, which, he says, is neither prosperous nor 
 advanced, but, being barren in eifects, fruitful in questions, 
 slow and languid in its improvement, exhibiting in its 
 generality the counterfeit of perfection, ill filled up in its 
 details, popular in its choice, suspected by its very pro- 
 moters, and therefore countenanced with artifices, (6) it is 
 necessary that an entirely different way from any known 
 by our predecessors must be opened to the human under- 
 standing, and difierent helps be obtained, in order that 
 the mind may exercise its jurisdiction over the nature of 
 things. 
 
 The intended work is then separated into six parts : 
 
 humanitus accideret, exstaret tamen designatio qusedam, ac destinatio rei 
 quam animo complexus est; utque exstaret simul signum aliquod honestse 
 suse et propensae in generis humani commoda voluntatis. Certe aliam 
 quamcunque ambitionem inferiorem duxit re, quam prse manibus hab\iit. 
 Aut enim hoc quod agitur nihil est ; aut tantum, ut merito ipso contentum 
 esse debeat, nee fructum extra quaerere. 
 
 FRANCIS OF VERULAM 
 
 THOUGHT THUS. 
 
 Uncertain, however, whether these reflections would ever hereafter 
 suggest themselves to another, and particularly having observed that he 
 has never yet met with any person disposed to apply his mind to similar 
 meditations, he determined to publish whatsoever he had first time to 
 conclude. Nor is this the haste of ambition, but of his anxiety, that if the 
 common lot of mankind should befall him, some sketch and determination 
 of the matter his mind had embraced might be extant, as well as an earnest 
 of his will being honourably bent upon promoting the advantage of man- 
 kind. He assuredly looked upon any other ambition as beneath the matter 
 he had undertaken ; for that which is here treated of is either nothing, or it 
 is so great that he ought to be satisfied with its own worth, and seek no 
 other return. 
 
 (<z) See vol. ix. p. 150. 
 
 (6) See vol, ix. from p. 5. 
 
NOVUM ORGAN UM. cclxvii 
 
 1. Divisions of the Sciences. 
 
 2. Novum Organum; or, Precepts for the Interpretation 
 
 of Nature. 
 
 3. Phsenomena of the Universe ; or. Natural and Experi- 
 
 mental History on which to found Philosophy. 
 
 4. Scale of the Understanding. 
 
 5. Precursors or Anticipations of the Second Philosophy. 
 
 6. Sound Philosophy, or Active Science. 
 
 And with respect to each of these parts he explains his 
 
 intentions. 
 
 As to the first, or The Division of the Sciences, Division 
 
 he, in 1605, had exhibited an outline in the Advancement °^}^^ 
 
 ocicncBS 
 of Learning, (a) and lived nearly (6) to complete it in the 
 
 year 1623. (c) In this treatise he describes the cultivated 
 
 parts of the intellectual world and the desartsj(d) not to 
 
 measure out regions, as augurs for divination, but as 
 
 generals to invade for conquest. 
 
 The Novum Oeganum is a treatise upon the conduct xhe 
 of the understanding in the systematic discovery of truth, J^oviim 
 or the art of invention by a New Organ : (e) as, in inquiring 
 into any nature, the hydrophobia, for instance, or the 
 attraction of the magnet, the Novum Organum explains 
 a mode of proceeding by which its nature and laws may 
 with certainty be found. 
 
 It having been Bacon's favourite doctrine, that important 
 
 (a) See vol. viii. See ante, p. cxxxv. 
 
 (b) Not entirely, see the De Aug. vol. ix. p. 83, where his Justitia 
 Universalis is unfinished. 
 
 (c) Vol. viii. (d) Ante, p. cxxi. 
 
 (e) The object of the second part is the doctrine touching a better and 
 more perfect use of reasoning in the investigation of things, and the true 
 helps of the understanding; that it may by this means be raised, as far as 
 our human and mortal nature will admit, and be enlarged in its powers so 
 as to master the arduous and obscure secrets of nature. 
 
Cclxviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 trutlis are often best discovered in small and familiar in- 
 stances, (a) as the nature of a commonwealth, in a family 
 
 (a) Experiments familiar and vulgar, to the interpretation of nature do 
 as much, if not more, conduce than experiments of a higher quality. 
 Certainly this may be averred for truth, that they be not the highest 
 instances, that give the best and surest information. This is not unaptly 
 expressed in the tale, so common, of the philosopher, who while he gazed 
 upward to the stars fell into the water; for if he had looked down, he 
 might have seen the stars in the water, but looking up to heaven he could 
 not see the water in the stars. In like manner, it often comes to pass that 
 small and mean things conduce more to the discovery of great matters than 
 great things to the discovery of small matters ; and therefore Aristotle notes 
 well, that the nature of every thing is best seen in its smallest portions. 
 For that cause he inquires the nature of a commonwealth, first, in a family 
 and the simple conjugations of society ; man and wife ; parents and chil- 
 dren; master and servant, which are in every cottage. So likewise the 
 nature of this great city of the world, and the policy, thereof, must be 
 sought in eveiy first concordances and least portions of things. So we see 
 that secret of nature (esteemed one of the great mysteries) of the turning of 
 iron touched with a loadstone towards the poles, was found out in needles 
 of iron, not in bars of iron. 
 
 Consider obvious and common things. — Newton retired from the Uni- 
 versity to avoid the plague, which raged with great violence. Sitting under 
 a tree in an orchard, an apple fell upon his head. — As there is motion, 
 there must be a force which produces it. Is this force of gravity confined 
 to the surface of the earth, or does it extend to heavenly bodies ? 
 
 " See," Bacon says, " the little cloud upon glass or blades of swords, 
 and mark well the discharge of that cloud, and you shall perceive that it 
 ever breaks up first in the skirts, and last in the midst. May we not learn 
 from this the force of union, even in the least quantities and weakest 
 bodies, how much it conduceth to preservation of the present form, and 
 the resisting of the new ? In like manner, icicles if there be water to 
 follow them, lengthen themselves out in a very slender thread, to prevent a 
 discontinuity of the water; but if there be not a. sufficient quantity to 
 follow, the water then falls in round drops, which is the figure that best 
 supports it against discontinuation; and at the very instant when the thread 
 of water ends, and the falling in drops begins, the water recoils upwards to 
 avoid being discontinued. So in metals, which are fluid upon fusion, 
 though a little tenacious, some of the mettled mass frequently springs up 
 in drops, and sticks in that form to the sides of the cmcible. There is a 
 like instance in the looking-glasses, commonly made of spittle by children, 
 in a loop of rush or whalebone, where we find a constant pellicle of 
 water." 
 
NOVUM ORGANUM. Cclxix 
 
 and the simple conjugations of society, man and wife, 
 parents and children, master and servant, which are in 
 every cottage ; and as he had early taught that all truths, 
 however divisible as lines and veins, (a) are not separable 
 as sections and separations, but partake of one common 
 essence, which, like the drops of rain, fall separately into 
 the river, mix themselves at once with the stream, and 
 strengthen the general current, it may seem extraordinary 
 that it should not have occurred to him that the mode 
 to discover any truth might, possibly, be seen by the 
 proceedings in a court of justice, where the immediate 
 and dearest interests of men being concerned, and great 
 intellect exerted, it is natural to suppose that the best 
 mode of invention would be adopted. 
 
 In a well constituted court of justice the Judge is with- 
 out partiality. He hears the evidence on both sides, and 
 the reasoning of the opposite advocates. He then forms 
 his judgment. This is the mode adopted by Bacon in 
 the Novum Organum for the discovery of all truths. He 
 endeavours to make the Philosopher in his study proceed 
 as a Judge in his court. 
 
 For this purpose his work is divisible into three parts : 
 1st. The removal of prejudice, or the destruction of idols, 
 or modes by which the judgment is warped from the truth. 
 2ndly. By considering facts on both sides; as if the 
 inquiry be into the nature of heat, by considering all the 
 affirmative and negative instances of heat. 
 
 Affirmative Table. 
 
 Negative Table. 
 
 The Sun's direct rays. 
 Blood of Terrestrial Animals. 
 Living Animals. 
 &c. 
 
 The Moon's rays. 
 Blood of Fish. 
 Dead Animals. 
 &c. 
 
 (o) Adv. of Learning, vol. ii. p. 153. De Aug„vol. viii. p. 205. 
 
Cclxx LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 3rdly. By explaining the mode in which the facts pre- 
 sented to the senses ought by certain rules to be examined. 
 As the commander of an army, before he commences an 
 attack, considers the strength and number of his troops, 
 both regular and allies; the spirit by which they are 
 animated, whether they are the lion, or the sheep in the 
 lion's skin; the power of the enemy to which he is 
 opposed ; their walled towns, their stored arsenals and 
 armouries, their horses and chariots of war, elephants, 
 ordnance and artillery, and their races of men ; and then 
 in what mode he shall commence his attack and proceed 
 in the battle : so, before man directs his strength against 
 nature, and endeavours to take her high towers and dis- 
 mantle her fortified holds, and thus enlarge the borders of 
 his dominion, (a) he ought duly to estimate, 
 
 1st. His powers natural and artificial for the discovery 
 
 of truth. 
 2nd. His different motives for the exercise of his powers. 
 3rd. The obstacles to which he is opposed ; and, 
 4th. The mode in which he can exert his powers with 
 
 most efficacy, or the Art of Invention. 
 
 Of these four requisites, therefore, a perfect work upon 
 the conduct of the understanding ought, as it seems, to 
 consist: but the Novum Organum is not thus treated. 
 To system Bacon was not attached : (6) for " As young 
 
 (a) See Bacon, in the beginning of his tract on the Philosophy of Man. 
 See also Diderot de I'lnterpr^tation de la Nature, where he says, " que 
 tous nos efforts se trouvassent reunis et diriges en meme temps contre 
 la resistance de la nature." There is the same expression in South's 
 sermon on Human Perfection, viz. " thereby extending the bounds of 
 apprehension and enlarging the territories of reason." 
 
 (b) See Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 203. See also note D, 
 vol. ii. p. 384. 
 
NOVUM ORGANUM. cclxxi 
 
 men, when they knit and shape perfectly, do seldom 
 grow to a farther stature, so knowledge, while it is in 
 aphorisms and observations, it is in growth ; but when it 
 once is comprehended in exact methods, it may perchance 
 be farther polished and illustrated, and accommodated for 
 use and practice ; but it increaseth no more in bulk and 
 substance, (a) 
 
 Instead of explaining our different powers, our Senses, Our 
 our Imagination, our Reason, there are in the Novum P°"^'^' 
 Organum only some scattered observations upon the 
 defects of the senses ; — upon the different causes or idols 
 by which the judgment is always liable to be warped, and 
 some suggestions as to the artificial helps to our natural 
 powers in exploring the truths which are exhibited to 
 the senses. 
 
 With respect to the defects of the senses, he says that Defects of 
 things escape their cognizance by seven modes : (b) *® senses. 
 
 1st. From distance; which is remedied by substitutes, 
 
 as beacons, bells, telegraphs, &c. 
 2nd. By the interception of interposing bodies ; which is 
 
 remedied by attention to outward or visible signs, 
 
 as the internal state of the body by the pulse, &c. 
 3rd. By the unfitness of the body: or, 
 4th. Its insufficiency in quantity to impress the sense, 
 
 as the air and the vital spirit, which is imperceptible 
 
 by sight or touch. 
 6th. From the insufficiency of time to actuate the sense, 
 
 either when the motion is too slow, as in the hand 
 
 of a clock or the growth of grass, or too rapid, as 
 
 a bullet passing through the air. 
 
 (a) See Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 48. 
 
 (b) See what he terms citing Instances, vol. ix. p. 305. 
 
Cclxxii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 6th. From the percussion of the body being too powerful 
 for the sense, as in looking at the mid-day sun; 
 which is remedied by removing the object from the 
 sense ; or by diminishing its force by the interpo- 
 sition of a medium, as smoking tobacco through 
 water ; or by reflection, as the sun's rays in a 
 mirror or basin of water.: and — 
 
 7th. Because the sense is pre-occupied by another object, 
 as by the use of perfumes. 
 
 Idols. The defects of the judgment he investigates in a more 
 
 laborious inquiry. " There ai'e," he says, " certain predis- 
 positions which beset the mind of man; certain idols 
 which are constantly operating upon the mind and warping 
 it from the truth ; for the mind of man, drawn over and 
 clouded with the sable pavilion of the body, is so far from 
 being like a smooth equal and clear glass, which might 
 sincerely take and reflect the beams of things according to 
 their true incidence, that it is rather like an enchanted 
 glass, full of superstitions, apparitions, and impostures; 
 which idols are of such a pernicious nature, that, if they 
 once take root in the mind, they will so possess it that 
 truth can hardly find entrance ; and, even should it enter, 
 they will again rise up, choke, and destroy it." (a) 
 Division of These idols are of two sorts: 1st, common to all men, 
 Idols. therefore called Idols of the Tribe, including the defects of 
 words, called Idols of the Market ; 2nd, peculiar to pecu- 
 liar individuals, either from their original conformation, or 
 from their education and pursuits in life, called Idols of 
 
 (a) Locke on the conduct of the Understanding says, " Men do not look 
 through glasses which represent images in their true forms and colours ; 
 for they put coloured spectacles before their eyes, and look on tilings 
 through false glasses, and then think themselves excused in following the 
 false appearances which they themselves put upon them." 
 
IDOLS. 
 
 cclxxiii 
 
 the Den, including the errors from particular opinions, 
 called Idols of the Theatre. So that his doctrine of idols 
 may be thus exhibited : 
 
 1. Of the Tribe.— Of the Market. 
 
 2. Of the Den. — Of the Theatre. 
 
 The Idols of the tribe, or warps to the judgment by which Idols of 
 all manjund swerve from the truth, are of two classes: ^ " ^" 
 1st. When man is under the influence of a passion more 
 powerful than the love of truth, as worldly interest, crying, 
 " Great is Diana of the Ephesians :" or, 2ndly, when, 
 under the influence of the love of truth, he, like every lover, 
 is hurried, without due and cautious inquiry, by the hope 
 of possessing the object of his affections ; which manifests 
 itself either in hasty assent, or hasty generalization, the 
 parents of credulity : — in tenacity in retaining opinions, the 
 parent of prejudice : — ^in abandoning universality, ^Aeparew^ 
 of feeble inquiry: {a) — or in indulging in subtleties and 
 refinements and endless inquiry, the parent of vain specu- 
 lations, spinning out of itself cobwebs of learning, admirable 
 for their fineness of texture, but of no substance or profit. (6) 
 
 (a) Does not this originate in ignorance of the connexion 
 between all truths, as the quavering upon a stop in music 
 gives the same delight to the ear that the playing of light 
 upon the water, or the sparkling of a diamond, gives to 
 the eye ? 
 
 '1. Worldly interest. 
 
 2. Uniformity. 
 
 3. Arrangement. 
 -4. Simplicity, &c. &c. 
 
 (*) 
 
 n. 
 
 Passions more 
 powerful than 
 love of truth, 
 
 .2. Love of truth. 
 
 n Ti ♦ /Assent. 
 
 1. tlasty -[Generalization. 
 
 2. Tenacity. 
 
 3. Abandoning universality. 
 
 4. Endless inquiry, &c- 8cc. 
 
 VOL. XV. 
 
Cclxxiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Idols of the As men associate by discourse, and words are imposed 
 according to the capacity of the vulgar, a false and im- 
 proper imposition of words unavoidably possesses the 
 understanding, leading men away to idle controversies and 
 subtleties, irremediable by definitions, which, consisting of 
 words, shoot back, like the Tartar's bow, upon the judg- 
 ment from whence they came. 
 
 These defects of words, or Idols of the Market, are 
 either names of non-existences, as the primum mobile, the 
 element of fire. See. ; or confused names of existences, as 
 beauty, virtue, &c. ; which, from the subtlety of nature 
 being infinite and of words finite, must always exist. 
 Words tell the minutes, but not the seconds. When we 
 attempt to reach heaven, we are stopped by the confusion 
 of languages. 
 
 Idols of The Idols of the Den, or attachment by particular 
 individuals to particular opinions, he thus explains : 
 " We every one of us have our particular den or cavern 
 which, refracts and corrupts the light of nature; either 
 because every man has his respective temper, education, 
 acquaintance, course of reading and authorities ; or from 
 the difference of impressions, as they happen in a mind 
 prejudiced or prepossessed, or in one that is calm and 
 equal. Of which defects Plato's cave is an excellent 
 emblem : for certainly if a man were continued from his 
 childhood to mature age in a grottoe or dark and subter- 
 raneous cave, and then should come suddenly abroad, and 
 should behold the stately canopy of heaven and the furni- 
 ture of the world, without doubt he would have many 
 strange and absurd imaginations come into his mind and 
 people his brain. So in like manner we live in the view of 
 heaven, yet our spirits are inclosed in the caves of our 
 bodies, complexions, and customs, which must needs 
 minister unto us infinite images of error and vain opinions^ 
 
 the Den. 
 
IDOLS. CclxXV 
 
 if they do seldom and for so short a time appear abbve 
 ground out of their holes, and do not continually live 
 under the cbntemplatioh of nature as in the open air." 
 Of these Idols of the Den, the attachment of professional 
 men, divines, lawyers, politicians, &c. to their respective 
 sciences, are glaring instances, (a) 
 
 (a) Medical Antipathy. — Dr. William Hunter, in his introduction to 
 his anatomical lectures, after having referred to the improvements in 
 anatomy by Malpighi and, other Italians, says, the senior professors were 
 inflamed to such ^ pitch, that they endeavoured to pass a law whereby 
 every graduate should be obliged to take the following additional clause to 
 his solemn oath on taking his degree : " You shall likewise swear that you 
 vnll preserve and defend the doctrine taught in the University of Botionia, 
 viz. that of Hippoerates, Aristotle, and Galen, which has now been 
 approved of for so niany ages, and that you will not permit their principles 
 and conclusions to be overturned by any person, as fer as in you lies." 
 " Pro toto tui posse," is the expression. " But," says our author, " this 
 was dropt, and the philosophizing with freedom remains to this day." 
 
 Antipathy of Divines and Politicians. — The antipathy of these profes- 
 sions is explained by Lord Bacon, in the opening of his treatise " De 
 Augmentis," to which I must content myself iil this place by referring. 
 
 Antipathy of Sailors. — Soon after the invention of steam-boats, I hap- 
 pened to be on the walk in Greenvpich hospital, opposite to the river, 
 when the Margate steain-boat was passing. " I hate them steam-boats," 
 said one of the Greenwich pensioners, walking away in great dudgeon, 
 " fliey are clean contrary to nature." 
 
 Aiitipathy of Lawyers. — ^The lalwyers, and particularly St. Paul, were 
 the most violent opposers of Christianity. The civilians, upon being 
 taunted by the common lawyers with the cruelty of the rack, answered, 
 " non ex ssevitia, sed ex bonitate talia feciunt homines." — In Utopia, 
 when the archbishop objiected to the punishment of death for theft, the 
 counsellor answers, " that the law can never be altered without endangering 
 the whole nation." 
 
 Pastoret, a French judge, who wrote on penal lays, " Je voudrois 
 |Souvoir d^fehdre I'humanit^ sans accuser notre legislation ; mais qu'est la 
 loi positive auprfes des droits immuables de la justice et de la nature? 
 Des magistrals meme, je ne me le dissimule point, sont opposes aux 
 r^formes desires par la nation entifere. Nourris dans une connoissance 
 iiitlme de la jurisprudence p^nale, ayant pour elle I'attachement si comraun 
 pour des id^es anciennes, ils y sont encore attaches par un sentiment plus 
 
cclxxvi 
 
 LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Idols of the 
 Theatre. 
 
 Destruc- 
 tion of 
 Idols. 
 
 Idols of the Theatre, or depraved theories, are, of course, 
 infinite and inveterate ; appearing in that numerous litter 
 of strange, senseless, absurd opinions, which, crawl about 
 the world to the disgrace of reason and the wretchigcjness 
 of mankind. 
 
 Upon the destruction of these Idols, Bacon is unceasing 
 in his exhortations. " They must," he says, " by thie 
 lover of truth be solemnly and for ever renounced,, that. the 
 understanding may be purged and cleansed ; for the king- 
 
 noble. Leur vertu a souvent adouci la sev^rite de la loi, et elle leur rend 
 chferes des maximes qu'ils rendent meilleurs, en leur communiquant I'im- 
 pression d'une arae tendre et vertueuse. Ce p'est pas, eux qu'on doit 
 craindre : ils finissent par fetre justes. Mais ce qu'on doit redoubter, parce 
 qu elle ne salt ni pardonner ni se corriger, c'est la m^diocrite routinifere, 
 toiijours prfete a accabler de reproches ceux qui ont le courage d'elever 
 leurs pensees et leurs observations au-dessus du niveau auquel. elle est 
 cpndamn^e. Ce sont des novateurs, s'^crie-t-elle ; c'^st une innovation, 
 r^pfelent, avec un souris m^prisant, les producteurs des iddes anciennes. 
 Tout projet de r^forme est a leurs yeux I'effet de I'ignorance ou du'd^lire, 
 et les plus compatissans sont ceux qui daignent vous plaindre de ce qu'ils 
 appellent I'^garement de votre raison. L'admijatiop pour ce qui.est, pour 
 ce qui ftit, succfede bientot au m^pris pour ce qu'on propose. lis se 
 croient plus sages que nos pferes, ajoue-t-on ; et avec ce mot, tout parott 
 d^cid^." 
 
 During a debate in the House of Lords, June 13, 1827, Lord Tenterden 
 is reported to have said, that it was fortunate that the subject (the amend- 
 ment of the lavrs) had been taken up by a gentleman of enlarged mind 
 (Mr. Peel), who had not been bred to the law, for those who were, v\^ere 
 rendered dull by habit to many of its defects. 
 
 And Lord Bacon says, " Qui de legibus scripserunt, omnes vel tanqusim 
 philosophi vel tanquam jurisconsulti argumentum illud tractaverunt. Atque 
 philosophi proponunt multa, dictu pulcra, sed ab usu remota. Juriscon- 
 sulti autem suae quisque patriae legum (vel etiam Romanorttta' aut ponti- 
 ficiarum) placitis obnoxii et addicti, judicio sincero non utuntur: sed 
 tanquam e vinculis sermonicentur. Certe cognitio ista gd virps civiles 
 propria spectat qui optimfe norunt quid ferat societas humana; quid salus 
 populi : quid aequitas naturalis : quid gentium mores : quid rerum publi- 
 carum forma diversee: ide5que possint de legibus. ex principiiiet proe- 
 ceptis, tam sequitatis naturalis quam politices, decernere." 
 
IDOLS. cclxxvii 
 
 dbm of man, which is founded in the sciences, can scarce 
 be entered otherwise than the Kingdom of God, that is, in 
 the condition of little children:" and, with an earnestness 
 not often found in his works, he adds, "If we have any 
 humility towards the Creator; if we have any reverence 
 and esteem of his works ; if we have any charity towards 
 men, or any desire of relieving their miseries and neces- 
 sities J if we have any love for natural truths ; any aversion 
 to darkness, any desire of purifying the understanding, 
 we must destroy these idols, which have led experience 
 captive, and childishly triumphed over the works of God ; 
 and now at length condescend, with due submission and 
 veneration, to approach and peruse the volume of the 
 creation; dwell some time upon it, and bringing to the 
 work a mind well purged of opinions, idols, and false 
 notions, converse familiarly therein. This volume is the 
 language which has gone out to all the ends of the earth, 
 unaffected by the confusion of Babel ; this is the language 
 that men should thoroughly learn, and not disdain to have 
 its alphabet perpetually in their hands ; and in th6 inter- 
 pretation of this language they should spare no pains, but 
 strenuously proceed, persevere, and dwell upon it to the 
 last." 
 
 Such is a faint outline of Bacon's celebrated doctrine of 
 Idols, which has sometimes been supposed to be the most 
 important of all his works, and to expose the cause of all 
 the errors by which man is misled. 
 
 Upon the motives by which the lover of truth, seeking Our 
 nature with all her fruits about her, can alone be actuated, 
 and which he has explained in other parts of his works, (a) 
 he, in the Novum Organum, contents himself with saying, 
 ''\y^e would ill general admonish all to consider the true 
 
 (a) See ante, p. x. 
 
Cclxxviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 ends of knowledge, and not to seek it for the gratification 
 of their minds, or for disputation, or that they may despise 
 others, or for emolument, or fame, or power, or such low 
 objects, but for its intrinsic merit and the purposes of 
 life." (a) 
 Obstacles. The obstacles to the acquisition of knowledge are : 
 
 fl. Worldly occupation, 
 fl. Want of time, J 2. Sickness. 
 ] and L3. Shortness of life. 
 
 1-2. Want of means. 
 
 Want of Upon the obstacles from want of time, more imaginary 
 than real, if time is not wasted in frivolous pursuits, in 
 sensuality or in sleep, in misapplication of times of recre- 
 ation, or in idle curiosity, the Novum Organum contains 
 but one casual, consolatory observation : " We j udge 
 also that mankind may conceive some hopes from our 
 example, which we offer, not by way of ostentation, but 
 because it may be useful." (fi) 
 
 Want of The obstacles to the acquisition of knowledge from want 
 of means he through life deeply felt, and he never omitted 
 an opportunity earnestly to express his hope that it would 
 be diminished or destroyed by such a collection of natural 
 history as would shew the world, not as man has made 
 it, not as it exists only in imagination, but as it really 
 exists, as God has made it. (c) 
 
 (a) See vol. v. p. 12. (6) See ante, c. ix. 
 
 (c) In the Advancement of Learning (see vol. ii. p. 95), published in 
 160.5, he notes, as one of the defects of universities, " the want of collec- 
 tions of natural history, and of instruments to assist in experiments, 
 whether appertaining to Vulcan or Daedalus, furnace or engine, without 
 which there cannot be any main proficience in the disclosing of nature." 
 In his fable of Pan, in the Wisdom of the Ancients (vol. iii. p. 11), he 
 explains the exquisite description of nature by the ancients, under the 
 
 means. 
 
OBSTACLES TO KNOWLEDGE. Cclxxix 
 
 Anxious to lay the true foundation of philosophy, he, in 
 the Novum Organum, availed himself of the pov?er with 
 which he was entrusted, to induce the King to form such 
 a collection of natural history as he had measured out in 
 
 person of Pan ; where,- amidst great ingenuity and much beauty, he says, 
 " He is pourtrayed by the ancients with horns on his head, to reach to 
 heaven, because horns are broad at the root and sharp at the ends, the 
 nature of all things being like a pyramis, sharp at the top. For individual 
 or singular things being infinite are first collected into species, which are 
 many also; then from species into generals, and from generals (by ascend- 
 ing) are contracted into things or notions more general; so that at length 
 nature may seeih to be contracted into an unity. Neither is it to be 
 wondered at, that Pan toucheth heaven with his horns, seeing the height 
 of nature or universal ideas do in some sort pertain to, things divine, and 
 there is a ready and short passage from metaphysic to natural theology." 
 A sentiment which he repeated in 1623, in the treatise De Aiigmehtis, 
 saying, " The sciences are the pyramids supported by history and expe- 
 rience, as their only and true basis; and so the basis of natural philosophy 
 is natural history ; the stage next the basis is physic ; the stage next the 
 vertical point is metaphysic : as for the cone and vertical point itself (opus 
 quod operatur Deus k principio usque ad finem; the summary lawf of 
 nature), we do justly doubt, whether man's -inquiry can attain unto it." — 
 See vol. viii. p. 90 and 189. He therefore, as a portion of the third part 
 of his Instauration (see Baconiana, 41), resolved himself to commence this 
 arduous undertaking, in a work entitled Sylva Sylvarum, published years 
 after his death, by his faithful friend and secretary, Dr. Rawley, who says, 
 " I have heard his lordship speak complainingly, that his lordship, who 
 thinketh he deserveth to be an architect in this building, should be forced 
 to be a workman and a labourer, and to dig the clay and bum the brick ; 
 and more than that, according to the hard condition of the Israelites at the 
 latter end, to gather the straw and stubble over all the fields, to bum the 
 bricks withal. For he knoweth that except he do it, nothing will be done : 
 men are so set to despise the means of their own good." And, in his 
 New Atlantis (vol. ii. p. 322), he preferred assisting in such a collection, as 
 more. important than an inquiry into the principles of government and 
 legislation ; and he. pointed out of what it ought to consist, and the modes 
 which the obstacles to the acquisition of knowledge, from the expense 
 attendant upon such collections, might be diminished by public lectures 
 and libraries, and by, collections and instruments in public institutions. — 
 See ante, p. xiii. 
 
Cclx«X LIFK OF BACON'. 
 
 hip mind, 1 affld such as really ought tosiipupEQCsitsd'jif'a 
 great and royal work, requiring the purse of a |Mince and 
 the assistance of a people." He therefore, in the.dedication, 
 a,mi in his presentation letter, urged the Kii;g to imita,tft 
 Solomon, hy procuring the compilation and completion of 
 such a natural and experimental history as should ■ be 
 serviceable for raising the superstructure of philosophy: 
 that, at length, after so many ages, philosophy and the 
 sciences may no longer be unsettled iand speculative, but 
 fixed on the solid foundation of a varied and well considered 
 experience : (a) and in his reply to the King's acknow- 
 ledgment of the receipt of the Novum Organum, he 
 repeats his hope that the King will aid him in employing 
 |he community in collecting a natural and experimental 
 hjgtory, as ".basis totius negotii;" for who can tell, now 
 t^ mine of tfuth is opened, how the veins go, apd sirha-t 
 lieth, higher, and what lieth lower." (fe) 
 
 Such were the hopes in which he indulged. So difficult 
 is it to love and be wise. The King complimented hita 
 hpon his work, saying, that " like the peace of God, it 
 passeth all understanding ;"{c) but of a collection of natural 
 history " we verbum quidem." {d) 
 
 Annexed to this doctrine of idols, there are some 
 inquiries into the signs of false philosophy ;(e) — the causes 
 
 (a) Vol. ix. p. 150, and vol. xiv. p. 4. 
 ' ' (J) Vol. ix. p. xvi. '■ ' ' ' 
 
 (c) Ante, p. Ixxxvi. 
 . (d) See vol. ix. preface, p. xxvi. 
 
 (e) The signs of false philosophy are> he says,* h Their 
 origin, 2. Their fruity whether barren or productive,' whe- 
 ther producing disputations, thistles and thorns, or grapes 
 and olives. 3. Their progress, whether being founded in 
 
 * Aph. 71, 2, 3, 4, 5; 6, 7, vol. ix. p. 221 to 229 j" vojv'xiv. p. 51 
 
 to 56. - I 
 
CAUSES. OF ERROil. CCkxJti 
 
 of' the errors in philosophy ; (a)- — and the grounds of hope 
 that knowledge must be progressive : (6);— hopes which he 
 
 nature, they ^roW, or against nature are mules, and 
 stationary. 4. The confession of authors. 5. The disa- 
 grieement amongst the professors, shewing, that the way 
 from sense to the understanding is not well guarded. 
 6. Consent, the most fatal and lethargic of all signs. 
 
 (a) The causes of the numerous and prevalent errors 
 and their continuance through so many ages are, h^- says,* 
 
 1. A scantiness of times, suited to knowledge. 2. The 
 neglecting natural philosophy, the mother of the sciences, 
 3. The considering natural philosophy only as a passage to 
 other things, thus degrading the mother of the sciences 
 to the office of a handmaid. 4. Mistdki^g'the end of 
 knowledge. 6. Mistaking the road. 6. Improper' reve- 
 rence for aiitiquity and authors. 7. Admiration of ^xistrhj^ 
 works. 8. Imagination of plenty. 9. The absurdi€efe'^f 
 projectors. 10. The pusillanimity of inventors. 11. Super- 
 stition and the blind furious zeal of religion. 12. The 
 customs and institutions of universities. 13. Despair la^d 
 supposition of impossibilities. 
 
 (6) The hopes that knowledge will be progressive aj;e 
 stated, he says, in imitation of Columbus, who, befpiCQ! he 
 undertook his expedition through the Atlantic ocean, 
 assigned his reasons why he expected to find new lands and 
 continents.-j- These reasons are : 1. General intercourse. 
 
 2. Knowledge of the errors of past times. 3. The union 
 of the experimental and rational faculties: not like the 
 empirics, who, as ants, lay up stores and use them; or 
 the rationalists who, like spiders, spin webs out of them- 
 selves : but like the bee, gathering her matter from the 
 flowers of the field and garden, and digesting and prepariiig 
 it by her native powers. 4. Pure and unmixed natural 
 
 . ♦ Aph. 78, 9, 80-1 to 92, vol. ix. p. 228; Vol xiv. p. 56. , - 
 t Aph. 93 to 115, vol. ix. p. 249; vol. xiv. p. 69. 
 
road 
 
 Cclxxxii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 had beautifully stated in the conclusion of his Myance- 
 ment of Learning, (a) 
 Right After having thus cleared the way by considering the 
 
 modes by which we are warped from the truth ; by which, 
 formed to adore the true God, we fall down and worship an 
 idol: (6) after having admonished us, that, in the conduct 
 of the understanding, a false step may be fatal, that & 
 cripple in the right will beat a racer in the wrong way, 
 erring in proportion to his fleetness, he expresses his asto- 
 nishment that no mortal should have taken care to open 
 and prepare a way for the human understanding from 
 sense and a well conducted experience, but that all things 
 should be left either to the darkness of tradition, the 
 giddy agitation and whirlwind of argument, or else to the 
 uncertain waves of accident, or a vague and uninformed 
 experience. To open this way, to discover how our reason 
 shall be guided, that it may be right, that it be not a 
 blind guide, but direct us to the place where the star 
 appears, and point us to the very house where the babe 
 lieth, is the great object of this inquiry. 
 
 philosophy. 6. The regeneration of sciences. 6. Supply 
 of natural history. 7. Supply of mechanical experiments. 
 8. The orderly conducting experience. 9. The not trusting 
 to inventions, except in writing. 10. Tables of invention. 
 1 1 . Proper use of tables of invention. 12. Proper conduct 
 of understanding. 13. Proper induction which is the 
 greatest hope. 14. Privation of reading, and dismembering 
 the sciences. 15. Systematid, instead of accidental inven- 
 tion. 16. Ther not forming conjectures of new things froin 
 examples of existing inventions. 17. The use of literate 
 experience; 1 8. Knowledge of the nature of useless inquiry 
 and idle curiosity. 19. Multitude of particulars'. 20. 
 Division of labour. 21. Experimenting. 
 (a) Ante, p. cxxxvi. (6) See his essay " 0,f Love,".vol. i. p. 31.; 
 
CONDUCT OF UNDERSTANDING. CclxXxUi 
 
 As our opinions are formed by impressions made upon Formation 
 our senses, by confidence in the communications of othersi ° °P"""'"- 
 and by our own meditations, man, in the infancy of his 
 reason, is unavoidably in error: for, although our senses 
 never deceive us, the communications made by others^ 
 and our own speculations must, according to the ignorance 
 of our teachers, and the liveliness of our own imaginations, 
 teem with error. 
 
 Bacon saw the evil, and he saw the remedy : he saw and 
 taught his contemporaries and future ages, that reasoning- 
 is nothing worth, except as it is founded on facts. 
 
 In his Sylva Sylvarum, he thus speaks : " The philosophy 
 of Pythagoras, which was full of superstition, did first 
 plant a monstrous imagination, which afterwards was, by 
 the school of Plato and others, watered and nourished. 
 It was, that the world was one entire, perfect, living 
 creature ; that the ebbing and flowing of the sea was the 
 respiration of the world, drawing in water as breath, and 
 putting it forth again. They went on and inferred, that 
 if the world were a living creature, it had a soul and spirit. 
 This foundation being laid, they might build upon it what 
 they would ; for in a 'living creature, though never so 
 great, as, for example, in a great whale, the sense, and 
 the effects of any one part of the body, instantly make a 
 transcursion throughout the whole body : so that by this 
 they did insinuate that no distance of place,i nor want or 
 indispositi<m of ^natter,, could hinder magical operation; 
 but that, for example, we might here in Europe have 
 sense and feeling of that which was done in China. With 
 these vast and bottomless foUies> men have been in part 
 entertained, (a) But we that hold firm to the works of 
 
 (a) See absurdities of te same nature in Kenelm Digby's discourse on 
 Powder of Sympathy, by which wounds were cured. He says, that " a man 
 
CC'lxXxiV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 God, and to the sense, which is God's lamp, Lucerna Dei 
 Spiraculum Hominis, will inquire, with all sobriety and 
 severity, whether there is to be found, in the footsteps of 
 nature, any such transmission and influx of imnaateriate 
 virtues." (a) 
 
 In this state of darkness was society involved, when 
 Bacon formed his Art of Invention, which consists in col- 
 lecting all bodies that have any aflBnity with the nature 
 sought; and in a systematic examination of the bodies 
 collected. 
 
 having cut his hand, asked me to view his v? ounds ; ' For I understand,' 
 said he, • that you have extraordinary remedies upon such occasions, and 
 my surgeons apprehend some fear that it may grow to a gangrene, and so 
 the hand must be cut off.' I told him that I would willingly serve him. 
 I asked him then for any thing that had the blood upon it; so he presently 
 sent for his garter, wherewith his hand was first bound : and having called 
 for a bason of water, as. if I would wash ray hands, I took a handful of 
 powder of vitriol, which I had in my study, and presently dissolved it. As 
 soon as the bloody garter was brought me, I put it within the bason, ob- 
 serving in the interim what Mr. Howel did, who stood talking with a gentle- 
 fnan in a comer of my chamber, not regarding at all what I was doing; but 
 he started suddenly, as if he had foi^nd some strange alteration in himself. 
 I asked him what he ailed ? ' I know not what ails me, but I find that I 
 feel 110 more pain ; methinks that a pleasing kind of fireshness, as it were a 
 wet cold napkin did spread over my hand, which hath taken away the in- 
 flammation that tormented me before.' I replied, since that you feel already 
 sijii good an efiect of .my medicament, I advise you, to cast away all your 
 plaisters, only keep the wound clean. After dinner I took the garter out of 
 the water, and put it to dry before a great fire ; it was scarce dry, but Mr. 
 Howell's servant came running, and told me, that his master felt as much 
 burning as ever he had done, if not more, for the heat was such as if his 
 hand were betwixt coals of fire. I answered, that although that had hap- 
 pened at present, yet he should find ease in a short time; for I knew the 
 reason of this new accident, and I would provide accordingly; for his master 
 should be fi'ee from that inflammation, it may be before he could possibly 
 return unto him. Thereupon he went, and at the instant I did put again 
 the garter into the water; thereupon he found his master vpithout any pain at 
 all. Within five' 6r six days the wounds were cicktrized and entirely healed." 
 (a) See Centitryx. of Sylva, ^-ol. iv. p. 48^ a tract contaming materials 
 for a work upon Imagination, most deserving consideration. 
 
AFFIRMATIVE TABLE. QclxXJCY 
 
 To discover facts is, therefore, his first object; but^. aa 
 natural and experimental history is so copious and dif- 
 fusive as to confound and distract the understanding, 
 ui^lp^s digested in iproper order, tables are formed and: so 
 digested, that the understanding may commodiously work 
 upon them. 
 
 TABLE I. . ^^ 
 
 " The first, or Affirmative Table, consists of a general Affirmative 
 collection of all the known analogous instances (a) which 
 agree in the nature sought, from subjects however dis- 
 similar or sordid they may be supposed to be, and without 
 being deterred by the apparent number of particulars.- 
 
 If, for instance, the nature sought be heat or light, 
 these tables may be thus conceived : 
 
 Heat. 
 
 Light. 
 
 The Sun's direct rays. 
 
 The Heavenly Bodies. 
 
 Forked Lightning. 
 
 Rotten Wood. 
 
 Flame. 
 
 Putrid scales of Fish. 
 
 Blood of Terrestrial Animals. 
 
 Glow Worms. 
 
 ' Living Animals. 
 
 Sugar scraped. 
 
 Pepper masticated. 
 
 Eyes of Certain Animals. , 
 
 &c. 8a:. 
 
 Drops of Salt Water from ours. 
 
 
 Silk stockings rubbed. 
 
 
 &c. &c. 
 
 > - 1 
 
 Such is the object of his first or affirmative table, which, 
 he warns his reader, is not to raise the edifice, but merely 
 to collect, the materials, and which is, therefore, to be 
 made without any hasty indulgence of speculation, although 
 the mind may, in proportion to its ingenuity, (ft) acciden- 
 tally, from an inspection of affirmative instances, arrive at 
 a just conclusion. 
 
 (a) Nov. Org. Aph. x. L. 2. See vol. ix. p. 299. 
 (6) See Aph. 30. Nov. Org. L. 1. vol. ix. p. 283. 
 
eclxXXvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 TABLE II. 
 
 Negative The second, or Negative Table, (o) consists of a collection 
 of all the known instances of similar bodies, which do not 
 agree in the same nature. — Thus let the nature sought be 
 heat. 
 
 Affirmative Table. 
 
 Negative Table. 
 
 The Sun's direct rays. 
 Blood of Terrestrial Animals. 
 Living Animals. 
 Boiling Water. 
 &c. &c. 
 
 The Moon's rays. 
 Blood of Fish. 
 Dead Animals. 
 Ice. 
 
 &c, &c. 
 
 By observing this table, it appears that the blood of all 
 animals is not hot. This table, therefore, prevents hasty 
 generalization. " A* if Samuel should have rested in those 
 sons of Jesse vchich were brought before him in the house, 
 and should not have sought David who was absent in the 
 field." 
 
 By observing the table, it also appears that boiling 
 water is hotj ice is cold: — ^living bodies are hot; dead 
 bodies are cold ; — -but in boiling water and in living bodies 
 there is motion of parts : in ice and dead bodies they are 
 fixed. Another use, therefore, of this table is to discover 
 the nature sought, by observing its qualities which are 
 absent in the analogous nature, " like the images of Cassius- 
 and Brutus, in the funeral of Junia ;" of which, not being 
 represented as many others were, Tacitus saith, " Eo ipso 
 prafulgebant quod non visebantur." 
 
 (a) Aph. la. Nov. Org. L. 2. vol. ix. p. 301. 
 
TABLE OF COMPARISONS. 
 
 cclxxxvii 
 
 TABLE III. 
 
 The third, or table of Comparisons, (a) consists of com- Table of 
 parisons of quantity of the nature sought in the same go""^"" 
 bodies and in different bodies. Thus, 
 
 COMPAKISONS OF HEAJ. 
 
 In different 
 
 bodies 
 
 
 In the same body. 
 
 There is no solid body naturally 
 
 In Animah. 
 
 hot. 
 
 
 
 Animal heat varies fiom minute 
 
 All bodies are in different 
 
 degrees 
 
 perceptibility to about the heat 
 
 capable of heat. 
 
 
 
 of the hottest day. It is always 
 
 There is no whole vegetable 
 
 hot to 
 
 endurable. It is increased by 
 
 the external touch. 
 
 
 
 food, venery, exercise, fever, &c. 
 
 Living animals. 
 
 
 
 In some fevers the heat is constant, 
 
 Flame. 
 
 
 
 in others intermittent, &c. 
 
 Anvil struck by hammer. 
 
 
 ' Heat varies in different parts of the 
 
 The continuance of a 
 
 body 
 
 in heat. 
 
 same body. 
 
 Boiling water. 
 
 
 
 Animals differ in heat, Sec. 
 
 Pepper masticated. 
 
 
 
 
 Boiling lea:d. 
 
 
 
 Flame. 
 
 G^. 
 
 
 
 1. The lambent flame, related by 
 
 Lightning. 
 
 
 
 historians to have appeared on 
 
 Acids. 
 
 
 
 the heads of children, gently 
 
 &c. &c. 
 
 
 
 playing about the hair. 
 
 2. The coruscations seen in a clear 
 
 night on a sweating horse. 
 
 3. Of the glow-worm. 4. Of the 
 ignis fetuus. 5. Of spirits of wine. 
 
 6. Of vegetables, straw, dry leaves. 
 
 7. Of boiling metals. 
 
 8. Of blast furnaces. 
 
 By observing in. this table the cause of the different 
 quantities of the nature sought, some approximation may 
 be made to the nature itself. Thus vegetables, or common 
 water, do not exhibit heat to the touch, but masticated 
 peppeT or boiling vrater are hot. Flame is hotter than 
 the human body : boiling water than warm. Is there any 
 difference except in the motion of the parts 1 
 
 (a) Aph. 13. Nov. Org. L. 2. vol. ix. p. 313. 
 
cclxxxviii 
 
 LIEF, OF BACON. 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 
 Table of Or of Exclusions, is of a more complicated nature. Bacon 
 assumes that the quality of any nature can be ascertained 
 by its being always present when the sought nature is 
 present: is always absent when the sought nature is 
 absent: increases always with its increase, and decreases 
 with its decrease. 
 
 Upon this principle his table of exclusions is formed, by 
 excluding, 1st, such particular natures as are not found in 
 any instances where the given nature is present ; or 2nd, 
 such as are found in any instances where that nature is 
 absent; and 3rd, such as are found to increase in any 
 instance when the given nature decreases; or 4th, to 
 decrease when that nature increases. Thus, 
 
 Natures not always present with the 
 sought nature. 
 
 Nature varying according to some 
 inverse law of the sought nature. 
 
 Which may be ab- 
 sent when the 
 
 Which may be 
 present when the 
 
 Which may in- 
 crease as the 
 
 Which may de- 
 crease as the 
 
 sought nature is 
 present. 
 
 sought nature iS| 
 absent. 
 
 sought nature 
 decreases. 
 
 sought nature 
 increases. 
 
 Light. 
 Quiescence of 
 
 Fluidity. ■_ 
 Motion of the 
 
 Quiescence of 
 parts. 
 
 Light. 
 
 iron may be heat- 
 
 parts. 
 
 ■ &c. 
 
 whole body. , 
 Quiescence of 
 
 &c. 
 
 ed to a greater 
 heat than the 
 
 ' ' ' ' " 
 
 pstrts. 
 
 
 flame of spirit 
 of wine. 
 Quiescence of 
 parts. 
 &c. 
 
 The object of this exclusion is to make a perfect resolu- 
 tion and separation of nature, not by fire but by the mind, 
 which is, as it were, the divine fire : that, after this rejection 
 and exclusion is duly made, the affirmative, solid, true, 
 and well defined form will remain, as the result of the 
 operation, whilst the volatile opinions go, off in fume. 
 
TABLE OF RESULTS. cclxxxix 
 
 TABLE V. 
 
 The fifth table of Results, termed the first vintage or Table of 
 dawn of doctrine, consists of a collection of such natures ^^"''s- 
 as always accompany the sought nature) increase with its 
 increase, and decrease with its decrease. 
 
 It appears, that, in all instances, the nature of heat is 
 motion of parts j-^flame is perpetually in motion ;— -hot or 
 boiling liquors are in continual agitation; — the sharpness 
 and intensity of heat is increased by motion, as in bellov^rs 
 and blasts ;— existing fire and heat are extinguished by 
 stropg compression, which checks and puts a stop to all 
 motion; — all bodies are destroyed, or at least remarkably "^ 
 altered, by heat; and, when heat wholly escapes from the 
 body, it rests from its labours ; and hence it appears, that 
 heat is motion^ and nothing else. 
 
 Having collected and winnowed, by the various tables,, 
 the diflTerent facts presented to the senses, he proposed to 
 examine them by nine different processes : (a) of which 
 he has investigated only the first, (6) or Prerogative 
 
 ^ • T^ —t^ 1 1 ■ ., II - ■ 
 
 (o) 1. Prerogative instances. 2. The helps of induction. 
 3. The rectification of induction. 4. The method of 
 varying inquiries, according to the nature of the subject. 
 
 6, Prerogative natures for inquiry, or what subjects are to 
 be inquired itito first, what second. 6. The limits of 
 inquiry, or an inventoiy of all the natures in the universe. 
 
 7. Reducing inquiries to practice, or making them sub- 
 servient to human uses. 8. The preliminaries to inquiry. 
 9. The ascending sln^ descending scale of Axioms. 
 
 (6) Nor was any thing afterwards published towards exeovrting the test, 
 though it appears that the whole design was laid from the fit^t, and that, 
 at times, the other parts were gone on with, aft^r the present pifee was 
 published. The want of these additional sections may, perhaps, be! in som« 
 
 VOL. XV. U 
 
ccxc 
 
 LlfH OF BA€ON. 
 
 Instances, those instances by which the nature sought 
 is most easily discovered. They may be thus exhibited : 
 
 1, Contracting the inquiries 
 within narrow limits. 
 
 rl. 
 
 2. 
 
 Exclusion of 
 irrelevants. 
 
 1. Solitary. 
 
 2. Travelling. 
 
 3. Journeying. 
 
 4. Nature in motion. 
 
 5. Constitufent. 
 
 2. Reality and Appearances. 
 
 3. Resemblances and Differences. 
 
 -1. Patent and Latent. 
 2. Maxima. Minima. 
 Nature conspi-. 3. Frontier, 
 cuous. 4. Singular. 
 
 5. Divorce. 
 -6. Deviating. 
 
 1. EXCLUSION OF lERELEVANTS. 
 
 Solitary. Solitary Instances. — If the inquiry be into the nature of 
 colour : a rainbow and a piece of glass in a stable window, 
 differ in every thing except in the prismatic colours; 
 they are therefore solitary in resemblance. The, different 
 parts of the same piece of marble, the different parts of a 
 leaf of a variegated tulip, agree in every thing, save the 
 colour; they are, therefore, solitary in difference. 
 
 By thus contracting the limits of the inquiry, may it 
 not possibly be inferred, that oplour depends upon refrac- 
 tion of the rays of light ? 
 
 Motion. Nature in motion.^Ohserve nature in her processes. If 
 any man desired to consider and examine the contrivances 
 and industry of a certain artificer, he would not be content 
 to view only the rude materials of the workman, and then 
 
 measure supplied by a close attention to the present doctrine of Instances. 
 But, in order to render the whole more generally intelligible and useful, it 
 were greatly to be wished that some tolerably qualified person would give 
 an essay upon it, in as femiliar a manner as the subject Vvill allow. See 
 Dr. Hook's Method of improving Natural Philosophy. — Shaw. ^ - 
 
TRAVELLING lNSTA^rCES. CCXCl 
 
 immediately the firiished work> but covet to be present 
 whilst the artist prosecutes his kbour, and exercises his 
 skill. And the like course should be taken in the works 
 of nature. 
 
 Travelling Jws/ances.— In inquiring into any nature, Travelling, 
 observe its progress in approaching to or receding from 
 existence. Let the inquiry be into the nature of whiteness. 
 Take a piece of clear glass and a vessel of clear water, 
 pound the glass into fine dust and agitate the water, the 
 pulverised glass and the surface of the water will appear 
 white ; and this whiteness will have travelled from non- 
 existence into existence. — ^Again, take a vessel full of any 
 liquor with froth at the top, or take snow, let the froth 
 subside and the snow melt ; the whiteness will disappear, 
 and will have travelled from existence to non-existence. 
 
 Journeying Instances. — In inquiring into any nature, Journeying 
 observe its motions gradually continued or contracted. 
 An inquirer into the vegetation of plants should have 
 an eye from the first sowing of the seed, and examine 
 it almost every day, by taking or plucking up a seed 
 after it had remained for one, two, or three days in the 
 ground ; to observe with diligence' — when, and in what 
 manner the seed begins to swell, grow plump, and be $lled, 
 or become turgid, as it were, with spirit j-^next, how it 
 bursts the skin, and strikes its fibres with some tendency 
 upwards, unless the earth be very stubborn ; — how it shoots 
 its fibres, in part, to constitute roots downwards ; in part, 
 to form stems ujiwards, and sometimes creeping sidewaysj 
 if it there find the earth more open, pervious, and yielding; 
 with many particulars of the same kind. And the like 
 should be done as to eggs during their hatching, where 
 th^ whole process of vivification and organization might be 
 easily viewed ; and what becomes of the yolk, what of the 
 white. Sec. The same is also to be attempted in inanimate 
 
CCXCll 
 
 LIFK OF BACON. 
 
 Consti- 
 tuent. 
 
 bodies ; and this we have endeavoured after, by observing 
 the ways wherein liquors open themselves by fire; for 
 water opens one way, wine another, verjuice another, and 
 milk, oil, &c. with" a still greater difference. 
 
 CoTtstituent Instances. — Iij inquiring into a^y> nature, 
 separate complex into simple natures. Let the nature 
 sought be memory, or the means of exciting and helping 
 the memory ; the constituent instances may be thus exhi-r 
 bited: 
 
 irThe art of leaking . 
 strong impressions 
 
 . 2. The art of recalling 
 impressions. 
 
 1 TKo «„«;„;,* i 1. The mind free. 
 1. The patient. ^ ^ ii^e mind agitated; 
 
 Tho oo-on* J ^' Variety of impression. 
 iz. ine agent. | ^ Slowness of impression. 
 
 t. Cutting off infinity. 
 
 1. Order. 
 
 2. Places for artificial 
 
 ^memory. 
 .3. TechHicalTOemory. 
 
 _ 2. Reducing intellectual to sensible things. 
 
 Such are specimens of his mode of excluditig irrelevant 
 natures. 
 
 Patent. 
 
 2. OBSERVING THE NATURE WHERE MOST CONSPICUOUS, 
 OR INSTANCES OF EXTREMES, , . 
 
 . Patent , and Latent Instances.— In inquiring in^o any 
 nature, observe where the nature, in its usual state, appears 
 most conspicuous, and where it appears in its weakest and 
 most imperfect state. — ^The loadstone is a glaring instanCjB 
 of attraction. The thermometer is a glaring instaiice of the 
 expansive nature of heat. Flame (a) exhibits ij;s expansive 
 nature to the sense, but it is momentary and vanishes. 
 
 (o) A.S the sudden lighting of gas. 
 
MAXIMA AND MINIMA. CCXClll 
 
 — Again; let the inquiry be into the rtature of solidity, 
 the contrary of which is fluidity. Ero1;h, snow, bubbles, 
 whether of soap and water blown by children, or those 
 which may be seen occasionally on the surface of a fluid 
 or on the side of a vessel, or the looking-glasses made of 
 iSpittle by children in a loop of a single hair or a rush, 
 where we see a consistent pellicule of water, likiB infant 
 ice, exhibit solidity in its most feeble states. 
 
 Maxima and Minima. — In inquiring into any nature. Maxima. 
 observe it in its extremes, or its maxima and minima. — 
 Gold in weight; iron in hardness; the whale in bulk of 
 animal bodies; the hound in scent; the explosion of gun- 
 powder in sudden expansion, are instances of maximal. 
 The minute worms in the skin is an instance of minimum 
 in aniinall bulk. 
 
 Frontier Instances. — Observe those species of bodies Frontier, 
 which seem composed of two species:^ — as moss, which 
 is something betwixt putrefaction and a plant; — flying 
 fishes, which are a species betwixt birds and fish ; — bats, 
 which are betwixt birds and quadrupeds; — the beast so 
 like ourselves, the ape; — the biformed births of animals; 
 — the mixtures of different species, &c. 
 
 Singular Instances. — In inquiring into any nature. Singular, 
 observe those instances, which, in regular course, are 
 solitary amidst their own natures. — Quicksilver amongst 
 metals; the power of the carrier pigeon to return to the 
 place from whence it was carried ; the scent of the blood- 
 hound ; the loadstone amongst stones ; that species of 
 flowers which do not die when plucked from the stalk, 
 but continue their colours and forms unaltered during the 
 winter.— So with grammarians the letter G is held singular 
 for the easiness of its composition with consonants, some- 
 tiraes"with double and sometimes with triple ones, which 
 is a property of no other letter. So the number 9 ainongst 
 
CCXCIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 figures possesses the peculiar property, that the sum of 
 the digits of all its multiples is 9. (a) 
 
 Divorce. Instances of Divorce. -^Observe the separation of sufch 
 natures as are generally united. — Light and heat are gene- 
 rally united ; but in a cold moonlight night there is light 
 without heat, and in hot water there is heat without light. 
 The action of one body upon another is in general effected 
 by the medium through which it acts ; thus sound varies 
 with the state of the atmosphere, and through a thick 
 wall is scarcely perceptible. The magnetic attraction 
 seems to be an instance of divorce, as it acts indifferefttly 
 through all mediums. 
 
 Deviating. Deviating Instances. — Observe nature when apparently 
 deviating from her accustomed course ; as in all cases of 
 monsters, prodigious births, &c. He who knows the ways 
 of nature will the easier observe her deviations; and he 
 who knows her deviations, will more exactly describe her 
 ways. For the business in this matter is no more than by 
 quick scent to trace out the footways of nature in her 
 wilful wanderings, that so afterward you may be able at 
 your pleasure to lead or force her to the same place and 
 posture again. As a man^ disposition is never well known 
 till he be crossed, nor did Proteus ever change shapes till 
 he was straitened and held fast. ' 
 
 Such are specimens of his modes of viewing nature 
 where most conspicuous. 
 
 3. FIXING THE REAL, BETWEEN DIFFERENT APPARENT 
 
 CAUSES. 
 
 Crucial.' Crucial Instances. — ^When in inquiring into any parti- 
 cular nature the mind is in aequilibrio between two causes, 
 
 (a) Thus, 9 X 2 = 18 and 8 + 1 = 9. 
 9X 3 =27 and 2 -1-7 =9. 
 9 X 11 = 99 and 9 -1- 9 = 18 and 1 4- 8 = 9. 
 
RESEMBLANCES AND DIFFERENCES. CCXCV 
 
 observe if there is not some instance which maikethe. cause 
 of the sought nature.-^Let the nature sought h.& gravity. 
 Heavy bodies,, having a tendency to the earth, must fall ex. 
 mero motu, froift their own construction, or be attracted by 
 the earth. ,, Let two equa]l bodies f^U thrqugh equal spaices 
 at different distances from the earth, ai^d if they, fgjl 
 through these equal spaces in unequal timesi, the, descent 
 is influenced by the attraction of the earth. 
 
 4. RESEMBLANCES AND DIFFERENCES, 
 
 Observe, resetfiblances between apparent differences. — 
 Are not gums of trees and gems produced in the same 
 manner,, both of them being ojily exudations and pergola- \ 
 tions of juices: gums being the transuded juices, qf trees, 
 £ind gems of stones j whence the clearness and transparency 
 of them both ,are produced by means of a curious and 
 exquisite percolation ?-— Are not the bjnrs of, beasts and 
 the feathers of birds produced in the same manner, l^y 
 the :perf3olation of juices?, and are not the c(Joijii?^,of 
 feathers, more beautiful and vivid, because, the juices are 
 more subtilely strained through the substance of the, quill 
 in birds than through the skins of beasts? (a) Ponot 
 the celestial bodies move in their orbits by the same laws 
 which govern the motions of bodies terrestrial (b) 
 
 From the conformity betweep a. speculum and the eye, 
 the structure of the ear and of the cavernous places ih^t 
 
 (a) Does not an apple fall iiom a tree, and do not the planets move 
 in their orbits by the same laws ? 
 
 (i) See De Aug. L. iii. p. 169. " Quicunque enim superlunarium et 
 sublunarium conficta divortia contempsent, et materise appetitus et pas- 
 siones maxime catholicas (quae in utroque globe validse sunt, et universi- 
 tatem rerum transverberant) bene perspexerit, is ex illis quse apud nos 
 cemuntur luculentam capiet de rebus coelestibus informationem, et ab iis 
 e coptra quae in coelo flunt baud pauca de motibus inferioribiis qui nunc 
 latent perdiscet; non tantum quatenus hi ab illis regantur, sed quatenus 
 habeant passiones-communes.'' 
 
CCXCVl LIFE OF BACON. ; 
 
 yield an echo, it is easy to form and collect this axiom, 
 —that the organs of the senses, and the bodies that procure 
 reflections to the senses, are of a like nature. And again^ 
 the understanding being thus admonished, easily rises to a 
 still higher and more noble axiom; viz. that there is no 
 diflferenoe between the consents and sympathies of bodies 
 endowed with sense, and those of inanimate bodies without 
 sense, only that in the former an animal spirit is added to- 
 the body so disposed, but is wanting to the latter ; whence, 
 as many conformities as there are among inanimate bodies, 
 so many senses there might be in animals, provided there 
 were organs or perforations in the animal body, for the> 
 animal spirit to act upon the parts rightly disposed, as 
 upon a proper instrument. And conversely as many senses 
 as there are in animals, so many motions there may be in^ 
 bodies inanimate, where the animal spirit- is wanting ;■ 
 though there must, of necessity, be many more motions' in- ■ 
 inanimate bodies than there are senses in animate bodies,^ 
 because of the small number of the organs of sense, (at) 'i ■■' 
 Diflfe- Real Differences in apparent Resemblances. — Do any 
 
 two beings difier more from each other than two human 
 beings ) (6) Men's curiosity and diligence have been hitherto^ 
 principally employed in observing the variety of things, 
 and explaining the precise differences of animals, vege-' 
 tables, and fossils, the greatest part of which variety and . 
 
 (a) Do not laughter and fear often originate in the same 
 cause, a partial view of the subject which occasions the 
 joy or grief? 
 
 (i) See the Excursion, B. 9, where there is a noble passage, beginning 
 
 " Alas ! what differs more than man from man. 
 
 And whence the difference ?" 
 
 See the intjfoduqtion to Hobbes' Leviathan, the passage beginning " Fop 
 the similitude of the thoughts." " >i 
 
 rences. 
 
RESEMBLANCES AND DIFFERENCES. CCXCVir 
 
 differences are rather the sport of nature, than, matters of 
 any considerable and solid use to the sciences. Such 
 things, indeed, serve for delight, and sometimes contribute 
 to practice, but afford little or no true information, or 
 thorough insight into nature; human industry, therefore^ 
 must be bent upon inquiring into, and observingi the 
 similitudes and analogies of tilings, as well in their wholes 
 as in their parts ; for these are what unite nature, and 
 begin to build up the sciences. 
 
 Suchiare specimens, mere specimens, of this most valu-r 
 able of all his works, and by him most highly valued. , It 
 is written in a plain unadorned style in aphorisms, inr 
 variably stated by him to be the proper style for philo- 
 sophy, which, conscious of its own power, ought to go 
 forth " naJted and unarmed;" (a) but, from the want of 
 symmetry and ornament, from its abstruseness, from the 
 novelty of its terms, and from the imperfect state in which 
 it was published, it has, although the most valuable, 
 hitherto been too much neglected : but it will not so 
 continue. The time has arrived, or is fast approaching, 
 when the pleasures of intellectual pursuit will have so 
 deeply pervaded society, that they will, to a considerable, 
 extent, form the pleasures of our youth; and the lameBT. 
 tation in the Advancement of Learning will be diminished 
 or pass: away : " Nevertheless I do not pretend, and I 
 know_it will be impossible for me, by any pleading of 
 mine, to reverse the judgment, either of ^sop's cock, that 
 preferred the barley-corn before the gem ;. or of Midas, 
 that being chosen judge between ApoUo, president, of the 
 muses, and Pap, god of the flocks, judged for -plenty; or 
 of Paris, that judged for beauty and love, against wisdom 
 
 (a) See note B B B at, the end, jvhiph^ cojQ(lains -an acfeounf of the various 
 editions and translations of the work, and see preface to vol. ix. 
 
CCXCVUl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 and power; or of Agrippina, ' occidat matrem mode im- 
 peret,' that preferred empire with any condition never so 
 detestable; or of. Ulysses, * qui vetulam. prsetulit immor- 
 talitati,' being a figure of those which prefer custom ?ind 
 habit before all excellency;, or of a number of thelUte 
 popular judgments. For these things must continue as 
 they have been : but so will that also continue, whereupon 
 learnihg hath ever relied, and which faileth not : ' justificata 
 est sapientia a filiis suis.' " (a) 
 
 (a) To this doctrine of Bacon's there have been various 
 objections, which seem to be reducible to t\yo:— 1st. That 
 the truth of which Bacon is in search does not exist. 
 2ndly. That if it do exist. Bacon's is not the mode to 
 discoyer it. 
 
 The first objection is thus stated by Brown, in his woifk 
 on Cause and Effect : " To those who have a , cle^r nation 
 of the relation of cause and effect, it may be almost 
 superfluous to repeat, that there are no * fprms,' in t)|ie 
 wide sense which Lord Bacon gives to that word, as one 
 common operative principle of all changes that are exactly 
 similar. The powers, properties, qualities of a substance, 
 do not depend on any thing in a substance. They are 
 truly the substance itself, considered in relation to certain 
 other substances, and nothing more." 
 
 This objection seems to have been anticipated by Bacon,* 
 
 * Bacon's words are : " An opinion hath prevailed, and is grown 
 inveterate, that the essential forms and true differences of things can by no 
 diligence of man be found out. Which opinion, in the main, gives and 
 grants us thus much : that the invention of forms is of all other parts of 
 kno^fledge the worthiest to be sought, if it be possible they may be found. 
 And as for possibility of invention, there are some feint-hearted discoverers, 
 who, when they see nothing but air and water, think there is no further 
 land. But it is manifest that Plato, a man of an elevated wit, and who 
 beheld all things as from a. high cliff, in his doctrine of ideas did descry 
 that forms were the true objects of knowledge; however he lost the real 
 
NO FORMS. - CCXCIX 
 
 ■ 'Copies of the work were sent to the King, the University 
 of Caitibridgey Sir Henry Wotton, and Sir Edward Coke. 
 
 who says, "By the word 'form' is meant such a nature 
 as is always present when the sOttght nature is present; is 
 absent when the sought nature is absent: increases with 
 its increase, and decreases with its decrease. Thus the 
 form of heat is some peculiar motion always present when 
 heat is present, as in flame; absent, when it is absent, as 
 in extinguished flame; increasing with its increase, as in 
 raging flame; decreasing in its decrease, as in expiring 
 flame. Wow, although the effect of tbis heat will be 
 different, according to the body, whether living or dead, 
 upon which it adts, it seems not to be very sound reason- 
 iiig to infer that the agent does not exist because the 
 patient varies* The laws of light exist, although light 
 does not produce the sensation upon a speculum whicb it 
 produces on the eye: the laws of sound exist, although 
 the sensation which is produced on jAie ear is not prodticed 
 on the cavernous places that yield an echo." 
 
 fruit of this most true opinion, by contemplating and apprehending forms, 
 as absolutely abstract from matters, and not confined and determined by 
 matter; whereupon it came to pass that he turned himself to theological 
 speculations, which infected and distained all his natural p}iilosophy. 
 But if We keep a watchful and a severe eye upon action and use, it will 
 not be difficult to trace and find out what are the forms; the disclosure 
 whereof would wonderfully enrich and make happy the estate of man." 
 
 " And if any one shall think that our forms have somewhat abstracted in 
 them, because they appear to mix and join together things that are hetero- 
 geneous, as the heat of the celestial bodies and the heat of fire ; the fixed 
 redness of a rose, and the apparent redness of the rainbow, the opal, or 
 the diamond; death by drowning, and death by burning, stabbingj the 
 apoplexy, consumption, &c. which, though very dissimilar, we make to 
 agree in the nature of heat, redness, death, &c. he must remember that his 
 own understanding is held and detained by custom, things in the gross, 
 and opinions. For it is certain, that the things above mentioned', however 
 heterogeheous and foreign they may seem, agree in the form, or law, that 
 ordains heat, redness, and death." 
 
CCC LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 1620. The tranquil pursuits of philosophyi; he was now, for a 
 ''■ ^°' time, obliged to qiit, to allay if pbssible the political 
 
 The second objection is thus statied by Mr, Coleridge, in 
 his Friend : " Let any unprejudiced naturalist turn to Lord 
 Bacon's questions and proposals for the investigation df 
 single problems ; to' his Discourse on the Winds ; and put 
 it to his conscience, whether any desirable end cculd be 
 hoped for from such a process; or to inquire of his own ex- 
 perience, or historical recollections, whether any important 
 discovery was ever made in this way. For though Bacon 
 never so far deviates from his own principles, as not to 
 admonish the reader that the particulars are to be thus 
 collected, only that by careful selection they may be con- 
 centrated into universals ; yet so immense is their number, 
 and so various and almost endless the relations in which 
 each is to be separately considered, that the life of an 
 aintediluvian patriarch would be expended, and his strength 
 and spirits have been wasted, in merely polling the votes^ 
 and long before, he could commence the process of simplifi^ 
 cation, or have arrived in sight of the law which was to 
 reward the toils of the over-tasked Psyche." 
 
 This objection was also anticipated by Bacon.* " To 
 arrive," he says, " at an indisputable conclusion, every 
 instance should be collected, as the different creatures, 
 every beast of the field, and every fowl of the air were 
 
 * Bacon says, " Let no man shrink at the multitude of particulars 
 required, but turn this also to an argument of hope. For the particular 
 phenomena of arts and nature are all of them like sheaves, in comparison 
 of the inventions of genius, when disjoined and metaphysically separated 
 from the evidence of things. The former road soon ends in an open plain, 
 whilst the other has no issue, but proves an infinite labyrinth; for men 
 have hitherto made little stay in experience, but parsed lightly over it; 
 and, on the other hand, spent infinite time in contemplation and the 
 inventions of genius, whereas if we had any one at our elbow who could 
 give real answers to the questions we should put about-imture, the discovery 
 of causes and of all the sciences would be' a work but ora few years." 
 
THE PARLIAMENT. CCCl 
 
 storm in which the state was involved, and which he vainly 
 thought that he had the power to c?,lin. It is scarcely 
 possible for any Chancellor to have been placed in a 
 s^tuajl;ton of greater difficulty. He knew the work ,that 
 in,Us|: be done and the nature of his materials. ,i 
 
 The King, who. was utterly dependent upon the people^ 
 was every day iiesorting to expedients which widened the 
 breach between them: despotic without dignity, and pro- 
 fuse without magnificence, meanly grasping, and idly 
 scattering, neither winning their love, nor commanding 
 their reverence, he seemed in all things the reverse of his 
 illustrious predecessor, excepit in what could be well sparecl, 
 the arbitrary spirit common to them both. While the 
 people were harassed and pillaged by the wretches to 
 whom the King ^ad delegated his authority, he reaped 
 only part of t^e spoil, but all the odium. 
 
 The Chancellor had repeatedly assured the King that 
 ills best interests, which consisted in a good understanding 
 with his subjects, could be maintained only by calling 
 frequent parliaments: advice not likely to be acceptable 
 to a monarch who had issued a proclamation, (a) com- 
 manding' all his people, from the highest to the lovvest, 
 
 brought to Adam in paradise to see what he should call 
 them,* yet such an attempt is beyond the reach of our 
 limited natures." To proceed, however, with certainty, 
 the collection and comparison of similar natures must be 
 made, and is made by society at large, when, after the 
 lapse of centuries, the instances having been collected and 
 examined, we arrive at a sound conclusion, not unfre- 
 queotly at the same time, by diiFerent persons at difTerent 
 parts of the globe. 
 (a) 23rd Nov. 1620. 
 
 * See Advancement of Learning, vol. ii.p. 55. 
 
CCCIl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 not to intemieddle, by pen or speech, with state concern- 
 ments and secrets of empire, at home or abroad, which 
 were not fit themes for common meetings or vulgar per- 
 sons;" but, whatever their secret dissatisfaction might be, 
 the whole body of the nation manifested so much zeal for 
 the recovery of the palatinate, that the juncture was 
 deemed favourable for relieving the King's pecuniary 
 difficulties, who consented with this view to summon a 
 parliament. 
 
 This resolution was no sooner formed, than the Chancellor 
 was instructed to confer with the most proper persons as 
 to the best means of carryilig it into effect ; and he 
 accordingly availed himself of the assistance of the two 
 Chief Justices, and of Serjeant Crew, who, after mature 
 deliberation, agreed upon four points, which were imme- 
 diately communicated to his Maj esty and to Buckingham, (a) 
 
 Different days were fixed for the meeting of this eventful 
 parliament, which was called with a full knowledge of the 
 King's motive for summoning them; and that, had not 
 the expedient respecting bepevplences wholly failed, this 
 coiii^cil, of the nation would never have been assembled; 
 as the King considered the Commons " daring encroachers 
 
 (a) First, the perusing former grievances. 
 
 Secondly, the consideration of a proclamation rather 
 nionitory than, exclusive. 
 
 Thirdly, what persons were fit to be of the house, 
 tending to make a sufficient and well composed parjiament 
 of the ablest men of the kingdom, fit to be advised, with, 
 circa ardua regni. 
 
 Fourthly, the having ready some commonwealth bills, 
 that may add respect and acknowledgement of the King's 
 care. 
 
 See letter, vol. xii. p. 267. 
 
VISCOUNT ST. ALBANS. CCCIU 
 
 upon his prerogative endeavouring to make themselves 
 greater, and their prince less than became either." 
 
 Previous to the meeting, the Lord Chancellor was raised 
 to the dignity of Viscount St. Alban, (a) by a patent which 
 stated that the King had conferred this title because he 
 thought nothing could adorn his government more, or 
 afford greater encouragement to virtue and public spirit, 
 than tibfii raising worthy persons to honour ; and with this 
 new dignity, he, on the 27th day of January, was with 
 great ceremony invested at Theobalds,, the patent being 
 
 (a) The preamble to the patent, which was witnessed by 
 the piO^t illj^striou^ peers pf the realm, the Prince of Wales, 
 the yiscount Maupdeville, Lord High Treasurer; the Earl 
 of Worcester, Lprd Privy Sealj Marquis of Buqltijig- 
 hani. Lord High Admiral; Marquis Hamilton, Earls of 
 Pembroke, Arundel, llvitiand, Montgomery, March^ and 
 Holdierniess, states, that as the King "thought homing 
 could adorn his government more, or afford greater encou- 
 ragement to virtue and public spirit, than the raising 
 worthy persons to honour, therefore he, after mature delibe- 
 ration, had, in the person of Sir Francis Bacon, Knight, 
 Baron of Verulam, descended from an ancient and honour- 
 able family, so much the more illustrious, by his succeeding 
 his most worthy and prudent father in the office of keeper 
 of the great seal,' to which, through various offices of 
 inferior dignity, from a just experience of his capacity and 
 fidelity, he had by his majesty been led, and his majesty 
 reflecting moreover on his acceptable and faithful services, 
 rendered as well by assiduity and integrity in the adminis- 
 tration of justice, as by care and prudence in the discharge 
 of his duty as privy counsellor, and in the management 
 of his revenue, without respect either to private advantage 
 or vain breeith of popular applause, had deemed fit to 
 advance his dearly beloved and faithful counsellor to a 
 higher rank in the peerage." 
 
CCCIV LIFE OF J3ACON. 
 
 witnessed by the most illustrious peers of the realm, the 
 Lord Carew carrying, and the Marquess of Buckingham 
 supporting the robe of state before him, while his coronet 
 was borne by the Lord Wentworth. The new viscount 
 returned solemn thanks to the King for the many favours 
 bestowed upon him. (a) 
 
 The thirtieth of January, an ominous day to the family 
 of the Stuarts, was at last fixed for the King to meet his 
 people, writhing as they were under the intolerable griev- 
 ance^ by which they were oppressed; grievances, which, 
 wOtwithstanding the warnings and admonitions addressed 
 to the King when he^ ascended the throne, had most 
 culpably increased. Power, not bnly tenacious in retaining 
 its authority, but ever prone to increase its exactions, may 
 disregard the progress of knowledge, but it is never dis- 
 regarded with impunity. Truth, the daughter of time, not 
 of authority, (6) is constantly warning the community in 
 what their interests consist, and that to protect, not to 
 encroach upon these interests, all governments are formed. 
 
 (a) Upon the 4th of January, 16 Jac. he was made Lord Chancellor of 
 England;* on ths 11th of July next etisuiog dreated Lord Verulanl;f and 
 on the 27th of January, 18 Jac. advanced to the dignity of Viscount St. 
 Alban;J: his solemn investiture being then performed at Theobalds ;§ his 
 robe carried before him by the Lord Carew, and his coronet by the Lord 
 Wentworth. Whereupon he gave the King sevenfold thanks : § first, for 
 making him his Solicitor; secondly, his Attorney; thirdly, one of his 
 Privy Council, fourthly. Lord Keeper of the Great Seal; fifthly, Lord 
 Chancellor; sixthly, Baron Verulam ; and lastly, Viscount St. Alban. 
 Dugdale's Baronage, fol. 1676, vol. ii. p.; 438. 
 
 (6) Nov. Org. Aph. 84. 
 
 * Claus. 16 Jac. in dorso, p. 15. 15 Jan. 15 Jac; Rymer's Fffidera, 
 vol. xvii. p. 55. 
 
 t Pat. 16 Jac. p. 11. Rymer's Feed. vol. xvii, p. 17. 
 I Pat. 18 Jac. p. 4. Rymer's Feed. vol. xvii. p. 279. 
 § Annal. R Jac. in anno 1621. 
 
KING S SPEECH. CCCV 
 
 Upon the opening of parliament the King addressed the 
 Commons. He stated his opinion of their relative duties : 
 that he was to distribute justice and mercy ; and they, 
 without meddling with his prerogative, were by petition to 
 acquaint him with iheir distresses, and were to supply 
 his pecuniary wants, (a) 
 
 At first there appeared nothing but duty and submission 
 on the part of the Commons. Determined, if possible, to 
 
 (a) He said,." For a supply to my necessities. I have 
 reigned eighteen years, in, which time you have had peace, 
 and I have received far less supply than hath been given 
 to any king since the Conquest. The last queen of 
 famous memory had one year with another above a hundred 
 thousand pounds per annum in subsidies; and in all my 
 time I had but four subsidies, and six fifteens. It is ten 
 years since I had a subsidy, in all which time I have 
 been sparing to trouble you. I have turned myself as 
 nearly to save expenses as I may. I have abated much 
 in my household expenses, in my navies, in the charge 
 of my munition. I made not choice of an old beaten 
 soldier for my admiral, but rather chose a young man, 
 whose honesty and integrity I knew, whose care hath 
 been to appoint under him sufficient men to lessen my 
 charges, which he hath done." And he concludes : " I 
 confess I have been liberal in my grants, but if I be in- 
 formed I will amend all hurtful grievances ; but who shall 
 hasten after grievances, and desire to make himself popular, 
 he hath the spirit of Satan. If I may know my errors, I 
 will reform them. I was in my first parliament a novice j 
 and in my last there was a kind of beasts, called Under- 
 takers, a dozen of whom undertook to govern the last 
 parliament, and they led me. I shall thank you for your 
 good office, and desire that the world may say well of our 
 agreement."* 
 
 * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 22. 
 
 vol,. XV. a? 
 
CdcVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 maintain' a godd correspondence with their prince, they 
 without one dissenting voice voted him two subsidies, and 
 that too at the very beginning of the session, contrary to 
 the maxims frequently adopted by former parliaments, (a) 
 They then proceeded, in a very temperate and decided 
 manner, to the examination of their oppressions, intimating 
 that the supply of the King's distresses and the removal 
 of their vexations were to advance hand in hand without 
 precedency, as twin brothers. 
 
 Of their grievances the Commons loudly and justly 
 complained. Under the pretext of granting patents, the 
 creatures of Buckingham had rapaciously exacted krge 
 fees. These exactions can scarcely be credited, (b) There 
 were patents, for every necessary and conveniency of life ; 
 for gold and silver thread; for inns and alehouses; for 
 remitting the penalties of obsolete laws, and even for the 
 price of horse-meat, starch, candles, tobacco-pipes, salt, 
 and irain-oil ; (c) and such traders as, presumed to-continue 
 
 (a) Hume. (b) Journals. 
 
 (c) The foUowiti^ notes from the Journals of the Commons, 6th March, 
 may convey sofrie' idea of the state of these grievances : — 
 
 " That Mr'. Chr. Villyers wa:s to haVe 800'^.' per atinum; 'Sit' Edw. V. 
 500/. per annum ; and the King 200/. per annum ; and that Sir Edw. V. 
 hath had tOOO/. or thereabouts ; Chr. V. 1 50/. ' 
 
 "That Sir Francis M. had 100/. per annurh, payable quafterlyi and had 
 it paid two years. ' ' ' ' ' 
 
 " That some were committed for refusing to be bound, first by Sir G. M. 
 and Sir Francis Michell; after, by the Chief Justice. 
 
 " That the patent 9 Jac. passed by the Countess of Bedford. 
 
 " That lie brought in 2,000/.'; Fowles, I,00O/. &c. 
 
 " The first patent procured ' by Lord Harfiiigton and 'Count^s's of Bed- 
 ford; the projector, to her Lassells. That they cottipounded with her for 
 her interest in it. Knoweth not who preferred the petition. Bradde the 
 first mover of it to him, and Dykes 'the 'second. ''Thatit was their own 
 device, to change it from a patent to a commission. 
 
 " That Sir G. M. and Sir Francis Michell executed th^ commission. 
 
EVIL OF PATENTS. CCCVll 
 
 their business without satisfying the rapacity of the paten- 
 tees, had been severely punished by vexatious prosecutions., 
 fine, and imprisonment. The outcries of the subject were 
 incessant. " Monopolies and briberies were beaten upon 
 the anvil every day, almost every hour." (a) The complaints 
 were so numerous that not less than eighty committees 
 to redress abuses in the church, in the courts of law, 
 
 That the last for the King's benefit; only they to have th^fee years benefit, 
 for their monies disbursed. That the proposition was 10,000/. per annum 
 to the King, out of which the pensions should have come. 
 
 " That Sir Nich. Salter and Mr. Dyke managed all the business for 
 licensing the importation of Venice gold, vphereupon 6s. and 5s. Bd. taken, 
 ut supra. , 
 
 " That Sir Francis Michell hath had from them lOOil. per annum, 
 besides petty things he got ffom others. 
 
 " Sir Francis Michell, broulght to the bar, confessfith he hath executed 
 the commission for gold and silver thwadi That he had 1001. per annum 
 for the execution, which he fiad it given by way of annuity, for certain 
 years in certainty, for drawing th#people to pay 3s. upon a pound. 
 
 " That Sir H. Yelverton confessed he committed Paske, and four others, 
 at the importunity of Sir Edw. Villyers, but yet with a letter to the Lord 
 Chancellor, that he was pressed to it by Sir Edw. Villyers, and would dis- 
 charge them, if his lordship did not confirm it. That, after, the Lord 
 Chancellor, upon hearing, committed them close prisoners. . 
 
 loth March. — "The quality of the parties imprisoned: tradesmen. 
 Kept there five weeks. The threats : an heavier hand ; rot in prison . 
 
 " Lord Pawlett : that Mr. Twitty told him this morning, that, if a pretty 
 wench, and she would not consent to him, he would threaten her to carry 
 her to the justices, and commit her. 
 
 " Mr. Towerson : that the hindrance of importation a great hindrance to 
 the vent of clotb. 
 
 " That eleven several trades bound from use of their trades. Breaking 
 open houses ; taking away goods. 
 
 " That both the commissions directed to any two; yet Sir A. Apesley 
 andr Sir Franpis Michell, solely have committed, yea, that Fowles himself 
 hath committed some for six days. 
 
 " That ?ome restrained not to, work at all, some but.to particular persons. , 
 
 " A letter of Sir G< Mompesson, that Mr. Villyers and Sir Edw. Villyers 
 sharers." 
 
 (a) Hacket. 
 
cccvm r..ii'"K of bacon. 
 
 and in every department of the state, were immediately 
 nominated, (a) 
 
 From the mass of evils under consideratioii, the house 
 first directed its attention to the three great patents, of 
 inns, of alehouses, and of gold and silver thread. The 
 chief actors were Sir Giles Mompesson, a man of property, 
 and a member of the house, and Sir Francis Michel), ,his 
 tool, a poor justice, who received annually £100 for 
 issuing warrants to enforce his tyranny. The rage foi" 
 punishrrient was not confined to Mompesson and, Michell. 
 Sir Henry Yelverton, the Attorney General, who had. in- 
 curred the displeasure of Buckingham, was prosecuted 
 and severely punished, foir some irregularity respecting a 
 patent for a charter for the city, qf London, j(6) 
 
 It,?ippeared before a committee of the house, that the 
 profits from these patents were shared by all classes of 
 society who were connected with Buckingham. Amongst 
 the patentjees were the Lord Harrington and the Gountess . 
 of Bedford, Christopher Villiers, and Sir Edward Villiers, 
 half-brother of the lord marquis, received £1800 annually 
 between them ; and from one single patent the King's 
 annual, profit was £10,000.(6) 
 
 (a) Journals, p. 522, A. D. 1620. 
 
 (b) Journals of Commons. — ^The following is extracted from the diary of 
 Judge. Whitelodc (see his excellent character in Biog. Brit, by Chalmefe). ' 
 Theiidiary is entitled "Liber Famelicus," written by James Whitelock, 
 commencing on lihe 18th April, 1609, and continued to 1631, in which is 
 a diary of events (Juring this period: 
 
 "Upon Saturday, the Sth of April, I visited Sir Henry YelVerlon, 
 the new attorney, who related unto me the manner of his coming to the 
 place;, and, shutting his clyents and other resort from' him, shewed his 
 ancient love and good opinion of me in am cure's discourse ver^' neer. 
 That I concerning his place was thus: That the King having 'delivered the 
 great seal to Sir Fr. Bacon, sayd openly before the lords, 'that now he hdd 
 settled that, he had no cause to think further upon the rest' Of 'his business, 
 for they knew he was resolved his solicitor Should be attoirney, 'Nlbl' long 
 
REFORM. CCcix 
 
 • illriiiiiiu -Mi-m ■'." 1 "S' to 1-Mii.i i:C|->'' '0;»yfi fU hi\> 
 These rumours reached and alarmed the King, , who 
 
 instantly caused a communication to be made to the Lords, 
 
 that the patent was sanctioned by divers of the judges for 
 
 (T;^ ft;:;:; tt-t— t - ^Tn.> 
 
 after, he understood by some of the lords, that thp Erl of Buckingham was 
 agent for another, and did crosse him, and was privily advised by some, of 
 his friends, as the Duke of Lenox, the Archbishop of Cantertury, and 
 othprs, to repair unto him, and make away the falte. He absolutely'' 
 resolved and vowed he would not deal with, him abo^t it nor speak to him, 
 and so it continued some few days in a stand. Secretary. Wynwood offered 
 him to go with him to the King to exhibit his warrant to be signed ; but he 
 refused,: and protested he would leave it to the King, who he knew had 
 judgment enough to chuse his own seirfants. One Kobert Pye,^a servant 
 of the erl's, who was employed by him in his most private affair?, came to i.ij 
 the solicitor early one morning, before he was out of his bed, and being 
 admitted to him, told him that the Erl of Buckingham desired him to come 
 to him, and to bring his vrarrant that sholde be signed. He went unto him 
 as soon as he was ready ; did thear begin a kind expostulation withe him^tn 
 in that he had not used his help in cumming to the place of attorney, 
 teUing him that he looked for any recompence, notwithstanding Sir James 
 Lea had offered 10,000Z. to have the place. Mr. Attorney did protest 
 unto me, upon his credit, that he neither gave to the erl, or to any other ''^ 
 sub. in the kingdom, one farthing to cum to the place, nor contracted for, ;' 
 any thing, nor promised any thing, nor had any speeche about il; but,,,j 
 whfin^the businesse was done, and no expectation of any thing, he went 
 privately to the King, and told him he did acknowledge how like a good"^' 
 master-and-worthye prince he had dealte with him, and although there was 
 never mention, speech, or expectation of any thing to be had for his having 
 of this pla,ce, but he came to it freely, yet out of his duty he wolde give 
 him, 4000 readye money.,), , The King tooke him in his armes, thanked him, )n (. 
 and commended him muche for it, and told him he had need of it, for it ' ' 
 must serve even to buy him dishes, and bad him pay it to his servant 
 Murray, whiche he did, and shewed me the acquittances for it under the 
 hand of Mr. Murray, wh0 as I heer, is keeper of the privie purse." — P. ;64. 
 
 " It is not to be. forgotten that the serjeants-at-law gave each of them J'lJ 
 600/. to the King; sum of them iWeare not worth the money, and sum";''! 
 never likely to see it half again in thear practise. Mr. George Croke was '™ 
 lefl out bycaus he refused to give money, and offence taken at his words' i'' 
 bycaijse he sayd he thought it was not for tjie King."— P.' 49. U(l o^ aafc ■ 
 
 " This Michaelmas term, George Vernon, of Cheshire, a reader of the ''^*- 
 Inner Tem-plc, was, for money made seijeant and baron of the Exchequer.'' vii 
 
 P.13S. 
 
CCCX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 the point of law, and by divers lords for point of con- 
 venience, (a) 
 
 Reform was now the universal cry of the nation. It was 
 one of those periodical outcries, (6) which ever has been 
 and ever will be heard in England, till, by admitting the 
 gradual improvement which the progress or knowledge (c) 
 requires, the current, instead of being opposed, is jiidi- 
 ciously directed, {d) The streapois which for centuries roll 
 on, and for centuries are impeded, at last break down or 
 rush over the barriers and carry every thing before them. 
 When in this deluge the ark itself is in danger, the patriot 
 endeavours to confine the torreiit within its propet banks 
 and to resist or direct its impetuosity, while the demagogue 
 joins in the popular clamour, visiting on individuals the 
 faults of the times, and sacrificing, as an atonement to in- 
 jured feeling, the most virtuous members of the community. 
 
 When the complaints of the people could no longer be 
 resisted, and public inquiry became inevitable, Bucking- 
 ham, insensible to all other shame, appeared fully conscious 
 of the infamy of exposure. The honour of a gentleman and 
 the pride of nobility slept at ease upon the money-bags 
 extorted from the sufferers, but he and his noble colleagues 
 endured the utmost alarm at the prospect of discovery. 
 
 Conscious of his peril, disquieted, and robbed of all 
 peace of mind, admonished " that the arrow of vengeance 
 shot against his brother grazed himself," (e) he consulted 
 one of the ablest men in England, Williams, then Dean of 
 
 (a) 12th March. — " The Lord Chancelror, removing from liis place to 
 his seat as a peer, reported what passec^ at the conference of both houses 
 on Saturday last, the inducement of which conference was to clear the 
 King's honour touching grants to Sir Gyles Mompesson, and the passages 
 in procuring the same. 
 
 (6) See ante, p. ciii. (c) See ante, p. xi. See note BB. 
 
 (d) See ante, p. xi. note (6), ante, p. ciii. (e) Racket. 
 
VILLIERS SENT ABUOAD. CCCXl 
 
 Westminster, who, well versed in matters of state, (a) soon 
 saw the position in which all parties were placed. He 
 recommended (b) ,that Villiers should, without a moment's 
 del^y, l^e sent upop some foreign embassy ; and, his g;uilt 
 being less , enorjnpus or ^ess apparent than of the other 
 offenders, he was thus protected by the power of his brother. 
 yilJiers being safe, WUliams advised comipliance with the 
 humour of the people, and suggested that in this state 
 tempest (c) Sir Giles Mompesson and Sir F. Michell 
 " should be thrptwn overboard as wares that miight be 
 
 (o)' He was chaplain to Chancellor Egerton, and declined to accept the 
 same appointment under Bacon. 
 
 (b) " I will now spread affirmative proposals before your honor, which 
 I have studied and considered. Delay not one day before you give your 
 brother Sir Edward ^ commission for some embassage to some of tjhe 
 princes of Germany, or the north lands, and despatch him over the seas 
 before he be missed." — Hacket, p 50. ) . 
 
 (c) In a memorial whith he had prepared for Buckinghain (see Hacket, 
 p. 50) found afterhis death in his own hand-writing, he says, " ^rust me 
 and your other servants, that have some credit with the most active mep- 
 bers, to keep you clear from the strife of tongues ; but if you assist to break 
 up this parliament, being now in the pursuit of justice, only to sSve* some 
 cormorants, who have devoured that which must be regorged,, you will 
 pluck up a sluice which will overwhelm yourself. Those empty fellows. 
 Sir Giles Mompesson and Sir Francis Michell, let them be made victims 
 to the public wrath. It strikfes even with that advice which was given to 
 C*sar in Sallast, when the people expected that some should be examples 
 of public justice, Lucius Posthumius, Marcus Favonius mihi videntur 
 quasi m^nae navis supervacua onera esse; si quid adv^r^i cportum est,.de 
 illis petissimum jactura sit,,quia pretii minimi sunt. Let Ix)rd Posthumius 
 and M. Favonius be thrown overboard in the storm, for there are no wares 
 in the ship that may better be spared. And your lordship must needs par- 
 take of the applause ; for though it is known that these vermin haunted your 
 chamber, and is much whispered tliat they set up trade with some little 
 license from your honor, yet when none shall appear more forward than 
 yourself to crash them, the discourse wilt come about, that these devices 
 which take ill, were stolen from you by misirepresentatiori, when you were 
 but new blossomed in court, whose deformities being discovered, you love 
 not your ovm mistakings, but are the most forward to recall them." 
 
CCCXll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 spared/ quoting a wise heathen as a precedent, well 
 knowing that his breviary contained no feuch doctrine: 
 advice which was gratefully received by the marquis, who 
 declared that, for the future, he would attend to no other 
 ■counseridr.'(a) , , . 
 
 It vaay, at first sight, appear remarkable, that, in matters 
 of such moment, Buckingham should apply for counsel to 
 Williams rather than to Bacon, by whose advice he pro- 
 fessed to be always guided : it is, however, certain that he 
 not only communicated privately with Williams, but that 
 he carried him to the King, whom they found closeted 
 with the prince, in much distress and perplexity, (6) when 
 the dean read to hisjoyal'rnaster(c) a document prepared 
 iit the suggestion of Buckingham, or the fruit of his own 
 politic brain. 
 
 It is to be hoped that the fiend ambitibri did not so far 
 
 ' ' (a) " Advice which the marquis received with much thankfulness as he 
 could express, and requited his adviser with this compliment, that he would 
 use no other counsellpr hereafter to pluck him out of bis plunges ; for he 
 Jiad delivered him from fear and folly, and had restored him both to a 
 light heart and a safe conscience." — Hacket, p. 50. 
 
 (t) " To the King they go forth^cith with these notes of honest settle- 
 ment, whom they found accompanied in his chamber with the prince, and 
 in seriousdisGoiiirse together."-:-Hacket, p. 51. , 
 
 (c) Hacket, p. 51. — "Buckingham craves leave that the de?n might be 
 heard upon those particulars which he bad brought in writing, which the 
 Kiiiglnarked^with patience and pleasure ; aiid whatsoever seemed conten- 
 tious or doubtful to the King's piercing wit, the deani improved it to the 
 greater liking by the solidity of his answers, whereupon the King Tpsolved 
 to keep close to every syllable of those directions; and before the month 
 of March expired, thirty-seven monopolies, -with other sharking'- prouleries, 
 were decried in one proclamation, whichreturied a thousand praiSes and 
 ten thousand good prayers upon the sovereign. Gut of this bud the dean's 
 advancement very shortly spread out into a blown flower; for the i King, 
 upon this trial of bis wisdom,' either called him to him, or called for his 
 judgment in writing in all that he deliberated to act or permit in this 
 session of parliament, in Jiis most private and closest consultations.'' 
 
AUBHEV AND EGEETON. eCCXUl 
 
 ?ft ! possess him, as to recommend the greater saorifice of 
 
 :•; : Bacon, should Mompesson and Miehell be deemed uasuf- 
 
 01 efficient to allay the storm; but.if ambitioni did influence 
 
 191; this politic prelate, if the vision of the seals (a) floated 
 
 before him, and induced him to plot against the ^f gracious 
 
 BT 81 Duncan," he could not but foresee that the result of the 
 
 otot inquiries would only convince the parliament that Mom- 
 
 -0 -o-j»esson and Michell were mere puppets moved for the profit 
 
 3f 91 and' advantage of others, and that Buckingham, or one as 
 
 is h highly placed, liiight be demanded, iarrmmmoo «:• Jont 
 
 b'L'i On the 15th of March, 1620, Sir Robert Phillips re- Charge of 
 
 m ported from the committee appointed to inquire into the ^^^l^'-i^ 
 
 ]>' hi abuses of courts of justice.jof which h& was chairman, that 1620, 
 
 iEt fil 
 n, XI two petitions had been (piiesentedif^ri corruption against the 
 
 Lord Chancellor, by two suitors in the court of Chancery, 
 •iBiij'the one naimfld!Atibrey»it]ljie.iQther Egerton. .,,f r,) gi ji 
 
 Aubrey's petition stated, ," That having a suit pending 
 „! ,,, before the Lord Cljiancellpf, and being worn put by delays, 
 iiiiblihe had been advised by his' counsel to present £100 to 
 "' '^'' the Chancellor, that his cause might, by more than ordi- 
 nary means, be expedited, and that, in consequencejof this 
 ^,1 _,,! advice he had delivered the £100 to Sir George Hastings 
 bniioand: to Mr. Jenkins, of Gray'siJon^biy. whom it was, pre- 
 sented to his lordship ; (6) but, notwit'hstaWd'iHf '*fei&0fifering, 
 «• *^ iU'VMiickloT had decided"^^ife§t'him'* T 'W*>«H (.) 
 
 'emI'siII "' iw .•■ ' 'nw arUh'-'ri<f firf yf {'■•idw -i,pjii-:rf.|.f| o'orit iioqu trwad 
 
 ,-ff -in "^ '■ " ~" "^"' '■ '^' ^^ . ■■■ -lijl"!)!..'! iHr/,f i,'i' ■■rr Bfflrt 
 
 *i H.ii (a) Racket,: p. 51. — "The more the- King sounded his judgraenti the 
 Jk* hi deeper it appeared, so that his .worth was valued at no less than to be 
 fil' fill, takeninearer, as counsellor upon-aU'OGoasioBS." r,i sgoh q-ii^ at 
 
 ,8e ,»■)!■'■>, (b) See note' GGG, March 1'5-17, from which the following is extracted : 
 hfl fit Awbrey eomplaineth, that, wearied in his cause in Chancery, he was 
 ■isB ?'(! advised by his counsel, to expedite his business, to present the Loid Chan- 
 ,2i , 5, oellori with 100/. He got at use; 100/. goeth with Sir George Hastings 
 HU' -iiii stnd Mr. Jenkyns to York, House: there they two went,, and returned to 
 r-if' iii him, vrith thanks, from;, my lord, and hopes of better, success in his cause 
 than formerly. i-saob diis jtcvi-Kj i^'.i^: nif ni' m-jnJKihBij lo nni\vij- 
 
CGCXIV LIFE OF, BACOff. 
 
 Egerton's cpmplaint was, Aat " to, procure my lord's 
 favour, he Jiadbeea persuaded by Sir George Hastings 
 and Sir, Richard Young, to make some present to, the 
 Chancellor; and that he accordingly deliyejred ,,tp . Sir 
 George and to Sir Richard, MOQ, which was deUvered by 
 them to the Chancellor as a gratuity, for that my lord, 
 when Attorney General,; had befriended him; and that, 
 before this advice,, Egferton hg,d himself) either before or 
 after the Chancellor was entrusted with the great seal, 
 presented to his lordship a piece . of plate worth fifty 
 gUfineas ;, , but that, notwithstanding , tl^eses, , presents, the 
 Lord Chancellor, assisted by Lord Chief Justice Hobart, 
 had decided against him. (a) 
 
 If Bacon, instead of treating the charge with contempt, (6) 
 
 (o) To the first article of the charge, viz. in the cause between Sir Row- 
 land Egerton and Edward Egerton,. the Lord Chancellor received five 
 hundred -pounds on the part of Sir Rowland Egerton, before he decreed 
 the cause : I do confess and declare, that upon a reference fi:om his majesty 
 of all suits and controversies between Sir Rowland Egerton and Mr. Edward 
 Egerton, both paxties submitted themselves to my award, by recogjiizance 
 reciprocal in ten thousand marks a-piece. Thereupon, after divers hear- 
 ings, I made my award, with advice and consent of my Lord Hobart. The 
 award was perfected and published to the parties^ which was in February ; 
 then, some days after, the five hundred pounds mentioned in the charge 
 was delivered unto me. Afterwaids Mr. Edward Egerton fled off from the 
 award ; theri,, in Midsummer term following, a suit was begun in Chancery 
 by Sir Rowland, to have the award confirmed ; and upon that suit was the 
 decree made, which is mentioned in the article. 
 
 (J) Extrait d'wn lettre de Monsieur le Chevalier, Digby ^ M. de Fermat. 
 — Etcomme yous y parley de notre Chancelier Bacon, cela me fit souvenir 
 d'un autre beau mot qu'il dit en ma presence une fois a feu Monsieur le 
 Due de Buckingham. C'ftoit au commencement de ses malheurs, quand 
 I'assembWe des ^tats, que nous appelons le parlement, entreprit de la miner, 
 ce qu'elle fit en suite ce jour la il eu eut la premifere a,larme : j'tois avec 
 le du ayaut disne avec lui ; le chancelier survint et I'entretint de I'accusa- 
 tion qu'un de ceux de la chambre basse avoit presentee contre lui, et il 
 supplia le due I'employer son credit auprfes du roi pour le maintenir 
 toujours dans son esprit: le due repondit qu'il etoit si bien avec le roi 
 
BACON S DEFENCE. CCCXV 
 
 and indillgihg in imaginations of the friendship of Bucking- 
 ham and of the King, thinkitig, as they were, only of their 
 own safety, had trusted to his own powerful mind, and 
 met the accusation instantly and with vigour, he might' at 
 once, strong as the tide was against all axithority/(a) have 
 stemrried the torrent, and satisfied the intelligent, that the 
 fa.ii\t was not in the Chancellor, but the Chancery. 
 
 Might he not have reminded the house that, although he 
 knew the temporary power of custom against opinion, he in 
 resistance of the established practice, had exerted himself 
 to prevent any interference, even by Buckingham or the 
 
 leur maitxe, qu'il i\'^toit pas besoin de lui rendre de bons offices auprfes de 
 sa litiajeste, ce qu'il disoit, non pas pour le refuser, car il aimoit beaiicoup, 
 mais povir lui faire plus d'honneur : le chancelier lui repondit de trfes-bonne 
 grace, qu'en il croyoitetre pariaitement bien " dans I'esprit de son maltre, 
 mais aussi qu'il avoit toujours remaiqu^ que pour si grand que soit un 
 feu, et pour si fortement qu'il briile de lui-mfeme, il ne laissera pourtant 
 pas de bruler mieux et d'etre plus beau et plus clair si on le souffle comme 
 il feut." 
 
 " My Lord Chancellor hath many bills put up against him, who is said 
 to haye made a very peremptory speech in the committee, wherein was this 
 passage : that he wondered how the Lower House would or durst go about 
 to question his personal honour," &c. — From the British Museum. , 
 
 " (a) In the year 1824, when there was a senseless yell -gainst Lord 
 Eldon, a commission was appointed to inquire into the defects of the coilrt 
 of Chancery. That it abounded with defects was indisputable. Before, 
 this committee I was examined ; and aware of the tendency of the many 
 to personify and make their complaints against magistrates, I did all in toy 
 power to resist it. The following is an extract from part of my examination. 
 — I hope that in thus speaking of the Lord Chancellor's court, I may not 
 be supposed to be speaking of the lord Chancellor; or to attribute to 
 him these defects, any more than I thought the defects of the commissioners' 
 court should be ascribed to the commissioners. I cannot but think it most 
 unjust to confound the court with the judge. There is a spirit of improve 
 ment now moving upon this country, which onght not, as it appears to me, 
 to be impeded by personality. Permanent defects in a court may perhaps 
 generally be ttaced to th€( constitution of the court: that is, not to the 
 judge, but to society. 
 
CCCXVl 
 
 LIFK OF BACON. 
 
 Decision 
 
 against 
 donors. 
 
 King, in the administration of justice, by \Vhich the im- 
 partiality of the judges might be, or might appear to be 
 disturbed. (a) ■ ,,■■>■ 
 
 Could he iiot havre said that both petitions contained 
 internal and unanswerable proof that it was not the' cor- 
 ruption of the judge, but the fault of the times,' in which 
 the practice originated? Could he not have said that the 
 presents were made openly, in the presence of witnesses ? 
 
 How could these offerings have influenced his judgment 
 in favour of .the donor, when, in both cases, he decided 
 against the party by whom the presents were made?' 'lii 
 the case of Awbrey he, to repeat the strong expressions 
 which had been used, made " a killing decree against 
 him:"(i) and with refepect to Egerton, the decision Was in 
 favour of his opponent Rowland, who did not m^ake any 
 present until some weeks after the judgmerit was pro^ 
 nounced. (c) 
 
 But, not contenting Jiimself by thus showing that the 
 
 co^'^^l ^ offerings were neither presented nor received as: bribes, could 
 
 he not have said, the petitions both state that the presents 
 
 were recommended by counsel, and delivered by men of 
 
 title and members of parliament ? (c) Did they then act in- 
 
 Presents 
 
 (a) Ante, p. clxxiii. ' ' ' "' '""^ 
 
 (6) See Journals in note GGG, under date 17th March, " a killing 
 order made to Awbrey's prejudice." 
 
 (c) See note (b), ante, p. cccxiii. See note GGG, at the end, ^vhere 
 the passage is as follows : " In the cause between Sir Rowland Egerton, 
 knt. and Edward Egerton, the Lord Chancellor received five hundred 
 pounds, on the part of Sir Rowland Egerton, before he decreed the same ; 
 proved by the depositions of Sir Rowland Egerton : of John Brooke, who 
 deposeth to the providing of the money, of purpose to be given to the Lord 
 Chancellor, aiid that the same is delivered to Mr. Thelwall, to deliver to 
 the Lord Chancellor : of Bevis Thelwall, who delivered the five hundred 
 pounds to the Lord Chancellor." 
 
 Whitelock, in his " Liber Famelicus," (see ante) says, " Presently upon 
 my return to Cluer I did visit that honorable and worthy judge, Sir Edw. 
 
CUSTOM TO RECEIVE PRESENTS. CCCX'VU 
 
 compliance with long established practice, or Were they 
 all bribed I Were the practitioners ia this noble profession 
 polluted by being accessory to the worst species of bribery ? 
 Why, when the,<;harge was made, did the Recorder in- 
 stajitly, say, " If- Egerton desired to congratulate him at 
 hi§. coining to the seal for his kindnesses and pains in 
 fornaer, business, what wrong hath he done, if he hath 
 received a present ? And if there were a suit depending, 
 who keeps a register in his heart of all causes^ nay, who 
 can anioingst such a multitudci?" (a) ■ > 
 
 Could ;he not have said that the custom of the' Chan- Customary 
 cello r's receiving presents: had existed from -the earliest *° '^'^^'^^ 
 periods ? (6) that a member had reminded the house of 
 its, existence, and.isaid, " Ii think the Chancellor took 
 
 pri •, u 1., \ ■ ' ' ■ '' ' '~~"^~~~"~' 
 
 Coke, Lord Chief, Justice of England, who was newly returned to Stoke 
 ftom the parts about London, where he was feyne to attend a,bout his 
 unfortunate businesses at the pourt. Never man was so just, so upright, 
 so free from corrupte solicitations of great men or frendes as he was. 
 Nevei!' put -counsfellors that practised before him to annual pensions of 
 money or plate to have, his favor. , In all cawses before him the counsel 
 might assure his clyent from the danger of briberye, the secret niisqhiefs 
 grovfing by wife, children, servants, chamber motions, courtesans great or 
 small, and the most religious and orderlye man in his house that lived in 
 our state." 
 
 And his diary contains the following entry : 
 
 ■ Profitso^my office this half year, 1622 (inter alia). 
 
 My Lord Brook's New-year's gift . . . .£40 0. 
 
 Howard, the attorney , 5 0, 
 
 New-year's gift;. Sir E. Vaughan . . . . . 10 
 
 Of Mr. Turner, the counsellor . ..... 500 
 
 Pp. 103 and 109. 
 • (a) See note GGG. , If Egerton, out of a desire to congratulate him at 
 his coming to the seal for his kindnesses and pains in former business, 
 what wrong hath he done, if heihath received a present? And if there 
 were a suit depending, who keeps a register in his heart of all causes, nay, 
 who can amongst such a multitude ? 
 (b) Ante, p. cciii. 
 
CCCXVIU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 gratuities, and the Lord Chancellor before, and others 
 before him ? I have amongst the muniments of my own 
 estate, an entry of a payment to a former Chancellor of a 
 sum for the pains he had taken in hearing our cause." (a) 
 
 This custom of judges receiving presents was not peculiar 
 to England, but existed in the most enlightened govern- 
 ments ; in the difiPerent states of Greece ; in all feudal states ; 
 in France, where the suitors always presented the judge 
 with some offering in conformity with, their established 
 maxim, " Non deliberetur donee •sohentur species ;" and in 
 England, from time immemorial, (b) It existed before the 
 time of King John, and during his reign j and notwith- 
 standing the rights secured at Runnyraede, it has< ever 
 continued. It existed in the reign of Henry the Fifth; 
 and although, during the reign of Henry the Eighth, Sir 
 Thomas More declined to receive presents, his very power 
 of declining proves that it was customary to offer them, 
 
 (a) See note (a), next page. 
 
 (b) Barrington, in his observations on the statutes, as a note to NulU 
 vendemus nulli negabimus aut differemus rectum vel jitstitiam, says, " This 
 part of Magna Charta is calculated to prevent abuses in the crown with 
 regard to the administration of justice and in some cases the parties litigant 
 offered part of what they were to recover, to the crown.'' 
 
 Maddox, in his History of the Exchequer, collects likewise; many 
 instances of fines for the King's favour, and particularly William Stutewejl, 
 presented to King John three thousand marks, for giving judgment with 
 relation to the barony of Mowbray, which Stutewell gave against William 
 de Mowbray, (I) Petyt. MSS. vol. i. p. 57, where the proceedings may be 
 likewise seen. 
 
 " It was usual to pay fines anciently for delaying law proceedings, 
 even to the extent of the defendant's life; sometimes they were exacted to 
 expedite process, and to obtain right. The county of Norfolk (always 
 represented as a litigious county, insomuch that the number of attomieS 
 allowed to practise in it is reduced by a statute of Henry the Sixth to eight) 
 paid an annual composition at the Exchequer, that they might be fairly 
 dealt with."— Maddox, Hist. Exch. p. 205. 
 
 The Dean of London paid twenty marks to the King, that he might 
 assist him against the bishop in a law-suit. 
 
CUSTOM TO HECEIVE isRESENTS. GCCxix 
 
 and, in conformity with this practice, the usual presents 
 were made to Lord Bacon within a few hours after he had 
 accepted the great seal, the only pecuniary compensation, 
 except a. very trifling salary, to which the Lord Keeper was 
 entitled for labours never intended to be gratiaitous. (a) 1' 
 -rrWhat could have been said in answer to this statement, 
 that the presents were made openly, that the decision 
 was agaittstt the party by whom they were made, and that 
 they were made by the advice'of counsel and delivered by 
 men of eminence, and sanctioned by immemorial practice 
 in this and in all countries ? i^'nunmhn ■)ni. u-mi .UaMhrnd 
 "fl Might he not have called upon the justice of the house 
 for protection from the aspersions of two discontented 
 
 suitors, who had no more cauSe of complaint against him 
 
 _ 
 (a) The whole salajy did not then exceed 2790?. per annuno, according, 
 to the statement of Dean Williams, who says these are all the true means 
 ofthatg^lte^:Vi«"!'-'-' -■•^■' 1< .'V, ^n ' >-ih h, 
 
 Fines certain .~ . £1SOO " ;~ 
 
 m.:a /,» ».^ ,. „, Fines casual . . 1250, or thereabouts." ' ', ' '-fj 
 '^"^ "■♦"J''^*''-' Writs ' 140 '" ""»" ^'*) 
 
 8uiJ » Jtii;t ^.vi^..f\ 'c '■ ^' <'i"'^S* ^„„ -' — ; »"'<* 'vtQ>Wvj 
 ,^ ,. Impost of wme .100 
 Jisvr tivm -'jiU IK "^ oi .,-j)i ,,, uf J/: to j-mq 
 
 Uii:jni tjiiij It odJ feKjvD f>' : ai hun 2790" uttxtMiaiiSibu 'jtlS 01 i/h.yin 
 See this subject fully considered in note G G. ■'''■ Jj;/Jff lo iieq ^trisfto 
 '"'In Lloyd's life of Sir Augustine NichoUs, who was one of the judges in ' 
 the time of James the First, he says, " We had exemplary integrity, even 
 to the' rejection of gratuities after judgment given, and a charge to his 
 followers that they came to their places clear handed, and that they;slioiild 
 not meddle with any motions to him, that he might be slecured frohl all 
 appearance of corruption." 
 
 n When the eh^ge was made against Lord Bacon, the following observa- 
 tion was made in the House of Commons, as appears in the Journals of 
 Lunffi 26 Martii, 19 Jacobi. — Alford. That the Chancery- hindereth com- 
 merce at home. Many things propounded about the Lord Chancellor. 
 Thinketh he took gratuities; and the Lord Chancellor before, and others 
 before him. Hath a ledger-book, where 30s. given ta a secretary, and lOl. 
 to a Lord Chancellor, for his pains in hearing a cause. Will proceed 
 from Chancellor to Chancery: will offer heads, to be considered by a 
 committee. 
 
CCCXX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 than Wraynham, (a) by whom he was slandered, or Lord 
 Clifford, by whom he was threatened to be assassinated ? (ft) 
 Might he not have called upon the house for protection 
 against these calumnies at a time when the excited people 
 wished for some sacrifice, as a tribute to public opinion, an 
 atonement for public wrongs, and a security for better 
 times? 
 
 The people are often censured for their selection of a 
 victim, but, where they contend for a principle, they lose 
 sight .of. the individual. It is this dangerous indiiference 
 that enables bad men to direct, for private ends, a popular 
 tumult. The Jewish people demanded merely their annual 
 privilege; ;it was the priests who said, " Save Barrabas."; 
 
 On the 17th pf March the Chancellor presided, for the 
 last time, in the House of Lords. The charges which he 
 had at first treated with indifference, were daily increasing, 
 and could no longer be disregarded. From the pinnacle 
 on which he stood, he could see the storm gathering round 
 him: old complaints were revived, and new accusations 
 industriously collected ; and, though he had considered 
 himself much beloved in both houses of parliament, he felt 
 that he had secret enemies, and began to fear that he had 
 false friends. He resolved, therefore, to meet his accusers ; 
 but his health, always delicate, gave way, and instead of 
 being able to attend in person, he was obliged by writing 
 to address the House of Peers. 
 
 To the Right Honourable his very good Lords, the Lords 
 Spiritual atid Temporal in the Upper House of Parliament 
 assembled. 
 
 My very good Lords, — I humbly pray your lordships all 
 to'make a favbdrable and true construction of my absence. 
 
 (a) Ante, p. 104.' (b) Ante, p. 241. 
 
LETTER TO PEERS. CCCXXl 
 
 It is no feigning or fainting, but sickness both of my heart 
 and of' my back, though joined with that comfort of mind 
 that persuadeth me that I am not far from heaven, whereof 
 I feel the first fruits. And because, whether I live or die, 
 I would be glad to preserve my honour and fame, so far as 
 I am worthy, hearing that some complaints of base bribery 
 are coming before your lordships, my requests unto your 
 lordships are : . i 
 
 First, that you will maintain me in your good opinion, 
 without prejudice, uiitil my cause be heard. , 
 
 Secondly, that in regard I have sequestered my mind at 
 this time in great part from worldly matters, thinking of 
 my account and answers in a higher court, your lordships 
 will give me convenient, time, according to the course of 
 other courts, to advise with my counsel, and to, make my 
 answer ; wherein, nevertheless, my counsel's part will be 
 the least ; for I shall not, by the grace of God, trick up an 
 innocency with cavillations, but plainly and ingenuously 
 (as your lordships know my manner is) declare what I 
 know or remember. ... 
 
 Thirdly, that according to the course of justice, I may 
 be allowed to except to the witnesses brought against me; 
 and to move questions to your lordships for their cross- 
 examinations ; and likewise to produce my own i/vitnesses, • 
 for tbe discovery of the truth. 
 
 And lastly, that if there be any more petitions of like 
 nature, that your lordships would be pleased not to take 
 any prejudice or Japprehension of any number or muster of 
 them, especially against a judge, that makes two thousand 
 orders and decrees in a year (not to speak of the courses 
 that have been taken for hunting ojit complaints against 
 me) but that I may answer them according to the rules 
 of justice, severally and respectively. 
 
 These requests I hope appear to your lordships no other 
 
 VOL, XV. V 
 
CCCXXU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 than just. And so thinking myself happy to have so noble 
 peers and reverend prelates to discern of my cause ; and 
 desiring no privilege of greatness for subterfuge of guilti- 
 ness, but meaning, as I said, to deal fairly and plainly 
 with your lordships, and to piit myself upon your honours 
 and favours, I pray God to bless your counsels and persons. 
 And rest your lordships' humble servant, 
 March 19, 1620. Fr. St. Alban, Canc. 
 
 This letter, which was delivered by Buckingham, (a) the 
 Lords immediately answered, by assuring the Chancellor 
 " that the proceedings should be according to the right rule 
 of justice ; that it was the wish of the house that hislord^ 
 ship should clear his honour from the different aspersions, 
 and praying him to provide for his defence;" a courtesy 
 which his lordship instantly acknowledged, (6) with the 
 expression of his intention to speak more fully at a future 
 time. 
 
 Thus resolved to defend himself, there was some com- 
 munication between the Chancellor and Buckingham; 
 whether it was confined to the favourite must be left to 
 conjecture; but it appears to have had its full effect both 
 upon him and upon the King, who, seeing the untoward 
 events which might yet occur from the discussions of this 
 inquiring parliament, sent a message to the Commons, 
 expressing his comfort that the house was careful to 
 
 (a) The Lord Admiral declared, that he had been twice with the Lord 
 Chancellor, to visit him, being sent to him by the King. The first time, 
 he found his lordship very sick and heavy; the second time he found him 
 better, and much comforted, for that he heard that the complaint of the 
 grievances of the Commons against him were come into this house; where 
 he assured himself to find honourable justice ; in confidence whereof, his 
 lordship had written a letter to the house. The which letter the Lord 
 Admiral presented to the house, to be read. 
 
 (b) Journals. 
 
FURTHER CHARGES. CCCXXIU 
 
 preserve his honour; his wish that the parliament should 
 adjourn to the 10th of April; and his assurance that the 
 complaints against the Lord Chancellor should be carefully 
 examined before a committee of six peers and twelve 
 commoners ; a proposal not very acceptable to Sir Edvvard 
 Coke, who thought it might defeat the parliamentary 
 proceedings which he was so anxious to prosecute, (a) 
 
 On the 20th, the Commons proceeded to the examination 
 of witnesses, and a further complaint was preferred in the 
 cause of Wharton and Willougby, by the Lady Wharton, 
 against whom the Chancellor had decided. It appeared 
 that the presents were made openly at two several times, 
 with the knowledge and in the presence of witnesses. (6) 
 
 (a) Mr. Secretaiy Calvert brings a message from the Ring, that this 
 parliament hath sat a Idng time, and Easter is near come, and it is fit there 
 should be a cessation for a time, yet the King will appoint no time, but 
 leaves it to yourselves. But for the beginning again, he thinks the 10th of 
 April a fit time, but will appoint none ; only he would have you take care 
 that there be no impediment in the subsidies. The King also took notice 
 of the complaints against the Lord Chancellor, for which he was sorry ; for 
 it hath always been his care to have placed the best, but no man can pre* 
 vent such accidents. But his comfort was, that the house was careful to 
 preserve his honour. And his majesty thought not fit to have the occasions 
 hang long in suspense, therefore would not have any thing to hinder it; 
 but for the furtherance thereof, he proposed a commission of six of the 
 higher house, and twelve of the lower house to examine upon oath. . This 
 proposition, if we liked it well, he would send the like to the Lords; and 
 this he thought might be done during tiiis cessation; and though he hoped 
 the Chancellor was free, yet if he should be' found guilty, he doubted not 
 but you would do him justice. 
 
 Sir Edward Coke said, we should take heed the commission did not 
 hinder the manner of onr parUamentary proceedings. 
 
 The answer returned to the King was, rendering thanks for the first part 
 of his gracious message ; and for the second, we direct that the like message 
 may be sent to the Lords, for there being so good a concurrence betwixt 
 us, we may have conference with them about it. Then adjourned. — See 
 noteGGG. 
 
 (5) Journals. — ^The Lady Wharton having a cause depending in Chan- 
 cery, many orders were made in it ; amongst the rest, there was an order 
 
CCCXXIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 The cry having been raised, the lowest members of the 
 profession, a common informer and a disgraced registrar, 
 
 made for dismission, by the consent of the counsel on both sides, which my 
 lady disliking, took Churchill, the register, into her coach, carried him to 
 my Lord Chancellor's, and so wrought, that he was willed not to enter the 
 last order, so that my lady was left at liberty to prosecute it in Chancery, 
 brought it to a hearing, and at length got a decree. Keeling being 
 examined, saith, that near about the time of passing this decree, my lady 
 took lOQl. he saw it, and she made him set down the words and styles 
 which she would use in the delivery of it. Then she goeth to York House, 
 and delivered it to my Lord Chancellor, as she told him. She carried it 
 in a purse; my lord asked her what she had in her hand? She said, a 
 purse of her own making, and presented it to him, who took it, and said, 
 what lord could refuse a purse of so fair a lady's working! After this my 
 lord made a decree for her, but it was not perfected ; but 200Z. more being 
 given (one Gardener being present), her decree had life. But after the 
 giving of the lOOl. because she had not 200/. ready in money, one Shute 
 dealt with her to pass over the land to my Lord Chancellor and his heirs, 
 reserving an estate for life to herself ; but she knowing no reason to dis- 
 inherit her own children, and confer- it upon a lord who had no children, 
 asked Keeling, her man, what he thought of it ? He, like an honest servant, 
 was against it. Shute knowing this, sets upon Keeling, and brought him 
 to be willing my lady should do it, with power of revocation, upon payment 
 of 200/. in a reasonable time. Keeling lets fall some speeches, as if he 
 had left York House for the corruption which was there, which he himself 
 knew in part. Gard«ier, Keelingis man, confirmed the payment of the 
 300/. for the decree, viz. 100/. before, and 200/. after. This purchased 
 decree being lately -damned again by my Lord Chancellor, was the cause 
 of this <;oraplaint. 
 
 Keeling saith. Sir John Trevor did present my Lord Chancellor with 
 100/. hy the hands of Sir Richard Young, for a final end to his cause. Sir 
 Richard Young answered, that when he attended upon my Lord Chancellor, 
 Sir John Trevor's man brought a cabinet, and a letter to my Lord Chan- 
 cellor, and entreated me to deliver it, which I did openly; and this was 
 openly done, and this was all I knew of it. 
 
 Sir Edward Coke said, it was strange to him that this money should be 
 thus openly delivered, and that one Gardener should be present at the 
 payment of the 200/. 
 
 Mercurii, 21st Martii, 18th Jacobi, Lady Wharton.— Sir Robert Philips. 
 That Gardyner's man affirmeth, that, three days before the hearing of the 
 cause the Lady Wharton put 100/. in a purse, went to York House, arid, 
 
CHARGES. CCCXXV 
 
 were, with their crew, employed in hunting for charges : 
 and, so ready was the community to listen to complaints, 
 that it mattered not by whom they were preferred; 
 " greatness was the mark, and accusation the game." One 
 of his many faithful friends, (a) Sir Thomas Meautys, rose 
 to resist this virulence. He admonished the house of the 
 misstatements that would be made by such accusers, 
 men without character, (ft) under the influence of motives 
 which could not be misunderstood. " I have known," he 
 said, " and observed his lordship for some years : he hath 
 sown a good seed of justice; let not the abandoned and 
 envious choke it with their tares." He had as much 
 prospect of success as if he had attempted to stop the 
 progress of a volcano. 
 
 as she said after, gave it my lord. That, in after, she put 200/. more 
 
 into a puise, and took the money from Gardener at York House, went in 
 to my lord, and as she said, delivered it to my lord, and had after presently 
 the decree. 
 
 To the fourth article of the charge, namely, " In a cause between the 
 Lady Wharton and the coheirs of Sir Francis Willoughby, he received of 
 the Lady Wharton three hundred and ten pounds," I confess and declare 
 that I did receive of the Lady Wharton at two several times, as I re- 
 member, in gold, two hundred pounds and one hundred pieces, and this 
 was certainly pendente lite ; bijt I have a vehement suspicion that there 
 was some shuffling between Mr, Shute and the register in entering some 
 orders, which afterwards I did distaste. 
 
 (a) Not so all his servants. — Upon his being in disfavour, his servants 
 suddenly went away : he compared them to the flying of the vermin when 
 the house was felling.— Aubrey, 1656. 
 
 (b) Mr. Meawtys. Touching the persons that inform, I would entreat 
 this honourable house to consider, that Keeling is a common solicitor (to 
 say no more of him) ; Churchill, a guilty register, by his own confession; 
 I know that fear of puiiishment, and hopes of lessening it, may make them 
 to say much, yea, more than is truth. For my own part, I must say, I 
 have been an observer of my lord's proceedings ; I know he hath sown a 
 good seed of justice, and I hope that it will prove, that the envious man has 
 sovm these tares. I humbly desire that those generals may not be sent up 
 to the lords, unless these men will testify them in particular. ' 
 
CCCXXVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Additional charges thus collected, and of the same 
 nature, were preferred against him. 
 March 26. On the 26th of March, in conformity with the advice 
 given by Williams, sentence was passed inpon Mompesson 
 and Michel, (a) many patents were recalled, and the King, 
 after having addressed the house, adjourned the parlia- 
 ment, (b) 
 
 The King's speech abounded with that adroit flatteiy to 
 the house, which he so frequently practised when he had 
 any thing to gain or any thing to fear ; he did not name 
 the Chancellor directly, and, when he glanced at the charge 
 of bribery, while he cautioned them not to be carried away 
 " by the impertinent discourses of those who named the 
 
 («) And so his lordship pronounced the judgment of the lords against 
 the said Sir Giles Mompesson, in hac verba : " The Lords Spiritual and 
 Temporal of this High Court of Parliament do award and adjudge : 1 . That 
 Sir Giles Mompesson shall stand, and be from henceforth degraded of the 
 order of knighthood, with reservation of the dignity of his wife and children ; 
 and the ceremonies of degradation to be performed, by direction of the 
 Earl Marshal's court, whensoever he shall be taken. 2. And that he shall 
 stand perpetually in degree of a person outlawed for misdemeanour and 
 trespass. 3. And that his testimony be received in no court; and that he 
 shall be of no assize, inquisition, or jury. 4. And that he shall be excepted 
 out of all general pardons to be hereafter granted. 5. And that he shall be 
 imprisoned during his life. 6. And that he "shall not approach within 
 twelve miles of the courts of the King or Prince,' nor of the King's high 
 courts, usually holden at Westminster. 7. And that the King's majesty 
 shall have the profits of his lands for life ; and shall have all his goods and 
 chattels as forfeited ; and that he shall undergo fine and ransom, which 
 their lordships assess at ten thousand 'pounds. 8. And that he shall be 
 disabled to hold or receive any office under the King or for the common- 
 wealth. 9. And lastly, that he be ever held an infamous person." 
 
 (6) The King in his speech said, " Three patents at this time have been 
 complained of, and thought great grievances. 1. That of the inns and 
 hostelries. 2. That of ale-houses. 3. That of gold and silver thread. 
 My purpose is, to strike them all dead ; and that time may not be lost, I 
 will have it done presently." 
 
KING S SPEECH. CCCXXVU 
 
 innocent as well as the guilty;" he contrived to praise 
 Buckingham, and to turn the charge itself into a dextrous 
 commendation both of his favourite and the prince, (a) 
 
 The parliament was then adjourned to the 17th of 
 April, with the hope that, during the recess, the favourite 
 or his master might contrive some expedient to delay or 
 defeat investigation: and that time might mitigate the 
 
 (o) " And the like I njay say of one that sits there (Buckingham); he 
 hath been so ready, upon all occasions, to do good ofEces, both for this 
 house in general, and every member thereof in particular. One proof 
 thereof, I hope my lord of Arundel hath already witnessed unto you, in 
 his report made unto you of my answer touching the privileges of the 
 nobility, how earnestly he spake unto me in that matter. This I profess 
 and take comfort in, that the House of Commons at this time have shewed 
 greater love, and used me with more respect in all their proceedings, than 
 ever any House of Commons have heretofore done to me, or, I think, to 
 any of my predecessors. As for this house of yours, I have always found 
 it respective to me; and accordingly do I, and ever did favour you, as you 
 well deserved. And I hope it will be accounted a happiness for you, that 
 my son doth now sit amongst you, who, when it shall please God to set 
 him in my place, will theu.remember, that he was once a member of your 
 house, and so be bound to maintain all your lawful privileges, and like the 
 better of you all the days of his life. But, because the world at this time 
 talks so much of bribes, I have just cause to fear the whole body of this 
 house hath bribed him to be a good instrument for you on all occasions, 
 he doth so good o£Sces in all his reports to me, both for this house in 
 general, and every one of you in particular. Now, my lords, the time 
 draws near of your recess ; whether formality will leave you time for pro- 
 ceeding now to sentence against all, or any of the persons now in question, 
 I know not. In sentence, ye are to observe two parts : first, to recollect 
 that which is worthy of judging and censuring; and secondly, to proceed 
 gainst these, as against such like crimes, properly. We doubt there will 
 be many matters before you, some complained of out of passion, and some 
 out of just cause of grievance. Weigh both; but be not carried away with 
 .the impertinent discourses of them that name as well innocent men as 
 guilty; let your judgments only take hold of the guilty; proceed judiciously, 
 and spare none where you find just cause to punish; but let youi' pror 
 ceedings be according to law : and remember, that laws have not their eyes 
 in their necks, but in their foreheads." 
 
CCCXXVIU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 displeasure which, in both houses, seemed strong against 
 the Chancellor, (a) 
 
 The proceedings within the house were suspended, but 
 the Chancellor's opponents, unchecked or secretly encou- 
 raged by his pretended friends, continued their exertions, 
 actuated either by virtuous indignation at the supposition 
 of his. guilt, or by motives less pure,-T-the hope, to gain by 
 his fall, or envy of the greatness which overshadowed them. 
 
 The state of the Chancellor's mind during this storm 
 has been variously represented ; (b) by some of his con- 
 temporaries he is said to have been depressed ; by others 
 that he was merry, and not doubting that he should be 
 able to ride safely through the tempest. His playfulness 
 of spirit never forsook him. When, upon the charge being 
 
 (a) Adjourned from the 27th ofMarch to the 18th of April. The marquis 
 had an eye in it upon the Lord Chancellor, to try if time would mitigate 
 the displeasure which in both houses was strong against him. — Hackett. 
 
 (b) March 24, 1621., Strange bills against him: Thursday and Friday 
 was se'ennight the days that shook him, and himself sick in bed, and 
 swoln in his body and suffering none to come at him. Some say he desired 
 his gentlemen not to take any notice of him, but altogether to forget him, 
 and not hereafter to speak of him, or to remember there was ever any such 
 man in the world. , Strange to hear that they talk at London of his former 
 actions, and now of his present sickness. Vanity of vanities, all is vanity ! 
 Happy are you who live as it were out of the jurisdiction of these great 
 temptatiops, and walk not upon these dangerous pinnacles.of these tottering 
 pyramids of such false happy dignities. 
 
 The following is an extract from a letter from Nathaniel Brent to Sir 
 Richard Beaumont, of Whitley Hall, Yorkshire, dated London, March 23, 
 1620. Brent held an office under Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 " On Thursday next the parliament wil be adjomed for three weekes; but 
 before they dissolve, Mem. Parsons the fugitive must receave his doome in 
 his absence, which is like to be exceeding severe. Your good friend the 
 Lord Chancelor hath so many grievous accusations brought against him, 
 that his ennemies do pittie him, and his most judicous frends have alre&die 
 given him for gon. Notvpithstanding, himself is merrie, and doubteth not 
 that he shall be able to calme al the tempests raysed against him." — From 
 the origmal, in possession of the Rev. B. Baudinell. 
 
HIS CHEERFULNESS. CCCXXIX 
 
 first made, his servants rose as he passed through the hall, 
 " Sit down, my friends," he said, " your rise has been my 
 fall ;" and when one of his friends said, " You must look 
 around you," he replied, " I look above me :"(a) Playful- 
 ness in affliction is, however, only an equivocal test of 
 cheerfulness ; (6) in a powerful mind grief rests itself in the 
 exercise of the antagonist feelings, and, by a convulsive 
 effort, throws off the load of despair. 
 
 Difficult as it may be to discover the real state of his 
 mind, it cannot be supposed, accustomed as he was to 
 active life, and well aware of the intrigues of courts, that, 
 in this moment of peril, his sagacity slumbered, or that he 
 was so little attentive to his own interests, as to be sheltered 
 in the shades of Gorhambury, all meaner things forgotten, 
 watching the progress of some chemical experiment, or 
 wandering with Hobbes in the mazes of metaphysics. 
 
 (a) There are many other anecdotes of the same nature. — When his 
 lordship was in disfavour, his neighbours hearing how much he was 
 indebted, came to him with a motion to buy oak-wood of him. His lord- 
 ship told them, " He would not sell his feathers." 
 
 The Earl of Manchester being removed from his place of Lord Chief 
 Justice of the Common Pleas to be Lord President of the Council, told my 
 lord (upon his fell) that he was sorry to see him made such an example. 
 Lord Bacon replied, it did not trouble him, since he was made a president. 
 
 (b) Such was the supposed levity of Sir Thomas More on the scaffold. 
 When Danton was led to the guillotine he conversed upon the pleasures 
 of rural life. This mood of the mind did not escape, and what did escape, 
 the notice of Shakespeare, as may be seen in the light jests and quibbles of 
 Hamlet. 
 
 Wordsworth, describing the grief of a young man, says, 
 
 " At his door he stood, 
 , And whistled many a snatch of merry tunes 
 That had no mirth in them." 
 . A very intelligent medical practitioner once said to me, " Apparent 
 cheerfulness by a powerful mind in danger is a bad symptom." 
 
 During the reign of terror, in the time of Robespierre, the prisoners 
 resolved that, after a certain hour, there should not be any singing. 
 
CCCXXX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 His enemies, who were compassing his ruin, might 
 imagine that h« was thus indulging in the <Jay-dreams 
 of philosophy, but, so imagining, they were ignorant of 
 his favorite doctrine, that " Learning is not like some small 
 bird, as the lark, that can mount and sing, and please 
 herself, and nothing else,, but that she holds as well of the 
 hawk, that can soar aloft, and at the right moment can 
 stoop and seize upon her prey."(«) The Chancellor retired 
 to prepare for his defence, to view the nature of the attack, 
 and the strength of his assailants, (b) 
 . The charges which were at first confined to Aubrey 
 and Egerton, were now accumulated to twenty-three in 
 number, (c) by raking up every instance of an offering, 
 even to the case of Wraynham, who hiad been punished 
 for his scurrilous libel against the Chancellor and the 
 Master of the Rolls. 
 
 Of this virulence the Chancellor thus complained to 
 Buckingham : " Your lordship spoke of purgatory. I am 
 now in it; but my mind is in a calm ; for my fortune is not 
 my felicity. I know I have clean hands and a clean heart, 
 and I hope a clean house for friends or servants. But Job 
 himself, or whosoever was the j ustest j udge, by such hunting 
 for matters against him, as hath been used against me, may 
 for a time seem foul, especially in a time when greatness 
 is the mark, and accusation is the game. And if this be 
 to be a chancellor, I think if the great seal lay upon 
 Hounslow Heath, nobody would take it up. (<Z) But the 
 
 (o) Advancement of Learning. 
 
 (6) See Theo. IdyH. 26, line 250; and Bishop Taylor on Sickness, 
 describing the rptreating of a lion when first struck, in his Holy Dying. 
 
 (c) But the leisure of three weeks multiplied a pile of new suggestions 
 against him, and jiothing was presaged more certain than his down&U, 
 which came to ripeness, on the third of May. 
 
 {d) The biographer of Lord Keeper North says, " I come now to his 
 
CALUMNIES. CCCXXXl 
 
 King and your lordship will I hope put an end to these 
 my straits one way or other." — And in a subsequent letter 
 he said, " I perceive, by some speech that passed between 
 your lordship and Mr. Meautys, that some wretched 
 detractor hath told you, that it were strange I should be 
 in debt ; for that I could not but have' received an hundred 
 thousand pound gifts since I had the seal, which is An 
 abominable falsehood. Such tales as these made St. James 
 say, that the tongue is a fire, and itself fired from hell, 
 whither when these tongues shall return, they will beg a 
 drop of water to cool them. I praise God for it, I never 
 took penny for any benefice or ecclesiastical living ; I never 
 took penny for releasing any thing I stopped at the seal ; 
 I never took pentiy for any commission, or things of that 
 nature j I never shared with any servant for any second or 
 inferior profit." 
 
 About the same period he thus wrote to the King, in a 
 letter which he entrusted to the discretion of Buckingham 
 to withhold or deliver : (a) 
 
 It may please your most excellent Majesty, — ^Time hath 
 been, when I have brought unto you " Gemitum Columbae " 
 from others, now I bring it from myself. I fly unto your 
 majesty with the wings of a dove, which, once within these 
 
 lordship's last and highest step of preferment in his profession, which was 
 the custody of the great seal of England. And for conformity of latigu^e 
 I call this a preferment, but in truth (and as his lordship understood) it 
 was the decadence of all the joy and comfort of his life; and instead of a 
 felicity, as common reputed, it was a disease like a consumption, which 
 rendered him heartless and dispirited." See ante, p. cxcii. 
 
 (a) My very good Lord, — Yesterday I know was no day; now I hope 
 I shall hear from your lordship, who art my anchor in these floods. Mean- 
 while to ease my heart, I have written to his majesty the inclosed ; which I 
 pray your lordship to read advisedly, and to deliver it, or not to deliver it, 
 as you think good. God ever prosper your lordship. 
 
 March 25, 1621. Yours ever what I can, Fb. St. Alban, Cane. 
 
CCCXXXU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 seven days, I thought would have carried me a higher 
 flight. When I enter into myself, I find not the materials 
 of such a tempest as is come upon me. I have been (as 
 your majesty knoweth best) never author of any immode- 
 rate counsel, but always desired to have things carried 
 " suavibus modis." ' I have been no avaricious oppressor 
 of the people. I have been no haughty, or intolerable, 
 or hateful man in my conversation or carriage: I have 
 inherited no hatred from my father, but am a good patriot 
 born. Whence shoyld this be; for these are the things 
 that use to raise dislikes abroad. 
 
 For the House of Commons, I began my credit there, 
 and now it must be the place of the sepulture thereof. 
 And yet this parliament, upon the message touching reli- 
 gion, the old love revived, and they said, I was the same 
 man still, only honesty was turned into honour. 
 
 For the upper house, even within these days, before 
 these troubles, they seemed as to take me into their arms, 
 finding in me ingenuity, which they took to be the true 
 straight line of nobleness without crooks or angles. 
 
 And for the briberies and gifts wherewith I am charged, 
 tvhen the book of hearts shall be opened, I hope I shall 
 not be found to have the troubled fountain of a corrupt 
 heart, in a depraved habit of taking rewards to pervert 
 justice; howsoever I may be frail, and partake of the 
 abuses of the times. 
 
 And therefore I am resolved, when I come to my answer, 
 not to trick my innocency (as I writ to the lords) by cavil- 
 latioris or voidances, but to speak to them the language 
 that my heart speaketh to me, in excusing, extenuating, or 
 ingenuous confessing ; praying God to give me the grace 
 to see to the bottom of my faults, and that no hardness of 
 heart do steal upon me, under shew of more neatness of 
 conscience, than is cause. 
 
• DEFENCE. CCCXXXm 
 
 But not to trouble your majesty any longer, - craving 
 pardon for this long mourning letter, that which I thirst 
 after, as the hart after the streams, is, that I may know, 
 by my matchless friend that presenteth to you this letter, 
 your majesty's heart (which is an abyssus of goodness, as 
 I am an abyssus of misery) towards me. I have been ever 
 your man, and counted myself but an usufructuary of my- 
 self, the property being yours. And now making myself 
 an oblation, to do with me as may best conduce to the 
 honour of your justice, the honour of your mercy, and the 
 use of your service, resting as clay in your majesty's 
 gracious hands, , Fr. St, Alban, Cane. 
 
 March 25, 1620. 
 
 To the preparation of his defence he now proceeded — a 
 preparation which could scarcely to any advocate have been 
 attended with difficulty, whether considering the general 
 nature of the complaints, or the weight due to each parti- 
 cular charge. 
 
 There are circumstances attending these accusations, by 
 which at this time the judgment may be warped, that did 
 not exist two centuries since. We may be misled by 
 transferring the opinions of the present to past times, and Transfer to 
 by supposing that the accusations were preferred by someP^'*""^^" 
 or all of the suitors whose names are mentioned, and on 
 whose behalf the presents were offered after the termi- 
 nation of their causes ; but it was then well known, that 
 these suitors reluctantly attended in obedience to the 
 summons obtained in consequence of the petitions presented 
 by the two discontented persons against whom the Chan- 
 cellor had decided, notwithstanding their supposition that 
 his judgment was to be purchased. 
 
 It could not have escaped the notice of any advocate Presents 
 that the presents were made on behalf of the suitors, by eminence. 
 
CCCXXXIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 men of character, counsellors, and members of parliament. 
 Sir George Hastings, Sir Richard Young, Sir Henry 
 Holmes, Mr. Jenkins, Mr. Thelwall, Mr. Toby Matthew, 
 and Sir Thomas Perrott ; and that they were made openly, 
 with the greatest publicity, both from the nature of the 
 presents themselves, and from the manner in which they 
 were presented ; so openly, (a) that even Sir Edward Coke 
 admitted the fact, that they were delivered in the presence 
 of witnesses ; (6) and the Chancellor, in answer to the 21st 
 charge, that, " upon a dispute between three public com- 
 panies of the Apothecaries and Grocers, he had received 
 presents from each of the companies," instantly said, " Could 
 I have taken these presents in the nature of a bribe, when 
 I knew it could not be concealed, because it must needs 
 be put to the account of the three several companies, each 
 of whom was jealous of the other V 
 Presents of Who can suppose that, if secrecy had been the object, 
 rni me. pfgsgji(;s Qf articles constantly in sight would have been 
 selected, gold buttons, tasters of gold, ambergrease, cabinets,' 
 and suits of hangings for furniture. They were made, as 
 was notorious, according to the established custom, in this, 
 and in all countries, a custom which, as the Chancellor 
 L'Hopital endeavoured to abolish in France, (c) the Chan- 
 cellor Bacon would most gladly have abolished in England, 
 and demanded from the country a proper remuneration for 
 the arduous labours of his high office. 
 Presents No man felt more deeply the evils which then existed, 
 customary, ^f ^.j^g interference by the crown and by statesmen to 
 influence judges. How beautifully did he thus admonish 
 Buckingham, regardless as he proved of all admonition, 
 " By no means be you persuaded to interpose yourself. 
 
 (ffl) See the Whitelocke MSS. as to presents. 
 (6) See Note GGG, date 20th March, 
 (c) Ante, p. ccvi. 
 
DEFENCE. CCCXXXV 
 
 «ither by word or letter, in any cause depending, or like to 
 be depending, in any court of justice, nor suffer any other 
 great man to do it where you can hinder it, and by all 
 means dissuade the King himself from it upon the impor- 
 tunity of any for themselves or their friends. If it should 
 prevail it perverts justice, but if the judge be so ju6t and 
 of such courage, as he ought to be, as not to be inclined 
 thereby, yet it' always leaves a taint of suspicion behind it ; 
 judges must be chaste as Gaesar's wife, neither to be, nor 
 to be suspected to be unjust: and. Sir, the honour of the 
 judges in their judicature is the King's honour, whose 
 person they represent." (a) 
 
 Thus did he raise his voice in opposition, to an inveterate 
 practice. The first mode of correcting error, whether in 
 individuals or in the community, is by proclaiming its 
 existence ; the next is, when ripe for action, by acting. 
 
 That the presents influenced the judgment of the 
 Chancellor was never for a moment supposed by any man. No influ- 
 Fourteen out of the twenty-two charges related to presents Judgment. 
 made long after the causes were terminated, and the com- 
 plaints of his accusers were, not that the gratuities had, 
 but that they had not influenced his judgment, as he had 
 decided against them. 
 
 Such topics would have occurred to any advocate. With 
 what force would they have been urged by the Chancellor ? 
 In his Novum Organum, which he had published in the 
 previous year, he had warned society, that " at the entrance 
 of every inquiry our first duty is to eradicate any idol by 
 which the judgment may be warped; as the kingdom of 
 man can be entered only as the kingdom of God, in the 
 simplicity of little children." How powerfully, then, would 
 he have called upon the lovers of truth and of justice to 
 divest their minds of all prejudice; to be, when sitting in 
 
 (a) Ante, p. 176. 
 
CCCXXXVl LIKE OF BACON. 
 
 judgment upon a judge, themselves impartial. Knowing 
 the nature of the high tribunal before whom he was to 
 appear, there could, indeed, have been scarcely any 
 necessity for such an appeal. He knew the joy yhJch 
 they " would feel, if he could clear his honour." He knew 
 that, however grateful it may be to common minds to in- 
 dulge in the vulgar pleasure of imaginary self-importaiice 
 from the depression of superiority, a disinclinatioii to con- 
 demn, even if truth call for; conviction, is an attribute of 
 every noble mind, always afflicted at, the infirmities of 
 genius. Knowing that, amongst the peers, many valued 
 themselves upon ancient learning, he would have reminded 
 them, that " the tree scathed with lightning, was with 
 them of the olden time ever held sacred. Sure no tree of 
 the forest, under Jove's favour, ever flourished more than 
 myself; witness for me all those, who while the dews of 
 heaven rested on me, were rejoiced to shelter under my 
 branches : and I the more readily, my lords, remind you 
 of an ensample of heathen piety, because I would not in 
 the presence of some of you speak of Christian charity, 
 which, if it were not recorded by; one whocalinot lie, I 
 have found so cold that I might suppose it to be only 
 painted forth in books, but, indeed, without life, or, heat, 
 or motion." (a) 
 
 He could not have thought it necessary to warn thfe 
 Lords, as he had apprised the King that " when from 
 private appetite it is resolved that a creature s^all be 
 sacrificed, it is easy to pick up sticks enough from any 
 thicket whither it hath strayed to make a fire to offer it 
 with ;" nor to have said to the Lords, as he had said to 
 the. King, "For the briberies and. gifts wherewith,. I am 
 charged, when the book of hearts shall be opened, I' hope 
 
 (o) A.M'. 
 
DEFENCE. CCCXXXVll 
 
 I shall not be found to have the troubled fountain of a 
 corrupt heart, in a depraved habit of taking rewards to 
 pervert justice : however, I may be frail, and partake of 
 the abuses of the times." — For such appeals there would 
 not, before such a tribunal, have been any necessity. 
 
 Passing from these general observations, how easy would Particular 
 it nave been to have examined each particular charge, by 
 separating the bundle, and breaking it stick by stick ? 
 
 In the case of Holman and Young, it was alleged that Holman 
 £1000 had been given to the Chancellor by Young, (a) y^ 
 
 (a) 22nd March. — In a suit between Hull, plaintiff, and Holman, de- 
 fendant, Holman, deferring his answer, was committed to the Fleet, where 
 he lay twenty weeks, and petitioning to be delivered, was answered by 
 some about the Lord Chancellor, the bill shall be decreed against him 
 (pro confesso), unless he would enter into 2000^ bond to stand to the 
 Lord Chancellor's order ; which he refusing, his liberty cost him, one way 
 and other, better than IQOOl. Holman being freed out of the Fleet, Hull 
 petitioned to the Lord Chancellor, and Holman, finding his cause to go 
 hard on his side, complained to the Commons; whereupon the Lord 
 Chancellor sent for him, and, to pacify him, told him, he should liave what 
 order he would himself. 
 
 From the Tract. — Mercurii, 21st Martii, 1620. Sir Robert Philips 
 reports from the committee to examine Keeling and Churchill, who in- 
 formed of many corruptions against my Lord Chancellor. 1 . In the cause 
 between Hull and Holman, Hull gave or lent my lord 1000/. since the 
 suit began. 
 
 From the Journals. — March 21, 18th James. Hull and Holman. Sir 
 R. Philips. Another casej Hull and Holman. Holman, refusing to 
 answer, committed ; there lay twenty weejcs : after required to answer, and 
 to give bond of 2,000Z. to stand to ray Lord Chancellor's order in it. 
 ■That one Manby, about the Exchange, dealt in this business with Mr. 
 Mewtys. That Holman, finding his order vary, resolved to complain to 
 this house. That, upon Friday last, my lord sent for Hull and Holman ; 
 offered to make an indifierent end between them : and that Holman told 
 Keeling he was a happy man now, he could have any thing from my Lord 
 Chancellor. 
 
 To the seventh article of the charge, namely, " In the cause between 
 Holman and Young, he received of Young 100/. after the decree made for 
 him :" I confess and declare, that as I remember, a good while after the 
 
 VOL. XV. Z 
 
Mainwa- 
 ring. 
 
 Hody. 
 
 CCCXXXYUl LIFK or I!ACON.}i;^rx 
 
 Upon investigatioii it appeared, on this charge -of a discon- 
 tented suitor, that instead of £1000 having been adva,nced,3 
 the sum was £100, which, was presented on behalf of 
 Young after the decree, pither by, Young pr by Mr. Toby 
 Matthiew, a son of the Archbishop of York, through life 
 an intimate friend and correspondent of the Cha,ncellor's,, 
 and in 1623 knighted by King James, (a) ) 9,^ j^^ ^[j^ ^j-oa 
 
 Worth and In the cause of Worth and Maipwaring, it was aPeged , 
 
 that the Chancellor had been bribed >y £100. Upon 
 
 examination it appeared, that spiigg^montjis after the decree, , 
 
 which was for a great : inheritance, the successful jiarty 
 
 presented £100. to the Chancellor. (6) ^^ ^ ^jj^ ,^ 
 
 Hody and In the case of Hody and Hody, the charge; was, that 
 £100. or £200. was presented to the Chancellor. The 
 fact was that, some time after the suit, \yas terminated, 
 
 '■ — ^- — ■ '. •liihi •''»- 
 
 cause ended, I received lOOZ. either by Mr. Toby-Matthew, orftom Yotmg^ 
 himself: but whereas I have understood that there was sonie money given 
 by Holman to my servant Hatcher, to that certainly I Vas never made 
 privy.— See note GGG. "' .w '^ai ,lI<-ikUM< //■?«•. ?)!W 
 
 («) Son of Dr. Tobie Matthew, Archbishop of York. He was bonvat 
 Oxford, in 1578, while his father was Dean of Christ Church, and educated 
 there. During his travels abroad, he was seduced to the Ilomish religion 
 by Father Parsons. This occasioned his living out of his own couiitry from ' 
 the year 1607 to 1617, when he had leave to return to England. He was 
 agaiij ordered to leave it in October, 1618; but in 1622 was recalled to 
 assist in the match with Spain ; and, on account of his endeavours fo pro- 
 mote it, was knighted by King James I. at Royston, on the 10th October, 
 1623. He translated into Italian Sir Francis Bacon's Essays, and died at 
 GhentinFlanders, October 13, 1655, N.S. ' ' "" " " 
 
 (b) To the thirteenth article of the charge, namely, " He received of 
 Mr. Worth 100/. in respect of the cause betweep him s»nd Si;^ Arthur 
 Mainwaring," I confess and declare that this cause, being a cause for inhe- 
 ritance of good value, was ended by my arbitranient and ,conseiit of parties j 
 so a decree passed of course ; and some months after the cause was ended, 
 the lOOZ. mentioned in the said article was f}elivere4 to me liy my servant 
 Hunt. — Hunt was detected by the Chancellor as having privately received 
 200Z. which he made him return. . „,^ ,^ ,3,,^ .^^^ ^^^^ ,,,^^3 ^ jjj 
 
PARTICULAR CHARGES. CCCXXXIX 
 
 Sir Thomas Perrot and Sir Henry Holmes presented the 
 Chancellor with some gold buttons, worth fotty guineas, (a) 
 
 In the case between Re5niell and Peacock, the charge Reynell 
 was, that there was itiuch money given on both sides, and peagock. 
 a diamond ring. ' Thfe facts turned out to be that presents 
 werfe given on both sides; that Sir George Reynell was a 
 near ally of the Cha;ncellor's, arid presented the gratuity 
 as a New Yfea'r's gift for former favours, when the great _, j^ 
 
 seal was first' delivered to the Lord Keeper, and when • ' 
 
 presents i^ere, as of ddurse, presented by Various persons ; 
 arid that by ili^ intervention of a friend and neighbour at 
 St. Albans, he borrowed a sum of Peacock. (J) 
 
 In the cause of Barker and Hill, the charge was, that Barker and; 
 the Chaiticenelr had been bribed by a present made by ' 
 Bkrkef." The' fact' was, that the sum was presented some 
 time after the decree had been made, (c) 
 
 -5 ■!■ '" . , — ' ' — -(il.iT.iM i(o iMjiH f-t'-r ■ 
 
 , (a) SeenqteGGG. -mtU tEdi imii^i'>i„\:- 'I- 
 
 (6) I confess, and declare, that at my first coming to the seal, when I 
 was at Whitehall, my servant Hunt delivered to me, iOOl. from Sir George 
 Rgynell, my near ally, to be bestowed upon famiture of my house, adding 
 further thai he h^d received divers former favours from me, and this was, as 
 I verily think, before any suit begun. The ring was certainly received 
 pendente lite, and ttoijgh it were at New-year's tide, it was too great a 
 value fiir a .Nevv-yf ar's gift, though, as I take it, nothing near the value 
 mentioned in the chcuse. ^ 
 
 To tte'twentipth article of the charge, namely, "That he took of Pea- 
 cock 100/. at ^Dorset House, at my first coming to the seal, as a present, 
 at vfhich.time no suit wa.s begun j and at the summer after, I sent my 
 then servant Kster to Mr. Rolfe, my good friend and neighbour at 
 St. Albans, to use his means with Mr. Peacock, who was accounted a 
 lionfeyed ihani'ior th^ b'(!*rbwihg of 300/. and after by my servant Hatcher 
 for tiottowin^'lif 500/. liidifei which Mr. Rolfe procured ; and told me at 
 both times it"shdtild"b'e vvitHo'ut'fMt^st, script, or note, and that I should 
 take my owri time for payffigffl^feX'" ' '^-'» ' ' 
 
 (t) To thff twenty-tM& ar^^P^Wihe charge, namely, " In the cause of 
 Mr. iBarker, the Lord iChdri(ieilor received from Barker TOO/." I confess 
 and declate,''tliat; the ^liri' mfeiiiioiifed in the article was received from 
 Mr. Barker some time after the decree past. '"'" "'" 
 
CCCXl LIFE OF BACOX. 
 
 Smithwick In the case of Smithwick and Wyche, the .chai'Sre was- 
 Wvche ^^^^ Smithwick had presented £600 tq the Chancellor, 
 
 but he had decided against him^ aijd the money was repaid. 
 
 The fact was, that Smithwick had paid £200 to ttunL one 
 
 ■ •'■■'■.:'- • rili'iirt .:m; 'f (<[■ ■ 
 
 of the Chancellor's servants, unknown to the Chancello"r ; 
 that the decision was against Siuithvyick, and that the 
 Chancellor, when he saw an entry of the sum in his 
 servant's account, had defalced it, and ordered it to be 
 returned. («) 
 
 He might, in the same manner, have decomposed alj the 
 charges. He might have selected the fourteep cases in 
 which the presents were made after, and many of them 
 long after judgment had been pronounced. (6) He might 
 have taken each pE^rticular case wbere the presents were 
 
 1_ ' '^ ' . :- ■ ■'''■ ■ ■^-H>.' I ■ iH 
 
 («) In the cause between Smit^iwfick a^d, Wyche, the matfer^in qufsttqn 
 .being for accompts; the merchants, to whom it was referred, certi^ed on 
 the behalf of Smithwick; yet Smithwick, to obtain a decree in his cause, 
 was told by one Mr. Borough (one near the Lord Chancellor), that- it muk 
 cost him 200i. which he paid to Mr. Borough; or Mr. Hunt, to the use of 
 ,the Lord Chancellor; and yet the Lord Chancejlpr d^crepd but one part 
 of the certificate; whereupon he treats again with Mr. Borough, who 
 demanded another iool. which Smithwick also paid, to the use of flie 
 Lord Chancellor; then his lordship referred the accdmpts again to the 
 same merchants, who certified again for Smithwick : yet , his, lordship ■de- 
 creed the second part of the certificate against Smithwick, and the first part 
 (which was formerly decreed for him) his lordship made' dotibtftih~Smith- 
 wick petitioned to the Lord Chancellor for his money again, and Ijad it all, 
 have 20/. kept back by Hunt for a year. 
 
 To the twenty-first article of the charge, namely, " In tlie cau^e between 
 Smithwick and Wyehe, he received from Smithwick 200/. which was 
 repaid:" I confess and declare, that my servant Hunt did, upon his 
 account, being my receiver of the fines upon original writs, charge himself 
 with 200/. formerly received of Smithwick ; which, after that I had under- 
 stood the nature of it, I ordered him to repay, and to defalke it out "of his 
 accounts. 
 
 (i) 1. Egerton and Egerton. 2. Hody and Hody. 3. Monk's case. 
 4. Trevor and Ascue. 5. Holman and Young. 6. Fisher and Wrenham. 
 7. Scott's case. 8. Lenthall. 9. Wroth's case. 10. Lord Montagu's. 
 1 1 . Bunch's case. 12, Buswell. 13. Barker. 14. French merchants. 
 
THE king's agitation. CCCxU 
 
 before judgment, and the decrees against the donors, (a) 
 He might have explained that, in some of the cases, he 
 acted only as arbitrator: (6) and in others that the sums 
 
 . : 'i.i;. i' I * '1.7; ' '.; ., ' ' . . . ' 
 
 received, >vere not gifts, but loans, and that he had decided 
 against his creditor ; (c) and in others that the sums offered 
 were refused and returned. And to the twenty-eighth 
 charge, " that the Lord Chancellor hath given way to great 
 exactions by his servants," he surely might have admitted 
 that he was hegligent in noi looking better to his servants. 
 Standing on a cliff, and surveying the whole intellectual 
 world, he did not see every pebble on the shore. 
 
 Some defence of this nature could not but have occurred 
 to the Chancellor ? 
 
 Whatever doubt may exist as to the state of his mind. Fears of 
 there is nonfe with respect either to the King or Bucking- ^^^ g'y^^, 
 ham. The Kih'g was disquieted, and Buckingham robbed ingham. 
 of alt peace, {d) This was the very state of mental fusion 
 favourable for experiment by a shrewd politician. " It is 
 the doctrine of philosophy that to be speculative into 
 ahother man, to the end to know how to work him, or 
 wind Jhiin,, pr govern hiin, procefedeth from a heart that 
 is jdomble and cloven, and not entire and ingenuous/' (e) 
 TMs iM not the politician's creed. (/) 
 
 (a) As Egertoti, and Aubrey, and Wrenham, and, possibly, all of them, 
 for the particulars do not appear,' as they would have appeared if a^iinst 
 the Chancellor. 
 
 (b) Egerton and Egerton. Wroth's case. Apothecaries and Grocers. 
 Vintners. 
 
 (c) Vanlore, a bbhd ind liill with security. Compton's case. Reyriell 
 and Peacock. ■ - , - 
 
 ■ '(<fj Hactett.' ■ ' '■•' 
 
 (e) Ai^te. ,.,'„,.( 
 
 (J) The politician 'coiii^MSS^' what he considers the best end, by any 
 means.' The place-huntei^,''liKe the steeple-hunter, keeps his object in 
 view, and cares not how dirty the road by which he arrives at it. 
 
CCCxlil LIFE OF BACOK. 
 
 The King's fears, notwithstanding his pecuniary dis- 
 tresses, disposed him to dissolve thie'parliament, to which 
 he had been advised,{a) though by this measure he should 
 lose his two subsidies. Williams dissuaded him from such 
 Advice of an expedient. " There is," he said, « noicolour to quarrel 
 Williams. ^^ this general assembly of the kingdom, tfor tracing 
 delinquents to their form: it is threir proper work, and 
 your majesty hath nobly encouraged thiim to it.' Your 
 lordship," he said,Hurning to Buckingham, '^isjealousyif 
 the parliament continue embodied, of your own safety. 
 Follow it, swim with the tide: trust me and youf other 
 servants that have somfe credit with the most aetilre- mem- 
 bers) to keep you clear from the^strife of tongues; but if 
 you break up this parliament, in pursuit of ^Aistice, only 
 to save some cormorants who have devoui«d*ithat which 
 th^y must disgorge, you will pluck up a sluice which will 
 overwhelm you all." ' , 
 
 The King listened to the advice of Williams j; and his 
 determination not to dissolve the parliament was followed, 
 of course, by the consideration how the chargefe were to 'be 
 met, by resistance or by submissioni ' ' ' . 
 
 There cannot be any difficulty in following the train of 
 Williams's reasoning in this conclave. " Resistamcewill be 
 
 ^ ■ ^ ^ ^-1 : ^r-T- -^—rnrr^TrrT- 
 
 (a) The obnoxious that were brought to, the, eai; of justice, with'^a fpiriti- 
 tude that feared to be in as ill condition, saw no way for ^afety but to 
 poison the King with an ill opinion of the parliament, that it liiight 6^po- 
 rate into a nullity. They terrify the lord mart[uis that the grants of these 
 things which are now bastardized by the knights and burgesses, nay,'by 
 the lords that envy him, were begotten by his favour and credit. That the 
 arrow of vengeance, which is shot at his brother, grazed him. That it was 
 time to look about him ; for at the opening of that sessicifl it vras much 
 noted, that the King had said before all the members. Spare none where 
 you find just cause to punish. That it were less danger for the King to 
 gather such a sum or greater by his prerogative, though it be out of the 
 way, than to wait for the exhibition of a little moUey, which will cost dis- 
 honour, and the ruin of his most loyal ^d fiiithful servants. — Hacket, p. 49. 
 
Williams's ADVICE. cccxiiii 
 
 attendedi with daiiger to your lordship and to his majesty. 
 These popular ontopes' thrive by opposition, and when they 
 cease to be; opposed, they cease to exist. The Chancellor 
 has been accused. He cannot escape unheard. He must 
 be acquit^di or convicted. He cannot, in this time of 
 excitement and prejudgment, expect justice. His mind 
 will easily be iixipressed by the fate of other great men, 
 sacrifices to, (the blind ignorance of a vulgar populace, 
 
 iiwhom t^l^t'v^iUnot propitiate or innocence appease. Can 
 it be doubted> diait th« prudent course will be the Chan- 
 cellor's submission, as an atonement for all who are under 
 popular suspicion. The only difficulty will be to prevail 
 upon Lbim; to submit. He has resolved to defend himself, 
 
 V and jn I speech he is all, powerful; but he is of a yielding 
 nature, a lover of letters, in mind contemplative, although 
 in life active;, his love igf retirement may be wrought 
 upon ; the King can remit any fine, and, the means once 
 
 ; ssfeoured toihim of learned leisure for the few remaining 
 years of .his life, he will easily be induced to quit the 
 paradise (rf earthly honours." 
 
 So spake the prelate) and the voice that promised present 
 
 |. immunity to the King and his humbled favourite, seemed 
 itoitbemntte voice of an angel; but the remedies of a state 
 
 ~empiric^-like those of all empirics, are only immediate 
 tfelief; "they help at a pang, but soon leese their opera- 
 tion." (a) 
 
 The King fatally resolved upon this concession, ,(;£!)iand 
 Bacon's remarkable prediction fell upon him and his sUc- 
 
 (a) See ante, p. xlvi. 
 
 (6) The giving them over to the povyer of the parliament not only 
 weakened his own prerogative, but put the House of Commons upon such 
 a pin, that theyiwould let no parliament pass (for the times to come) with- 
 out some such sacrifice. And so fell Bacon, Lord Chancellor of England, 
 iiord Verulam, and Viscount of St. Albans. — Heylin. ; 
 
^,?eC3tliv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 ,cessQr, "They wliQ.wiU strike atyouT chancellor vviUisitrike 
 ^t your «;rown."(a) ■ - ii' 
 
 There was not any suggestion by Williams that the 
 Chancellor could not have anticipated, except the monstrous 
 fact that the King and Buckingham were conseritir^g t,o 
 his downfall. Once convinced that his weak and cowardly 
 master was not only willing but anxious to interpose him 
 between an enraged people and his culpable favourite, his 
 line pf conduct becam^, evident: he was as much bound to 
 the stake as if already chained there; and, when the fate 
 of Essex and of Somerset recurred to him, he must have 
 felt how little dependence could be placed upon C9urt 
 favour, and how certain was the utter ruin of a man who 
 attempts to oppose a despotic prince. He might well sajr, 
 "he was become clay in the King's hEtnd'."(/;) • He wbo is 
 robbed of all that constitutes a man, frepdqm., pi, thought 
 and action, which is the breath of his nostrils, becomes 
 nothing but a lifeless statue. 
 Interview Before the 16th of April the King sent for the Chancellor, 
 King who instantly prepared minutes for their conference,, (c),, in 
 
 (n) See postea, account by Bushel. ,,, 
 
 ~ (o) See Jiostea, p. cccxlvi. ,,, 
 
 (c) Memoranda of what the Lord Chancellor intended to d,Eliver to the 
 King, April 16, 1621, ijpon his first access tp his Majesty affgrhis 
 troubles. _ ,.■,.■ ... nii 
 
 Tliat howsoever it goelh with me, I think myself infinitely bQun4 to his 
 majesty for admitting me to touch the hem of his garment; and that, 
 according to my faith, so be it unto me. That I ought also humbly to 
 thank his majesty for that, in that excellent speech of his, which is printed, 
 that speech of so great maturity, wherein the elements are so well mingled, 
 by kindling affection, by washing away aspersion, by establishing of 
 opinion, and yet giving way to opinion, I do find some passages which I 
 do construe to my advantage. 
 
 And lastly, that I have heard from my friends, that nohvithstanding 
 these waves of information, his majesty mentions my name with grace and 
 favour. 
 
 In the next place, I am to make an oblation of myself into his majesty's 
 
CONFERENCE WITH JAMES. CcCxlv 
 
 Ailfliich he says, " The law of natur6 teaches me to speak in 
 my own defence. With respect to this charge of bribery, 
 I am as innocent as any born upon St. Innocent's day: I 
 
 hands, that, as I wrote to him, I am as clay in his hands, his majesty may 
 'make a vessel of honour or dishonour of me, as I find favour in his eyes 
 a^d that I submit myself wholly to his gtace and mercy, and to be governed 
 both in my cause and fortunes by his direction, knowing that his heart is 
 inscrutable for good. Only 1 may express myself thus far, that my desire 
 is, that the thread, of line, or toy life, may be no longer than the thread or 
 line of myserrjce: I mean that I may be of use to your majesty in one 
 ;yf»jioi;oti^^. ,(j .J,,, ,,■ ,, ,.,, 
 
 Now for any fiirther speech, I would humbly pray his majesty, that what- 
 soever the law of nature shall teach me to speak for my own preservation, 
 ybur majesty will UriderStabd it to be in such, sort, as I do nevertheless 
 depend wholly upon your will and pleasure. And under this submission, 
 if your majesty will graciously giv^ me the hearing, I will open my heart 
 unto you, both touching my fault and fortune. 
 
 Fof the former of these, I shall deal ingenuously with your majesty, 
 without seeking fig-leaves of subterfuges. 
 
 There be three degrees or cases, as I conceive, of gifts and rewards given 
 to a judge,, , 
 
 The first is of bargain, contract, or promise of reward, pendente lite. 
 And this iS properly called iiendlis sententia, or baratria, or corruptela 
 munervm. And of this my, heart tells me I am innocent; that I had no 
 bribe or reward in my eye or thought when I pronounced any sentence or 
 order. 
 
 The second is a neglect in the judge to inform himself whether the cause 
 be fully at an end, or no, what time he receives the gift ; but takes it upon 
 the credit of the party that all is done, or otherwise omits to inquire. 
 
 And the third is, wheii it is received sine fravde, after the cause ended, 
 which it seems by the opinion of the civilians is no offence. Look into 
 the caSe of simony, &c. 
 
 Draught of another paper to the same purpose. 
 
 There be three degrees or cases of bribery charged of supposed in a 
 judge. 
 
 The first, of bargain or contract, for reward to pervert justice. 
 
 The second, where the judge conceives the cause to be at an end, by the 
 information of the party, or otherwise, and useth not such diligenfce as he 
 ought to inquire of it. And the third, when the case is really ended, arid 
 it is sinefraude, without relation to any precedent promise. • 
 
eccxlvi iiUAimE of bacon. 
 
 never had bribe or reward jin my eye or thought \ihen 
 pronouncing sentence or order. If, however, it is abso- 
 lutely necessary, the King's will shall be obeyed. I am 
 ready to make an oblation of myself to the King, in 
 whose hands I am as clay, to be made a vessel of honouT 
 or dishonour." -ofiillsD -guiA OiU Jasl ^B!;nu8 no ,toJT " 
 b' That an interview between the King and Bacon tO(*»k 
 place is clear, from the foUowingnentsyan the journals of 
 the House of Lords. af April 17 : Jj ,toO<uu-jIO inoJ adJ 
 " The Lord Treasurer signified, that in the interim of 
 this cessation, the Lord Chancellor was an humble suitor 
 unto his majesty, that he might see his majesty and speak 
 
 Now if I might see the particulars of my charge, I should deal plainly 
 with your majesty, in whether of these degrees every particular csise 611s. 
 But for the first of them, I take myself to be as innocent as, any bom Upon 
 ,St. Innpcent's day in my heart. For the second, I doubt in some parti- 
 culars I may be faulty. And for the last, I conceived it to be no feult; 
 ■but therein I desire to be better informed, that I may be twice penitent; 
 once for the fact, and again for the error. For I had rather be a briber 
 than a dander of bribes. ^^^ „^, , f^ aif. , „ o* 
 
 I must likewise confess to your majesty, that at New-year's tides, and 
 liltewise at my first coming in (which was, as it were ifty wedding), I did 
 not so precisely, as perhaps I oughtj examine whether those that presented 
 me liad, causes i^efore me yesi or no. And tjiis is simply all that I can say 
 for the present concerning my charge, until I may receive it more particu- 
 larly. And all this while, I do not fly to that, as to say that these things 
 sfre vitia temporii, and not vitia hominis. ^ i->-iT? 
 
 i II For my fortune, gumma summorum with me is, that I niay not be made 
 altogether unprofitable to do your majesty's service or honour. If your 
 majesty continue me as I am, I hope I shall be a new man, and shall 
 reform things Out of feeling, more than another can do out of example. '^If 
 I cast part of my burden, I shall be more strong and delivri to hear the 
 rest. And, to tell your majesty what my thoughts run upon, I think of 
 writing a story of England, and of recompiUng of your laws into a better 
 digest. 
 
 But to conclude, I most humbly pray your majesty's directiorts and 
 advice. For .as your majesty hath used to give me the .attribute of care of 
 your business, so I must now cast the care of mysplf upon God and you. 
 
CONFERENCE WITH JAMES. CGfcxivii 
 
 with him; and although his majesty, in' respect ^f^dhe'IiCffd. 
 Chancellor's person, alid of the place he holds, might have 
 given his lordship that favour, yet, for that his lordship- is 
 undsr the trial of this house, his majesty would not on the 
 ismddebtgikHtat. B 9tfjs<« ad oi\^£is ".is tau } ahimd eaod^ 
 " That, on Sunday last, the King calling all the lords of 
 this house iwhich were of his council before him, it pleased 
 his majesty to shew their lordships what was desired by 
 the Lord Chancellor, demanding their lordships' advice 
 thereini 'U m ii:di 5.i>s.ifuij|j« srijuajjaiT dtoJ !>^!T '* 
 
 ■JOj '.' The lords did not presume to advise his majesty ; for 
 that his majesty did suddenly propound such a course as 
 all the- worli could not advise a better; which -was,-±hat 
 Jlis majesty would speak with him privately. 
 
 " That yesterday, his majesty admitting the Lord Chan- 
 cellor to his presence, his lordship desired that he might 
 have ia particular of those matters wherewith he is charged 
 before the lords of this house; for that it was not possible 
 for him, who passed so many orders and decrees in w year, 
 to remember all things that fell out in them ; and that, 
 this being granted, his lordship would desire two requests 
 
 ! of his majesty. 1.1 1.// That, where his answers should be 
 
 'fair aiid dear to those things objected against him, Ms 
 lordship might stand upon his innocency. 2, Where his 
 answer should not be so fair and clear, there his lordship 
 might be admitted to the extenuation of the charge ; and 
 
 ^ where the proofs were full and undeniable, his lordship 
 
 ^ would ingenuously confess them, and put himself upon the 
 mercy of the lords. .j luM ^t\unnq <■>.-■ • 
 
 1" " Unto all which his majesty's answer was, he referred 
 him to the lords of this house, and therefore his majesty 
 willed bis lordship to make report to their lordships. 
 
 to " It was thereupon, ordered, that the- Lord Treasurer 
 should' signify unto his majesty^ that the lords do thank- 
 
cqqxlviii life of bacon. ^^ 
 
 fully aoknowle^dge.his majesty's favour, and hold themselves 
 highly bound unto his majesty for the same." ^^^^^ , , , 
 At this interview the King, who had determined , to 
 sacrifice the " oracle of his counsel rather than the favouritp 
 of his afiection," g;ave him his advice, as it ^as termed, 
 " that he should submit himself to the House of Peers, 
 -„,. I , » and that upon his princely word he would tlien restore 
 him again^ if they in their honours should not be sensible 
 
 of his merits." («) - j,, ^^ j,^ _„, ^msHt 
 
 How little this command accorded with the^ Chancellor s 
 intention to defend himself, may be gathered., from his 
 distress and passionate remonstrance. " I see my ap- 
 proaching ruin : there is no hope of mercy in a multitude, 
 if I do not plead for myself, when my enemies, are to give 
 fire.^ Those who strike at your chancellor will strike at 
 your crown." All remonstrance proving fruitless, he took 
 leave of the Kins: with these memorable words : " I am 
 the first ; I wish I may be the last sacrifice." (a) , 
 
 April 17, The parts were now cast, and the last act of the drama 
 ^^^*- alone remained to be performed. 
 
 pajhament ^" ^^^ ^^^^ °^ April the house met, when some account 
 of the King's interview with the Chancellor was narrated 
 by the Lord Treasurer, and ordered to be entered upon the 
 journals of the house ; and, a rumour having been circu- 
 lated that Buckingham had sent his brother abroad to 
 escape inquiry, he protested unto the lords, " that whereas 
 the opinion of the world is, that his lordship had sent his. 
 brother. Sir Edward Villiers abroad in the King's service, 
 of purpose to avoid his trial touching- some grievances 
 complained of by the Commons, his lordship was so far 
 from that, that his lordship did hasten his coming bopie,; (6) 
 and, if any thing blame-worthy can be objected against 
 
 (a) See postea, account by Bushel. •, (6) Ante, p. cccxi. 
 
LETTER TO THE KING. 'dcCXlix 
 
 Sim, his lordship is as ready to censure him as he was 
 Mompesson." 
 
 It was then moved by the Earl of Arundel, that the 
 three several committees do make their report to-morrow 
 morning of the examinations by them taken touching the 
 Lord Chancellor. 
 
 On the 20th the Chancellor wrote to the King, to thank April 20. 
 him for the goodness manifested in his access on the 16th, 
 and expressing an assured hope, that as the King imitated 
 Christ by not breaking the broken reed, or quenching' the ^ 
 smoking flax, so would the lords of the upper house in 
 grace^ and mercy imitate their royal master: (a) and on the 
 22nd oif April he aiidressed a letter to the House of Lords, 
 which had, of course, been submitted to Buckingham and 
 Hie King, and was in due time communicated to their 
 fordships by the Prince of Wales. 
 
 - In that letter, which can be understood only by those 
 who are in possession of the facts now stated, he consented 
 to desert his defence ; and that word used by a man so 
 
 (a) The following is the letter : 
 
 « To the King. 
 
 " It may please your most excellent Majesty, — I think myself infinitely 
 boundei) to your majesty for vouchsafing me access to your royal person, 
 and to touch the hem of your garment. I see your majesty imitateth him 
 that would not break the broken reed, nor quench the smoking flaxj and 
 as your majesty imitateth Christ, so I hope assuredly my lords of the 
 upner housp will imitate you, and unto your majesty's grace and mercy, 
 ana next to my lords I recommend myself. It is not possible, nor it were 
 not safe, for me to answer particulars till I have my charge, which when I 
 shall receive, I shall without fig-leaves or disguise excuse what I can 
 excuse, and ingenuously confess what I can neither clear nor extenuate. 
 And if there be any thing which I might conceive to be no offeree, and yet 
 is, I desire to be informed, that I may be twice penitent, once for my 
 fault, and the second time for my error, and so submitting all that I am to 
 your majesty's grace, I rest." 
 
CCcl LIFE OF BACON. 3 
 
 rich in language, so felicitous in every shade pf|q^pr^ssjon, 
 .i, fully discloses what was passing in his mind. JHe praised 
 the King, chiefly for his mercy, recommended him as a,n 
 example to the lords, and reminded the prelates that they 
 were the servants of Christ. He concluded his address 
 by intimating what he hoped would be the measure of 
 his punishment, but not till he had related some passages,* ' 
 from ancient history, in his usual manner, and coiisidefbj''^ 
 the case and its results to society with adegfee of philo'^' 
 sophical calmtiess, which could not possibly contemjilate 
 the ruin that ensued, or any punishment beyotid the loSk " 
 ofhisoffice."' ' • <.»¥>''' » «^> i^^'^^' .bt'^t^oi ' siriT " 
 
 April 24, On the morning of the 24th the King addressed' tlife 
 , ■ house in a speech, which shewed his dispbsitibn id rri^et'- 
 
 speech. the wishes of the people by admitting^ '" that afe Tttm:^^ 
 cotoplaints are already made against courts' of' jtidfc^ttirei'^ 
 which are in exanlination, and are to be proceeded Upoh' 
 by the lords, his majesty will add some, which he tliiiiks 
 fit to be also complained of arid redressed, viz. That no 
 orders be made but in public cOurt, and nOt in chaDdberSj" 
 that excessive fees be taken away; that rio bribiei^ nor 
 money be given for the hearing of any cause. These 
 and many other things'* his majesty thought fit to bfe' ' 
 done this session. f'^And his majesty added, that when' ft^^* 
 hath done this, and all that he can do for the good of his 
 subjects, he confesseth he hath done but the duty ^^here-* 
 unto he was borri." — The house then adjourned till ^he'^' 
 afternoon. *';)«'iw nuqa r /nm :>tii- '^'i <vi ua :^->A jm ^s h 
 
 In the afternoon the Prince of Wales " sigriified unt6 
 
 the lords that the Lord Chancellor had sent the follBWing; 
 
 submission to their lordships : ''« '"'^ "^ ,;>a!-a)(; YJfao ai boD 
 
 ob I ^iaisasiinU eic bj & i) ■< tbau .K'3'^br/|_ sis ^-qtcf-^lnol 
 
 9iTi uioil baijjcfxs yfotole'nrl i!s-:>J rf:tjjrf siedi basisiobaa 
 
LETTER TO LORDS. Cdcli 
 
 fi'^, 
 
 " To the Right Honourable the Lords of Parliament;, f^etter to 
 ^^'^■^* in the Upper House assembled;*"'"' '' ' '' /ords. 
 
 " The humble Submission and Supplication of the Lord, 
 Chancellor. , ,, ■ , ■, '^ . j. 
 
 " It may please your Lordships, — I shall humbly crave 
 at your lordships' hands a benign interpretation of that 
 which I ^all nowwrite. For words that come from wasted 
 spirits and an oppressed mind are more safe in being; 
 deppsit^di in a noble construction, than in, being circled 
 with any reserved caution. ; ^1^ • , ^ia^awj J*d* niui efl* 
 " This being moved, and, as I hope, obtained, in the 
 nature of a protection to all that I shall say, I shall now ,j.s IhqA 
 make into the^regt of that wherewith I shall, at this time '^^'^^.. 
 trouble yonr lordships a very strange entrance. For, in .dossqa 
 the ipidst of a ptate of as great affliction as I think a mortal 
 man, pan .endure (honour being above life), I shall begin 
 witjj. tbe.pro^ssing of gladness in some things. . ,,i -yAi vd 
 , " The first is, that hereafter the greatness of a judge or , 
 magistrate shall be no sanctuary or protection of guiltiness, 
 which (in; few words) is the beginning of a golden. world. 
 The next, that, after this example,.it is like that ji^lges, 
 will fly from any thing that is in the likeness of corruption, 
 (though it,v^ere at a great distance) as froin a serpent ;i 
 which tendeth to the purging of the courts of justice, and 
 the reducing them to their true honour and splendojur,. 
 And in these tvvp points, God is my witness, that, thoqgh; ; 
 it be my fortune to be the anvil upon which these good 
 effects are beaten and wrought, I take no small comfort, j 
 
 " Butj^ to pass from the motions of my heart, whereof 
 God is only judge, to the merit? of my cause, whereof yqur,g 
 lordships are judges, under Gpd and his lieutenant, I do 
 understand there hath been heretofore expected from me 
 some justification ; and therefore I have chosen one only 
 
CCclii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 justification instead of all other, out of the justifications of 
 Job. For, after the clear submission and confession which 
 I shall now make unto your lordships, I hope I may say 
 and justify with Job, in these words: ' I have not hid 
 my sin as did Adam, nor concealed my faults in my bosom.' 
 This is the only justification which I will use. 
 
 " It resteth, , therefore, that without fig-leaves I do 
 ingenuou^y confess, and acknowledge that, having under- 
 stood the particulars of the charge, not formally from the 
 house, but enough to inform my conscience, and memory, 
 I find matter sufiicient and full both to move me to desert 
 the defence, and to move your lordships to condemn and 
 censure me. Neither will I trouble your lordships by 
 singling those particulars, which I think may fall ofl^. 
 
 Quid te exempta juvat spinis de pluribus una ? 
 
 Neither will I prompt your lordships to observe upon the 
 proofs, where they come not home, or the scruples touching 
 the credits of the witnesses ; neither will I represent unto 
 your lordships how far a defence might, in divers things, 
 extenuate the offence, in respect of the time or manner of 
 the gift, or the like circumstances, but only leave these 
 things to spring out of your own noble thoughts and 
 observations of the evidence and examinations themselves, 
 and charitably to wind about the particulars of the charge 
 here and there, as God shall put into your mind, and so 
 submit myself wholly to your piety and grace. 
 
 " And now that I have spoken to your lordships as 
 judges, I shall say a few words to you as peers and prelates, 
 humbly commending my cause to your noble minds and 
 magnanimous affections. 
 
 " Your lordships are not simple judges, but parlia- 
 mentai-y judges; you have a further extent of arbitrary 
 power than other courts ; and, if your lordships be not tied 
 
LETTER TO LORDS. CCcliii 
 
 by the ordinary course of courts or precedents, in points of 
 strictness and severity, much more in points of mercy and 
 mitigation. 
 
 " And yet, if any thing which I shall move might be 
 contrary to your honourable and worthy ends to introduce 
 a reformation, I should not seek it. But herein I beseech 
 your lordships to give me leave to tell you a story. Titus 
 Manlius took his son's life for giving battle against the 
 prohibition of his general ; not many years after, the like 
 severity was pursued by Papirius Cursor, the dictator, 
 against Quintus Maximus, who being upon the point to 
 be sentenced, by the intercession of some principal persons 
 of the senate, was spared ; whereupon Livy maketh this 
 grave and gracious observation: Neque minus Jirmata est 
 disciplina militaris periculo Quinti Maximi, quam miserabiU 
 supplicio Titi Manlii. The discipline of war was no less 
 established by the questioning of Quintus Maximus than 
 by the punishment of Titus Manlius : and the same reason 
 is of the reformation of justice; for the questioning of men 
 of eminent place hath the same terror, though not the 
 same rigour with the punishment. 
 
 " But my case standeth not there. For my humble 
 desire is, that his majesty would take the seal into his 
 hands, which is a great downfall ; and may serve, I hope, 
 in itself for an expiation of my faults. Therefore, if mercy 
 and mitigation be in your power, and do no ways cross 
 your ends, why should I not hope of your lordships' favour 
 and commiseration ? 
 
 " Your lordships will be pleased to behold your chief 
 pattern, the King our sovereign, a king of incomparable 
 clemency, and whose heart is inscrutable for wisdom and 
 goodness. Your lordships will remember that there sat 
 not these hundred years before a prince in your house, and 
 never such a prince whose presence deserveth to be made 
 
 VOL. XV. a a 
 
CCcliv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 memorable by records and acts mixed of mercy and justice; 
 yourselves are either nobles (and compassion ever beateth 
 in the veins of noble blood) or revei'end prelatesy who are 
 the servants of Him that would not break the braised reed, 
 nor quench smoking flax. You all sit upon one high 
 stage ; and therefore cannot but be more sensible of the 
 changes of the world, and of the fall of any of high place. 
 Neither will your lordships forget that there are vitia 
 temporis as well as vitia hominii, and that the beginning 
 of reformations hath the contrary power of the pool of 
 Bethesda; for that had strength to cure only him that was 
 first cast in, and this hath commonly strength to hurt him 
 only that is first cast in ; and for my part^ I wish it may 
 stay there, and go no further. 
 
 " Lastly, I assure myself your lordships Have a noble 
 feeling of me, as a member of your own body, and one 
 that, in this very session, had some taste of your loving 
 affections, which, I hope, was not a lightening before the 
 death of them, but rather a spark of that grace, which now 
 in the conclusion will more appear, 
 
 "And therefore my humble stiitto your lordships is, 
 that my penitent submission niay be my sentence, and the 
 loss of the seal my jpunishment ; and that yoiir lordships 
 will spare any further sentence, but recommend me to his 
 majesty's grace and pardon for all that is past. God's 
 holy spirit be amongst you. Your Lordships' humble 
 servant and suppliant, !I?r. St. Alban, Cane." 
 
 April 22, 1621. J 
 
 Although the King and Buckingham hpped,,tbat this 
 general submission would beisatiflfactory* the ^gitatipn was 
 too great to be thus easily quieted. It was, after delibera- 
 tion, resolved that the Lord Chancellor's submission gave 
 not satisfaction to their lordships, for that his lordship's 
 
lords' dissatisfaction. ccclv 
 
 confession themn was not fully nor particulaEly: set down, 
 and for many other exceptions against the submission 
 itself, the same in sort extenuating his confession, and his 
 loFdsbip seeming to prescribe the sentence to be given 
 against him by the house. 
 
 Their lordships resolved, that the Lord Chancellor should 
 be charged particularly with the briberies and corruptions 
 complained of against him, and that his lordship should 
 make a. particular answer thereunto. It was, therefore, 
 ordered that the particulars of the charge be sent to the 
 Lord Chancellor, and that the lords do expect his answer 
 to the same with all convenient expedition. They were 
 sent accordingly, (a) 
 
 (a) They are subjoined. They are twenty-three in 
 number, expanded by the Chancellor to twenty-eight, 
 
 1. In the cause between Sir Rowland Egferton, knt. and 
 Edward' Egdrtofl, the Lord Chancellor received five hundred 
 pounds, on the' part of Sir Rowland Egerton, before he 
 decreed the same; proved by the depositions of Sir Row- 
 land Egerton: of John Brooke, who deposeth to the pro- 
 viding of the money, of purpose to be given to the Lord 
 Chancellor, and that the same is delivered to Mr. Thelwajl, 
 to deliver to the Lord Chancellor : of Bevis Thelwall, who 
 delivered the fi;i(e hundred pounds to the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 He received from Edward Egerton, in the said cause, 
 four J^undr^d, pounds ; proved by the depositions of Sir 
 Richard Young, knight. Sir George Hastings, knight, 
 Rolphe Merefeild, and Tristram Woodward. 
 
 2. In the cause between Hody and Hody, he received a 
 dozen of buttons, of the value of fifty pounds, a fortnight 
 after' the'ddii^e Was ehdisd • proved by the dfepositions of 
 Sir' Thotnlas Perientj'krtight-,! and John Churchill, who 
 speaks of ii'grfeater Value, by jbhe report of Hody. ,t 
 
 -8, In the cansellbetweea ithe! Lady, Wh^rtpn, an^, the 
 coheirs of Sir Fi*ancis WiHQUghby,Ji-e receiyed.qf the I^ady 
 
CCclvi LIFE OF BACON'. 
 
 This fatal result was instantly communicated to the 
 Chancellor by his faithful attendant, Bushel, (a) He pro- 
 ceeded, therefore, to a minute answer to each particular 
 
 Wharton three hundred and ten pounds; proved by the 
 depositions of the Lady Wharton, Richard Keeling, and 
 Anthony Gardiner. 
 
 4. In Sir Thomas Muncke's cause, he received from Sir 
 Thomas, by the hands of Sir Henry Helmes, an hundred 
 and ten pounds; but this was three quarters of a year 
 after the suit; proved by the deposition of Sir Henry 
 Helmes. 
 
 6. In the cause between Sir John Trevor and Ascue, he 
 received, on the part of Sir John Trevor, an hundreid pounds, 
 proved by the depositions of Richard Keeling. 
 
 6. In the cause between Holman and Young, he received 
 of Young an hundred pounds, after the decree made for 
 him ; proved by the depositions of Richard Keeling. 
 
 7. In the cause between Fisher and Wrenham, the Lord 
 'Chancellor, after the decree passed, received from Fisher a 
 suit of hangings, worth an hundred and sixty pounds and 
 better, which Fisher gave by the advice of Mr. Shute ; 
 proved by the deposition of Sir Edward Fisher. 
 
 , 8. In the cause between Kennedey and Vanlore, he 
 received from Kennedey a rich cabinet, valued at eight 
 hundred pounds; proved by the deposition of James 
 Kennedey. 
 
 9. He borrowed of Vanlore a thousand pounds, upon his 
 own bond, at one time, and the like sum at another time, 
 upon his lordship's own bill, subscribed by Mr. Hunt, his 
 man ; proved by the depositions of Peter Vanlore. ' ' 
 
 10. He received of Richard Scott two hundred pounds 
 after his cause was ended ; but, upon a precedent promise, 
 all which was transacted by Mr. Shute; proved by the 
 deposition of Richard Scott. 
 
 (a) See postea, account by Bushel. 
 
PARTICULAR ANSWERS. ecclvii 
 
 charge, which he so framed that future ages might see the 
 times when the presents were made, and the persons by 
 whom they were oflPered. 
 
 He receiypd, .^n the same cause, on Sir John Lenthall's 
 part, a hundred pounds; proved by the deposition 
 Edward Shereborne. 
 
 11. He received of Mr. Wroth a hundred pounds, in 
 respect of the cause between him and Sir Arthur Maine- 
 waring ; proved by the depositions of John Churchill and 
 John Hunt. 
 
 12. He received of Sir Ralph Hansby, having a cause 
 depepding before him, five hundred pounds ; proved by 
 the depositions of Sir Ralph Hansby. 
 
 13. William Compton, being to have an extent for a debt 
 of twelve hundred pounds, the Lord Chancellor stayed it, 
 and wrote his letter, upon which part of the debt was paid 
 presently, and part at a future day ; the Lord Chancellor 
 hereupon sends to borrow five hundred pounds ; and, be- 
 cause Compton was to pay to one Huxley four hundred 
 pounds, his lordship requires Huxley to forbear it for six 
 months, and thereupon obtains the money from ComptoHi 
 The money being unpaid, suit grows between Huxley and 
 Coinpton in Chancery, where his lordship decrees iCompton 
 to pay Huxley the, debt, with damages and costs, where it 
 was in his own hands; proved by the depositions of 
 William CoDfiptpn. • 
 
 14. In the cause between. Sir William Bronker and 
 Awbrey, the Lord Chancellor received from Awbrey an 
 hundred pounds ; proved by the depositions of Christopher 
 Awbrey, Sir George Hastings, and the letters to the Lord 
 Ch^ftcellor from, Awbrey, i 
 
 16., In, the Lord JVJountague's cause, he received from 
 the Lord Mountague six or seven hundred pounds, and 
 more was to be paid at the ending of the cause ; proved 
 by the depositions of feevis Thelwall. 
 
CCclviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 April 30. ' On the 30th ''of April, the Lord Chief Justice signified 
 that he had received from the Lord Chancellor a^paper roil, 
 
 16. In the cause of Mr. Dunch, he received from Mr. 
 Dunch tiwo hundred pounds; proved by thedeppsitions of 
 Bevis Thelwall. ,; , ,, 
 
 17. In the cause between Reynell and Peacock, the 
 Lord Chancellor received from Reynell two hundred pounds, 
 and a diamond ring worth five or six hundred pounds; 
 proved by the depositions of John Hunt and Sir George 
 Reynell. * *'"'' '''"'' '^''' -''fJi'S '•' f' 
 
 ■He took of Peacock an hundred pounds, and 'borrowed 
 a thousand pounds, without security, interest, or time of 
 re-payment; proved by the depositions of William Peacock 
 and James Rolf. mh ,- t^nt ^t<- n' .f •■ 
 
 I g/i 18. In the cause between Smithwick and Wych, he 
 received from Smithwick two hundred pounds, which was 
 repaid ; proved by the depositions of John Hunt. 
 
 19. In the cause of Sir Henry Russwell, he received 
 money from Russwell; but it is not certain how much; 
 proved by the depositions of John Hunt. ^ ' ^ •^-' 
 
 20. In the cause of Mr. Barker, the Lord ChanCellot* 
 received from Barker seven hundred pounds ; proved by 
 the depositions of Robert Barker and Edward SherebuWle. 
 
 '21. There being a reference from his majesty to his 
 lordship of a business between the Grocers and Apiothe- 
 caries of London, he received of the Grocers two hundred 
 pounds ; proved by the depositions of Sir Thomiais Midleton, 
 Alderman Johnson, and John Bunburyi'*^"" laii^in jt ^^^^i 
 
 '"" He received in the same cause of the Apofli^Sffies;, -flilk 
 stood with the Grocers, a taster of gold, 'wSrtfi between 
 forty or fifty pounds, together with a jpr6's'^ht' cif atnber- 
 grease; proved ty the depositions of Sirlfe<itAa¥iBidleton 
 
 'and Samuel Jones. '"'- ^ '^ ,>:iaBTi'>^ 6" -i yu anoiJ 
 
 He received of the new company of Apothecaries, that 
 stood against the Grocers, aii hundred']i6ilhd'fei;' proved by 
 the depositions of John Kellet and Gabriel Sheriff. """ ' 
 
CONFESSION. ceelix 
 
 sealed up, which was delivered to the clerk; and being ^ ,. 
 opened, and found directed to their lordships, it was read : 
 
 "To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Tetn- 
 > I/; pwal, in the High Court of Parliament assembled. 
 
 " The Confession and Huttible Submission of me, the Lord 
 Chancellor. .ilflwjsilT ^c/D'. 
 
 rf -JO' ■ H ,ri 
 
 g " Upon a,d vised consideration of the charge, descending 
 
 into my own, cqfl^pience, and calling my memory to account 
 so far as I atp able,; I da plainly and ingenuously confess 
 that I am guilty of corruption, and do renounce all de- 
 fence^ and' put itiyself upon the grace and mercy of your 
 lordehipK> ^<^"s)My\ ,yji-«jO'}^ Juoil;!// ,• 
 
 " The particulars I confess'ahddeclare to be as foUoweth : 
 "1. To the first article of the charge, viz. in the cause Egerion 
 between Sir Rowland Egerton and Edward Egerton, the -Egerton. 
 Lord Chancellor received five hundred pounds on the part 
 of Sir Rowland Egerton, before he decreed the cause : I do 
 
 : rt! 'i; ID « J '1.1 ■ f) 
 
 22. He took of the French merchants a thousand pounds 
 
 to constrain th? Vintners of London to take from them 
 
 fifteen hundred tuns of wine ; proved by the depositions of 
 
 Robert Bell, Willia-m Spright, and Richard Peacock. To 
 
 accomplish which, he used very indirect means, by colour 
 
 of his office and authority, without bill or suit depending ; 
 
 terrifying the Vintners, by threats and imprisonments of 
 
 their persons, to buy wines, whereof they had no need nor 
 
 use, at higher rate^ than they were vendible; proved by 
 
 the dep9js^tipi^s ^ofjjj^ohn Child, Henry Ashton, Thomas 
 
 Haselfot^i,]p[.a,pr^5i[^5M(^gre, Thomas Knight, and his ^^ own 
 
 l^^tfirs^i|d)pj;4f,|.r, xlJiw »» -^^ ..xi m i<i i\vA 
 
 tions by his servants, both in respect of privatgyip^ab,[^^rfd 
 likewise for sealing, of^.:^iw;i?,cl;io|)s, axid other\y|i,s|^j p^^ved 
 by.^lie ,dep^iggjj%fii^Jt^og[^8 ManvyQjO/l ,a^4^R(c^^d 
 
 Keelin^',^,^^ I^rtrfc-;' bn? I'^i-'-i • •"' ■•■ :■ - t, ■.-)-- ^^- 
 
' CCClx LIKE OF BACON. 
 
 confess and declare, that upon a reference from his majesty 
 of all suits and controversies between Sir Rowland Egerton 
 and Mr. Edward Egerton, both parties ' submitted them- 
 selves to my award, by recognizance reciprocal in ten 
 thousand marks a-piece. Thereupon, after divers hearings, 
 I made my award, with advice and consent of my Lord 
 Hobart. The award was perfected and published to'the 
 parties, which was in February ; then, some days after, 
 the five hundred pounds mentioned in the charge was 
 delivered unto me. Afterwards Mr. Edward Egerton fled 
 off from the award; then, in Midsummer term following, a 
 suit was begun in Chancery by Sir Rowland, to have the 
 award confirmed ; and upon that suit was the decree made 
 which is mentioned in the article. 
 
 " 2. To the second article of the charge, viz. in the same 
 cause he received from Edward Egerton four hundred 
 pounds : I confess arid declare, that, soon after my first 
 coming to the seal (being a time when I was presented by 
 many), the four hundred pounds mentioned in the charge 
 was delivered unto me in a purse, and I now call to mind, 
 from Mr. Edward Egerton ; but, as far as I can remember, 
 it was expressed by them that brtught it to be for favours 
 past,' and not ih rfespect to favours to Come. ' 
 
 Hody and « 3. To the third article of the charge, viz. in the cause 
 Hody. ° 
 
 between Hody and Hody, he received a dozen of buttons, 
 
 of the value of fifty pounds, about a fortnight after the 
 
 cause Was ended : I confess and declare, that, as it is laid 
 
 in the charge, about a fortnight after the cause was ended 
 
 (it being a suit of a great inheritance), there' were 'gold 
 
 buttons about the value of fifty pounds, as is mentioned in 
 
 the charge, presented unto me; as I remember, by Sir 
 
 Thomas Perient and the party himself. 
 
 Wharton " 4. To the fourth article of the charge, via. inith'e cause 
 
 loughby." ^^'^'^'''ee*^ the Lady Whanbh and the co-heirs of'Str Francis, 
 
COI*FESSION . C.cclxi 
 
 Wilioughbyj he received of the Lady Wharton three hundred 
 and ten pounds: I confess and declare, , that I received of 
 the Lady Wharton, at two several times (as I remember) in 
 gold, two hundred pounds and an hundred, pieces, and this 
 was certainly pendente lite; but yet I have a vehement 
 suspicion that there was some shuffling between Mr. Shute 
 and the Register, in entering some orders, which afterwards 
 I did. distaste. i 
 
 " 5. i To the fifth article of the charge, viz. in Sir Thomas Monk. 
 Monk's cause, he received from Sir Thomas Monk, by 
 the hands \ of Sir Henry Helmes, an hundred and ten 
 pounds; but this was three quarters of a year after the 
 suit was ended : I confess it to be true, that I received an 
 hundred pieces ; but it was long after the suit ended, as is 
 , , contained in the charge. 
 
 "6. To the sixth article of the charge, viz. in the cause Treavor 
 between. Sir John Treavor and Ascue, he received, on the 
 part of Sir John Treavor, an hundred pounds : I confess 
 and declare, that I received at New Year's-tide an hundred 
 pounds from Sir John Treavor; and because it came as a 
 New Year's gift, I neglected to inquire whether the cause 
 was ended or depending ; but since I find, that though the 
 cause was then dismissed to a trial at law, yet the equity 
 is reserved, so as it was in that kind pendente lite. 
 
 "7. To the seventh article of the charge, viz. intheHoiman 
 cause between Holman and Young, he received of Young ^" °"°^' 
 an hundred pounds, after the decree made for him : I con- 
 , fess and declare, that, as I remember, a good while, g.fter 
 , , the cause ended,!, received an hundred pounds, eithfsr by 
 Mr. Tobie Matthew, or from Young himself; but whereas 
 I understood that there was some money given by Hplman 
 to my servant Hatcher, with that certainly I was never 
 .,,,, made, privy, , , , 
 
 ■ A 8. To tl^c ,e(ighth article of the charge; viz. in the cause 
 
CCClxii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Fisher and between Fisher and Wrenham, the Lord Chancellor, aflei« 
 ren am. t](,g;^gpj.gg passed, ^received from Fisher a suit of han^ags, 
 worth an hundred and sixty pounds and better, whieh 
 Fisher gave by advice of Mr. Shute : I confess, and declarej 
 that some time after the decree passed,^^! being at that time 
 upon remove to York House, I did receive a suit of hangings 
 of the value, I think, mentioned in the chargCj by Mr. Shute^ 
 as from Sir Edward Fisher, towards thei furnishing of my 
 honse^as some .others that were no way suitors did present 
 me the like about that time. 
 Kennedey " 9. To the> ninth article of the charge,: viz. in.tb^ cause 
 bre *"' l>etwefen Kennedey and Vanlore, he received a rich cabinet 
 from Kennedey, prized at eight hundred pounds : I eonfass, 
 !i ; fand declare, that such a cabinet was brought ito my house, 
 though nothing near half the value ; and^thafel said to him 
 that brought, it, that I came to view it, and not to receive 
 i£; and ga,ve commandment that it should be carrieid back, 
 and was offended when J heard it was not; and some year 
 and an half after, as I remember. Sir John Kennedey 
 having all that. time refused to take it away, las'I am told 
 by my servants, I was petitioned by one Pinckney, that it 
 might J)e delivered to him, for that he stood engaged for 
 the money that Sir John Kennedey paid for it. And. there- 
 upon Sir J«hn Kennedey wrote a letter , U). my ,se^vg,i>t 
 Sbereborne with his own hand, desiring tha,t I would not 
 ^ •him that disgrace as to return that gift back, much less 
 to put it.anto, a wrong handj and so.it remains ye,t, ready 
 to be returned to whom your lordships shj^\l,appoint. ,, /\ 
 , )" 10. To the tenth article of the charge, yiz. hSihorxiow^d 
 of Vanlore a thousand pounds, upon his 9,y,n^b9nd,,^t 9110 
 ; H taa&j and the4ike sum at another time, upon hi^ lordship's 
 own bill, isubscrib^d by Mr. Ilunt,^ his man : I CQi^e^^ai^d 
 declare, that I borrowed the money in, t}^ ^r^jcl^.jSet^R^, 
 aad that this Js a true debt. , AhdjJ remcnftbeir \5fje)J(i;hatiI 
 
CONFESSION . CCclx 
 
 111 
 
 WEdte a Utter fromKew, above a twelvemonth since, t&a i,,» igrfji i 
 friend about tiie King, wherein I desired that, whereas I "'^rfn^'W 
 owed Peter Vanlore two thousand pounds, his majesty- 
 would be pleased to grant me so much out of hi? fine set 
 upon him in the Star Chamber, ijlt mi . sU) ■■??* staoa nuii 
 
 "11. To the eleventh article of the charge, viz.- he Scott. 
 received of Richard Scott two hundred pounds, after his 
 cause was decreed (but upon a precedent promise), all 
 which was transacted by Mr. Shute : I confess and declare^ 
 that some fortnight after, as I remember that the decree 
 passed, I received two hundred pounds, as from Mr. Scott, vobstm-j/i 
 by Mr. Shute; but, for any precedent promise or trans-' "''^^'"" 
 action by Mr. Shute, certain I am I knew of none-jji iulhI 
 t> " 12. To the twelfth article of the charge,, viz. he Lentall. 
 received in^the same cause, on the part of Sir John 
 Lentall, an hundred pounds : I confess and' declare, that 
 some months after, as I remember, that the decree passed, 
 I received an hundred pounds by my servant Shereburne, 
 as from Sir John Lentall, who was not the adverse party 
 to Scott, but a third person, relieved by the same decree^ 
 in the suit of one Powre. ' 'hmh. ,^ -uw j .jt'.iaufi !>■ /.h il 
 
 "13. To the thirteenth article of the cha'f^e, vii.' he Wroth and 
 received of Mr. Wroth an hundred pounds, in respect of Waynewa- 
 the cause betweeii him and Sir Arthut Maynewaringeril 
 fconfess and declare, ihat this cause, being a' cause fot 
 inheritance of good value, was ended by my arWtraBifen^J 
 and consent of parties; and so a decree passed of cbursei 
 And soite month after the cause thus ended,' the hundred 
 pounds mentioned in the article was delivered to me by 
 my servant Hunt.^"' ""qxt .^iuiuoq mtkuw i jg.&toUtbV, j.^ 
 
 " 14. To the fourteenth article of the charge, viz.- he Hansby. 
 teiceived of Sir Raphe Hansby, having a cause depending 
 before hini, five htindred pbunds: I cor^fess and' declarfei 
 \hat' there ^feY8W& iiedT^es, one, ^ ! remertib0r,"f6r the 
 
CCclxiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 inheritance, and the other for gooHs and chattels, but all 
 upon one bill ; and some good time after the first decree, 
 arid before the second, the said five hundred pounds were 
 deliveried me by Mr. Tobie Matthew, so as I cannot deny 
 but it was upon the matter, pendente lite. 
 
 " 15. To the fifteenth article of the charge, viz. William 
 
 Compton. Compton being to have an extent for a debt of one 
 thousand and two hundred pounds, the Lord Chancellor 
 stayed it, arid wrote his letter, upon which part of the debt 
 was paid presently, and part at a future day. The Lord 
 Chancellor hereupon sends to borrow five hundred pounds ; 
 and because Compton was to pay four hundred pounds to 
 one Huxley, his lordship requires Huxley to forbear it six 
 months, and thereupon obtains the riidriey from Compton. 
 The money being unpaid, suit grows between Huxley and 
 Compton in Chancery, where his lordship decrees Compton 
 to pay Huxley the debt, with datnages and costfe, when it 
 was in his own hands : I declare, that in my conscience, 
 the stay of the extent was just, being an extremity iagainst 
 a nobleman, by whom Comptori could be no loser. The 
 money was plainly borrowed of Compton upon bond with 
 interest; and the message to Huxley was only to intreat 
 him to give Compton a longer day, and in no sort to make 
 me debtor or responsible to Huxley; and, therefore, though 
 I were not ready to pay Compton his money, as I would 
 have been glad to have done, save only one hundred 
 pounds, which is paid; I could not deny justice to Huxley, 
 in as ample manner as if nothing had been between 
 Compton and me. But, if Compton hath been damnified 
 in riiy respect, I am to consider it to Compton. 
 
 Awbrey. " \Q. To the sixteenth article of the charge, viz.' in 
 the cause between Sir William Bronker and Awbrey, the 
 Lord Charitsellor received from Awbrey an hundred 
 pounds: I do confess and declare, that the money wag 
 
CONFESSIOIS. CCplxV 
 
 given and received; but the manner of it J leave to tlje 
 witnesses. . 
 
 " 17. To the seventeenth article of the charge,, viz, in Mounta- 
 the Lord Mountague's cause, he received from the Lord " 
 Mountague six or seven hundred pounds; and more was 
 to be paid at the ending of the cause: I confess and 
 declare, there was money given, and (as I remember) by- 
 Mr. Bevis Thelwall, to the sum mentioned in the article 
 after the ca.use was decreed ; but I cannot say it was 
 ended, for there have been many orders since, caused by 
 Sir ^Prauncis Englefeild's contempts; and I do remember 
 that,f when Thelwall brought the money, he said, that my 
 lord yvould be further thankful if he could once get his 
 quie^t ; to which speech I gave little regard. 
 
 " 18. To the eighteenth article of the charge, viz. in the Dunch. 
 cause of Mr. Dunch, he received of Mr. Dunch twos 
 hundred pounds : I confess and declare, that it was 
 delivered by Mr. Thelwall to Hatcher my servant, for me, 
 as I think, some time after the decree ; but I cannot 
 precisely inform myself of the time. 
 
 "^19. To the nineteenth article of the charge, viz. in thejileyneU 
 cause between Reynell and Peacock, he received fromip^cock. 
 Reynell two hundred pounds, and a diamond ring worth,! 
 five or six hundred pounds : I confess and declare, that, at,, 
 my first coming to the seal, when I was at Whitehall, my 
 servant Hunt delivered me two hundred pounds,, from Sir , 
 George Reynell, my near ally, to be bestowed upon , 
 furniture of my house; adding further, that he received., 
 divers. former favours from me; and this was,, as I verily 
 think, before any suit begun. The ring was received, 
 certainly pendente life ; and, though it were at New year's- ,,i , a 
 
 tide, yet it was too great a va,lue for a New year's gift,; , 
 though, J^s Itak,e it, nothing near the value mentioned in 
 the j^rticle.- ^, - - -'■:■•--- ' . i 
 
CCclxvi LIFE OE -BACON. 
 
 " 20. To the twentieth article of the charge, viz. he took 
 of Peacock an hundred pounds, and borrowed a thousand 
 pounds, without interest^ security, or time of payment : I 
 confess and declare, that I received of Mr. Peacock an 
 hundred pounds at Dorset House, at my first coming to 
 the seal, as a prese;it ; at which time no suit was begUn ; 
 and that, the summer after, I. sent my then servant Lister 
 to Mr. Rolf, my good friend and neighbour, at St. Albans, 
 to use his means with Mr. Peacock (who was accounted. a 
 monied man), for the borrowing of five hundred pounds ; 
 and after, by my servant Hatcher, for borrowing sof five 
 hundred pounds more, which Mr. Rolf procured, and told 
 me, at both titnes, that it should be without interest, 
 scriptj or note ; and that I should take my own time for 
 payment of it. 
 
 Smithwick ^ " 21. To the One and twentieth article of the charge, 
 
 Wvche ^'^' '"^ ^^^ cause between Smith wick and' Wyche, he 
 received from Smithwick two hundred pounds, which was 
 ^repaid : I confess and declare^ that my servant Hunt did, 
 upon his accompt, being my receiver of the fines of 
 original writs, charge himself with two hundred poundi, 
 formerly received of Smithwick, which after that I had 
 understood the nature of it, I ordered him to repay it, and 
 to defaulk it of his accompt. 
 
 Russwell. « 22. To; the two and twentieth article of the charge, 
 vi?. in the cause of Sir Henry Russwell, he received money 
 from Russwell ; but it is not certain how much i I confess 
 and declare, that I received money from toy servant Hunt, 
 as {from Mr. Russwell, in a purse j and, whereas the sum 
 in the tiTticle is indefinite, I confess it toi be three or four 
 hundred pounds; and it was about sotoe' months rftdr the 
 cause was decreed, in which decree 'twas assist^ by two 
 of the judges. .. •■'. ;». t . 
 
 Barker. « 23. To the "three and twentieth article of the charge, 
 
CONFESSION. Gcebsvii 
 
 viz. in the cause of Mr. Barker, tbe Lojtd • GhEfiicellor 
 received from Barker seven hundred poundsfi 'I coHfess 
 and declare, that the money mentioned in the article was 
 received from Mr. Barker, some time after: the decree 
 passed. ' 
 
 "24. To the four and twentieth article, five and twentieth, Apothe- 
 and Bix I and twentieth articles of the charge, viz. the four Grocers. 
 and twentieth, there being a reference from his majesty to 
 his lordship of a business between the Grocers andi the 
 Apotibescaries, the Lord Chancellor received of the Grocers 
 two hundred poiindsi. The five and twentieth article: in 
 the same causey he received of the Apothecaries that stood 
 with the iGraijoers, a taster of gold, worth between forty 
 and fifty pouivls, aid a present of amber-grease^ And the 
 six and twentieth article : he received of the New Company 
 of 1 the Apothecaries that stood against the Grociers, an 
 hundred Jjbunds : To these I confess and declare, that the 
 sevejtal' sums from the three parties were received; and 
 fot that it was no judicial business, but a concord, or 
 composition between the partiegy and that as I thought all 
 had received good, and they were all three common purses, 
 I ithought it the less matter to receive that which th^ 
 voluii(tiHfliil|y presentfed'j for if I had taken it in the nature 
 of a corrupt bribe, I knew it could not be concealed, 
 because it must needs be put to accompt ■ to 1 the -three "'' 
 
 several companies. ' i 
 
 " 27 J Toi the seven and twentieth article of the ibhargfe, Vintners. 
 viz. i he took of^the Freneh merchants a thdusand pbiinds, 
 (to constraia3lhe,lviirf.qa;si of Londonto take 1 from 4hem 
 /fifteen hutidred toms of'^winej to accomplish' twhiolj, .be 
 used very ^indirect! means, ky> colbur of > his ooflScet arad 
 autljcfrity!, wkhottb. bill or suit dlepending^; terrifyir^[,the 
 vintners, by threats and imprisonments of their persons, to 
 buy-Twines, wlHtcaoffith*?! had no need or- Use,! at higher 
 
CCclxviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 rates than they were vendible : I do confess and declare, 
 that Sir Thomas Smith did deal with me in the behalf of 
 the French company; informing me, that the vintners, 
 by combination, would not take oiF their wines at any 
 reasonable prices. That it would destroy their trade, and 
 stay their voyage for that year; and that it was a fair 
 business, and concerned the state; and he doubted not 
 but I should receive thanks from the King, and honour by 
 it; and that they would gratify me with a thousand 
 pounds for my travel in it ; whereupon I treated between 
 them, by way of persuasion, and (to prevent any com- 
 pulsory suit) propounding such a price as the vintners 
 might be gainers six pounds a ton, as it was then main- 
 tained to me; and after, the merchants petitioning to the 
 King, and his majesty recommending the business unto 
 me, as a business that concerned his customs and the 
 navy, I dealt more earnestly and peremptorily in it ; and, 
 as I think, restrained in the messengers' hands for a day 
 or two some that were the more stiff; and afterwards the 
 merchants presented me with a thousand pounds out of 
 their common purse; acknowledging themselves that I 
 had kept them from a kind of ruin, and still maintaining 
 to me that the vintners, if they were not insatiably minded, 
 had a very competent gain. This is the merits of the 
 cause, as it then appeared unto me. 
 Servants. " 28. To the eight and twentieth article of the charge,; 
 viz. the Lord Chancellor hath given way to great exactions 
 by his servants, both in respect of private seals, and 
 otherwise for sealing of injunctions : I confess, it was a 
 great fault of neglect in me, that I looked no better to my 
 servants. 
 
 " This declaration I have made to your lordships with a 
 sincere mind ; humbly craving, that if there should be any 
 mistaking, your lordships would impute it to want of 
 memory, and not to any desire of mine to obscure truth, 
 
LETTER TO THE LORDS. CCclxix 
 
 or palliate any thing : for I do again confess, that in the 
 points charged upon me, although they should be taken 
 as myself have declared them, there is a great deal of 
 corruption and neglect, for which I am heartily and 
 penitently sorry, and submit myself to the judgment, 
 grace, and mercy of the court. 
 
 " For extenuation, I will use none concerning the 
 matters themselves; only it may please your lordships, 
 out of your nobleness, to cast your eyes of compassion 
 upon my person and estate. I was never noted for an 
 avaricious man. And the apostle saith, that covetousness 
 is the root of all evil. I hope also, that your lordships do 
 the rather find me in the state of grace ; for that, in all 
 these particulars, there are few or none that are not 
 almost two years old, whereas those that have an habit of 
 corruption do commonly wax worse and worse ; so that it 
 hath pleased God to prepare me, by precedent degrees of 
 amendment, to my present penitency. And for my estate, 
 it is so mean and poor, as my care is now chiefly to satisfy 
 my debts, 
 
 "And so, ffearing I have troubled your lordships too 
 long, I shall conclude with an humble suit unto you, that 
 if your lordships proceed to sentence, your sentence may 
 not be heavy to my ruin, but gracious, and mixed with 
 mercy J and not only so, but that you would be noble 
 intercessors for me to his majesty likewise, for his grace 
 and favour. Your Lordships' humble servant and suppliant, 
 
 "Fr.^t. Alban, Cane." 
 
 This confession and submission being read, it was agreed 
 that certain lords (a) do go unto the Lord Chancellor, and 
 
 (a) L. Chamberlain, E. of Arundel, E. of Southampton, L, Bp. of Durham, 
 L. Bp. of Wiriton, L. Bp. of Co. and Lich., L. Wentworth, L. Cromwell, 
 L. Sheffeild, L. N6rth, L. Chandois, and L, Hunsdon. 
 
 VOL. XV. ' h b 
 
the King. 
 
 iCCclxx LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 sliew him the said confession ; and tell him, that the lords 
 do conceive it to be an ingenuous and full confession, and 
 demand whether it be his own hand that is subscribed to 
 the same; and their lordships being returned, reported, 
 that the Lord Chancellor said, " It is my act, my hand, 
 my heart. I beseech your lordships, be merciful unto a 
 broken reed." 
 May 2. On the 2nd of May, the seals having been sequestered, 
 the house resolved to proceed to judgment on the next 
 day. (a) 
 Letter to In this interval, on the evening of tTie 2nd of May, the 
 Chancellor virrote to the King, " to save him from the 
 sentence, to let the cup pass from him ; for if it is reforma- 
 tion that is sought, taking the seals will, with the general 
 submission, be sufficient atonement." (6) 
 
 (a) Agreed to proceed to sentence the Lord Chancellor to-morrow 
 morning; wherefore the gentleman usher and the Serjeant at arms, attend- 
 ants on this house, were commanded to go and summon him the Lord 
 Chancellor to appear here in person to-morrow morning, by nine of the 
 clock; and the Serjeant was commanded to take his mace with him, and 
 to shevy it unto his lordship at the said summons. They found him sick in 
 bed ; and being summoned, he answered that he was sick, and protested 
 that he feigned not this for any excuse ; for if he had been well, he would 
 willingly have come. The Lords resolved to proceed notwithstanding 
 against the said Lord Chancellor; and therefore, on Thursday, the third of 
 May, their lordships sent their message unto the Commons to this purpose. 
 
 (6) The following is the letter : 
 
 It may please your Majesty, — It hath pleased God for 
 these three days past, to visit me with such extremity 
 of headach upon the hinder part of my head, fixed in one 
 place, that I thought verily it had been some imposthu- 
 mation ; and then the little physic that I have told me that 
 either it must grow to a congelation, and so to a lethargy, 
 or to break, and so to a mortal fever or sudden death; 
 which apprehension, and chiefly the anguish of the pain, 
 made me unable to think of any business. But now that 
 the pain itself is assuaged to be tolerable, I resume the care 
 
LETTER TO THE KING. CCclxxi 
 
 These his last hopes were vain: the King did npt, he 
 could not interpose. 
 
 of my business, and therein prostrate myself again, by my 
 letter at your majesty's feet. 
 
 Your majesty can bear me witness, that at my last so 
 comfortable access, I did not so much as move your majesty 
 by your absolute pow,er of pardon, or otherwise, to take 
 my cause into your hands, and to interpose between the 
 sentence of the house. And according to my desire, your 
 majesty left it to the sentence of the house by my Lord 
 Treasurer's report. 
 
 But now if not per omnipotentiam, as the divines say, 
 but per potestatem sudviter disponeittem, your majesty will 
 graciously save me from a sentence, with the good liking 
 of the house, and that cup may pass from me, it is the 
 utmost of my desires. This I move with the more belief, 
 because I assure myself, that if it be reformation that is 
 sought, the very taking away of the seal, upon my general 
 submission, will be as much in example, for these four 
 hundred years, as any further severity. 
 
 The means of this I most humbly leave unto your 
 majesty, but surely I should cpneeive, that your majesty 
 opening yourself in this kind to the Lords, Counsellors, 
 aiid a motion of the Prince, after my submission, and my 
 Lord Marquis using his interest with his friends in the 
 house, may affect the sparing of the sentence : I making 
 my humble suit to the house for that purpose, joined with 
 the delivery up of the seal into your majesty's hands. 
 This is my last suit that I shall make to your majesty in 
 this business, prostrating myself at your mercy-seat, after 
 fifteen years' service, wherein I have served your majesty 
 in my poor endeavours, with an entire heart. And, as I 
 presume to say unto your majesty, am still a virgin, for 
 matters that concern your person or crown, and now only 
 craving that ^fter eight steps of honour, I be not precipitated 
 altogether. 
 
ccfclxxii 
 
 LIFE OF BAC6Sr. 
 
 May 3. 
 Sentence. 
 
 His 
 silence. 
 
 On the 3rd of May the Lords adjudged, " that, upon Jiis 
 own confession, they had found him guilty: and therefore 
 that he shall undergo fine and ransom of forty thousand 
 pounds; be imprisoned in the Tower during the King's. 
 pleasure ; be for ever incapable of any oflSce, place, or em- 
 ployment in the state or commonwealth ; and shall never 
 sit in parliament, nor come within the verge of the court." 
 
 Thus fell from the height of worldly prosperity Francis 
 Lord Chancellor of Great Britain* 
 
 The Cause of his having deserted his defence he never 
 revealed. He patiently endured the agony of uncommuni- 
 cated grief, (a) He confidently relied upon the justice of 
 future ages. There are, however, passages in his writings 
 where his deep feeling of the injury appear* 
 
 In his Advancement of Learning we are admonished that, 
 " Words best disclose our minds when we are agitated, 
 
 Vino tortus etiraj 
 for, as Proteus never changed shapes till he was straitened 
 and held fast with cords^ so our nature appears most fully 
 in trials and vexations." (J) 
 
 But because he that hath taken bribes is apt to give 
 bribes, I will go further, and present your majesty with 
 bribe; for if your majesty give me peace and leisure, and 
 God give me life, I will present you with a good History 
 of England, and a better Digest of your Laws. And so 
 concluding with my prayers, I rest 
 
 Clay in your Majesty's hands. 
 May 2, 1621. Fe. St. Alban. 
 
 (a) See Essay on Friendship, vol. i. 
 
 (6) The following is the passage : — " As for words, though they be, like 
 waters to physicians, full or flattery and uncertainty, yet they are not to be 
 despised, specially with the advantage of passion and affection. For so we 
 
LETTERS AFTER SENl'ENCE. CCclxxiii 
 
 By observing his words in moments of agitatjon the 
 SBtate of his mind is manifest 
 
 When imprisoned in the Tower, he instantly wrote to Letterftom 
 Buckingham, saying, " However I have acknowledged ^ *^^'^" 
 that the sentence is just, and for reformation sake fit, I 
 have been a trusty and honest, and Christ-loving friend to 
 your lordship, and the justest chancellor that hath been 
 in the five changes since my father's time." (ft) 
 
 In another letter, " God is my witness that, when I 
 
 examine myself, I find all well, and that I have approved 
 
 myself to your lordship a true friend both in the watery 
 
 trial of prosperity and in the fiery trial of adversity :" (c) 
 
 *' I hope his majesty may reap honour out of my adversity, 
 
 as he hath done strength out of my prosperity." t^d) 
 
 " For the briberies and gifts wherewith I am chareed, Letter to 
 
 the King. 
 when the book of hearts shall be opened, I hope I shall 
 
 not be found to have the troubled fountain of a corrupt 
 
 heart, in a depraved habit of taking rewards to pervert 
 
 justice; howsoever I may be frail, and partake of the 
 
 abuses of the times," was his expression in the midst of 
 
 his agony, (e) 
 
 ^ee Tiberius, upon a stinging and incensing speedh of Agrippina, came a 
 step forth of his dissimulation, when he said, ' You are hurt, because you 
 do not reign ;' of which Tacitus saith, ' Audita haec raram occulti pectoris 
 vocem eKcuere, correptamque Graco versu admonuh : ideo laedi, quia non 
 regnaret.' And therefore the poet doth elegantly call passions, tortures, 
 that uige men to confess their secrets : 
 
 ' Vino tortus 6t iia.' 
 And experience sheweth, there are few men so true to themselves, and so 
 settled, but that, sometimes upon heat, sometimes upon bravery, sometimes 
 upon kindness, sometimes upon trouble of mind and weakness, they open 
 themselves; specially if they be put to it with a counter-dissimulatidti, 
 according to the proverb of Spoin, ' Di mentira, y sacaras verdad :' tell a 
 Sie, and find a truth." 
 
 (b) See postea, page ccolxxix. <c) See postea, page ccclxxxiii. 
 
 <<i) See postea, p. ccclxxxiv. (e) See ante, p. cccxxxii. 
 
ccclxxiv 
 
 LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 \\'ill. 
 
 Lambeth In a collection of his letters in the Lambeth Library 
 ibrary. ^j^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ following passage in Greek charaicters : 0^ fiy 
 
 oipivff, (j>ap (3s IT i^^ofi fii TO aay, Sot vsvidfi KopviQ ; 
 vi^ar Ktvavpa KoXvfijiaa : fSvT i wiXX aaj Oar i ava jooo 
 wappavT <j)op : dij w£p£ voT 6e jpeaTScrT 0(j>^£vcspQ iv IffpaEA 
 vTTOv (jjyofi 9e ii)aW (j>sWt (fl) 
 
 In his will, he says, " For my name and memory, I 
 leave it to men's charitable speeches, to foreign nations, 
 and the next ages." 
 
 These words, not to be read till he was at rest from his 
 labours, were cautiously selected, (6) with the knowledge, 
 which he, above all men, possessed of the power of expres- 
 sion, and of their certain influence, sooner or later, upon 
 society, (c) 
 
 The obligation to silence, imposed upon Bacon, extended 
 to his friends after he was in the grave. 
 
 Dr. Rawley, his first and last chaplain, says, " Some 
 papers touching matters of estate, tread too near to the 
 heels of truth, and to the times of the persons concerned." 
 Tennison. Archbishop Tennison says, " The great cause of his 
 suffering is to some a secret. I leave them to find it out 
 by his words to King James : ' I wish that as I am the 
 
 Silence of 
 friends. 
 
 (a) Decyphered it is as follows : Of my offence, far be it 
 from me to say, dat veniamcorvis j vexat censura Columbas : 
 but I will say that I have good warrant for : they were not 
 the greatest offenders in Israel upon whom the wall fell. 
 
 (6) In a former will (see Baconiana, p. 203) there is the same wish 
 expressed, not in such polished terms. The sentence is, " For my name 
 and memory, I leave it to foreign nations and to mine own countrymen, 
 after some time be passed over." 
 
 (c) FRANCISCUS 
 DE VERULAMIO 
 SIC COGITAVIT 
 
 is the opening of the Novum Organum. 
 
bushel's account. ccclxxv 
 
 first, so I may be the last of sacrifices in your times: 
 and when, from private appetite, it is resolved that a 
 creature shall be sacrificed, it is easy to pick up sticks 
 enough from any thicket whither it hath strayed, to make 
 a fire to offer it with." 
 
 From these observations it may be seen, that there was 
 a conflict in the minds of these excellent men between 
 their inclination to speak and their duty to be silent. 
 They did not violate this duty ; but one of his most sincere 
 and grateful admirers, who, although he had painfully, but 
 sacredly, preserved the secret from his youth to his old 
 age, at last thus spoke : (a) 
 
 " Before this could be accomplished to his own content, Bushel, 
 there arose such complaints against his lordship, and the 
 then favourite at court, that for some days put the King 
 to this quere, whether he should permit the favourite of 
 his affection, or the oracle of his council, to sink in his 
 service ; whereupon his lordship was sent for by the King, 
 who, after some discourse, gave him this positive advice, 
 to submit himself to his house of peers, and that, upon 
 his princely word, he would then restore him again, if 
 they, in their honours, should not be sensible of his 
 merits. Now, though my lord saw his approaching ruin, 
 and told his majesty there was little hopes of mercy in 
 a multitude, when his enemies were to give fire, if he 
 did not plead for himself: yet such was his obedience to 
 him from whom he had his being, that he resolved his 
 majesty's will should be his only lawj and so took leave 
 of him with these words : Those that will strike at your 
 chancellor, it is much to be feared, will strike at your 
 crown; and wished, that as he was then the first, so he 
 might be the last of sacrifices. 
 
 (a) Foran account of Bushel, see note G G G. At the time of Bacon's 
 death, in 1626, he was about twenty-six years of age: he published the 
 tract in 1659. 
 
CCClxXvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 " Soon after, according to his majesty's commands, he 
 wrote a submissive letter to the house, and sent me to 
 my Lord Windsor to know the result, which I was loth, at 
 my return, to acquaint him with ; for, alas ! his sovereign's 
 favour was not in so high a measure, but he, like the 
 phoenix, must be sacrificed in flames of his own raising, 
 and so perished, like Icarus, in that his lofty design : the 
 great revenue of his office being lost, and his titles of 
 honour saved but by the bishops' votes, whereto he replied, 
 that he was only bound to thank his clergy. 
 
 " The thunder of which fatal sentence did much perplex 
 my troubled thoughts as well as others, to see that famous 
 lord, who procured his majesty to call this parliament, 
 must be the first subject of their revengeful wrath, and 
 that so unparalleled a master should be thus brought 
 upon the public stage, for the foolish miscarriage of his 
 own servants, whereof, with grief of heart, I confess myself 
 to be one. Yet shortly after, the King dissolved the 
 parliament, but never restored that matchless lord to his 
 place, which made him then to wish the many years he 
 had spent in state policy and law study had been solely 
 devoted to true philosophy : for, said he, the one, at the 
 best doth but comprehend man's frailty, in its greatest 
 splendour ; but the other, the mysterious knowledge of all 
 things created in the six days' work." 
 ^,rd™^ On the 11th of July the great seals were delivered to 
 Keeper. Williams, who was now Lord Keeper of England and 
 Bishop of Lincoln, with permission to retain (a) the deanery 
 
 (a) " The bishopric of Lincoln was bestowed upon him by the royal cong6 
 d'elire, the largest diocess in the land, because this new elect had the 
 largest wisdom to superintend so great a circuit. Yet inasmuch as the 
 revenue of it was not great, it was well preced out with a grant to hold the 
 deanery of Westminster, into which he had shut himself fast with as strong 
 bolts and bars as the law could make : else when the changes began to sing 
 ill the fifth year after, he had been thrust out of doors in a storm, when he 
 
WILLIAMS LORD KEEPER. GCclxXvii 
 
 of Westminster, and to hold the rectory of Waldegrave 
 in commendam. (a) 
 
 had most need of a covering. Yet some suitors were so importunate to 
 compass this deanery upon his expected leaving, that he was put to it to 
 plead hard for that commenda before he carried it. The King was in his 
 progress, and the lord marquis with him, to whom he writes to present his 
 reasons to the King, which were, that the post of the lord keeper's place, 
 though he would strike sail more than any that preceded him, must be 
 maintained in some convenient manner. Here he was handsomely housed, 
 which if he quitted, he must trust to the King to provide one for him as 
 his majesty and his predecessors have ever done to their chancellors. Here 
 he had some supplies to his housekeeping from the college in bread, beer, 
 and fuel, of which if he should be deprived, he must be forced to call fiir 
 a diet, which would cost the King 1,600Z. per annum, or crave for some 
 addition in lieu thereof, out of the King's own means, as all his foregoers 
 in that office had done. He might have added, for it was in the bottom of 
 his breast, he was loath to stir from that seat where he had the command 
 of such exquisite music. A request laid out in such remonstrance could 
 not be refused by so gracious a prince who granted twenty suits to one he 
 denied. Magnarum largita opwm, largitor honorum pronus, which singu- 
 larly fits King James, though Claudian made it for Honorius. Likewise, 
 by the indulgence of his commenda, he reserved the rectory of Waldegrave 
 to himself, a trifle not worthy to be remembered, but his reason is not 
 unworthy to be detailed. That in the instability of human things, every 
 man must look for a dissolution of his fortunes, as well as for the dissolu- 
 tion of his body. Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, kept his right to a 
 poor cell in the monastery of Bee in Normandy, and that hospitality kept 
 him when he fled out of England, and all the revenues of his mitre £iiled 
 him : Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, held the mastership of 
 Trinity to his dying day, and said often, if all his palaces were blown down 
 by iniquity, he would creep honestly into that shell. They that will not 
 be wise by these examples I will send them to school to a fable in Plautus. 
 Cogitato mm pusillus quam sit sapiens bestia et atatem qui tevi cubili nun- 
 guam committdt suam, qui si unum ostium ohsideatw aliud perfugium quavit. 
 So in the upshot he said Waldegrave was but a mousehole, yet it would 
 be a pretty fortification to entertain him if he had no other home to resort 
 to. Many such divinations flashed fi-om others, who saw the hills of the 
 robbers afar off, who have now devoured the heritage of Jacob, and say 
 they are not guilty ; and they that have sold us and bought us say. Blessed 
 be the Lord, for we are rich." — Hacket's Life of Williams, p. 62. 
 
 (a) How sagacious was the bishop in these stipulations, in refusing to 
 advance till he had secured a retreat. Buckingham afterwards boasted. 
 
CCClxXviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM HIS FALL TO HIS DEATH. 
 
 1621 to 1626. 
 
 Such was the storm in which he was wrecked. " Methinks,"^ 
 says Archbishop Tennison, " they are resembled by those 
 of Sir George Summers, who being bound by his employ- 
 ment to another coast, was by tempest cast upon the 
 Bermudas: and there a shipwrecked man made full dis- 
 covery of a new temperate fruitful region, where none had 
 before inhabited ; and which mariners, who had only seen 
 as rocks, had esteemed an inaccessible and enchanted 
 place. 
 
 This temperate region was not unforeseen by the 
 Chancellor. 
 
 In a letter to the King, on the 20th March, 1622, he 
 says, " In the beginning of my trouble, when in the midst 
 of- the tempest, I had a kenning of the harbour, which I 
 hope now by your majesty's favour I am entering into: 
 now my study is my exchange, and my pen my practice 
 for the use of my talent." 
 
 It is scarcely possible to read a page of his works with- 
 out seeing that the love of knowledge was his ruling 
 
 " that of all he had given him he would leave him nothing," a threat which 
 he fulfilled to the letter. — Hacket's Life of Williams, part 2, p. 19. The 
 Countess of Buckingham told the Lord Keeper that St. David's was the 
 man that did undermine him with her son, and would underwork any man 
 that himself might rise. 
 
 In two years of King Charles's reign Buckingham pulled down 
 Williams, Lee, Conway, Suckling, Crew, and Walter. 
 
PLEASURES OF KNOWLEDGE. CCclxxix 
 
 passion ; that his feal happiness consisted in intellectual 
 delight. How beautifully does he state this when enume- 
 rating the blessings attendant upon the pursuit and 
 possession of knowledge : 
 
 " The pleasure and delight of knowledge and learning 
 far surpasseth all othet in nature: for, shall the pleasures 
 of the affections so exceed the senses, as much as the 
 obtainiiig of desire or victor^ eiceedeth a song or a dinner ; 
 and must not, of consequence, the pleasures of the intellect 
 or understanding exceed the pleasures of the affections ? 
 We see in all other pleasures there is satiety, and after they 
 be used their verdure departeth, which sheweth well they 
 be but deceits of pleasure, and not pleasures ; and that it 
 was the novelty which pleased, and not the quality ; and 
 therefore we see that voluptuous men turn friars, and 
 ambitious princes turn melancholy ; but of knowledge there 
 is no satiety, but satisfaction and appetite are perpetually 
 interchangeable ; (a) and therefore appeareth to be good in 
 itself simply, without fallacy or accident. Neither is that 
 pleasure of small efficacy and contentment to the miiid of 
 man, which the poet Lucretius describeth elegantly, 
 
 Suave mari magno, turbantibus sequora ventis, &c. 
 
 ' It is a view of delight, to stand or walk upon the shore 
 side, and to see a ship tossed with tempefst upon the sea ; 
 or to be in a fortified tower, and to see two battles join 
 npon a plain; but it is a pleasure incomparable for the 
 mind of man to be settled, landed, and fortified in the 
 certaihty of truth ; and from thence to decry and behold 
 the errors, perturbations, labours, and wanderings up and 
 down of other men.' " (b) 
 
 (a) " Heaven and eaith pass away, but my words do not^pass away.'' 
 (t) Advancement of Learning. ♦ 
 
CCclxXX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Happy would it have been for himself and society, if 
 following his own nature, he had passed his life in the 
 calm but obscure regions of philosophy. 
 
 He now, however, had escaped from worldly turmoils, 
 and was enabled, as he wrote to the King, to gratify his 
 desire " to do, for the little time God shall send me life, like 
 the merchants of London, which, when they give over trade, 
 lay out their money upon land : so, being freed from civil 
 busings, I lay forth my poor talent upon those things, 
 which may be perpetual, still having relation to do you 
 honour with those powers I have left." 
 
 In a letter to Buckingham, on the 20th of March, 1621, 
 he says, " 1 find that, building upon your lordship's noble 
 nature and friendship, I have built upon the rock, where 
 neither winds nor waves can cause overthrow:" and, in 
 the conclusion of the same year, (a) " 1 am much fallen in 
 love with a private life, but yet I shall so spend my time, 
 as shall not decay my abilities for use." 
 
 And in a letter to the Bishop of Winchester, (6) in 
 which, after having considered the conduct in their banish- 
 ments, of Demosthenes, Cicero, and Seneca, he proceeds 
 thus : " These examples confirmed me much in a resolu- 
 tion, whereunto I was otherwise inclined, to spend my time 
 wholly in writing, and to put forth that poor talent, or 
 half talent, or what it is that God hath given me, not 
 as heretofore to particular exchanges, but to banks or 
 mounts of perpetuity, which will not break. Therefore 
 having not long since set forth a part of my Instauration, 
 which is the work that in mine own judgment, si nunquam 
 fallit imago, I may most esteem, I think to proceeid in 
 some new parts thereof; and although I have received 
 from many parts beyond the seas testimonies touching that 
 
 (a) Sept. 5, 1621. (i) See vol. vii. p. 113. 
 
LETTER TO BISHOP OF WIIfCHESTER. CCclxxxi 
 
 work, such as beyond which I could not exj)ect at the first 
 in so abstruse an argument, yet, nevertheless, I have just 
 cause to doubt that it flies too high over men's heads. I 
 have a purpose, therefore, though I break the order of time, 
 to draw it down to the sense by some patterns of a natural 
 story and inquisition. And again, for that my book of 
 Advancement of Learning may be some preparative or key 
 for the better opening of the Instauration, because it 
 exhibits a mixture of new conceits and old ; whereas the 
 Instauration gives the new unmixed, otherwise than with 
 some little aspersion of the old, for taste's sake, I have 
 thought good to procure a translation of that book into 
 the general language, not without great and ample addi- 
 tions and enrichment thereof, especially in the second 
 bookj which handleth the partition of sciences, in such 
 sort, as I hold it may serve in lieu of the first part of the 
 Instauration, and acquit my promise in that part. 
 
 " Again, because I cannot altogether desert the civil 
 person that I have born, which if I should forget, enough 
 would remember. I have also entered into a work touching 
 laws, propounding a character of justice in a middle term, 
 between the speculative and reverend discourses of phi- 
 losophers and the writings of lawyers, which are tied, and 
 obnoxious to their particular laws; and although it be 
 true that I had a purpose to make a particular digest, or 
 recompilement of the laws of mine own nation, yet because 
 it is a work of assistance, and that I cannot master by my 
 own forces and pen, I have laid it aside. Now having in 
 the work of my Instauration had in contemplation the 
 general good of men in their very being, and the dowries 
 of nature ; and in my work of laws, the general good of 
 men likewise in society, and the dowries of government : I 
 thought in duty I owed somewhat to my country, which I 
 ever loved ; insomuch, as although my place hath been far 
 
CCclxXxii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 above my desert, yet my thoughts and cares concerning 
 the good thereof were beyond and over and abpve my 
 place : so now, being a,s I am, no more able to do my 
 country service, it remained unto nie to do it honour; 
 which I have endeavoureid to do in my work of the reign 
 of King Henry VII, As for my ess£|,ys, and some other 
 particulars of that nature, I count them but as the recrea- 
 tion of n?y other studies, arid in that sort I purpose to 
 continue them; though I am not ignorant that those kind 
 of writings would, with less pains and embracement, per- 
 haps, yield more lustre aud reputation to my name than 
 those other which I have in hand. But I account the use 
 that a man should seek of the publishing his own writings 
 before his death to be but an untimely anticipation pf that 
 which is proper to follow a, man, and not to go along 
 with him," 
 Imprison- The sentence now remained to be executed. On the 
 ment of |g^g^ ^^^ ^f ]V[q,yj Lord St. Albans was committed to the 
 Tovver; and, though he had placed himself altogether in 
 the Kiiig's hands, confident in his kindness, it is not to be 
 supposed that he could he led to prison without deeply 
 fepling his disgrace. In the angjjish of hig mind he 
 instantly wrote to Buckingl^am and to the King, ^ub-: 
 mitting, but inaiiltaining his integrity as Chancellor. 
 
 " Good niy Lord, — Procure the warrant for my discharge 
 this day. Death, I thank God, is so far frpifl t^ejug 
 unwelcome to me, as I have called for it (as Christian 
 resolution wowld permit) any time th^se two months. But 
 to die before the time of his majesty's grace, and in this 
 disgraceful place, is even the worst that could be; and 
 when I am dead, he is gone that was always in one tenor, 
 a true and perfect servant tp his master, and one that was 
 never author of any immoderate, no, nor unsafe, no (I will 
 say it), not unfortunate counsel ; and one that no tempta- 
 
IMPRISONMENT. CCclxXXui 
 
 tion could ever make other than a trusty, and honest, and 
 Christ-loving friend to your lordship; and howsoever I 
 acknowledge the sentence just, and for reformation sake 
 fit, the justest Chancellor that hath been in the five changes 
 since Sir Nicholas Bacon's time. God bless and prosper 
 your lordship, whatsoever become of me. 
 
 " Your Lordship's true friend, living and dying. 
 Tower, 51st May, 1621. " Fr. St. Alban." (a) 
 
 After two days' imprisonment he was liberated : (6) and. Liberation 
 the sentence not permitting him to come within the verge 
 of the court, he retired, with the King's permission, to Sir 
 John Vaughan's house at Parson's Green, (c) from whence. 
 
 (a) That he wrote to the King is clear, from a letter dated June 22, 
 1621, which concludes thus : " I submit myself, desiring his majesty and 
 your lordship to take my letters from the Tower as written de profwndis, 
 and those I continue to write to be ex aquisfalsis." 
 
 (b) The following is the notice in Camden. It is placed as after May 
 15, and before June 1, 1621 ; " Ex cancellarius in arcem traditur, post 
 biduum deliberatus." 
 
 (c) In a letter to the Prince of Wales, dated June 1, he says : " I am 
 much beholden to your highness's worthy servant. Sir John Vaughan, the 
 sweet air and loving usage of whose house hath already much revived my 
 languishing spirits, I beseech your highness, thank him for me. God 
 ever preserve and prosper your highness. Your Highness's most humble 
 and most bounden servant, Fp,. St. Alban." 
 
 Upon his arrival at Sir John's, he wrote to express his obligations both 
 to the King and to Buckingham. 
 
 To the King. — It may please your most excellent Majesty, — I humbly 
 thank your majesty for my liberty, wilhout which timely grant any farther 
 grace would have come too late. But your majesty, that did shed tears in 
 the beginning of my trouble, will, I hope, shed the dew of your grace and 
 goodness upon me in the end. Let me live to serve you, else life is but 
 the shadow of death to your Majesty's most devoted servant, 
 
 June 4, 1621. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. — My very good Lord, I heartily thank 
 your lordship for getting me out of prison, and now my body is out, my 
 
CCclxXxiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 although anxious to'cohtitiue imor near London, he went, 
 in compliance with his niajestfy's suggestion, for a temporary 
 retirement to* tjfOrhanil3ury>'(«) , where 'he was '- obliged to 
 
 mind nevertheless will be still in prison till I may be on my feet to do his 
 majesty and your' lordship faithful service. Wherein your lordship, by, the 
 grace of jGod,. shall find that my adversity hath neither spent nor pent my 
 spirits. God prosper you. Your Lordship's most obliged friend and faith- 
 ful servant, Fk. St. Alba'n. — June 4, 1621. 
 
 (fl) To the Marquis of Buckingham. — My very good Lord, If it be 
 conceived that, it may be matter of inconvenience, or envy, my particular 
 respects must give place ; only in regard of my present urgent occasions, 
 to take some present order for the debts that press me most. I have 
 petitioned 'his majesty to give me leave to stay at London till the last of' 
 July,jmd_then I will dispose of my abode according to the sentence. I 
 have sent to the Prince to join with you in it, for though the matter seem 
 smallj'yet it importeth'me much. God prosper you.' 
 
 June 20, 1621. Your Lordship's't^e servant, Fn. St. Alban. 
 
 My very good Lord, — I humbly thank your lordship for the grace and 
 fevour you did both to the message and messenger, in bringing Mr. Meautys 
 to kiss his majesty's hands, and to receive his pleasure from himself. My 
 riches in my adversity have been, that I have had a good master, a good 
 iriend, and a good servant. 
 
 I perceive by Mr. Meautys his majesty's inclination, that I should go 
 first to Gorhambury; and his majesty's inclinations have ever been with 
 me instead of directions. Wherefore I purpose, God willing, to go thither 
 forthwith, humbly thanking his majesty, nevertheless, that he meant to have- 
 put my desire, in my petition contained, into a way, if I had insisted upon 
 it ; but I will accommodate my present occasions as I may, and leave the 
 times and seasons and ways to his majesty's grace and choice. Only I 
 desire his majesty to bear with me if I have pressed unseasonably. My 
 letters out of the Tower were :de profundis ; and . the wqrid is a prison, if I 
 may not approach his majesty, iindinf in my heart as, I do. God preserve, 
 and prosper his majesty and your lordship. 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful, and bounden servant, Fr., St. Alban. 
 June 22, 1621. . 
 
 My very good Lord, — I thank God I am come very well to Gorhambury, 
 whereof I thought your lordship would be glad to hear' sometimes. My 
 lord, I wish myself by you in this stirring world, not for any love to place 
 or business, for that is almost gone with me, but for my love, to yourself, 
 
PETITION TO REMIT FINE. CCclxXXV 
 
 remain till the end of the year, but with such reluctance, 
 that, with the hope of quieting the King's fears, he, at one 
 time, intended to present a petition to the House of Lords 
 to remit this part of his sentence, (a) 
 
 w}iich can never cease in your Lordship's most obliged friend and true 
 servant, Fe. St. Alban. 
 
 Being now out of use, and out of sight, I recommend myself to your 
 lordship's love and fevour, to maintain me in his majesty's grace and good 
 intention. 
 
 To Lord Digby. — I pray, my Lord, if occasion serve, give me your good 
 word to the King for the release of my confinement, which is to me a 
 very strait kind of imprisonment. Your Lordship's most affectionate 
 Gorhambuiy, this last of December, 1621. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 (a) Petition of the Lord Viscount St. Alban, intended for the House of 
 Lords. 
 
 My right honourable very good Lords, — In all humbleness acknow- 
 ledging your lordships' justice, I do now, in like manner, crave and implore 
 your grace and compassion. I am old, weak, ruined, in want, a very 
 subject of pity. My only suit to your lordships is, to shew me your noble 
 favour tovrards the release of my confinement (so every confinement is), 
 and to me, I protest, worse than the Tower. There I could have had 
 company, physicians, conference with my creditors and friends about my 
 debts, and the necessities of my estate, helps for my studies, and the 
 writings I have in hand. Here, I live upon the sword point of a sharp air, 
 endangered if I go abroad, dulled if I stay within, solitary and comfortless 
 without company, banished from all opportunities to treat with any to do 
 myself good, and to help out any wrecks; and that which is one of my 
 greatest griefs, my wife, that hath been no partaker of my offending, must 
 be partaker of this misery of my restraint. 
 
 May it please your lordships, therefore, since there is a time for justice, 
 and a time for misery, to think with compassion upon that which I have 
 already suffered, which is not little, and to recommend this my. humble, 
 and, as I hope, modest suit to his most excellent majesty, the fountain of 
 grace, of whose mercy, for so much as concerns himself merely, 1 have 
 already tasted, and likewise of his favour of this very kind, by some small 
 temporary dispensations. Herein your lordships shall do a work of charity 
 and nobility ; you shall do me good ; you shall do my creditors good ; and 
 it may be, you shall do posterity good, if out of the carcass of dead and 
 rotten greatness, as out of Samson's lion, there may be honey gathered for 
 the use of future times. God bless your persons ahd counspls. 
 
 Your Lordship's supplicant and servant, Fk. St. Alban. 
 
 ypL. XV. c c 
 
CCclxXXvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 In the month of July he wrote both to Buckingham and 
 < to the King letters in which may be seen his reliance 
 upon them for pecuniary assistance, his consciousness of 
 innocence, a gleam of hope that he should be restored 
 to his honors, and occasionally allusions to the favours he 
 had conferred, (a) To these applications he received the 
 following answer from Buckingham : 
 
 (a) To the Marquis of Buckingham. — My veiy good Lord, I have 
 written, as I thought it decent in me to do, to his majesty, the letter I 
 send inclosed. I have great faith that your lordship, now nobly and like 
 yourself, will effect with his majesty. In this the King is of himself, 
 and it hath no relation to parliament. I have written also, as your lord- 
 ship advised me, only touching that point of means. I have lived hitherto 
 upon the scraps of my former fortunes ; and I shall not be able to hold 
 out longer. Therefore I hope your lordship will now, according to the 
 loving promises and hopes given, settle my poor fortunes, or rather my 
 being. I am much fallen in love with a private life ; but yet I shall so 
 spend my time, as shall not decay ray abilities for use. God preserve 
 and prosper your lordship. — Sept. 5, 1621. 
 
 To the King. — It may please your most excellent Majesty, I perceive, 
 by my noble and constant friend, the marquis, that your majesty hath a 
 gracious inclination towards me, and taketh care of me, for fifteen years 
 the subject of your favour, now of your compassion, for which I most 
 humbly thank your majesty. This same nova creatura is the work of 
 God's pardon and the King's, and since I have the inward seal of the 
 one, I hope well of the other. 
 
 Utar, saith Seneca to his master, magnis exempUs; nee mea fortune, sed 
 turn. Demosthenes was banished for bribery of the highest nature, yet vras 
 recalled with honour; Marcus Livius was condemned for exactions, yet 
 afterwards made consul and censor. Seneca banished for divers corrup- 
 tions, yet vras afterwards restored, and an instrument of that memorable 
 Quinquennium Neronis. Many more. This, if it please your majesty, I 
 do not say for appetite of employment, but for hope that if I do by myself 
 as is fit, your majesty vidll never suffer me to die in want or dishonour. I 
 do now feed myself upon remembrance, how when your majesty used to 
 go a progress, what loving and confident charges you were wont to give 
 me touching your business. For, as Aristotle saith, young men may be 
 happy by hope, so why should not old men, and sequestered men, by 
 remembrance. God ever prosper and preserve your majesty. Your majesty's 
 most bounden and devoted servant, Fb. St. Alban. 
 
 July 16, 1621. 
 
Buckingham's lettek. ccclxxxvii 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban'. 
 
 My noble Lord, — ^The hearty affection I have borne to 
 your person and service hath made me ambitious to be 
 a messenger of good news to you, and an eschewer of ill ; 
 this hath been the true reason why I have been thus long 
 in answering you, not any negligence in your discreet 
 
 To the King. 
 
 It may please your majesty, — I have served your majesty now seventeen 
 years; neither was I, in these seventeen years, ever chargeable to your 
 majesty, but got my means in an honourable sweat of my labour, save that 
 of late your majesty was graciously pleased to bestow upon me the pension 
 of twelve hundred pounds for a few years. When I received the seal, I 
 lefl both the Attorney's place, which was a gainful place, and the clerkship 
 of the Star Chamber, which was Queen Elizabeth's favour, and was worth 
 twelve hundred pounds by the year, which would have been a good 
 commendam. The honours which your majesty hath done me have put 
 me above the means to get my living, and the misery I am fallen into hath 
 put me below the means to subsist as I am. I hope my courses shall be 
 such, for this little end of my thread, which remaineth as your majesty, in 
 doing me good, may do good to many, both that live now, and shall be 
 born hereafter. I have been the keeper of your seal, and now am your 
 beadsman. Let your own royal heart and my noble friend speak the rest. 
 God preserve and prosper your majesty. Your Majesty's faithful poor 
 servant and beadsman, Fe. St. Alban. 
 
 September 5, 1621. 
 
 Cardinal Wolsey said, that if he had pleased God as he pleased the 
 King he had not been ruined. My conscience saith no such thing; for I 
 know not but in serving yon I have served God in one. But it may be, 
 if I had pleased God as I had pleased you, it would have been better 
 with me. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, — ^Your lordship will pardon me if, partly in the 
 freedom of adversity, and partly of former friendship (the sparks whereof 
 cannot but continue), I open myself to your lordship, and desire also your 
 lordship to open yourself to me. That which most of all makes me doubt 
 of a change or cooling in your lordship's affection towards me is, that being 
 twice now at London, your lordship did not vouchsafe to see me, though 
 by messages you gave me hope thereof, and the latter time I had begged it 
 of your lordship. The cause of change may either be in myself or your 
 lordship. I ought first to examine myself, which I have done ; and God 
 is' my witness, I find all well, and that I have approved myself to your 
 
ccclxxxviii life of bacon. 
 
 modest servant you sent with your letter, nor his who now 
 returns you this answer, ofttimes given me by your master 
 and mine; who though by this may seem not to satisfy 
 your desert and expectation, yet, take the word of a friend, 
 who will never fail you, hath a tender care of you, full of a 
 fresh memory of your by-past service. His majesty is but 
 for the present, he says, able to yield unto the three years' 
 advance, which if you please to accept, you are not here- 
 after the farther off from obtaining some better testimony 
 of his favour, worthier both of him and you, though it can 
 never be answerable to what my heart wishes you, as your 
 Lordship's humble servant, G. Buckingham. 
 
 That he was promised some compensation for the loss 
 of his professional emoluments seems probable not only 
 from his letters to the King, and from the aid received, 
 but from his having lived in splendour after his fall, 
 although his certain annual income seems not to have ex- 
 ceeded £,2500. (a) With this income, he, with prudence, 
 might, although greatly in debt, have enjoyed worldly 
 comfort: but in prudence he was culpably negligent. (6) 
 
 lordship a true friend, both in the watery trial of prosperity and in the 
 fiery trial o_f adversity, &'c. 
 
 My very good Lord, — I hope his majesty may reap honour out of my 
 adversity, us he hath done strength out of my prosperity. His majesty 
 knows best his own ways ; and for me to despair of him were a sin not to 
 be forgiven. I thank God I have overcome the bitterness of this cup by 
 christian resolution; so that worldly matters are but mint and cummin. 
 God ever preserve you. 
 
 (a) A pension irom the crown of 1,200/., his grant from the Alienation 
 Office 6001. a year, his own estate 700^ This pension he kept to his 
 death, as appears by his will, from which it seems that he thought himself 
 in opulence. 
 
 (h) King James sent a buck to him, and he gave the keeper fifty pounds. 
 
 Aubrey. 
 
 In the pre&ce to a work entitled " The Cries of the Oppressed," pub- 
 lished by M. Pitt, 1691, 12mo. there, is the following gossiping statement: 
 
HIS IMPRUDENCE. CCclxXxix 
 
 Thinking that money was only the baggage of virtue, (a) 
 that this interposition of earth eclipsed the clear sight of 
 
 -! ' 
 
 " It is to be feared that our nation has been, and still is as guilty of this sin 
 of bribery, even in the reigns of the best of our kings, as ever the house of 
 Israel was. In the days of that good prince Edward the Sixth, bribery was 
 a reigning vice even at the court itself, witness that fiunous court preacher 
 and afterwards martyr. Father Latimer, in his, sermons before that young 
 prince and his nobles. This sin of bribery doth not only reign in King's 
 palaces, but like the leprosy, spreads itself in all the courts of equity and' 
 justice, even to the meanest in office. When I was a boy I heard this 
 foUovring story of that great and learned man, the Lord Bacon, who was 
 Lord Chancellor in King James the First's reign. I would speak tenderly 
 of him, because he was one of the leamedest men of his age ; I will tell the 
 natural story, and leave the reader to his own thoughts. Much at the time 
 he was put out of the chancellorship, he happened to come into his hall 
 where his gentlemen were at dinner. As soon as they see my lord, they all 
 rose up, but his lordship calls to them to sit still. For, saith he, your rise 
 has been my fell. But the story I am at is this : about the year 1655 some 
 gentlemen meeting in my master's shop (a bookseller), and talking of 
 learning and learned men, they mentioned my Lord Bacon to be one of the 
 learnedest men of the world in the age he lived in ; but one of the gentle- 
 men, who by his gray head could not be less than seventy years of age, 
 replied, he did agree with them in their opinion of my Lord Bacon, but 
 my lord had a fault, whatever it was he could not tell ; but, saith he, I 
 myself have some business vfith his lordship : I went to him to his country 
 house, which was near St. Albans, twenty miles from London, where I was 
 admitted into his study, where was no person but his lordship and myself j 
 and whilst I was talking with him about my business, his lordship had 
 occasion to withdraw out of his study, and left me there alone. Whilst 
 his lordship was gone there came into the study one of his lordship's 
 gentlemen, and opens my lord's chest of drawers, wherein his money was, 
 and takes it out in handfuls and fills both his pockets, and goes away 
 without saying one word to me ; he was no sooner gone, but comes a second 
 gentleman, opens the same drawers, fills both his pockets with money, and 
 goes away as the former did, without speaking one word to me ; at which 
 I was surprised, and much concerned, and was resolved to acquaint my 
 lord with it. As soon as my lord returned into his study, I told him, my 
 lord, here was a very odd passage happened, since your lordship went. 
 Upon which he asked me what it was : I told the passage as here related. 
 He shook his head, and all that he said was. Sir, I cannot help myself." 
 
 (a) In his Essay on Riches, vol. i. 119, he says, " I cannot call riches 
 better than the baggage of virtue ; the Roman word is better, ' impedimenta ;' 
 
CCCXC LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 the mind, he lived, not as a philosopher ought to have 
 lived, but as a nobleman had been accustomed to live. It 
 is related that the Prince, coming to London, sawr at a 
 distance a coach followed by a considerable number of 
 people on horseback, and, upon inquiry, was told it was 
 the Lord St. Albans attended by his friends ; on which his 
 highness said with a smile, " Well, do what we can, this 
 man scorns to go out like a snuff." (a) 
 
 Unmindful that the want of prudence can never be sup- 
 plied, he was exposed, in the decline of life, not only to 
 frequent vexation, and his thoughts to continual interrup- 
 tion, but was frequently compelled to stoop to degrading 
 solicitations, (b) and was obliged to incumber Gorhambury 
 and sell York House, dear to him from so many associa- 
 tions, the seat of his ancestors, the scene of his former 
 splendour. These worldly troubles seem, however, not to 
 have affected his cheerfulness, and never to have diverted 
 him from the great object of his life, the acquisition and 
 advancement of knowledge. When an application was made 
 to him to sell one of the beautiful woods of Gorhambury, he 
 answered, " No, I will not be stripped of my feathers." (c) 
 Release of In September the King signed a warrant for the release 
 of the parliamentary fine, and to prevent the immediate 
 
 for as the baggage is to an army, so is riches to virtue : it cannot be spared 
 nor left behind, but it hindereth the march ; yea, and the care of it some- 
 times loseth or distiirbeth the victory." 
 
 (ffi) Aul. Coq. Qy. 
 
 (b) To Sir Robert Pye. 
 
 Good Sir Robert Pye, — Let me intreat you to despatch that wanant of 
 a petty sum, that it may help to bear my charge of coming up to London. 
 The duke, you knovy, loveth me, and my Lord Treasurer standeth now 
 towards me in very good affection and respect. You, that are the third 
 person in these businesses, I assure myself, will not be wanting ; for you 
 have professed and showed, ever since I lost the seal, your good will 
 towards me. I rest your affectionate and assured friend^ &c. 
 
 (c) Aubrey. 
 
 fine. 
 
RELEASE OF FINE. CCCXCl 
 
 importunities of his creditors, assigned it to Mr. Justice 
 Hutton, Mr. Justice Chamberlain, 3ir Francis Barnham, 
 and Sir Thomas Crew, whom Bacon in his will directed to 
 apply the funds, for the payment and satisfaction of his 
 debts and legacies, having a charitable care that the 
 poorest creditors or legatees should be first satisfied, (a) 
 
 This intended kindness of the King the Lord Keeper 
 Williams misunderstood and endeavoured to impede by 
 staying the pardon at the seal, (6) until he was commanded 
 
 (a) The following is the extract from the will : " Whereas of late my 
 fine, and the whole benefit thereof, was by his majesty's letters patent 
 conveyed to Mr. Justice Hutton, Mr. Justice Chamberlain, Sir Francis 
 Barneham and Sir Thomas Crewe, knight, persons by me named in trust ; 
 I do devise by this my will, and declare, that the trust by me reposed, as 
 well touching the said lands as upon the said letters patents, is, that all and 
 every the said persons so trusted, shall perform all acts and assurances that 
 by my executors, or the survivor or survivors of them shall be thought fit 
 and required, for the payment and satisfaction of my debts and legacies, 
 and performance of my will, having a charitable care that the poorest either 
 of my creditors or legataries be first satisfied." 
 
 (b) Dr. Williams, Bishop of Lincoln elect, and Lord Keeper of the 
 
 Great Seal, to the Viscount St. Alban. 
 
 My very good Lord, — Having perused a privy seal, containing a pardon 
 for your lordship, and thought seriously thereupon, I find that the passing 
 of the same (the assembly in parliament so near approaching) cannot but 
 be much prejudicial to the service of the King, to the honour of my lord of 
 Buckingham, to that commiseration, which othenvise would be had of 
 your lordship's present estate, and especially to my judgment and fidelity. 
 I have ever affectionately loved your lordship's many and most excelling 
 good parts and endowments ; nor had ever cause to disaffect your lordship's 
 person. So as no respect in the world, beside the former considerations, 
 could have drawn me to add the least affliction or discontentment unto 
 your lordship's present fortune. May it therefore please your lordship to 
 suspend the passing of this pardon until the next assembly be over and 
 dissolved, and I will be then as ready to seal it as your lordship to accept 
 of it ; and, in the mean time, undertake that the King and my Lord Admiral 
 shall interpret this short delay as a service and respect issuing wholly fi:om 
 your lordship, and rest, in all other offices whatsoever. 
 
 Your Lordship's faithfiil servant, Jo. Lincoln, elect. Custos Sigilli. 
 
 Westminster College, Oct. 18, 1621. 
 
CCCXCll LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 by Buckingham to obey the King's order. In October 
 the pardon was sealed, (a) 
 
 The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 
 
 My most noble Lord, — I humbly thank your Lordship for your most 
 sweet and loving letter, Sic. I humbly beseech your lordship to meddle 
 •with no pardon for the Lord of St. Albans, until I shall have the happiness 
 to confer with your lordship; the pardoning of his fine is much spoken 
 against, not for the matter (for no man objects to that) but for the manner, 
 which is full of knavery, and a wicked precedent. For by this assignation 
 of his fine, he is protected from all his creditors, which, I dare say, was 
 neither his majesty's nor your lordship's meaning. Let all our greatness 
 depend, as it ought, upon yours, the true original. Let the King be 
 Pharaoh, yourself Joseph, and let us come after you as your half brethren. 
 God bless you. Sec. 
 
 To the Lord Keeper. 
 
 My very good Lord, — I know the reasons must appear to your lordship 
 many and weighty which should move you to stop the King's grace, or to 
 dissuade itj and somewhat the more in respect of my person being, I hope, 
 no unfit subject for noble dealing. I send Mr. Meautys to your lordship, 
 that I might reap so much your fruit of your lordship's professed good 
 affection, as to know in some more particular fashion what it is that your 
 lordship doubteth or disliketh, that I may the better endeavour your satis- 
 faction or acquiescence, if there be cause. So I rest, 
 
 Oct. 18, 1621. Your Lordship's to do you service, Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 My very good Lord, — ^An unexpected accident maketh me hasten this 
 letter to your lordship, before I could dispatch Mr. Meautys ; it is that my 
 Lord Keeper hath staid my pardon at the seal. I ever rest your Lordship's 
 most obliged friend and faithfiil servant, Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 Oct. 18, 1621. 
 
 (a) The Lord Keeper to the Duke, concerning the Lord of St. Alban. 
 
 My most noble Lord, — I have received your lordship's expression con- 
 cerning the pause I made upon the patent for my Lord of St. Alban's 
 pardon. The latter I have not yet sealed, but do represent, in all lowliness 
 and humility, these few considerations by your lordship to his sacred 
 majesty, wherein let your lordship make no question but I have advised 
 with the best lavryers in the kingdom ; and after this representation I will 
 perform whatsoever your lordship shall direct. 
 
 1 . His majesty and your lordship do conceive that my Lord of St. Alban's 
 pardon and grant of his fine came both together to my hands, and so your 
 lordship directs me to pass ike one and the other. But his lordship was 
 
WILLIAMS S OPPOSITION. CCCXCIU 
 
 He had scarcely retired to Gorhambury, in the summer Henty 7. 
 of 1621, when he commenced his history of Henry the 
 Seventh. 
 
 too cunning for me. He passed his fine (whereby he hath deceived his 
 creditois) ten days before he presented his pardon to the seal. So as now, 
 in his pardon, I find his parliament fine excepted, -which he hath- before the 
 sealing of the same obtained and procured. And whether the house of 
 parliament will not hold themselves mocked and derided with such an 
 exception, I leave to your lordship's wisdom. These two grants are oppo- 
 site and contradictory, in this point, the one to the other. 
 
 After 2 and 3, he thus proceeds : 
 
 4. I will not meddle or touch upon those mistakings which may fall 
 between the parliament and his majesty, or the misinterpretation that 
 enemies may make hereof to your lordship's prejudice, because I see, in his 
 majesty's great wisdom, these are not regarded. Only I could have wished 
 the pardon had been referred to the council-board, and so passed. I have 
 now discharged myself of those poor scruples, which, in respect only to his 
 majesty's service and your lordship's honour, have wrought this short stay 
 of my Lord of St. Alban's pardon. Whatsoever your lordship shall now 
 direct, I will most readily (craving pardon for this not undutifiil boldness) 
 put in execution. Because some speech may fall of this day's speech, 
 which I had occasion to make in the Common Fleas, where a bishop was 
 never seen sitting there thgse seventy years, I have presumed to inclose. a 
 copy thereof because it was a very short one. 
 
 Your lordship shall not need to take that great pains, which your lord- 
 ship, to my inexpressible comfort, hath so often done in writing. What 
 command soever your lordship shall impose upon me, as touching this 
 pardon, your lordship's expression to Mr. Packer, or the bearer shall deliver 
 it sufficiently. God from heaven continue the showering and heaping of 
 his blessings upon your lordship, 8a:. — Oct, 27, 1621. 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — I have delivered your lordship's letter of thanks 
 to his majesty, who accepted it very graciously, and will be glad to see 
 your book, which you promised to send very shortly, as soon as it cometh. 
 I send your lordship his majesty's warrant for your pardon, as you desired 
 it ; but am sorry that, in the current of my service to your lordship, there 
 should be the least stop of any thing. Your lordship's feithfiil servant, 
 
 October, 1621. G. Buckingham. 
 
 Grant of pardon to the Viscount St. Alban, under the privy seal. 
 
 A special pardon granted unto Francis, Viscount St. Alban, for all 
 felonies done and committed against the common laws and statutes of this 
 
CCCXCIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 During the progress of the work considerable expectation 
 of his history was excited : (a) in the composition of which 
 he seems to have laboured with much anxiety, and to 
 have submitted his manuscript to the correction of various 
 classes of society ; to the King, (6) to scholars, and to the 
 
 realm ; and for all offences of praemunire ; and for all misprisiong, riots, &c. 
 with a restitution of all his lands and goods forfeited by reason of any the 
 premises; except out of the same pardon all treasons, murders, rapes, 
 incest; and except also all fines, imprisonments, penalties, and forfeitures 
 adjudged against the said Viscount St. Alban by a sentence lately made in 
 the parliament. Teste Rege apud Westm. 17 die Octob. anno Regni 
 suo 19. Per lettre de private sigillo. 
 
 (a) Dr. Rawley, in his life of Bacon, says, " His ferae is greater, and 
 sounds louder in fdreigti parts abroad than at home, in his own nation; 
 thereby verifying that divine sentence, a prophet is not vyithout honour, 
 save in his own country and in his own house. Concerning which I will 
 give you a taste only, out of a letter written from Italy (the storehouse of 
 divine wits), to the late Earl of Devonshire, then the Lord Cavendish. 
 I will expect the new Essays of my Lord Chancellor Bacon, as also his 
 history, vrith a great deal of desire; and whatsoever else, he shall compose. 
 But in particular, of his history, I promise myself, a thing perfect, and 
 singular; especially in Henry the Seventh, where he may exercise the 
 talent of his divine understanding." 
 
 (b) It appears by a letter from his faithful friend. Sir Thomas Meautys, 
 that the King did correct the manuscript. The letter is dated January 7, 
 1621-2, and directed, to the Lord Viscount St. Alban. It contains the 
 following passage : " Mr. Murray tells me, the King hath given your book 
 to my Lord Brooke, and enjoined him to read it, recommending it much 
 to him, and then my Lord Brooke is to return it to your lordship ; and so 
 it may go to the press when your lordship pleases, vrith such amendments 
 as the King hath made, which I have seen and are very few, and those 
 rather words, as epidemic, and mild instead of debonnaire, &c. Only that 
 of persons attainted, enabled to serve in parliament by a bare reversal of 
 their attainder, the King by all means will have left out. I met with my 
 Lord Brooke, and told him that Mr. Murray had directed me to wait upon 
 him for the book when he had done with it. He desired to be spared this 
 week, as being to him a week of much business, and the next week I 
 should have it; and he ended in a complittient, that care should be taken, 
 by all means, for good ink and paper to print it in, for that the book 
 deserveth it. I beg leave to kiss your lordship's hands." 
 
' HENRY THE SEVENTH. CCCXCV 
 
 uninformed. Upon his desiring Sir John Danvers to give 
 his opinion of the work, Sir John said, " Your lordship 
 knows that I am no scholar. Tis no matter, said my 
 lord, I know what a scholar can say ; I would know what 
 you can say. Sir John read it, and gave his opinion what 
 he misliked, which my lord acknowledged to be true, and 
 mended it. Why, said he, a scholar would never have told 
 me this ;"(«) hut, notwithstanding this labour and anxiety, 
 the public expectation was not realized. 
 
 If, however, in the history of Henry the Seventh, it is 
 vain to look for the vigour or beauty with which the 
 Advancement of Learning abounds : if the intricacies of a 
 court are neither discovered nor illustrated with the same 
 happiness as the intricacies of philosophy : if in a work 
 written when the author was more than sixty years of age, 
 and if, aft^r the vexations and labours of a professional 
 and political life, the varieties and sprightliness of youthful, 
 imagination are not to be found, yet the peculiar properties 
 of his mind may easily be traced, and the stateliness of the 
 edifice be seen in the magnificence of the ruins. 
 
 His vigilance in recording every fact tending to alleviate Facts, 
 misery, or to promote happiness, is noticed by Bishop 
 Sprat, in his history of the Royal Society, where he says, 
 " I shall instance in the sweating sickness. The medicine 
 for it was almost infallible : but, before that could be 
 generally published, it had almost dispeopled whole towns. 
 If the same disease should have returned, it might have 
 been again as destructive, had not the Lord Bacon taken 
 care to set down the particular course of physic for it in 
 his history of Henry the Seventh, and so put it beyond 
 the possibility of any private man's invading it." (i) 
 
 («) Aubrey.' 
 
 (b) Whether it is not the same, or of the same nature, as the cholera 
 which has lately appeared and now exists in England, — See vol.iii. p. 113. 
 
CCCXCVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Greatness One of his maxims of government for the enlargement 
 of states, of the bounds of the empire is to be found in his comment 
 upon the ordinance, stated in the treatise " De Augmentis," 
 "Let states and kingdoms that aim at greatness by all means 
 take heed how the nobility, and grandees, and those which 
 we call gentlemen, multiply too fast; for that makes the 
 common subject grow to be a peasant and base swain 
 driven out of heart, and in effect nothing else but the 
 nobleman's bond-slaves and labourers. Even as you may 
 see in coppice-wood, if you leave your studdles too thick, 
 you shall never have clean underwood, but shrubs and 
 bushes : so in a country, if the nobility be too many, the 
 commons will be base and heartless, and you will bring it 
 to that, that not the hundredth poll will be fit for an 
 helmet, especially as to the infantry, which is the nerve of 
 an army ; and so there will be great population, and little 
 strength," 
 Familiar His love of familiar illustration is to be found in various 
 illustra- parts of the history: as when speaking of the commotion 
 by the Cornish men, on behalf of the impostor Perkin 
 Warbeck, " The King judged it his best and surest way 
 to, keep his strength together in the seat and centre of 
 his kingdom ; according to the ancient Indian emblem, in 
 such a swelling season, to hold the hand upon the middle 
 of the bladder, that no side might rise." 
 His piety. And his kind nature and holy feeling appear in his ac- 
 count of the conquest of Granada. " Somewhat about this 
 time came letters from Ferdinando and Isabella, King a;id 
 Queen of Spain, signifying the final conquest of Granada 
 from the Moors j but the king would not by any means 
 ill person enter the city until he had first aloof seen the 
 cross set up upon the great tower of Granada, whereby 
 it became christian ground; and, before he would enter, 
 he did homage to God above, pronouncing by an herald 
 
HENRY THE SEVENTH. CCCXCVll 
 
 from the height of that tower, that he did acknowledge to 
 have recovered that kingdom by the help of the Almighty j 
 nor would he stir from his camp till he had seen a little 
 army of martyrs, to the number of seven hundred and 
 more Christians, that had lived in bonds and servitude, 
 as slaves to the Moors, pass before his eyes, singing a 
 psalm for their redemption." 
 
 The worki was published in folio, in 1622 : (a) and is de- Presenta- 
 dicated to Prince Charles. Copies were presented to the *'°'"^°P'^^ 
 Kingi (&). to Buckingham, (c) to the Queen of Bohemia, (rf) 
 
 -(o) The IIistoi!£ of the Raigne of King Henry the Seventh, written by 
 the Right Honourable Francis Lord Veculam, Viscount St. Alban. London, 
 printed by W. Stransby, for Matthew Lpwnes and William Barret, 1622. 
 
 (i) See letter to the King from Gorhambury, dated -aoth March, 1621-2, 
 vbt. Hi. p. xiii. prefl In this letter there is the following passage : " These 
 your majesty's great benefits, in casting your bread upott the waters, as the 
 scripture saith, because my thanks cannot any ways be sufficient to attain, 
 I have raised your progenitor, of famous memory (and now, I hope, of 
 more lamous memory than before). King Henry VII. to give your majesty 
 thanks for me; which worlci most humbly kissing your majesty's hands, I 
 I do present" 
 
 (c) Letter of March 20, 1621-2. vol. iii. p. xiii. preface. 
 *(d) It may please your Majesty, — I find in books, and books I dare 
 allege to your majesty, in regard of your singular ability to read and jiidge 
 of ^em even above your sex, that it is accounted a great bliss for a man to 
 have leisure vrith honour. That was never my fortune, nor is. For time 
 was, I had honour without leisure; and now I have leisure without honour. 
 And I cannot say so neither altogether, considering there remain with me 
 the maAs and stamp of the King, your fether's, grace, though I go noit,for 
 so much in value as I have done. But my desire is now to have leisure 
 vrithout loitering, and not to become an abbey-lubber, as the old proverb 
 was, but to '3deld some fruit of my private life. Having therefore vmtten 
 the reigii,of your majesty's famous ancestor, King Henry the Seventh, and 
 it having passfid the file of his majesty's judgment, and been graciously 
 also accepted of the prince your brother, to whom it is dedicated, f could 
 not forget my duty so fiir to your excellent majesty, to whom, for that I 
 know and have heard, I have been at all times so much bound, as you are 
 ever present vrith me, both, in affection an(i admiration, as not to. mak^.unto 
 
CCCXCVUl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 and to the Lord Keeper, (a) 
 
 It had scarcely been pubhshed when he felt and ex- 
 pressed anxiety that it should be translated into Latin, 
 " as these modern languages will, at one time or other, 
 play the bankrupts, with books; and, since I have lost 
 much time with this age, I would be glad, as God shall 
 give me leave, to recover it with posterity :" (6) a wish 
 which was more than gratified, as it was published, not dnly 
 in various editions, in England^ but was soon translated 
 into French and into Latin, (c) 
 
 you, in all humbleness, a present thereof, as now being not able to give 
 you tribute of any service. If King Henry the Seventh were alive again, I 
 hope verily he could not be so angry with me for not flattering him, as well 
 pleased in seeing himself so truly described in colours that will last and be 
 believed. I most humbly pray your majesty graciously to accept of my 
 good will; and so, with all reverence, kiss your hands, praying to God 
 above, by his divine and most benign providence, to conduct yquy ai&irs to 
 happy issue ; and resting your majesty's most humble and devoted servant, 
 April 20, 1622. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 (ffl) To the Lord Viscount St. Alban. 
 My very good Lord, — I heartily thank your lordship for your book, and 
 all other symbols of your love and affection; which 1 will endeavour, upon 
 all opportunities, to deserve ; and, in the mean time, do rest your lordship's 
 assure4 faithful poor friend and servant, Jo. Lincoln, C.S. 
 
 Westminster College, this 7th of Februaiy, 1622. 
 To the Right Honourable his very good Lord, 
 the Lord Viscount St. Alban. 
 
 (6) Letter to Toby Matthew. 
 
 (c) In 1627 it was published in French, 8vo. Paris, par Holman, of 
 which there is a copy in the British Museum. In 1629 there was a new 
 edition in English. In 1638 an edition in Latin was published by Dr. 
 Rawley, completed, as it seems, during the life of Bacon — See Rawley's 
 life. And the press has since abounded with editions, iii 16411, inT647, 
 and in 1662; and in the British Museum there is a MS. (Sloane's collec- 
 tion, 84,) entitled. Notes taken out of his history -of the reigii of Henry 'the 
 Seventh; and another MS. Harleian, vol. 2, of Catalofiie<300j entitled. 
 Notes of Henry the Seventh's reign, set down in MS.tiy the Lord Chan- 
 cellor Bacon. 
 
1623. 
 Mt. 63. 
 Eton. 
 
 ETON COLLEGE. GCCXCIX 
 
 Such was the nature of his literary occupations in the 
 first year after his retirement, during which he corrBsponded 
 with different learned foreigners upon his works j (a) and 
 great zeal having been shewn for his majesty's seridcei he 
 composed a treatise entitled, " An Advertisement touching 
 a Holy War," which he inscribed to the Bishop of Win- 
 chester, (i) 
 
 In the beginning of this year a vacancy occurred in the a. D 
 Provostship of Eton College, where, in earlier years, he 
 had passed some days with Sir Henry Savile, pleasant to 
 himself arid profitable to society, (c) His love of know- 
 ledge again manifested itself. 
 
 Having, in the spirit of his father, unfortunately en- 
 gaged, in his youth, in active life, he now, in the spirit of 
 his grandfather, the learned and contemplative Sir Anthony 
 Cooke, who took more pleasure to breed up statesmen than 
 to be one, offered himself to succeed the provost : as a fit 
 occupation for him in the spent hour-glass of his life, and 
 a retreat near London to a place of study. (J) 
 
 The objection which would, of course, be made from 
 what we, in our importance, look down upon as beneath 
 his dignity, he had many years before anticipated in the 
 Advancement of Learning, when investigating the objec- 
 tions to learning frOm the errors of learned men, from^ 
 their fortunes ; their manners ; and the meanness of their 
 employments : upon which he says, " As for meanness of 
 employment, that which is most traduced to contempt, 
 is, that the government of youth is commonly allotted 
 to them; whicli age, because it is the age of least au- 
 
 (o) See his letter to Father Baranzan, vol. xiii. p. 68. 
 (fr) See vol. vii. p. 112. 
 (c) Ante p., ex. 
 ,,(rf) See letter to Conway, vol. xii. p. 440, and.yol.xii. p. 442, and to 
 the King, vol. xii. p. 440. 
 
CCCC LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 thority, it is transferred to the disesteeming of those 
 employments wherein, youth is conversant, and which are 
 conversant about youth. But how unjust this traduce- 
 ment is, if you will reduce things from popularity of 
 opinion to measure of reason, may appear in that, we see 
 men are more curious what they put into a new vessel, than 
 ipto a vessel seasoned; and what mould they lay about 
 a young plant, than about a plant corroborate; so as the 
 weakest terms and times of all things used to have the best 
 applications and helps ; and, therefore, the ancient wisdom 
 of the best times did always make a just complaint, that 
 states were too busy with their laws, and too negligent in 
 point of education : which excellent part of ancient disci- 
 pline hath been in some sort revived of late times, by the 
 colleges of the Jesuits; of whom, although in regard of their 
 superstition I may say, quo meliores, eo deteriores ; yet in 
 regard of this, and some other points concerning human 
 learning and moral matters, I may say, as Agesilaus said 
 to his enemy Pharnabasus, Talis quum sis, utinam noster 
 esses." {a) 
 
 His application was not successful ; the King answered 
 that it had been designed for Sir William Beecher, but 
 that there was some hope that, by satisfying him elsewhere, 
 his majesty might be able to comply with the request 
 Sir William was satisfied by the promise of £2500, but 
 the provostship was given to Sir Henry Wotton,(6) "who 
 had for many years, like Sisiphus, rolled the restless stone 
 of a state employment ; knowing experimentally that the 
 great blessing of sweet content was not to be found in 
 multitudes of men or business : and, that a college was 
 the fittest place to nourish holy thoughts, and to afford 
 
 (ffl) Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. p. 26. 
 (b) Wotton's Remains. 
 
ETON. CCCCl 
 
 rest both to his body and mind, which he much required 
 from his age, being now almost threescore years, and from 
 his urgent pecuniary wants; for he had always been as 
 careless of money, as though our Saviour's words, ' Care 
 not for to-morrow,' were to be literally understood." He, 
 therefore, upon condition of releasing a grant, which he 
 possessed, of the mastership of the Rolls, was appointed 
 provost, (a) 
 
 At this disappointment Bacon could not be much aflfected. 
 One day, as he was dictating to Dr. Rawley some of the 
 experiments in his Sylva, he had sent a friend to court, 
 to receive for him a final answer, touchins: the effect of a 
 grant whidh had been made him by King James. He had 
 hitherto only hope of it, and hope deferred ; and he was 
 desirous to know the event of the matter, and to be freed, 
 one way or other, from the suspense of his thoughts. His 
 friend returning, told him plainly that he must thenceforth 
 
 (a) The following is ftom the Life of Wotton, " To London he came the 
 year before King James died ; who having for the reward of his foreign 
 service promised him the reversion of an office which was fit to be turned 
 into present money, which he wanted for a supply of his present necessities, 
 and also granted him the reversion of the Master of the Rolls place, if he 
 outlived charitable Sir Julius Caisar, who then possessed it: and then, 
 grown so old, that he was said to bekept alive beyond nature's course, by the 
 prayers of those many poor which he daily relieved. But these were but 
 in hope ; and his condition required a present support : for in the beginning 
 of these employments he sold to his elder brother, the Lord Wotton, the 
 rent-charge left by his good father, and, which is worse, was now at his 
 return indebted to several persons, whom he was not able to satisfy, but by 
 the. King!? payment of his arrears due for his foreign employments, he had 
 brought into England many servants, of which some were German and 
 Italian artists. This was part of his condition who had many times hardly 
 sufficient to supply the occasions of the day : (for it may by no means be 
 said ofh^grpvidence, as himself said of Sir Philip Sidney's wit, that it was 
 the very measure of congruity) he being always so careless of money, as 
 though our Saviour's words, ' Care not for to-morrow,' were to be literally 
 understood." 
 
 VOL. XV. dd 
 
mentis. 
 
 CCCCH LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 despair of that grant, how much soever his fortunes needed 
 it. " Be it so," said his lordship; and then he dismissed 
 his friend very cheerfully, with thankful acknowledgements 
 of his service. His friend being gone, he came straightway 
 to Dr, Rawley, and said thus to him, " Well, Sir, yon 
 business won't go on, let us go on with this, for this is 
 in our power :" and then he dictated to him afresh, for 
 some hours, without the least hesitancie of speech, or dis- 
 cernible interruption of thought, (a) 
 
 He proceeded with his literary labours, and, during this 
 year, published in Latin his celebrated treatise " De Aug- 
 ments Scientiarum"(6) and his important " Historia Vitae 
 et Mortis." (c) 
 DeAug- Between the year 1605, when the Advancement was 
 published, (d) and the year 1623, he made great progress in 
 the completion of the work, which, having divided into nine 
 books, and subdivided each book into chapters, he caused 
 to be translated into Latin by Mr. Herbert, and some 
 other friends, and published in La:tin in 1623, (e) in a 
 
 («) Baconiana. (i) See vols. viii. and ix. 
 
 (c) See vol. X. for Latin, and vol. xiv. for English. 
 
 (d) See vol. ii. 
 
 (e) In the year 1622 Lord Bacon wrote an Advertisement touching an 
 Holy War, to the Bishop of Winchester (see vol. vii. p. 112), in which he 
 thus mentions the treatise " De Augmentis :" " That.my book of Advance- 
 ment of Learning may be some preparative or key for the better opening of 
 the Instauration, because it exhibits a mixture of new conceits and old; 
 whereas the Instauration gives the new unmixed, otherwise than' with some 
 little aspersion of the old for taste's sake; I have thought good to procure 
 a translation of that book into the general language, not without ^eat and 
 ample additions and enrichment thereof, especially in the secoiid ' btjok, 
 which handleth the partition of sciences; in such sort, as I hold it may 
 serve in lieu of the first part of the Instaiuratlon, and acquit' my promise in 
 that part." 
 
 In his letter to Fulgentio (vol. xii. p. cciii.), he says, " I judged it most 
 
DE AUGWENTIS. CCCCIU 
 
 volume entitled De Dignitate et Augmentis Scientiarum. 
 
 convenient to have them translated in the Latin tongue, and to divide 
 them into certain tomes. The first tome consisteth Of the books of the 
 Advancement of Learning, vehich (as you understand) are already finished, 
 and published, and contain the Partition of Sciences, which is the first part 
 of my Instauration.'' 
 
 In the Baconiana, Tenison says, " The Great Instauration vf as to con- 
 sist of six parts. The first part proposed was, the Partitions of the Sciences; 
 and this the author perfected in that golden treatise of the Advancement of 
 Learning, addressed to King James. Afterwards he enlargeth the sepond 
 of those two discourses, which contained especially the abovesaid partition, 
 and divided the matter of it into eight books. And knowing thalt this work 
 was desired beyond the seas, and being also aware that books written in a 
 modern language, which reoeiveth much change in a few years, were out of 
 use, he caused that part of it which he had written in English to be trans- 
 lated into the Latin tongue by Mr. Herbert and some others, who were 
 esteemed masters in the Roman eloquence." 
 
 In his letter to the King, upon sending his presentation copy, which is 
 in the British Museum, he says, " It may please your most excellent 
 Majesty, — I send, in all humbleness, to your majesty the poor fruits of ray 
 leisure. This book was the first thing that ever I presented to your 
 majesty, and it may be will be the last. For I had thought it should have 
 posthnma proles, but God hath otherwise disposed for a while. It is a 
 translation, but almost enlarged to a new work. I had good helps for the 
 language. I Ijave been also mine own index expurgatorius, that it may be 
 read in all places. For since my end of putting it into Latin was to have 
 it read every where, it had been an absurd contradiction to free it in the 
 language, and to pen it up in the matter. Your majesty will vouchsafe 
 graciously to receive these poor sacrifices of hini that shall ever desire to do 
 you honour while he breathes, and fulfiUeth the rest in prayers.- Your 
 Majesty's true beadsman and most humble servant," &c. 
 
 And in his presentation letter to the Prince, he says, " It may please 
 your excellent Highness. — I send your highness, in all humbleness, my 
 book of Advancement of Learning, translated into Latin, but so enlarged, 
 as it may go for a new work. It is a book, I think, will live and be a 
 citizen of the world, as EngUsh books are not." 
 
 And in his presentation copy to the Duke of Buckingham, he says,— 
 " Excellent Lord, I send your grace for a.parabien a book of mine, vreitten 
 fir§t and dedicated, to his majesty in English, and now translated into 
 Latin, and enriched." 
 
 The following address will, perhaps, best explain the work : 
 
CCCCIV LIFE OF BACOJV. 
 
 This treatise De Augmentis i& an improvement by 
 expunging, (d) enlarging, (e) and arra!nging, (y) of the 
 Advancement of Learning. 
 
 GulielmusRawley Sacraa Theologiae Prolessor, Illustrissimi Domini 
 D. Francisci Baronis de Verulamio, Vice Comitis Sancti Albani, 
 Sacellanus. 
 ' Lectoris. Cum Domino meo placuerit, eo me dignari hpnore, ut in 
 edendis operibus suis, opera mea usus sit : non abs re fore existimavi, si 
 lectorem de aliquibus, quae ad hunc prsesentem tomum pertinent, breviter 
 moneam. Tractatum istum, de Dignitate et Augmentis Scientiarum, antfe 
 annos octodecim, edidit dominatio sua, lingua patria, in duos tantummodo 
 libros distoibutum; et regise sua majestati dicavit, quod et nunc facil. 
 Non ita pridem animum adjecit, ut in Latinam linguam verteietur. Inau*- 
 dierat siquidem illud apud exteros expeti. Quinetiam solebat subinde 
 dicere libros modemis Unguis conscriptos, non ila muUo post decocturos. 
 Ejus igitur translationem, ab insignioribus quibusdam eloquentia viris 
 elaboratam, propria quoque recensione castigatam, jam emittit. Ac liber 
 primus certe, quasi mera translatio est, in paucis admodum mutatus : at 
 leliqui octo, qui Partitiones Scientiarum tradunt, atque unico ante libro 
 continebantur, ut novum opus, et nunc primum editum, prodit. Caussa 
 autera praecipua, quae dominationem suam movit, ut opus hoc retractaret, 
 et in plurimis amplificaret, ea fuit; quod in Instauratione Magna (quam 
 diu postea edidit) Partitiones Scientiarum, pro prima Instaurationis parte 
 constituit: quam sequeretur Novum Organumj dein Historia Naturalis; 
 et sic deinceps. Cum igitur reperiret partem eam de Partitionibus Scien- 
 tiarum jam pridem elaboratam (licet minus solide quam argument! dignitas 
 postularet), optimum fore putavit, si retractaretur, et redigeretur in opus 
 justum et completum. Atque hoc pacto, fidem suam liberari Jntelligit, de 
 prima parte Instaurationis prsestitam. Quantum ad opus ipsum, non est 
 tenuitatis meae, de eo aliquid praifari. Praeconium ei, quod optime con- 
 veniat, existimo fulurum illud, quod Demosthenes interdum dicere solebat 
 de rebus gestis Atheniensium veterum ; laudatorem iis dignum esse solum- 
 ihodo tempus. Deum Opt : Max : obnixe precor, ut pro dignitate operis 
 fructus uberes, diuturnique, et auctori, et lectori, contingant. 
 
 (d) The Advancement of Learning contains the beautiful passage in 
 praise of Elizabeth, which is in the end of the first part of this work. See 
 page xcv. This and another passage in praise of Elizabeth is omitted. 
 See note 4 H at the end of this work. 
 
 (e) Various parts are enlarged : see, for instance, the analysis of Natural 
 History, and Justitia Universalis. 
 
 (/) The Advancement is divided into two books, without any sub- 
 
DE AUGMENTIS. CCCCV 
 
 In the first part there are scarcely any alterations, except 
 the omission of his beautiful praise of EHzabeth, not, per- 
 haps, very acceptable to her successor (a) The material 
 alterations are in the analysis of Natural History and 
 Natural Philosophy ; in his expansion of a small portion 
 of the science, of " Justitia Universalis ;" in that part of 
 human philosophy under the head of Government, which 
 relates to man as a member of society; and in his arrange- 
 ment of the important subject of revealed religion. (5) 
 
 In the annexed outline of the work the parts marked 
 in italics will exhibit the material alterations : 
 
 division into Chapters : the De Augmentis is divided into nine books, and 
 ieach book is Subdivided into Chapters. 
 
 (a) See note (d), preceding page. 
 
 (6) The treatise " De Augmentis," bang more extensive, abounds with 
 passages that are not contained in " The Advancement." I will take one 
 specimen from each subject into which the work is divided, viz. &om 
 History, relating to the Memory; Poetry, relating to the Imagination; and 
 Philosophy,, relating to the Understanding. 
 
 In the treatise De Avjgmentis, Natural History is divided— 
 
 Of Nature in course. 
 '1. As to the subject. -{2. Of Nature erring. 
 3. Of Arts. 
 
 0^ 
 
 US. 
 
 .2. As to the use. j' 
 
 Narrative. 
 Inductive. 
 
 But the division, as to the use, &c. is not contained in the Advancejnent,; 
 
 Und^r Poetry, the feble of Pan, of Perseus, &c. which are not in the 
 Advancement will be found in the treatise De Augmentis. Under P^ilq- 
 sophy, speaking on the advancement of universal justice, or the laws of 
 lajvs, hie says, " I propose, if pqd give me leave, having begun ^ wofk pf 
 this ;i;iature jnap^pjisms, to propound it, hereafter, noting it in the mean 
 time for deficient." In the treatise De Aygmenti^ considerable progress 
 , is ma^e in this , proj ected ^y^Ofikt iu forty-seven distinpt Egxipin?, 
 
 In Archbishop Tenison's Baconiana, the progress; of this work, and, the 
 difference l^etyyeen the De Augmentis and the Advancement is explained. 
 
> ;rj -s .y a 
 
 >» >, Si. 
 
 M m ph „■ 5j 
 
 f-^ (N CO 
 
 O 
 
 bJO 
 
 f- 
 
 -a 
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 e' ^ 
 
 = s 
 
 »-* (N f-t 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 13 
 o <u 
 
DE AUGMENTIS. CCCCVll 
 
 Of this extraordinary work various editions and transla- 
 tions have been since published, (i) 
 
 {b) Different editions of the treatise De Augmentis. 
 
 1. The first edition is thus described by Tenison: " The fairest and 
 most conect edition of this book in Latin is that in folio, printed at 
 London, 1623; and whoever would understand the Lord Bacon's cypher, 
 let him consult that accurate edition : for, in some other editions which I 
 have perused, the form of the letters of the alphabet, in which much of the 
 mystery consisteth, is not observed, but the roman and italic shapes of them 
 are confounded." The following is a copy of the title page : " Francisci 
 Baconi Baronis de Vervlamio, Vice-Comitis Sancti Albani, de Dignitate 
 et Augmentis Scientiarum. Libri ix. Ad Regem swm. Londini, in 
 Officina Joannis Haviland, mdcxxiii." There is a copy at Cambridge 
 and in the British Museum, and I have a copy. 
 
 2. The work had scarcely appeared in England, when an edition was 
 published in France: it appeared in 1624. The following is a copy of 
 the title page : " Francisci Baronis de Vervlamio Vicecomitis Sancti Albani, 
 de Dignitate et Augmentis Scienciarum. Libri ix. Ad Regem swm. 
 luxta exemplar Londini impressum. Parisiis, typis Petri Metayer, typo- 
 graphi Regij. m.dc.xxiv." I have a copy. 
 
 3. In 1638 an edition vras published by Dr. Rawley, in a folio entitled, 
 " Francisci Baconi Baronis de Vervlamio Vice-Comitis Sancti Albani 
 tractatus de Dignitate et Augmentis Scientiarum qui est Instaurationis 
 magne pars prima. Ad regem swm. Londini, typis loh. Haviland. 
 Prostant ad insignia Regia in Caemeterio D. Pauli, apud locosam Norton 
 et Richardum Whitakeram. 1638." 
 
 4. In the year 1645 an edition in 12mo. was published in Holland. 
 The following is the title page : " Francisci Baconis de Verulamio, Vice- 
 Comitis Sancti Albani, de Dignitate et Augmentis Scientiarum. Libfi ix. 
 Ad R«gem suum. Editio nova, cum Indice rerum et verbomm locu- 
 pletissimo. Lugd. Batav. apud Franciscum Moyardum et Adrianum 
 Wijngaerde. Anno 1645." — ^The title page of this Dutch edition is adorned 
 with an engraving, not undeserving the attentioh of our students in England : 
 it is of a youth aspiring to the attainment of knowledge. 
 
 5. In 1652 another edition in 12mo. was published in Holland, the 
 engraving prefixed to the edition of 1645 is also prefixed to this edition ; 
 but the descriptive title is omitted, and the address to the reader is at the 
 back of the engraving. The following is the title page : " Fr. Baconis de 
 Vervlam Angliae Cancellarii de Avgmentis Scientiarvm. Lib. ix. Lvgd. 
 Batavorvm, ex ofBcina Adriani Wijngagrden. Anno 1652." 
 
 6. In 1662 another edition was published in 12mo. in Holland. The 
 
CCCCviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Copies were presented to the King, to whom it was 
 
 following is a copy of the title page : " Fr. Baconis de Vervlam Angliae 
 Cancellarii de Avgmentis Scientiarum. Lib. ix. Amstelaedami, sumptibus 
 Joannnis Ravesteinij. 1662." At the back of which, as in the edition of 
 1652, there is the address to the reader: "Amice Lector. Hoc opus de 
 Augmentis Scientiarum, novo ejusdem autoris organo si praemittatur, non 
 modo necessarium ei lucem praebet; sed et partitiones continet scientiarum 
 qua primam Instaurationis magnse partem constituunt quas idcirco auctor 
 in ipso organi limine retractare noluit. Haec te scire volebam." 
 
 7. In 1765 an edition in 8vo. was published at Venice. The following 
 is the title page : " Francisci Baronis de Verulamio, Angliae Cancellarii de 
 Dignitate et Augmentis Scientiarum. Pars prima. Lugani, mdcclxiii. 
 Expensis Gasparis Girardi, Bibliopolse Veneti." I have a copy. 
 
 8. In 1779 an edition was published on the continent. The following 
 is the title page : " Francisci Baconi Baronis de Verulamio de Dignitate 
 et Augmentis Scientiarum. Tomus i. Wirceburgi, apud. Jo. Jac. Stahel. 
 1779. 
 
 9. In 1829 another edition was published on the continent, in two vols, 
 of which the following is the title page : " Francisci Baconis de Dignitate 
 et Augmentis Scientiarum. Libri ix. Ad fidem optimarum editionum 
 edidit vitamque auctoris adjecit Philippus Mayer, Philosophic Doctor et 
 Gymnasii Norimbergensis CoUega. Norimbergae, suraptibus Riegelii et 
 Wlessneri. mdcccxxix." 
 
 Such are the different editions of which I have any knowledge. I under- 
 stand that editions have been published in Germany, for which I have sent, 
 and hope to be able to procure. 
 
 Is it not rather extraordinary that not an edition has been published in 
 either of the universities of England ? 
 
 Translations. 
 In the year 1640 a translation into English was published at Oxford, 
 with a portrait of the philosopher writing his Instauratio, and the following 
 inscriptions prefixed and subjoined : " Tertius a Platone philosophise prin- 
 ceps. Quod feliciter vortat reip. literariae V. C. Fran, de Verulamio 
 philosoph. libertates assertor avdax, scientiaru' reparator felix mundi mentisq. 
 magnus arbiter inclytis max. terrarum orbis Acad. Oxon. Contab. Q. banc 
 suam Instavr. voto suscepto vivus decernebat obiit v. non. April, n. D. N. 
 Caroli I. Pp. Aug. cio idc xxvi" — Appended is another engraving of 
 two spheres, the one of the visible, the other of the intellectual world, and 
 supported by two fixed pillars, the one Oxford and the other Cambridge, 
 with a vessel sailing between them, with the following inscription : " Of 
 
DE AUGMENTIS. CCCCIX 
 
 dedicated, the Prince, the Duke of Buckingham, Trinity 
 
 the Advancement and Proficience of Learning, or the Partitions of 
 Sciences, ix Bookes. Written in Latin by the most illustrious and famous 
 Lord Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Vicont St. Alban, Counsilour 
 of Estate and Lord Chancellor of England. Interpreted by Gilbert Wats. 
 Multi pertransibunt et augebitur scientia. Oxford, printed by Leon. 
 Lichfield, printer to the University for Rob. Young, and Ed. Forrest. 
 
 CICIDC XL." 
 
 In the year 1674 another edition of the translation by Wats was pub- 
 lished in London, but instead of the engravings vfhich were prefixed to the 
 edition of 1640, there is prefixed to the annexed title page only a portrait 
 of Lord Bacon. The following is the title page : " Of the Advancement 
 and Proficience of Learning: or the Partitions of Sciences. Nine Books. 
 Written in Latin by the most eminent, illustrious and femous Lord Francis 
 Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount St. Alban, Counsellor of Estate and 
 Lord Chancellor of England. Interpreted by Gilbert Wats. London, 
 printed for Thomas Williams, at the Golden Ball in Osier Lane, 1674." 
 
 Of these translations Archbishop Tenison thus speaks in the Baconiana : 
 " The whole of this book was rendered into English by Dr. Gilbert Wats, 
 of Oxford, and the translation has been well received by many ; but some 
 there were, who wished that a translation had been set forth, in which the 
 genius and spirit of the Lord Bacon had more appeared. And I have seen 
 a letter, written by certain gentlemen to Dr. Rawley, wherein they thus 
 importune him for a more accurate version, by his own hand. ' It is our 
 humble suit to you, and we do earnestly solicit you to give yourself the 
 trouble to correct the too much defective translation of De Augmentis 
 Scientiarum, which Dr. Wats hath set forth. It is a thousand pities that 
 so worthy a piece should lose its grace and credit by an ill expositor; since 
 those persons who read that translation, taking it for genuine, and upon 
 that presumption not regarding the Latin edition, are thereby robbed of 
 that benefit which, if you would please to undertake the business, tlley 
 might receive. This tendeth to the dishonour of that noble lord, sind the 
 Advancement of Learning.' " 
 
 Of the correctness or incorrectness of these observations, some estimate 
 may be formed from the following specimens : 
 
 The Instauratio Magna thus begins: " Franciscus de Verulamio' sic 
 cogitavit" — ^Translation by Wats : " Francis Lord Verulam consulted thus." 
 
 Another specimen : Advancement of Learning. — " We see in all other 
 pleasures there is satiety, and afl;er they be used their verdure departeth; 
 which sheweth well they be but deceits of pleasure, and not pleasures, and 
 that it was the novelty which pleased, and not the quality; and therefore 
 
CCCCX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 College, Cambridge, the University of Cambridge, and the 
 
 we see that voluptuous men turn friars, and ambitious men turn melan- 
 choly ; but of knowledge there is no satiety, but satisfaction and appetite 
 are perpetually interchangeable, and therefore appeareth to be good in itself 
 simply, without fallacy or accident." 
 
 Wats's Translation. — " In all other pleasures there is a finite variety, and 
 after they grow a little stale, their flower and verdure fades and departs ; 
 whereby we are instructed that they were not indeed pure and sincere 
 pleasures, but shadows and deceits of pleasures, and tliat it was the novelty 
 which pleased, and not the quality; wherefore voluptuous men often turn 
 friars, and the declining age of ambitious princes is commonly more sad 
 and besieged with melancholy; but of knowledge there is no satiety, but 
 vicissitude, perpetually and interchangeably returning of fruition and appe- 
 tite ; so that the- good of this delight must needs be sitnpler, without 
 accident or fallacy." 
 
 In the year 1632 a translation into French was published in Paris. Th,e 
 following is a copy of the title page : " Neve Livres de la Dignity et de 
 I'Accroissement des Sciences, composez par Francois Bacon, Baron de 
 Verulam et Vicomte de Saint Aubain, et traduits de Latin en Francois par 
 le Sieur de Golefer, Conseiller et Historiographe du Roy. A Paris, chez 
 Jaques Du^t, rue Sainct Jean de Beauvais, a I'Olivier de Robert Estienne 
 et en sa boutique au bas de la rue de la Harpe. m.dc.xxxii. avec privilege 
 du Roy." — Of this edition Archbishop Tenison says, " This work hath 
 been also translated into French, upon the motion of the Marquis Fiat ; 
 but in it there are many things wholly omitted, many things perfectly mis- 
 taken, and some things, especially such as relate to religion, wilfully 
 perverted. Insomuch that, in one place, he makes his lordship to magnify 
 the Legend : a book sure of little credit witli him, when he thus began one 
 of his essays, ' I had rather believe all the fables in the Legend, and the 
 Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this universal frame is without a mind.' " 
 I have a copy of this edition. 
 
 A Letter of the Lord Bacon's, in French, to the Marquess Fiat, relating 
 to his Essays. 
 
 Monsieur I'Ambassadeur mon File, — Voyant que vostre excellence faict 
 et trait manages, non seulement entre les princes d'Angletere et de France, 
 mais aussi entre les langues (puis que feictes traduire non liure de I'Ad- 
 vancement des Sciences en Francois) i' ai bien voulu vous envoyer, &c. 
 
 There is a translation into French in the edition of Lord Bacon's works, 
 published in the eighth year of the French Republic. The following is the 
 title page of this edition : " (Euvres de Franp ois Bacon, Chancelier d'An- 
 gletaire ; traduites par Ant. La Salle ; avec des notes critiques, historiques 
 
DE AUGMENTIS. CCCCXl 
 
 University of Oxford, (a) — The present was gratefully 
 acknowledged by the different patrons to whom it was 
 presented, and by all the learning of England; 
 
 Fifty years after its publication it was included at Rome 
 in the list " Librorum Prohibitorum," in which list it is 
 now included in Spain, 
 
 The vanity of these attempts to resist the progress of 
 knowledge might, it should seem, by this time be under- 
 stood even at the Vatican. 
 
 How beautifully are the consequences of this intolerance 
 tbus stated by Fuller: (6) "Hitherto the corpse of John 
 Wickliffe had quietly slept in his grave about forty-one 
 years after his death, till his body was reduced to bones, 
 and his bones almost to dust. For though the earth in 
 the chancel of Lutterworth, in Leicestershire, where he 
 was interred, hath not so quick a digestion with the earth 
 of Aceldama, to consume flesh in twenty-four hours, yet 
 such the appetite thereof, and all other English graves, 
 
 et litteraires. Tome premier. A Dijon, de I'Impiimerie de L. N. Frantin, 
 an 8 de la Republique Franfaise." 
 
 De AuGMENTis — Latin. 
 
 1623 Folio ^ . . . Hayiland .... London 1st edit.' 
 
 1624 4to Mettayer Paris 2nd edit,, 
 
 1633 _ . Folio .... Haviland .... London 3rd edit. 
 
 1645 12mo. . . . Moirardum . . Dutch 4th edit. 
 
 1652 12mo. . . . Wynyard .... Dutch 5th edit. 
 
 1662 12mo. . . . Uavestein .... Dutch 6th edit. 
 
 1765 8vo Gerard Venice 7th edit. 
 
 1779 8yo Stahel Wirceburgi . . . 8th. 2 vols. 
 
 1829 8vo Riegelii Nuremberg 9th. 2 vols. 
 
 Translations. 
 
 1640 English . . G. Watts Oxford Folio. 
 
 1674 English . . G. Watts London Folio. 
 
 1632 French . . . Dugast Paris 4to. 
 
 8th year Eep. . French . . . Frantin Dijon 8vo. 
 
 (a) Copies of the presentation letters, with the answers are in the pfefiice 
 to vol. viii. 
 
 (b) Ecclesiastical Histoiy. 
 
CCCCXU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 to leave small reversions of a body after so many years. 
 But now such the spleen of the council of Constance, as 
 they not only cursed his memory as dying an obstinate 
 heretic, but ordered that his bones (with this charitable 
 caution, — if it may be discerned from the bodies of other 
 faithful people) be taken out of the ground, and thrown 
 far off from any christian burial. In obedience here- 
 unto, Richard Fleming, Bishop of Lincoln, Diocesan of 
 Lutterworth, sent his oflBcers, vultures with a quick sight 
 scent at a dead carcass, to ungrave him. Accordingly to 
 Lutterworth they come ; Summer, Commissary, Official, 
 Chancellor, Proctors, Doctors, and their servants, so that 
 the remnant of the body would not hold out a bone amongst 
 so many hands, take what was left out of the grave, and 
 burnt them to ashes, and cast them into Swift, a neigh- 
 bouring brook running hard by. Thus this brook hath 
 conveyed his ashes into Avon, Avon into Severn, Severn 
 into the narrow seas, they into the main ocean ; and thus 
 the ashes of WicklifFe are the emblem of his doctrine, 
 
 which now is dispersed all the world over." 
 
 If Bacon had completed his intended work upon 
 " Sympathy and Antipathy," the constant antipathy of 
 ignorance to intellect, originating sometimes in the painful 
 feeling of inferiority, (a) sometimes in the fear pf worldly 
 injury, but always in the influence of some passion more 
 
 (a) The Athenian peasant voted for the banishment of Aristides, because 
 he was called " The Just." 
 
 " Let me have men about me that are fat, ■ 
 Sleek-headed men, and such as sleep a-nights : 
 Yon Cassius has a lean and hungry look ; 
 He thinks too much : such men are dangerous." 
 
 " 'Tis a rich man's pride — there having ever been 
 More than a feud, a strange antipathy 
 Between us and true gentry." — Massinger. 
 
VITiE ET MORTIS. CCCCXIU 
 
 powerful than the love of truth, (a) would not have escaped 
 his notice. 
 
 In this year he also published his History of Life and Life and 
 Death, which, of all his works, is one of the most extra- 
 ordinary, both for the extent of his views, and the njinute 
 accuracy with which each part is investigated. It is ad- 
 dressed, not, to use his own expression, " to the Adonis's 
 of literature, but to Hercules's followers; that is, the more 
 severe and laborious inquirers into truth." (6) 
 
 Upon his entrance, in the Advancement of Learning, on 
 the science of human nature, he says, " The knowledge of 
 man, although only a portion of knowledge in the continent 
 of nature, is to man the end of all knowledge :" (c) and, in 
 furtherance of this opinion, he explains that the object of 
 education ought to be knowledge and improvement of the 
 Body and the Mind, (d) 
 
 Of the importance of knowledge of the body, that, Body. 
 " while sojourning in this wilderness, and travelling to 
 the land of promise, our vestments should be preserved," 
 
 '(»!)•" Great is Diana of the Ephesians." — NewTestament. "The Pope 
 said he could, catch no fish, if the waters were clear." — Fuller, " Man 
 wojild contend that two and two did not make four if his interests were 
 affected by this position.'' " Agnus was the only combination which the 
 wolf, learning to spell, could make of the twenty-four letters of the alphabet." 
 
 Although the .objections of intellect and of ignorance may, possibly, be 
 traced to a love of truth and of the public weal : the objections of interest 
 always originate in self, and are movable only by removing the cause. The 
 English ambassador, who, upon his return from Rome, being asked by 
 Queen Caroline, " Why he had not attempted to make a convert of the 
 Pope," wisely answered, " Madam, I had nothing better to offer to his 
 Holiness." 
 
 (b) Advancement of Learning. 
 
 (c) See vol. ii. p. 163, and vol. viii. p. 204. Haec scientia homini pro 
 fine est scientiarum : at naturs ipsius portio tantum. 
 
 (d) Page ex. 
 
CCCCXIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 he is incessant in his observations. He divides the subject 
 into 
 
 n. Health. 
 
 2. Strength. 
 
 3. Beauty. 
 .4. Pleasure. 
 
 1. The preservation of Health. 
 
 2. The cure of Diseases. 
 
 3. The prolongation of Life. 
 
 His History of Life and Death may be regarded as a 
 treatise upon the art of Preservation of Health and Pro- 
 longation of Life. 
 
 As the foundation of his investigations he considers, 
 
 rist. The causes of the consumption of the body. 
 
 l^2ndly. The modes of reparation. 
 
 i 
 
 Consump- Of consumption he says there are two causes: the depre- 
 '°°' dation of vital spirit and the depredation of ambient air; 
 
 and if the action of either of these agents can be destroyed, 
 the decomposition is more or less retarded, as in bodies 
 inclosed in wax or coffins, where the action of the external 
 air is excluded : and when the action of both these causes 
 can be prevented, the body defies decomposition, as in 
 bricks and burnt bodies, where the vital spirit is. expelled, 
 by exposure of the clay to the ambient air, and afterwards 
 by fire ; or as a fly in amber, more beautifully efttbmbed 
 than an Egyptian monarch. 
 
 In making the agents less predatory, and the patients 
 less depredabley the science of the retardation of consump- 
 tion consequently consists, (a) 
 
 He proceeds, therefore, with his usual accui'acy, to 
 consider how these objects are to be attained ; and, having 
 
 (a) For the analysis, see note («)> next page. 
 
vjta; et mortis. 
 
 ccccxv 
 
 considered them, he proceeds to the doctrine of reparation, 
 both of the whole frame and the decayed parts. (6) 
 
 (o) The following analysis -will exhibita small portion of "this science: 
 
 '1. Consumption. 
 
 1. Causes. 
 
 \i. 
 
 Ambient Air. 
 Innate Spirit. 
 
 3. Retardation of 
 Consumption. 
 
 '1. By making"! 
 
 the agents I 1. The Air. 
 
 less preda- f 2. The Spirit. 
 
 tory. J 1. Condensation, 
 
 2. Diminution. 
 
 3. Tranquillity. 
 
 2. The patienfs less 51. Hardening. 
 ^2. - - ■ 
 
 depredable. 
 
 Softening. 
 
 rl. The whole frame.- 
 
 2. Reparation . 
 of 
 
 .2. Decayed parts, j 
 
 1. Concoction of the outward parts, 
 
 2. Excitation of the outward parts. 
 
 3. Preparation of aliment. 
 
 4. Comforting the last act of 
 
 assimilation. 
 
 1. Inteneration, 
 
 2. Expurgation. 
 
 , (b) The following outline of the treatise is annexed, with the hope that it 
 may induce some of the inquirers to whom it is addressed to extend their 
 researches to this the foundation of their happiness and utility. It contains 
 inquiries, 1 and 2, as to the durability of bodies inanimate and vegetable. 
 3. Lepgth of life in animals. 4. Xlimentation. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. Length of 
 man's life according to, 
 
 1. The ages of the world. 2. Places of birth. 3. Baces of families. 
 
 4. Complexions, constitutions. 5. Habits of body. 6. Statures; 
 
 7. Manner and time of growth. 8. Make. 9. Times of nativity. 
 
 10. Fare. 11. Diet. 12. Government. 13. Exercise. 14. Their 
 
 Studies. 15. Courses of life. 16. Passions. 
 
 10. Medicines that prolong life. 11. Physiognomical signs of long 
 life. 12. Preventing consumption. 
 
 1. H6nf<*al of vigour of spirits. 2. Exclusion of air. 3. Operation 
 on blood and sanguiferous heat. 4. Operation on juices of the 
 body. 
 
 13. Reparation by fpo(lj. 
 5. Operation upon bowels for extension of aliment. 6. Operation on 
 outward" parts foT alteration of aliment. 7. Operation upon the 
 aliment. 8. Operation on last act of assimilation. 
 
CCCCXVl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 His History of Life and Death contains his favourite 
 doctrine of Vital Spirit, or excitability, or life, which he 
 notices in various parts of his works, (c) 
 
 In this place more cannot be attempted than, as a 
 specimen of the whole of this important subject, to explain 
 one or two of the positions. 
 
 14. Revivifying. 
 
 9. Softening hard spirits. 10. Purging old juices. 
 
 15. The porches of death. 16. Diflferencesofyouthandage. 17. Causes 
 of life and death. 
 
 (c) An imperfect outline may be thus exhibited : 
 
 1. Every tangible body contains a spirit. 
 
 2. The spirit is imperceptible by the senses. 
 
 3. The spirit is but little known because it is imper- 
 
 ceptible by the senses. 
 
 4. This science is of great importance. 
 
 These general observations are explained by a particular 
 investigation of the various properties of spirit. 
 
 I. Quantity of spirit. 
 
 1. How generated. 
 
 2. Of condensing and dilating the spirit. 
 
 3. Detention of spirit. 
 
 4. Exhaustion of spirit. 
 
 II. Quality of spirit. 
 
 1. Different spirits of different bodies, and different 
 
 sorts of spirits in the same- body. 
 
 2. Of preserving the spirit young and vigorous. 
 
 3. Hot and cold. 
 
 4. Active and quiescent. 
 
 III. Regulation of spirit. 
 
 IV. Of the perceptible effects of spirit upon the body. 
 
 Sylva Sylvarum, Century 1, Art. 98, v. iv. p. 61. Fable of Proserpine, 
 in the Wisdom of the Ancients, vol. iii. p. 88 ; and in' the History of 
 Henry VII. in his observations on the sweating sickness. 
 
LIFK AND DEATH. CCCCXVll 
 
 The foundation position is, that " All tangible bodies All bodies 
 contain a spirit enveloped with the grossec body. There gpijit. 
 is no known body, in the upper parts of the earth, without 
 its spirit, whether it be generated by the attenuating and 
 concocting power of the celestial warmth, or otherwise; 
 for the pores of tangible bodies are not a vacuum, but 
 either contain air, or the peculiar spirit of the substance; 
 and this not a vis, an energy, or a fiction, but a real, subtile, 
 and invisible, and, therefore, neglected body, circumscribed 
 by place and dimension." (a) 
 
 This doctrine is thus stated in the Excursion : 
 
 " To every form of being is assigned 
 An active principle, howe'er removed 
 From sense and observation ; it subsists 
 In all things, in all natures, in the stars 
 Of azure heaven, the unenduring clouds, 
 In flower and tree, and every pebbly stone 
 That paves the brooks, the stationary rocks. 
 The moving waters, and the invisible air. 
 Whate'er exists hath properties that spread 
 Beyond itself, communicating good, 
 A simple blessing or with evil mixed : 
 Spirit that knows no insulated spot, 
 No chasm, no solitude : from link to link 
 It circulates, the soul of all the worlds." (6) 
 
 (a) " The knowledge of man (hitherto) hath been determined by the 
 view or sight ; so that whatsoever is invisible, either in respect of the fine- 
 ness of the body itself, or the smallness of the parts, or of the subtilty of 
 the motion, is little inquired. The spirits, or pneumaticals, that are in all , 
 tangible bodies, are scarce knovm. Sometimes they take them for vacuum ; 
 whereas they are the most active of bodies. Sometimes thfey take them for 
 air ; from which they differ exceedingly, as much as wine from water, and 
 as wood from earth. Sometimes they will have them to be natural heat, 
 or a portion of the element of fire; whereas some of them are crude and 
 cold. And sometimes they will have them to be the virtues andqualities 
 of the tangible parts, which they see ; whereas they are things by them- 
 selves, and then, when they come to plants and living creatures, they call 
 
 (b) Excursion, B. 9. See note (o), next page. 
 voj^. XV. e e 
 
CCCCXVIU LII'E Ol'' BACOiV. 
 
 As another specimen, the mode of explaining the 
 condensation of spirit hy flight may be selected. 
 Flight. The spirit, he says, is condensed by flight,— cold, — 
 
 appeasing, and quelling. The condensation by flight is 
 when there is an antipathy between the spirit and the body 
 upon which it acts ; as, in opium, which is so exceedingly 
 powerful in condensing the spirit, that a grain will tran- 
 quillize the nerves, and by a few grains they may be so 
 compressed as to be irrecoverable. The touched spirit 
 may retreat into its shell for a time or for ever ; or it may, 
 when fainting, be recalled, by the application of a stimulant, 
 as surprise from a sudden impulse ; a blow, or a glass of 
 water thrown on the face; or the prick of a pin, or the 
 action of mind on mind. 
 
 " I am not sick, if Brutus have in hand 
 Any exploit worthy the name of honour." 
 
 Death. As another specimen, his sentiments upon Death, the 
 
 decomposition of compounds, may be selected. 
 
 In his doctrine of motion, he says, " The political motion 
 is that by which the parts of a body are restrained, from 
 their own immediate appetites or tendencies to unite in 
 such a state as may preserve the existence of the whole 
 body. Thus, the spirit, which exists in all living bodies, 
 keeps all the parts in due subjection; when it escapes, 
 the body decomposes, or the similar parts unite — as 
 
 them souls. And such superficial speculations they have ; like prospectives, 
 that shew things inward, when they are but paintings." — Sylva, Exp. 98. 
 
 (o) Principio coelum, ac terras, camposq: liquentes) 
 Lucentemq: globum lunae, Titaniaq: astra, 
 Spiritus intus alit totamq: infusa per artus 
 Mens agitat molem, et m^no se corpore miscet. — Slneid. 
 
 Plato's doctrine, respecting the " Anima Mundi," or soul of the world, 
 pervading and vivifying all created things, see Berkeley's Sins, p. 133, 
 and Mandeville on Hypochondriacism. 
 
VITAL SPIRIT. CCCCXIX 
 
 metals rust, "fluids turn sour; and, in animals, when the 
 spirit which held the parts together escapes, all things are 
 dissolved, and return to their own natures or principles : 
 the oily parts to themselves, the aqueous to themselves, 
 &c. upon which necessarily ensues that odour, that 
 unctuosity, that confusion of parts, observable in putrefac- 
 tion." So true is it, that in nature all is beauty; that, 
 notwithstanding our partial views and distressing associa- 
 tions, the forms of death, misshapen as we suppose them, 
 are but the tendencies to union in similar natures. 
 
 The knowledge of this science Bacon considers of the Import- 
 utmost importance to our well being: — that the action pf ^"'^^ °*^ ^^^ 
 the spirit is the cause of consumption and dissolution ; — 
 is the agent which produces all bodily and mental effects ; 
 — influences the will in the production of all animal motions, 
 as in the whale and the elephant ; — and is the cause of all 
 our cheerfulness or melancholy : — that the perfection of our 
 being consists, in the proper portion of this spirit properly 
 animated, or the proper portion of excitability properly 
 excited ; — that its presence is life, its absence death. 
 
 This subject, deemed of such importance by Bacon, has 
 been much neglected, and occasionally been supposed to 
 be a mere creature of the imagination, (a) 
 
 (o) Shaw, in his edition of Bacon says, " The whole of this inquiry still 
 remains strangely neglected, to the great disadvantage of natural philosophy, 
 which seems almost a dead thing without it." 
 
 Dugald Stuart, in his dissertation, says, " If on some occasions, he 
 assumes the existence of animal spirits, as the medium of communication 
 between soul and body, it must be remembered that this was then the 
 universal belief of the learned ; and that it was at a much later' period not 
 less confidently avowed by Locke. Nor ought it to be overlooked (I 
 mention it to the credit of both authors), that in such instances the feet is 
 commonly so stated, as to render it easy for the reader to detach it from 
 the theory. As to the scholastic questions concerning the nature and 
 essence of mind, — whether it be extended or unextended? whether it hkve 
 anyjrelation to space or to time ? or whether (as was contended by others) 
 
CCCCXX LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 Although the History of Life and Death is- apparently a 
 separate tract, it is the last portion of the third of the six 
 books into which the third part of the Instauration is 
 divided, (a) which are the histories of 
 
 1st. The Winds. 
 
 2nd. Density and Rarity. 
 
 3rd. Heavy and Light. 
 
 4th. Sympathy and Antipathy. 
 
 5th. Sulphur, Mercury, and Salt. 
 
 6th. Life and Death. 
 
 His reason for the publication of this tract, he thus 
 states : " Although I had ranked the History of Life and 
 Death as the last among my six monthly designations; 
 yet I have thought fit, in respect of the prime use thereof, 
 in which the least loss of time ought to be esteemed 
 precious, to invert that order." 
 
 The History, which was published in Latin, is inscribed 
 " To the present age and posterity, in the hope and wish 
 that it may conduce to a common good, and that the 
 nobler sort of physicians will advance their thoughts, and 
 not employ their times wholly in the sordidness of cures, 
 neither be honoured for necessity only, but that they will 
 become coadjutors and instruments of the divine omnipo- 
 tence and clemency in prolonging and renewing the life 
 of man, by safe, and convenient, and civil ways, though 
 hitherto unassayed." 
 
 it exist in every ubi, but in no place ? Bacon has uniformly passed them 
 over with silent contempt; and has probably contributed not less effectually 
 to bring them into general discredit, by this indirect intimation of his own 
 opinion, than if he had descended, to the ungrateful task of exposing their 
 absurdity." 
 
 (a) The two first, the Division of the Sciences and the Novum Organum, 
 liave already been explained, ante, p. cxxxv and cclxvii. 
 
LIFi: AND DEATH. CCCCXXl 
 
 This was the last of his philosophical pubhcations during 
 his life ; but they were only a small portion of his labours, 
 which are thus recorded by Dr. Rawley : — " The last five 
 years of his life, being withdrawn from civil affairs and 
 from an active life, he employed wholly in contemplation 
 and studies : a thing whereof his lordship would often 
 speak during his active life, as if he affected to die in the 
 shadow, and not in the light. During this time he com- 
 posed the greatest part of his books and writings, both in 
 English and Latin, which I will enumerate, as near as I 
 can, in the just order wherein they were written. 
 
 The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, (i) Works 
 
 Abecedarium Naturae ; or a Metaphysical Piece, (c) retirement. 
 
 Historia Ventorum. (d) 
 
 Historia Vitse et Mortis, (e) 
 
 Historia Densi, et Rari. (f) 
 
 Historia Gravis et Levis. 
 
 A discourse of a War with Spain. (A) 
 
 A dialogue touching an Holy War. (i) 
 
 The fable of the New Atlantis, (ft) 
 
 A preface to a Digest of the Laws of England. (Z) 
 
 The beginning of the History of the Reign of King 
 Henry the Eighth, (m) 
 
 De Augmentis Scientiarum ; (m) or the Advancement of 
 Learning: put into Latin, with several enrichments 
 and enlargements. 
 
 Counsels, civil and moral ; or his book of Essays, like- 
 wise enriched and enlarged, (o) ' 
 
 (6) Vol. iii. p. 100. (c) Vol. xi. p. 219. 
 
 (d) Vol. X. p. 15. (e) Vol. X. p. 111. 
 
 (_/■) Vol. X. p. 381. (A) Vol. vii. p. 237. 
 
 (i) Vol. vii. p. 118. (k) Vol. ii. p. 319. 
 
 . (/) Vol. iii. p. 353. (m) Vol. iii. p. 418. 
 
 («) Vols, viii, and ix. • (o) Vol. i. 
 
CCCCXXU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 The conversion of certain Psalms into English verse, {p) 
 The translation into Latin of the History of King Henry 
 the Seventh ; of the Counsels, civil and moral ; (r) 
 of the dialogue of the Holy War ; (s) of the fable of 
 the New Atlantis : {t) for the benefit of other nations. 
 His revising of his book De Sapientia Veterum. (m) 
 Inquisitio de Magnete. {x) 
 Topica Inquisitionis ; de Luce, et Lumine. {y) 
 Lastly, Sylva Sylvarum ; or the Natural History. (2) 
 
 " He also designed, upon the motion and invitation of his 
 late majesty, to have written the Reign of King Henry 
 the Eighth ; (a) but that work perished in the designation 
 merely, God not lending him life to proceed further upon 
 it than only in one morning's work: whereof there is 
 extant an Ex Ungue Leonem." 
 
 Such were his works during the short period, when 
 between sixty and seventy years of age, he, fortunately for 
 himself and society, was thrown from active into contem- 
 plative life; into that philosophical seclusion, where he 
 might turn from calumny, from the slanders of his enemies, 
 to the admiration of all civilized Europe ; from political 
 rancour and threats of assassination to the peaceful safety 
 of sequestered life ; from the hollow compacts which poli- 
 ticians call union, formed by expediency and dissolved at 
 the first touch of interest, to the enduring joys of intel- 
 lectual and virtuous friendship and the consolations of 
 piety. (6) 
 
 {p) Vol. vii. p. 98. (r) Vol. xv. (s) Vol. vii. 
 
 (0 Vol. ii. (u) Vol. iii. {x) Vol. xi. p. 227. 
 
 ly) Vol. A. p. 440. {z) Vol. iv. (o) Vol. iii. p. 418. 
 
 (6) Such are the joys of active intellectual seclusion. " Si Descartes 
 eut quelques foiblesses de Thumanitg, il eut aussi les principales vertus du 
 philosophe. Sohre, temp^rant, ami de la liberty et de la retraite, recon- 
 noissant liberal, sensible El I'amiti^, tendce, compatissant, il ne connoissoit 
 
FRIENDSHIP OF INTF.LLIGENCIi. CCCCXXlll 
 
 These blessings he now enjoyed. Eminent foreigners 
 crossed the seas on purpose to see and discourse with 
 him. (a) 
 
 Gondomar, who was in Spain, wrote to express his regard Gondomar 
 and respect, with lamentations that his public duties pre- 
 vented his immediate attendance upon him in England, {b) 
 
 When the Marquis d'Effiat accompanied the Princess D'Effiat. 
 Henrietta-Maria, wife to Charles the First, to England, 
 he visited Lord Bacon; who, being then sick in bed, 
 received him with the curtains drawn. " You resemble 
 
 que les passions douces et savoit r^sister aux violentes. ' Quand on me 
 fait offense,' disoit-il, ' je tache d'flever mon ame si haut, que I'ofFense ne 
 parvienne pas jusqu'i elle.' L'ambition ne I'agita pas plus que la vengeance. 
 II disoit, comme Ovide, ' Vivre cach6, c'est vivre heureux.' — Newton ^tolt 
 doux, tranquille, modeste, simple, affable, toujours de niveau avec tout le 
 monde, il ne se d^mentit point pendant le cours de sa longue et brillante 
 carrifere. II auroit mieux aim6 fetre inconnu, que de voir le calme de sa 
 vie trouble par ces orages litteraires, que I'esprit et la science attirent a. 
 ceux qui cherchent trop la gloire. ' Je me reprocherois,' disoit-il, ' mon 
 imprudence, de perdre une chose aussi r^elle que le repos, pour courir 
 aprfes un ombre.'" 
 
 (o) Rawley. 
 
 (6) See his correspondence with Gondomar, vol. xii. pp. 407-8, 441, 
 443. The following is a translation from a Spanish letter of Gondomar: 
 
 " Most illustrious Sir, — Having received so many kindnesses and good 
 wishes from your illustrious lordship in your prosperity, I deem it one 
 of my greatest misfortunes my not being able to serve you as duty and 
 gratitude require of me now you are in adversity. Still greater is my mis- 
 fortune, since my presence here is now useless; for much as I have desired 
 to express all I feel, and to salute you personally, I am constrained to 
 refrain therefrom, lest I should give you offence, and this I assure you has 
 occasioned me much grief, not being able to do all I would wish. Never- 
 theless I will do all that I can, and if your lordship judges the intercession 
 of ihe King my master with his majesty the King of Great Britain can be 
 of any service to your affairs, I will represent the same to him, fully assured 
 that his Catholic majesty will interpose with much pleasure. I shall 
 always be devotedly at the service of your lordship, and praying God to 
 preserve you many happy years. The Count de Gobdomab." 
 
 "June 14, 1621." 
 
CCCCXXIV LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 the angels," said that minister to him : " we hear those 
 beings continually talked of, we believe them superior to 
 mankind, and we never have the consolation to see them." 
 " Your kindness," he answered, " may compare me to an 
 angel, but my infirmities tell me that I am a man." In 
 this interview a friendship originated which continued 
 during their lives, and is recorded in his will, where amongst 
 his legacies to his friends, he says, " I give unto the right 
 honourable my worthy friend, the Marquis Fiatt, late lord 
 ambassador of France, my books of orisons or psalms 
 curiously rhymed." As a parent he wrote to the marquis, 
 who esteemed it to be the greatest honour conferred 
 upon him to be called his son. He caused his Essays 
 and treatise De Augmentis to be translated into French ; 
 and, with the affectionate enthusiasm of youth, upon his 
 return to France, requested and obtained his portrait, (a) 
 
 Julius His friendship with Sir Julius Caesar, Master of the 
 
 Csesar. Rolls, continued to his death, (b) 
 
 (a) Rawley. 
 
 {b) " Sir Julius Casar (Master of the Rolls) sent to his lordship in his 
 necessity an hundred pounds for a present." — Aubrey. 
 
 Life of Csesar, p. 31 .■ — " To recur to the private life of Sir Julius Caesar ; 
 his love of domestic society, his affection for his younger progeny, and the 
 necessity of female superintendence to the economy of an enlarged house- 
 hold establishment, combined to induce him, though novif somewhat 
 advanced in years, to take a third wife. On the 19th of April, 1615, he 
 was married at the Rolls Chapel to Mrs. Anne Hungate, a widow, of an 
 age not unsuitable to his own. She was a daughter of Henry Wodehouse, 
 of Waxham in Norfolk, Esq. by Anne, one of the daughters of Sir Nicholas 
 Bacon, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and had been first married to 
 William Hungate, of East Bradenham in Norfolk, Esq. Her hand was 
 given to Sir Julius Caesar at the nuptial ceremony by her uncle, the great 
 Sir Francis Bacon, then Attorney General, and the friendship which had 
 long subsisted between these two eminent persons was strengthened and 
 confirmed by this mari'iage. He found an asylum in the bosoms of his 
 nephew and niece; composed many of his immortal works in an utter 
 retirement in the house of Sir Julius Casar, and expired in his arms." 
 
HIS FRIENDS. CCCCXXV 
 
 Selden, the chief of learned men reputed in this land,(a) Selden. 
 expressed his respect, with the assurance that " never was 
 any man more willing or ready to do your lordship's service 
 than myself." (6) 
 
 Ben Jonson, not in general too profuse of praise, says, Ben 
 " My conceit of his person was never increased toward him Jo°^o"- 
 by his place or honours ; but I have and do reverence him 
 for the greatness that was only proper to himself, in that he 
 seemed to me ever by his works one of the greatest men, 
 and most worthy of admiration that had been in many 
 ages : in his adversity, I ever prayed that God would give 
 him strength, for greatness he could not want; neither 
 could I condole in a word or syllable for him, as knowing 
 no accident could do harm to virtue, but rather help to 
 make it manifest." (c) 
 
 Sir Thomas Meautys stood by him to his death with a Meautys. 
 firmness and love which does honour to him and to human 
 nature. 
 
 His exclusion from the verge of the court had long i624. 
 been remitted ; and, in the beginning of the year 1624, the ^'' ^'^' 
 whole of the parliamentary sentence (rf) was pardoned, 
 
 (a) So described by Milton in his speech for the liberty of unlicensed 
 printing. 
 
 (6) See vol. xii. p. 421. (c) Under woods, 
 
 (d) To the Earl of Oxford. 
 
 My veiy good Lord, — Let me be an humble suitor to your lordship, for 
 your noble favour. I would be glad to receive my writ this parliament, 
 that I may not die in dishonour; but by no means, except it should be 
 with the love and consent of my lords to re-admit me, if their lordships 
 vouchsafe to think me worthy of their company; or, if they think that 
 which I have suffered now these three years, in loss of place, in loss of 
 means, and in loss of liberty for a great time, to be a suiBcient expiation 
 for my faults, whereby 1 may now seem in their eyes to be a fit subject of 
 their grace, as I have been before of their justice. My good lord, the good 
 which the commonwealth might reap of my suffering is already inned. 
 Justice is done; an example is made for reformation.; the authority of the 
 
CCCCXXVl LII'E OF BACON. 
 
 by a warrant which stated that, " calling to mind the 
 former good services of the Lord St. Albans, and how well 
 and profitably he hath spent his time since his trouble, 
 we are pleased to remove from him that blot of ignominy 
 which yet remaineth upon him, of incapacity and disable- 
 ment; and to remit to him all penalties whatsoever inflicted 
 by that sentence. Having therefore formerly pardoned 
 his fine, and released his confinement, these are to will and 
 require you to prepare, for our signature, a bill containing 
 a pardon of the whole sentence." (a) 
 
 house for judicature is established. There can be no farther use of my 
 misery; perhaps some little may be of my service; for, I hope, I shall be 
 found a man humbled as a Christian, though not dejected as a worldling 
 I have great opinion of your lordship's power, and great hope, for many 
 reasons, of your favour, which if I may obtain, I can say no more, but 
 nobleness is ever requited in itself; and God, whose special favour in my 
 afflictions I have manifestly found to my comfort, will, I trust, be my pay- 
 master of that, which cannot be requited by 
 
 Your Lordship's affectionate humble servant, &c. 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon to the King, about the Pardon of the Parliament's 
 Sentence. 
 
 Most gracious and dread Sovereign, — I desire not from your majesty 
 means, nor place, nor employment, but only, afler so long a time of expia- 
 tion, a complete and total remission of the sentence of the upper house, to 
 the end that blot of ignominy may be removed from me, and from my 
 memory with posterity, that I die not a condemned man, but may be to 
 your majesty, as I am to God, " nova creatura." 
 
 (a) To our trusty and well beloved Thomas Coventry, our Attorney 
 General. 
 
 Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well : Whereas our right trusty 
 and right well beloved cousin, the Viscount of St. Alban, upon a sentence 
 given in the upper house of parliament full three years since, and more, 
 hath endured loss of his place, imprisonment, and confinement also for a 
 great time, which may suffice for the satisfaction of justice and example to 
 others : we being always graciously inclined to temper mercy with justice, 
 and calling to mind his former good services, and how well and profitably 
 he hath spent his time since his trouble, are pleased to remove from hiiji 
 that blot of ignominy which yet remaineth upon him, of incapacity and 
 
DECLINE OF HIS HEALTH. CCCCXXVli 
 
 This was one of the last of the King's acts, who thus a. D. 
 
 faithfully performed, to the extent of his ability, all his i^''^*- 
 
 promises. He died at Theobalds, on the 27th of March, ^^Vt 
 IfiOK ,- N 'Death of 
 
 i025. (a) James. 
 
 His lordship was summoned to parliament in the suc- 
 ceeding reign, but was prevented, by his infirmities, from 
 again taking his seat as a peer. 
 
 Though Lord Bacon's constitution had never been strong. Decline of 
 his temperance and management of his health seemed to "^ ^ 
 promise old age, which his unbounded knowledge and 
 leisure for speculation could not fail to render useful to the 
 world and glorious to himself. The retirement, which in 
 all the distractions of politics refreshed and consoled him, 
 was once more his own, and nature, whom he worshipped, 
 spread her vast untrodden fields before him, where with 
 science as his handmaid he might wander at his will ; but 
 the expectations of the learned world and the hopes of his 
 devoted friends were all blighted by a perceptible decay 
 of his health and strength in the beginning of the sickjy 
 year of 1625. 
 
 During this year his publications were limited to a new Apo- 
 edition of his Essays,(6) a small volume of Apothegms, (c) '^^^gms. 
 
 disablement; and to remit to him all penalties whatsoever inflicted by thE^t 
 sentence. Having therefore formerly pardoned his fine, and released his 
 confinement, these are to will and require you to prepare, for our signature, 
 a bill containing a pardon, in due form of law, of the whole sentence ; for 
 which this shall be your sufficient warrant. 
 
 (a) See an interesting account of his death in Racket's Life of Williams. 
 
 (b) The particulars of this edition have been already explained.^Sefe 
 note 3 I. 
 
 (c) Bacon's Apothegms are either, 1st. In this his own publication. 
 2ndly. Afewin theBaconiana. 3rdly. A few in Aubrey. Of the Apoph- 
 thegms published in 1625 the following is the preface by Lord Bacon : — 
 " Julius Csesar did write a collection of apophthems, as appears in an 
 epistle of Cicero. I need say no more for the worth of a writing of that 
 nature. It is pity his book is lost ; for I imagine they were collected with 
 
CCCCXXVIU LIFE OF BACON'. 
 
 the pfoduction, as a recreation in sickness, of a morning's 
 dictation, and a translation of a few of the Psalms of 
 
 judgment and choice, whereas that of Plutarch and Stoboeus, and much 
 more the modem ones, draw much of the dregs. Certainly they are of 
 excellent use : they are Mucrones Verborum, pointed speeches. Cicero 
 prettily calls them salinas, salt pits, that you may extract salt out of, and 
 sprinkle it where you will. They serve to be interlaced in continued 
 speech : they serve to be recited upon occasion of themselves : they serve, 
 if you take out the kernel of them, and make them your own. I have for 
 my recreation in my sickness fanned the old ; not omitting any because 
 they are vulgar (for many vulgar ones are excellent good), nor for the mean- 
 ness of the person, but because they are dull and flat, and added many 
 new that otherwise would have died." 
 
 In his tract on history in the Advancement of Learning, Bacon says, 
 " There are appendices of history conversant about the words of men, as 
 history itself about the deeds : the partitions thereof into Orations, Letters, 
 and Apophthegms." 
 
 Archbishop Tennison, in his Baconiana, page 47, says, " The Apoph- 
 thegms (of which the first is the best edition) were (what he saith also 
 of his Essays) but as the recreations of his other studies. They were dic- 
 tated one morning out of his memory ; and if they seem to any a birth too 
 inconsiderable for the brain of so great a man, they may think with them- 
 selves how little a time he went with it, and from thence make some 
 allowance." He occasionally made great use of these Apothegms, as may 
 be seen by comparing Apophthegms 251, page 403, with the same anec- 
 dote as incorporated in the Advancement of Learning, vol. ii. page 224. 
 
 The different editions are : — 1st edition. The title page " Apophthegmes, 
 New and Old, collated by the Right Honorable Francis Lo. Verulara, 
 Viscount St. Alban. London, printed for Hanna Barret and Richard 
 Whittaker, and are to be sold at the King's Head in Paul's Church, 
 1625." 12mo. 307 pages, and 280 Apothegms. This Tennison, in the 
 Baconiana, p. 47, says is the best edition. 
 
 2nd. In 1658 an edition was published. Here are 184 Apothegms- of 
 Bacon: it is a 12mo. This seems to have been reprinted in 1669. 
 I have never seen a copy; but the following is from the Baconiana, 
 where Tennison says, " His lordship hath received much injury by late 
 editions, of which some have much enlarged, but not at all enriched 
 the collection; stuffing it with tales and sayings, too infacetiojis for a 
 ploughman's chimney corner. And particularly, in the collection not long 
 since published, and called the Apothegms of King James, King Charles; 
 the Marquess of Worcester, the Lord Bacon, and Sir Thomas Moor; his 
 lordship is dealt with very rudely. For besides the addition of insipid 
 
PSALMS. CCCCXXIX 
 
 David into English verse, (a) which he dedicated to a Psalms, 
 divine and poet, his friend, the learned and religious 
 George Herbert. (6) This was the last exercise, in the 
 
 tales, there are some put in which are beastly and immoral : such as were 
 fitter to have been joined to Aretine, or Aloysia, than to have polluted the 
 chaste labours of the Baron of Verulam." 
 
 3rd. In 1661 an edition of the Apothegms was published in the 2nd 
 edition of the Resuscitatio. It consists only of 249 Apothegms, the edition 
 published by Lord Bacon in 1625 consisting of 280. As this edition of 
 the Rescuscitation was published during the life of Dr. Rawley, and as 
 Lord Bacon says in his preface, " I have collated some few of them, therein 
 fanning the old," it seems that Dr. Rawley may have seen the MSS. and 
 that these additions are genuine. It will be observed that they are fewer 
 in number; and, although some are the same, there are many which are 
 not contained in the first edition. — See Stephens's prefece to the Memoirs, 
 published in 1734. 
 
 4th. In the 3rd edition of the Resuscitatio, published in 1671, there is 
 another edition of the Apothegms, being 308 in number. Dr. Rawley 
 died in 1667. 
 
 The 5th edition is a 12mo. It contains, as in the 4th edition, 308 
 A,pothegms. 
 
 In this edition of the works of Bacon I separated the Apothegms which 
 were in the edition of 1625, being 280 in number, from the additional 
 Apothegms in the Resuscitatio, such additional Apothegms being 28 in 
 number. 
 
 (o) Published in 8vo. 1628, and in the Resuscitation, and in vol. vii. of 
 this edition, p. 98. 
 
 (b) TO HIS VERY GOOD FRIEND, 
 
 MR. GEORGE HERBERT. 
 The pains that it pleased you to take about some of 
 my writings I cannot forget, which did put me in mind to 
 dedicate to you this poor exercise of my sickness. Besides, 
 it being my manner for dedications, to choose those that 
 I hold most fit for the argument, I thought, that in respect 
 of divinity and poesy met, whereof the one is the matter, 
 the other the style of this little writing, I could npt 
 make better choice : so, with signification of my lovp and 
 acknowledgment, I ever rest your affectionate friend, 
 
 Fr. St. Alban^ 
 
CCCCXXX UP& OF BACON. 
 
 time of his illness, of his pious mind; and a more pious 
 
 mind never existed, (a) 
 Confession There is scarcely a line of his works in which a deep, 
 ° ^' ■ awful, religious feeling is not manifested. It is, perhaps, 
 
 most conspicuous in his Confession of Faith, (6) of which 
 
 Of these, the 107th seems to be the best. Vol. vii. p. 100. But Q. 
 Has there ever been a version approaching to the excellence of the original 
 prose translation ? 
 
 (a) Preface to vol. vii. Archbishop Tennison says, " His writings upon 
 pious subjects were only these : his Confession of Faith, written by himself 
 in English, and turned into Latin by Dr. Rawley, the questions about an 
 Holy War, and the Prayers, in these remains, and a translation of certain of 
 David's Psalms into English verse. With this last pipus exercise he 
 diverted himself in the time of his sickness, in the year twenty-five. When 
 he sent it abroad into the world, he made a dedication of it to his good 
 friend, Mr. George Herbert, for he judged the argument to be suitable to 
 him, in his double quality of a divine and a poet." 
 
 (i) See vol. vii. p. 10. Of the authenticity of this essay no dqubt can 
 be entertained: it was published in a separate tract in 1641. The 
 following is an exact transcript of the title page : " The Confession of 
 Faith,'' written by Sir Francis Bacon, printed in the year 1641. In the 
 title pj^e there is a wood engraving of Sir Francis Bacon , it is a thin 4to. 
 of twelve pages, without any printer's name. Mr. D'lsraeli kindly lent me 
 a copy. It is similar, but not the same as the present copy. It was also 
 published by Dr. Rawley, in the Resuscitatio, 1657, by whom it was 
 translated into Latin, and published in the Opuscula varia posthuma. 
 Londini, ex officina, R. Danielis, 1658. In his life he says, " Supererat 
 tandem scriptura illud Confessionis Fidei ; quod auctor ipse, plurimis ante 
 obitum annis, idiomate Anglicano concepit: operae pretium mihi visum 
 est Romana civitate donare ; quo non minus exteris, quam popularibus 
 suis, palam fiat, qua fide imbutus, et quibus mediis fretus, illustrissimus 
 heros, animam Deo reddiderit; et quod theologicis studiis, ueque ac philo- 
 sophicis et civilibus, cum commodum esset, vacaverit. Fruere his operibus, 
 et scientiarum antistitis olim Verulamii ne obliviscaris. Vale." 
 
 Of the Confession of Faith there are various MSS. in the British 
 Museum; Sloane's 23, 2 copies; Harleian, vol. 2, 314; vol. 3, 61; 
 Hai^raves, p. 62 ; the MSS. Burch, 4263, is, I suspect, in Lord Bacon's 
 own writing, with his signature. It is stated in one of the MSS. to h&ve 
 been written before or when Sir Francis Bacon was Solicitor General, 
 and in the Remains it is entitled, " Confession of Faith, written by Sir 
 
RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. CCCCXXXl 
 
 Dr. Rawley says, " For that treatise of his lordship's, 
 inscribed, A Confession of the Faith, I have ranked that in 
 the close of this whole volume ; thereby to demonstrate to 
 the world that he was a master in divinity, as well as in 
 philosophy or politics, and that he was versed no less in 
 the saving knowledge than in the universal and adorning 
 knowledges ; for though he composed the same many years 
 before his death, yet I thought that to be the fittest place, 
 as the most acceptable incense unto God of the faith 
 wherein he resigned his breath ; the crowning of all his 
 other perfections and abilities ; and the best perfume of his 
 name to the world after his death. This confession of his 
 faith doth abundantly testify that he was able to render a 
 reason of the hope which was in him." (a) 
 
 It might be said of him, as one of the most deep thinking 
 of men said of himself, " For my religion, though there be 
 several circumstances that might persuade the world I 
 have none at all, yet, in despight thereof, I dare, without 
 usurpation, assume the honourable style of a christian: 
 not that I merely owe this title to the font, my education, 
 
 Francis Bacon, Knight, Viscount St. Albans, about the time he was 
 Solicitor Geneml to our late sovereign lord King James.'' 
 
 This tract was republished in 1757. A Confession of Faith, written by 
 the Right Honourable Francis Bacon, Lord Verulam, republished with 
 a preface on the subject of authority in religious matters, and adapted to 
 the exigency of the present times. London, printed for W. Owen, at 
 Temple Bar, 1757., 8vo. pp. 26 
 
 (a) This tract is thus noticed by Archbishop Tennison in the Baconians. 
 His Confession of Faith, written by him in English, and turned into 
 Latin by Dr. Rawley, upon which there was some correspondence between 
 Dr. Maynwaring and Dr. Rawley. See vol. xii. of this edit. p. 209. 
 —It is stated in one of the MSS. to have been written before or when Sir 
 Francis Bacon was Solicitor General, and in the Remains it is entitled, 
 " Confession of Faith, written by Sir Francis Bacon, knight. Viscount 
 St. Albans, about the time he was Solicitor General to our late sovereign 
 lord King James." 
 
CCCCXXXU LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 or clime wherein I was born, but having, in my riper years 
 and confirmed judgment, seen and examined all, I find 
 myself bound by the principles of- grace and the law of 
 mine own reason to embrace: no other rehgion than this, (a) 
 Prayers. From his Prayers, found' after his death, his piety 
 cannot be mistaken. (6) They have the same glory around 
 
 (a) See Sir Thomas Browne's Religio Medici; of which my' excellent 
 friend, Charles Lamb has, with his usual sweet , and. deep feeling, thus 
 spolten: *' I wonder and admire his entireness in every subject that is 
 before him. He follows it, he neVer wanders from it, and he has no occasion 
 to wander; for whatever happens to be the subject, he metamorphoses all 
 nature into it. In that treatise on some urns dug up in ISJtor/fllk, how 
 earthy, how redolent of graves and sepulchres is every line ! You have now 
 dark mould, now a thigh-bone, now a skull,' theij a bit of a mouldered 
 coffin, a fragment of an old tomb-stone with mdss in its " Hie jacet," a 
 ghost or a winding-sheet, or: the echo jof a, funeral ;fisalm wafted on, a- 
 November wind; and the gayest thing you sha^l mept jwithsJi^U be a ?jlve|r> 
 ndil or a gilt " Anno Domini," frona a perished coffin top." 
 
 The whole of the passage is as follows : " For niy religion, though there 
 be several circumstances that might persuade the world I have none at all, 
 as the general scandal of my profession, the natural course pftmy studies, 
 (he indifferency of my discourse, and behavjopr iu matters of religion, 
 neither violently defending one nor witii common ardour or contention 
 opposing another, yet in despight hereof I dare withotit usurpatibh aSshme 
 the honourable style of a christian : not that I merely owei lihis title to the 
 font, my education, or clime wherein I was l^oqi, as being bred, up eithej; 
 to confirm those principles my parents instilled into my unwary under^, 
 standing, or by a general consent proceed in the religion' of my country; 
 bilt having in my riper years and confirmed judgment seen and ■ examined 
 all, I find myself obliged, by the principles of grace and the; law of mine 
 own reason, to embrace, no other name th^in th^. Neither, doth her^n my 
 zeal so far make me forget the general charity I owe into humanity, as . 
 rather'to hate than pity Turks; Infidels, and Jevps, rather contenting myself 
 to enjoy that happy style than maligning-those, who, refuse so glorldufe a 
 title. But because the, name of christian is .become tooj general tp express . 
 our faith, to be particular, I am of that reformed new-cast religion, wherein 
 I dislike nothing but the name : of the same belief our Saviour taught, the 
 apostltes disseminated, the fathers aiithorized, and the martyl:s eofifirmed." 
 
 (i) Vol. vii. p. 3. Of the prayers the first, entitled, " A P;rayer, or 
 Psalm, made by the Lord Chancellor of England;" is in the Resuscjtatio ; 
 
RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. CCCCXXXUl 
 
 them, whethei' they are his supplications as a student, as an 
 author, or as a preserver, when Chancellor, of the religious 
 sentiments of the country. 
 
 As a student, he prays, that he may not be inflated or Student's 
 misled by the vanity which makes man wise in his own P'^^y"' 
 conceit : " To God the Father, God the Word, God the 
 Spirit, we put forth most humble and hearty supplications, 
 that human things may not prejudice such as are divine ; 
 neither that from the uiilocking of the gates of sense, and 
 the kindling of a greater natural light, any thing of incre- 
 dulity or intellectual night may arise in our minds towards 
 divine mysteries." (b) 
 
 As an author (c) he prays in the same spirit : " Thou, Q Author's 
 Father, who gavest the visible light as the first-born of thy P'^y®'' 
 creatures, and didst pour into man the intellectual light as 
 the top and consummation of thy workmanship, be pleased 
 to protect and govern this work, which coming from thy 
 goodness, returneth to thy glory." 
 
 The same spirit did not forsake him when Chancellor ; Chancel- 
 " Most gracious Lord God, my merciful Father from my " yg^ 
 youth up, my Creator, my Redeemer, my Comforter. 
 Remember, O Lord, how thy servant hath walked before 
 thee : remember what I have first sought, and what hath 
 been principal in my intentions. I have loved thy assem- 
 blies : I have mourned for the divisions of thy church : I 
 have delighted in the brightness of thy sanctuary. This 
 vine, which thy right hand hath planted in this nation, I 
 have ever prayed unto thee that it might have the first 
 and the latter rain ; and that it might stretch her branches 
 to the seas and to the floods. Thy creatures have beeil 
 
 the second prayer, entitled, " A Prayer made and used by the Lord Chan- 
 cellor Bacon," is in the Remains ; and the two remaining prayers, " The 
 Student's Prayer," and " The Writer's Prayer," are in the Baconiana. 
 (6) Vol. vii. p. 8. (c) Vol. vii. p. 9. 
 
 VOL. XV. // 
 
tion. 
 
 CCCCXXXIV ^ UFE.OK B^CjON ,:iii 
 
 ,A-,r my bppks,, but, ithy sci>ipt,urp% muph mor?*,. ,1 .hayp soiigh,t 
 "•'*' thee , in, the courts, fields, ai\d,j,^rj^inSj.jJ^yt,I h^ve, found 
 thee in thy temples," («) jjo^ dle.dfjfis 'jcii »,<-;[•., h-,! ;9t 
 Instaura- .j,The same holy feeling appears, in all his , important 
 wodiSr— The preface to his JnstajiEatio-Magna- x)pen&j(A). 
 and concludes (c) with a prayer. The treatise " De 
 — r- ^ ^-^, /^-r ■ '"'' '■■' ' -' ' ■"■ ' ■ -■' ''■ ■"■'> 
 
 <a), Vol. vii. p. 5. bu,,. '.irf.M'iS^a^ MiWfc Uou^, imb'n -iiui 
 (6) "We in the beginning of our work pour forth 
 ra®st humble and ardent prayers to God the Father, God 
 the Word, and God the Spirit, that mindful of the cares 
 of man, and of his pilgriniage through this ;life, in, which 
 we wear out sopae few and evil days, thou would, vouchsafe 
 through our hands to endow the family of ,man^iind with 
 these newJgifts ; and we moreover humbly pray that human 
 knowledge may not prejudice divipetrutih,, and that no 
 incredulity and darkness in regard ito;th,e,;diyine. i^iyst^HftS; 
 may arise in our minds upon ttie^^PclosijignQfiltb*. ways 
 Qf,sense,,and;this, greater kift^liag,;j^§ mv natiMftl,iiig4tf-fit 
 but ..rather that, from a pure utidej;s(?an,4it<g> cl.eai;§d:Pf a)l 
 fancies , and ■ vanity, ,yet no less svuljmittfsdi^P.* nay.iwholiy; 
 prostrate before the divine oracles,, ,w^tffla,y reod^riiViivto 
 faith ith,e tribnte due unto faith,: andi, lastly,, th^ti l^ei^ig, 
 freed from the poison of knowledge, jnfusgd^.in^, it, ,by, 
 the serpent, and with which the human so,ul is, «\n[PJin an^, 
 puffed up, we may neither be too profotiijdly not JRmiod^i-; 
 rately wise, but worship truth in charity.";* I, ^ ,, i.m :,,,„, 
 (c) The preface to the Jnstauration,,,conQ],TjdeSi J^'Jgw 
 " Neque enim hoc sinerit Deus, ut phanta^ise npstTap spffif jumj- 
 pro exemplari mundi edamus : sed pptiuSjbenigijp.f^yeMj ut 
 apocalypsim, ac veram visionem vestigiQritimtjet,sigi)|3rMW; 
 Creatorig supercreaturas, scribamus., ,„Itaqwe jtw,, iPatef;„ 
 qui lucem visibilem primitias creaturee .dcdisti, ,eit.|lTiqem;; 
 intellectualem ad, fastigium operuni tuprwm, ;in .jfajCietft; 
 hominis inspirasti; opus hoc; quod a, tua booitate.pror, 
 
 * Vol. ix. p., 260. 
 
RELIGtOtJS OPINIONS. CCCOXXXV 
 
 Atigmentis Scienti^rum'* abounds M'Jth 'reli^ioBS' sen#mentS','De' Avig- 
 cftntain^ two tracts, one upon tiattiral, the otiier upon re-™^°'"*' 
 vealed religion, " the sabbath and port of all men's labours :" 
 and (iQnelud'es,fl" Attamen,! quoniam *- etiam res iquaeque "«"^'««I 
 
 fectum, tuam gloriam repetit, tuere et rege. Tii, postquam 
 conversus -es-ad- spectan<il um -opera, quae fecerunt -saatMi'S 
 tuBB vidisti quod omnia essent bona valde ; et requievisti. 
 At homo, conversus ad opera, quae fecerunt m&,nus suae, 
 vidit quod Omnia essent vanitas et vexatio spiritus; nee 
 uUo modo requievit. Quare si in operibus tuis sudabfmus, 
 faciefs nos visionis tuse et sabbati tui participes. Suppliceist 
 pdtirtiusj ut hsee mens nobis constet: 'utque novis' elee- 
 rifesyrii&'-pAr'ilnanui" nostras et aliorum, quibus eandem' 
 meilterfi >larfgi§*is{ failiiliam humanam dotatam velis."* - t 
 " |"Mkyi<&©dibever permit u» to give out the dfeaia of 
 '(SaP*3i«i4^a4'ttintio<i'el df the world, but rather' inthis'feiftd*- 
 ««(^«V^hkf§W«ii§^'iriiafl9<of writing a re<^^6lat»a and' 
 triik^^4i^iS)W-'§P SKg ^fkceg'aiid stamps of the Creator oh- 
 tk i%im^i> M^ytfeUy therefore, O Father, whogavfest- 
 t^fiojSgh^'af fifeiotl'jElS l!he first fruits of creatioii,> and- hast 
 iSfepireJf^tKg GotftitenanCfe' of man with the li^htiof the? 
 i8ffll%^slteitling!%*USw completion of thy wo*k&,'^uard and' 
 dS^etit l9feiW««i(iWhi^S,4ite6ttfe(!idg from thy bounty, sbeke 
 in i-etiitttthy "g'lotj^l •' WliedUlidtf turhedst to- look upon 
 the Wtirks of tliyhittdb, thou' safest that all wierc^ v'dryi, 
 good and restedst. i'Bfit man, when he turned toward^ the 
 wWfi^ (Jf'-M's' tends] Sa:# that they Were ali.varlity and 
 ■tmmmW^^s^mmitno rest. * WherefweifWe labour 
 iii' tt^'W^^'flflStiSWn* make Us partakers of tha-t whicB 
 mmWm^ti%mb^i^ rest. We humbly pray that w(r 
 pl^^Ht dJ^pMtiibil may 'continue firm, and that thoumayes^ 
 be 'vWftiftg to eftdow thy famrly of mankind with new 'gifts 
 thrbu^ our il«iiiV!i^, and the hawds'of those to v^hoVft it"h6^' 
 iViltacCol'd tlie'Sftlne disposition." 'J'!''' nitPiiq-ni ^niimHi 
 
 * Vol. ix. p. its. 
 
ccccxxxvij ^ ];-|ji;E,pF B^qoisr. ,, 
 
 , ,j inaxiinse initiis suls debentur, mihi' ^?itis fugrjt ^e^fisse 
 
 posteris et Deo imnaortali : cuju§ numea swpplex precor, 
 
 per filium suum et servatoi'em nostrum, ut has et Ijisce 
 
 similes intellectus hum?tni victimas, rejigipne tanquam sale 
 
 respersas, et gloriae suse immplatas, propitiuSj^accipere 
 
 dignetur," , In the midst of his profound reasoning in the 
 
 Novum Noyi;ip Organum, there is a passage in which his opinion 
 
 Organum. ^^ ^^^ incorporeal nature is disclosed, (x) And the third 
 
 3rd Part part of the Instauration concludes thus : ," Deus Universi 
 
 '*"'^"° Conditor, Conservator, Instaurator, hoc opus, ,et in ascen- 
 
 sipne ad gloriam suam, et in descepsi^oine.ads bonum 
 
 humaoum pro sua erga homines, bepevolentia, ^et mj^eri- 
 
 cprdia, protegat et^j^regat, pe^ Milium suum unicuni, 
 
 no^bis^tim Deum." , , ,H,,,, ,; ,, ; ._„jfin bns ,Yt?9((,(.i 
 
 Minor ^Ip^ his minor, publica^ioji^j, the ^^pme piety ^y b4,^eiqj^, 
 
 tions?^' ^^,^PP^^''® ^° ^^^ Mi^'^'fttfiBS^!^^'^'^* 5 '-'"^ ^^ the Wisdom 
 of the Ancients;^) in the Fables pf Pan, (c) of Pro- 
 metheus,(rf) of Pentheus,(e) and of Cupid,; (f.) in various 
 parts of the Essays, but particularly in the Essay, on. 
 Atheism (g) and Goodness of Nature :(/*) in the New 
 , Atlantis ; (e) i^^Jii,s tr,a(;|| "f^^ pnncjpiis," and th^ t^'a.ct, 
 eptiUed, « Th^|3^^ons:9f Entities. (A^, ^ ,,^ ^^^^^^ ^,,,., 
 
 (jr) " Quare actio magnetica poterit esse instantia diijortii <;irca naturam 
 <S6i:p6reain, et actionem naturalem. Cui hoc adjici potest tanquam corol- 
 larium aut lucram non prsetermittendiim-: viz. quod etiam seciitiduni 
 sensum philosophanti sumi possit probatio, quod sintentia et substaiitise 
 separatae et incorporeae. Si enim virtus et actio naturalis, emanans a ,001- 
 pore, subsistere possit aliquo tempore, et aliquo loco, omnino sine corpore ; 
 ptope' est 'tit possit etiam emanare in origine sua a substantia incorporeS. 
 VidetOf "Tmm'noti ininiis requiri natura corporea'ad aclioneiii na&falenii 
 stisteh'tarida'in'et deprehendam, quam aa excitandum aut generandam. 
 ''^■(ii)- Sei vol. i. p. 203, and preface to vol. i. p. xxiii. ' ~ , 
 
 ■''^i> Vdl. iii. p. 1, and preface, p. 2.'" .(s) Vol. iii. p. ll.' "\ " 
 
 id) Vol. iii. p. 68. , ' "I'e) Vol. iii. p. 29.'^- '' (/) Vbl.iii, p. 43. 
 
 (g) Vol. i. p. 53P''^^'"i ^W' Vol. i. p.- 40. " '' "'* (i) Vol. ii. p! 336. 
 
 Qi) Baconiana, p. 91. It concludes thus : "This is the forin'and rule 
 
 .aaiJq- 
 
RELIGIOUS OPiNioNs. cfccM^ivii 
 
 ■'' There is a iradi ehtitiyS, '* T^e Charatcters of a b6li6ving Paradoxes. 
 christian; in pkradobces arid Seemihg contradictions," wliich' 
 is spnrioug. («)'■' »«'u?tao" nioio" n'»: J9 niuUf aninfi'isq 
 
 Such ire his religious sentiments in difiFerent parts of 
 his works j but they are hot confined to his publi6atidns. 
 They appear where, dccording to his own doctrine, our 
 opinions may always be discovered, in his familiar letters, ™^,'II,o 
 in the testimony of his friends, in his unguarded obser- 
 vations, and in his will. "•'"'■ '''^'' '' '»'* •^'*^'! .'"'^ .^^ 
 
 In a letter to Mr. Mathew, imprisoned for religion, he Letters, 
 says, " I pray God, who uhderstandelh us all better thah 
 we tihdetstatad one another, contain you, even as I hope 
 hie will, at the least. Within the' bounds of loyalty to his 
 majesty, and natural piety towards your country." In the 
 deditie'ofm'iif^] ?fa" his letter to the Bishop of Win- J^^^^ 
 chaster, he says, " Amongst consolaitions, it is not the least -^oo'* 
 fo'represem to a man's self like examples of calamity 
 iSPmM' 'ia'tkis kind of consolation I have^'-'fitft been 
 wanting io in^seW, ithbUgh as a Christian, 1 Iwe-^alleSj 
 m9^iigSL%(»s ^eat gobdnets. of higher r§m^^.^f^^' 
 
 incomStent with^^e language of philosophy, and at 
 variance with his own doctrines. It was written, not in 
 prostration to any, idol, but from his horror of the barren 
 and desolate minds that are continually saying, "There is 
 iio God',"(c) Etnd his preference, if compelled to elect^ of the 
 least of two errors. " I' had rather," he says, ." beUeveall 
 
 of our alphabet. May God the Creator, Preserver, and Restore^: of th,e 
 
 universe, protect and govern this work, both in its ascent to his glory, 
 
 and in its descent to the good of mankind, for the sake of his mei;cy and 
 
 good will to men, tlwough.his only son Immanuel." i^,-; /^^ 
 
 (o) The evidence of this may be found in the preface to vol. vii. / /„\ 
 
 . CA)i S|e tetter to the Duke of Buckingham, postea, p. 445. ^^^g rj\ 
 
 (c) See postea, p. 443, note («). 
 
ccccxxxviii ^''tiFii '6^ BAtt)^'. ^^ 
 
 ^&e fables in thel^end'aM'tfe'TalmTid'and' the Alcoi'a'n, 
 'than that this uni^Hftal franie is^Vithbut'a mind/' (a) "' 
 As knowledpe consist&in understanding.the sequence of 
 events, or cause and effect, (6) he knew that ©wor- must exist 
 not only from our ignorance, but from' our knowledge, of 
 immediate causes. '^"'■''' '"" W"-''->->'-'0'>-'-m^ >'-■■'> lo mid -•),....>■) 
 ,, In the infancy of his reason, man ascribes events to 
 chance, or to a wrong natural causey (c) or to. the imme^ 
 
 "! ■,■ ..-.'JBT YHiri 'I, ir.li) . il .flj;;p ■ .. ..■<,,_ 
 
 (li) u, Tf.,! " Great dod ! i d rather be ■ , , , 
 
 ^ ' 6' Ji'' . iif! ' ffir; fiT.ii^i 1)1;;; 
 
 ri..((«o«lji-A,pagan suckled in a creed outworn: ,v.'^.,j,m tenn, HrLfi.. 
 
 I Jr.rh (us.fi So, might I, standing on this pleasant lea, ' , ,, ^^ ^^ |^.^_^^^ 
 
 .!i '^9 1- uRS Have glimpses that would (nake me less forlprn,; ^'. ^^^.^ 
 
 >tM nfiut vi Have sight of Proteus rising from the sea; 
 
 Htw ic'i- 1 il t)r hear old Triton blow his w:;eathed horn," — Wordsworth. 
 
 (fc) Allthe ol'der and happiness in the world depend 6pdn ilhe regular 
 S^uehce of events: in<>\l vri-y.U, /JK.ii,. ,,, i .\ . ■■ i ,,,• vni nhus unh 
 ; "•"■ AW things that are have some operation not violeiit dr caSrfsfl. ' Neithev 
 doth any thing ever 'begin 'to exercise the sime, without some fore-conceiyed 
 €!nd for 'which itWoilteth. And the end which itworkethfor is not obtained 
 unless the work be also fit to obtain it by. " For linto every end eve^- (ope- 
 ration will not serve. That which doth assignmhto each thingcthelkSod, 
 that which doth moderate the force and pxjwery thkt which' 'appoiilts ith'e 
 form and' measure of Working, the same' we term a law. So thait.hO'certsLin 
 end could ever be attained,- unless the actions whereby itiisiattaitiedjwefe 
 regular, that is to say, inade suitable, fit, and correspondent ilntStheiriend, 
 by some canon rule of'law-."— Hooker, Ecclesiastical Pblitjt. -£ ,((r,'li'>fj')'i 
 
 The blessings which result from the regular sequence of events will be 
 evident' by a 'moment's consideration of the itaisery attendant i upoft an 
 interruption of this regularity : suppose, for instance, that ^ calculating hpon 
 the nutritious effects of food, it was to have ' the - effect of poisbn, bnthat 
 Sugar had the effect of arsenic; or that fire, instead ■ df eJthilarating' by a 
 genial warmth, had the violent effects of gunpowder; or that, at "the moment 
 ofattat-k, gunpowder ceased to be inflammable, is Ik nttt obvidus what 
 fflisefy must result ? aH). oi bvnF^jiwji; /li!:m)i?]:>:)n IcDo.rft.mfin 'i-mi 
 
 (c) The following anecdote from a sermon of Bislibp Latimer will cleaily 
 illustrate this : " Here now I remember an argument of Master More''s, 
 which he bringeth in a book that he made against Bilriey, and' here by the 
 way I will tell you a merry toy." Master More was once serif in 'commis- 
 sion into Kent, to help to try out, if it might be, wliat was the cause of 
 
uKi^wJiQqs .OPINIONS. c,ccc^^?;ix 
 
 di^e,!ipt^l'fei)eftce!,|9J^,,a pup^ior, bepesypljent or , m^l^yoleiit 
 being;.(fl) i9,|i(l, hay jpg, formed an ppinion, h^ ,eptr§nch^^ 
 
 Goodwin sands and the shelf that stopped up Sandwich haven. Tnither 
 
 Cometh Master More, afnd' cialleth thfe country before him, such as 'were 
 
 thought to be men of experience, and men that could of likeljhppd best 
 
 certify him of that matter concerning the stoppage of Sandyvich haven. 
 
 Among others ca,me in before him an old man with a white head, and one 
 
 fliat was thought t6 be little less than a hundred years old. When Master 
 
 More saw this'aged man,he thought it eipedient- to hear him say his mind 
 
 in this matter, .for, being so old a man, it was likely that he knew most of 
 
 any man in that presence and company. So Master More called this old 
 
 aged man unto him, and said,' Father; tell me, if ye can, what is the' cause 
 
 of this great rising of the sands arid shelves hereabout this haVen, the which 
 
 stop it up, so that no shipS can arrive here ? Ye are the eldest man that I 
 
 can espy in all this company, so that if any man can tell any cause of it, 
 
 ye of likelihood can say rhost of it, or at leastwise more than any man here 
 
 ass'eiiibled'. Yea, f6rsci6th,^6od Master, quoth this old man, for I am well 
 
 nigh a ■hundred years bid, and no man here in this company any thing 
 
 near unto my age. Well then, quoth Master More, how say you in this 
 
 matted?" What think ye to be thei cause of these shelves and fiats that stop 
 
 Iwpi'SaBdwiBft liHwenlSfjffForsootbj sirj quoth he, I am an old man ; J think 
 
 Itliat fVnftwdeii'^e&plt/iis the cause of Goodwin sands; for I am an old 
 
 • many^ir/ q&oth'Aiey-and I may remember the.buildingof Tenderdeni ateepte, 
 
 . tindliilayiiefaieiBber when there was no steeple at all there. And jbtsfore 
 
 that Tenderd^niiSteeple was in building, there was no mapner of speaking 
 
 ■ of any flatsilCB;'3ands"that stopped-the haven, and therefore I think, that 
 
 Tenderden'fSteeplevife the. cause of the destroying and decay of Sandwich 
 
 haven. • ACdf so 'to'iHy purpose, preaohingof God's.word is the cause of 
 
 rebellion, as TendBrden steeple was -the cause that jS^ndwifh haven is 
 
 decayed." < "in MiODpaa i)iijr;.;">i 'iih h'.i i jliji-;V! ihtihi -.,;"ife»:'iil nO" 
 
 iifi A qomraohnallstanoe'pfr this species of error is" in the -love-npte of the 
 
 -spider, called, the, death iWatch/ Sitting bytheibed of , a i sick i lOi , .dyipg 
 
 friendj when, all is Still,, the, noise of the spider is h^ard.a, shprt time 
 
 befor© the, death of the' sufferer; and the events are, therefore, supposed to 
 
 be connected. Astrology is> perhaps, foundedupon this delusion. ' Imnav 
 
 (a).:NeartO'the Hattz.mQBntainsiniffiermajny, a gigantic figure , has from 
 
 time immemorial occasionally appeared in the heavens. It is indistinct, 
 
 but always resembles the form of a human being. Its appearance has ever 
 
 been, a certain indication of approaching misfortunp. It is called t^e 
 
 Spectre of the Broken. It has been seen by many travellers. In speaking 
 
 of it, Monsieur Jordan says, " In the course of my repealed ^ojjrs through 
 
 4 the Hartz jnountains, I often, but in vain, ascended Ae.BTOken, that I 
 
CCCCXI .8 LIFE OF BACON. >T 
 
 himself within its narrow boundaries, or is indolently 
 content without seeking for any remote cause, (51) but 
 
 might see the spectre. At length, on a serene morning, as the sun was 
 just appearing above the horizon, it stood before me, at a great: distance, 
 tbwards the opposite'mountain. '*.It seemed to be the gigantic figure of a 
 man. It vanished in a moment." In September, 1796, the Celebrated 
 Abb6 Haiiy visited this country. He says : " After having ascended the 
 mountain for thirty times, I at last saw the spectre. It was just at sun- 
 rise, in the middle of the month of May, about four o'clock in the morning. 
 I saw distinctly a human figure of a monstrous size. The atmosphere was 
 quite serene towards the east. In the south-west' a high wind carried 
 before it some light vapours, which were scarcely condensed into clouds 
 and hung round the mountains upon which the figure stood. I bowed. 
 The colossal figure repeated it. I paid my respects a second time, which 
 was returned with the same civility. I then called the landlord of the' inn ; 
 and having taken thesame position which I had before occupied, we looked 
 towards the mountain, when we clearly saw two ^uch colossal figures, 
 which, afl:er having repeated our compliment by bending their bodies, 
 ranished.-^When the rising sun thtowshis^-rtiysi over the Broken upOB the 
 body ofia man standing opposite to fleecy clouds, let hito" fix his eye 
 steadfastly ■upon them, and in all probability he will see his owii shadow 
 extending the length of five or sk huodred'feelyat-the'dlstanoei.of about 
 two miles from him." -^"i'TOt . iiJi'</J)«ft rjjicai^ jlMaeJiDxa jJtii'nflv i^Idoitrp 
 
 (y) This is explained by Lord Bacon, in his doctrine of Idols; tinder'thfe 
 head ^' Abandoiling Universality." He says, " M^n^ftaS a tetodeflcy to 
 abiridoH imiversality, that is, to stop too soon in his inquiries, and to dbti- 
 clude that he views the truth which he possesses iti all its extent." This 
 may be thus illustrated : — Rings twirled upon an axis appear spheres. A 
 lighted stick, moved quickly in a circle, appears a circle of fire, or what 
 boys call" gold lace. A lighted flambeau carried quickly :by mighfe afpfears 
 tailed like a comet. When a musical string is struck, U vibrates, and 
 the strings appear double, treble, &c. These appearances originate in a 
 new impression being made before the effect of a, former impression is 
 removed ; for if these motjous are performed slowly, such appearances do 
 not exist. It may, therefore, be considered a general truth, that when a 
 new impression is made upon the organ of sight before the effect of a 
 former impression is removed, that is, when the motion of impulse is 
 quicker than the motion of recovery, this peculiar effect is pitodueed. 
 Nov? the position, that "Man has a tendency to abandon Tini+ersaUty," 
 assumes that, the mind, having discovered this truth with respect to the 
 sense of Seeing, is apt to rest content therewith, without considering that it 
 
RELiGjaus opijrioNs. ccccxli 
 
 philosophy endeavours to discover the antecedent in the 
 chain of events, («); and looks up to the first cause. (6) nu;^ 
 
 is only a sprout from some general or mote universal truth pervading 
 different parts of nature. .,,,'.„:! unosi 4-' iWjif,! ;,ff 
 
 That this truth is not confined tp the sense of seeing will appear from 
 a few moments' consideration. — Does riot gunpowder produce its effect by 
 the rapidity with which the crude spitit of the nitre avoids and flies from 
 fire, where the impelling force is quicker than the force of resistance? are 
 not such great masses of matter as an elephant or a wh^le moved in the 
 same manner by the repeated action of animal spirit? is not, also, animal 
 spirit itself in the same manner put to flight by the action of opium ? „Is 
 it not, therefore, an universal truth, that great effects are produced when 
 the m^ion of impulse is qnidw-than the motion of recovery? rrrmi fiir- 
 i^;) Again, to fall, suddenly from a discord upon a concord is agreeable,, in 
 music; but this truth. is not confined to music : a sudden, altecatiop in tone 
 is often agreeable in, public speaking; and it may, perhaps, be said uni- 
 versaUy that' thece always is delight in breaking the continuity of any 
 painf*fl sensation. , <-,: !,i;)j'i-i(ttuo;> tin- h" 'ijot :iiur-ii un: ,rf3iilw 
 .Again, the quavering.»pot)-,a.S<Qpin music gives delight to /the ;ear ; but 
 this pleas^r^/rora quayeting is, npt .confined to music: for the , playing of 
 ligh^^npon the,wat«r or the. sparkling, of a diamond give the ^ame .delight 
 jto^.>tt!e„e3^S»i..jMj'»;iPe*aps, it ms>y ,be said univejsally, thsit g^tle ^nd 
 quickly varying excitement, gentle fluctuating undulation,] una^l;ended with 
 pain, is.plp^s^t*, gQiTdaob >iit fli:,no!ij;!i t (ni jKUiigvi -!r <;ii ' 
 jj, The (^u,5e, se^iji^SfJbj/ibB, ^^^^jjfjental indolence, whjglhi.ffK^"'* ^*^}^ 
 -lji» *fi tpith itposs^p%,wj^1i(^jyi^,trouble of inquiringijiyjjg^heif,,^^^?^ 
 jljfjextended;. ox the neveg.;ds|gmiflg,ofJ.he possibiliq^f^f,^^,g«J^gj^ 
 Ji:om Wftntofthe habit of. exerpi^iig the. ^n^i[ftes^g.t9i^i%^l^^l}t3iRf 
 jgiving scppe to the uijderstancjing to.range^ -iii.jnp (.-..om ,ibj,i« feurtgii. 
 * The eti:^ with respectto cause and effect may be thus exhibited : t" i5 
 
 ^"*^ ''>!'.' Ftoift ig&ranc^'bf the! cause, ascribing events ' '' "''' '"''"'* 
 at ,!: isrii a'JJU'.flv To ch^tice. • .' ' ■ • ■_•[': ^sui-w '(rit 
 
 imi unni.n.a.r To awrongnattttal cause. ,r! m . 1( »•).- 
 
 Xa./" ■ - • ■ •■• - 
 
 L^.r.To immediate interposition of ^.Si^peripr.,, 
 
 2. !E'romSnot«'e6tee of proximate cause. . 
 
 niy , ,.1 
 
 £ n..<lw ij, ,i- 'Ib'^flomrig universality. 
 
 .B. 1> ■.'■.■". ; •:m.i..: ... m a im: o -litt . i.- a '>. -litf! f.K '•.Tf,.-'>r'-nf|lll( w^i'i 
 
 :>j fe) .See a,ntej, note (o),. page 439. , ,, „^^ .,, ,,„,„,, 
 
 .i, (6) Hume, in his general corollary at the conclusion of his Essays, says, 
 " Though the stupidity of men, barbarous and uninstructed, be so great, 
 that they may not see a sovereign author in the more obvious works 
 of nature, to which they are. so much familiarised, yet it scarce seems 
 
'I iThis stoppingj'at second'caii^ajftbeuprbperty'Dfuaniimals 
 and of ignorance, always ?din!ttn(iishes asiikMowledge. ad- 
 vances, (a) Great intellect cannot be severed from piety. 
 It was reserved for tl^e wisest,of.jii£gnto rake atemple.to 
 the living God.JifO" &id in Im/i,?. xjoogH ,3'io't'j"rt)/lJ .'^ojciH 
 ; Thfe philosopher who discovered the immediate cause of 
 ligktning- was not inflated by his beautiful disco.vfiry,:_he 
 was conscious of the power j,^^^ which dwelleth in thick 
 darkness, and sendeth out lightnings like arrows." (A) i.tpH 
 ' The philosopher who discovered the immediate cause of 
 the rainbow did not' rest in the proximate cause, but raised 
 
 ■~ '■ ' ' 5k ^WiT '' [51 
 
 possible, that any one of good understanding should rejectthe idea,, when 
 once it is suggested to him. A purpose, an intention, a design, is evidwt 
 in every thing; and when our comprehension is; so far enlarged, as to con- 
 template :the first rise of this visible system, we must adoptj, witlj the 
 strongest conviction, the idea of some intelligant. cause or author." ,oq,^t,i iir 
 
 ,' So, tpo, Browne in his beautiful work .on, Caiuse and Effect/) siajiis, 
 f "Wherever we turn our eyes, to' thelearth, totlieiheavens, torthe myriajis 
 of beings that live and move around us, or to tboseimotethan myriads.of 
 worlds, which seem themselves almost like animate inhabitants o£ the 
 infinity: through which they range; abijvie us, beneath/'US, on.gvecyrsideiwe 
 discover with a certainty that admits nqt of doubt, intelligence and jdesign, 
 that must haVe preceded the; existence of everything which, iexists.,' The 
 power of the Omnipotent is indeed so transcendent in itself, that' the loftiest 
 imagery and language which we can borrow from a few passing/events in 
 the boundlessness of nature, must be feeble.-to,' express, litsfesee,. and 
 universality." t ui ,,. ,[f a^-f H'l-iS \.i\-=,a tr-rio Ti',f|t oJ fj;)>WinBa n-.-ori » 
 
 . (a) See note (a), preceding pageir^Men will, therefore,, always, exist wlio 
 may conceive themselves to be the most important beings itt.the univeisei 
 the fern is a forest to the insect below. it. yrfj s^ofpiO ifjob ,tt otni sjfrf.ilnii 
 (i) Dr. Franklin, speaking of conductors, says, " jArod was fixed tothe 
 top of my chimney, and extended about nine feet above it. Fromthefoot 
 ciifftljis.jiod, a wire the thickness of a goose-quill, came Swough la, eo^'ered 
 glass tube in the roof, and down through the well of the staircase;., the 
 lower end connected with the iron spear of ailamp. On thenstaircase 
 opposite to my chamber door the wire was divided; the ends. -separated 
 about six inches, a little bell on each end, and between the little bmss beUs 
 a ball suspended by a silk thread, to play between and strike the bells 
 when clouds passed with electricity in them.'' ,i(,j fiv-iH tun \ •: •■■•n -nl 
 
REjyiOv'pacis ©ipuNioNs. BcbcxBu 
 
 his th'6u^iitS'itqchi|n who ■:placae1ikii(his bow ia theheavens. 
 "Very' bfeatt<BluViit is ' in *beli'brif btiiesso thereof: Jti cbm- 
 passeth'thte heaven about iwith a glorious circle, anduthe 
 hand of the Most -High hath/ -bended it."ii t'on^Mr g.sw Jl 
 Hence, therefore, Bacon said in his youth, and repeated 
 in his age, (a) ** it is an- assured truth, and a ciy^cMlion 
 
 (a)' liis sentiments were formed at aii early period of his life, sind 
 continued to his -death, t. (.tii-i Juc i.t^Jxi-i.-! ,*^£<n}hGb 
 
 "Jo III ;Ei, ;Sm!\lL volun\e which he publislied when he was thiHyTseve.9j years 
 of age, there is a meditation upon Atheism. It was puhUshed in Latin m 
 1597,' and in Eriglish in 1598. The work is " Meditationes Sacra!."'' A 
 portiori of his"ineditatioii on Alheisni is as follows : " 'The foot Balh~sai3 
 in 'his ' hfeArt there is nO God.' ' ' First, it is to be noted, that the scripture 
 saith, ' The fbolhath said in his heart, and not thought in his heart.' Itis 
 a fool that 'hath sO said in his heart, which is most true; not only in respect 
 *hat4e'hath;nb taSte iti those things which ate supernatural and divine^ but 
 in respecfof hTirman anA eivil wisdom : for first of all, if you mark the wits 
 and dSpSsitidns which are' inclined to atheism, you shall find ■{hem light, 
 «coffljig, iibpudent,' and Vain; briefly of such a constitution as is ihost 
 teoritw^ to 'wisdom and'in'oral gravity. Secondly, amongst statesmen and 
 pbUftcs;-;'tho*sdi-i^hicH'have been of gi'eatest depths arid cofflptiSs, and of 
 ■felfgeJw-'anSjjiiost universal ilnderstanding, have not Only in cunning-* made 
 their''pi-ofit in- seeming reiligious to the people, but in truth have been 
 toache<}!With'an ihwawl'isenfise of theknowledge of deity, as they which ydu 
 &balfl>!eii'^l'itel'fe.ilote to ha\>e 'attributed much to'fortune and providence. 
 iGcftJttaf^wSsej'ithOse ■ti'ho'ascribeitalttMngs to their own cuimihgi and ptae- 
 ibices/JaB^ t»!th8s^t*i«diate&W'iappar^nt' causes, and as the prophet saith, 
 ' have sacrificed to their own nets,' have been always but petty counterfeit 
 >«(fe(tesiljefijafldi not'teapEtble' of the greatest actions. Lastly; this I 'dare 
 aflftrmnin ftri6«!ed|ei«rf nature,; that a little natural philosophy, and the first 
 entrance into it, doth dispose the opinioil to atheism ; but on the othePteidfe, 
 much fuattirat'pfetesop^y'and wading deep into it will bring aboiit men's 
 ffiinds'tff"relgiotf;'«hferefoi'e atheism every way seems to ^b^ijoined' e(Hd 
 coratoined with foUy.'and-ignoratice, seeing- nothing cara be (noreijUs% 
 allotteito be the saying of fOols-than this,' There is no God.'" sdi." 82sls 
 ■-*!cShiS?fitsl» edition' jof his lissays, which was > published with the Medi- 
 ItaiionesSsedlwes iti' 1597j'dofes not contain 'any essay upon Atheismr'^'iFhe 
 liext time tlie subject is mentioned by Lord Bacon is iu'ieos^' i» the 
 s^bBiag^wMJebl'have cited from the Advancement of Learning, i^n? Uhii r. 
 
 In 1612 Lord Bacon published an enlarged editiori of his EsBaysj'tfbd 
 
CCGCxliv LIFE OF BAOOIT. 
 
 ' i I H( 8« of experience, that a little ot superficial knowledge' of 
 philosophy may incline the' mind of man to atheism, but 
 a farther proceeding therein doth bring the mind back 
 again to religion ; for in the entrance of philosophy, when 
 the second causes, which are next unto the senses^ do offer 
 themselves to the mind of man, if it dwell and stay there, 
 it may induce some oblivion of the highest cause; but 
 when a man passeth on farther, and seeth the dependence 
 of causes, and the works of providence ; then, according to 
 the allegory of the poets, he will easily believe that the 
 highest link of nature's chain must needs be tied. to the 
 foot of Jupiter's chair." (a) j „ > 
 
 Rawley's The |e|tiajony pf his friends is of the same, nature. Hist 
 statement, chaplain '^and biographer,^ Dr. Ravvley, says, "That ,this 
 lord . was '^religioi^ and "conversant with God, appeareth 
 by Several.passageSithroughout the whole current of his 
 writmgs. , He-repaired frequently, when his health w^uld 
 permit him, to the service of the church ; to hear sermons ; 
 to the administration of thelacrament of the blessed body 
 aadjbloodof iC-brist ; and died in the true faith establislied 
 in the Church of England." (6) ^ mid Jd^>ooi<J -ir/iy siiii 1f> 
 
 iu irn'^V'O "-tn ffiP!" .qrf.* ' '' 
 
 iir this-edilion there is an essay on Atheism^ containing the very same 
 seBtiii?eiitS4 ' In 1623, he repeats it in his treatise De AiigiftentisJ aWdin 
 16^5, theyear before his death, he puMished' another editioji of hisEssaysj 
 in which there are additions and alterations, and considprabl^iimprowment 
 of the essay on Atheism, but a repetition of the s^me opinion: ^11. had 
 rather believe all the fables in the legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, 
 than that this universal frame is without a mind; and, therefore, God 
 never wrought miracle to convince atheisni, because his ordirtaiy 'Wotlik 
 convince it. It is true that a little philosophy inolineth man'fe mind- to' 
 atheism, but depth in philosophy bringeth men's minds 'aboutitO;ieJigion,; 
 for while the mind of man looketh upon second causes scattered, it,mj^r 
 sometimes rest in them, and go no further ; but when it beholdeth fhe chain 
 of thein confederate and linked together, it must needs fly to providence 
 aridd'eity." '•»-"» " ' '-•''■"IS >»•' ^^ i--' J" ■ 
 
 (a) 8 Iliad. 'V J I :>Hi. iUlf, (6) Life by Rawley. *yWOll ,YTl-3ra 
 
-. HIS WILL* IIJ CCCOX'lv 
 
 5c His: will tbus'- opens:' " I bequeath tny- soul and IW!)d^> His will. 
 
 into ^the hamdiS of God by the blessed oblation of my; 
 
 Saviour; the one at the time of my dissolution, the other 
 
 at the time of my resui;Eection."-^SuGh are the pr6ofs^ of 
 
 his religious opinionsi iir 3z9k nn riaii!"? ,^ vubo iyH0^;>?r 9il.l 
 
 His version of the Psalms waS the last of his literarjr 
 
 labburafnB':) J«oag;iJ ;>dls io - I'tiki' aaiu?, soifbui vjboi ii 
 
 In the autumn, he retired to Gorhambury.iq asm e nadw 
 
 In the latter end of October he wrote to Mr. Palmerj "io 
 
 Good Mr. Palmer,— I thank God, by means of tfee sweet 
 air of the; country, I have obtained some degree oif health. 
 Sending to the court^ I thought I would' salute you ; BfiA 
 r would be glad,' in* ihis solitary time and place, to liear :„3m<<i:t>; 
 a little ttom. you bOw tli'e World goeth, according to yOur 
 fri'endtyi iiiaiirier h'eretofori^t' Fare ye well, most neartilyl 
 eii '"■"' Your very affeciionate and assured, friend, . 
 
 Gorhambury, Oct. 29, 1625. ' Fft. St. AlbAN. 
 
 ^ ■■,.., ,; .: ,. oJ ^ i ;!!.' • &dJ lo OTint'ii ' o,t ■ " nroq 
 
 In.STowmber h«. wrote to thft^CaJteloiiiBuckBigham^Ca^J oJ 
 jj.^ib§,|jgijfgr§i,w»^iwhich followed ith^imfel^daisuidiieic 
 
 of this year brought him very low. bIj^u I io (!'"urf3 arfi ni 
 ^-Qnthp ]9tb "f Dpr-pmbpr hp TTiadpJhis toiIL 
 
 •xniiB ' ">f aris ■sfi^nii.'W'T ,ct-" ■ ' '• ' '' ^ ~ ' '' ■: 
 
 li (a) Eiscellent Lordj— I could not but signify unto your 
 g^pe^ni^ rejoicings that God hath sent your grace a son 
 and hfeiri, and thstt you are fortunate as Well iii your hoiise,' 
 aS in the state of th^ kingdom. These blessing cotif^efrpm 
 Go<^, as I do not doubt but your grace (io;^h„, with ^li 
 thankftilpeiss,, acknowledge, vowing to him . your, service. , 
 Myself, IpEaisehis divine Majesty, have gotten some step' 
 into health. My wants are great; but yet I want not d' 
 defeird id do your grace service; and I rriarvd, that ybur 
 grace should tliink to puH ..dpwn the monarchy of Spjifi} 
 witliout my good help. Your grace will give me leave; t,a be^ 
 merry, however the world goeth with me. I ever rest, &c. 
 
ccecxlvi LIFE of^>fiAc6^f. 
 
 A. D. In the spring of 1626 hi^' slifgtigth* laild"sptirttS ' rldViVed, 
 Mt^t'e ^^^ ^^ returned to hi*s fafouritfe secl'tision ih Gffdy's Inn, 
 Causeof from whence, on the 2nd of April,' eithet^' in his %ajr to 
 his death. Gorhambury, -"or when making an excursion into the 
 country, with Dr. Witherborne, the King's physician, it 
 occurred to him,' as he approached Highgkte, the snow 
 lying on the ground, that it might be deserving conside- 
 ration, whether flesh might not be preserved as Hvell in 
 snow as in salt; and he resolted immediately to try the 
 experiment. They alighted out of the coach, and went 
 into a poor woman's house at the bottom of Highgate HiU, 
 and bought a hen, and stuffed the body with snow, and' 
 my lord did help to do it himself '^Tte toow chilled him," 
 and he immediately fell so extremely ill, th^t'he could 
 not return to Gray's Inn, but was talken to the Earl of 
 Arundel's house, at Highgate, where he wds '^ut into a 
 warm bed, but it was damp, and had noli "beert. slept in for 
 a year before, (a) "■"'-'^1 ^ Mori lUbco^ .oms'j 
 
 Whether Sir ThcAnas Meautys"y#9b#.a^af«4f Scould be 
 found does not appeaf; but 'a me^setlget'-^aS'ltamfediately 
 sent to his relation, the Master 6f the RaHs, the 'charitable 
 Sir Julius Csesar,' then grown so old, 'that 'liei^'#as said to 
 be kept alive beyond nature's cotffsdj' by' the 'sprayers of 
 the many poor whom he da'ilyfelieve(i'.'(8)- fle'iustantly 
 attended his friend, vfho, confined^ % hi6"bbd^"'^iid so en- 
 feebled that he -was unable to' hold Et''pfeit,'''totild still 
 exercise his lively fancy. ' He thus' wrrite to L6i'd Arundel : 
 
 His last " My very good Lord, 
 
 letter. « J ^^g liji^ely to have had the fortune of Cajus J'liniils 
 
 the elder, who lost his life by trying an experiment about 
 the burning of the Moxmtain Vesuvius. For Iwasaiso 
 
 -iiw.. Ill yllrJii9liLi'.i,s ,VH;ai ''If.isj ,; 'tr. O'l'.nlJ vb bldOfk .'»( U:M ycimfibiii 
 
 \(U(ii'!i' il'i I'.' li')l i'lU'iill >'| ii'iixii" ' ■ " ' ' ■ ''••"' '•-"'■/ fi 'i'lw l)3ua,.^ 
 
 (a) Aubrey. Vul;..';,il „ (?,) See Wotton'S R^mainj.^' ^"' '""I" 
 
HIS. DEATH., j,-i CCCGxlvii 
 
 desirous to try .an e^peTiwient or, two, toucbipg.^he qenser- xi /. 
 vation and induration of bodies. As for the experiment 
 itself, it succeeded .excellently well; ,but in the journey 
 between London and Highg^te I was taken with; such, a 
 f^t of c;a,?ting, as ]j Ji^ew not .whether it were the stone, or 
 some surfeit, or Qold, or iude.ed a touch of them all three. 
 But when I came to your lordship's house, I was not ablet 
 to go back, and therefore was forced to take up my lodging 
 here, where your housekeeper is very careful and diligent 
 about me, whiph I assure myself your lordship will not 
 only pardon towards him, bnt think the better of him for 
 it. For indeed youi' lordship's house was happy to me ; 
 and I kis^ .your noble hands for the welcome which I am 
 sureyougiy.es.metoit. ,„,,, jr., q,, r yh, ^riiiHi .^>rf 'j...)£ 
 " I knoWiihow ^.fit it is for me to write to your lordship 
 with Etnypthef; .)iaod thw my own; but by my troth, my 
 fijUgers ,ar,e,S9^.^isji9^pt£;d;;with this fit of sickness, that I 
 cannot steadily hold a pen." ■{\'s.-)wl'»' \c3YB 
 
 ,.Th,is,,was hi^.^P-sttje^ter. , He died in the arms of Sir 
 JulijisCsesar, ea,rly,«p the morning of Easter Sunday, the 
 9th of April, 1626^ in the sixtyrsixth year of his age. (a) ..^ 
 
 On opening, his will, his wish to be buried at St. Albans Opening 
 thus appear^,: " For my burial, I desire it mayi be: in ^^^^ 
 St. Mifthaelfs church, jiear, St. Albans :■/.. ther^ was my ♦ 
 mother buried, and it is the parish churoh qf my mansion- 
 house of Gorhambury, and it is. the only Christiaa church 
 within the walls of Old Verulam." „yi(i,'t yio/ll ;<i(1 tSiinsTt} 
 
 (a) He died on the ninth day of April, in the year 1626, in the earfy .... 
 
 morning of the day then celebrated for our Saviour's resurrection, in the 
 sixty-sixth year of his age, at the Earl of Arundel's house in Highgate,near 
 London, to which place he. casually repaired about a week, before, God so 
 ordaining that he should die there of a gentle fever, accidentally accom- 
 panied with a great cold, whereby the defluxion of rheum fell so plentifully 
 upon his breast, that he died of suffocation. — llawley. , • (•ijiiu'l'iij 
 
ccccxlviii 
 
 LIFE OI' BACON. 
 
 Funeral. 
 
 Monu- 
 meut. 
 
 Of his funeral no account can be found, nor is there 
 any trace of the scite of the house where he died, (a) 
 
 He is buried in the same grave with his mother in St. 
 Michael's church. 
 
 On his monument he is represented sitting in contem- 
 plation, his hand supporting his head, (h) 
 
 FRANOISCUS BACON. BARO DK VERULA! S": ALB"': VICm»: 
 
 SEU NOTIORIBUS TITULIS. 
 
 SCIENTIABTIM LUMEN. FA.CVSD11E LEX. 
 
 SIC sedebat: 
 
 QUI POSTQUAM OMNIA KATURALIS SAPIENTIfl; 
 
 ET CIVILIS ARCANA EVOLVISSET 
 
 NATURJE DECRETUM EXPLEVIT 
 
 COMPOSITA SOLVANTUR. 
 
 AN° DNI MDCCVI 
 
 ^TAT^ LXVI 
 
 TANTI VI RI 
 
 MEM. 
 
 THOMAS MEAUTYS 
 
 SUPERSTITIS CULTOR 
 
 DEEUNCTI ADMIRATOR 
 
 H P 
 
 Meautys. This monument, erected by his faithful secretary, has 
 transmitted to posterity the image of his person; and, 
 though no statue could represent his mind, his attitude of 
 deep and tranquil thought cannot be seen without emotion. 
 No sculptured form gives the lineaments of Sir Thomas 
 Meautys. A plain stone records the fact, that he lies at 
 his master's feet. Much time will not pass away before 
 
 (a) I have sought, but sought in vain, for the scite of the house where 
 he died. — See the Gentleman's Magazine, June, 1828. 
 
 (b) With an inscription composed by that accomplished gentleman and 
 rare wit, Sir Henry Wotton. — Rawley. 
 
 The statue is of white marble, which is very finely executed of the size 
 of life, by an Italian artist. 
 
HI$ MONUMENT. CCCCxlix 
 
 the few letters which may now be seen upon his grave 
 will be effaced. His monument will be found in the vene- 
 ration of after times, in the remembrance of his grateful 
 adherence to the fallen fortunes of his master, " that he 
 loved and admired htm in life, and honoured him when 
 dead." (a) 
 
 (a) In page 104 of the edition by the learned and pious John Jebb, 
 Bishop of Limerick, of Burnet's Lives, is the following note : " Such, and 
 yet more striking, was Lord Bacon's inflexible adherent, Thomas Meautys : 
 who transmitted to posterity the monumental image of his person, in an 
 attitude of deep, yet tranquil thmightj while he himself lies, unsculptured, 
 but not forgotten, at his master's feet. Few and faint are the inscriptive 
 characters which can now be traced of the modest secretary's name ; but it 
 is deeply engraven on many a kind and congenial heart. He who now 
 guides the pen once visited the church of Saint Michael, within the precincts 
 of Old Verulam. He trusts he did so with no irreverent emotion; and, 
 while he read the thrilling sic sedebat, he thought upon the faithful servant, 
 who never viewed him so seated but with affectionate veneration." 
 
 The following is an extract fi:om my Journal : — ^Thursday, Oct. 8, 1829. 
 On Sunday morning last we left London for St. Albans. We went to 
 St. Michael's Church, and sat by the altar, near to the monument. After 
 church we walked to Gorhambury : explored the ruins of Sir Nicholas 
 Bacon's old mansion, where Lord Bacon lived when a child, and where 
 when he was a child Queen Elizabeth first noticed him. A few of the ruins 
 remain. All is still and quiet. On Monday morning we took the clerk of 
 St. Michael's, and went to the church : we took a wet sponge, to enable me 
 to ascertaih whether my Opinion as to the grave of Sir Thomas Meawtys 
 was right or erroneous. After our washings we found the inscription as 
 follows : 
 
 rn TPE BODY OF SR 
 
 Pew. , 
 
 I am satisfied that, upon removing the pew, which is now upon part of the 
 stone, there will appear, in the first line, here lie; and in the second line, 
 THOMAS,, so that the inscription will be plain : 
 
 HEBE LIETH THE BODY OF SB 
 THOMAS MEAWTYS KT. 
 
 I directed the clerk to ascertain what will be the expense of raising the 
 pew ; and, if necessary, I will apply to Lord Verulam and to the Rector. 
 VOL. XV. gg 
 
CCCcl LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 CONCLUSION, 
 
 In his analysis of human nature, Bacon considers first 
 the general properties of man, and then the peculiar 
 properties of his body and of his mind, (a) This mode 
 may be adopted in reviewing his life. 
 His tem- He was of a temperament of the most delicate sensibility : 
 peramen. ^^ excitable, as to be affected by the slightest alterations 
 in the atmosphere. (6) It is probable that the temperament 
 of genius may much depend upon such pressibility, (c) 
 and that to this cause the excellencies and failures of 
 Bacon may frequently be traced. His health was always 
 delicate, and, to use his own expression, he was all his life 
 puddering with physic, (e) 
 His person. He was of a middle stature, and well proportioned; his 
 features were handsome and expressive, and his counte- 
 nance, until it was injured by politics and worldly warfare, 
 singularly placid. There is a portrait of him when he 
 was only eighteen now extant, on which the artist has 
 recorded his despair of doing justice to his subject, 
 by the inscription " Si tabula daretur digna, animum 
 mallem. (_/) His portraits diflPer beyond what may be 
 
 (a) See p. 135. (6) See note Gat the end, and note (o), next page. 
 
 (c) See Coleridge's Aids to Reflection, where he considers this sensibility 
 to he the foundation of the temperament of genius ; that, rightly directed, 
 it leads to all that is great and good ; wrongly directed, to all that is had 
 and vicious ; and that in the twilight between both, there lies sentimentality 
 more injurious perhaps than open vice. — To the same effect Lord Bacon 
 says : " In the law of the leprosy it is said, ' If the whiteness overspread 
 the flesh, the patient may pass abroad for clean : but if there be any whole 
 flesh remaining, he is to be shut up for unclean.' One of the rabbins 
 noteth a principle of moral philosophy, that men abandoned to vice do not 
 so much corrupt manners as those that are half good and half evil." 
 
 (e) See his letter to Sir Humphry May, vol. xii. p. 407. 
 
 (/) See note (a), p. 17. The original is in the possession of Adam 
 Hawkins, Esq. who kindly permitted me to take a copy, from which the 
 slight engraving in this edition is taken. 
 
CONCLUSION. CCCcli 
 
 considered a fair allowance for the varying skill of the 
 artist, or the natural changes which time wrought upon 
 his person; but none of them contradict the description 
 given by one who knew him well, " that he had a spacious 
 forehead and piercing eye, looking upward as a soul in 
 sublime contemplation, a countenance worthy of one who 
 was to set free captive philosophy." (a) 
 
 His life of mind was never exceeded, perhaps never 
 equalled. When a child~ Mind. 
 
 "' No childish play to him was pleasing :" 
 
 (a) Evelyn on Medals. The following observations respecting his 
 person are from Rawley's life. " It hath been desired that something 
 should be signified touching his diet, and the regimen of his health ; of 
 which, in regard of bis universal insight into nature, he may perhaps be to 
 some an example. For his diet, it was rather a plentiful and liberal diet, 
 as his stomach would bear it, than a restrained, which he also commended 
 in his book of the History of Life and Death. In his younger years he 
 was much given to the finer and lighter sorts of meat, as of fowls and such 
 like; but afterward, when he grew more judicious, he preferred the stronger 
 meats such as the shambles afforded, as those meats which bred the more 
 firm and substantial juices of the body, and less dissipable : upon which 
 he would often make his meal, though he had other meats upon the table. 
 You may be sure he would not neglect that himself, which he so much 
 extolled in his writings, and that was the use of nitre, whereof he took in 
 the quantity of about three grains in thin warm broth every morning for 
 thirty years together next before his death. And for physic he did indeed 
 live physically but not miserably; for he took only a maceration of rhubarb 
 infused into a draught of white wine and beer mingled together for the 
 space of half an hour in six or seven days, immediately before his meal, 
 whether dinner or supper, that it might diy the body less, which (as he 
 said) did carry away frequently the grosser humours of the body, and not 
 diminish or carry away any of the spirits, as sweating doth ; and this was 
 no grievous thing to take : as for other physic in an ordinary way (whatso- 
 ever hath been vulgarly spoken) he took not. His receipt for the gout, 
 which did constantly ease him of his pain within two hours, is already set 
 down in the end of the Natural History. It may seem the moon had some 
 principal place in the figure of his nativity, for the moon was never in her 
 passion, or eclipsed, but he was surprised with a sudden fit of fainting, and 
 that, though he observed not, nor took any previous knowledge of the 
 eclipse thereof, and as soon as the eclipse ceased, he was restored to his 
 former strength again." 
 
CCCClii LIFE OF BACOX. 
 
 while his companions were diverting themselves in the 
 park he was occupied in meditating upon the causes of 
 the echoes (a) and the nature of imagination, (b) In after 
 life he was a master of the science of harmony, (c) and 
 the laws of imagination he studied with peculiar care,(d) 
 and well understood. The same penetration he extended 
 to colours, (f) and to the heavenly bodies, (g) and predicted 
 
 (a) ,Sep ante, page 3. (b) See note ,(<), page 4. 
 
 (c) Sir John Hawkins, in his History of Music, says, " Lord Bacon, in 
 his Natural History has given a great variety of experiments touching 
 music, that shew him to have been, not barely a philosopher, an inquirer 
 into phejiomena, of sound, but a master of the science of harmony, and very 
 intimately acquainted with the precepts of musical composition." 
 
 (d) See 10th Century of Sylva, vol. iv. See Stewart's Dissertation. 
 (/) See his solitary Instances in the Novum Organum. See p. 290. 
 
 A rainbow and a piece of glass in a stable window both shew the prismatic 
 colours ; but there is nothing common between the rainbow and the stable 
 window, save this power of shewing the colour. Does not colour depend 
 upon the refractive power of these bodies ? i, , ; 
 
 ' (g") " Quicunque enira superlunarium et sublunarium conficta- divortia 
 contempserit, et materiee appetitus et passiones maxime catholicas (quae in 
 utroque glbbo yalidae sunt, et universit^tem rerum transverberant) ben3 
 perspexerit, is ^e^ illis quse apud nos cernuntur lucujentara capiet de rebu^ 
 coelestibus informationem." 
 
 Whoever shall reject the feigned divorces of superlunary and sublunary 
 bodies, and shall intentively observe the appetences of matter and' the 
 most universal passibns,. \vhich in either globe are exceeding potent, and 
 transverberate the universal nature of things, he, shall ire^q^ive cl^^j; informa-^ 
 tipn concerning celestial matters from the things spen here jivith us ;. and 
 contrariwise, from those motions which are practisefi in Jie,^yep, he,, shall, 
 learn many observations which now are latent, touchingj the jmotion qj 
 bodies here below, npt only so f^r as thpir inferior potion^, ar^ modef£|ted 
 by supejrior, but in regard they haye a mutual , intercourse by passions 
 common to them both. , , 
 
 " We mu?t openly profess that, our hoipe of discovering the tnjth,, with, 
 regard to the celestial bodies, depends upon the. observation of tlje common 
 properties, or the passions and, appetites of the inf|.,tter of bpm|States; for, 
 as to the separation that is supposed betwixt the ethereal and sublupary 
 bodies, it seems to me no more than a fiction, and a degree of superstition 
 
CONCLUSION. ccccliii 
 
 the njodes by which their ^aws would be discovered, and 
 which, after the lapse of a century, were so beautifully 
 elucidated by Newton. 
 
 The extent of his views was immense. He stood on a Extent of 
 cliff, and surveyed the whole of nature. His vigilant 
 obserya,tion of what we, in common parlance, call trifles, 
 wa.s, perhaps, more extraordinary,: scarcely a pebble on the 
 shore escaped his notice. It is thus that genius is, from 
 its life of mind, attentive to all things, and, from seeing 
 real union in the apparent discrepancies of nature, deduces 
 general truths from particular instances. 
 
 His powers were varied and in great perfection, (a) 
 His senses were exquisitely acute, (b) and he used them Senses. 
 
 mixed with rashness, 8fc. Our. chiefest hope and dependance in the con- 
 sideration of the celestial bodies is, therefore, placed in physical reasons, 
 though not such a^ are commonly so called; but those laws, which no 
 diversity of place or region can abolish, break through, disturb or alter." 
 
 (a) "Those abilities," says Dr.Rawley, "which commonly 
 go single in other men, though of prime and observable 
 parts^ were all conjoined and met in him ; sharpness of 
 wit, menlory, judgment, and elocution. I have been in- 
 duced to think, that if ever there were a beam of know- 
 ledge, derived frorn God upon any man in these modern 
 times, it was upon him; for, though he was a great rea.defi 
 of books, yet he had not his knowledge from books, but 
 from some grounds and notions from within himself/' 
 
 "For the former tWee, his books do abundantly speak them, which 
 with what sufficiency he wrote let the world judge, but with what celerity 
 he wrote them I can best testify; but for the fourth, his elocution, I will 
 only s6( down what I heard Sir Walter Rawleigh once speak of him by 
 way df comparison (whose judgment may well be trusted), 'That the Eall 
 of Salisbury was an excellent speaker, but no good pentaan; that the 
 Earl of Northampton (the Lord Henry Howard) was an excellent penman, 
 but no good speaker; but that Sir Francis Bacon was eminent in both.'" 
 — See Ben Jonson's observations, ante, p. 28. 
 _(b) Aubrey. See note G at the end. 
 
CCCcliv LJFE OF BACOiV. 
 
 to dissipate illusions, by holding firm to the works of 
 God and to the sense, which is God's lamp, Lucerna Dei, 
 spiraculum hominis." (a) 
 
 Imagina- fjis imagination was fruitful and vivid; but he urider- 
 stoDd its laws, and governed it with absolute sway. He 
 used it as a philosopher. It never had precedence in his 
 mind but followed in the train of his reason. With her 
 hues, her forms, and the spirit of her forms, he clothed 
 the nakedness of austere truth, {b) 
 
 Under- He was Careful in improving the excellencies, and in 
 
 diminishing the defects of his understanding, whether 
 from inability at particular times to acquire knowledge or 
 inability to acquire particular sorts of knowledge, (c) 
 
 Temporary As to temporary inability, his golden rules were, " 1st, 
 
 ma iiy. pix good, obliterate bad times. (<Z), 2ndly, In studies what- 
 
 (a) SylVa, Cent. x. vol. iv. 
 
 (6) See text, p. 134, and note RRR, and the Excursion.' 
 
 (c) That understanding is in a sound state for the acquisition of know- 
 ledge which is capable at any time to acquire any sort of knowledge. The 
 defects of the understanding are, therefore, disabilities. 
 
 Disinclination. 
 Fatigue. 
 Interruption. 
 As to particular knowledge. 
 
 (d) There is a kind of culture of the mind which is built upon this 
 ground, that the minds of all mortals are at some times in a more perfect 
 state : at other times in a more depraved state. The objects, tlierefore, of 
 this culture are, the fixation of good times and the obliteration of badi times, 
 that the' good seasons may be cherished, and the evil crossed and expunged 
 out of the calendar. — Bacon. 
 
 The mind is brought to any thing with more sweetness and 'hippiness, 
 if that whereunto we pretend be not first in the' intention, but " tariquam 
 aliud agendo." If a favourable gale spring up, hoist the sail. 
 
 Be surrounded by different instruments of knowledge, that you may 
 gratify your immediate desire. — " Dr. Johnson advised me to-day," says 
 Boswell, " to have as many books about me as I could, that I might read 
 upon any subject upon which I had a desire for instruction at the time. 
 ' What you read then,' said he, ' you will remember ; tut if you have not 
 
 ri. As to time, from -{ 2. 
 
 1 Ls. 
 
 L2. As to particular know! 
 
TEMPORARY INABILITY. CCCclv 
 
 soever a man commandetli upon himself, let him set hours 
 for it; but whatever is agreeable to his nature, let him 
 take no care for any set hours, for his thoughts will fly to 
 it of themselves." (a) — He so mastered and subdued his 
 mind as to counteract disinclinatioii to study ; (6) and he 
 
 a book immediately ready, and the subject, moulds in your mind, it is a 
 chance if you again have a desire to study it.' " 
 
 i)r. Johnson said, " If a man begins to read in the middle of a book, 
 and feels an inclination to go on, let him not quit it to go to the beginning; 
 .he may perhaps not feel again the inclination.'' — Boswell's Life, p. 40^. 
 
 (a) Bacon, speaking of Queen Elizabeth, says, " This lady was endowed 
 with learning in her sex singular, and rare even amongst masculine princes ; 
 whether we speak of learning, of language, or of science modem or ancient, 
 divinity or humanity ; and unto the very last of her life she accustomed to 
 appoint set hours for reading, scarcely any young student in an university 
 more daily or more duly." 
 
 But the most effectual expedient employed by Alfred for the encourage- 
 ment of learning was his own example, and the constant assiduity wdth 
 which, notwithstanding the multiplicity and urgency of his afiairs, he em- 
 ployed himself in the pursuits of knowledge. He usually divided his 
 time into three equal portions : one was employed in sleep and the refection 
 of his body by diet and exercise ; another in the dispatch of business ; a 
 third in study and devotion : and that he might more exactly measure the 
 hours, he made use of burning tapers of equal length, which he fixed in 
 lanthorns : ail expedient suited to that rude ^ge, when the geometry of 
 dialling and the mechanism of clocks and watches was entirely unknown. 
 And by such a regular distribution of his timCj though he often laboured 
 under great bodily infirmities, this martial hero, who fought in person fifty- 
 six battles ■ by sea and land, was able during a life of no extraordinary 
 length to acquire more knowledge, and even to compose more books, than 
 most studious men, though blest with the greatest leisure and application, 
 have in more fortunate ages made the object of their uninterrupted 
 industry. — Hume. 
 
 Dr. Johnson said, " If a man never has an eager desire for instruction 
 he should prescribe a task for himself; if he has a science to learn he must 
 regularly and resolutely advance." 
 
 (J) As in the improvement of the understanding, the mind ought always 
 to be employed on some subject from which it is averse, that it may obtain 
 the mastery over itself: so two seasons are chiefly to be observed; the one 
 when the mind is best disposed to a business, the other when it is worst, 
 that by the one we may be well forwards on our way, by the latter we may 
 
cccclvi iiFE Of BAC6i>r. 
 
 prevented fatigue by stopjiin^' in due ti'meT(<;) by a 
 judicious intermission (cZ) of studies, and by never jilodding 
 
 by a strenuous contention work out the knots and stonds of the mind, and 
 make it pliant for other occasions. 
 
 Somebody talked of happy moments for composition^ and how a man 
 can wi;ite at one time and hot at another. " Nay," said Dr. Johnson, " a 
 man may write at any time if he will set himself doggedly to it." 
 
 Johnson told us, almost all his Ramblers were written just as they were 
 wanted for the press ; that he sent a certain portion of the copy of an essay, 
 and wrote the remainder while the former part of it was printing. When it 
 was wanted, and he had feirly sat down to it he was sure it would be done. 
 
 Dr. Johnson would allow no settled indulgence of idleness upon 
 principle, and always repelled every attempt to urge excuses for it. A 
 friend one day suggested, that it was not wholesome to study soon after 
 dinner. Johnson said, " Ah, sir, don't give way to such a fancy: at one 
 time of my life t had taken it into my head that it was not wholesome to 
 study between breakfast and dinner." 
 
 Thou shalt find, that' deferring breeds, besides the loss, ah indisposition 
 to good ; so that what was before pleasant to thee, being omitted, to-mOrrow 
 grows harsh, the next day unnecessary, afterwards odious. To-day thou 
 ^anstjbijt wilt, not; to-morrow thou couldst, but listest not j the nexf day 
 thou neither wilt, nor canst bend thy mind on these thoughts. So I have 
 seen friends, that, upon neglect of dutyj grow overly, upbit overliness; 
 strange^ upori'strahgeness, to utter defiance. . ' j; 
 
 Perhaps the two following rules may assist this defect. 
 
 1. Ascertain the cause of the disinclination, and counteract it. ' ' 
 
 2. Form the habit of conquering your indisposition to study at particular 
 times. " , ^ '"" ' 
 
 (c) We do not call for a perpetuity of this labour of meditation : human 
 frailty could never bear so great a toil. Nothing under'heaven is capable 
 of a continual motion, without complaint':' it is enbugh for the glorified 
 spirits above, to be ever thinking and never' vF^ar^. The mind of man is 
 of a strange metal; if it be hot used, if irusteth ; if used hardly, it breaketh. 
 
 For he wdiild ever interlace a moderate relaxation of his mind with his 
 studies, as walking, or taking the air abroad iti 4iiis eoach,' or some other 
 befitting recreation; and yet he worild lose no timej'ittadniufeJi as upon his 
 first and immediate- return, he would fall td'readihg again, aM so suffer no 
 moment of time to slip firom him' vvithout some present iiSiprWement. 
 
 ■ •li'Mt.t} Rawley. 
 
 (d) Rawley. — What a heaven lives a scholar in, that at' once in one 
 close room can daily- converse with all the glorious mairtyrs and fathers: 
 that can single out at pleasure either sententious Tertulli'an, or grave 
 
TEMPOKAUY USABILITY. CCCclvii 
 
 upon books; for, although he read incessantly, he win- 
 nowed quickly, (a) — Interruption was only^^a diversion of 
 
 Cyprian, or resolute Jerome, or flowing Chrysostorae, or divine Ambrose, 
 or devout Bernard, or (who alone is all these) heavenly Augustine : and 
 talk with them and hear their wise and holy counsels, and so mix their 
 parts, that the pleasantries of the one may temper the austereness of the 
 other. Let us hold with that blessed Monica, that such like cogitations 
 are the food of the mind, yet even the mind also has her satiety, and may 
 surfeitof too much. — Boyle's Meditations. , 
 
 One while mine eyes are busied, another while my hand, and some- 
 times my mind takes the burthen from them both ; wherein I would imitate 
 the skilfuUest cooks, which make the best dishes with manifold mixtuffis : 
 one hour is spent in textual divinity, another in controversy ; histories relieve 
 them both. Now when the mind is weary of other labours, it begms td 
 undertake her own ; sometimes it meditates and winds up for future use^ 
 spmetimes it lays forth her conceits into present discourse ; sometimes for 
 itself, ofter for others. Neither know I whetiier it works or plays in tl^ose 
 thoughts : I am sure no sport hath more pleasure, no work more use; imly 
 the decay of a weak body makes me think these ^^elieWs msensioly 
 laborioua^^..Thus could I all day (as singers use) make myself nivf^ic 'wim 
 changes, and complain sooner of the day for shortness than of ihe business 
 for toil, were it not that this faint monitor interrupts me still in the midst 
 o^pay ibnsy pleasures, and enforces me both to respite and repast : I must 
 yield to both ; while my body and mind are joined together in unequal 
 couples, the better must follow the weaker. . , 
 
 Le changement d'tode est tomours un d^lassement pour moi. 
 
 YbirtBOj p>bm \, , n.y'^^^^^''- 
 
 (a) " He was no plodder upon books, though he read much, and that 
 
 with great j);4s'}?^t> and, rejection of impertinences incident to many 
 
 authors."— Raiyley^ , U,,/, ^^ ^^^^ ^, ^^^ ^,^^^^^ ^^^^ ^.^,j, 
 
 " Study IS like the heaveas glonous.sun, , '^ , 
 
 «i nan ..^.ly'^ll °°' ^e to ?PW^^ '"^ ^^^'^y ^°°^^ ' ., ,o,Ji. ^mm. 
 .riJ9;tB9^|lfP^e, continual plodders ever won, ^,^ 
 
 eiA ditff P^k ^''^ authority from others' bookSj."— Love's Labour's Lost. 
 
 Tsdto 9mo8 la" I. was a scholar; seven useful, springy ,,,„j(,;v, ,„ .?oilm|« 
 
 -«id noqu 86 Did I, deflowicr in quotations i n^ noitf.i .« nri(tt{K«f 
 
 on ishuz 08 Of cjosssd opinions 'bout the soul of man;„B[i,im/n/ hm, lf.^a 
 
 . ; n . .Th^.tnore I le^irat, the more I learnt to doubt ig^], •)„ )„jnioin 
 
 . vsl . J c ; I Delight, my spaniel slept, whilst I baus'd leaves, 
 
 9II0 m I Tossed o'er the dunces, pored on the old print .yslwdl (\iY 
 
 .8i6ri)jj) bn Of titled words; and still my spaniel slept, f, „^^ „„„„ ;„,,|, 
 
 y,£i5 ti' Whilst I wasted lamp-oil, baited nsy flesh, ^i-^ni'. -ni^ tndl 
 
CGCclviii LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 study ; (a) and, if necessary, he, sought retirement (6) 
 
 Shrunk up my veins ; and still my spaniel slept. 
 
 And still I held converse with Zabarell, 
 
 Aquinas, Scotus, and the musty saw 
 
 Of antick Donate : still my Spaniel slept. 
 
 Still on went I ; first, an sit anima ; 
 
 Then, an it were mortal. O hold, hold at that 
 
 They're at brain buffets, fell by the ears amain 
 
 Pell-mell together : still my spaniel slept. 
 
 Then, whether 'twere corporeal, local, fixt, 
 
 Ex traduce, but whether I had free will 
 
 Or no, hot philosophers 
 
 Stood banding fections, all so strongly propt : 
 
 I stagger'd, knew not which was firmer part, 
 
 But thought, quoted, read, observ'd and pryed, 
 
 Stuff't noting books; and still my spaniel slept. 
 
 At length he waked, and yawned ; and by yon sky. 
 
 For aught I know he knew as much as I." ' 
 
 Marston's " What you Will," Charles Lamb's Selections, p. 84;- 
 See Wordsworth's Expostulation and Reply. ' 
 
 (a) Johnson, in his life of Savage, says, " Out of this story he formed 
 tbe tragedy of Sir Thomas Overburyi which, if the circumstances in which 
 he wrote it be considered, will afford at once an uncommon proof of 
 strength of genius and evenness of mind ; of a serenity not to be ruffled, 
 and an imagination not to be suppressed. During a consid'ei'able' part of 
 the time in which he was employed upon this performaince, he was without 
 lodging and often without meat; nor had he any other conveniences for 
 study than the fields or the streets allowed him : there he usfed to walk and 
 form his speeches, and afterwards step into a shop, beg for a few moments 
 the Use of the pen and ink, and write down what he had composed^ upon 
 pdper which he had picked up by accident. ' ' ' 
 
 ' ' Voltaire, when ' shut up in the Bastille, and for aught he knew for life, 
 deprived of the means either of writing or reading, arranged and 'in' part 
 executed the project of his Henriade. — Vide de Voltaire, par M. . . .& 
 Genfeve, 1786, chap. iv. Godwin's Political Justice, p. 322. ' 
 
 Brutus when a soldier under Pompey, in the civil wars, ' employed all 
 his leisure in study; and the very day beforfe the battle of Pharsaliai,'thoufh 
 it was in the middle of summer, and the camp uhdepmaiky privations, 
 spent all his time till the evening in writing an epitome of P<slybius. 
 
 ' 111. Plutarch in Brut. 
 
 (6) Places of learning should be' retired, tending to quietness, and' pri- 
 vateness of life, and discharge of cares and troubles : much like the stations 
 which Virgil presoribeth for the hiving of bees. ' 
 
TEMPORARY INABILITY. CCCcHx 
 
 Of inability to acquire particular sorts of knowledgiehe Particular 
 was scarcely conscious. He was interested in all truths^and, 
 by investigations in his youth upon subjects from which he 
 was averse, he wore out the knots and stonds of his mind, 
 and made it pliant to all inquiry. (a)^He contemplated 
 
 Principio sedes apibus statioque petenda 
 Quo neque sit ventis aditus, &c. Bacon. 
 
 We are not to indulge ourselves in excuses from study ; for if we think 
 we never are to apply to it,, but when we are vigorous, in high spirits, and 
 free from all manner of other care, we shall always find pretexts to excuse 
 us to oureelves. Let us alyrays therefore find food, for meditation, whether 
 we are in a crowd, upon a journey, at table, or even amidst a tumult. 
 
 Silence, retirement, and a perfect tranquillity^ of mind, are indeed the 
 greatest friends to istudy, but they do not always fall to a man's share. If 
 therefore we should sometimesbe interrupted, we are not immediately to 
 throw away our papers, and give our time up for lost : no, we ought to get 
 thei better of difficulties, and to acquire such a habit as to surmount all 
 impediments by resolution a,n(| application. For if you resoly,e and apply 
 in earpesf, an(i witj> (he yjijl^ole force of your mind to what you are about, 
 tljat vfhich may offend your eyes or ears nev^r can disorder your under- 
 standing. Dpesit not often happen, that an ^ccidenl^l thought throws us 
 inl;^^ so profound a train of study, that we do not see the people we meet, 
 and somiCtijnes wander out of our way ? May nqt this always be our pase, 
 esppei^ly yhen our stu^y is not the eifgct of aqcident but of determination. 
 
 Quintiliian. 
 
 (a) Rule. Engage in studies opposite to the. favourite pursuit. , Hisljories 
 make men wise; poetry, witty; the mathemaiticsi, subtle; patujal phi- 
 losophyi, deep, moral, grave ; logic and rhetoric, able to contend. Abeur{t 
 stvd'ta in mores. Nay, there is no stond or impediment in. the wit, bjit 
 may 1 be wrought out by fit studies. Like as diseases of the .body may ^ave 
 appropriated exercises: bowling is good for the stone and, reins ;> shooting 
 for the' Jungs and breast; gentie walking for the stomach; riding for the 
 head, and the like. Sp, if a man's wit be wandering, let him study the mathe- 
 matics ; ffor in demonstrations, if his ,wit be called away never so little, he 
 must begin again : if his wit be not apt to distinguish, or find difierenoes, 
 let him study, fJie schoojmen; ifor they are Cymini sectores: if he be not 
 apt to beat over matters, and to call up one thing to prove and illustrate 
 another. Jet him Study the lawyer's cases : so every defect of the mind may 
 ha,ve a special receipt. , ■ ■ ' ii ' 
 
 , [Rule. Master your mind by continually;investigating subjectsifrom which 
 you are averse. — Let the mind be daily employed upon some subject, from 
 
CCCclx Mf J^. OK BACpN. j; q 
 
 nature in (Jetail and in mass: he cwitna^te^, tljfj, sight 
 of. lns'|p.ind and dilated it„C^p^He s^w diffexeup^^ ,in 
 
 Koitei •'''•' ' ' ' eB ~~ ■- !'■■ ■ J "•! '■! -■ ".- 
 
 which it is averse, that, by wearing out the knots and stc^uds of liie piind, 
 it may become pliant on other occasions. 
 
 Bear ever toward the contrary of that whereunto you are by natiire 
 inclined, that you may bring the mind straight from its warp. Like as 
 when we row against the stream, or when we make a crooked wand straight,, 
 by bendmg it the contrary way. 
 
 Fixedness of mind, or mental attention to a particular subject, will not, 
 
 of course, be mistaken for fixedness of studies, or ability to attend only to 
 
 particular pursuits. 
 
 >' r. no" Iiujs ^aMinJ i 
 
 (6) To conteinplate nature and bodies in their simplicity,, breaks and 
 
 grinds the understanding, and to consider them in their compositions and 
 configurations, blunts and relaxes; as appears plainly frorn comparing the 
 school of Leucippus and Democritus witli the other ph^teoplijes. For the 
 former is so taken up with the particles of things, as almost, ^joeglect their 
 structure, while the other views the fabrication of things wi^h^^ffi astonish- 
 ment as not to enter into the simplicity of nature. Both ^^jcontempla- 
 tionSj therefore, are to be taken up by turns, that the undei^MMling may at 
 once hCj^^gred more piercing and capacious, and \tel^5^9P^6°iences 
 preventeqlijijg ^j j,jjjuog gj ;« iiibs yjlsvi ^ ^snoiJibbe wan 
 
 He who caipoilifpo^^^fithi^^sightrslipjjld cousidgy^j^^o^Ig th^ saying, 
 of the poor wpman to the haughty prinpe, who ^gjfji;^ |gj;j petition, ^s a, , 
 thipg below bis dignity to notice — "then cease , to reign i"jfoi; it is cgrljfiio^ 
 that whoever will not attend to matters because ^hey are.toOiminiite, qr,, 
 trifling shall never obtain command or rule over natviMi,, The ij^tufe pf , 
 every thing is best seen in its smallest portions. The philosopher, while 
 he gazed upwards to the stars, fell into the water; but if he bad looked 
 down, he might have seen the stars in the watey, ..The property ijfth^, 
 loadstone was dicovered in needles of iron, and. not in ba|rs Q(F,iron. 
 
 He who .cannot dilate the sigh t of his mind^ shou Jjil jCon^jdef ,, vs;l)ether it is, , 
 not better for a man in a fair room to s.et upope ,8?®f^t iigj^t^qi; biaflching 
 candlestick pf lights, than to go about, vyith a. sm^ .Tv^tchrcawdle iiJtp, 
 every comer. „9q,£j,g Jl..(-, ooJ y., Jiw srfJ .. u i .jk.^o.^i,. ,-xu- 
 
 The true strong and sound mind i^jjg^^jjgji^ that can enibrace,,^qufi,lly, 
 great things and small. ^ I am told the Kijog/j^jPrussia ^'l say to ,9, servant,, ,j 
 bring me a bottle of such a wine, whicKj^ame in such .a yea^, jt l^^g J?i^ 
 such a corner of the cellar. I would ha^^j^^pan great in gr^a* ^ijfig^ ai>d, 
 elegant in little things.— Dr. Johnso!^^;,";,,',^,- f„,„ j^ . ^^ ^. ^^^ ^ , ;, ^ jj 
 
 j..Jlaat, servant has comniitted tvifenty-one feults f in^gg^e .sat downi^o 
 diCT%:' said Swift to Lord Onery.^^f^r^p^^ ^^^ „, "^j,^^ ^^ ^^^, 
 
PARTtcULkii'^'ftlflMES. cccclx'r 
 
 appareiit rfes^mBlalnces, antf fesemblahces in apparent 
 differences, (a)— -He had not any attachment either to 
 antiquity or ndvelty7(6)— He prevented mental aberration 
 
 by studies Which produced" fixedness, (c) 'and fixedness 
 
 .if It J. . mi imoaad yam t i 
 
 -rj^. u au ' ji // [t * "^^ 
 
 This great man's attention to small things was very remarkable : as an 
 
 instance of it, he one day said to me, " Sir, when you get silver in change 
 
 for a guinea, look carefully at it, you may find some curious piece of coin.'* 
 
 , Johnson, vbl. i. 3. 
 
 (a) The great and radical difference of capacities as to philosophy an(| 
 
 the sciences lies here, that some are stronger and fitter .to observe the 
 
 differences of things, and others to observe their correspondences; for a 
 
 steady and' sharp genins can fix its contemplations, and dwell and fasten 
 
 ujibn all the ^iibflety of differences, whilst a sublime and ready genius per- ' 
 
 chives ihd Compares the snlallest and most general agreements of things; 
 
 bflt both kinds easiily fall into excess, by grasping either at the dividing 
 
 scal^'or shadow of things. -^5!" ^ *' '' " " ' ^^ ^' «'" 
 
 (J) Bacori saj's, that one of the distempers of learning is an extreme 
 
 aff^tlidn of 1*6 fextifei5[lities, aiitiiquity and novelty; wherein the daughters 
 
 of tifae 'do faky aft^r' the fatHei:'; for as time devoureth his children, so theSe 
 
 oiiS-'6f'l!h^ril'Seteket'li. to depress the other; while antiquity envieth there 
 
 should be new additions, and novelty cannot be content to add things 
 
 relleHi'*ljirt*iiitiu'st'defece"Sfia reject the old. Surely the advice ofnhe 
 
 pfopiefis the true diffecfioii iii this case, state super vias antiqUas et videte 
 
 qS&an sit viHrecta ei 'bona et ambulate in ea. Antiquity defe^rvelh that 
 
 r^i%iS{f4"Bi9P4iM sliiiiild' make a stay awhile, and stand thereupon, ana'" 
 
 l^^iifiteft l^^isc'bWSivhich is' the best way ; but vrhen the discbv^iy i^" 
 
 well'takfehl^ffigrt' riof'S rest' there, 'b(it cheerfully to make progrfessioii. 
 
 ItKJ^d't(iSj)eSk 'tnify, AWt^uttas sekuli, Inventus Mundi; certainly our''' 
 
 tinies'fe^fli^lSiicieiit times;' vrhdti thfi wbrld is now ancient, and not those" 
 
 which we-ic8ynVrfiteMt,'(JWyi^ retfbgrado, by a computation Baiittwarti ' 
 
 bikd'dSi^&s.^liis'^litm abound with similar observations?'*'" ^^ 
 
 ■fl^^'^Sl^ ab'to ^Meieli'tly'' understand the excellent usd of thg fmffe'- 
 m^ni&{^"^Mt fef-d6 r^lhedy" aiid ciite maiiy defe6^ in the" vftiM ' 
 faculties intellectual. For if the wit be too dull, they sharpen it; "if two 
 wiiideriDg, th^y fix'if;%'^t<fe4iih^fiiit'ik the sense, they abstract it.^ So 
 ttelt"as lenriiS is'a gaSife'^bf li6"use in itself, but of great use in respect it ■ 
 mSt^'fi'a^'qurCk eye kiid: sfbdiy ready to be put into all postures, sd in the ' 
 mklfejdSftlf^, ffifruse which is collateral and iritervenient is no lesfe ■Worthy - 
 than that which is principal and intended. ">''°'- -^Q -^S""'' ^'W'' ^' '"'■y'"'-' 
 
 •to^f^'Be'&adn^ o&ewed, that not oii^fti^dinflrkf pr6g^el^ion 
 may be made in those SitAife, to which a^^ilii 'i¥'-i\fs!ySa''Sy'"'k ■ natui-kl 
 
CCCclxii L,IFE Oi' BACON'. 
 
 by keeping his mind alive and' open to perpetual irtiprbve" 
 
 ment.(a) ' ' ' 
 
 Memory. The theory of memory he understood and explained :{b) 
 
 and in its practice he was perfect. He knew much, and 
 
 what he once knew he seldom forgot. 
 Composi- In his compositions his first object was clearness : to 
 
 reduce marvels to plain things, not to inflate plain things 
 
 into marvels, (c) He was not attached either to method 
 
 proclivity ; but also that there may be found, in studies properly selected 
 for that purpose, cures and remedies to promote guch kind of kjipwl^dge, 
 to the impressions whereof a man may, by some imperfection of nature, be 
 m6st tinapt and insufficient. As for example, if i man be bird-witted, 
 that is, quickly carried away, and hath not patient faculty of attention, the 
 mp.thematics give a remedy thereunto; wherein, if the wit ,be caught away 
 but for a moment, the demonstration is new to begin. 
 
 Burke always read a book, as if he were never to see it again. 
 
 Locke says, a prdper and effectual remedy for' this wanderin'g'of thoughts 
 I shpuld.be glad to find. ■• , i,, . hnii-i. . '< ■ 
 
 !(*^eiyton used, to say, that if there were any difference Ijetween, hip and 
 other men, it consisted in his fixing his eye s'teadily on the object which, he 
 had in view, and waiting patiently for every idea as 'it presented itself, 
 without wandering, or htirryingi ■- ' ' > ' ■ ■' ■ = ■ ' " 
 
 (a) Certainly custom is most perfect. when it ^b^ginnetk lin younglyears, 
 this we call education, which is in effect but an early custom. , So we, see 
 in languages, tlie tongue is more pliant to ali expfessTons and sounds;' the' 
 joints are more Supple to all feats' of activity and'motiotiS iii youth tbkn 
 afterwards; for it is true that late learners cannot so well takei the ipl^^J 
 except it be in some minds that .have not suffered, themselyes to fix,,l?p^ 
 have kept their minds open and prepared to receive continuai amendment, 
 which is exceeding tare.' ' ' ' ' '" ' ''■'' ""' ■^'^'''''' ""' 
 
 •Locke 'says, "There are men who- converse but With'onlg sokof^aeri, 
 they read but one sort of. books, they will not come in the> hearing, ibut of 
 one sort of notions ; the truth is, they canton out to themselves a little 
 Goshen in the intellectual world, where light shines, and as they conclude, 
 day blesses; but the rest of that vast expanSuto they give fep'tn ni^firid 
 darkness, and so avoid coming near it;— Sfee the' CdndUct' of the Un'der- 
 standing; where there are many valuable observations oh this subject. " 
 
 (b) See ante; p.' 292. i •' 
 
 (c) In the composing of his books he did rather drive at a masculine iiid 
 clear expression, than at fineness or affectation of phrases, and' would often 
 ask if the meaning were expressed plainly enough, as being btiethat 
 
CAUSES OF ENTKIUNG ACTIVE LIFE. CCCClxiii 
 
 or tq ornameut, although he adopted both to insure a 
 favourable reception for abstruse truths. ' .m:nn 
 
 Such is a faint outline of his mind, which "like the .nomsM 
 sun had both light and agility; it knew no rest but in 
 motion, no quiet but in activity : it did not so properly 
 apprehend, as irradiate the object; not so much find, as -teoqiiio'i 
 make things intelligible.jj Tberfl was no poring, no strug^ 
 gling with memory, no straining for invention ; his faculties 
 wera quick and expedite; they were ready up^s the -first 
 summons, there was freedom and firmness in all their 
 operations, his understanding could almost pierce 'into 
 future contingents, his conjectures improving even to 
 prophecy ; (a) he saw consequents yet dormant in their 
 principles, and effects yet unborn, in the Womb of their 
 causes. "* ,,. , , „ 
 
 ,„,How much is it to be lamented that such a mind, with 
 such a temperament, was not altogether devoted to con- 
 templation, to the tranquil pursuit of knowledge, and the 
 calm delights of piety. ^ ,ol"y(Ui',: • ,y't» ni im! 
 
 That in his youth he should quit these pleasant paths c auses of 
 for the troubles and trappings of public life would be ^"'?""? 
 a cause for wonder, if it were not remembered that man 
 amongst rnen is a social being; and, however he may 
 abstract himself in his study, or climb the hill above 
 hiiii, he must daily mingle with their hopes and feai's, 
 their wishes and anections. He was cradled in politics: 
 to be Lord Keeper was the boundary of the horizon 
 
 drawn by his parents; He lived in an age wheh h 
 
 Anil 1. i49 - mJ luo aolORO "(artj ,« (Iji.nt -m \?n' t( noe ano 
 
 .-,' .1 ': .,,1 ?E i ".. '° Uh'' v-'f'W ■ 'low \iv ~' ■( oil J tlj "^"^ 
 
 aticovwted word? to.be.ljut subservient or ministerial to matter, and not the 
 principal. And, if his ;,style lyere polite, it was because he could not do 
 otherwise. Neither, was he given to, aiiy light, copgeits, or descanting upon 
 words, but did ever purposely and industriously avoid them; for he held 
 such things to be but digressions or diversions from the sG;)pe intended, 
 and; to derogate from the weight and dignity of the style. _,,r,<v, ,ii\i / ip-^b 
 (a) ^fe South's noble sermon on Human Perfection, unir/ifi' wit !i Mr 
 
CCCclxiv LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 young mind would be dazzled, and a young heart engc^ed 
 by the gorgeous and chivalric style which pervaided all 
 things, and which a romantic queen loved and encouraged : 
 life seemed a succession of splendid dramatic scenes, and 
 the gravest business a well-acted court masque; the 
 mercenary place-hunter knelt to beg a favour with the 
 devoted air of a knight errant ; and even sober citizens put 
 on a clumsy disguise of gallantry, and compared their 
 royal mistress to Venus and Diana. There w^s nothing 
 to revolt a young and ingenuous mind : the road to power 
 was, no doubt, then as it is now, but, covered with tapestry 
 and strewed with flowers, it could not be suspected, that 
 it was either dirty or crooked. He had also that common 
 failing of genius and ardent youth, which led hirh to 
 be confident of his strength rather than suspicious of his 
 weakness: and it was his favourite doctrine^ that the 
 perfection of human conduct consists in the union of con- 
 templation and action, a conjunction of the two h%hest 
 planets, Saturn, the planet of rest and contempfci^n, and 
 Jupiter, the planet of civil society and actioia,; but he 
 should have recollected that Jupiter, dethroned Satutn, 
 and that civil affairs seldom fail to usurp and take captive 
 the whole man. He soon saw his; error : how futile the 
 end, how unworthy the means ! but he was fettered by 
 narrow circumstances, and his endeavours to extricate 
 himself were vain. 
 Entrance Into active life he entered, and carried into it his 
 life. powerful mind and the principles of his philosophy. As a 
 
 philosopher he was sincere in his love of science, intrepid 
 and indefatigable in the pursuit and improvement of it : 
 his philosophy is " discover — improve."(a) He was 
 
 (ffl) God hath framed the mind of man as a mirror, or glass, capable of 
 the image of the universal world, and joyful to receive the impression 
 
REFORMER. CCCclxV 
 
 patientissimus Veri. He was a reformer not an innovator. 
 His desire was to proceed ndt " in aliud" but " in melius." 
 His motive was not the love of excelling, but the love of 
 excellence. He stood on such a height that popular praise 
 or dispraise could not reach him. 
 
 He was a cautious reformer : quick to hear, slow to speak. His motive 
 " Use ArgQs's hundred eyes before you raise one of °'^ ^^ °""' 
 Briareus's hundred hands," was his maxim. 
 
 He was a gradual reformer. He thought that reform 
 ought to be, like the advances of nature, scarce discernible " 
 in its motion, but only visible in its issue. His admo- 
 nition was, " Let a living spring constantly flow into the 
 stagnant waters." 
 
 He was a row/zrfewf ' reformer. " I have held up a light Reformer. 
 in the obscurity of philosophy^ which will be seen centuries 
 aftet I am dead. It will be seen amidst the erection, of 
 temples> tombs, pakces, theatres, bridges, making noble 
 roads, cutting canals, granting multitude of charters and 
 liberties for cottifort of decayed companies and corporations ; 
 the foundation of colleges and lectures for learning and 
 the education of youth; foundations and institutions <of 
 orders and featernities for nobility, enterprize, and obe- 
 dience; but above all, the establishing good laws for the 
 regulation of the kingdom and as an example to the 
 world." 
 
 He was ^permanent reformer. — He knew that wise reform. Permanent 
 instead of palliating a complaint, looks at the real cause 
 of the malady. He concurred with his opponent. Sir 
 
 thefeof,' as the eye joyeth to receive light; and not only delighted in 
 beholding the variety ipf things and vicissitudes of times, but raised also to 
 find out and discern the ordinances and decrees, which throughout all 
 those changes are infallibly observed: for nothing is denied * to ""nran's 
 inquiry and invention. The spirit of man is as the lamp of God, wlierewith 
 he searcheth the inwardness of all secrets. 
 
 VOL. XV. hh 
 
ccpplxyi LiFE„9J';,Pi^coN. 
 
 Ed,ward Coke, in saying, " Si quid moyes a principio 
 moveas. Errores ad principia referre est refell^re," His 
 opinion was that he, " who in the cure pf politic or of 
 natural disorders, shall rest himself contented with second 
 causes, without setting forth in diligent travel. to search 
 fo^' the original source of evil, doth resemble the slothful 
 husbandman, who moweth down the heads of noisome 
 weeds, when he should carefully pull up the roots; ^.nji 
 the work shall ever be to do again." 
 
 Cautious, gradual, permanent reform, from the Ipve of 
 excellence, is ever in the train of knowledge. They a,!^ 
 the tests of a true reformer. , 
 
 Such were the principles which he carried into law ,and 
 into politics. ,i,,,i 
 
 Lawyer. As a lawyer he looked with microscopic eye ijito ^^s 
 subtleties, and soon made great proficience in the sciepcej.(a) 
 He was active in the dischargeof his professioij,^] dujtj,eSj: 
 and published various works upon diffevjent parts qf thp 
 law. In his pflSces of Solicitor and Attorney ,(3reneral, 
 " w;hen he was called, as he was of tJie, King's coup,c^ 
 learned, to charge any offenders, either in crijpin^^s, or 
 capitals, he was never of an insulting and, dpmineQrjtug 
 nature over them, but always tender-hearted, and C,ai;'rying 
 himself decently towards the parties, thppgh iti wa^ (his 
 diity to charge them home, but yet as .Qneithatjpp^ed 
 
 (a) When the celebrated lawyer, Mr. Hargrave, is speaking of the powers 
 displayed by Lord Bacoii, in his reading oil the staiute of tlSfis, ne say^i 
 " It'is a very profound treatise on the subject, as far as it goes^ anli' sliow'S 
 that he had the clearest conception of one of the most abstyuse . parts of 
 our law. What might we not have expected," he adds, " from the hands 
 of such a master, if his vast mind had not so embraced within its compass 
 the whole field of science, as very much to detach him from professional 
 studies." — Such are the observations of Mr. Hargrave^ an eminent lawyer, 
 upon Lord Bacon's legal attainments. 
 
STATfcSMAN. CCCclxvii 
 
 upon the example with the eye of severity, but upon the 
 person with the eye of pity and compassion." (a) 
 
 As a Judge, it has never been pretended that any decree Judge. 
 made by him was ever reversed as unjust, (b) 
 
 As a Patron of preferment his favourite maxim was Patron. 
 "Detur dignibri, qui beneficium digno dat omnes obligat." 
 
 As a Statesman he was indefatigable in his public Statesman. 
 exertions. " Men think," he said, " I cannot continue 
 if I should thus oppress myself with business; but my 
 account is made. The duties of life are more than life; 
 and if I die how, I shall die before the world is weary of 
 me, which in our times is somewhat rare." 
 
 His love of reform, his master passion, manifested itself Reform as 
 both as a statesman and as a lawyer ; but, before he an^lawver 
 attempted any change he, with his usual caution, said, 
 " There is a great difference between arts and civil 
 affairs; arts and sciences should be like mines, resounding 
 on all sides with new works, and further progress : but 
 it is not good to try experiments in states except the 
 necessity be urgent Or the utility evident ; and well to 
 beware thalt it is the reformation that draweth on the 
 change and not the desire of change that pretendeth the 
 reformation." 
 
 The desire to change he always regarded with great 
 jealousy. He knew that in its worst form it is the tool 
 by- which demagogues delude and mislead ;(c) and in 
 its best form, when it originates in benevolence and a 
 love of truth, it is a passion by which kind intention has 
 rushed on with such fearless impetuosity, and wisdom 
 been hurried into such lamentable excess : it is so nearly 
 allied to a conterhpt of authority, and so frequently ac- 
 
 (a) Rawley. (i) See Rushworth, vol. i. p. 28. 
 
 (f) See note, next page. 
 
cccclxyiii life of bacon, 
 
 companied by a presumptuous confidence in ' private 
 j udgment : a dislike of all established forms merely because 
 they are established, and of the old paths merely' because 
 they are old : it has such a tendency to go too far rather 
 than not far enough ; that this great man, conscious of the 
 blessings of society and of the many perplexities which 
 accompany even the most beneficial alterations, always 
 looked with suspicion upon a love of change, whether it 
 existed in himself or in others. In his advice to Sir 
 George Villiers he said, — " Merit the admonition of the 
 wisest of men : ' My son, fear God and the King, and 
 meddle not with those who are given to change.' " 
 
 (c) False patriotism, till it gain its end. 
 Is as the true in many semblances. 
 Like that it takes upon it to reform 
 Oppressive judgments and injurious laws, 
 That bear too hard upon the common weal : 
 Cries out upon abuses, seems to weep 
 Over the country's wrongs : and by this face 
 Of seeming zeal and justice, craftily 
 It wins those hearts for which its bait is thrown. 
 But when its end is gained, 
 
 'Tis flattering, cruel, 
 Pompous and full of sound andjstupid rage; 
 Of faith neglectful : heaping wrong on wrong : 
 Ambitious, selfish : — ^while the true is calm. 
 Firm, persevering, more in act than show. 
 
 Deux citoiens haranguoieht sur la place, 
 
 Months chacun sur un tr^teau : 
 
 L'un vend force poisons, distill^s dans une eau 
 Limpide k I'ceil ; mais il parle avec grace ; 
 
 Son habit est dpr^, son Equipage est beau ; 
 f II attroupe la populace. 
 
 L'autre, ami des huraains, jaloux de leur bonheur, 
 
 Pour rien d^bite un antidote : 
 Mais il est simple, brusque et mauvais orateur; 
 
 On s'en moque, on le fuit comrae un fou qui radote, 
 Et Ton court k I'empoisonneur. 
 
RKirOUM IN POLITICS. CCCclxix 
 
 As a statesman his. first wish was, in the true spirit of Refo™ as 
 his philosophy, to preserve ; the nextj,to improve the consti- 
 tution in church and state. 
 
 In his endeavours to improve England and Scotland 
 he was indefatigable and successful. He had no sooner 
 succeeded than he immediately raised his voice for op- 
 pressed Ireland j with an earnestness which shows how 
 deeply he felt for her sufferings. " Your majesty," he 
 said, , " accepted my poor field fruits touching the union, 
 but let me assure you that England, Scotland, and Ireland 
 well united, will be a trefoil worthy to be worn in your 
 crown. She is blessed with all the dowries of nature and 
 with a race of generous and noble people ; but the hand of 
 man does not unite with the hand of nature. The harp 
 of Ireland is not strung to concord. It is not attuned 
 with the harp,, of David in casting out the evil spirit of 
 superstition, or the harp of Orpheus in casting out 
 desolation and barbarism." 
 
 In these reforms he acted with his usual caution. He 
 looked about I him to discover the straight and right way, 
 and so to walk in it. He stood on such an eminence, 
 that his eye rested' not upon small parts, but compre- 
 hended the whole. He stood on the ancient way. He saw 
 this happy country, the mansion house of liberty. He 
 saw the ord^ and beauty of her sacred buildings, the 
 learning and piety of her priests, the sweet riOpose and 
 holy quiet of her decentnSabbaths, and that best sacrifice 
 of humble and simple devotion, more acceptable than the 
 fire of the temple which weiit not out by day or by night. 
 He saw it in the loveliness, of, Jj^is own beautiful description 
 of the blessings of . government, ^fln Orpheus's theatre 
 all beasts and birds assenibled, and forgetting their several 
 appetites, some of prey, some of game, some of quarrel, 
 stood all sociably together, listening to the airs and accords 
 
CCCcIxX LIFE OF BACOX. 
 
 qf the harp, the sound whereof no >sooner ceased^ or was 
 drowned by some louder noise, but every beast returned 
 to his own nature ; wherein is aptly described the nature 
 and condition of men: who are full of savage and unre- 
 claimed desires of profit, of lust, of revenge, which as long 
 as they give ear to precepts, to laws, to religion, sweetly 
 touched with eloquence, and persuasion of books, of ser- 
 mons, of harangues, so long is society and peace maintained; 
 but if these instruments be silent, or sedition and tumult 
 make them not audible, all things dissolve into anarchy 
 and confusion." 
 Reform of In gradual reform of the law, his exertions were inde- 
 ^^' fatigable. He suggested improvements both of the civil 
 
 and criminal law : he proposed to reduce and compile the 
 whole law ; and in a tract upon universal justice, " Leges 
 Legum," he planted a seed which, for the last two centuries, 
 has not been dormant, and is now just appearing above 
 the surface. He was thus attentive to the ultimate and 
 to the immediate improvement of the law: the ultimate 
 improvement depending upon the progress of knowledge. 
 " Veritas temporis filia dicitur, non authoritatis :" the im- 
 mediate improvement upon the knowledge by its professors 
 in power, of the local law, the principles of legislation, and 
 general science. 
 
 So this must ever be. Knowledge cannot exist with- 
 out the love of improvement. The French Chancellors, 
 D'Aguesseau and L'Hopital, were unwearied in their exer- 
 tions to improve the law ; and three works upon imaginary 
 governments, the Utopia, the Atlantis, and the Armata, 
 were written by English Chancellors. 
 Sir Wm. So Sir William Grant, the reserved intellectual Master of 
 the Rolls, struck at the root of sanguinary punishment, 
 when, in the true spirit of philosophy, he said, " Crime is 
 prevented not by fear, but by recoiling from the act with 
 
REFORM OF LAW. CCCClxxi 
 
 horror, which is generated by the union of law, morals, 
 and religion. With us they do not unite ; and our laws 
 are a dead letter." (a) 
 
 So too by the exertions of the philosophic and benevolent Sir S. 
 Sir Samuel Romilly, who was animated by a spirit public °™ ^' 
 as nature) and not terminated in any private design, the 
 criminal law has been purified ; and, instead of monthly 
 massacres of young men and women, we, in our noble 
 times, have lately read that " there has not been one 
 execution in London during the present shrievalty." — 
 With what joy, with what grateful remembrance has this 
 been read by the many friends of that illustrious statesman, 
 who, regardless of the senseless yells by which he was 
 vilified, went right onward in the improvement of law, the 
 advancement of knowledge>'and the diffusion of charity.(6) 
 
 Such were Bacon's public exertions. — In private life he Private 
 was i always cheerful and often playful, according to his''*^" 
 own favourite maxim, " To be free-minded and cheerfully 
 disposed at hours of meat, and of sleep, and of exercise, is 
 one of the best precepts of long lasting." (c) 
 
 (a) I was in the house when the observation was pressedly made by Sir 
 William. It apparently fell still-bom. I said to a friend who was with 
 me, " These punishments are at an end." 
 
 (6) I never applied to him for an object in distress, but he thankfully 
 opened his purse. 
 
 Of th^ reforms by the Lord Chancellor Brougham, it is not the proper 
 time, nor, perhaps, am I the proper person to form a correct judgment. 
 This will be the subject of future consideration. * 
 
 (c) " His meals," says Dr. Rawley, " were refections of 
 the ear as well as of the stomach, like the Noctes Atticse, or 
 Convivia Deipno-Sophistarum ; wherein, a man might be 
 refreshed in his mind and understanding no less than in 
 his body. And I have known some, of no mean parts 
 that have professed to make use of their note-books when 
 they have risen from his table; in which conversations. 
 
CGCclxxii LIFE 01^" uncow. 
 
 Conversa- The art of conversation, tbat social mode of diffusing 
 *^°°" kindness and kno^ledgej he Considered to be one of the 
 
 vElluable arts of life, and all that he taught he- skilfully 
 and gracefully practised. When i he; spoke, the hearers 
 only feared that he should be silent, yet he was more 
 pleased to listen than to speak, "glad to light his torch 
 at any man's candle." He was skilful in alluring' his 
 company to discourse upon subjects in which they were 
 
 and -otherwise, he was no dashing man, as some men are, 
 but ever a countenancer and fosterer of another man's 
 parts* Neither was he one that would appropriate the 
 speech wholly to himself, or delight to outvie others, but 
 leave a liberty to the co-assessors to take their tuhis; 
 wherein he would draw a man on, and allure him to speak 
 upon such a subject as wherein he was peculiarly skilfijl, 
 and would delight to speak. Andj for himself, he cour 
 teralned no man's observations, but would light his tordh' 
 at'every man's candle." '"" ' ' 
 
 Fuller, in his life of Lord Burleigh says, " No man was more pleasant 
 and, merry at meals; and he had a pretty wit-rack in himself to make the 
 dumb to speak ; to draw speech out of the most sullen and sileiit guest at 
 his table, to shew his disposition in any point he should propound. At 
 night when he put off his gown he used to say, ' Lie there, Lord Treasurer,' 
 and bidding adieu to all state affairs, disposed himself to his quiet rfest." - 
 
 " And now the evening is come, no tradesman doth more carefully take 
 in his wares, clear his shop-board and shut his windows, than I would 
 shut up my thoughts and clear my mind. That student shAU live mise- 
 rably, which like a camel lies down under his burthen." — Bishop Hall. 
 
 Plutarch tells us Democritus used to say, " That if the body and the 
 soul were to sue one another for damages, it would be 'a doubtfLil question 
 whether the landlord or the guest were most faulty." 
 
 Plato's caution is very just, which is, " That we ought not to exercise 
 the body without the soul, nor the soul without the 'body." 
 
 Plutarch, in his book De Prseceptis Salubribus, which he wrote, as he 
 declares himself, for the benefit of studious persons and politicians : " The 
 ox said to his fellow servant the camel, which refused to bear p4rt of his 
 burden, ' In a little time it will be your turn to carry all M'y burden 
 instead of a part. '" -> 
 
PRIVATE LIFE.U CCQodxkiJft / 
 
 most conversant He was ever happy to commend, alrid -snoyno'j 
 unwilling to censure; and when hC' could not assent to an i """' 
 
 opinion, he would set forth its ingenuity, and so grace and 
 adorn it by bis own luminous Statement, that his opponent 
 could not feel lowered by his defeat, (a) .ii ifuii L-ussI ^'no 
 
 /His wit wa^s brilliant, and when it flashed upon any Wit. 
 subject, it was never with ill-nature, which, like the crack- 
 ling of thoi'ns ending in sudden darkness, is only fit for ao 
 foors4aughter;(6) the sparkling of his wit was that of the 
 
 Query, whether the i:easons of this are not, 1st, that the mind 'requires 
 
 rest; and 2ndly, that the spirit which produces thought is required for 
 
 digestion and exercise. Ramazini, on the Diseases of learned Men, says, a 
 
 " For while the brain is employed in digesting what the desire of knowledge 
 
 and the love of learning takes in, the stomach cannot but make an, imperfect 
 
 digestion of the aliment, because the animal spirits are diverted and taiken 
 
 up in'thk iiitellectaal service; or these spirits are not conveyed to the 
 
 stomach v#Jllh a isuflicietit influx^ u^on the account bf the strong applicatibn' u 
 
 of the pervoils fibres, and the \yWe Jiervous system, in profound stvidy; 
 
 How much the influx of the animal spirits contrib^ites to the, due peffpr^p-. 
 
 ance of ^U the natural functions of the, viscera, is manifest from the decay ^ 
 
 of paratytic' parts ; for though these [parts are supplied with vital juice by 
 
 the perpetual afflux of tW ai-ienal Iblpod, yet they dwindle and decay by 
 
 being deprived of tliat nervous juice, or spirits, ot whatever it is, whi^h is 
 
 conveyed to then) throu^. the nerves.'/ . '" .'," ^ , , ,■ 
 
 ,1.1'- i I ' ■ iiraiJ 71V (J KiBii f)(t n7«iE rirl ]n> .ruq ja itmtr tiigiit 
 
 (a) See pqt?, (c)„ ante, ,471, ,ii.,„_,,|*.,ib y-iniHsj v<J) 1- H'^ ") W'il>!; giuf'brd l>a£ 
 
 grfsl (S) E,os. Oft have I heard of you, my lord Biron, jil! v/ou bnA" 
 
 blfiow jBefore I saw you: and the world's large tongue ijsb ,?^ii.i/ ^irl m 
 
 ■ -'Hjrrn 9 Proclaims you for a tnan replete with mocks ; Jtfgijorfj ym qir iude 
 
 A Full of Comparisons and wounding.flouts; jraiia r. dMI fbidw ^(Mtrj 
 
 9flt briB Which you on, all estates will execute, >oni»(I >!fi -il it rijiBJuri 
 
 noii«9B| That lie. within the mercy of your wit:i')H}iii'-! tun -jir.- oJ 'jisw bioi 
 
 To weed this wormwood from your fruitful brain j wi^l aril isrilailw 
 asiiraza And therewithal, to vnn me, if you please, n pa auiiii-Gi r'uiBl'l 
 
 (Without the which I am not to be won,) .< ,-.ilt rj;orlri« ^imd -idi 
 ad 3J-. You shall this twelvemonth term ftoili day to day m ,rioTiituH 
 9iIT " Visit the speechless sick,, and still converse «i/U roi .tlM^oiid ^.tcl "ib 
 sjri ;o With groaning wretches ; and your task ishall be, kid 0} Iiub? «•■ 
 n'lbind With all tlie.fiesce endeavour of your wit, ^r si!,>., , nl ■ , .i->!nud 
 
 To enforce the pained impotent to smile. .naq a 1- bsM^fi- 
 
CCCelxxiv LIFE OKBACON. 
 
 precious diamond, valuable for itp worth and weight, de- 
 noting the riches of the mine, (a) ' .M , , 
 
 He had not any children; but, sayS' Dr. Rawley, "the 
 want of children did not detract: from his , good usage of 
 his consort during the intermarriage, whom he. prosecuted 
 with much conjugal love and respectj with many rich gifts 
 and endowments, besides a robe of honour which he in- 
 vested her withal, which she wore until her dying day, 
 being twenty years and more after his death." 
 
 He was religious, and died in the faith established in 
 the church of England, (b) 
 
 Bacon has been accused of servility, of dissimulation, of 
 various base naotives, and their filthy brood of base actions, 
 all unworthy of his high birth, and incompatible with his 
 great wisdom, and the estimation in which he was held by 
 the noblest spirits of the age. It is true that there were 
 men,iu his own time, and will be men in all times, who 
 are better pleased to count spots in the sun than, to rejoice 
 in its glorious brightness. Such men have openly libelled 
 him, like iDewes and Weldon,( whose falsehoods, were de- 
 tected as soon as uttered, or have- fastened upon, icertain 
 ceremonious compliments and dedications, the fashion of 
 his day, as a sample of his servility, passing over hisnoble 
 letters to the Queen, his lofty .contempt for the Lord 
 Keeper Puckering, his open dealing with Sir Robert Cecil, 
 
 BiEON. To move wild laughter in the throai of dea^h t , , i ; 
 It cannot be ; it is impossible : 
 Mirth cannot move a soul in agony. 
 
 Ros. Why, that's the way to choke a gibing spirit, 
 Whose influence is begot of that loose grace, 
 Which shallow laughing hearers give to fools : 
 A jest's prosperity lies in the ear 
 Of him that hears it, never in the tongue 
 Of him that makes it. 
 (ffl) See ante, p. 28. (6) Rawley. 
 
FllIVATE LIFE. CCCclxxV 
 
 and with others, who, powerful when he was nothing, 
 might have blighted his opening fortunes for ever, for- 
 getting, his advocacy of the rights of the people in the face 
 of the court, and the true and honest counsels, always 
 given by himi in times of great' difliculty, both to Elizabeth 
 artd her successor. When was a " base sycophant" lovfed 
 and honoured by piety such as that of Herbert, Tennison, 
 and Rawley, by noble spirits like Hobbes, Ben Jonson, 
 and Selden, or followed to the grave, and beyond it, with 
 devoted alffection such as that of Sir Thomas Meatitys. 
 
 Forced by the narrowness of his fortune into business, 
 conscious of his own power's, aware of the peculiar quality 
 of his mind, and disliking his pursuits, his heart was 
 often in his study, while he lent his person to the robes of 
 office, (a) add he was culpably unmindful of the conduct of 
 his servants, who amassed wealth meanly and rapaciously, 
 while -their careless' master, himself always poor, with his 
 tiRiOghts on higher ventures, never stopped to inquire by 
 what methods they grew rich. No man can act thus with 
 impunity; he has sullied the brightness of a name which 
 ought never to have been heard without reverence, injured 
 his own fame, and has been himself the victim upon the 
 altarwhich he raised to true science; becoming a theme 
 to " point a moral or adorn a tale," in an attempt to unite 
 philosophy and politics, an idol, whose golden head and 
 hands of base metal form a monster more hideous than the 
 Dagoii of the Philistines. 
 
 (a) He says to Sir Thomas Bodley, " I do confess, since I was of any 
 understanding my mind hath in effect been absent from that I have done, 
 and in absence are many errors which I wiUingly acknowledge, and 
 amongst the rest, this great one, which led the rest, that knowing myself by 
 inward calling to be fitter to hold a book than to play a part, I have led 
 my life in civil causes, for which I was not very fit by nature, and more 
 unfit by pre-occupation of mind." 
 
CCCclxXvi LIFE OF BACON. 
 
 His consciousness of the wanderings of his mind made 
 him run into affairs with over-acted zeal and a variety of 
 useless subtleties ; and in lending himself to matters im- 
 measurably beneath him, he sometimes stooped too low. 
 A man often receives an unfortunate bias from an unjust 
 censure. Bacon, who was said by Elizabeth to be without 
 knowledge of affairs, and by Cecil and Burleigh to be unfit 
 for business, affected through the whole of his life an over- 
 refinement in trifles and a political subtlety unworthy of 
 so great a mind : it is also true that he sometimes seemed 
 conscious of the pleasure of skill, and that he who possessed 
 the dangerous power of " working and winding" others to 
 his purpose, tried it upon the little men whom his heart 
 disdained ; but that heart was neither " cloven nor double." 
 There is no record that he abused the influence which l^e 
 possessed over the minds of all men. ' He ever gave honest 
 counsel to his capricious mistress, and her pedantic 
 successor ; to the rash, turbulent Essex, and to the liyily, 
 avaricious Buckingham. There is nothing more lamentable 
 in the annals of mankind than that false position, which 
 placed one of the greatest minds England ever possessed 
 at the mercy of a mean king and a base court favourite. 
 
. /(OAft HO SUJ 
 
 iv'xl 
 
 JJJl 
 
 
 s^')''';-!i(in:'V!fO0 
 
 ^iH 
 
 INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 'fli; oJni iiin mid 
 
 iinhdisa ie'.)l:>ir\f 
 
 Abuses, considere(i in the Commons familiarity with the trial by torture, 
 in various comnrittees, 1 06. in i[\ note (c), 115. 
 
 Address to the Lords by Bacon, 330, 
 jj331,332.<. - ... 1 
 
 Advancement of Learning, Bacon's 
 tract upon duty in, 60 ; division of 
 the work, 125 ; passage from, on the 
 pleasure of knowledge, 379 ; see 
 Learning. / . 1 1 
 
 Advantages, the several, of learning, 
 
 " 130. ' 'I Juiuc 
 
 Affirmative table. Bacon's mode in the 
 search after truth, 285 ; Bacon's 
 plan of discovering truth, 269. lo 
 
 Alienation office, posthumous tract by 
 'BaCon upon, 43 ; valuable farm of, 
 granted to Bacon, 258. 
 
 Alexander, stbi'y of, illustrative of the 
 
 , , , paltriness of human affairs, 165.. , 
 
 Ambition, Bacon and Burke's opinions 
 J upom.the nature of, and high honours, 
 195. 
 
 AtobitioD, learning thd destruction of, 
 .commqn, 201; the paltriness and 
 selfishness of common, 201. 
 
 Amsndnjent of the law, Bacon's,pIan 
 for, 27. 
 
 Analysis,' of the distempers bf learn- 
 ing, see note, 131 j of history, see 
 note, 133 ; of human philosophy, 
 see note, 134. 
 
 Ancients, Wisdom of. Bacon's publica- 
 tion, a species of parabolical poetry, 
 150 ; see Syren's extract from. 
 
 Ancients, the high honours conferred 
 upon the authors of inventors, by, 
 note 193. 
 
 Anecdotes of Bacon during the cha^g^. 
 of bribeiy, 329. ^--. , 
 
 Anthony Bacon, King James's ,regSi<J- 
 for, 109. ^'f 2 ;. 
 
 Antipathy, medical, 275 ; of 'Sivige^s, 
 275; of politicians, 275 ; ofs|j]jBfsy, 
 of lawyers, 275. -v ., 
 
 Aphorisms, the favorite style of Bacofl; ' 
 see Novum Organum, and tract upoa ' 
 universal justice, 123. 
 
 Apology, Bacon's, characters of the 
 Queen and Essex as shown in, 45 ; 
 republication of Essex's, and his 
 trial for before the privy council, 66 ; 
 Essex's, Bacon's witty conversation 
 with Queen Elizabeth, showing her 
 
 iflin A 
 Apothecaries and grocers' cause, answer 
 *> to charge of receiving preseuts, 367 ; 
 
 cause between, see Grocers. 
 Aristotle, popularity of his philosophy 
 -., at Cambridge, 7 ; Bacon's aversion 
 - to his philosophy, 8. 
 Atlantis, see Bacon's magnificent plan 
 
 of a college in, 13, 14, 15. 
 Atterbury, see extract from, upon the 
 contempt of censure in a judge, 247; 
 see independent conduct of Judge 
 Jenkins, 247. r c i(ii 
 
 Attorney general. Bacon appointed, 
 154; Bacon's letters to the'King and 
 Lord Salisbury respecting the ap- 
 pointment of, see note (b), 154 ; 
 Bacon's fitness for the office, 154); 
 the eligibility of, to sit in parliament 
 >< discussed, ISBl yo '»'<'(^:aoq 
 Aubrey, answer to the charge in the 
 
 case of, 364. ' " 
 
 Aubrey and Egertpn charge Bacon 
 
 with bribery, 313. 
 Aubrey and Bronker, presents to Ba- 
 con by Counsel io the cause of and 
 decision against, 238 ; cauke of, 
 absurd charge of bribery against 
 Bacon in, note (b), 238. 
 Augmentis Scientiarum, Pacop's Ob- 
 's servations upon cyphers in, 17. 
 Autograph, Lord Bacon's, see note (^c), 
 21. 
 
 Bacon, his tour to France and resi- 
 dence in Poictiers, 17; his work 
 
 ', upon cyphers, 17 ; his meditations 
 upon the laws of sound and imagi- 
 
 ■ nation, see note 17; death of his 
 
 '■ father, and its influence upon his 
 
 future life, 19; his aversion to the 
 
 Study of law, the only road with 
 
 . "politics open to, 19 ; his letter to 
 Lord Burleigh, praying his recom- 
 mendation to the Queen, see note 
 19 ; his letter to Lady Burleigh, 
 praying her influence with Lord 
 Burleigh to hasten his suit, see note 
 20 ; his admission to Gray's Inn, 
 21 ; his perseverance in and works 
 upon the law, 21 ; his researches in 
 science not diverted by his profes- 
 
cccclxxviii 
 
 INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 Bacon — 
 sional duties, 22 ; his popularity at 
 Gray's Inn, 23 ; his impiovement 
 of Gray's Inn gardens and build- 
 ings, 23 ; his autograph there, 21 ; 
 his promotion to the bench of Gray's 
 Inn, 23 ; his letter to the Lord Trea- 
 surer to be called to the bar, see note 
 23 ; his union with the Leicester 
 party, 25 ; his affection for Essex, 25 ; 
 his application to Lord Burleigh for 
 an appointment, with an eye to his 
 favorite pursuits, 26 ; grant of a re- 
 version to, by Burleigh's influence, 
 26; his first speech upon the im- 
 provement of the law, 27 ; his fa- 
 vorite opinion of the duty of lawyers 
 to strengthen and improve the law, 
 27 ; his plan for a digest and amend- 
 ment of the whole law, 27 ; his con- 
 scientious speech upon the delay of 
 the subsidies and the anger of the 
 Queen, 27 ; Ben Jonson's opinion 
 of the eloquence of, 28 ; his appli- 
 cation to the Queen for the solicitor- 
 ship, 20 ; Essex's intercession for 
 with the Queen respecting the soli- 
 citorship, 80 ; Lord Keeper Puck- 
 ering's misrepresentations against, 
 to the Queen, 30 ; his letter to the 
 Queen for ihe solicitorship, accom- 
 panied by a jewel according to cus- 
 tom, 32 ; his intercession with the 
 Queen upon her dissatisfaction with 
 Essex duriug his absence in Ire- 
 land, 49 ; his advice to Essex during 
 his confinement, with respect to his 
 management of the Queen, 53 ; his 
 steady fiiendship to Essex, 59 ; his 
 conference vrith the Queen, and ob- 
 jections to the public proceeding 
 against Essex, 56, 57 ; chosen coun- 
 sel against Essex, upon the public 
 proceedings in the Star Chamber, 
 59 ; his relative duties to the Queen, 
 to Essex, and to himself, upon her 
 order as to his being counsel against 
 Essex, 59, 60, 61 ; his admiration 
 and friendship for Essex, 59 ; his 
 motives for acceding to the Queen's 
 order with respect to Essex, 64 j his 
 letter to the Queen upon the sub- 
 ject, 64 ; his application to King 
 James upon the death of the Queen, 
 98 ; knighted by King James, his 
 opinion of the honour, 99 ; Lady 
 Bacon, first mention of, by, 102 ; bis 
 first session, elected for both St. 
 Albans and Ipswich, 106 ; his exer- 
 
 Bacon — 
 tions, sat on twenty-nine commit- 
 tees, 107 ; nominated by the House 
 to attend privy counsels, upon the 
 abuses complained of, and report 
 thereon, 107 ; appointed a mediator 
 between the Commons and" Lords, 
 107 ; address to the King not re- 
 sented by him, 108 ; appointed 
 King's counsel, with a pension, 108 ; 
 his love of knowledge uncheckedby 
 politics, 109 ; his letter to Sir H. 
 Saville upon education, 109; his 
 tract upon the intellectual powers, 
 111; his arrangement of knowledge 
 respecting the body. 111; his work 
 upon the greatness of Britain, 114 ; 
 his legal and political exertions, 
 119 ; his publication of the advance- 
 ment of learning, 120 ; his aversion 
 to method, 124 ; his low estimate of 
 the study of words, 129 ; his ob- 
 servations in his advancement upon 
 the advantages of learning, and the 
 distempers of learning, see analy^s, 
 note, 131 ; his essky upon govern- 
 ment, extract from; 131 ; his inves- 
 tigation of philosophy, (in the second 
 book of his advancement), divine, 
 natural, and human, 133 ; sei ana- 
 lyses of history and man, 133, 134; 
 his beautiful and happy illustration 
 of his subjects, 135 ; his exertions 
 tO'improve the law, 138 ; his exer- 
 tions to improve the' condition of 
 Ireland, and tract uponj' 137, 138 ; 
 his endeavours to proniote the union 
 with Scotland, and speeches upon, 
 139, 140; his exertions to prom'ote 
 church reform. — See his tracts upon 
 the subject, 141 ; appointsd Isolici- 
 tor-general upon Coke's promotidn, 
 ] 42 ; his quarrel with Sir Edward 
 Coke (nd) and letter of expostula- 
 tion, 143 ; his reproof of Sir Edward 
 Coke's cruel' treatment of prisoners, 
 145; his encouragement of -merit 
 upon bis promotion to the soKcitbr- 
 ship, 147 ; his improvement of the 
 law, 147 ; see note C G at the end ; 
 his perseverance in the Novum Or- 
 ganum during his political and' pro- 
 fessional laboui-s, 147 ; his compo- 
 sition of detached parts of the No- 
 vum Organum in his youth, 147; 
 his publication of the wisdom of the 
 ancients, 148 ; his appointment as 
 judge of a new court to extend the 
 jurisdiction of the Marshaisea, 151 ; 
 
INDEX TO THE>LIFE. 
 
 coGclxxix 
 
 Bacon — ^ . 
 
 his protest against capital punish- 
 ment, 151; his argument against 
 the legality of the foundation of the 
 Charter-house, 151 ; his publioalion 
 of a new edition of the essays, 152 ; 
 his prosecution of Lord Sanquhar 
 on behalf of the down, and his 
 great mildness, 153 ; his letter to 
 Sir J. Constable, dedicating the es- 
 says to him, see notej. 153 ; his ap- 
 pointment to the, office of attorney- 
 general, 154 J his letter to Lord 
 Salisbury and to the King, respect- 
 ing the appointment, see note (i>), 
 154 4> his general, legal, and politi- 
 cal kjiowledge and fitness for the 
 office, 154 ; his political exertions, 
 155 ; his great lenity as public pro- 
 secutor, see note (b), 155; his opi- 
 nions upon severe punishments, 156 ; 
 his work for compiling and amend- 
 ing the laws, 156 ; his advice to the 
 .King upon his uincqnstitutional ex- 
 p^ient to raise supplies, see his let- 
 ter, note (c), 157 ; his tract upon 
 duelling, see not0 (o), for the mis- 
 chief, cause, and origin of, 159 ; his 
 powerful speech, upon the absuodity 
 of the supposed confederacy to con- 
 ifrol the House of Commons, see 
 .outline in note, 162; his speech 
 , against Mir. O. St. John, upon. his 
 trial, for the publication of a.iletter 
 reflecting upon the Icing's- demand 
 of presents, sef outline in note, 165 ; 
 : bis prosecution,! as attorney-igeneral, 
 of Mr. Peacham, Mr. Owen, and 
 Mr. Talbot, for.high treason, 167, 
 168 ; his letters to the King respect- 
 ing Eeacharo's case, 169, 170; his 
 .private ^oniecence' with Sir £d ward 
 Coke upon thelawof Peachatn'scase, 
 and removal of his scruples upon his 
 objection, 171,172; Judge Foster's 
 hasty censure upon his conduct in 
 Peacham 's case, 173; hisi vigorous 
 ladvances, in the teeth .of prejudice, 
 in the advancement of knowledge, 
 175;hisrealopiniQnsastoPeacham's 
 case, 175; his witty conversation with 
 Queen Elizabeljh. conceruing.Essex's 
 apology, showing her acquaintance 
 with the torture, note(c), 175; his 
 reprobation of the custom of impor- 
 tuning the judges, 176 ; his letter to 
 the King respecting Owen's case, 
 176 ; letter to the King respecting 
 his case, see note (a), 178 ; speech 
 
 Bacon — 
 against, for high treason, see note 
 (J>), 178 ; his speeches upon Owen 
 and Talbot's trials for high treason, 
 see notes (b) and (c), 178 ; Villiers's 
 friendship for, 180; his letter ito 
 Villiers, with directions for the re- 
 gulation of his conduct at.oaurt,li8,l ; 
 his speech upon the prosecution of 
 Sir J. Ijollis, Mr. Lumsdeny and 
 Sir J. Wentworth, respecting the 
 Earl and Countess of Somerset's 
 case, 184; his teaipera,te. speech 
 upon the trial of the Earl and Coun- 
 tess of Somerset for the rourdeii.of 
 Sir Thomas Overbury, 18&; his 
 letter to Villiers respecting. the dis- 
 pute upon the jurisdiction of the 
 Court of Chancery, 186; his letter 
 to Villiers alluding to Chancellor 
 Brachley's opinion of his powers, 
 187 ; his letter to Villiers respecting 
 a motion to swear him Privy. Coun- 
 cillor, 187; his appointment as Privy 
 Councillor, 188 ; his prosecution of 
 Mr. Markham in the Star. Chamber 
 for sending a challenge to Lord 
 Darcy, 189; his appointment as 
 Chancellor by the Kmg. .with i four 
 admonitions, 189 his lett^ t9 Vil- 
 . liers upon his appointment as Chan- 
 cellor, 190 ; his motives in acqept- 
 ing office, 191 ; his fitness for .the 
 office of Chancellor as a lawyer, a 
 judge, a statesman, and patron, 1S7 ; 
 his essays upon the .duties; of a 
 judge, 198;. his letter to, an, old 
 clergyman presenting him to ali\ang, 
 199 ; his conscientious appointment 
 of judges, 200 ; anecdotearesipecting 
 his rejection of presents, note(J>), 
 205; presents to, from the suitors 
 upon his being appointed Lord 
 Keeper, 209 ; appointed head of the 
 coimcil about a week after ,hj^ crea- 
 tion as Lord Keeper, 211 ;• his 
 constant communication with Buck- 
 ingham during the King's progress, 
 213 ; his procession in state to 
 Westminster as Lord Keeper, awd 
 address to the bar, 213, 214, 215, 
 216;. his contempt for the ponsp of 
 office, see letter to Buckingham, 
 217 ; his opposition to Eucking- 
 ham'S-marriage, and quarrel in con- 
 sequence, 219 ; his reconciliation 
 with Buckingham, 220 ; hi^ attempt 
 to retrench the royal expences, see 
 
 , letters to the King and Buckingham , 
 
cccclxxx 
 
 INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 Bacon — 
 
 221 ; his conscientious fulfilment of 
 the office of Lord keeper in the 
 staying of grants and patents, 222 ; 
 appointed Lord High Chancellor 
 and Barron of Verulam, 223 ; his 
 just conduct with respect to the 
 Dutch merchants, 225 ; his letter 
 respecting the Dutch merchants, 
 225 ; his letter to Buckingham re- 
 specting the reform of the King's 
 household, 231 ; his unprecedented 
 exertions as Chancellor, 232 ; his 
 ■warning to Buckingham upon his 
 interference with causes, 233 ; his 
 letter to the King respecting Ber- 
 tram's murder of Sir J. Tindal, 239 ; 
 his letters to Buckingham, inter- 
 ceding for Lord Clifton, note (r), 
 241 ; his opinion upon the duty of 
 a judge to resist bribery, 245 ; his 
 structure of a house of retiretnent at 
 Verulam, 257 ; his patent for con- 
 verting Lincoln's Inn Fields into 
 gardens, 257 ; his delight in the 
 pleasures of nature, see his Essay 
 on Gardens, 257 ; Alienation Office 
 and York House granted to Bacon, 
 258 ; his abandonment of the com- 
 pletion of the Novum Organum 
 according to his original design, 
 260 ; his aversions to system, 270 ; 
 created Viscount St. Alban, 303 ; 
 contempt of the charges against 
 him, see his speech in the com- 
 mittee, note, 315 ; defended against 
 the charge of bribery, 316 ; presides 
 for the last time in the House of 
 Lords, 320 ; his written address to, 
 upon the charge of bribery,. 320 ; 
 his state of mind during the enqui- 
 ries against him, various accounts, 
 328 ; anecdotes of, during the 
 enquiries against him, 329 ; his 
 letters of complaint of the virulence 
 of his enemies, 330, 331 ; his pre- 
 parations for his defence, 333 ; his 
 sentiments respecting the custom of 
 receiving presents, 334; imagined 
 defence of, 336 ; his interview with 
 the King respecting the charge 
 against him, 344. — See entry in the 
 journals of the House of Lords, 246 ; 
 his letter to the King, thanking him 
 for. his interview, note (a), 349 ; his 
 letter of submission and supplication 
 to the Lords (first submitted to the 
 King and Buckingham, 349), 351 ; 
 his defence against the several 
 charges of bribery communicated to 
 
 Bacon — 
 
 him by the Lords, 359, et seq. ; his 
 confession and humble submission 
 to the Lords answering the charges 
 against him, 359 ; the Lords' dis- 
 satisfaction with, upon his letter of 
 submission, and the particular 
 charges against him sent to by, '354 ; 
 deserts his defence after conference 
 with the King, 372 ; grief at being 
 compelled to desert his defence, 
 372; his letter to the King, de- 
 fending himself from the charge of 
 bribery, 373 ; his love of knowledge 
 the ruling passion, see note (6), 
 378 ; his letter to the Bishop of 
 Winchester upon his retiremept, 
 380; sent to the Tower, 382; his 
 letters from the Tower, 382 ; his 
 liberation and retirement to Gor- 
 hambury, 383. • ' 
 
 Bacon, Sir Nicholas, Bacon's father, 1, 
 
 Baconiana, extract from, exposing the 
 absurdity of the charges against 
 Buckingham with respect to the 
 Chancellor Egerton, and his. sup- 
 posed enmity to Bacon, note (b), 
 209. 
 
 Bar, Bacon's call to the, see letter in 
 note (a) to the Lord Treasurer of 
 Gray's Inn, 23 ; the duty of a judge 
 to the, 254. 
 
 Barker and Hill, present to Bacon in, 
 after decree rebutting bribery, note 
 (c) 339 ; refutation of charge in, 367. 
 
 Barometer, Bacon's invention of a, 34. 
 
 Beccaria, his opinions upon the trial 
 by torture, see note, 164. 
 
 Benevolences, parliament summoned 
 to raise, in the King's distresses, 302. 
 
 Ben Jonson, his opinion of Bacon's 
 eloquence, 28, 199 ; Bacon's friend 
 and translator of his essays, 39 ; 
 a bricklayer, see anecdote of, note (e) 
 257; his ode in honour of Bacon's 
 birthday, 259. 
 
 Bertram, his miirder of Sir F. Tiftdal, 
 a Master of the Court, see Bacon's 
 account and letter to the King res- 
 pecting, 239, see note, 240. 
 
 Birth and parentage of Bacon, 1. 
 
 Bodley, Sir T., his opinion of Bacon's 
 views in hife Cogitata et Visa, 148. 
 
 Brackley, Lord Chancellor, death of, 
 189; his opinion of Bacon's powers, 
 see note (c), 187. 
 
 Bribery, absurd charges of, against 
 Bacon, in Fisher and Wraynham, 
 Hody and Hody, Egerton and Eger- 
 ton, Awbrey and Breaker, and the 
 
INDEX TO THK LIFE. 
 
 Apothecaries and Grocers, see notes 
 237, 238, 239 ; extract from Bacon, 
 upon the duty of a judge to resist, 
 245 ; charge of, against Bacon, by 
 Aubrey and Egerton, 313 ; the ab- 
 sui-d charges of, against Bacon, 337, 
 338, et seq, ;' . charge of, against 
 Bacon, more properly applied to 
 his servants, 341 ; Bacon s defence 
 against the several charges of, com- 
 municated to him by the Lords, 359, 
 et seq. 
 
 Britain, Bacon's work upon the great- 
 ness of, 114. 
 
 Brown, the Scotch philosopher, his 
 objections to Bacon's theory as to, 
 and mode of, investigating, !^8. 
 
 Buckingham, see ViUiers ; Bacon's 
 letter to, interceding for Lord Clif- 
 ton, see note (6) 241 ; William's 
 persuasion of, to bear up against the 
 popular clamour to crush Bacon, 
 242 ; rapacious patents of, 306 ; 
 alarmed at the outcries of the people, 
 consults Williains, 310; delivers Ba- 
 con's address to the House of Lords, 
 332 ; his disquiets upon the popular 
 discontent, 341 ; William's advice 
 to, in his fears to brave the popular 
 discontent, 342 ; his cowardly aban- 
 donment of Bacon, 344 ; his denial 
 of the charge of sending his brother 
 out of the way to avoid the charge 
 of bribery, 348. 
 
 Burke, his opinion . of the value of 
 fame and. honours, note (a) 195 ; 
 his opinion of the propriety of a 
 judge's being unconnected with po- 
 litics,243, see Hale's life, note, 244. 
 
 Burleigh, Lord, Bacon nephew to, 25 ; 
 Bacon's letter to, praying ii recom- 
 mendadpu to the Queen, 19 ; Ba- 
 con's letter^ to Lady, praying her 
 influence to hasten his suit, ^ee;iote, 
 20 ; his jealousy of Bacon's- friend- 
 ship for Essex, 26; letter of iETacon 
 to, praying an appointineDt, with an 
 eye to his favorite pursuits, 26 ; his 
 giftof a valuable reversiofi to Bacon, 
 26 ; his intercessiou with the Queen 
 for Baebu's appointment as soli- 
 citor, 30. , , , , , , 
 
 Bushel, Bacon's amanii^nsis, , see his 
 mode of writing by dictation, 257 ; 
 remarkably; extract from, upon Ba- 
 con being sacrificed by the King, 375. 
 
 Cambridge, Bacon's admission to 
 Trinity College, 6; Bacon's opi- 
 
 VOL. XV, 
 
 ccccjjfjcxi 
 
 nion of, 5 ; Bacon's feelings upon 
 approaching, 6 ; popularity of Aris- 
 totle's philosophy at, in the time of 
 Bacon, 8 ; Bacon's departure from, 
 10; Bacon's endowment of two 
 lectures to be delivered at, by a 
 stranger, 13. 
 
 Capital punishment. — See Punish- 
 ment. 
 
 Causes, real, in different apparent 
 causes, 294. 
 
 Caution, the property of a good judge, 
 251. 
 
 Cecil, Sir Robert, Bacon's relationship 
 to, 25 ; and Leicester pajty, divi- 
 sion of the court into, 25 ; Bacon's 
 accusation of, with respect to the 
 solicitorship, 30; Bacon's honest 
 retraction upon his accusation of, 
 as to the solicitorship, 31. 
 
 Chamberlain, his account of Peach- 
 am's case, see note (fc), 177. 
 
 Chancellor, Bacon appointed, upon 
 the death of Brackley , 189 ; Bacon's 
 joy upon his appointment as, see 
 letter to ViUiers, ISO ; his motives 
 for accepting the office of, !91 ; 
 Bacon's fitness for the oflice of, as 
 a lawyer, a judge, a statesman, and 
 patron, 197 ; the salary of, in the 
 age of Bacon composed partly of 
 presents from the suitors, 202.;»pre- 
 sents to the, common in th& reign of 
 Henry VI., note (o), 204 ; Bacon 
 created Lprd Higli, 1618, 222 ; 
 Bacon's unprecedented exertions as 
 see letter to Buckingham, 232. 
 
 Chancery. — See Court of. 
 
 Chancery, court of. Bacon's proces- 
 sion in state to take his seat in, and 
 address to the bar, 213,214,215, 
 216 ; Bacon's unprecedented exer- 
 tions in, see letter to Buckingham, 
 232 ; Bacon's improvement in the 
 practice of, adopted at the present 
 day, 243. 
 
 Chaiices of an experiment of the divi- 
 sions of the art of experimenting, 
 265. 
 
 Character of ^be Queen and of Essex, 
 as shown in Bacon's Apology, 45. 
 
 Charges raked up to the amount of 
 twenty-three against Bacon, 330. 
 
 Charity, the advancement of learning 
 the most exalted, Bacon's favoiirite 
 theory, 223. 
 
 Charter House, Bacon's argument 
 against the legality of the foundation 
 of, 151. 
 
INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 cccclxxxii 
 
 Church reform. Bacon's efforts to 
 promote, 140 ; see his tracts, 
 141. 
 
 Church, Bacon's tracts upon the con- 
 troversies of and the edification of, 
 141. 
 
 Civil list, Bacon's attempt to reduce 
 the expenses of, 220. 
 
 Clifton, Lord, his committal for threat- 
 ening Bacon's life, 241 ; Bacon's 
 intercession for, see his letters to 
 Buckingham, note (6), 241. 
 
 Cogitata et visa, a detached part of 
 the Novum Organum, 148 ; Sir T. 
 Bodley's opinion upon, 148. 
 
 Coke, Sir Edward, Bacon's quarrel 
 with, see note, 143 ; Bacon's letter 
 to, upon the same subject, 143, 144 ; 
 his unfairness to Bacon, 145 ; Ba- 
 con's reproof to, 145 ; his bitter 
 temper, and ill treatment of pri- 
 soners, 145 ; see note (a), 155, and 
 note (c), 156, viz. of Sir W. Ra- 
 leigh and Mrs. Turner ; his distaste 
 to philosophy, 147, see Novum Or- 
 ganum ; Bacon's private conference 
 with, by order of the King, upon 
 the law of Peacham's case, 171 ; 
 his objection to a private conference 
 removed by Bacon, 172 ; his warmth 
 and haughtiness upon the dispute 
 between the Courts of King's Bench 
 and Chancery, 186 ; King James's 
 severe remarks upon, 186; his witty 
 and high-minded remark upon the 
 subject of church patronage, note, 
 199 ; his disgrace by Buckingham, 
 in consequence of refusing his alli- 
 ance, 219; his application to be 
 restored to favour, and agreement to 
 Buckingham's marriage, 219. 
 
 Coke, Sir Anthony, Bacon's father-in- 
 law, 1, 
 
 Coleridge, his opinions upon the tem- 
 perament of genius, and its adap- 
 tability for contemplation rather than 
 action, note (b), 195. 
 
 College, Trinity, Bacon's admission 
 to, see Cambridge, 5 ; his magnifi- 
 cent plan of a, 13, 14, 15. 
 
 Colours of Good and Evil, Bacon's 
 first work, published with the small 
 12mo. edition of Essays and Sacred 
 Meditations, 35. 
 
 Committees to consider abuses, Bacon 
 sat upon twenty-nine, 107 ; for the 
 reform of abuses, 307. 
 
 Compactness and union, a requisite 
 to the greatness of a state, 116. 
 
 Comparisons, table of. Bacon's mode 
 of discovering truth, 287. 
 
 Compton, answer to the charge in the 
 case of, 364. 
 
 Conduct of the understanding in the 
 investigation of truth, 283. 
 
 Conference, Bacon's, with King James 
 respecting the charge against him, 
 see extract from the journals of the 
 house of lords, 346. 
 
 Confession of Bacon to the lords, an- 
 swering the charges against him, 
 359. 
 
 Constable, Sir J., Bacon's letter to, 
 dedicating the Essays to him, see 
 note, 153. 
 
 Constituent instances, or separation of 
 complex into simple in the search 
 after a nature, 292. 
 
 Contemplation and action. Bacon's 
 favourite theory upon the wisdom 
 of the union of, 61, 137. 
 
 Contemplation, love of, extract from 
 Seneca upon the advantages and 
 comparative utility of, 193 ; the 
 union of, with action incompatible 
 with either the pursuits of the phi- 
 losopher or politician, 194. 
 
 Controversies of the church. Bacon's 
 tract upon, 141. 
 
 Copulation, of the divisions of the art 
 of experimenting, 265. 
 
 Counsel, the absurd identification of, 
 with his client, 53 ; the duty of a 
 judge to, 254. 
 
 Court, the division of, during the reign 
 of Elizabeth, into the Leicester and 
 Cecil party, 25 ; its pedantry and 
 contempt for literature, 25. 
 
 Court of Chancery. — See Chancery. 
 
 Court of King's Bench. — See King's, 
 Bench. 
 
 Court of Chancery and Court of 
 King's Bench, dispute between, 
 respecting the jurisdiction of the 
 former, 186. 
 
 Courts of justice, the wise constitution 
 of, 62. 
 
 Credulity, hasty generalization the 
 parent of, 273. 
 
 Cromwell, his taunt of Sir M. Hale 
 and his humble reply, 155. 
 
 Crucial instances, 294. 
 
 Custom, short extract from Bacon's 
 essay upon, 36. 
 
 Customs, the gradual change of, and 
 the fully of, hasty censures of, acts 
 in obedience to, 173, 174. 
 
 Cyphers, Bacon's work upon, 17. 
 
INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 cccclxxxiii 
 
 Danton, anecdote of, 329. 
 
 Barcy, Lord, prosecution of Mr. 
 Markham for sending a challenge 
 to, 189. 
 
 Death and Life, extract from Bacon's 
 history of, see note (s), 17. 
 
 Death of Bacon's father, the influence 
 upon his future life, 19. 
 
 Decision against donors, 316, 317. 
 
 Defects of the senses, Novum Orga- 
 num, see Seven Modes, 271, 
 
 Defects of judgment. Novum Organum, 
 272. 
 
 Defence, of Bacon, 316; Bacon's 
 preparations for, 333 ; Bacon's 
 against the 21st charge, 334 ; Ba- 
 con's against the several charges of 
 bribery, 359, et seq. 
 
 Delay of justice, extract from Bacon's 
 address to the bar upon, 215. 
 
 De THdoital, the chancellor, custom 
 of receivingpresents from the suitors 
 abolished by, in France, 206. 
 
 Deliberation, the property of a good 
 Judge, see anecdote of Eldon, note, 
 251. 
 
 Den, idols of, warping^-tbe judgment 
 in the search after truth, 274. 
 
 Denys de Cortes, anecdote of respect- 
 ing his impartiality, 252. 
 
 Dispatch, the errors of too great, 250. 
 
 Deviating instances, or obsei'vations of 
 nature deviating from her accus- 
 tomed course in search after a na- 
 ture, 294. 
 
 Devonshire, Earl of. Bacon's letter to 
 concerning his conduct to Essex 
 upon his trial, see note, 72. 
 
 Differences and re^mWances, obser- 
 vation of, in search after a cause, 295. 
 
 Difierences real in appparent resem- 
 blances, observation of, in search 
 after a cause, 296. 
 
 Discovery of truth, the four requisites 
 to the, 270. 
 
 Distempers of learning, 130 ; see 131, 
 for the analysis. 
 
 Divines, objections of to learning, 127 ; 
 antipathy of to innovation, 275. 
 
 Division of the sciences, one of Ba- 
 con's incomplete treatises, part of 
 his intended great work, 267. 
 
 Divorce, instances of, or observations 
 of such natures separated as are 
 generally united in the search after 
 a nature, 294. 
 
 Duelling, Bacon's tract' upon, 159; 
 mischief of, causes of origin, see 
 note (a), 159. 
 
 Dulwich college, Bacon's stay of the 
 patent for, from the conviction that 
 education was the best charity, 24. 
 
 Dunch, answer to the charge of, 365. 
 
 Dutch merchants. See Merchants. 
 
 Duty, Bacon's tract upon, extract 
 from, 60 ; Bacon's to the Queen, to 
 Essex, and to himself, upon her 
 choice of him as counsel against 
 him, 59, 60, 61. 
 
 Edification of the Church, Bacon's 
 tract upon, 141. 
 
 Education, Bacon's suggestion as to 
 thecoUegiate, of statesmen, 11 ; the 
 system of, in England, opposed 
 to the advance of knowledge, 11 ; 
 the evils of no system of political, 
 see note (d), 11, 12 ; thoughts upon, 
 in a letter to Sir H. Saville, from 
 Bacon, 110 ; short extract from 
 Bacon's essay upon, 150 ; Bacon's 
 favorite opinion, the best charity, 
 222. 
 
 Egerton and Aubrey, charge Bacon 
 with bribery, 313. 
 
 Egerton and Egerton, presents to Ba- 
 con by counsel in the cause of, and 
 his decision against, 237; absurd 
 charge of bribery against Bacon in, 
 note (6), 237 ; liacon's defence 
 against the charge of bribery in, the 
 money being received after the 
 award, 359. 
 
 Egerton , Lord Chancellor, the absur- 
 dity of the charges against Bucking- 
 ham with respect to, and his sup- 
 posed enmity to Bacon exposed, 
 note (6), 209. 
 
 Election, extract from Paley upon the 
 moral duty of impartial, note, 202. 
 
 Elements of Law, Bacon's tract enti- 
 tled, 35. 
 
 Eloquence, Bacon's fitness for the 
 office of chancellor, as a statesman, 
 from his, 198. 
 
 Equity and law, the nice distinctions 
 between, attainable only by the 
 highest powers of mind, 197. 
 
 Error, causes of, in the investigation 
 of truth, 281 ; the advancement of, 
 knowledge the only effectual mode 
 of decomposing, 175 ; the gradual 
 emancipation from, 173, 174. 
 
 Essays, small 12mo edition of. Bacon's 
 first publication, 37; Bacon's upon 
 great place, 119; popularity of, 
 149 ; Bacon's new edition of 1612, 
 152 ; different original and pirated 
 
cccclxxxiv 
 
 editions of, 38, 41 ; translations of, 
 39 ; spurious posthumous, 41 ; Du- 
 gald Stewart's opinion of Bacon's, 
 40; extracts from, 35, 38. 
 
 Essex, Bacon's affection for, 25 ; cha- 
 racter of, 25; his earnest solicita- 
 tion, for Bacon's appointment as 
 solicitor, with the Queen, 31 ; his 
 letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, 
 upon his opposition to Bacon res- 
 pecting the solicitorship, 31 ; letter 
 from, at Plymouth, to the Court, 
 in belialf of Bacon, 36 ; cha- 
 racter of, as shown in Bacon's apo- 
 logy, 45 ; letter from, to Lady Hat- 
 ton's friends in favour of Bacon's 
 proposals of marriage, 42 ; his re- 
 turn from Ireland, and the Queen's 
 reception of him, 50 ; his confine- 
 ment to his chamber by order of the 
 Queen, 51 ; his committal to York 
 House, 51 ; Bacon's advice to, in 
 his conBnement, 53 ; Bacon's steady 
 friendship to, 51, 59 ; private pro- 
 ceedings, against, by declaration in 
 Star Chamber, 54 ; his removal to 
 his own house in custody of Sir 
 Richard Barkley, 55 ; public pro- 
 ceedings against, see Star Chamber ; 
 Bacon chosen counsel against, 59 ; 
 his trial before the privy council, 
 upon the republication of his apo- 
 logy, anno 1600, see note 4 C at the 
 end, for a full account, 66 ; Bacon 
 chosen counsel against and his secret 
 friendliness to, 67, 68 ; his artful 
 and submissive conduct upon his 
 trial, 68 ; his sentence and impri- 
 sonment in his own house, 69 ; the 
 Queen's affections for, 70 ; the in- 
 judicious conduct of his partizans 
 respecting his creation of knights in 
 Ireland, 75 ; his submissive reply to 
 the Queen's letter upon the creation 
 
 , of knights in Ireland, 76 ; his par- 
 tial liberation by the Queen's order, 
 76 ; his entreaty to retire to Read- 
 ing, 76 ; his submissive letters to 
 the Queen, see notes, 77, 78 ; his 
 restoration to liberty by the Queen, 
 with an order not to approach the 
 court, 82 ; his fawning letter to the 
 Queen for the renewal of the patent 
 for sweet wines, 83 ; his violence 
 and satirical remarks upon the 
 Queen, in consequence of the re- 
 fusal of his suit, 85 ; the Queen's 
 total alienation from , in consequence, 
 and displeasure with Bacon upon 
 
 IXOEX TO THE jLIFE. 
 
 his attempt to, reconcile her to, 85, 
 86; his treasonable correspondence 
 ; with Ireland, and conspiracy to 
 seize the Queen, 87 ; his seizure of 
 the Queen's deputation of the , offi- 
 cers of state, and open rebellion, 88 ; 
 his seizure and committal to the 
 Tower, 88 ; Bacon's alienation from, 
 in consequence of his treachery to 
 the Queen, 89 ; his trial with the Earl 
 of Southamption, see note 4 E at the 
 end, for an account of the trial, 90 ; 
 his treach^ to Bacon' as to the 
 letters composed for him to the 
 Queen, 91 ; Bacon's attempts to 
 obtain a remission of the sentence 
 upon, 92 ; his execution, 92 ; the 
 effect of his conduct upon the 
 Queen, 94. 
 
 Evidence, the modern law of, with 
 respect to interest, illustrative of the 
 injustice of hasty censure, 174. 
 
 Examination of witnesses against Ba- 
 con, 323. i , 
 
 Exclusion of irreleya.nts in search after 
 a nature, 290. 
 
 Exclusions, table of Bacon's mode of 
 discovering, 288. 
 
 Experience, literate. Bacon's, comple- 
 tion of the tract upon, one of the 
 divisions of the Art of Invention, 
 261 ; production, inversion, trans- 
 lation, variation, &c., divisions of 
 the Art of Experimenting, 263, 264, 
 265. 
 
 Extract of a letter from Digby to For- 
 mat describing Bacon's indifference 
 to the charge of bribery, 314 ; from 
 Novum Organura, as to idols, 335 ; 
 from Bacon, his simple and beau- 
 tiful illustrations, 123. 
 
 Extremes, observations of nature sought 
 in, 293. 
 
 Facts, consideration of, upon both 
 sides, second division, of , Novum 
 Organum, see affirmative and nega- 
 tive table, 269 ; mode of presenting 
 to the senses, third division of the 
 Novum Organum, 270; the basis 
 of sound reasoning, 283 ; collection 
 of, the first step in the discovery of 
 truth, 283 ; see affirmative and : ne- 
 gative table, 269. 
 
 Fame, Burke's contempt for, the com- 
 mon notion of, no(e(fl), 195. , 
 
 Father, the high character of Bacon's, 
 1 ; death of Bacon's, its influence 
 upon his future life, 19. , 
 
INDiiX TOTHE LIFE. 
 
 cccclxxxv 
 
 Filum tabyrinthi, see Novum Orga- 
 niim, Index. 
 
 Fisher and Wrenham, Bacon's de- 
 fence against the charge in, the 
 money being received after tlie de- 
 cree, 362. 
 
 Formation of opinion, fact the ground- 
 work 6f, 283; ■ 
 
 Foster, J. his hasty censure upon Ba- 
 con's conduct respecting Peacham's 
 case, 173 ; the justice of posterity 
 to, as compared with his hasty cen- 
 
 . sure of Bacon, 173. 
 
 France, Bacon's tour to, imder the 
 care of Sir Amias Paulet, 16 ; the 
 custom of receiving presents from 
 the suitors abolished by the Chan- 
 cellor de I'Hfipital in, 206 ; epices, 
 the origin of presents to the judges 
 in, 207 ; the custom of openly soli- 
 citing the judges by the suitors, com- 
 mon in, 209; custom of receiving 
 presents by judges in, 318. 
 
 Friendship of Bacon to Essex, 51, 59 ; 
 Bacon's opinions upon, 88. 
 
 Frontier instances, or observation of 
 such as are composed of two species, 
 293. 
 
 Fuller, his opinion of the propriety of 
 gravity in a judge, note, 144. 
 
 Gkneralization; hasty, the parent 
 of credulity, 273. 
 
 Genius, Bacon's early' indication of, 
 3 ; the peculiar temperament of, un- 
 fit for action, note (6), 195. 
 
 Gibboui his disappointment with Ox- 
 ford, 7; 
 
 Gold, exportation of, by the Dutch 
 merchants, and Bacon's just cou- 
 duct respecting, 226. 
 
 Gondomar, table of, upon the evils of 
 retirement from active life, 122 ; his 
 treaty of marriage with James, and 
 Bacon's wise counsels against, 218 ; 
 his' character, 218. 
 
 Government, the beveral requisites to, 
 strength of, 119 ; the absurdity of 
 supposing, dependent upon territory 
 and riches alone, 115, 117 ; extract 
 frohi Bacon's ee^ay upoil, 131. 
 
 Gray's Inil, Bacon's admission to, 21 ; 
 Bacon's popularity with the sdciety 
 of, 22 ; Bacon's improvemeht of, 
 23 ; Bacon's promotion to the bench 
 by the Society of, aet. 26, 23 ; Ba- 
 con's letter to the Lord Tieasurer 
 of; to be called to the bar, see note 
 (a), 23. '■ ' • 
 
 Greatness, of Britain, Bacon's work 
 upon, 114 ; of a state not dependent 
 upoil extent of territory or riches, 
 115, 117 ; humility of true, see anec- 
 dote of Napoleon, note (fc), 201. 
 
 Great place, extract from Bacon's es- 
 say upon, 191. 
 
 Great seals delivered to Williams, 
 Racket's account of, 376. 
 
 Greece, custom of receiving presents 
 in, by judgfes, 318. 
 
 Grocers and apothecaries, presents by 
 the parties according to custom to 
 Bacon in a cause between, 238 ; 
 absurd charge of bribery against Ba- 
 con in a cause between, see i?ote(c), 
 238, 
 
 Hacket, Bishop of Lichfield, Bacon's 
 friend and translator of his essays, 
 39 ; his Life of Williams, extract 
 from, upon the abstruseness of the 
 English law, and the nice distinc- 
 tions between law and equity, 197 ; 
 his account of the humility of Arch- 
 bishop Williams when taking his 
 seat as Lord Keeper, 213. 
 
 Hale, Sir M., his humility and reply 
 to Cromwell, 155 ; his studious con- 
 cealment of his j udicial opinions, 171, 
 253 ; his condemnation of a mother 
 and daughter for witchcraft as illus- 
 trative of the gradual progress of 
 truth, and defensive of Bacon 174 ; 
 his avoidance of politics, 244 ; his 
 regulation of his passions as a judge, 
 245 ; his boldness as a judge, see his 
 sentence upon a soldier, 248 ; his in- 
 difference to censure, 248 ; his gene- 
 rosity, note (c), 249 ; the propriety 
 of his conduct to witnesses and pri- 
 soners, 250 ; his amiable patience 
 upon interruption, 254 ; his im- 
 partiality to counsel, 253. 
 
 Hansbye, answer to the charge pkrtly 
 admitting it, 364. 
 
 Happiness resultingfrom learning, 130. 
 
 Hardwicke, Lord Chancellot, see an- 
 ecdote of his private justice in *u>te 
 (e), 249. 
 
 Hatton, Lady, Bacon's proposal of 
 marriage to, 42. — See note 3 N at 
 the end; letter of Essex's to her 
 friends respecting Bacon's proposals 
 to, 42. 
 
 Hargiave, his opinion of Bacon's legal 
 powers, 44. 
 
 Hawkins; Sir J., his remarks upon 
 Bacon's musicaJ knowledge, 44. 
 
cccclxxxvi 
 
 INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 Henry VI., the custom of receiving 
 presents by the Chancellor in the 
 . reign of, note (a), 204. 
 
 Henry VIII., Sir Thomas Moore's re- 
 fusal of presents in the reign of, 183. 
 
 Herbert, Walton's Life of, giving an 
 account of his devoutness and 
 humility upon his induction, note, 
 214. 
 
 High Treason, Bacon's speeches 
 against Owen and Talbot for, see 
 note (b), ifc., 178. 
 
 History of Life and Death, Bacon's, 
 see note Z, 17 ; Bacon's treatise 
 upon, in the Advancement of Learn- 
 ing, second book, see analysis in 
 note, 133. 
 
 History, Natural, Bacon's efforts to 
 form a collection of, as a solid foun- 
 dation for philosophy, 261 ; Bacon's 
 observations upon music in his, 44. 
 
 History, Natural and Experimental, 
 the foundation of a sound philoso- 
 phy, 261. 
 
 Hobbs, his opinion of the propriety of 
 a judge's contempt of worldly ad- 
 vancement, m)te (ft), 246. 
 
 Hody and Hody, presents to Bacon 
 in the cause between, 239 ; absurd 
 charge of bribery against Bacon re- 
 specting, see note (a), 239 ; absurd 
 charge against Bacon in the cause 
 of, 338 ; Bacon's defence against 
 the charge of bribery in the cause of, 
 the gift being the reward, 360 ; 
 
 HolHs, Sir J., Mr. Lumsden, and Sir 
 J. Wentworth, Prosecution of, for 
 certain reports respecting the sus- 
 picions against the Earl and Coun- 
 tess of Somerset, 184. 
 
 Holman and Young, absurd charge 
 against Bacon in the cause of, note 
 (a), 337; Bacon's defence against 
 the charge of bribery in, the money 
 being received after the award, 361. 
 
 Holt, C. J., his independent refusal in 
 Rex V. KnoUys, 247. 
 
 House of Commons, Bacon's speeches 
 in, upon the union, 140 ; Bacon's 
 political exertions in, 155. 
 
 House of Lords, Bacon's address to, 
 320 ; Bacon's letter of submission 
 and supplication to, upon the charge 
 against him (first submitted to the 
 King and Buckingham, 349), 351. 
 
 Howard, Lord, Bacon's letter to, de- 
 fending his conduct to Essex upon 
 his trial before the Privy Council, 
 72 ; letter to Bacon in reply, 74. 
 
 Hume, the unfair view taken by, and 
 other historians, of Bacon's conduct 
 to Essex upon his trial before the 
 Privy Council, 69. 
 
 Hunt, Bacon's servant, whom Bacon 
 made return money received from a 
 suitor, 366. 
 
 Idois, destruction of, first division 
 of Bacon's Novum Organum, 269 ; 
 warping the mind, 272 ; of the 
 tribe, of the market, of the den, of 
 the theatre warping the mind in the 
 search after truth, 273, 274, 275, 
 276. 
 
 Imagination, 566 disquisition upon the 
 laws of, note (b), 4 ; extract from 
 Bacon's sylva upon the laws of, 
 note, 18. 
 
 Imagined defence of Bacon, 336. 
 
 Immortality of knowledge and learning, 
 129. 
 
 Importuning the judges reprobated by 
 Bacon, 176. 
 
 Imprisonment of Bacon, 382. 
 
 Infancy of Bacon of great promise, 17. 
 
 Informers, notorious, employed against 
 Bacon, 324. 
 
 Innovations, Bacon's opinion thereon, 
 105. 
 
 Instances crucial, 204; solitary, or 
 consideration of such as are so in 
 resemblance or difference in the 
 search after a nature, 290 ; preroga- 
 tive, by which natures sought may 
 be most easily discovered, 290 ; 
 travelling, or observation of a nature 
 approaching or receding from ex- 
 istence, 291 ; journeying, or obser- 
 vations of the changes of a nature, 
 291 ; constituent, or separation of 
 complex into simple in the search 
 after a nature, 292 ; patent and 
 latent, observation of extremes in 
 the search after a nature, 292; 
 frontier, or observation of such as 
 are composed of two species in the 
 search after a nature, 293 ; singular, 
 or observation of such as are pecu- 
 liar amidst their own natures in the 
 search after a nature, 293 ; devi- 
 ating, or observation of nature de- 
 viating from her accustomed course 
 in search after a nature, 294 ; of 
 divorce, or observation of such na- 
 tures separated as are generally 
 united in the search after a nature, 
 294. 
 
 Inventions, the universal benefit of. 
 
INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 cccclxxxvii 
 
 and the high honours conferred upon 
 the authors of, by the ancients, 
 rwte, 193 ; Bacon's division of, into 
 literate experience, and Interpretatio 
 Naturae, or Novum Organum, in the 
 Advancement of Learning, 261 ; the 
 principle of Bacon's art of, 284. 
 
 Inversion, of the divisions of the art 
 of experimenting, 263 ; 
 
 Ireland, disturbances in, 44 ; Essex 
 appointed Lord Lieutenant of, 48 ; 
 Bacon's dissuasion of Essex's ac- 
 ceptance of the Lord Lieutenancy of, 
 47 ; Essex's administration in, — dis- 
 satisfaction of the queen with, 49 ; 
 Essex's return from, 51 ; private 
 proceedings against Essex respect- 
 ing, see Star Chamber, 53 ; the 
 creation of Knights in, by Essex, 
 and the uuwise conduct of his par- 
 tizans, 75 ; letter of the Queen, re- 
 specting, to Essex, 76; Bacon's 
 political labours to improve the 
 condition of, 137 ; Bacon's tract 
 upon the miseries of, and mode of 
 prevention, 139. 
 
 Irrelevants, exclusion of, in the search 
 after a nature, 290. 
 
 Isle of Man, singular oath by the 
 judges in, iiote, 252. 
 
 Jenkins, Judge, independent conduct 
 of, 247. 
 
 Journals of the Commons, Bacon's 
 speeches in, upon the Union, 140. 
 
 Journeying instances, or observations 
 of the charges of a nature, 291. 
 
 Judge, Bacon's qualifications as a, for 
 the Chancellorship, from bis fre- 
 quent meditations and publications 
 upon his duties, see note (6), 198 ; 
 Bacon's sacrifice as, to the feelings 
 of the politician, 223 ; the character 
 of, irreconcileable with the politi- 
 cian, 225 ; character of the good, 
 243, et seq. ; gravity becoming in, 
 see note, Fuller, 243 ; dabbling in 
 politics reprehensible in, 243 ; Bar- 
 row's opinion as to the requisites to 
 form a good, 244 ; the necessity of 
 his emancipating himself from all 
 passion, see note (g). Sir M. Hale, 
 see note (/i), 245, Paley, note (h) 
 246, Hobbs, note (i) 247 ; his 
 proper indifference to censure, see 
 note (i) Atterbury, 247 ; his pri- 
 vate duties, see anecdotes of Hale 
 and Hardwicke, note (i), 249 ; the 
 
 proper motives of, in the acceptance 
 of office, see Barrow and TuUey, 
 note, 249 ; patience the property 
 of a good, 250; deliberation and 
 caution the properties of a good, 
 251, see anecdote of Eldon, note; 
 the errors of too great dispatch in, 
 250; the impartiality of the good, 
 see anecdote of Denys de Cortes and 
 singular oath in the Isle of Man, 
 252 ; his duties to the witnesses, 
 the jurors, the advocates, 253, 254, 
 255 ; his duty to himself, to his 
 profession, to society, 255 ; his duty 
 to resign, 256, see Hale's life, note 
 (r) ; upon the bench compared to 
 philosopher in his study, 269. 
 
 Judges, Bacon's advice to Villiers 
 upon the choice of good, rwte (6), 
 198 ; Bacon's high conduct as a 
 patron in the appointment of, 200 ; 
 the custom of giving presents to, by 
 the suitors, common in the age of 
 Bacon and his predecessors, 203 ; 
 the custom of bestowing presents 
 upon, by the suitors, common in 
 all nations approaching civilization, 
 206 ; origin of the custom of pre- 
 sents to, in France, 207 ; the cus- 
 tom of influencing, see by univer- 
 sities and Buckingham, 233 ; the 
 custom of openly soliciting, by the 
 suitors, common in France, 209 ; 
 Bacon's address to, upon their se- 
 veral duties, 243 ; appointment of. 
 Bacon's speeches to, upon the, 243 ; 
 see also Judge. 
 
 Judgment, defects of Novum Orga- 
 num, 272. 
 
 Justice, courts of, the wise constitu- 
 tion of, 62 ; speedy, extract from 
 Bacon's address to the bar upon the 
 virtue of, 215. 
 
 Jupiter, Bacon's illustration by, and 
 Saturn, of the union of contempla- 
 tion and action, 137 ; and Saturn, see 
 Saturn. 
 
 Judicial exertions. Bacon's, 229. 
 
 Judicature, extract from Bacon's essay 
 upon, 216. 
 
 Kenelm Digby's powder of sym- 
 pathy, note (a), 283. 
 
 Kennedy and Vanlore, Bacon's com- 
 plete refutation of the charge of 
 bribery in, 362. 
 
 King James appoints Bacon his coun- 
 sel, with a small pension, 108 ; Ba- 
 
cccclxxxviii indkx to the lu"e. 
 
 con's letter to, respecting his ap- 
 pointment as attorney-general, see 
 7U>U (h), 154 ; Bacon's advice to, 
 upon his unconstitutional expedient 
 to raise supplies, see letter of Bacon 
 to, note (c), 157 ; his inability to 
 allay the rumours and to procure 
 supplies and dissolution of parlia- 
 ment in consequence, 163 ; presents 
 to, in his distresses, 163 ; letters by 
 order of, to the sheriffs and justices, 
 enjoining, presents to, and impeach- 
 ment of Mr. Oliver St. John upon 
 his opposition to, as illegal, 163; 
 letters of Bacon to, respecting Pea- 
 cham's case, 169, 170; Bacon's 
 letter to, respecting Owen's case, 
 notii (a), 178 ; his admiration of 
 Villiers, and successive honours 
 conferred upon by, 179 ; his grow- 
 ing distaste to Somerset, 179 ; his 
 judgment in the question upon the 
 jurisdiction of the Court of Chan- 
 cery, and severe remarks upon Coke, 
 186 ; his journey to Scotland, iee 
 note (6), 211 : his pleasure in light 
 amusements, 211 ; his attachment 
 to tl^e sqeiety of Buckingham, 212 ; 
 his pecuniary distresses, 221 ; his 
 lavish bounty upon Buckingham, 
 222 ; his treaty of marriage with 
 the wily Gondomar, and Bacon's 
 w;ise, counsel to, 218 ; his admi- 
 ration of Bacon's wisdom, 218 ; 
 Bacon's letter to, upon his at- 
 tempted' retrenchment of the royal 
 1 expenses, note (p),220 ; his distresses 
 and ; partiality to his countr}'men, 
 see note ('i),.225; Bacon's letter to, 
 •respecting fiBrtram's,' murder of Sir 
 J.Tindal,note(b)j239 ; Williams's 
 subtle advice to, not to dissolve the 
 parliament to crush Bacon, 242 ; 
 consults with Williams, 312 ; his 
 I 'Speech upon the dismissal of parlia- 
 ment, March 26, 326; his speech 
 praising Buckingham, note A, 327 ; 
 Bacon's letter to, entrusted to Buck- 
 ingham, 331 ; bis disquiet upon the 
 popular discontents, 341 ; Wil- 
 liams's subtle advice to,, to brave 
 ' the popular discontent, 342 ; his 
 cowardly abandonment of Bacon, 
 ,344 ; his oonsultation with the lords 
 upon ,the, course to be pursued by 
 Bacon upon thechargei against him, 
 - 346 ; his assurance to save Bacon, 
 upon liis agreeing to submit to the 
 House of Peers, 348 ; .-.his. speech to 
 
 the parliament protests readiness to 
 enquire into abuses, 350 ; letter to, 
 from Bacon,. desiring the cup. might 
 pass from him, note B, 370. 
 
 King's Bench, Court of, and Court of 
 Chancery, dispute between respect- 
 ing the jurisdiction of the latter, 186. 
 
 Knighthood^i the title of,' sold- for the 
 King's profit, 101. 
 
 Knowledge, Bacon's test of the mo- 
 tives for the acquisition of, 8 ; res- 
 pecting the body forming no part of 
 public education, 112; respecting 
 the mind, arranged by Bacon, 112; 
 power of, to repress the inconve- 
 niencies which arise from man to 
 man, 131 ; immortality of, 131 ; the 
 effect of its progress in the last two 
 centuries upon civil and religious 
 liberty, 172 ; an evil attendant upon 
 the rapid progress of, pointed -out by 
 Bacon, 173 ; the advancement of, 
 the only effectual mode of decom- 
 posing error, 175; desire of wealth 
 an interruption to the progress of, 
 192 ; worldly power contemptible as 
 compared to the pursuits of philo- 
 sophy, 193 ; the search after, more 
 laudable than the projects of ambi- 
 tion, note, 104 ; obstacles to the 
 acquisition, of, 278 ; why progres- 
 sive, 287. .1 
 
 Lambeth Library, extract from, MS. 
 of Bacon's' in Greek characters, 
 374. 
 
 Latent and patent instances, or obser- 
 vation, of extremes,! in the search 
 after a naturey 292. i . . 
 
 Law, the study of, repulsive to Bacon's 
 imaginative mind, 19 ; and politics 
 the only roads open to B&con, 19 ; 
 the high attainment of Bacon's 
 family in,f 19 ; Bacon's perseve- 
 rance in, 21.; an accessory not 
 a principal . study to Bacon, 22 ; 
 Bacon's various works upon the, 21, 
 Bacon's exertions in, with the ulti- 
 mate hope of literary ease, 25, 26 ; 
 Bacon's speech upon the improve- 
 ment of the, 1592, 27,; Bacofl's 
 plan for a digest and amendment of 
 the, 27 ; Bacon's favorite opinion of 
 the debt due from the members of 
 the profession to the improvement 
 of the, 27 ; Bacon's efforts towards 
 the improvement of the, 138, 147, sec 
 C C at the end ; Bacon's tract upon 
 theamendment of the, 156 ,-' Bacon's 
 
INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 cccclxxxix 
 
 attention to, a cfimpesnsation for his 
 comparative neglect of science, 196 ; 
 an academical education not a pass- 
 port to the intricacies and subtleties 
 of, 196; I the nice distinctions be- 
 tween, and equity attainable only by 
 the highest powers of mind, 197 ; 
 expenses. Bacon's address \ipon 
 his determination to diminish, 216; 
 Bacon's iBxertions in the profession 
 of, see letter to Buckingham, 232 ; 
 reporters, Bacon's proposal for the 
 appointment of, 242. 
 Laws, the gradual chang'eof, the effect 
 of the progress of knowledge, 172 ; 
 the folly of hasty censures upon the 
 obedience to existing, 173. 
 Lawyer, Bacon's fitness as a, for the 
 office of "Chancellor, from his ex- 
 perience and publications upon the 
 subject of law, 197. 
 Lawyers, antipathy of, to innovation, 
 275 ; see Tenterden, 276 ; Bacon's 
 opinion of the debt due to their pro- 
 fession, 27 ; their tendency to resist 
 legal improvement, 27. 
 Learning, Advancement of, see Ad- 
 vancement of Learning ; of Bacon's 
 mother, 2 ; Advancement of, Ba- 
 con's wotk on, 1605, 120 ; objec- 
 tions Qf divines and politicians to, 
 127 ; objections to, from the errors 
 of learned men, 127 ; Advancement 
 d{,'first book, observations in, upon 
 the advantages and distempers of 
 learning, 130 ; see analysis in 
 notei 131 ; Advancement of. Ba- 
 con's second book, observations in, 
 upon the defects of universities, 
 133, 278 ; Advancement of, second 
 book, Bacon's investigation in, of 
 philosophy, natural, human, divine, 
 133 ; see analysis of history and 
 man, 133, 134; Advancement 
 of, beautiful illustration and ima- 
 gery of, 135; Advancement of, 
 Bacon's second book, treatise upon 
 history in, see analysis in twte, 133 ; 
 Advancement of. Bacon's different 
 editions atid particulars, see note 
 A A A, at the end, translations of, 
 136 ; Advancement of, extract from, 
 upon the opinion of the ancients as 
 to the benefit of inventions to man- 
 kind, note, 193 ; Advancement of, 
 Bacon's opinions upon the various 
 duties of a patron in, 199 ; condh- 
 ciye to a proper estimate of' our 
 '■ value in the scale of existence and 
 
 to noble motives of action, 201 ; 
 the death-blow to common ambition, 
 201 ; advancement of, the best cha- 
 rity, Bacon's favorite theory, 223 ; 
 Bacon's preliminary view of the 
 barren state of, in the Novum Ot- 
 ganum, 266 ; Bacon's division of 
 his intended work, 267 ; Advance- 
 ment of, extract from, upon the im- 
 perfect means for experiment in the 
 universities, 278 ; Advancement of. 
 Bacon's opinions in, upon the pro- 
 gressiveness of knowledge, 281. ' 
 
 Lectures, Bacon's endowment of two, 
 at Cambridge, to be delivered by a 
 stranger, 13. 
 
 Leicester, and Cecil party, division of 
 the Court into, 85 ; Bacon's union 
 with the, party, 26. 
 
 Lentall, Bacon's defence against the 
 charge in, the gift being received af- 
 ter the decree, 363. 
 
 Letter of Bacon to Lord Burleigh, 
 praying a recommendation to the 
 Queen, see note (d), 19 ; of Bacon 
 to Lady Burleigh, praying her in- 
 fluence to hasten bis suit, see note, 
 20; of Bacon to Burleigh, for an 
 appointment, with an eye to his 
 favorite pursuits, 26; of Bacon to 
 the Queen, praying the solicitorship, 
 accompanied by a jewel according 
 to custom, 32; of Essex to the 
 Lord Keeper Puckering, in behalf 
 of Bacon, respecting the solicitor- 
 ship, see note, 31 ; of Bacon to the 
 Queen, upon his disappointment 
 with respect to the solicitorship, 34 ; 
 of Essex, at Plymouth, to the Court, 
 in behalf of Bacon, 37, see note 3 A 
 at the end ; of Essex to Lady Hat- 
 ton's friends, in favour of Bacon's 
 proposals of maniage, 42, see note 
 3 R at the end ; 'of Bacon to the 
 Queen, respecting her choice of him 
 as counsel against Essex, 64 ; of 
 Bacon to Lord Howard, respecting 
 his conduct to Essex upon his trial, 
 72; of Lord Howard in reply 'to 
 Bacon, 74 ; of Bacon to Sir R. 
 Cecil, upon the same subject, see 
 note (x), 73 ; of Bacon to the Earl 
 of Devdnshire, upon the same sub- 
 ject, see note (o), 72 ; of the Queen 
 to Essex, demanding a former letter 
 respecting Ireland, see note, 76 ; of 
 Essex to the Queen, praying to be 
 restored to favour, see note, 77, 78 ; 
 of Essex, extratt froiii, ■ upon the 
 
ccccxc 
 
 INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 same subject, 76 ; of Bacon, for 
 Essex, to the Queen, see note (a), 
 77 ; of Bacon, as from Anthony 
 Bacon, to Essex, and the reply to 
 be shown to the Queen, 79, see note 
 4 E at the end ; of Essex, to the 
 Queen, for a renewal of the patent 
 for sweet wines, 83 ; of Bacon to 
 the King, upon his accession, 99 ; 
 to the Earl of Northumberland, to 
 second Bacon's application to the 
 King, 99 ; to Sir H. Saville, upon 
 education, 109 ; of Bacon to Sir 
 Edward Coke, upon his unworthy 
 conduct to him in the Exchequer, 
 143, 144 ; of Bacon, to Sir J. Con- 
 stable, dedicating the essay to him, 
 see note, 153 ; Bacon's, to King 
 James, respecting his appointment 
 as attorney general, see note (6), 154 ; 
 of Bacon to the King, upon his un- 
 constitutional expedient to raise sup- 
 plies, see his letter, note (c), 157 ; 
 of Bacon to the King, respecting 
 Owen's case, 176, see note (a), 
 178 ; of Bacon, to Villiers, upon 
 the regulation of his conduct at 
 Court, being an essay on various 
 subjects, 181 ; of Bacon to Vil- 
 liers, upon his appointment to the 
 chancellorship, 190 ; of Villiers to 
 Bacon, upon the regulation of his 
 conduct, note (a), 180; of Bacon 
 to Villiers, upon the dispute between 
 the Courts of King's Bench and 
 Chancery, 186 ; of Bacon to Vil- 
 liers, containing Chancellor Brack- 
 ley's opinion of him, 187 ; of Bacon 
 to Villiers, respecting a motion to 
 swear him privy councillor, 188 ; of 
 Bacon to an old clergyman, pre- 
 senting him to a living, 199 ; of 
 Bacon to Buckingham, upon his 
 taking his seat as Lord Keeper, 
 showing his contempt for the pomp 
 of oflSce, 217 ; of Bacon to the 
 King and Buckingham, upon the 
 subject of retrenching the royal 
 expenses, &c., 220; of Bucking- 
 ham to Bacon, upon his stay of the 
 patents, note (6), 222 ; of Bacon to 
 Buckingham, showing his sacrifice 
 as a judge to his political feelings, 
 223 ; of Bacon to Buckingham, 
 upon Suffolk's case, note, 224 ; of 
 Bacon, respecting the Dutch mer- 
 chants, 225 ; first and second, of Sir 
 H. Mountagu to Buckingham, ne- 
 gotiating for the lord treasurership, 
 
 227, 229 ; of Sir H. Mountagu to 
 Sir Edward Villiers, respecting the 
 treasurership, 229 ; of Sir H.Villiers, 
 to Buckingham, respecting Sir H. 
 Mountagu's offer for the treasurer- 
 ship, 229 ; of Bacon, to Bucking- 
 ham, upon the reform of the King's 
 household, 231 ; of Bacon, to the 
 King, respecting Bertram's murder 
 of Sir J. Tindal, 239; from Digby 
 to Fermat, describing Bacon's in- 
 difference to the charges against 
 him, 314 ; to the King, from Bacon, 
 desiring the cup may pass from him, 
 370, note B ; to Buckingham, after 
 his fall relying upon his friendship, 
 380 ; to Bishop of Winchester from 
 Bacon, 380 ; first and second, of 
 Bacon to Buckingham, interceding 
 for Lord Clifton, see note, 241. 
 
 Letters of Bacon, complaining of the 
 virulence of his enemies, 330, 331 ; 
 to the King, entrusted to Bucking- 
 ham, 331 ; from Bacon, in great 
 agony, from the Tower, to Buck- 
 ingham, 373 ; of Bacon from the 
 Tower, 382. 
 
 Levity, reprehensible, in a judge, note 
 Fuller, 144. 
 
 Liberationof Bacon from theTower,383. 
 
 Libraries, Bacon's praise of, and of 
 public institutions in general, 7. 
 
 Lieutenancy, lord, Essex's solicitation 
 of, 45 ; Bacon's dissuasion of Es- 
 sex's acceptance of, 47 ; Essex 
 appointment to, 48. 
 
 Life, dangers of retirement from active, 
 see Table of Goudomar, 122. 
 
 Life and Death, extract from Bacon's 
 History of, see note (z), 17. 
 
 Literate experience, see Experience. 
 
 Literature, the contempt of the Court 
 for, in the time of Bacon, during 
 Burleigh's ascendancy, 25 ; ancient, 
 the beneficial effects of the study of, 
 upon the mind and character, 129. 
 
 Locke, extract from, upon the vifarps 
 of the understanding, note (a), 272. 
 
 Lodgings, Lord Bacon's, an elegant 
 structure built by Bacon, 23. 
 
 Lord Keeper, presents to Bacon from 
 the suitors upon his appointment as, 
 209 ; Bacon's procession in state 
 to take his seat as, and address to 
 the Bar, 213, 214, 215, 216; Hac- 
 ket's account of Archbishop Wil- 
 liam's humility when taking his seat 
 as, 213. 
 
 Lord Treasurer, of Gray's Inn, Ba- 
 
INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 CCCCXCl 
 
 con's letter to, to be called to the 
 Bar, see note (o), 23. 
 
 Lords, dissatisfaction of, upon Bacon's 
 letter of submission, 354 ; the par- 
 ticular charges against Bacon.sent to 
 him by , and answers ordered, note (a), 
 355 ; Bacon's confession and hum- 
 ble submission to, answering the 
 charges against him, 359 ; pass sen- 
 tence upon Bacon, 372. 
 
 Lumsden, Mr., trial of, see HoUis, 
 Sir J. 
 
 Maddox's account of presents to 
 judges in the reign of King John, 
 318. 
 
 Manchester, Earl of, his observations 
 to Bacon after his fall, 329. 
 
 Markham, Mr., Bacon's prosecution 
 of, in the Star Chamber, for sending 
 a challenge to Lord Darcy, 189. 
 
 Market, idols of, warping the mind in 
 the search after truth, 274. 
 
 Marriage, Bacon's unsuccessful pro- 
 posals of, to Lady Hatton, 42, see 
 note 3 N at the end ; letter from 
 Essex to Lady Hatton's friends, in 
 favour of Bacon's proposals of, 42, 
 see note 3 N at the end ; King James 
 treaty of, with the wily Gondomar, 
 and Bacon's wise counsels against, 
 218 ; of Buckingham with the 
 daughter of Sir Edward Coke, 219. 
 
 Martial valour, see valour. 
 
 Maxima et minima, or extremes in 
 nature sought, 293. 
 
 Minima et maxima, or extremes in 
 nature sought, 293. 
 
 Meautys, Sir Thomas, his speech to 
 the House in favor of Bacon, see 
 note B, 325. 
 
 Medical antipathy, see Hunter, note 
 (a) 275. 
 
 Meditationes sacrae, first published 
 with the small 12mo. edition of es- 
 says, 35 ; partly incorporated into 
 the subsequent editions of the essays 
 and theAdvancementof Learning, 41. 
 
 Merchants, Dutch, Bacon's just con- 
 duct upon the writs issued against, 
 for exporting gold, 226. 
 
 Method, Bacon's aversion to, 124. 
 
 Minute philosopher, see Philosopher. 
 
 Michell and Mompesson, impeach- 
 ment of, 308. 
 
 Moderns, their superior advantages in 
 the discovery of truth, 136. 
 
 Mompesson, Sir Giles, and Michell, 
 308 ; judgment against, 326. 
 
 Monk, Bacon's defence against the 
 charge of bribery in, the money 
 being received after the decree, 
 361. 
 
 Mountague, answer to the charge of, 
 364. 
 
 Montesquieu, extract from, upon the 
 origin of the custom of presents to 
 the judges in France, 207. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, anecdote of, by 
 Bacon, upon his inflexibility to 
 bribery, 205; refusal of presents, 
 318. 
 
 Mother, the great learning of Bacon's, 
 see note (a) 2. 
 
 Motives in the search after truth, 277. 
 
 Music, Bacon's acquaintance with the 
 principles of, 44. 
 
 Napoleon, anecdote of, illustrating 
 the humility of true greatness, note 
 (6),201. 
 
 Narrative, Bacon's, of the proceedings 
 against Essex before the Privy 
 Council, 71. 
 
 Natural History, Bacon's observations 
 upon music in his, 44. 
 
 Nature, Bacon's early enquiries into 
 the laws of, 9. 
 
 Nature of the work, [see note (a), ar- 
 rangement, 121], 120 ; style of, 
 121. 
 
 Nature in motion, obseiTation of, in 
 search after a cause, 290. 
 
 Negative table. Bacon's plan of dis- 
 covering truth, 269 ; Bacpn's mode 
 in the search after truth, 286. 
 
 New Atlantis, extract from, upon the 
 comparative merits of the statesman, 
 hero, and philosopher, engaged in 
 the impartial investigation of truth, 
 note, 193, 194. 
 
 Novum Organum, Bacon's early de- 
 sign of, 9 ; Bacon's doctrine in, 
 upon the discovery of truth, 62 ; 
 Bacon's perseverance in, during his 
 political and professional duties, 
 148 ; Temporis partus maximus — 
 Filum Labyrinth! — Cogitata et visa 
 — detached parts of, collected and 
 arranged by Bacon when a youth, 
 148 ; Sir Edward Coke's comment 
 upon, 147 ; Bacon's abandonment 
 of the completion of, according to 
 his original design, 260 ; impressive 
 opening of, 265 ; outline of Bacon's 
 intended great work in, (see Divi- 
 sion, 267), 266; preliminary review 
 in, of the barren state of learning. 
 
ccccxcn 
 
 INDEX TO THE LIVE. 
 
 266 ; a treatise upon the conduct of 
 the understanding in the discovery 
 of truth, the second part of Bacon's 
 intended great work, 267 ; division 
 of the work, 269 ; extract from, 
 upon the idols of the den, 274 ; ex- 
 tract from, upon the proper motives 
 in the investigation of truth, 277 ; 
 style of, 297 ; various editions and 
 translations of, see note B B B at the 
 end ; attainment of the right road 
 to truth the object of, 282 ; extract 
 from, upon eradication of idolSj 335. 
 
 Opinion, tenacity in retaining the 
 parent of prejudice, 273 ; formation 
 of, facts the groundwork of, 283. 
 
 Overbury, Sir Thomas, trial of Weston 
 for the murder df, 182 ; trial of the 
 Earl and Countess of Somerset for 
 the murder of, 184. 
 
 Oxford, Gibbon's opinion of, see note 
 (a), 7. 
 
 Palev, extract from, upon the inde- 
 ! pendancy of a judge, 245. 
 
 Pan, table of, 279. 
 
 Parentage of Bacon, 1. 
 
 Parliament, Bacon's first speech in, 
 
 . upon the improvement of the law, 
 at. 32, 27; Bacon's speech upon 
 the delay of the subsidies, 27 ; Ba- 
 con's eloquence in, 28 ; Bacon's 
 brilliant career in, 44 ; 1599, Ba- 
 con's exertions and frequent speeches 
 in, 44; Bacon's first session elected 
 for Stj Alban's and Ipswich, 106 ; 
 1605, 'Bacon'^ exertions in, and 
 frequent speechesy 119; 1614, the 
 question as to the eligibility of the 
 
 , . attorney-geneial to sit in, discussed, 
 . 148 ; disturbances in, in conse- 
 
 . quence of certain rumours respect- 
 
 - ing a confederacy to control the 
 House, 161 ; Bacon's exertions in, 
 155; Bacon's powerful speech in, 
 
 , -respecting the absurdity of the al- 
 leged confederacy to control the 
 House, 161, see' outlioe in note; 
 dissolution of, in consequence of 
 the King's failure to procure sup- 
 plies, 1614, 163; 1620, summoning 
 of, advised by Bacon to procure be- 
 nevolences, 302 ; King's address to, 
 see note A, 306 ; adjourned, in the 
 hope of defeating the popular dis- 
 content, 327; 1621, meeting of, 
 and allusion to the King's interview 
 with Bacon, 348. 
 
 Partyi division of the court into the 
 Cecil and Leicester, 25 ; Leicester, 
 Bacon's union with, 26. 
 
 Passions, query as to the enquiry into 
 the nature of, 114. 
 
 Patent for Dulwich College, Bacon's 
 stay of, from the conviction that 
 education was the best charityj 222. 
 
 Patent and latent instances or ob- 
 servations of extremes in the search 
 after a nature, 292. 
 
 Patents, extract from Bacon's address 
 to the bar upon his intended caution 
 with respect to, 214 ; Bacon's con- 
 scientious stay of, uninfluenced by 
 the King's poverty and Bucking- 
 ham's power, 222 ; rapacious, con- 
 trived by Buckingham, 306; re- 
 called by the King, 326. 
 
 Patience, the propriety of, in a good 
 judge, 250; amiable of Sir M.Hale, 
 upon intermption, 254. 
 
 Patron, Bacon's fitness as a, for the 
 office of Chancellor, from his opi- 
 nions upon his various duties, ' see 
 note (a), 199 ; Bacon's advice to 
 Villiers upon the duties of a, 199; 
 Paley's opinions upon the duty of a, 
 202 ; Bacon's high iconduct as a, 
 see his appoihtment of an old clergy- 
 man and of the judges, 199, 200. 
 
 Patronage, church, Bacon's opinions 
 upon the duties of, see his advice to 
 Villiers, 199 ; Bacon's honorable, 
 of an old clergyman, see his letter, 
 199 ; of merit by Bacon and other 
 great men of various ages, from their 
 sympathy with intellect and their 
 consciousness of the miseries re- 
 sulting from ignorance, 201, 202 ; 
 Paley's opinion upon the moralduty 
 of impartial, note, 202 ; Sir Edward 
 Coke and Lord Chancellor Wrottes- 
 ley's opinions upon the subject of, 
 199. ■ 
 
 Peachum, proceedings against) an old 
 clergyman of 70, for certain treason- 
 able passages in a sermon found in 
 his study, 169 ; preliminary exa- 
 mination by, torture to discover his 
 intentions, 169 ; letters of Bacon 
 concerning, to the King, 169, 170; 
 piivate conference, by order of the 
 King, with the judges, lespedting 
 the law of his case, 171; Cham- 
 berlain's account of his case, see 
 note (Jb), 177. 
 Pensions, Bacon's endeavour to cur- 
 tail, note (c), 221. 
 
INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 CCCCXCIU 
 
 Perpetuities, the celebrated case of, 
 argued by Bpcoa, 1599, at. 39, 43. 
 
 Philosopher, minute, extract from, 
 upon the merits of a life devoted to 
 the impartial search after truth, see 
 note, 193, 194 ; in his study com- 
 pared to a judge upon the bench, 
 269. 
 
 Philosophy, history, natural and ex- 
 perimental, the groundwork of a 
 sound, 261 ; of Aristotle, popu- 
 larity of, in the time of Bacon, at 
 Cambridge, 7 ; Bacon's contempt 
 of Aristotle's, 8 ; the pursuit of, 
 Bacon'^ ultimate object, 25, 26; 
 Bacon's opinion of th6 proper style 
 of, 1 24 ; natural, huroa.n, divine, 
 investigation of, in Bacon's Ad- 
 vancement of Learning, 2bdok, 133 ; 
 the superior utility and.advantages of 
 a life of, as compared with other 
 pursuits, see note . (d) 193, 194 ; 
 ' signs of false, 280 ; causes of the 
 iCrrors of, 280 \ of Pythagoras, 
 founded upon superstition, 283. 
 
 Physicians, antjplathy of, to improve- 
 ment, see Hunter, note (a) 275. 
 
 Plan of a college, Bacon's magnifi- 
 cent, 13, 14, 15. 
 
 Paulet, Sir Amias, Bacon's tour to 
 France under ithe care of, 16. 
 
 Pleasures, extract from Bacon upon, 
 150i 
 
 Plutarch, extract from, upon the cus- 
 tom of receiving presents from the 
 suitors at Athene, by authority of 
 law, 207. 
 
 Poetry, parabolical. Bacon's wisdom 
 of the ancients a species of, 149. 
 
 Politician, speculations in the field of 
 contemplation frequently injurious 
 
 ! to the efforts of, 195 ; union of con- 
 templation and action in the cha- 
 racter of a, incompatible, 195 ; the 
 selfishness of the mere, 201 ; Ba- 
 con's sacrifice as a judge to his 
 feelings as a, note ■ {d) 223 ; the 
 character of, irreconcileable with 
 that of the impartial judge, 225. 
 
 Politicians, objections .of, tolearning, 
 127 ; antipathy of, to improvement, 
 275. 
 
 Politics, Bacon's exertions in the field 
 of, 155 ; Burke's opinion upon the 
 impropriety of a judge's being con- 
 
 . nected with, 243, see note, Hale's 
 life, 244. 
 
 Popular discontent, 102. 
 
 Portrait of Bacon, 17. 
 
 Powder of sympathy, Kenelm Digby, 
 284. 
 
 Power, the tendency of, to deprave 
 ordinary mir)ids, 155; its effect upon 
 a great mind, see instance. Sir M. 
 Hale, 155 ; worldly, contemptible 
 as compared to the advancement of 
 knowledge, 192. 
 
 Prejudice, removal of, first division of 
 Bacon's Novum Organnm, 269 ; 
 tenacity in retaining opinion the 
 parent of, 273. 
 
 Prerogative instances, by which nature 
 sought may be most easily disco- 
 vered, 290. 
 
 Presents, the salary of chancellor 
 composed partly of, from the suitors, 
 202 ; custom of receiving, common 
 in the age of Bacon and his pre- 
 decessors, 203, see note (c) ; letter to 
 Lord Burleigh from the Bishop of 
 Durham, 203, and iwte (a) 204, 
 extract from a manuscript in the 
 reign of Henry VI. ; by Bacon to 
 the Queen, according to custom 
 upon his application for the soli- 
 citorship, 203 ; anecdotes of Bacon 
 respecting his rejection of^ note (6) 
 205 ; Sir T. More's inflexibility to, 
 note (b) 205 ; to the chancellor, the 
 custom common in the reign of 
 Henry VI., note (o) 204; the cus- 
 tom of receiving from the suitors 
 common in all nations approaching 
 civilization, 206, see passage in Plu- 
 tarch, Homer, Montesquieu, i206, 
 207 ; abolition of the custom of re- 
 ceiving, by the Chancellor d' I'Ho- 
 pital in France, 206 ; to Bacon, 
 from the suitors, immediately upon 
 ' his appointment to the great seal, 
 209 ; to Bacon, according to cus- 
 tom by' the suitor's counsel, see 
 Wraynham's, Egerton's, Awbrey's, 
 Body's, and theapothecaries' causes, 
 237, 238, 239 ; advised by counsel, 
 316; custom to receive, 317; com- 
 mon to all civilized governments, 
 318 ; to Lord Bacon, upon accept- 
 ing the great seal, 319 ; notes as 
 to, 318, 319 ; furniture, &c. given 
 openly in the time of Bacon, 334 ; 
 given after judgment, 335. 
 
 Prisoners, Sir E. Coke's brutal treat- 
 ment of, 145 ; Bacon's mildness to, 
 153. 
 
 Privy Council, Essex's ti'a^l before, 
 upon the republicati on of his ' apo- 
 logy, 66. 
 
CCCCXCIV 
 
 Index to the life. 
 
 Production, one of the divisions of the 
 art of experimenting, 263. 
 
 Profession of law. Bacon's choice of, 
 compelled by circumstances, see in- 
 dex, law, 19 ; Bacon's favorite opi- 
 nion of the debt due from lawyers 
 to their, 27 ; the duties of a judge 
 to the, 255. 
 
 Professional objections to learning, 
 127. 
 
 Puckering, lord keeper in the time of 
 Elizabeth, 30 ; his misrepresenta- 
 tions to the Queen, upon Bacon's 
 application for the solicitorship, 30; 
 Essex's letter to, in behalf of Ba- 
 con, respecting the solicitorship, see 
 note, 31. 
 
 Punishment, capital. Bacon's protest 
 against, 151 : Bacon's opinions 
 upon the inefficacy of severe, 166, 
 
 Pygmalion, illustration by, of the idle- 
 ness of the study of words, 129. 
 
 Pythagoras's answer to Hiero upon 
 retirement, 122. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth, her prediction 
 with respect to Bacon, 21 ; her 
 appointment of Bacon as her coun- 
 sel extraordinary, 24 ; her anger 
 with Bacon upon liis speech for 
 the delay of the subsidies, 28 — 30 ; 
 Lord Keeper Puckering's misre- 
 presentations to, against Bacon, 
 30 ; Bacon's dutiful letter to, upon 
 his disappointment respecting the 
 solicitorship, 31 ; Bacon's letter to, 
 praying the solicitorship, 32 ; cha- 
 racter of, as shown in Bacon's apo- 
 logy, 45 ; her dissatisfaction with 
 Essex's administration in Ireland, 
 49 ; her reception of Essex upon his 
 return, and her affection for him, 
 51 ; letter of Bacon to, respecting 
 her choice of him as counsel against 
 Essex, 64 ; her choice of Bacon as 
 counsel against Essex, 66 ; her in- 
 terview with Bacon after the sen- 
 tence upon Essex, and her affection 
 for Essex, 71 ; her letter to Essex 
 respecting the creation of knights in 
 Ireland, see note (6), 76; her dis- 
 gust at Essex's application for the 
 renewal of the patent for sweet wines, 
 83 ; Essex's bitter sarcasms upon, 
 and violence in consequence of her 
 refusal of his suit, 85 ; her total 
 alienation from Essex, 85 ; her dis- 
 pleasure with Bacon upon his at- 
 tempted interference for Essex, 85, 
 
 86 ; her apprisal of Essex's trea- 
 sonable assemblies at his house, 87 ; 
 Bacon's fruitless intercessions with, 
 upon Essex's conviction of treason, 
 92 ; her order to Bacon to draw up 
 a full statement of Essex's treasons, 
 92 ; the effect of Essex's conduct 
 upon, and her unhappy death, 94 ; 
 Bacon's eulogy upon, 95 ; her ac- 
 quaintance with the torture, see note, 
 175; Bacon's present to, according 
 to the custom of the times, upon 
 his application for the solicitorship, 
 203. 
 
 Raleigh, Sir W., Sir Edward Coke's 
 improper treatment of upon his trial, 
 and vulgar invective, see note ^c), 
 146. 
 
 Rawley and Tennison, their private 
 knowledge of Bacon's motives for 
 deserting his defence, 374. 
 
 Reasoning, worthless unless founded 
 upon facts, 283. 
 
 Reform, insisted upon by the people, 
 103 ; Bacon's efforts towards gene- 
 ral, 138 ; of the law, Bacon's efforts 
 towards, 138 ; of the church. Ba- 
 con's efforts to promote, 140 ; see 
 his tracts, 141 ; of abuses, commit- 
 tees to consider of, 307. 
 
 Resemblances and differences, obser- 
 vation of, in search after a cause, 
 295. 
 
 Resignation, the duty of, early in a 
 judge, see Hale's Life, note (r), 
 256. 
 
 Results, table of, of natures agreeing 
 with nature sought, 289. 
 
 Retirement from active life, error of 
 common minds, 122 ; danger of, 
 122. 
 
 Revolutions, sudden only to the un- 
 thinking, 102. 
 
 Rex V. KnoUys, Holt's, C. J. inde- 
 pendent refusal to state the reasons 
 of his judgment in, 249. 
 
 Reynell and Peacock, charge against 
 Bacon in, rebutted, see note (6) Ba- 
 con's defence, 339 ; answer to the 
 charge of, touching a ring, 365. 
 
 Riches, not greatness in a state, 117. 
 
 Russwell, money received from, by 
 Lord Bacon's servant, Hunt, 366. 
 
 Sailors, antipathy of, 275. 
 
 Salisbury, Lord, Bacon's letter to, re- 
 specting his appointment as Attorney 
 General, see note (6), 154. , 
 
INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 CCCCXCV 
 
 Sanquhai-, Bacon's prosecution of, on 
 behalf of the crown, and his mild- 
 ness towards, 153. 
 
 Saturn and Jupiter, Bacon's illustra- 
 tion by, of the union of contempla- 
 tion and action, 61, 137. 
 
 Science, Bacon's meditations upon 
 natural and human, 17 ; Bacon's 
 extensive views of, not diverted by 
 his profession, 22 ; of law. Bacon's 
 valuable work upon the improve- 
 ment of the, 22; the loss to, by 
 Bacon's acceptance of the chan- 
 cellorship compensated by his pro- 
 fessional and political labours, 195. 
 
 Sciences, division of, of Bacon's in- 
 complete tieatises part of his in- 
 tended great work, 267. 
 
 Scott, Bacon's defence against the 
 charge in, the gift being received 
 after the decree, 363. 
 
 Scotland, Bacon's efforts to promote 
 the union with England, 139 ; 
 King James's journey to, in com- 
 pany with Buckingham, see note 
 (6), 211. 
 
 Seals, sequestration of, 370. 
 
 Seneca, extract from, upon the com- 
 parative advantages and utility of a 
 life of contemplation, see note, 193. 
 
 Senses, defects of. Novum Organum, 
 see Seven Modes, 27 1 ; mode of pre- 
 senting facts to, third division of 
 Novum Organum, 270. 
 
 Sentence upon Bacon, 372. 
 
 Servants, Lord Bacon's, see Smith- 
 wick, &c., 366, 367 ; Bacon's ad- 
 mission of neglect respecting their 
 conduct to suitors, 368. 
 
 Singular instances, or observations of 
 such as are peculiar amidst their 
 own natures in the search after a 
 nature, 293. 
 
 Smithwick and Wyche, complete re- 
 futation of charge, 366 ; charge 
 against Bacon in, clearly rebutted, 
 340. 
 
 Solicitor General, Bacon appointed 
 by the King, 143 ; Bacon's present 
 to the Queen according to the cus- 
 tom of the times upon his applica- 
 tion for the office of, 203. 
 
 Solicitorship, Bacon's letter to the 
 Queen upon his disappointment 
 respecting the, 31 ; Bacon's retire- 
 ment to the country upon his dis- 
 appointment respecting the, 34 ; 
 Essex's indignation upon the re- 
 fusal of the Solicitorship to Bacon, 
 
 and his gift of an estate to him, 
 34. 
 
 Solitary instances, or consideration of 
 such as are so in resemblance or 
 difference in the search after a 
 nature, 290. 
 
 Somerset, his eclipse by Villiers, 179 ; 
 Bacon's distaste to, 180 ; suspicions 
 against the Earl and Countess of, 
 and their trial for the murder of Sir 
 Thomas Overbury, 184 ; Bacon's 
 mild and temperate sketch against, 
 note (6), 185. 
 
 Sound, extract from Bacon's Sylva, 
 upon the laws of, see note, 18) see 
 disquisition upon, note (c), 4. 
 
 Southampton, applied to by Bacon to 
 promote his interest with King 
 James, 99. 
 
 Spain, Essex's appointment to the 
 command of an expedition against, 
 36 ; King James's treaty of mar- 
 riage with, and Bacon's wise coun- 
 sels against, 218. 
 
 Speech of Bacon upon the absurdity 
 of the supposed confederacy to con- 
 trol the House of Commons, see 
 outline in note 161 ; of Bacon, 
 against Mr. 0. St. John, 165; 
 of Bacon against Owen upon his 
 trial for high treason, see notes (o) 
 and (6), 178 ; of Bacon against 
 Talbot for high treason, see note (c), 
 178 ; of Bacon against Sir J . Hollis, 
 Mr. Lumsden, and Sir J. Went- 
 worth, for certain reports respecting 
 the Earl and Countess of Somerset, 
 note (a), 184 ; of Bacon against the 
 Earl and Countess of Somerset for 
 the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury, 
 184. 
 
 Speeches of Bacon in Parliament, 44, 
 119 ; of Bacon upon the union, 140. 
 
 Star Chamber, a private investigation 
 in, of Essex's administration in 
 Ireland by declaration in his ab- 
 sence, 53 ; Bacon's objections to 
 private proceedings in, against 
 Essex, 63 ; odium excited by private 
 proceedings in, against Essex, 53 ; 
 public proceedings in, by informa- 
 tion against Essex, in consequence 
 of the republication of his apology, 
 56 : Bacon's objections to the public 
 proceedings in, against Essex, 56, 
 57 ; Bacon chosen counsel against 
 Essex upon the public proceedings 
 against, in the, 59 ; trial of Mr. 
 Oliver St. John for a letter declaring 
 
CCCCXCVl 
 
 INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 the illegality of the King's demaod, 
 of presents, 164 ; Bacon's speechiin, 
 against Mr. 0. St. John, see note. 
 («), 165; prosecution in, of Mt. 
 Mai'kham for sending a challenge to 
 Lord Daroy, 189 ; trial of Lord and 
 
 ; Lady Suffolk, in, for trafficking with 
 the puWic money, 2265 triali of 
 Wraynham in, for a libel against 
 Bacpn, 234. : 
 
 iStates, greatness of, dependent more 
 upon martial valour and union and 
 not upon territory and riches, 113, 
 116, 117. 
 
 Statesman, Bacon's fitness as a, for 
 
 the : office of Chancellov from his 
 
 ; education and reflection upon the 
 
 subject of politics and eloquence, 
 
 see MOtcs («) Odd (d), 198. 
 
 Statesmen, defective education of, 12, 
 see note (d), 11. , . r 
 
 Statute of uses, Bacon's argument 
 upon the celebratedf perpetuity case 
 incorporated into his TSading on, 
 see note. 3 Q at the end, 43. 
 
 St, John, Mr. Oliver, letter of, re- 
 specting the illegality of the King's 
 demand of presents, 163; trial of, 
 
 , in t|ie Star Chamber in consequence, 
 164; Bacon's speech against, see 
 note (a), 16d ; general opinion of 
 
 ; ,the judges respecting the offence of, 
 164. 
 
 Suffiilk, (Lord and Lady, trial of, for 
 trafficking with the public money, 
 
 , 226. 
 
 Sutton Hospital, Bacon's favourite opi- 
 nion in his tract upon, as to the ad- 
 vancement of learning' being the 
 best charity, 2°23. 
 
 Sylva Sylvarum, extract from, upon 
 the philosophy of Pythagoras, 283 ii 
 
 Sympathy, Kenebn Digby's powder of; 
 284. 
 
 Systerasi see short extract from Bacon's 
 Wisdom of the Ancients, 150. 
 
 System, Bacon's aversion to, 270. 
 
 Table, affirmative and negative. Ba- 
 con's plan of discovering truth, 269 ; 
 affirmative and negative of compa- 
 risons, of exclusions. Bacon's modes 
 in the discovery of truth, 285 — 288 ; 
 of results, of natures agreeing with 
 nature sought, 289. 
 
 Tanner manuscripts, Oxford, account 
 of in, of Sir H. Mountagu's negotia- 
 tion with Buckingham for the lord 
 Treasuiership, 227. 
 
 Tempests of state; discontent of the 
 ' '! peopJeV'lOa. , •!' : , 1 ' 
 uTempeiis! partus maximvis, <see index 
 
 ,11. 1 Novum Organtiita. ' 
 "/Tenison,,5 iex*lact f'frdni, ■ comparing 
 Bacon'SLlfall to iSomeis's shipwreck, 
 •378; and Rawley, their Remark- 
 able silence as to Bacon's 'motives 
 for deserting his idefende,'374. 
 
 Tentefdepi,' Lord, speech of, 1 Showing 
 his (pinion of the prejhdice of law- 
 yei-s, 276. '■ ■■'-■ j 
 
 Theatre, idols oE,<warping the mind in 
 the search after truth, 276. 
 
 Time, want of, an obstacle to the ac- 
 quisition of, 278>. 
 
 Tindal, Sir J., Bertram's murder of, 
 see Bacon's account and letter to the 
 King respecting, (see note, 1)40), 239. 
 
 Torture, examination by, of Peacham, 
 an old clergyman, preparatory to 
 his prosecution for high treason, 169 ; 
 the erroneous principle of the trial 
 by, see note (a), 163, 164; Bacon's 
 private opinion of the trial by, 175 ; 
 Queen Elizabeth's acquaintance with 
 the trial by, 175. 
 
 Tract upon Helps to the intellectual 
 
 powers. 111. Ill- ) 1 
 , Translation; of thedivisionsiof the art 
 of experimenting, 264. 
 
 Travelling instances, or observation of 
 a nature approaching to or receding 
 
 , from existence, 291. 
 
 Treavor and Ascue, Bacon's defence 
 against the chargeiin, 361. 
 
 Trial of Essex, .before the Privy Coun- 
 cil, upon^the' republication of his 
 
 ' apology^ 66,1 see for a full account, 
 ! riete ifi, at theend ; his submis- 
 sive and artful demeanour upon, 
 and his eloquence, 66 ; Bacon coun- 
 sel against upon; and his secret 
 friendliness to Essex, 67, 68 ; the 
 confused account of the, by Hume 
 and other ,histo?ians, 69 ; . the sen- 
 tence upon Essex, i 69^ the unjust 
 obloquy excited against Baicon by, 
 72 ; of Lord Sanquhar, and Bacon's 
 mildness towaiid?;;153 ; of Mr. O. 
 St. John, in the Star Chamber, see 
 Bacon's speech^ against, in note, 
 164 ; of Mr. Peacham, Mr. Owen, 
 and Mr. Talbot; for high treason, 
 167, 168; see Peacham; 178; of 
 Sir J. . Hollis, Mr, Lumsden, and 
 Sir J. Wentworth, for certain re- 
 ports respecting the Earl and Coun- 
 tess of Somerset, 184 ; of the Earl 
 
INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 CCCCXCVU 
 
 and Countess of Somerset for the 
 murder of Sir Thomas Overbiiry, 
 184 ; of Mr. Markham, in the Star 
 Chamber, for sending a challenge 
 to Lord Darcy, 189, of Lord aiid 
 Lady Suffolk for trafficking with the 
 public money, 226. 
 
 Trinity college, see Cambridge. 
 
 Tribe, idols of warping the judgment 
 in the search after truth, 273. 
 
 Truth, Bacon's theory upon the mode 
 of discoverbg, 35; Bacdn's mode 
 in the discovery of, 62 ; Bacon's 
 simple mode of illustrating, 123 ; 
 the investigation of, and advance- 
 ment of knowledge an infinitely 
 higher object than worldly power, 
 192 ; the impartial investigation of, 
 an infinitely higher object than the 
 pursuits of the statesman or hero, 
 193, 194 ; discovery of, conduct of 
 the understanding m. Novum Or- 
 ganum, a treatise upon^ part of Ba- 
 con's intended great work, 267 ; 
 best discovered in small and fami- 
 liar instances. Bacon's favourite doc- 
 trine, 268 ; Bacon's mode of dis- 
 covering, compared to the proceed- 
 ings in a court df justice, 269 ; the 
 four requisites in the discoveiy of, 
 270 ; investigation of idols warping 
 the mind in, 273 ; proper motives 
 in the investigation of, extract from 
 Novum Oi^anum, 277 ; Bacon's 
 mode in the discovery of, see affir- 
 mative tablcj 285; Bacon's theory 
 as to, and mode of investigating, 
 Brown the philosopher's objections 
 to, and Bacon's anticipation of, 298 ; 
 Coleridge's objection to Bacon's 
 mode of investigating, and Bacon's 
 anticipation, of, 300. 
 
 Tumer,MTS.,iSir Edward Coke's brutal 
 conduct to her upon her trial, 145. 
 
 Understanding, warps of, see Locke, 
 note ^a), 272;; conduct of, in the 
 investigation of truth, 283. 
 
 Undertakers to control the house, the 
 rumour excited against the King 
 respecting, 161 ; Bacon's powerful 
 speech upon> the absurdity of the 
 rumour respecting,- see outline in 
 note, 161. "' ' 
 
 Uniouj Bacon's exertions respecting, 
 see note (g), 109 ; and efforts to 
 promote, 1'39. 
 
 Universality, abandoning, one of the 
 
 VOL. XV. 
 
 errors in the investigation of truth, 
 273. 
 
 Universities, Bacon's praise of the in- 
 stitutions of, in generalj 7 ; Bacon's 
 opinion of the English, 10 ; Bacon's 
 tract upon the defects of; 1 1 ; defect 
 in there being no lectures upon the 
 
 ' passions in the English, 113 ; de- 
 fects of, see Bacon's Advancement 
 of Learning, Book II., 133 ; inter- 
 ference by, in causes depending, 
 233 ; imperfect collections for ex- 
 periment m, 278 
 
 University education, neglect of use- 
 ful knowledge, 112, see note Q Q Q. 
 
 Valour, martial, the strength of a 
 state dependent upon, rather than 
 riches and territory, 117. 
 
 Variation of the divisions of the art of 
 experimenting, 264. 
 
 Verulam, Bacon's magnificent house 
 of retirement at, 257 . 
 
 Villiers, his mercenariness, see Tanner 
 MSS., respecting his hegotiation 
 with Sir H. Mountagu, kote, 127, 
 128, et seq. ; his birth and parent- 
 age, 179 ; his character and person, 
 179 ; his determination to try his 
 fortune at court, 179 ; King James's 
 attachment to, 179 ; his admission 
 into the King's household, 179; 
 his successive honours and final 
 creation as Duke of Buckingham, 
 180 ; his letter to Bacon upon the 
 regulation of his conduct at court, 
 note(o), see reply, 180 ; his friend- 
 ship for Bacon, 180'; Bacon's let- 
 ter to, upon the dispute respecting 
 the jurisdiction of the Court of 
 Chancery, 186 ; Bacon's letter to, 
 upon the motion to swear him privy 
 councillor, 187; Bacon's letter to, 
 upon his appointmettt as Chan- 
 cellor, 190 ; Bacon's letter to, con- 
 taining Chancellor Braekley*s opi- 
 nion of his Jlowers, see note (e), 
 187 ; Bacon's advice to, upon the 
 appointment of good judges, note(b), 
 198 ; his journey', while Karl of 
 Buckingham, with the King to 
 Scotland, as prime mihister and 
 master of the revels, 211 ; his po- 
 licy in sunounding thd King with 
 buffooneries, 212 ; his constant 
 communica:tion with Bacon during 
 the King's' progress, 203 ; Bacon's 
 letter to; upon taking his seat as 
 kk 
 
CCCCXCVlll 
 
 INDEX TO THE LIFE. 
 
 Lord Keeper, showing his contempt 
 for the pomp of office, 217; his 
 quarrel with IJacon upon his oppo- 
 sition to his marriage and bitter let- 
 ters to, see note (a), 219 ; his recon- 
 ciliation with Bacon and marriage, 
 220 ; Bacon's letter to, upon the 
 retrenchment of the royal expenses, 
 &c. 220 ; his letter to Bacon upon 
 his stay of the patents during the 
 King's distresses, note (6), 222 ; 
 Bacon's letter to, showing his sa- 
 crifice as a judge to his feelings as 
 a politician, 223 ; Bacon's letter to, 
 upon Suffolk's case, 223 ; created 
 Marquis of Buckingham, 222 ; let- 
 ters of Sir H. Mountagu to, nego- 
 tiating for the Lord Treasurership, 
 227, 229; letter of Sir Edward 
 Villiei-s to, respecting Sir H. Moun- 
 tagu's offer, 228 ; his impeachment 
 respecting the sale of the , treasurer- 
 ship to Sir H. Mountagu after the 
 death of James, note, 230. 
 Vintners, refutation of charge of ex- 
 tortion in theii' case, 367. 
 
 Walton, his life of Herbert, extract 
 from, giving an account of his de- 
 voutness and humility upon his in- 
 duction, note, 214. 
 
 Wealth, desire of, an interruption to 
 the progress of knowledge, 192. 
 
 Wentworth, Sir J., trial of, see HoUis, 
 Sir J. 
 
 Wharton and Willoughby, see note (6), 
 323 ; Bacon's defence to the charge 
 in the cause of, 360. 
 
 Whitgift, Dr. John, Bacon's tutor, 
 afterwards archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, 5. 
 
 Will, Lord Bacon's, extract from, 374. 
 
 Williams, archbishop. Bishop Hacket's 
 account of his humility, when taking 
 hi|,seat as lord keeper, 213; his 
 subtle advice to King James to con- 
 tinue the parliament to crush Bacon, 
 242 ; consulted by Buckingham, 
 
 who advises him to sacrifice Mom- 
 pesson and Michell, 311; his ad- 
 vice to the King and Buckingham 
 to brave the popular discontent, 342 ; 
 lord keeper, great seals delivered to 
 him, with permission to retain all 
 his livings, 376. 
 
 Wilson, extract from, upon King 
 James's journey to Scotland, note 
 (6), 211 ; his account in note of the 
 effect of the King's demand upon 
 the public mind-, see note, 143. 
 
 Wisdom of the Ancients, Bacon's pub- 
 ■ lication of his work entitled, 148 ; 
 the work a species of parabolical 
 , poetry, 149. 
 
 Witnesses, the duty of a judge to, 253 ; 
 examined against Bacon, 323, 
 
 Words, study of. Bacon's low estimate 
 of, 128 ; study of, a distemper of 
 learning, illustrated by Pygmalion, 
 129. 
 
 Wroth and Mainwaring, ridiculous 
 charge against Bacon in the cause 
 of, 338 ; Bacon's defence against 
 the charge in, the gift being received 
 after the decree, 363. 
 
 Wraynham, Bacon's decree against, 
 and his publication of a libel against 
 Bacon, 234 ; trial of, for the libel 
 against Bacon, 234 ; v. Fisher, pre- 
 sents to Bacon in the cause of, ac- 
 cording to custom, by counsel, 237 ; 
 V. Fisher, charge of bribery against 
 Bacon in the cause of, see note (a), 
 237. 
 
 Wrottesley, Lord Chancellor, his opi- 
 nions upon the subject of patronage, 
 note (h), 199. 
 
 Yelveeton, attorney-general, prose- 
 cution of, at the instance of Buck- 
 ingham, see note B, 308. 
 
 York House, bestowed upon Bacon as 
 a place of residence, 258 ; celebra- 
 tion of Bacon's 60th birth-day at, 
 258 ; see Ben Jonson's ode, 259. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 A. Life, p. i. 
 
 A LITTLE beyond Hungerford Market had been of old th^ Bishop of Norwich's 
 Inn, but was exchanged in 1535, in the rSign of Henry VIII. for the Abbey 
 of St. Bennett Holme, in Norfolk. The next year Charles Brandon, Duke 
 of Suffolk, exchanged his house called Southwark Place for it. In Queen 
 Mary's reign it was purchased by Hejith, Archbishop of York, and called 
 York Hoijse. Toby Matthew, archbishop in the time of James I. exchanged 
 it with the crown, and had several manors in lieu of it. The Lord Chancellors 
 Egerton and Bacon resided in it ; after which it was granted to the favourite 
 Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, who made it a magnificent house. In 1648, 
 the parliament bestowed it on Lord Fairfax, whose daughter and heir marrying 
 George Villiers, second Duke of Buckingham, it reverted again to the true 
 owner, who for some years after the restoration resided in it. On his disposal 
 of it, several streets were laid out on the site and ground belonging to it. 
 These go generally under the name of York Buildings ; but his name and 
 title is preserved in George, Villiers, Duke, and Buckingham Streets, and even 
 the particle of is not forgotten, being preserved in Of Alley. — See Maitland's 
 London, 482, Vol. I. 
 
 The house is situated at the top of Villiers Street, North front towards the 
 Strand, East front towards Villiers Street. In two closets on the first floor 
 there is a part of the old ceiling. In the lease of the house it is called " York 
 House." It is now, 1 832, occupied by G . Roake, bookseller and stationer, 
 York House, 31, Strand, corner of Villiers Street. 
 
 B. Life, p. i. 
 
 Sir Anthony Cooke, characterised by Camden as vir antiqua serenitate, was 
 born at Giddy Hall, in Essex. He was a man eminent in all the circles of 
 the arts, preferring contemplation to active life, and skilled in education. 
 " Contemplation," says Lloyd, " was his soul : privacy his life : and discourse 
 his element. Busihess was his purgatory ; and publicity his torment. He 
 took more pleasure to breed up statesmen than to be one. He managed his 
 family and children with such prudence and discretion, that Lord Seymour 
 standing by one day when this gentleman chid his son, said ' Some men govern 
 families with more skill than others do kingfioms ; ' and thereupon commended 
 him to the government of his nephew, Edward VI. Such the majestic ot 
 his looks and gate, that awe governed ; such the reason and sweetness, that 
 love obliged all his family : a family equally, afraid to displease so good a head, 
 and to offend so great. In their marriage they were giiided by his reason, more 
 than his will ; and rather directed by his counsel, than led by his authority. 
 
 He had five daughters, whose education he superintended ; and, thinking 
 that women are as capable of learning as men, he instilled that to his daughters 
 at night, what he had taught the prince in the day ; and all the daughters of 
 Sir Anthony Cooke were perfectly skilled in the learned languages. They 
 married suitably to the education with which they had been formed. 
 
 1. Mildred, 
 
 2. Ann, 
 
 3. Katherine, 
 
 4. Elizabeth, 
 5. 
 
 married to 
 
 William Cecil, Lord Treasurer of England. 
 Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper. 
 Sir Henry Killigrew. 
 Sir Thomas Hobby. 
 Sir Ralph Rowlet. 
 
 VOL. XV. 1 
 
NOTE C. 
 
 Elizabeth survived Sir Thomas Hobby, and married John, Lord Russel. There 
 is a portrait of lier at Mr. Vansittart's, Bisham Abbey, enamelled by Bone. 
 
 Sir Anthony Cooke died June 11, 1576, and is buried in the chapel at Rom- 
 ford. — Birch's Elizabeth, 11. 
 
 Portrait of Lady Cooke, wife of Sir Anthony, by Holbein, at Woburn, ena- 
 melled by Bone. 
 
 C Life, p. i. 
 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon was a man full of wit and wisdom : was a gentleman 
 and a man of law and of great knowledge therein. He had the deepest reach 
 into affairs of any man that was at the council table : the knottiest head to 
 pierce into difficulties : the most comprehensive judgment to surround the 
 merits of a cause : the strongest memory to recollect all circumstances of a 
 business at one view : the greatest patience to debate and consider : and the 
 cleaiest reason to urge anything that came in his way in the court of chancery. 
 His favour was eminent with his mistress, and his alliance strong with her 
 statesmen. He was lord keeper of the great seal during the time of Elizabeth. 
 He was, in a word, a father of his countiy and of Sir Francis Bacon. Lloyd. 
 
 He was a moderate man : " Mediocria Jirma" was his principle and practice. 
 He is described by Camden as " Vir prsepinquis, ingenio acerrimo, singular! 
 prudentia, summa eloquentia, tenaci memoria, et sacris conciliis alterium colu- 
 men." 
 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon, a most eloquent man, of as sound learning and wisdom 
 as England had in many ages, with the old Lord William Burghley, lord trea- 
 surer, have above others been admired and commended in their public speeches 
 in parliament. Peacham, Cent. 44. 
 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon, lord keeper, ob. 1579, February 20 : in him was united 
 for the first time the office of lord chancellor/and that of lord keeper, but in 
 1564, being suspected of having favourecLtEfe/sirecession of the house of Gray, 
 he fell into disgrace and was forbac^tBOtWear at court, or to interfere in any 
 public affairs except those of chanceryiw^f^re he continued to preside, with an 
 unblemished reputation, till his dea.lhL^JLbiLK,l. 30S. 
 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon, keeper in \X^^4^Q^m^d.hetb, died lamented by her 
 and the nation, 20th February, pwSiai/jMUf^^ interred in the cathedral of 
 St. Paul's, where a monument was erecleoto JEnS/^hich was destroyed by the 
 fire of London, 1666. // (_/ 
 
 Sir Nicholas had much of that penetratina'geniu's, solidity of judgment, per- 
 suasive eloquence, and comprehensive kcrawledge of law and equity, which 
 afterwards shone forth with so great a lustre in his son, who was as much infe- 
 rior to his father in point of prudence and integrity, as his father was to him in 
 literaiy accomplishments. He was the first lord keeper that ranked as lord 
 chancellor. Promoted 1558-9 : ob. 20th February, 1578-9. 
 
 It is interesting to see the resemblance between the minds of Sir Nicholas 
 and of his sou. Sir Nicholas was an eminent statesman, with the refinement of 
 a courtier ; a learned lawyer, eloquent, and devoted to science, with a passion 
 for building : qualities by which his son was distinguished through life. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth told him his house was too little for him, " Not so, madam," 
 returned he, " but your majesty has made me too great for my house." When 
 Elizabeth asked Francis in his childhood how old he was, he answered that he 
 was two years younger than her majesty's happy reign. 
 
 In that court, and in the star-chamber, he made use, on proper occasions, of 
 set speeches, in which he was happier than most men, pleasing the people by 
 their sound, and charming the wisest men of that age with their sense, whence 
 he attained the reputation of uniting two opposite characters, viz. of a witty and 
 a weighty speaker.* Ben Jonson says nearly the same of Lord Bacon. . 'There 
 happened in my time one noble speaker, who was full of gravity in his speak- 
 ing. His language (where he could spare or pass by a jest) was nobly cen- 
 sorious. No man ever spake more neatly, more pressly, more weightily, or 
 
 * Peacham's Compleat Gentleman, p. 43, 
 
NOTE C. 
 
 suffered less emptiness, less idleness, in what he uttered. No member of his 
 speech but consisted of its own graces. His hearers could not cough, or look 
 aside from him without loss. He commanded where he spoke ; and had his 
 judges angry and pleased at his devotion. No man had their affections more in 
 his power. The fear of every man that heard him was, lest he should make an 
 end. 
 
 The devotion of Sir Nicholas to science may be seen in inscriptions in diffe- 
 rent parts of his seat at Goihambuiy, Over a gate leading into the orchard, 
 which had a garden on one side and a wilderness on the other, under the 
 statue uf Orpheus, stood these verses : 
 
 Horrida nuper eram aspectu latebraeque ferarum, 
 
 Ruricolis tantum numinibusque locus. 
 Edomitor fausto hue dum forte supervenit Orpheus 
 
 XJlterius qui me non sinit esse radem ; 
 Convocat, avulsis virgulta virentia truncis 
 Et sedem quae vel Diis placuisse potest. 
 Sicque mei cultor, sic est mihi cultus et Oi'pheus : 
 Floreat O noster cultus amorque diu. 
 
 This too was the favourite image of Francis. In Orpheus's Theatre all beasts 
 and birds assembled, and forgetting their several appetites, some of prey, some 
 of game, some of quarrel, stood all sociably together, listening to the airs and 
 accords of the harp ; the sound whereof no sooner ceased, or was drowned by 
 some louder noise, but every beast returned to his own nature ; wherein is aptly 
 described the nature and condition of men : who are full of savage and unre- 
 claimed desires of profit, of lust, of revenge, which, as long as they give ear to 
 precepts, to laws, to religion, sweetly touched with eloquence, and persuasion 
 of books, of sermons, of harangues ; so long is society and peace maintained ; 
 but if these instruments be silent, or sedition and tumult make them not audible, 
 all things dissolve into anarchy and confusion. 
 
 In the orchard was a little banquetting-house, adorned with .great curiosity, 
 having the liberal arts beautifully depicted on its walls, over them tlie pictures 
 of such learned men as had excelled in each, and under them, verses expressive 
 of the benefits derived from the study of them. 
 
 Grammar. Lex sum sermonis linguaram regula certa. 
 
 Qui me non didicit caetera nulla petal. 
 Arithmetick. Ingenium exacuo, numerorum arcana recludo. 
 
 Qui numeros didicit quid didicisse nequit. 
 LoGiCK. Divide multiplices, res cxplanoque latentes 
 
 Vera exquiro, falsa arguo, cuncta probo. 
 MusiCK. Mitigo moerores, et acerbas lenio cruras, 
 
 Gestiat ut placidis mens hilarata sonis. 
 Khetorick. Ble duce splendescit, gratis prudentia verbis 
 Jamque ornata nitet quse fuit ante rudis. 
 Geometry. Corpora describo rerum et quo singula pacto 
 
 Apte sunt formis appropriata suis. 
 Astrology. Astrorum lustrans cursus viresque potentes, 
 Elicio miris fata futura modis. 
 So, too, Francis had his banquetting-house and fish-ponds, as will be 
 explained in a subsequent part of this work. They may now be seen at Gor- 
 hambury, in a field called the Ponyard — the Pondyard. His passion for build- 
 ing appeared in his mansion and gardens at Gorhambury, near St. Albans, and 
 in his New Atlantis are the statues of eminent men. 
 
 Sir Nicholas's first wife v/as J ane Fernly , of West Creting, in Suffolk, by whom 
 he had six children. His second wife was Anne, the daughter of Sir Anthony 
 Cooke, of Giddy Hall, Essex, by whom he had two sons, Anthony and Francis, 
 who was the celebrated Lord Verulam. His death is said to have been occasioned 
 by accident, on the 20th of February, 1579; and, on the 9th of March, he was 
 buried with great solemnity, under a sumptuous monument erected by himself 
 in St. Paul's church, with the following inscription by Buchannan : 
 
NOTE C. 
 
 Hie Nicolaum ne Baconum conditura, 
 Existima ilium, tarn diu Biitannici 
 Regni secundum columen, exitium malis, 
 Eonis Asylum ; caeca quem non exlulit 
 Ad hunc honorem sors, sed aequitas, fides, 
 Doctrina, Pietas, unica et Piudentia, 
 Neu morte raptum crede, quia unica brevi 
 Vita pevennes emeruit duas : agit 
 Vitam secundam caelites inter animus, 
 Fama iraplet orbem, vita qu£B illi tertia est. . 
 Hac positum in ara est corpus olim animi domus, 
 Ara dicata sempiternse Memoriae. 
 
 There are various pictures of the lord keeper ; there are two in Gorhambury 
 House ; a print in Musgrave's collection, lord keeper, set. 68, 1579. Picture 
 in Euston House, Suffolk. Picture by Zucchero in Lennerd House, Norfolk. 
 Picture in Brome Hall, Suffolk — motto, Mediocria Firma. Picture at Benuet 
 College, Cambridge. Picture in King's Weston House, Gloucestershire. 
 Knowle House, Kent. By Zucchero, at Wobum. See Walpole's Painters. 
 Pennant's Journey. In the Horologia, 8vo. a Vandenwooffe, 1559. Vertue sc. 
 large 4to. Vertue, &c. a small oval engraving, with other heads, in the frontis- 
 piece to Burnet's Abridgment of the History of the Reformation. Portrait of 
 Anne, vrife of Sir Nicholas, lord keeper, at Gorhambuiy, enamelled by Bone. 
 His bust and of his wife Anne, and of their son, Francis, when twelve years 
 old, are at Gorhambury. I saw them in April, 1825. They are of terra cotta, 
 and coloured after the life. The bust of Francis is, as to the shape of the head, 
 barrel like. Biographia Adversaria, vol. i. British Museum : Sir N. Bacon, 
 lord keeper of the great seal, autograph, 1562, 1565, 1566. 
 
 A great part of the furniture which belonged to the lord keeper is still care- 
 fully preserved. The purse which was delivered with the great seal to Sir 
 Nicholas Bacon, by the queen, is now in the possession of the Rev. John 
 Long, rector of Coddenham, Suffolk, to whom it was bequeathed by the will of 
 the Rev. Nathaniel Bacon, his predecessor in the living, and last male des- 
 cendant of Nicholas, eldest son of Edward Bacon, esq. of Shrubland, the third 
 son of Sir Nicholas by his first wife. The following is the pedigree of the lord 
 keeper. 
 
 Secmd Wife. First Wife. 
 
 Anne Coote.EpNicHOLAS BACON-PpTaue Fernley. 
 
 r 
 
 Bamham.t=pFRANCis. Anthony. Nicholas. 
 
 Edward. Aune. Jane. Elizabeth. 
 
 T TT r 
 
 No issue. Second Wife. 
 
 First Wife. 
 Anne Hopton.:^Nathaniel.c=Anne Greshaiu. 
 
 1st Wife. Id Husb. to Anne. 1st Husb. to Anne. 
 
 Mary Croke=^Sir Harbottle=j=Anne.=pSir Thomas Elizabeth. Winifred. 
 Grimstoue. j | Meautys. 
 
 No issue. No issue. 
 
 Mary. Elizabeth. Samuel. George. 
 
 Adopted one of the Two daughters, of whom 
 
 daughters of Samuel. one was adopted by Mary. 
 
 This adopted child is the ancestor of the 
 present Grimstone, Earl Verulam. 
 
 Nathaniel, the second son, was, to use the words of Sir Nicholas his father, 
 of best hope in learning. This appears from the following letter from the lord 
 keeper, written when Francis was only eight years old. 
 
NOTE C. 
 
 Harleian MS. 287, fo. 280. — " I have leceyved yo"' genlill and courteous 
 lettre, and thank you hartely for it. And albeit my sonne hath begged this 
 benefice of you, vi'^^ indeed was yo'^ by my piomyse, yet I trust or it be long to 
 provide some other of better ,value for you, in parte of satisfaction of this that is 
 paste, ye shal be sure to have the first, and the best that I may gyve in eyther 
 bothe shires. And in good faythe I am sory you have not this for yo' adver- 
 tisement concerning Mr. Dopledick. 1 have great cause to thinke myself much 
 beholden unto you, but herein (I thank you) I fynd by soundry weyes you do 
 but as you are woute, I should be much to blame if any tyme shall make me 
 forgetfuU of it, and jiemembring it I muste be unthankfuU if I requyte it not, if 
 it lye in ray power. My desyer is that if you be acquaynted w"' Mr. Dopledick, 
 that you will of yo'self lett hym understand that I have told you my intention is 
 to have my second sonne married in SufT., and w* all that I have requyered 
 you, if you should understand of any convenient mariage for him t6 advertise 
 me of it, and so furthe as you shall think moste meet. In deed of all my 
 children he is of best hope in learning, and thereupon to feele his disposycion 
 howe he is inclyned that waye, whereof I gladly wold be advertised w"> some 
 speed. And besyde I praye you signifie unto me th' age of the raayde, w'i> 
 whome she hath ben brought up, and who maye be the meetest meanes to bring 
 the same to passe, yf upon yo' significacyon I shall have cause to lyke of it, 
 and of the other syde if you for want of a quayntaince w"" hym be not meete to 
 begyne to breake this matter (whereof I wold be very sory) then I wold gladly 
 be enformed from you who were meet to do it. I have written to my sonne 
 that he shall see yo' lettres conveyed w* speed, whensoever you are disposed to 
 writt unto me, for in thies causes protracting of tyme may verye muche hinder, 
 my meaning is not to have many acquainted w* this matter, till I knowe what 
 will come of it. Thus wishing to you as to myself I bid you hartely farewell, 
 from my house at Gorhambury the xxvijth of July, 1568. 
 
 Yo' verey frynd. 
 To my verye frend Robert N. Bacon, C. S. 
 
 Asshfeild, esquyer, geve 
 
 these. 
 
 Whatever may have been the promise of him when a youth, all which we 
 now iknow of him is, that he was an artist of some merit. Grimstone, in his 
 History of St. Albans, says, " He had a great talent for painting, and travelled 
 into Italy to improve himself in that art." Lord Orford, in his History of 
 Painting, ranks him very high in reputation, amongst the British artists. At 
 Culford he left some few pieces of fruit and fish, but they are lost or destroyed, 
 and the only remaining specimens of his works are preserved at Gorhambury, 
 these are a full length portrait of himself, a cook supposed to have been a 
 representation of Lady Bacon; with a great variety of dead game in the fore- 
 ground, part of which appears unfinished, but the remainder has been greatly 
 admired. There is also a small portrait of his mother. 
 
 He is thus mentioned in Pennant's Journey from Chester. Near him is his 
 accomplished kinsman, his half-brother. Sir Nathaniel Bacon, knight of the 
 Bath, leaning back in his chair, in a green jacket laced, yellow stockings, a dog 
 by him, and sword and pallet hung up. " In the art of painting, none," says 
 Peacham, " deserveth more respect and admiration than Master Nathaniel 
 Bacon, of Brome, in Suffolk ; not inferior, in my judgment, to our skillfullest 
 masters." He improved his talent by travelling into Italy ; and left in this 
 house, as a proof of the excellency of his performances, this portrait, and a most 
 excellent one of a cook, a perfect Venus, with an old game-keeper ; behind is a 
 variety of dead game, in particular a swan, whose plumage is expressed with 
 inimitable softness and gloss. 
 
 Sir Nath. Bacon se ipse p. Chambers se 4to. in the anecdotes of painting. 
 Sir Nathaniel Bacon, second son of Sir Nicholas Bacon, painted his own por- 
 trait and a cook maid, with large and small fowls, in a masterly manner. Both 
 these pictures are at Gorhambury. He was ancestor to the present Lord Towns- 
 hend. Mr. Nathaniel Bacon, younger son of Sir Nicholas Bacon, knight and 
 
NOTE C. 
 
 eldest baronet, deserveth great respect and admiration for his skill and practice 
 in painting, and not inferior to our most skilful masters. Peachum Gent. 106. 
 See, for a further account of Nathaniel, Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting, 316. 
 Sir Nathaniel Bacon, knight of the Bath, younger son of Sir Nicholas Bacon, 
 Wheeler. Picture, Gorhambury, by himself. Walp. Paint, i. 177. Sir Na- 
 thaniel Bacon, knight, brother of Viscount St. Albans. Print in Musgrave's 
 Collection, ii. 
 
 Grimstone's History of Gorhambury, page 69. Sir Nathaniel, the second son 
 of Sir Nicholas Bacon, married the daughter of Sir Thomas Gresham, and 
 by her had three daughters, Anne, Elizabeth, and Winifred. Sir Nathaniel 
 died in the lifetime of Lord St. Albans, at his seat at Culford, in the county of 
 Suffolk, and was buried in the chancel of the church at Culford, where a monu- 
 ment was erected to his memory ; and another at Stiffkey, in Norfolk, where he 
 had also an estate and mansion. Anne, his eldest daughter, married first Sir 
 Thomas Meautys, who died without issue, and now lies by his friend in St. 
 Michael's church, at St. Albans. I, in 1830, traced his epitaph. It is partly 
 covered by one of the pews. The inscription is as follows : 
 
 Pew. 
 
 TH THE BODY OF S^ 
 
 Upon removing the pew, which now is upon part of the stone, there would no 
 doubt appear on the first line HERE LIE 
 
 and in the second line, THOMAS so that the inscription will be 
 
 plain : " Here lieth the body of Sir Thomas Meawtys K'." 
 
 Grimstone's History of Gorhambury, page 62. Lord St, Albans had in his 
 lifetime conveyed his estate and manor of Gorhambury to Sir John Constable 
 and Sir Thomas Crewe, as trustees, by whom it was after his death conveyed to 
 Sir Frances Leigh and others, in trust for the sole use of Sir Thomas Meautys, 
 his relation and friend, who had married Anne, the only surviving daughter of 
 Sir Nathaniel Bacon. Sir H. Grimstone bought Gorhambury of Sir Thomas 
 Meautys. After the death of Sir Thomas Meautys, Anne married Sir Harbottle 
 Grimstone, he having, as it seems, previously bought Gorhambuiy of Sir Thomas 
 Meautys. 
 
 Account of Sir Harbottle Grimstone and his wives : his second wife having 
 been Anne, the daughter of Nathaniel, the second son of the lord keeper, and 
 widow of Sir Thomas Meautys. 
 
 Burnet, in his History of his Own Times, says, " And I applied myself to 
 my studies, and my function being then settled preacher at the Rolls, and soon 
 after lecturer of St. Clements. I lived many years under the protection of Sir 
 Harbottle Grimstone, Master of the Rolls, who continued steady in his favour 
 to me, though the King sent Secretary Williamson to desire him to dismiss me. 
 He said he was an old man, fitting himself for another world, and he found my 
 ministry useful to him, so he prayed he might be excused in that. This broke 
 me quite with the court, and in that respect proved a great blessing to me : it 
 brought me out of many temptations ; the greatest of all being the kindness 
 that was growing toward me from the Duke, which might have involved me in 
 great difficulties, as it did expose me to much censure ; all which went oflf upon 
 this. He was a long and very kind patron to me. I continued ten years in 
 that post, free from all necessities : and I thank God that was all I desired : 
 but, since I was so long happy in so quiet a retreat, it seems but a just piece of 
 gratitude, that I should give some account of that venerable old man. He was 
 descended from a long-lived family ; for his great grandfather lived till he was 
 ninety-eight, his grandfather to eighty-six, and his father to seventy-eight, and 
 himself to eighty-two. He had to the last a great soundness of health, of 
 memory, and of judgment. He was bred to the study of the law, being a 
 younger brother. Upon the elder brother's death he threw it up ; but falling in 
 love with Judge Croke's daughter, the father would not bestow her on him 
 
NOTE C. 
 
 unless he would return to his studies, which he did with great success. That 
 judge was one of those who delivered his judgment in the chequer-chamber 
 against the ship-money, which he did with a long and learned argument ; and 
 Sir Harbottle's father, who served in parliament for Essex, lay long in prison, 
 because he wquld uot pay the loan-money. Thus both his family and his wife's 
 were zealous for the interest of their country. In the beginning of the long par- 
 liament he was a great assertor of the laws, and inveighed severely against all 
 that had been concerned in the former illegal oppression. His principle was, 
 that allegiance and protection were mutual obligations ; and that the one went 
 for the other. He thought the law was the measure of both ; and that when a 
 legal protection was denied to one that paid a legal allegiance, the subject had 
 a right to defend himself. He was much troubled, when preachers asserted 
 a divine right of legal government. He thought it had no other effect but to 
 give an ill impression of them as aspiring men ; nobody was convinced by it. 
 It inclined their hearers rather to suspect all they said ; besides it looked like 
 the sacrificing their country to their own preferment ; and an encouraging of 
 princes to turn tyrants : yet when the Long Parliament engaged in the league 
 with Scotland, he would not swear to the covenant ; and he discontinued sitting 
 in the house till it was laid aside : then he came back, and joined with Hollis, 
 and the other presbyterians, in a high opposition to the independents, and to 
 Cromwell in particular, as was told in the first book ; and he was one of the 
 secluded members that were forced out of the house. He followed afterwards 
 the practice of the law ; but was always looked upon as one who wished well to 
 the ancient government of England : so he was chosen speaker of that house, 
 that called home the King ; and had so great a merit in that whole affair, that 
 he was soon after, without any application of his own, made Master of the 
 Rolls : in which post he continued to his death with a high reputation, as he 
 well deserved ; for he was a just judge ; very slow, and ready to hear every 
 thing that was offered, without passion or partiality. I thought his only fault 
 was that he was too rich : and yet he gave yearly great sums in charity, dis- 
 charging many prisoners by paying their debts. He was a very pious and 
 devout man, and spent every day, at least an hour in the morning, and as much 
 at night, in prayer and meditation ; and even in winter, when he was obliged to 
 be very early on the bench, he took care to rise so soon, that he had always the 
 command of that time which he gave to those exercises. He was much 
 sharpened against popery : but had always a tenderness to the Dissenters, 
 though he himself continued still in the communion of the church." 
 
 Burnet, in his History, thus speaks of Anne, " His second wife, whom I 
 hneWy wan niece to the great Sir Francis Bacon ; and was the last heir of that 
 family. She had all the high notions for the church and for the crown in which 
 she had been bred ; but was the humblest, the devoutest, and best tempered person 
 I ever knew of that strrt. It was really a pleasure to hear her talk of' religion, she 
 did it with so much elevation and force. She was always very plain in her 
 clothes, and went off to gaols to consider the wants of the prisoners, and relieve or 
 discharge them ; and, by the meanness of her dress, she passed but for a servant 
 trusted with the charities of others. When she was travelling in the country, as 
 site dreio near a village she often ordered lier coach to stay behind till she had 
 walked about it, giving .orders for the instruction of the children, and leaving 
 liberally for that end." 
 
 There is a portrait of Anne at Gorhambury, and of both her husbands. 
 
 D. Life, p. i. 
 
 There are some obseJTations upon the life of Anne, Lady Bacon, in the 
 Biographia Britannica, in Note A to the life of Anthony Bacon, which says : 
 " She made a florid and exact translation of Bishop JewlfeU's Apology for the 
 Church of England, from Latin into English, which was esteemed so useful 
 in its nature, as well as so correct in its manner, that in the year 1564 it was 
 published for common use by the special order of Archbishop Parker, with 
 
some additions of his owa at the end, and he refers to 2d Strype's Annals, 
 469. Her parental care of her two sons, Anthony and Francis, two of the most 
 extraordinary men of her time, and of any time, is, possibly, the best evidence 
 of her powers : and which was deeply felt by Francis, who, in his will, says : 
 " For my burial I desire it may be in St. Michael's church, near St. Albans, 
 there was my mother buried." In Birch's Memoirs of the Reign of Queen 
 Eliiabeth, the extraordinary vigilance used by Lady Anne in superintending 
 their conduct, long after they were adults, may be seen. 
 
 The importance of early Impressions, and, above all, of early infant educa- 
 tion, can never be too strongly impressed upon the mind. The blessings atten- 
 dant upon the performance of this duty, both to the child and to the parent, 
 may be seen by a few facts, and conceived by any- person who thinks of the 
 sweet love of a mother for her child, and knows that " Nature never said one 
 thing and wisdom another." See Cowper's Review of Schools, and see his 
 poem upon the receipt of his mother's picture. I subjoin a few instances, 
 ancient and modern, of the beneficial effects of maternal education. 
 
 Arete, the daughter of Aristippus, the Cyrenaic philosopher, after her father's 
 death, presided over the school, and taught her son, Aristippus, philosophy. 
 Diog. Laert. L. ii. in Aristippo. 
 
 Istrina, queen of the Scythians, wife of Aripithis, taught her son the lan- 
 guage and learning of the Greeks. Herodotus and Melpomene. 
 
 VVhat heart has not glowed at the memory of the mother of the Gracchi. 
 
 The devout Pilcheria, mother of the emperor Arcadius, when not fifteen years 
 of age, governed with discretion. She tended both the moral and intellectual 
 education of her son Theodosius. 
 
 Zenobia Suidas, the celebrated queen of Palmyra, was acquainted with the 
 Greek, Roman, and Egyptian languages, and instructed her sons Herennianus 
 and Timolaus. PoUio Trebellius et Fulg. Lib. viii. cap. iii. 
 
 Amalasunta succeeded, with her son Athalaric, to her father Theodoric, in 
 the kingdom of Italy. She educated her son after the Roman manner, and 
 reared in him his father's virtues. She was acquainted with all the languages 
 that were spoken in the Roman empire. Jo. Magnus, 1. 10. 
 
 Hooker, about the eighteenth year of his age, fell into a dangerous sickness, 
 which lasted two months ; all which time his mother, having notice of it, did in 
 her hourly prayers as earnestly beg his life of God, as Monica, the mother of 
 St. Augustme, did that he might become a true Christian ; and their prayers 
 were both so heard as to be granted : which Mr. Hooker would often mention 
 with much joy, and as often pray that he might never live to occasion any 
 sorrow to so good a mother ; of whom, he would often say, he loved her so 
 dearly that he would endeavour to be good even as much for hers as for his own 
 sake. Walton's Lives. 
 
 The mother of George Herbert, in the time of her widowhood, being desirous 
 to give Edward, her eldest son, such advantages of learning, and other educa- 
 tion, as might suit his birth and fortune, and thereby make him more fit for the 
 service of his country, did, at his being of a fit age, remove from Montgomery 
 Castle with him to Queen's College, and having provided him a fit tutor, she 
 commended him to his care, yet she continued there with him, and still kept 
 him in a moderate awe of herself, and so much under her own eye, as to see 
 and converse with him daily. Walton's Life of George Herbert. 
 
 Professor Gregory, who invented the reflecting telescope, in the twenty-fourth 
 year of his age, was instructed by his mother in the elements of mathematics. 
 
 Kant, the celebrated metaphysician, derived in part his devotional spirit from 
 the instructions of maternal piety. 
 
 Gray the poet was the only child of his mother who survived. The rest died 
 in their infancy from suflPocation produced by a fulness of the blood: and he 
 owed his life to a memorable instance of the love and courage of his mother, 
 who removed the paroxysm which attacked him by opening a vein with her own 
 hand. To her exertions it was owing, that when her home was rendered 
 unhappy by the cruelty of her husband, our poet was indebted for his education. 
 Mason records that Gray seldom mentioned his mother without a sigh. 
 
NOTE D. 
 
 The early years of the lamented John Tweddell, 
 
 " Of all that virtue love for virtue loved," 
 were passed under the tuition of a most pious and affectionate mother. 
 
 Bishop Watson thus speaks of his mother : " My mother's maiden name was 
 Newton : she was a vety charitable and good woman, and I am indebted to her 
 (I mention it with filial piety) for embuing my young mind with principles of 
 religion, which have never forsaken me. Erasmus, in his little treatise entitled 
 Antibarbaiorum, says, ' that the safety of states depends upon three things — 
 upon a proper or improper education of (he prince, upon public preachers, and 
 upon schoolmasters ; ' and he might with reason have added, upon mothers ; 
 for the care of the mother precedes that of the schoolmaster, and may stamp 
 upon the rasa tabula of the infant mind, characters of virtue and religion which 
 no time can efface." Bishop Watson's Life, p. 7. ed. 4to. 1817. 
 
 The care of the education of Sir William Jones devolved upon his mother, 
 who in many respects was eminently qualified for the task. Her character, as 
 delineated by her husband with somewhat of mathematical precision, is this, 
 that " She was virtuous without blemish, generous without extravagance, frugal 
 but not niggard, cheerful but not giddy, close but not sullen, ingenious but not 
 conceited, of spirit but not passionate, of her company cautious, iti her friend- 
 ship trusty, to iier parents dutiful, and to her husband ever fiiithful, loving, and 
 obedient." She had naturally a strong understanding, which was improved by 
 his conversation and instruction. Under his tuition she became a considerable 
 proficient in algebra ; and, with a view to qualify herself for the office of pre- 
 ceptor to her sister's son, who was destined to a maritime profession, made her- 
 self perfect in trigonometry and the theory of navigation. 
 
 In the plan adopted by Mrs. Jones for the instruction of her son, she pro- 
 posed to reject the severity of discipline, and to lead his mind insensibly to 
 knowledge and exertion, by exciting his curiosity and directing it to useful 
 objects. To his incessant importunities for information on casual topics of 
 conversation, which she watchfully stimulated, she constantly replied, "read 
 and you will know," a maxim to the observance of which he always acknow- 
 ledged himself indebted for his future attainments. By this method his desire 
 to learn became as eager as her wish to teach ; and such was her talent of 
 instruction and his facility of retaining it, that in his fourth year he was able to 
 read distinctly and rapidly any English book. She particularly attended at the 
 same time to the cultivation of his memory, by making him learn and repeat 
 some of the popular speeches in Shakespeare and the best of Gay's Fables. 
 
 Among those mothers who may be recorded as having early succeeded by 
 widowhood to the father's place in the charge of education, we may enumerate 
 the mothers of St. Peter Celestine ; of Philip Beraldo, the elder ; of Bologna, 
 one of the greatest scholars of the fifteenth century ; of Bishop Fisher, and the 
 Protestant prelates Cranmer and Parker ; of Papire Masson the historian, and 
 of Buchanan the poet : and in a later period, those of our own countrymen. 
 Bishop Brownrigg, Dr. Wallis the mathematician, Cowley the poet : and 
 abroad, the mothers of Leibnitz ; of Lami, of Florence. 
 
 Bishop Hall thus speaks of his mother, " How often have I blessed the 
 memory of those divine passages of experimental divinity which I have heard 
 from her mouth ! What day did she pass without a large task of private devo- 
 tion, whence she would still come forth with a countenance of undissembled 
 mortification. Never any lips have read to me such Reeling lectures of piety, 
 neither have I known any soul that more accurately practised them ; then her 
 own temptations, desertions, and spiritual comforts, were her usual theme. 
 Shortly, for I can hardly take off my pen from so exemplary a subject, her life 
 and death were saint-like. 
 
 The early letters of the mother of the late Right Hon. William Pitt shew the 
 powers of her mind and her affection. 
 
 . The comments of John Lovell Edgeworth, in his life ; and of Marmontel, in 
 his memoirs, are very interesting on this subject. 
 
 See some valuable observations upon this subject, in Hints for the Improve- 
 ment of early Education, Hatchard, 1822, written by Mrs. Hoare. 
 
NOTES E G. 
 
 E. Life, p. ii. 
 
 Note from page 412, Biographia Britannica, The Lady Jane Grey was 
 excellently skilled in Greek : and Queen Elizabeth translated several pieces both 
 from Greek and Latin. The most remarkable instance, however, of the spirit 
 of learning which prevailed was in the family of Sir Anthony Cooke : for all 
 his four daughters were perfectly skilled in the learned languages, and his 
 second daughter, Anne, wife to the Lord Keeper Bacon, made both a florid 
 and exact translation of Bishop Jewell's Apology for the church of England, 
 from Latin into English, which was esteemed so useful in its nature, as well as 
 so correct in its manner, that in the year 1567 it was published for common use, 
 by the special order of Archbishop Parker, with some additions of his own at 
 the end. (Strype's Annals, vol, ii, p. 469). There have been many ladies 
 remarkable for their learning and their writings, but very few whose works, like 
 the Lady Bacon's, were published by authority and commended to public read- 
 ing : it was this that stirred the gall of Father Parsons, who has reflected 
 bitterly upon this lady (a relation of a conference between Henry IV. of 
 France, &c. p. 197) for her performance, without reflecting that his ill language 
 redounded more to her reputation than all the praises of her friends, (See 
 Mallet's Life of Bacon, 4to.) It was to the great abilities and tender care of 
 so accomplished a parent, that her two sons, Anthony and Francis, owed the 
 early part of their education. 
 
 " Before I went into Germanie," says Ascham, " I came to Brodegate, in 
 Leicestershire, to take my leave of that noble Lady Jane Grey, to whom I was 
 exceeding much beholdinge. Her parentes, the duke and the duches, with all 
 the houshould, gentlemen and gentlewomen, were hunting in the parke. I 
 found her in her chamber, readinge Phaedon Platonis in Greeke, and that with 
 as much delite, as some jentlemen would read a merrie tale in Bocase. After 
 salutation, and dewtie done, with some other taulke, I asked her, why she 
 would leese such pastime in the parke t Smiling, she answered me : ' I wisse, 
 all their sport in the parke is but a shadoe to that pleasure that I And in Plato. 
 Alas ! good folke, they never felt what trewe pleasure ment.' " 
 
 Ascham, who was said to be the best master of the best scholar, speaking 
 of his pupil Queen Elizabeth, says : " After dinner I went up to read with 
 the Queen's majesty. We read then together in the Greek tongue, as I well 
 remember, that noble oration of Demosthenes against Eschines for his false 
 dealing in his embassage to King Philip of Macedon." Lord Bacon, in 
 speaking of Queen Elizabeth, says : " This lady was indued with learning in 
 her sex singular and rare even amongst masculine princes, whether we speak of 
 learning or of language : or of science, modern or ancient : divinity or hu- 
 manity. And, unto the very last year of her life, she accustomed to appoint 
 set hours for reading, scarcely any young student in an university more daily 
 or more duly." 
 
 G. Life, p. iii. 
 
 He had not the advantage of a good constitution of body, his father having 
 been much afiSicted with the gout and stone. Birch's Elizabeth. 
 
 In the Novum Organum he says, " We judge also, that mankind may con- 
 ceive some hopes from our example, which we oflfer, not by way of ostentation, 
 but because it may be useful. If any one, therefore, should despair, let him 
 consider a man as much employed in civil affairs as any other of his age, a man 
 of no great share of health, who must therefore have lost much time ; and yet, in 
 this undertaking, he is the first that leads the way, unassisted by any mortal, 
 and stedfastly entering the true path that was absolutely untrod before, and 
 submitting his mind to things, may thus have somewhat advanced the design." 
 
 Rawley says, " The moon was never in her passion or eclipsed, but he was 
 surprized with a sudden fit of fainting, and that though he observed not, nor 
 took any previous knowledge of the eclipse thereof." " None of his servants," 
 
■NOTES H — I. 
 
 says Aubrey, " durst appear before him without Spanish leather boots, for he 
 would smell the neat's leather, which offended him." " His lordship," says 
 Aubrey, " would often drink a good draught of strong beer (March beer) to 
 bed-wards, to lay his working fancy to sleep, which otherwise would keep him 
 from sleeping great part of the night. I remember Sir John Danvers told me 
 that his lordship much delighted in his curious garden at Chelsea, and as he 
 was walking there one time he fell down in a swoon. My Lady Danvers 
 rubbed his face, temples, &c. and gave him cordial water ; as soon as he came 
 to himself, said he, " Madam, I am no good footman." Is not this cheerful- 
 ness a proof that the sensation was habitual 1 
 
 H. Life, p. iii. 
 
 Dr. Rawley says, " His first and childish years were not without some mark 
 of eminency ; at which time he was endued with that pregnancy and toward- 
 ness of wit ; as they were presages of that deep and universal apprehension, 
 which was manifest in him afterward : and caused him to be taken notice 
 of by several persons of worth and place ; and, especially, by the Queen ; who 
 (as I have been informed) delighted much then to confer with him, and to 
 prove him with questions : unto whom he delivered himself with that gravity 
 and maturity above his years, that her majesty would often term him, the young 
 lord keeper." Archbishop Tennison says, "It is observed that in his tender 
 years, his pregnancy was such, as gave great indication of his future high 
 accomplishments ; insomuch as Queen Elizabeth took notice of him, and called 
 him the young lord keeper ; also, that asking him how old he was, though but 
 a boy, he answered, that he was two years younger than her majesty's most 
 happy reign." 
 
 I. Life, p. ix. 
 
 It appears probable that on this subject, which constantly occupied him, he 
 was interested very early in life. There are various tracts extant which are 
 rudiments of his Novum Organum, and appear to have been the subject of 
 his meditations when a boy. In vol. xi. of this edition, page 478, there is a 
 tract entitled Temparis., Partus Mascuius sive de Interpretatiom Naturie ; this was 
 first published by Stephens. It is translated, and is published in vol. xv. This 
 tract was written when he was a boy, for in a letter to Father Fulgentio, (see 
 vol. xii. 203), written after 1622, as he mentions the History of Henry VII. 
 which was published in that year, he says, " I remember that about forty years 
 ago, I composed a juvenile work about these things, which with great confi- 
 dence and a pompous title I called Temporis Partum Maximum." Archbishop 
 Tennyson, speaking of this, says, "This was a kind of embryo of the instaura- 
 tion, and, if it had been preserved, it might have delighted and profited philo- 
 sophical readers, who could then have seen the generation of that great work, as 
 it were from the first egg of it, and by reference to the tract it will be seen that 
 it was sound judgment." There is another tract entitled Temporis Partus Mas- 
 cuius, sive Instauratio Magna imperii Humani in Uuiversum. This is also 
 translated, and is in vol. xv. It was first published by Gruter. By reference 
 to this it will appear, that it is a prayer to the Creator : and, by referring 
 to the conclusion of the Distributio Opens prefixed to the Novum Organum, 
 page 178, vol. ix. it will be seen that it also concludes with a prayer. There 
 are various other tracts, which are rudiments of the Novum Organum. See 
 vol. i. of this edition in the preface, sect. 5, p. 27. sect. 6, p. 28. sect. 7, and 
 sect. 8, p. 31. 
 
 These different tracts will, possibly, elucidate what is said by Dr. Raw- 
 ley, who, speaking of the Novum Organum, says, " His book of Instau- 
 ratio Magna (which in his own account was the chiefest of his works,) was 
 no slight imagination, or fancy of his brain, but a settled and concocted 
 notion, the production of many years labour and travel. I myself have seen at 
 the least twelve copies of the Instauration, revised year by year one after 
 
another, and every year altered and amended in the frame thereof, till at last it 
 came to that model in which it was committed to the press, as many living 
 creatures do lick their young ones, till they bring them to their strength of 
 limbs." 
 
 The attention of the reader is particularly requested to the extracts (in pages 
 xxviii and xxix of preface to vol. i.) and the observations upon universities in 
 the Filum Labyrinthi, and in the Novum Organum. 
 
 " Lost, likewise," says Tennison, " is a book which he wrote in his youth, 
 he called it (Temporis Partus Maximus) the Greatest Birth of Time : or rather, 
 Temporis Partus Masculus, the Masculine Birth of Time. For so Gruter found 
 it called in some of the papers of Sir William Boswel. This was a kind of 
 embrio of the Instauration : and the fragment, lately retrieved, and now first 
 published. But this loss is the less to be lamented, because it is made up with 
 advantage, in the second and better thoughts of the author, in the two first parts 
 of his Instauration." 
 
 Mr. Mallet, speaking of this treatise, is pleased to deliver himself thus ; 
 *' Though the piece itself is lost, it appears to have been the first outlines of 
 that amazing design, which he afterwards filled up and finished, in his grand 
 Instauration of the Sciences. As there is not a more amusing, perhaps a more 
 useful speculation, than that of tracing the history of the human mind, if I may 
 so express myself, in its progression from truth to truth, and from discovery to 
 discoveiy ; the intelligent reader would, doubtless, have been pleased, to see in 
 the tract I have been speaking of, by what steps and gradations, a spirit like 
 Bacon's advanced in new and universal theory." 
 
 But here seems to lie the difficulty ; some writers who have reviewed the 
 scattered works and fragments of Lord Bacon have, with great labour and 
 industry, endeavoured to bring in this treatise, otherwise styled Of the Interpre- 
 tation of Nature, as a part of that great body of philosophy which he had 
 framed ; whereas our author himself, speaking of this treatise, tells us, as the 
 reader may see above, that it was not a part or portion of his great structure of 
 philosophy, but the first sketch or rough draught of the whole. Now I con- 
 ceive, that whoever looks into these fragments of the book on the Interpretation 
 of Nature, as they stand in the works of our author, and shall afterwards com- 
 pare them with the beginning of his Instauration, will not need many argu- 
 ments to persuade him, that this conjecture is founded in truth, and that there is 
 as much reason to conceive that the great work, just mentioned, rose out of the 
 Temporis Partus Masculus, as that the Novum Organum sprung from another 
 of the fragments which accompanies this, and is commonly called his Cogitata 
 et Visa. If the reader would be told what is the issue, what the advantage of 
 this laboured inquiry, he will surely be satisfied with this answer ; that by 
 drawing these fragments of the Interpretation of Nature into a good light, it 
 appears, that what the honest and candid Tennison thought so fine a sight, the 
 generation of Lord Bacon's philosophy from the egg, is still in our power ; and 
 what the ingenious and instructive Mr. Mallet most truly obsei'ves, the ability 
 of reviewing and tracing the author's steps from one discovery in science to 
 another, is yet in a great measure with us ; which, to such as rightly apprehend 
 Lord Bacon's worth, and have a just conception of the value of his writings, 
 will appear somewhat of considerable consequence. I am satisfied, that in 
 matters of this nature there is no absolute certainty, and that in the depths of 
 Lord Bacon's knowledge, a man of ordinary talents may be very easily lost ; 
 but I own at the same time, the thing struck me so strongly, that I could not 
 help putting it down, yet with all imaginable submission to the reader, to whose 
 service, as I dedicate my labours, I hope (should it be found so) he will the 
 more easily pardon my mistake. There are, however, a few circumstances 
 more, to which I must desire the reader's attention, and then he will have a 
 just notion of Mr. Bacon's frame of mind. While at Gray's Inn, he was 
 eagerly engaged in the study and pursuit of his new philosophy, the whole 
 scheme of which he had already formed. It was to this he applied his thoughts, 
 and this was the great object of his ambition. If he desired or laboured for 
 preferment in civil life, it was but with a view to gain thereby the means of 
 
NOTE K. 
 
 improving and accomplishing his system ; for he made even the most shining 
 transactions of his life, but subservient thereto. In a word, the introducing this 
 new method of attaining wisdom was his niling passion, and his great spring f 
 action through life. It quickened him in the pursuit of employments ; it con- 
 soled him when he met disappointments in that pursuit ; it filled up (most 
 agreeably) his few leisure moments when in the zenith of his grandeur ; it 
 softened his fall, by proposing a new road to fame and esteem , in which he was 
 in no danger of being either imposed on by one set of men, or sacrificed to the 
 interests of another. Thus, this was always, and in all conjunctures, his 
 leading object, of which he never lost sight ; and as we have already had 
 a train of evidence sufficient to convince us, that he conceived something of this 
 kind when he was but sixteen, and brought it into some form by that time he 
 vfas twenty-six ; so the remainder of this article will show how warmly he pro- 
 secuted this point till death overtook him on the road, when his mind was 
 wholly occupied with these speculations. Biog. Brit. 
 
 K. Life, p. xi. 
 
 His observations on universities will be found in the beginning of the second 
 part of the Advancement of Learning. The following analysis will exhibit an 
 outline of this tract. After having observed upon libraries, and upon the 
 teachers, he proceeds to the defects, which he thus enumerates : 
 
 First defect. Colleges are all dedicated to professions. 
 
 If men judge that learning should be referred to action, they judge well; 
 but in this they fall into the error described in the ancient fable, in which 
 the other parts of the body did suppose the stomach had been idle, because it 
 neither performed the office of motion, as the limbs do, nor of sense, as the 
 head doth ; but yet, notwitltstanding, it is the stornach that digesteth and 
 distrihuteth to all the rest : so if any man think philosophy and universality 
 to be idle studies, he doth not consider thut all professions are from thence 
 served and supplied. And this I take to be a great caiise that hath hindered 
 the progression of learning, because these fundamental knowledges have been 
 studied but in passage. For if you will have a tree bear more fruit than it 
 hath used to do, it is not any thing you can do to the boughs, but it is the 
 stirring of the earth, and putting new mould about the roots, that must 
 work it. 
 
 It is injurious to government that there is not any collegiate education for 
 statesmen. 
 
 Second defect. The salaries of lecturers are too small. 
 
 If you will have sciences Jlowrish, you must observe David's military law, 
 which was, " That those which stay with the carriage should have equal part 
 with those which were in the action." 
 
 Third defect. There are not sufficient funds for providing models, instru- 
 ments, experiments, &c. 
 
 Fourth defect. There is a neglect in the governors of consultation, and in 
 superiors of visitation, as to the propriety of continuing or amending the esta- 
 blished courses of study. 
 
 1. Scholars study too soon logic and rhetoric. 
 
 For minds empty and unfraught with matter, and which have not gathered 
 that which Cicero calleth " Sylva" and " mpellex," stuff and variety, to 
 begin with those arts, (as if one should learn to weigh, or to measure, or to 
 paint the wind), doth work but this effect, that the wisdom of those arts, 
 which is great and universal, is almost made contemptible, and is degenerate 
 into childish sophistry and ridiculous affectation. (See Milton's Treatise on 
 Education.) 
 
 2. There is too great a divorce between invention and memory. 
 
NOTES K M. 
 
 Fifth defect. There is a want of mutual intelligence between different uni- 
 versities. 
 Sixth defect. There is a want of proper rewards for enquiries in new and 
 unlaboured parts of learning. 
 
 The opinion of plenty is amongst the causes of want, and the great quan- 
 tity of books maketh a shew rather of superfluity t}um lack : which surcharge, 
 nevertheless, is not to be remedied by making no more books but by making 
 more good books, which, as the serpent of Moses, might devour the serpents of 
 the enchanters. 
 
 L. Life, p. xi. 
 
 Of the importance of general knowledge and general education. Bacon is 
 constant in his admonitions. In the entrance of philosophy he says, " Because 
 the partition of sciences are not like several lines that meet in one angle ; but 
 rather like branches of trees that meet in one stem, which stem for some dimen- 
 sion and space is entire and continued, before it break, and part itself into arms 
 and boughs ; therefore the nature of the subject requires, before we pursue the 
 parts of the former distribution, to erect and constitute one universal science, 
 which may be the mother of the rest ; and that in the progress of sciences, a 
 portion, as it were, of the common highway may be kept, before we come where 
 the ways part and divide themselves." 
 
 The evil which results from want of fixed principles in legislation may be 
 seen in any discussion upon improvement of the law, when it cannot escape 
 notice how few fixed principles pervade society upon important questions in 
 legislation. There is, I may venture to say, scarcely any subject of law, 
 upon the principles of which any two eminent lawyers entertain the same 
 sentiments. Mention, for instance, in a company of lawyers, imprisonment 
 for debt, or usury, or capital punishment, and you will instantly discover the 
 want of fixed principles. One will talk of the injured creditor, another of the 
 oppressed debtor ; one of the necessity of this power in creditors for the sake of 
 commerce ; another that the counting-house has no alliance with the jail. So 
 too there has been, for centuries, great conflict of opinion upon the efficacy of 
 severe punishment, as there was, for centuries, upon imprisonment for debt. 
 So too upon commercial laws ; all proving the truth of Bacon's account of one 
 of the signs of false philosophy, " We must not omit that other sign, namely, the 
 great disagreement among the ancient philosophers and the di^erences of their 
 schools, which sufficiently shows that their way, from the sense to the understand- 
 ing, was not well guarded ; whilst one and the same subject of philosophy, the 
 nature of things, was rent and split into so many and such wild errors ;. and 
 althmigh at present the dissensions and dhagreements of opinions, as to first prin- 
 ciples and entire philosophies, are in a manner extinct, yet such innumerable ques- 
 tions and controversies still remain among us, as make it plainly appear that there 
 is nothing fixed and stable, either in our present philosophy or the manner of our 
 demonstrations," 
 
 M. Life, p. xiii. 
 
 Extract from Lord Bacon's will. And because I conceive there will be 
 upon the moneys raised by sale of my lands, leases, goods and chattels, a good 
 round surplusage, over and above that which may serve to satisfy my debts 
 and legacies, and perform my will ; I do devise and declare, that my exe- 
 cutors shall employ the said surplusage in manner.. and form following; that 
 is to say, that they purchase therewith so much lahd of inheritance, as may 
 erect and endow twoi lectures in either the universities, one of which lectures 
 shall be of natural philosophy ; and the science in general thereunto belonging ; 
 hoping that the stipends or salaries of the lecturers may amount to two hundred 
 pounds a year for either of them ; and for the ordering of the said lectures, and 
 the election of the lecturers from time to time, I leave it to the care of my 
 executors, to be e.stabMshed by the advice of the lords bishops of Lincoln and 
 
XOTES N — O. 
 
 Coventi'y. Nevertheless thus much I do direct that none shall be lectuier (if 
 he be English) except he be master of arts of seven years standing, and that he 
 be not professed, in divinity, law, or physic, as long as he remains lecturer ; 
 and that it be without difference whether (he) be a stranger or English ; and I 
 wish my executors to consider of the precedent of Sir Henry Savil's lectures for 
 their better instruction. 
 
 William Bagwell, in a preface to his Mystery of Astronomy, 1655, tells the 
 reader that he had long wished for an opportunity to deposit his work in some 
 university or college, and that he found none so acceptable as the erection of 
 Sir Francis Bacon's college, intended to be established in Lambeth Marsh, near 
 London, a worthy institution for the advancement of learning. See a catalogue 
 of royal and noble authors, I think by Walpole, continued by T. Park, article 
 Bacon. It is possible that this may have been an attempt by Bushel, his 
 admirer, who, if I mistake not, died in Lambeth Marsh. 
 
 N. — New Atlantis. Life, p. xvi. 
 
 The first edition of the new Atlantis was published, in folio, in 1627, at 
 the conclusion of the first edition of the Sylva Sylvarum, of which there 
 were eleven editions between the years 1627 and 1676, and in each of these 
 editions, the new Atlantis will be found. It will be found in vol. ii. of this 
 edition, p. 323. The following is the preface : 
 
 TO THE READER. 
 
 " This fable my lord devised, to the end that hee might exhibite therein, a 
 modell or description of a college, instituted for the interpreting of nature, and 
 the producing of great and marvellous works for the benefit of men ; under the 
 name of Salomons House, or the College of the Six Dayes Works. And even 
 so farre his lordship hath ^proceeded, as to finish that part. Certainly, the 
 modell is more vast and high than can possibly be imitated in all things ; not- 
 withstanding most things therin are within mens power to effect. His lordship 
 thought also in this present fable, to have composed a frame of lawes, or of the 
 best state or mould of a commonwealth ; but foreseeing it would be a long 
 worke, his desire of collecting the naturall historic diverted him, which he pre- 
 ferred many degrees before it. This worke of the new Atlantis, (as much as 
 concerneth the English edition) his lordship designed for this place ; in regard 
 it hath so neere affinitie (in one part of it)"with the preceding naturall historic." 
 
 W. Rawley. 
 
 Tennison, speaking of the new Atlantis, says, " Neither do we, here, 
 unfitly place the Fable of the New Atlantis : for it is the model of a college to 
 be instituted by some king who philosophizeth, for the interpreting of nature and 
 the improving of arts. His lordship did (it seems) think of finishing this fable, 
 by adding to it a frame of laws, or a kind of Utopian commonwealth ; but he 
 was diverted by his desire of collecting the natural history which was first in his 
 esteem." 
 
 There is a copy of the New Atlantis in Bushel's Abridgment, the following 
 is the title page : New Atlantis, a Work unfmUhed, Written by the Uight 
 Honourable Franjiis, Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban, London, printed by 
 Thomas Newcomb, 1659. 
 
 Of the New Atlantis there have been various translations. It was translated 
 into French in 1631. It is in 8vo. There is a copy in the British Museum ; 
 the title is as follows : L'Atlas Nouveau, Be Messire Francois Bacon, Baron de 
 Verulam, Vicomle de S. Alban, et Chancelier d'Angleterre. 
 
 Histoire Natvrelle de Mre. Francois Bacon, Baron de Verulam, Vicomte de 
 Sainct Alban, et Chancelier d'Angleterre. A Paris, chez Antoine de Sommaville 
 et Andre Savbron, associez, au Palais dans la petite Salie. M.DC.XXXl. Avec 
 Privilege du Roy. 
 
 There is another French edition in 1702 : La Nouvelle Atlanlide de Francois 
 Bacon, etc. Par M. R. A Paris, chez Jean Musier, etc. m.dcc.ii. 
 
 It was translated into Latin in lj633 : Novus Atlas, opus impetfectum Latine 
 
conscriptum ah lUustri viro Francisco Bacone, de Verulamio, etc. Cum Pritfa- 
 tione W. Rawley. Of this edition Tennison says, " This fable of the New 
 Atlautis in the Latin edition of it, and in the Frankfort collection, goeth under 
 the false and absurd title of Novus Atlas : as if his lordship had alluded to a 
 person, or a mountain, and not to a great island, which according to Plato 
 perished in the ocean." 
 
 It was translated into Latin by Rawley, and published by him in folio, in the 
 year 1638, in his volume containing many other tracts. The following is the 
 title : Nova Atlantis Fragmmtarum alterum. Fer Franciscum Baconum, 
 Baronem de Verulamio, Vice-Comitem S. Albani. Londini, Typis loh. Havi- 
 land. Prostant ad Insignia Regia in Cmmelerio D. PauU, apud locosam Norton 
 et Richardum Whitakerum, 1638. 
 
 There are some works connected with the New Atlantis which ought, to be 
 noticed. In the year 1660 a work was published, of which the following is the 
 title : New Atlantis begun by the Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Albans ; and con- 
 tinned by R, H. Esuuire. Wherein is set forth a Platform of Monarchial Go- 
 vernmentf with a pleasant intermixture of divers rare InventionSt and wholsom 
 Customs, fit to be introduced into all Kingdoms, States, and Common-Wealths. 
 Nunquam Libertas gratior extat quam sub Rege fio, London, printed for John 
 Crooke, at the Signe of the Ship in St. Paul's Church Yard, 1660. 
 
 Of this work Tennison says, " This Supplement has been lately made by 
 another hand : * a great and hardy adventure, to finish a piece after the Lord 
 Verulam's pencil." 
 
 In the year 1676 a work was published, of which the following is the title- 
 page : Essays on several important Subjects in Philosophy and Religion. By 
 Joseph Glanvill, Chaplain in Ordinary to His Majesty, and Fellow of the R, S. 
 Imprimatur, Martii 27, 1675, Thomas Tomkins. London, printed by J. D. for 
 John Baker, at the Three Pidgeons, and Henry Mortlock, at the Phoenix, in St. 
 Paul's Church Yard, 1676. 
 
 The last essay in this volume is thus entitled : Anti-fanatical Religion and 
 Free Philosophy, in u. continuation of the New Atlantis, Essay VII, And the 
 title opens thus. Essay VII, The Summe of my Lord Bacon's New Atlantis, 
 
 o. 
 
 After he had passed the circle of the liberal arts, his father thought fit to 
 frame and mould him for the arts of state ; and for that end sent, him over into 
 France, with. Sir Amyas Ipaulet,' then employed Ambassadour Lieger into 
 France j by whom he wiis, after a while, held fit to be entrusted with some 
 message or advertisement to the Queen ; which having performed with great 
 approbation, he returned back into France again, with intention to continue 
 for some years there. Rawley, 
 
 That he was sent to France when he was sixteen appears from the following 
 fact. Sir Amias Paulet was sent ambassador to France in September, 1576. 
 He was succeeded by Sir Edward Stafford, in December, 1578. 
 
 Extract from a letter, dated June 22, 1577. " One year is already spent 
 since my departure from you, and yet one year more, and then I will begin to 
 hearken for a successor." To Mr. Nicholas Wadham. , , 
 
 In a letter to the lord keeper, dated September, 1577 : " This quiet time doth 
 give me no occasion to trouble your lordship with long letters ; only I must tell 
 you, that I rejoice much to see that your son, my companion, hath, by the grace 
 of God, passed the brunt and peril of this journey : whereof I am the more 
 glad, because, in the beginning of these last troubles, it pleased your lordship to 
 refer his continuance with me to my consideration. I thank God these dangers 
 are past, and your son is safe, sound, and in good health, and worthy of your 
 fatherly favour. And thus, &c. (a) 
 
 • See R. H. conten. of N. Atlantis, Octo. Lon. 1660. 
 (a) See Blackburn, vol. i. 
 
NOTES Q R. 
 
 Q. Life, p. xvii. 
 
 STATE OF EUROPE. 
 
 This tract is supposed by Mallet to have been the first work written by Lord 
 Bacon, and to have been written about the year 1580, when he was between 
 nineteen and twenty years of age : — because it states, " that Henry III. of 
 France was then thirty years old : now that king began his reign in 1576, at 
 the age of tweuty-four years, so that Bacon was then nineteen." How far this 
 evidence is satisfactory, may be collected from other parts of the same tract. It 
 says, " Gregory XIII. of the age of seventy years :" — but Gregory XIII. was 
 seventy years old in the year 1572, when he was elected Pope, so that, accord- 
 ing to this reasoning, it might be inferred that it was written when Bacon was 
 twelve years of age. In another part of the tract it states, " The King of Spain , 
 Philip, son to Charles the Fifth, about sixty years of age :" but he was born on 
 the 21st of May, 1527, so that he was sixty years old in 1587, when Bacon was 
 between sixteen and seventeen years old. — The author of Bacon's Life, in the 
 Biographia Britannica, from these different dates, concludes that the tract was 
 written at different periods of time, beginning, as he must suppose, when Bacon 
 was quite a boy ; but, as it was not necessai-y for the purposes of this tract that 
 the ages of the different monarchs should be ascertained with great precision, it 
 is, perhaps, not probable that they were accurately examined, and the only fair 
 inference is, that it was written at a veiy early period of his life.* 
 
 The same author says, " But what is extremely remarkable in this small 
 treatise, is the care and accuracy with which he has set down most of the little 
 princes in Germany, with the state of their dominions." This minute observa- 
 tion, however, extends to all his works : and of all the extraordinary properties 
 of Bacon's wonderful mind, his constant obseiTation of what we, in common 
 parlance, call trifles, appears to be one of the most extraordinaiy. He says that 
 whoever will not attend to matters because they are too minute or trifling, shall 
 never obtain command or rule over nature. The nature of every thing is best 
 seen in its smallest portions. The philosopher, while he gazed upwards to the 
 stars, fell into the water, but if he had looked down he might have seen the stars 
 in the water. The property of the loadstone was discovered in needles of iron, 
 and not in bars of iron. He who cannot dilate the sight of his mind, should 
 consider whether it is not better for a man in a fair room to set up one great 
 light or branching candlestick of lights, than to go about with a small watch- 
 candle into every corner. 
 
 R. Life, p. xxii. 
 
 His tract upon Universal Justice was published in 1623, in the treatise De 
 Augmentis Scientiarum, and will afterwards be explained. See Note C C 
 postea. 
 
 His different works upon practical parts of the law are : 1st. Elements of the 
 Common Law, including Maxims of the Law, and the Use of the Law ; 2ndly. 
 A Treatise on the Statute of Uses ; 3rdly. A Treatise on the Ofiice of Con- 
 stables ; and 4thly. An Account of the Office for Alienations ; the particulars 
 of which will be mentioned in the order of time in which they were written. 
 
 He wrote several tractates upon that subject, wheiein thoush some great 
 masters of the law did outgo him in bulk and particularities of cases, yet in the 
 science of the grounds and mysteries of the law he was exceeded by none. — 
 Rawley. 
 
 * The tract says, " D. Antonio, elect King of Portugal, is now in France, 
 where he hath levied soldiers, whereof part are embarked, hoping to be restored 
 
NOTE S. 
 
 S. Life, p. xxii. 
 
 Bacon's love of contemplation may be seen in various parts of his worts. In 
 a lettei- to the Lord Treasurer ot 21st of March, 1594, he says, This last request 
 I find it more necessary for me to make because (though I am glad of her ma- 
 jesty's favour, that I may with more ease practise the law, which percase I may 
 use now and then for my countenance,) yet to speak plainly, though perhaps 
 vainly, I do not think that the ordinary practice of the law, not serving the 
 queen in place, will be admitted for a good account of the poor talent that God 
 hath given me, so as I make reckoning, I shall reap no great benefit to myself 
 in that course. 
 
 In a letter to Essex, dated March 30, 1594, he says : " When I say I 
 revolve all this, I cannot but conclude with myself, that no man ever read a 
 more exquisite disgrace ; and therefore truly, my lord, 1 was determined, if 
 her majesty reject me, this to do. My nature can take no evil ply ; but I will, 
 by God's assistance, with this disgrace of my fortune, and yet with that comfort 
 of the good opinion of so many honourable and worthy persons, retire myself, 
 with a couple of men to Cambridge, and there spend my life in my studies and 
 contemplations without looking back." 
 
 To my Lord of Essex. 
 
 It may please your good Lordship, — I pray God her majesty's weighing be not 
 like the weight of a balance, " gravia deorsum, levia sursum." But Tapi as 
 fsir from being altered in devotion towards her as I am from distrust that she 
 will be altered in opinion towards me when she knoweth me better. For myVelf 
 I have lost some opinion, some time, and some means ; this is my account : 
 but then, for opinion, it is a blast that goeth and cometh ; for time, it is true, it 
 goeth and cometh not ; but yet I have learned that it may be redeemed. For 
 means, I value that most ; and the rather, because I am purposed not to follow 
 the practice of the law : if her majesty command me in any particular I shall 
 be ready to do her willing service ; and my reason is only because it drinketh 
 too much time, which I have dedicated to better purposes. But even, for that 
 point of estate and means I partly lean to Thales' opinion, " that a philosopher 
 may be rich if he will." Thus your lordship seeth how I comfort myself; to 
 the increase whereof I would fain please myself to believe that to be true which 
 my Lord Treasurer writeth, which is, that it is more than a philosopher morally 
 can digest ; but without any such high conceit, I esteem it like the pulling out 
 of an aching tooth, which I remember when I was a child, and had little phi- 
 losophy, I was glad of when it was done. For yojrr lordship, I do think myself 
 more beholding to you than to any man ; and I say I reckon myself as a com- 
 mon, (not popular but common,) and as much as is lawful to be enclosed as a 
 common, so much your lordship shall be sure to have. — Your Lordship's to 
 obey your honourable commands more settled than ever. 
 
 In a letter to the Lord Treasurer in 1594, he says, I will use no reason to 
 persuade your lordship's mediation but this, that your lordship and my other 
 friends shall in this beg my life of the queen ; for I see well the bar will be my 
 bier, as I must and will use it rather than my poor estate or reputation shall 
 decay ; but I stand indifferent whether God call me or her majesty. Had I 
 that in possession which by your lordship's only means against the greatest 
 opposition her majesty granted me, I would never trouble her majesty, but 
 serve her still voluntarily without pay. 
 
 The following is from the dedication, in 1597, to the first edition of his 
 Essays, to his brother who was lame : " I have preferred them to you, that are 
 next myself, dedicating them, such as they ai®, to- our love, in the depth 
 whereof, I assure you, I sometimes wish your infirmities translated upon myself, 
 that her majesty might have the service of so active and able a mind, and I 
 might be with excuse confined to these contemplations and studies for which I 
 am fittest." 
 
NOTES S T. 
 
 lu a letter to the King, April 1, 1616, he says : 
 
 It may please your most excellent Majesty, — The last day when it pleased your 
 majesty to express yourself towards me in favour, far above that I can deserve, 
 or could expect, I was surprised by the prince's coming in ; 1 most humbly 
 pray your majesty, theiefore, to accept these few lines of acknowledgment. I 
 never had great thoughts for my self, farther than to maintain those great 
 thoughts which I confess I have for your service. I know what honour is, and 
 I know what the times are ; but I thank God with me my service is the prin- 
 cipal, and it is far from me, under honourable pretences, to cover base desires, 
 which I account them to be, when men refer too much to themselves, especially 
 serving such a king, I am afraid of nothing, but that the master of the horse, 
 your excellent servant, and myself, shall fall out about this, who shall hold 
 your stuTup best ; but were your majesty mounted, and seated without difficul- 
 ties and distaste in your business, as I desire and hope to see you, I should " ex 
 animo" desire to spend the decline of my years in my studies, wherein also I 
 should not forget to do him honour, who besides his active and politic virtues, 
 is the best pen of kings, and much more the best subject of a pen. God ever 
 preserve your majesty. Your Majesty's most humble subject, and more and 
 more obliged servant. 
 
 To Sir Thomas Bodley. 
 
 Sir, — I think no man may more truly say, with the psaXm, Multum incolafuit 
 anima mea,* than my self ; for I do confess since I was of any understanding, 
 my mind hath in effect been absent from that I have done : and in absence are 
 many errors, which 1 do willingly acknowledge ; and amongst the rest, this great 
 one that led the rest ; that knowing myself by inward calling to be fitter to hold 
 a book, than to play a part, I have led my life in civil causes ; for which I was 
 not very fit by nature, and more unfit by the preoccupation of my mind. 
 
 Tennison says. To the like purpose in a MS. letter to the Lord Chancellor 
 Egerton, which I have sometimes perused ; he says : " I am not so deceived in 
 myself, but that I know very well ("and I think your lordship is major Corde, 
 and in your wisdom you note it more deeply than I can in my self) that in 
 practising the law, I play not my best game, whith maketh me accept with a 
 nisi quid potius, as the best of my fortune, and a thing better agreeable to better 
 gifts than miiie but not to mine." And it appeareth by what he hath said in a 
 letter to the Earl of Essex, that he once tliought not to practise in his profes- 
 sion. " I am purposed," said he, " not to follow the practice of the law ; and 
 my reason is only because it drinketh too much time, which I have devoted to 
 better purposes." 
 
 Upon taking his seat in Chancery, he says, " Only the depth of the three 
 long vacations I would reserve in some measure free from business of estate, 
 and for studies, arts and sciences, to which in my own nature I am most 
 inclined." 
 
 T. Life, p. xxiii. 
 
 The apartments in which Lord Bacon resided are said to be at No. 1, Gray's 
 Inn Square, on the north side, one pair of stairs ; I visited them in June 1832. 
 They are said to be, and they appear to be in the same state in whicji they must 
 have been for the last two centuries ; handsome oak wainscot and a beautiful 
 ornament over the chimney-piece. In the garden there was, till within the last 
 three or four years, a small elevation surrounded by trees, called Lord Bacon's 
 mount, and there was a legend that the trees were planted by him ; they were 
 removed to raise the new building now on the west side of the garden, and they 
 stood about three-fourths from the south end. In the books in the Steward''s 
 Office there are many of Lord Bacon's autographs of his admission, when he 
 was a bencher, of the different students. 
 
 " My soul hath been long a sojourner. 
 
NOTES T W X y. 
 
 To Lord Burghley. 
 
 It may please your good Lordship, — I am sorry the joint mask from the four 
 inns of court faileth, wherein I conceive there is no other ground of that event 
 but impossibility. Nevertheless, because it faileth out that at this time Grey's 
 Inn is well furnished of gallant young gentlemen, your lordship may be pleaised 
 to know that rather than this occasion shall pass without some demonstration of 
 affection from the inns of court, there are a dozen gentlemen of Grey's Inn, 
 that out of the honour which they bear to your lordship and my Lord Chamber- 
 lain, to whom at their last mask they were so much bounden, will be ready to 
 furnish a mask, wishing it were in their powers to perform it according to their 
 ■minds. And so for the present I humbly take my leave, resting your Lordship's 
 very humble and much bounden, Fr. Bacon. 
 
 Dugdale, in his account of Bacon, says in 42 Eliz. being double reader in 
 that house, and affecting much the ornament thereof, he caused that beautiful 
 grove of elms to be planted in the walks, which yet remain. Orig. Ju. 272. b. 
 
 I next come to the walks, and of these the first mention that I find is in 40 
 Elir. Mr. Bacon being upon his account made 4 Julii, allowed the sum of viil 
 xs iiiid laid out for planting elms in them, of which elms some died, as it 
 seems ; for at a pension held here, 14 Nov. 41 Eliz. there was an order made 
 for a present supply of more young elms, in the places of such as were deceased : 
 and that a new rayle and quickset hedge should be set upon the upper long walk, 
 at the discretion of the same Mr. Bacon and Mr. Wilbraham ; which being 
 done, amounted to the charge of Ix vi viiid. as by the said Mr. Bacon's account 
 allowed 29 Apr. 42 Eliz. appears. 
 
 V. Life, p. xxiii. 
 
 See Camden, Strype, Dugdale, and the other writers of Elizabeth's reign. 
 See Biographica Britannica, title Bacon. 
 
 X. Life, p. XXV. 
 
 It is said that the Queen, upon Spenser presenting some poems to her, ordered 
 him a gratuity of an hundred pounds, but that the Lord Treasurer Burleigh ob- 
 jecting to it, said with some scorn of the poet. What ! all this for a song 1 The 
 Queen replied. Then give him what is reason.- Spenser waited for some time,, 
 but had the mortification to find himself disappointed of the Queen's intended 
 bounty. Upon this he took a proper opportunity to present a paper to Queen 
 Elizabeth, in the manner of a petition, in which he reminded her of the orders 
 she had given, in the following lines ; 
 
 I was promised on a time 
 
 To have reason for my rhime. 
 
 From that time unto this season 
 
 I received nor rhyme nor reason. 
 This paper produced the desired effect, and the Queen, not without some reproof 
 of the treasurer, immediately directed the payment of the hundred pounds she 
 had first ordered. Life of Spenser. 
 
 Y. Life, p. xxvi. 
 
 In his apology respecting Lord Essex, he says. It is well known, how I did 
 many years since dedicate my travels and studies to the use, and, as I may 
 term it, service of my lord of Essex, which I protest before God, I did not, 
 making election of hira as the likeliest mean of mine own advancement, but out 
 of the humour of a man, that ever from the time I had any use of reason, whether 
 it were reading upon good books, or upon the example of a good father, or by 
 nature, I loved my country more than was answerable to my fortune ; and I 
 held at that time my lord to be the fittest instrument to do good to the state, 
 and therefore I applied myself to him in a manner which I think happeneth 
 rarely among men : for I did not only labour carefully and industriously in that 
 
he set me about, whether it were matter of advice or otherwise, but, neglecting 
 the queen's service, mine own fortune, and in a sort ray vocation, 1 did nothing 
 but advise and ruminate with myself, to the best of my understanding, propo- 
 sitions, and memorials of any thing that might concern his lordship's honour, 
 fortune, or service. And when, not long after I entered into this course, my 
 brother, Mr. Anthony Bacon, came from beyond the seas, being a gentleman 
 whose ability the world taketh knowledge of for matters of state, especially 
 foreign, I did likewise knit his service to be at my lord's disposing. 
 
 Z. Life, p. xxvi. 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer Burghley. 
 My Lord, — With as much confidence as mine own honest and faithful devo- 
 tion unto your service, and your honourable correspondence unto me and my 
 poor estate can breed in a man, do I commend myself unto your lordship. I 
 wax now somewhat ancient ; one and thirty years is a great deal of sand in the 
 hour-glass. My health, I thank God, I find confirmed, and I do not fear that 
 action shall impair it ; because I account my ordinary course of study and i 
 meditation to be more painful than most parts of action are. I ever bear a mind, 
 in some middle place that I could discharge, to serve her majesty ; not as a 
 man born under Sol that loveth honour ; nor under Jupiter that loveth business, 
 for the contemplative planet carrieth me away wholly : but as a man born under 
 an excellent sovereign, that deserveth the dedication of all men's abilities. Be- 
 sides I do not find in myself so much self-love, but that the greater parts of my 
 thoughts are to deserve well, if I were able, of my friends, and namely of your 
 lordship ; who being the Atlas of this commonwealth, the honour of my house, 
 and the second founder of my poor estate, I am tied by all duties, both of a 
 good patriot, and of an unworthy kinsman, and of an obliged servant, to employ 
 whatsoever I am, to do you service. Again, the meanness of my estate doth 
 somewhat move me : for though I cannot accuse myself, that I am either prodi- 
 gal or slothful, yet my health is not to spend, nor my course to get. Lastly, I 
 confess that I have as vast contemplative ends, as 1 have moderate civil ends ; 
 for I have taken all knowledge to be my providence ;* and if I could purge it of 
 two sorts of rovers, whereof the one with frivolous disputations, confutations, 
 and verbosities : the other with blind experiments and auricular traditions and 
 impostures, hath committed so many spoils ; I hope I should bring in indus- 
 trious observations, grounded conclusions, and profitable inventions and dis- 
 coveries ; the best state of that providence.* This, whether it be curiosity, or 
 vain glory, or nature, or, if one take it favourably, philanthropia, is so fixed in 
 my mind, as it cannot be removed. And I do easily see, that place of any rea- 
 sonable countenance doth bring commandment of more wits than of a man's 
 own, which is the thing I greatly affect. And for your lordship, perhaps you 
 shall not find more strength and less encounter in any other. And if your lord- 
 ship shall find now or at any time, that I do seek or affect any place, whereunto 
 any that is nearer unto your lordship shall be concurrent, say then that I am a 
 most dishonest man. And if your lordship will not carry me on, I will not do 
 as Anaxagoras did, who reduced himself with contemplation unto voluntary 
 poverty ; but this I will do, I will sell the inheritaiice that I have, and purchase 
 some lease of quick revenue, or some ofiice of gain, that shall be executed by 
 deputy, and so give over all care of service, and become some sorry book- 
 maker, or a true pioneer in that mine of truth, which, he said, lay so deep. 
 This which I have writ unto your lordship, is rather thoughts than words) being 
 set down without all art, disguising, or reservation : wherein I have done honour 
 both to your lordship's wisdom, in judging that that will be best believed of 
 your lordship which is truest ; and to your lordship's good nature, in retaining 
 nothing from you. And even so, I wish your lordship all happiness, and to 
 myself means and occasion to be added to my faithful desirfe to do you service. 
 From my lodging at Gray's Inn. 
 
 • Province. 
 
KOTES Z Z 2 Z A A B B. 
 
 Z Z. ii/e, p. xxvii. 
 
 Rawley's Life. — His birth and other capacities qualified him, above others of 
 his profession to have ordinary accesses at court, and to come frequently into 
 the queen's eye, who would often grace him with private and free communica- 
 tion, not only about matters of his profession or business in law, but also 
 about the arduous affairs of estate, from whom she received, from time to time, 
 great satisfaction ; nevertheless, though she cheered him much with the bounty 
 of her countenance, yet she never cheered him with the bounty of her hand ; 
 having never conferred upon him any ordinary place, or means of honour or 
 profit, save only one dry reversion, of the Register's Office, in the Star Cham- 
 ber, worth about 160di. per annum, for which he waited, in expectation, 
 either fully or near twenty years ; of which his lordship would say, in Queen 
 Elizabeth's time, that it was like another man's ground, buttalling upon his 
 house, which might mend his prospect, but it did not fill his barn. Neverthe- 
 less, in the time of King James, it fell unto him. 
 
 Dugdale, in his account of Bacon says, In 32 Eliz. he was made one of the 
 clerks in council. 
 
 The author of Bacon's life, in the Biographia Britannica, speaking of the 
 reversion of the Register's place in the Star Chamber, says. His having the 
 reversion of this place, I take to be the reason, why several writers style him 
 one of the Clerks of the Privy Council ;* for that he had no other employment 
 than this under that reign, is very clear from the foregoing passage in Dr. Raw- 
 ley's Memoirs, and from his own letters. 
 
 2 Z. Life, p. xxvii. 
 
 In historical collections by Jonson, there is the following preamble to the 
 proceedings in this parliament : — A Journal of the Parliamentary Proceedings 
 in the lower house. Anno xxv Eliz. Annoq. Dom. 1592, very laboriously col- 
 lected : being chiefly called for consultation and preparation against the ambitious 
 designs of the King of Spain ; in which some unusual distastes happened be- 
 tween her Majesty and the House, by reason of their intermeddling with her 
 Majesties successor to the crown, which she had forbidden. This session begun 
 on Monday, February 19, 1592, and ended April 9, 1593. 
 
 A A. Life, p. xxvii. 
 
 Birch's Elizabeth, vol. i. 93. Anthony was member for Wallingford, and 
 his brother Francis for Middlesex. Not. Parliam. by Browne Willis, LL.D. 
 p. 127, 31 edit. London, 1750. He sat in that parliament, which met No- 
 vember 19, 1592, as one of the knights of the shire for Middlesex. 
 
 B B. Life, p. xxvii. 
 
 BIr. Speaker, — That which these honourable personages have spoken of their 
 experience, may it please you to give me leave likewise to deliver of my common 
 knowledge. The cause of assembling all parliaments hath been hitherto for 
 laws or monies ; the one being the sinews of peace, the other of war : to one I 
 am not privy, but the other I should know. I did take great contentment in 
 her majestie's speech the other day, delivered by the Lord Keeper ; how that it 
 was a thing not to be done suddenly, or at one parliament, nor scarce a year 
 would suffice to purge the statute book, nor lessen it, the volumes of law being 
 so many in number, that neither common people can half practise them, nor 
 lawyers sufficiently understand them, than the which nothing would tend more 
 to the praise of her majesty. The Romans they appointed ten men who were to 
 collect or recall all former laws, and to set forth those twelve tables so much of 
 all men commended. The Athenians likewise appointed six for that purpose. 
 Aai Lewis the Ninth, King of France, did the like in reforming his laws. — See 
 C C, next note. 
 
 * Dugdale's Baronage, vol. ii. p. 438. 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 C C. Life, p. xxvii. 
 
 The suggestions by Lord Bacon upon Improvement of the Law are eUher 
 
 1st. Tracts upon the improvement of the law. 
 
 2dly. Scattered observations in different parts of his works. 
 
 Loi'd Bacon's Tracts for the Improvement of the Law are 
 
 1. Certificate touching the Penal Laws. 
 
 2. A Proposition to his Majesty touching the compiling and amendment of 
 the Laws of England. 
 
 3. An offer to King James of a Digest of the Laws of England. 
 
 4. Dedication and Preface to his Law Maxims. 
 
 5. Draught of an Act against Usury, and 
 
 6. Ordinance for the Administration of Justice in Chancery. 
 
 7. Justitia Universalis. 
 
 Sir Stephen Procter's Project relating to the Penal Laws. 
 In the Harleian manuscripts in the British Museum there is the following 
 memorial, viz, [See MS. Lansd. 486, fol. 21.] 
 
 1st. A Memorial touching the Review of Penal Lawes and the Amend- 
 ment of the Common Law.* 
 Forasmuch as it was one of his Majesties Bills of Grace That there should be 
 certain Commissioners, 12 Lawyers and 12 Gent of experience in the Countrie 
 for the Keview of penal Lawes and the Repeal of such as are obsolete and 
 Snaring, and the Supply where it shall be needful of Lawes more mild and fit 
 for the time, &c. And thereupon to prepare Bills for the next Parliament. It 
 were now a time for his Maj's out of his Royal Authoritie and Goodness to act 
 this excellent intent, and to grant forth a Commission accordingly wherein 
 besides the excellency of the work in it self, and the pureueing of the intent of 
 that Bill of Grace, Two things will follow for his Majesties Honour and repu- 
 tation. 
 
 The one that it will beat down the opinion which is Sometime mut- 
 tered, That his Maj^J will call no more Parliaments. 
 
 The other that whereas there ai-e Some Rumo"* dispersed that now his 
 
 Majesty, for the help of hiswants, will work upon the penal Lawes, the 
 
 people shall see his disposicion is so far from that, as he is in band to 
 
 abolish many of them. 
 
 There is a second work w"'' needeth no Parliament and is one of the rarest 
 
 works of Sovereigne merit which can fall under the Acts of a King. For Kings 
 
 that do reform the Body of their Lawes are not only Reges but Legis-Iatores, 
 
 and as they have been well called, perpetui Principes, because they reign in 
 
 their Lawes for ever. 
 
 Wherefore for the Common Law of England it is no Text Law, but the Sub- 
 stance of it consisteth in the Series and Succession of Judicial Acts from time to 
 time which have been set down in the Books, which we term Year Books or 
 Reports, so that as these Reports are more or less perfect, so the law itself is 
 more or less certain, and indeed better or worse, whereupon a conclusion may 
 be made that it is hardly possible to conferr upon this Kingdom, a greater bene- 
 fit, then if his Maj"? should be pleased that these Books also may be purged and 
 reviewed, whereby they may be reduced to fewer Volumes and clearer Resolu- 
 tions, which may be done. 
 
 By taking away many Cases obsolete and of no use, keeping a re- 
 membrance of some few of them for antiquity sake. 
 
 By taking away many Cases that are merely but iterations, wherein a 
 few set down will serve for many. 
 
 By taking away idle Queres which serve but for seeds of uncertainty. 
 By abridging and dilucidating Cases tediously or darkly reported. 
 By purging away Cases erroneously reported and differing from the 
 original verity of the Record. 
 
 * Bacon touching the amendment of Lawes. 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 Whereby the Common Law of England will be reduced to a Corae or Digest 
 of Books of competent volumes to be studied, and of a nature and content Rec- 
 tified in all points. 
 
 Thus much for the time past. 
 
 But to give perfection to this work his Maj'y may be pleased to restore the 
 ancient use of Reporters, w"^"" in former times were persons of great Learning, 
 w''' did attend the Courts at Westminster, and did carefully and faithfully 
 receive the Rules and Judicial Resolutions given in the King's Courts, and had 
 Stipends of the Crown for the same; w"^'' worthy institucion by neglect of time 
 hath been discontinued. 
 
 It is true that this hath been Supplyed somew' of later times by the industry 
 of voluntaries as chiefly by the worthy Endeavours of the Lord Dier and the Lo. 
 Coke. But great Judges are unfit persons to be Reporters, for they have either 
 too little leisure or too much authoritie, as may appear well by those two Books, 
 whereof that of my Lo. Dyer is but a kind of note Book, and those of my Lo. 
 Cokeys hold too much de jjroprio. 
 
 The choice of the persons in this work will give much life unto it ; the per- 
 sons following may be thought on, as men not overwrought with practice, and 
 yet Learned and conversant in Reportes and Recordes, There are Six Names, 
 whereof three only may suffice according to the three principal courtes of Law, 
 The King's Bench, The Common Plees, and The Exchequer. 
 
 Mr. Whitlock, Mr. Hackwell, 
 
 Mr. Noie, Mr. Courtraan, 
 
 Mr. Hedley, Mr. Robert Hill. 
 
 The stipend cannot be less than lOOi. per annum, which nevertheless were too 
 little to men of such Qualitie in respect of Some hindrance it may be to their 
 practice, were it not that it will be accompanied with Credit and expectacion in 
 due time of preferment. 
 
 The first notice which I find of this tract is in the Letters and Remains by 
 Robert Stephens, 1734. It is not mentioned either by Rawley or by Arch- 
 bishop Tennison. 
 
 Observations. This tract was first inserted in any edition of the works of Lord 
 Bacon, in the year 1740, in the folio edition, in four volumes, by Mallet. 
 Printed for Miller. The following is the title : Appendix containing several 
 Pieces of Lord Bacon, not printed in the last edition in four volumes in folio : and 
 now published from the original manuscripts in the library of the Right Honour- 
 able the Earl of Oxford. This appendix was published separately in folio in 
 1760, and is in vol. v. page 362, of this edition. I do not find any manu- 
 script of this tract in the Harleian collection, but it is in the Lansdowne MSS. 
 jNo. 236, fol. 198. The same as printed in Stephens, pp. 367—377. 
 
 2. Proposition touching the compiling and amendment of the Laws of England, 
 This tract is thus noticed in the Baconiana, with a reference to the Resuscitatio, 
 page 271 : " The twelfth is, a Proposition to King James, touching the com- 
 piling and amendment of the Laws of England, written by him when he was 
 attourney-geueral and one of the privy-council." It will be found in vol. v. of 
 this edition, page 337. The following is a copy of the title : A Proposition to 
 His Majesty. By Sir Francis Bacon, Knt. his Majesties Aitvrney-Geheral and 
 one of his Privy-Councel ; touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Laws 
 of England. 
 
 3. An Offer to ovr late Soueraigne King lames of a Digest to be made of the 
 Lawes of England. London, printed by John Havitand for Humphrey Robinson, 
 1629. It is thus noticed in the Baconiana by Archbishop Tennison : " The 
 thirteenth is. An Offer to King James, of a Digest to be made of the Laws of 
 England."* It will be found in vol. v. of this edition, page 353. Another 
 edition in folio was published in 1671, in the third edition of the Resuscitatio. 
 The first edition was published in 1629, in a small 4to. by Dr. Eawley, consist- 
 ing of four tracts, of which this is one. 
 
 In the Miscellan. Works, p. 137, and 2nd part of Resusc. 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 4. Dedication to Elements of the Common Law. In his dedication to the 
 Queen, and in his preface to the Elements of the Common Law, there are va- 
 rious suggestions to the Queen, and observations upon improvement of the law. 
 'Phey will be found in vol. xiii. of this edition, page 133, 
 
 5. Justitia Universalis. 
 
 In the year 1605, Lord Bacon expresses his intention, in the advancement of 
 learning, to write upon the laws of laws. The passage is as follows : " Not- 
 withstanding, for the more public part of government,- which is laws, I think 
 good to note only one deficience : which is, that all those which have written of 
 laws, have written either as philosophers, or as lawyers, and none as statesmen. 
 As for the philosophers, they make imaginary laws for imaginaiy common- 
 wealths, and their discourses are as the stars, which give little light, because 
 they are so high. For the lawyers, they write according to the states where 
 they live, what is received law, and not what ought to be law ; for the wisdom 
 of a law-maker is one, and of a lawyer is another. For there are in nature cer- 
 tain fountains of justice, whence all civil laws are derived but as streams : and 
 like as waters do take tinctures and tastes from the soils through which they run, 
 so do civil laws vary according to the regions and governments where they aie 
 planted, though they proceed from the same fountains. Again, the wisdojji of 
 a law-maker consisteth not only in a platform of justice, but in the application 
 thereof ; taking into consideration, by what means laws may be made certain, 
 and what are the causes and remedies of the doubtfulness and incertainty of 
 law ; by what means laws may be made apt and easy to be executed, and what 
 are the impediments and remedies in the execution of laws ; what influence 
 laws touching private right of meura and tuum have into the public state, and 
 how they may be made apt and agreeable ; how laws are to be penned and 
 delivered, whether in texts or in acts, brief or large, with preambles, or without ; 
 how they are to be pruned and reformed from time to time, and what is the best 
 means to keep them from being too vast in volumes, or too full of multiplicity 
 and crossness ; how they are to be expounded, when upon causes emergent and 
 judicially discussed, and when upon responses and conferences touching general 
 points or questions ; how they are to be pressed, rigorously or tenderly ; how 
 they aie to be mitigated by equity and good conscience, and whether discretion 
 and strict law are to be mingled in the same courts, or kept apart in several 
 courts ; again, how the practice, profession, and erudition of law is to be cen- 
 sured and governed ; and many other points touching the administration, and, 
 as I may term it, animation of laws. Upon which I insist the less, because I 
 purpose, if God give me leave, (having begun a work of this nature in apho- 
 risms), to propound it hereafter, noting it in the mean time for deficient. Vol. 
 ii. of this edition, page 295. 
 
 Observations. The outline contemplated by Lord Bacon of a treatise on 
 Universal Justice is, as it seems, contained in Aphorism 7, in his description 
 of a good law published in 1623, in the Treatise de Augmentis, Vol. ix. p. 82. 
 
 Lex bona censeri possit, quae sit 
 Intimatione certa ; 
 Praecepto justa ; 
 Executione commoda ; 
 Cum forma politiae congrua ; et 
 Generans virtutem in subditis. 
 
 It probably was his intention to have completed this work, and if not, to leave 
 it as a hint to future ages. The part which he has completed is in the first of his 
 five divisions. 
 
 The Certainty of Laws. It is written in his favourite style of Aphorisms 
 (see de Augmentis, Lib. vi.), in which the Novum Organum is written, in both 
 of which there is the reality without the show of method ; the frame is beautiful, 
 although the divisions and muscles are not obtruded. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
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NOTE C C. 
 
 Different editions. The first edition was published in the Treatise de Aug- 
 mentis, 1623. This was tianslated in the translation of the Treatise de Aug- 
 mentis, by Watts, in 1640. About the year 1646, a translation of this work 
 was published in Pai-is. The following is a copy of the title page : Les Apho- 
 rismes du Droit, traduits du Latin de Messire Franfois Baco7i, grand Chancelier 
 d'Angleterre. Par J. Baadoin. A Paris. 
 
 Dedicated a Monsigneur Segrier, Chancelier de France. At the end of the 
 privilege to print a translation of Bacon's works, is " Achev^ d'imprimer, pour 
 le premiere fois, le 20 Decembre, 1646." 
 
 Contents. 
 
 Pages 1—36. Des Lois en general. 
 
 Ce discours est une offre de Chancelier Bacon a son Roy, 
 de faire un digest des Loix d'Angleterre. 
 36—111 . Les Aphorismes du Droit. 
 Ill — 130. De Devoir du Juge. 
 
 Ce discours et les suivans sont lire des ouvres polites de 
 I'autheur, et ie les ay admistez icy, pour ce qu'il m'ont 
 semble propres au sujet. 
 130—139. Des requestes et des supplians. 
 139—147. De I'Expedition des Affaires. 
 147 — end. Du Conseil. 
 
 There is a copy of this in the British Museum, which I suppose to have been 
 written about 1646. In the museum is Historia Vitas et Mortis in French, by 
 J. Baudoin, 4to. Paris, 1647, and in the privilege to print there is the date 1646. 
 
 There is a new translation of this tract in 1733, by Shaw, in his edition of 
 Bacon's philosophical works, in 3 vols. 4to. In the year 1806 an edition in 
 12mo. was published. The following is a copy of the title page : Franc. Ba- 
 ctmii Exemplum Tractatus de Justitia Universali sive de Fontibus Juris, extractum 
 ex ejusdem Auctoris opere de dignitate et augmentis seientiarum. Curante Lawry, 
 Juris consulto, qui suas notas prefationem que a^ecit. Au Depot d^s Lois Ro^ 
 maines a Metz, ches Behmer. Van 1806. 
 
 In the year 1822 a 12mo. edition was published in Paris, consisting of the 
 Aphorisms in Latin with the notes. The following is a copy of the title page : 
 Legum Leges sive Francisci Baconi Anglite quondam Cancel, tractatus de fonti- 
 bus Univei'si Juris per Aphorisnws extractum ex ejusdem auctoris opere de digni- 
 tate et augmentis Seientiarum Annotationes quasdam subjecit. A. M, J. J. Dupin 
 in scholis et curiis Parisiensibus Doctor et Advocatus. Dictabimus igitur quas- 
 dam Legum Leges, ex quibus informatio peti possit, quid in singulis legibus bene 
 aut perperam positum aut constitutum . sit, (^Aph. 6.) Parisiis apud Fratres 
 Baudouin Typog. Libr. Via de Vaugirard, No. 36. 1822. 
 
 In the year 1823 a translation into English by James Glassford, Advocate, 
 was published at Edinburgh. The following is the title page : Fxemplum 
 Tractatus de Fofltibus. Juris, and otfier Latin Pieces of Lord Bacon, translated 
 by James Glassford, Esq. Edinburgh, printed for Waugh and Innes, Chalmers 
 and Ceilings, Glasgow ; tmd Ogle, Duncan and Co. London. 1823. 
 
 Upon this subject Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments concludes 
 thus : Systems of positive law, therefore, though they deserve the greatest 
 authority, as the records of the sentiments of mankind in different ages and 
 nations, yet can never be regarded as accurate systems of the rules of natural 
 justice. It might have been expected that the reasonings of lawyers upon the 
 different imperfections and improvements of the laws of different countries 
 should have given occasion to an inquiry into what were the natural rules of 
 justice, independent of all positive institution. It might have been expected 
 that these reasonings should have led them to aim at establishing a system of 
 what might properly be called natural jurisprudence, or a theory of the general 
 principles that ought to run through, and be the foundation of the laws of all 
 nations. But though the reasonings of lawyers did produce something of this 
 kind, and though no man has treated systematically of the laws of any particular 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 country, without intermixing in his work many observations of this sort, it was 
 very late in the world before any such general system was thought of, or before 
 the philosophy of law was treated of by itself, and without regard to the parti- 
 cular institutions of any one nation. In none of the ancient moralists do we 
 find any attempt towards a particular enumeration of the rules of justice. 
 Cicero in his Offices, and Aristotle in his Ethics, treat of justice in the same 
 general manner in which they treat of all the other virtues. In the laws of 
 Cicero and Plato, where we might naturally have expected some attempt 
 towards an enumeration of those rules of natural equity, which ought to be 
 enforced by the positive laws of every country, there is, however, nothing of 
 this kind. Their laws are laws of policy, not of justice. Grotius seems to 
 have been the first who attempted to give the world any thing like a system of 
 those principles which ought to run through, and be the foundation of the laws 
 of all nations ; and his treatise of the laws of War and Peace is, perhaps, at 
 this day, the most complete work that has yet been given upon this subject. 
 
 This valuable tract is in the treatise De Augmentis, vol. ix. page 82, of this 
 edition. 
 
 6. Usury. He prepared the draught of an Act against Usury, which was pub- 
 lished in the third edition of the Resuscitatio in 1671, which is in vol. xiii. of 
 this edition, page 385, and in his Essays, there is an Essay upon Usury, vol. i. 
 of this edition, page 137. 
 
 7. Ordinances in Chancery, These ordinances were published in the court the 
 first day of Candlemas term, 1618, and have, from that period, been adopted 
 and acted upon in the court. I do not find them noticed either by Rawley or 
 Tennison. The following is a publication of this tract : Ordinances made by 
 the Right Honourable Sir Francis Bacon, Knight, Lord Verulam, and Viscownt ' 
 of St. Albans, being then Lord Chancellor. For the better and more regular Ad- 
 ministration of lustice in the Chancery, to be daily observed saving the Prei'oga- 
 iive of this Covrt. London : Printed for Mathew Walbanke and Lawrence 
 Chapman 1642. 
 
 Vol. 2. 170. Ordinances by the Lord Chancellor for the better and more 
 regular administration of justice in the Chancery, to be duly observed, saving 
 the Prerogative of the Court published in the Court the first day of Candlemas 
 Term, 1618. Harleian MSS. They will be found in vol. vii. of this edition,, 
 page 273. 
 
 Scattered observations in different parts of his works, 
 
 n. Of Dispatch. 
 1. Essays, -j 2. Of Judicature. 
 L3. Of Innovations. 
 
 f 1. Want of Collegiate Education of 
 - 2. Obstacles to Legal Improvement. J Statesmen. 
 
 {.2. Opposition. ji;g^oJ;;^;- 
 
 1. In general. 
 
 1. In general. 
 
 3. Our duty to assist 
 in improvement. 
 
 _2. Professions. ■{ In Law. 
 
 Essays. 
 
 2. Merit of Legal Im- 
 
 provement. 
 
 3. Politicians best Legal 
 
 Improvers. 
 
 4. Proper use of Lawyers . 
 in Legal Improvement. 
 
 Of Dispatch. The first Essay containing any observations appertaining to 
 legal improvement, which will be found in vol. i. of this edition, page 83, is 
 in his Essay of Dispatch : " Affected dispatch is one of the most dangeraus things 
 to business that can he: it is like that which the physicians call predigestion, or 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 hasty digestion ; which is sure to Jill the body full cf crudities, and secret seeds of 
 diseases : tlterefore measure not dispatch by the times of sitting, but by the advance- 
 ment of the business ; and as, in races, it is not the large stride, or high lift, that 
 makes the speed ; so, in business, the keeping close to the matter, and not taking of 
 it too much at once, procureth dispatch. It is the care of some only to come off 
 speedily for the time, or to contrive some false periods of business, because they may 
 seem men of dispatch : but it is one thing to abbreviate by contracting, another 
 by cutting oiF; and business 'SO handled at several sittings, or meetings, goeth 
 commonly backward and forward in an unsteady manner. . I knew a vnse man, 
 that had it for a by-word, when he saw men hasten to a conclusion, ' Stay a little, 
 that we may make an end the sooner.' 
 
 On the other side, true dispatch is a rich thing; for time is the measure of 
 business, as money is of wares ; and business is bought at a dear hand where 
 there is small dispatch." 
 
 So, too, upon taking his seat as Chancellor, he said, in his address to the bar : 
 " For the third general head of his Majesty's precepts concerning speedy jus- 
 tite, it rests much upon myself, and much upon others : yet so, as my procura- 
 tion may give some remedy and order to it. For myself, I am resolved that my 
 decree shall come speedily, if not instantly, after the hearing, and my signed 
 decree speedily upon my decree pronounced. For it hath been a manner much 
 used of late in my last lord's time, of whom I learn much to imitate, and some- 
 what to avoid ; that upon the solemn and full hearing of a cause nothing is pro- 
 nounced in court, but breviates are required to be made ; which I do not dislike 
 in itself in causes perplexed. For I confess I have somewhat of the cunctative ; 
 and I am of opinion, that whosoever is not wiser upon advice than upon the 
 sudden, the same man was no wiser at fifty than he was at thirty. And it was 
 my father's ordinary word, ' You must give me time.' But yet I find when 
 such breviates were taken, the cause was sometimes forgotten a term or two, 
 and then set down for a new hearing, three or four terms after. And in the 
 mean time the subject's pulse beats swift, though the chancery pace be slow. Of 
 which kind of intermission I see no use, and therefore I will promise regularly 
 to pronounce my decree within few days after my hearing ; and to sign my 
 decree at the least in the vacation after the pronouncing. For fresh justice is 
 the sweetest. And to the end that there be no delay of justice, nor any other 
 means-making or labouring, but the labouring of the counsel at the bar. 
 
 Again, because justice is a sacred thing, and the end for which I am called to 
 this place, and therefore is my way to heaven ; and if it be shorter, it is never a 
 whit the. worse, I shall, by the grace of God, as far as God will give me strength, 
 add the afternoon to the forenoon, and some fourth night of the vacation to the 
 term, for the expediting and clearing of the causes of the court ; only the depth of 
 the three long vacations I would reserve in some measure free from business of 
 estate, and for studies, arts and sciences, to which in my own nature I am most 
 inclined. 
 
 There is another point of true expedition, which resteth much in myself, and 
 that is in my manner of giving orders. For I have seen an affectation of dis- 
 patch turn utterly to delay at length : for the manner of it is to take the tale out 
 of the counsellor at the bar his mouth, and to give a cursory order, nothing tend - 
 ing or conducing to the end of the business. It makes me remember what I 
 heard one say of a judge that sat in chancery ; that he would make forty orders 
 in a morning out of the way, and it was out of .the way indeed ; for it was 
 nothing to the end of the business : and this is that which makes sixty, eighty, 
 an hundred orders in a cause, to and fro, begetting one another ; and like Pene- 
 .lope's web, doing and undoing. But I mean not to purchase the praise of 
 expeditive in that kind ; but as one that have a feeling of my duty, and of the 
 case of others. My endeavour shall be to hear patiently, and to cast my order 
 into such a mould as may soonest bring the subject to the end of his journey. 
 
 As for delays that may concern others, first the great abuse is, that if the 
 plaintiff have got an injunction to stay suits at the common law, then he will 
 spin out his cause at length. But by the grace of God I will make injunctions 
 but an hard pillow to sleep on ; for if I find that he prosecutes not with effect, 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 he may perhaps, when he is awake, find not only his injunction dissolved, but 
 his cause dismissed." 
 
 The caution of an anxious judge, in avoiding hasty decision, may be seen in 
 the following anecdote respecting Chancellor D'Aguesseau : " The only fault 
 imputed to D'Aguesseau was dilatoriness of decision. We should hear his own 
 apology. The general feeling of the public on this head, was once respectfully 
 communicated to him by his son : ' My child,' said the Chancellor, ' when you 
 shall have read what I have read, seen what I have seen, and heard what I have 
 heard, you will feel, that if on any subject you know much, there may be also 
 much that you do not know, and that something, even of what you know, may 
 not at the moment be in your recollection. You will then, too, be sensible of 
 the mischievous and often ruinous consequences of even a small error in a deci- 
 sion ; and conscience, I trust, will then make you as doubtful, as timid, and 
 consequently as dilatory as I am accused of being." 
 
 The nature of dispatch, as it is called, in the administration of justice, may 
 be seen in the following translation by my dear friend, Samuel Tayler Coleridge : 
 The way of ancient ordinance, though it winds. 
 Is yet no devious way. Straight forward goes 
 The lightning's path, and straight the fearful path 
 Of the cannon-ball. Direct it fiies and rapid. 
 Shattering that it may reach, and shattering what it reaches. 
 My son ! the road the human being travels. 
 That on which blessing comes and goes, doth follow 
 The river's course, the valley's playful vrindings 
 Curves round the corn-field and the hill of vines. 
 Honouring the holy bounds of property 
 
 , there exists 
 
 An higher than the warrior's excellence. 
 
 Wallenstein. 
 
 Of Judicature, The next essay, which contains observations upon the ad- 
 ministration or improvement of justice, is his Essay on Judicature, which will 
 be found in vol. i. page 179. It contains most valuable observations : 1st. in 
 general. 2nd. In particular. 
 
 1. As to the parties. 3. The officers. 
 
 2. The advocates. 4. The sovereign. 
 
 I must content myself with referring to the essay, and the following Observa- 
 tions in the Edinburgh Beoiew upon Bacon's Essay on Judicature, April, 1830. 
 " The bench of Scotland contains bright-names ; men, under whom the duty of 
 carrying judicial reformation into practice has as favourable a prospect as devo- 
 tion to the cause, and great legal accomplishment, can ever give it. The bar, 
 besides professional learning and talent, is as splendidly adorned by general 
 literature and by public virtue as any bar upon earth. Criticisms have been 
 made on the manner of both. We cannot venture to say how far either the cen- 
 sure or the praise of these criticisms is just. Probably both, at times. They 
 must not be judged of merely by a standard taken from the accidental fashion or 
 custom of any other place, but by their approximation to, or recession from, the 
 things that form the universal excellences of the judicial manner. In a well 
 regulated place of justice, the court room is orderly and noiseless. The bench 
 attends ; or appears to do so. When it does not, the failure neither proceeds 
 from indifference nor from impatience. There is much consultation before judg- 
 ment; little conversation during debate. The judges recollect, that the vices of 
 counsel must always be generated by themselves, because they are only prac- 
 tised from their supposed influence with the bench, and from seeing that the 
 opposite virtues fail. The bar venerates good taste, the only corrective of the 
 defects naturally connected with the exercise of that profession. It therefore 
 gmdges the laurels that are sometimes bestowed by the ignorant on certain 
 vulgar qualities, such as pertinacity or vehemence, which, though they may 
 accompany success, can never, in a right court, be the cause of it. On ordinary 
 occasions, when there is no call for a higher flight, it appreciates brevity, calm- 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 ness, and sense ; virtues so essential amidst the bustle and distraction of legal 
 war, that their presence renders even honesty more powerful, while their absence 
 makes learning useless. To both bench and bar, in Scotland and everywhere 
 else, we strongly recommend the attentive and repeated study of Bacon's little 
 Essay (scarcely three pages) on Judicature. It is a discourse which ought not 
 merely to be suspended over the gate, but engraven on the heart, of every court 
 of justice." 
 
 There are some observations, in his Essay upon Innovations, applicable to 
 the improvement of law as to all improvements. 
 
 Want of Collegiate Education of Statesmen. Lord Bacon seems to have been 
 deeply impressed with the conviction, that the want of a collegiate education of 
 statesmen was the fundamental cause of the little progress that was made in 
 sound legislation. See ante. Note K. 
 
 There is an observation of the same tendency by Lord Bolingbrook, who 
 says : " I might instance, in other professions, the obligations men lie under of 
 applying themselves to certain parts of history, and I can hardly forbear doing 
 it in that of the law ; in its nature the noblest and most beneficial to mankind, 
 in its abuse and abasement the most sordid and the most pernicious. A lawyer 
 now is nothing more, I speak of ninety-nine in an hundred at least, to use some 
 of TuUy's words, nisi leguleius quidam cautus, et acutus praeco actionum, cantor 
 formulai'um, auceps syllabarum. But there have been lawyers that were orators, 
 philosophers, historians : there have been Bacons and Clarendons, my lord. 
 There will be none such any more, till in some better age, true ambition or the 
 love of fame prevails over avarice ; and till men find leisure and encouragement 
 to prepare themselves for the exercise of this profession, by climbing up to the 
 ' vantage ground,' so my lord Bacon calls it, of science ; instead of grovelling 
 all their lives below, in a mean but gainful application to all the little arts of 
 chicane. Till this happen, the profession of the law will scarce deserve to be 
 ranked among the learned professions : and whenever it happens, one of the 
 vantage grounds to which men roust climb, is metaphysical, and the other his- 
 torical knowledge. They must pry into the secret recesses of the human heart, 
 and become well acquainted with the whole moral world, that they may discover 
 the abstract reason of all laws : and they must trace the laws of particular 
 states, especially of their own, from the first rough sketches to the more perfect 
 draughts ; from the first causes or occasions that produced them, through all the 
 effects, good and bad, that they produced." 
 
 Increased importance in the present Time of a Collegiate Education of States- 
 men. It may, perhaps, be deemed important to consider whether, in the present 
 times, when knowledge is making such rapid progress through all the middle 
 classes of society, these lamentations expressed by Lord Bacon and Milton are 
 not most peculiarly deserving consideration ; whether, when the middle classes 
 of society are rising, they can be restrained or distance be preserved, unless 
 there is a proportional elevation in the higher classes 1 
 
 Opposition to Improvement by Politicians. Lord Bacon, when enumerating 
 the objections by politicians to the advancement of learning, says, " It is 
 objected by politicians that learning doth mar and pervert men's dispositions for 
 matter of government and policy; which the study of arts makes either too 
 curious by variety of reading ; or too peremptory by the strict rigour of rules ; 
 or too overweening, by reason of the greatness of examples ; or too incompatible 
 with the times, by reason of the dissimilitude of exaimpl^s ; or at least it doth 
 divert and alienate men's minds from business and action, instilling into them a 
 love of leisure and privateness." He then enters minutely into an examination 
 of these objections. See vol. ii. page 16. 
 
 Objections by Lawyers to Improvement of the Law, In his proposition touch- 
 ing the compiling and amendment of the laws of England, he states five objec- 
 tions which will be made by lawyers to improvement of the law. They are as 
 follows : 
 
 1. Reform is needless. 
 
 2. It is an innovation. 
 
 3. More harm than good will be done. 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 4. It will be better to codify. 
 
 5. It will compel lawyers to study new law. 
 
 These objections he separately and minutely examined. See vol. <i, p. 343. 
 Duty of Men in contemplative and active Life to unite in lmpro7}ement. 
 The fourth book of the Treatise " De Augmentis " thus opens : " Si quis me, 
 Kex optime, ob aliquid eorum quae proposui, aut deinceps proponam, impetat 
 aut vulneret (praeterquam quod intra prassidia Majestatis tuas tutus esse de- 
 beam), sciat is se contra morem et disciplinam militias facere. Ego enim, 
 buccinator tantum, pugnam non ineo ; unus fortasse ex iis de quibus Homerus, 
 
 XatpfT-f KijpvKeg, Aiog ayyeXot rjSe Kat avdpojv : 
 
 hi enim inter hostes, etiam infensissimos et acerbissimos, ultro citroque inviolati 
 ubique commeabant. Neque vero nostra buccina homines advocat et excitat, 
 ut se mutuo contradictionibus proscindant, aut secum ipsi praslientur et digla- 
 dientur ; sed potiiis ut pace inter ipsos fact^ conjunctis viribus se adversus 
 naturam rerum comparent, ejusque edita et munita capiant et expugnent, atque 
 fines imperii humani (quantum Deus Opt. Max. pro bonitate suk indulserit) 
 proferant.'' 
 
 And in some part of his works, but I do not immediately recollect where, he 
 says, that " will indeed dignify and exalt knowledge, if contemplation and 
 action may be more nearly and strongly conjoined and united togethei', than 
 they have been : a conjunction like unto that of the two highest planets, Saturn 
 the planet of rest and contemplation, and Jupiter the planet of civil society and 
 action." 
 
 Duty of Lawyers to assist in Improvement of tfie Law. In his proposition for 
 a compilation of the law, he says, " Your Majesty, of your favour having made 
 me privy counsellor ; and continuing me in the place of your attorney-geneial, 
 (which is more than was these hundred years before), I do not understand it to 
 be, that by putting off the dealing in causes between party and party, I should 
 keep holy-day the more : but that I should dedicate my time to your service, 
 with less distraction. Wherefore in this plentiful accession of time which I 
 have now gained, I take it to be my duty ; not only to speed your command- 
 ments and the business of my place, but to meditate, and to excogitate of 
 myself, wherein I may best by my travels, derive your virtues to the good of 
 your people, and return their thanks and increase of love to you again. And 
 after I had thought of many things, I could find in my judgment, none more 
 proper for your majesty as a master, nor for me as a workman, than the reducing 
 and recompiling of the laws of England." 
 
 To the same effect, in his Preface to the Elements of the Common Law, he 
 says : " I hold every man a debtor to his profession ; from the which, as men 
 of course do seek to receive countenance and profit, so ought they of duty to 
 endeavour themselves, by way of amends, to be a help and ornament thereunto. 
 This is performed in some degree by the honest and liberal practice of a pro- 
 fession, when men shall carry a respect not to descend into any course that is 
 corrupt and unworthy thereof, and preserve themselves free from the abuses 
 wherewith the same profession is noted to be infected ; but much more is this 
 performed if a man be able to visit and strengthen the loots and foundation of 
 the science itself; thereby not only gracing it in reputation and dignity, but 
 also amplifying it in perfection and substance. Having, therefore, from the 
 beginning, come to the study of the laws of this realm, with a desire no less, 
 if I could attain unto it, that the same laws should be the better for my indus- 
 try, than that myself should be the better for the knowledge of them ; I do not 
 find that, by mine own travel, without the help of authority, I can in any kind 
 confer so profitable an addition unto that science, as by collecting the rules and 
 grounds dispersed throughout the body of the same laws." 
 
 The same grateful feeling is expressed by Sir Edward Coke, who says, " if 
 this or any other of my works may, in any sort, by the goodness of Almighty 
 God, who hath enabled me hereunto, tend to some discharge of that great obli- 
 gation of duty wherein I am bound to my profession, I shall reap some fruits 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 from the tree of life, and I shall receive sufficient compensation for all my 
 labours." 
 
 Merit of legal Improvement. In his Proposition for a Compilation of the Law, 
 he says, " Your majesty is a king blessed with posterity ; and these kings sort 
 best with acts of perpetuity, when they do not leave them instead of children, 
 but transmit both Ijne and merit to future generations. You are a great master 
 in justice and judicature, and it were pity that the fruit of that virtue should 
 die with you. Your majesty also reigneth in learned times ; the more in regaid 
 of your own perfections and patronage of learning ; and it hath been the mishap 
 of works of this nature, that the less learned time hath wrought upon the more 
 learned ; which now will not be so. As for my self the law is my profession, 
 to which I am a debtor. Some little helps I may have of other learning, which 
 may give form to matter ; and your majesty hath set me in an eminent place, 
 whereby in d work, which must be the work of many, I may the better have 
 coadjutors. For the dignity of the work, I know scarcely where to find the 
 like ; for surely that scale, and those degrees of sovereign honour are true, and 
 rightly marshalled. First, the founders of estates, then the lawgivers, then the 
 deliverers and saviours, after long calamities ; then the fathers of their countries, 
 which are just and prudent princes ; and lastly conquerors, which honour is not 
 to be received amongst the rest ; except it be where there is an addition of more 
 country and territory to a better government than that was of the conquered. 
 
 Dedication to Elements of the ComTnon Law. ** To her sacred Majesty. I do 
 here most humbly present and dedicate to your sacred majesty a sheaf and clus- 
 ter of fruit of the good and favourable season, which, by the influence of your 
 happy government, we enjoy ; for if it be true that silent leges inter arma, it is 
 also as true, that your majesty is, in a double respect, the life of our laws , 
 once, because without your authority they are but litera mortua ; and again, 
 because you are- the life of our peace, without which laws are put to silence. 
 And as the vital spirits do not only maintain and move the body, but also con- 
 tend to perfect and renew it, so your sacred majesty, who is anima legis, doth 
 not only give unto your laws force and vigour, but also hath been careful of 
 their amendment and reforming ; wherein your majesty's proceeding may be 
 compared, as in that part of your government, for if your government be con- 
 sidered in all the parts, it is incomparable, with the former doings of the most 
 excellent princes that ever have reigned, whose study altogether hath been 
 always to adorn and honour times of peace with the amendment of the policy of 
 their laws. Of this proceeding in Augustus Csssar the testimony yet remains. 
 
 Pace data terris, animum- ad civilia vertit 
 Jura suum ; legesque tulitjustissimus anctor. 
 
 Hence was collected the' difference between gesta in armis and acta in toga, 
 whereof he disputeth thus : 
 
 Ecquid est, quod tarn proprie dici potest actum ejus qui togatus in repitblica 
 cum potesiate imperioqv£ versatus sit quam lex 1 qutere acta Gracchi 1 leges Sem- 
 pronii proferantur. Quare Syllie : Cornelia ? Q,uid ? Cn. Pom, tertius consu- 
 latus in quilms actis consistet ? nempe in legihus : a Casare ipso si quareres quid- 
 nam egisset in urbe, et in toga : * leges multas se responderet, et praclaras tulisse. 
 
 The same desire long after did spring in the emperor Justinian, being rightly 
 called ultimus imperatorum Romatiorum, who, having peace in the heart of his 
 empire, and making his wars prosperously in the remote places of his dominions 
 by his lieutenants, chose it for a monument and honour of his government, to 
 revise the Roman laws, from infinite volumes and much repugnancy, into one 
 competent and uniform corps of law ; of which matter himself doth speak glo- 
 riously, and yet aptly calling it, proprium et sanctissimum templum justitia con- 
 secratum: a work of great excellency indeed, as may well appear, in that 
 France, Italy, and Spain, which have long since shaken off the yoke of the 
 Roman empire, do yet nevertheless continue to use the policy of that law : but 
 
 • Phil. i. c. 7. 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 more excellent had the work been, save that the more ignorant and obscure time 
 undertook to correct the more learned and flourishing time. 'I'o conclude with 
 the domestical example of one of your majesty's royal ancestors : King Ed- 
 ward I. your majesty's famous progenitor, and the principal lawgiver of our 
 nation, after he had in his younger years given himself satisfaction in the glory 
 of arms, by the enterprise of the Holy Land, and having inward peace, others 
 wise than for the invasions which himself made upon Wales and Scotland, parts 
 far distant from the centre of the realm, he bent himself to endow his state with 
 sundry notable and fundamental laws, upon which the government hath ever 
 since principally rested. Of this example, and others the like, two reasons may- 
 be given ; the one, because that kings, which, either by the moderation of their 
 natures, or the maturity of their years and judgment, do temper their mag- 
 nanimity with justice, do wisely consider and conceive of the exploits of ambi- 
 tious wars, as actions rather great than good ; and so, distasted with that course 
 of winning honour, they convert their minds rather to do somewhat for the better 
 uniting of human society, than for- the dissolving or disturbing of the same. 
 Another reason is, because times of peace, for the most part drawing with them 
 abundance of wealth and finesse of cunning, do draw also, in further conse- 
 quence, multitude of suits and controversies, and abuses of laws by evasions 
 and devices ; which inconveniences in such time growing more general , do 
 more instantly solicit for the amendment of laws to restrain and repress them. 
 
 Your majesty's reign having been blest from the highest with inward peace, 
 and falling into an age wherein, if science be increased, conscience is rather 
 decayed ; and if men's wits be great their wills be greater ; and wherein also 
 laws are multiplied in number, and slackened in vigour and execution; it was 
 not possible but that not only suits in few should multiply and increase, whereof 
 a great part are always unjust, but also that all the indirect courses and prac- 
 tices to abuse law and justice should have been much attempted and put in ure, 
 which no doubt had bred greater enormities, had they not, by the royal policy 
 of your majesty, by the censure and foresight of your council table and star- 
 chamber, and by the gravity and integrity of your benches, been repressed and 
 restrained : for it may be trtily observed, that, as concerning frauds in con- 
 tracts, bargains, and assurances, and abuses of laws by delays, covins, vexa- 
 tions, and corruptions in informers, jurors, ministers of justice, and the like, 
 there have been sundry excellent statutes made in your majesty's time, more in 
 number, and More politic in provision, than in any your majesty's predecessors' 
 times." 
 
 In other parts of his works he states his opinions as to the persons who are 
 the best legal reformers, viz. 
 
 Philosophers not good Improvers. 5 2' Law" efs^^"^' 
 Politicians best Improvers, 
 
 In his tract on Justitia Universalis, in the treatise De Augmentis, vol. ix. 
 he says : " Restat jam desideratum alteram ex lis, quse posuimus, duobus ; 
 nimiram, de JustitiS. Universali, sive de Fontibus Juris, 
 
 Qui de legibus scripserunt, omnes vel tanquam philosophi, vel tanquam juris- 
 consulti, argumentum illud tractavcrant, Atque philosophi proponunt multa 
 dictu pulcra, sed ab usu remota, Jurisconsulti autem, suae quisque patrise 
 legum (vel etiam Romanarum, aut pontificiarum) placitis obnoxii et addicti, 
 judicio sincere non utuntur, sed tanquam e vinculis sermocinantur. Certe cog- 
 nitio ista ad yiros civiles proprie spectat ; qui optime n6runt quid ferat societas 
 humana, quid salus populi, quid aequitas naturalis, quid gentium mores, quid 
 rerumpublicarum forma! diversas ; ideflque possint de legibus ex principiis et 
 praeceptis, tarn sequitatis naturalis quSm politices, decernere. Quamobrem id 
 nunc agatur, ut fontes justitize et utilitatis publicae petantur, et in singulis juris 
 partibus character quidam et idea justi exhibeatur, ad quam particularium reg- 
 norum et rerumpublicarum leges probare, atque inde emendationem moliri quis- 
 que, cui hoc cordi erit et curse, pbssit. Hnjus igiturrei, morenostro, exemplum 
 in uno titulo proponemus." 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 In his notice of universal justice, in the Advancement of Leavning, he says : 
 " For the more public part of government, which is laws, I think good to note 
 only one deficience ; which is, that all those that have written of laws have 
 written either as philosophers or lawyers, and none as statesmen. As for the 
 philosophers, they make imaginary laws for imaginary commonwealths, and 
 their discourses are as the stars, which give little light, because they are so high. 
 For the lawyers, they write according to the states where they live; what is 
 received law, and not what ought to be law ; for the wisdom of a law-maker is 
 one, and of a lawyer is another. For there are in nature certain fountains of 
 justice, whence all civil laws are derived but as streams ; and, like as waters 
 do take tinctures and tastes from the soils through which they run, so do civil 
 laws vary according to the regions and governments where they are planted, 
 though uiey proceed from the same fountains. Again, the wisdom of a law- 
 maker consisteth not only in a platform of justice, but in the application 
 thereof; taking into consideration by what means laws may be made certain, 
 and what are the causes and remedies of the doubtfulness and incertainty of 
 law ; by what means law may be made apt and easy to be executed, and what 
 are the impediments and remedies in the execution of laws ; what influence laws 
 touching private right of meum and tuvm have into the public state, and how 
 they may be made apt and agreeable ; how laws are to be penned and delivered, 
 whether in texts or in acts, brief or large, with preambles or without ; how they 
 are to be pruned and reformed from time to time, and what is the best means to 
 keep them from being too vast in volumes, or too full of multiplicity and cross- 
 ness ; how they are to be expounded, when upon causes emergent, and judi- 
 cially discussed ; and when upon responses and conferences touching general 
 points or questions ; how they are to be pressed, rigorously or tenderly ; how 
 they are to be mitigated by equity and good conscience, and whether discretion 
 and strict law are to be mingled in the same courts, or kept apart in several 
 courts. Again, how the practice, profession, and erudition of law is to be cen- 
 sured and governed ; and m^ny other points touching the administration, and, 
 as I may term it, animation of laws. Upon which I insist the less, because I 
 propose, if God give me leave, having begun a work of this nature in aphorisms, 
 to propound it hereafter, noting it in the meantime for deficient." Vol.ii. p. 296. 
 
 The reasons why men of learning are supposed not to be good reformers, may 
 be collected, from the objections by politicians to the advancement of learning, 
 who think that the discourses of the philosopher are like the stars which give 
 little light, because they are so high. The politician says learning doth mar 
 and pervert men's dispositions for matter of government and policy, in making 
 them too curious and irresolute by variety of reading, or too peremptory or posi- 
 tive by strictness of rales and axioms, or too immoderate and overweening by 
 reason of the greatness of examples, or too incompatible and differing from the 
 times, by reason of the dissimilitude of examples. Vol. ii. p. 14. 
 
 Although Lord Bacon in these observations sanctions the common but erro- 
 neous opinion that philosophers are Utopian ; that they are so ignorant of human 
 nature, as, by hasty generalization, to suppose that all men are immediately 
 capable of the same perfection, he does not so suppose in another part of the 
 Advancement of Learning, when speaking of the objections to learning from the 
 manners of learned men. See vol. ii. page 15. 
 
 If Lord Bacon is right in supposing that, in his time lawyers were not the 
 best imprdvers, it may be well deserving consideration, whether the supposition 
 is not increased in the present times. Lqrd Bacon, when enumerating the 
 objections by politicians to the advancement of learning, says, " that the 
 advancement of learning has a tendency to divert men of intellect from active 
 life." His words are, " it doth divert men's travels from action and business, 
 and bringeth them to a love of leisure and privateness ; and that it doth bring 
 into states a relaxation of discipline, whilst every man is more ready to argue, 
 than to obey and execute." (a) If this is true, it will, perhaps, follow, that as 
 society advances in knowledge, the bar will not abound with men of the greatest 
 
 (a) Vol. ii. p. 14. 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 attainment. The pleasures of intellect being greater than the pleasures of am- 
 bition or of wealth. Cicero says : " Sed quid ego hsBC, quae cupio deponere, 
 et toto animo atque omni cura (piKoao^uv t Sic, inquara, in animo est ; vellem 
 ab initio." To the same effect Mr. Burke says, " Indeed, my lord, I greatly 
 deceive myself, if, in this hard season, I would give a peck of refuse wheat for 
 all that is called fame and honour in the world. This is the appetite but of a 
 few." So says Mr. Burke ; but, as knowledge advances, it may, unfortu- 
 nately for activity in government, be the appetite of many ; and if so, the com- 
 mon ranks of life will not be filled with the ablest men. William Wordsworth, 
 Robert Southey, Mr. Robert Smith, Sir James Mackintosh, and Sir William 
 Grant, are instances now before me of eminent men who have lately shrunk 
 from their laborious occupations ; and when the present mass of law is con- 
 sidered ; when it is remembered that since the year 1800 there have been thirty 
 volumes of statutes, and perhaps one hundred volumes of reports, the profes- 
 sional prospects to men who know the shortness and value of life, will not in 
 our times be considered attractive by men of the greatest attainment. 
 
 Lord Bacon attempts to answer this objection ; whether satisfactorily or not 
 is another question. He says : " And that learning should take up too much 
 time or leisure : 1 answer ; the most active or busy man, that hath been or can 
 be, hath, no question, many vacant times of leisure, while he expecteth the 
 tides and returns of business (except he be either tedious and of no dispatch, or 
 lightly and unworthily ambitious to meddle in things that may be better done 
 by others) : and then the question is but, how those spaces and times of leisure 
 shall be filled and spent ; whether in pleasures or in studies ; as was well 
 answered by Demosthenes to his adversary ^schines, that was a man given to 
 pleasure, and told him that his orations did smell of the lamp : ' Indeed,' said 
 Demosthenes, ' there is a great difference between the things that you and I do 
 by lamp-light.' So as no man need doubt that learning will expulse business ; 
 but rather it will keep and defend the possession of the mind against idleness 
 and pleasure, which otherwise at unawares may enter, to the prejudice of 
 both." (a) 
 
 No man knew better, none perhaps so well, as Lord Bacon, that intellectual 
 pleasures are the most exquisite pleasures which an intellectual being is capable 
 of enjoying. He expresses this in various parts of his works. " God hath 
 made all things beautiful or decent in the true return of their seasons ; also he 
 hath placed the world in man's heart : yet cannot man find out the work which 
 God worketh from the beginning to the end, declaring, not obscurely, that God 
 hath framed the mind of man as a mirror or glass, capable of the image of the 
 universal world, and joyful to receive the impression thereof, as the eye joyeth 
 to receive light, and not only delighted in beholding the variety of things, and 
 vicissitudes of times, but raised how to find out and discover the ordinances and 
 decrees which throughout all these changes are infallibly observed." (6) 
 
 This being the case, what prospect is there that men of the greatest attain- 
 ments will " delve in law's laborious mine." 
 
 Mr. C. Butler, in his Essay on the Life of Chancellor de I'Hopital, says, 
 " When a magistrate, after the sittings of the court, returned to his family, he 
 had little temptation to stir again from home. His library was necessarily his 
 sole resource ; his books his only company. To this austere and retired life, 
 we owe the Chancellor de I'Hdpital, the President de Thou, Pasquier, Loisel, 
 the Pithous, and many other ornaments of the magistracy." I am afraid this 
 is not now to be expected in England. 
 
 Proper use (^'Lawyers in legal Improvement, Although lawyers are not per- 
 haps the best improvers of laws, their use in expressing intended improvements 
 cannot be doubted. " If the lawyer, instead of abounding with knowledge, 
 might be described as he was described two thousand years since, ' leguleius 
 quidam cautus, et acutus praeco actionum, cantor formularum, auceps sylla- 
 barum,' these very properties would be made subservient to the common good 
 in modelling the laws which wisdom suggests." 
 
 (tt) Vol. ii. p. 21 . (6) Vol. ii. p. 9. 
 
NOTE C G. 
 
 The duties of a lawyer, with respect to improvement of the law, may, pos- 
 sibly, be thus stated, after the manner of Fuller : 
 
 1. Having shared the fruits he endeavours to strengthen the root and founda- 
 tion of the science of law. 
 
 2. He resists injudicions attempts to alter the law. 
 
 Knowing that zeal is more frequent than wisdom, that the meanest trade is 
 not attempted without an apprenticeship, but every man thinks himself qualified 
 by intuition for the hardest of all trades, that of government, he is ever ready 
 to resist crude proposals for amendment. His maxim is, " To innovate is not 
 to reform." 
 
 Lord Bacon, zealous as he was for all improvement ; believing, as he did, in 
 the omnipotence of knowledge, that " the spirit of man is as the lamp of God, 
 wherewith he searcheth the inwardness of all secrets ;" and branding the idola- 
 ters of old times as a scandal to the new — says, " It is good not to try experi- 
 ments in states, except the necessity be urgent, or the utility evident : and well 
 to beware that it be the reformation that draweth on the change, and not desire 
 of change that pretendeth the reformation : that novelty, though it be not 
 rejected, yet be always suspected : and, as the Scripture saith, ' that we make 
 a stand upon the ancient way, and then look about us, and discover what is the 
 stiaight and right way and so to walk in it.' " 
 
 3. He does not resist improvement of the law. 
 
 Tenacity in retaining opinion, common to us all, is one of Lord Bacon's 
 ' Idols of the Tribe,' and attachment by professional men to professional know- 
 ledge, is an idol of the den common to all professions. " I hate the steam 
 boat," said an old Greenwich pensioner ; " it is contrary to nature." Our advo- 
 cate, therefore, is on his guard against this idolatry : he remembers that the 
 lawyers, and particularly St. Paul, were the most violent opposers of Chris- 
 tianity, and that the civilians, upon being taunted by the common lawyers with 
 the cruelty of the rack, answered " non ex ssevitia sed ex bonitate talia faciunt 
 homines." Nor does he forget the lawyer in the Utopia, who, when the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, venerable for his age and learning, said, " Upon these 
 reasons it is that I think putting thieves to death is not lawful," the counsellor 
 answered, " That it could never take place in England without endangering 
 the whole nation. As he said this, he shook his head, made some grimaces, 
 and held his peace. 
 
 4. He is aware that lawyers are not the best improvers of law. 
 
 During a debate in the House of Lords June 13, 1827, Lord Tenterden is 
 reported to have said that it was fortunate that the subject (the amendment of 
 the laws) had been taken up by a gentleman of an enlarged mind (Mr. Peel) 
 who had not been bred to the law, for those who were, were rendered dull by 
 habit, to many of its defects. And Lord Bacon says, " Qui de legibus scrip- 
 serunt, omnes, vel tanquam philosophi, vel tanquam jurisconsulti, argumentum 
 illud tractaverunt. Atque philosophi proponunt multa, dictu pulchra, sed ab 
 usu remota. Jurisconsulti autem, suae quisque patrise legum, vel etiam Roma- 
 narum, aut Pontificiarum, placitis obnoxii et addicti, judicio sincere non utun- 
 tur, sed tanquam e vinculis sermocinantur. Certe cognitio ista ad viros civiles 
 proprie spectat; qui optime norunt, quid ferat societas humana, quid salus 
 populi, quid aequitas naturalis, quid gentium mores, quid rerumpublicarum 
 formae diversee : ideoque possint de legibus, ex principiis et preeceptis, tarn 
 squitatis naturalis, quam politices, decernere." 
 
 5. He resists erroneous modes of altering bad law. 
 
 Lawyers have a tendency, instead of inquiring whether the principle of a law 
 is right, to alter upon the assumption that the principle is well founded. 
 
 In 1809 Sir Samuel Romilly proposed to alter the law in bankruptcy, by 
 which a creditor has an arbitrary power to withhold his consent to the allowance 
 of the certificate, by enabling the debtor, after the lapse of two years, provided 
 there was a large majority in number and value of creditors who had signed the 
 certificate, to call upon his creditor to shew cause why the certificate should not 
 be allowed. Sir Samuel thought, that the principle of the law was erroneous ; 
 that it had a tendency to prevent a full disclosure of the estate, from the fear of 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 irritating creditors by exposure : and to prevent the obtaining possession of the 
 estate after disclosure, by rendering the witness incompetent . and that it had a 
 tendency to produce bribery and perjury ; that, even if a creditor ought to have 
 a reasonable time to gratify his injured feelings, the time ought to be limited ; 
 and he thought that the law, giving this power to an irritated individual, would 
 be perverted by some of the many bad passions, which ought not to interfere in 
 the administration of justice, such as resentment ; love of power ; the' hope of 
 bribery, against which the legislature had vainly attempted to guard ; the hope 
 of concealment ; the hope to prevent the bankrupt's receiving any allowance ; 
 the hope to prevent his being a witness ; or the fear of competition in trade : 
 and he stated this to be the law in Holland, where commercial legislation is well 
 understood. The bill passed the House of Commons : it was rejected in the 
 Lords, upon a proposal by Lord Eldon, (who was then Chancellor,) that the 
 requisite number and value of signatures should be reduced from four-fifths to 
 three-fifths. 
 
 About the same time Sir Samuel proposed that the law by which the stealing 
 to the amount of five shillings privately in a shop was punishable by death, 
 should be altered, as it was founded on an erroneous principle. It was suggested 
 that the punishment ougl;it not to be diminished, but the amount of the goods 
 stolen increased. 
 
 In various of the acts for the relief of insolvent debtors, which passed to 
 mitigate the severe operation of arbitrary imprisonment for debt, the reason 
 assigned in the preamble was, that the gaol was too full. The following is a 
 specimen : 6 Geo. III. c. 70. Whereas, notwithstanding the great prejudice 
 and detriment which occasional acts of insolvency may produce to trade and 
 credit, it may be expedient, in the present condition of the prisons and gaols in 
 this kingdom, that some of the prisoners who are now confined should be set at 
 liberty ; be it, &c. 
 
 In May 1827, it was proposed to parliament to alter the law for arrest on 
 mesne process to the sum of 20i. Our advocate therefore resists such attempts, 
 which, instead of meeting, perpetuate the evil, which 
 
 " Keep the word of promise to our ear, 
 And break it to our hope." 
 
 6. He assists in the improvement of the law. 
 
 While he dwells in doubt, and is in a strait between the ancient error and 
 infant truth, he endeavours to improve himself, but after patient and successful 
 travail after truth, he difiTuses the knowledge which he has obtained. Having 
 in the beginning consulted Argus with his hundred eyes, he now trusts to 
 Briareus with his hundred hands. 
 
 7. He is not deterred from assisting in the imp-rovement of the law by the fear 
 of worldly injury. 
 
 Neither in general conduct nor in particular emergencies, are his plans sub- 
 servient to considerations of rewards, estate, or title : these are not to have pre- 
 cedence in his thoughts, to govern his actions, but to follow in the train of^his 
 duty. In the conclusion of Sir Samuel Romilly's speech in the House of Com- 
 mons, on the 26th May, 1810, he says, " It is a common, and may be a 
 convenient mode of proceeding, to prevent the progress of improvement, by 
 endeavouring to excite the odium with which all attempts to reform are attended. 
 Upon such expedients it is scarcely necessary for me to say, that I have calcu- 
 lated. If I had consulted only my own immediate interests, my time might 
 have been more profitably employed in the profession in which I am engaged. 
 If I had listened to the dictates of prudence, if I had been alarmed by such 
 prejudices, 1 could easily have discovered that the hope to amend law is not the 
 disposition most favourable for preferment. I am not unacquainted with the 
 best road to Attorney-Generalships and Chancellorships ; but in that path 
 which my sense of duty dictates to be right, I shall proceed ; and from this no 
 misunderstanding, no misrepresentation shall deter me." 
 
 8. He is not deterred from endeavouring to improve the law by the censure ever 
 altendaM upon, attempts to reform. 
 
NOTE C C. 
 
 He knows that the multitude will cry out for Barabbas, and that ignorance 
 has an antipathy to intellect. 
 
 " 'Tis a rich man's pride, there having ever been 
 More than a feud, a strange antipathy 
 Between us and true gentry." 
 
 He knows this, but proceeds, secure Of his own approbation, and the sympathy 
 of the virtuous and intelligent. 
 
 10. If the principle of the law is erroneous^ he endeavours to extirpate it, with* 
 its attendant injustice and litigation. 
 
 If the principles of the laws against usury or witchcraft or widows burning 
 themselves are erroneous, he endeavours to procure their repeal. In these cases 
 he remembers the maxim of Sir Edward Coke, " Si quid moves a principio 
 moveas ; errores ad principia referre est refellere." He remembers the old 
 maxim, " He who in the cure of J)olitic or of natural disorders shall vest himself 
 contented with second causes, without setting forth in diligent travel to search 
 for the original source of evil, doth resemble the slothful husbandman, who 
 moweth down the heads of noisome weeds, when he should carefully pull up 
 the roots ; and the work shall ever be to do again." 
 
 11. If the principle is right, he endeavours to modify it, according to times and 
 circumstances. 
 
 If the principle of the laws against usury is well founded, he varies the rate 
 of interest; or in witchcraft he mitigates the severity of the punishment. In 
 these cases he remembers the admonition of^Sir Matthew Hale, " We must do 
 herein, as a wise builder doth with an house that hath some inconveniences, or 
 is under some decays. Possibly here or there a door or a window may be 
 altered, or a partition made ; but as long as the foundations or principles of the 
 house be sound, they must not be tampered with. The inconveniences in the 
 law are of such a nature, as may be easily remedied without unsettling the 
 frame itself ; and such amendments, though they seem small and inconsider- 
 able, will render the whole fabric much more safe and useful." 
 
 12. If he is advanced to any office of authority, he uses his power to improve the 
 law. 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon was no sooner appointed attorney-general than he dedicated 
 to the king his proposals for compiling and amending the laws of England. 
 " Your majesty," he says, " of your favour having made me privy counsellor, 
 and continuing me in the place of your attorney-general, I take it to be my 
 duty, not only to speed your commandments and the business of my place, but 
 to meditate and to excogitate of myself, wherein I may best, by my travels, 
 derive your virtues to the good of yoUr people, and return their thanks and 
 increase of love to you again. And after I had thought of many things, I could 
 find, in my judgment, none more proper for your majesty as a master, nor for 
 me as a workman, than the reducing and recompiling of the laws of England." 
 And having traced the exertions of different legislators from Moses to Augustus, 
 he says, " Caesar, si ab eo qusreretur, quid egisset iu tog^; leges se respondisset 
 multas et praeclaras tulisse;" and his nephew Augustus did tread the same 
 steps, but with deeper print, because of his long reign in peace ; whereof one 
 of the poets of his time saith, 
 
 " Pace data terris, animum ad civilia vertit 
 Jura suum ; legesque tulit justissimus auctor." 
 So too. Sir Samuel Romilly was no sooner promoted to the office of Solicitor 
 General, than he submitted to parliament his proposals for the improvement 
 of the Bankrupt Law and the Cnminal Law. " Long," he says, " has Europe 
 been a scene of carnage and desolation. A brighter prospect has now opened 
 before us. 
 
 ' ' Peace hath her victories 
 
 Not less renowned than war." 
 
 This note is written in December 1832, when legal reform, having triumphed 
 over the obstacles by which it has for two centuries been resisted, is now nobly 
 
NOTES C C D D. 
 
 prevailing. Let me mentioa the efforts which, during the struggle, were 
 made by my friends, Joseph Parkes of Birmingham, and Charles Cooper of 
 Lincoln's Inn ; by Jeremy Bcntham, to whose exertions in contemplative life, 
 society is for ever indebted : and his friend Sir Samuel Romilly, and Lord 
 Brougham, now Lord Chancellor, to whose exertions in active life society is 
 more indebted than, since the time of Lord Bacon, it ever was to any individual 
 for the diffusion through the community of all knowledge, and for the advance- 
 ment of legal reform. " That," says Lord Bacon, " will indeed dignify and 
 exalt knowledge, if contemplation and action may be more nearly and strongly 
 conjoined and united together, than they have been : a conjunction like unto 
 that of the two highest planets, Saturn, the planet of rest and contemplation, 
 and Jupiter, the planet of civil society and action." I please myself with the 
 hope that these improvements will be continued cautiously but vigorously : that 
 the Chancellor will assist in separating the judicial and political functions of the 
 Chancellor : that imprisonment for debt will be abolished : and, to insure a 
 perpetuity of these improvements, that he will be the promoter and patron of a 
 national or professional advocate's library, and consider Lord Bacon's constant 
 suggestion that there should be a board of legal reformers, that a living spring 
 may mix with the stagnant waters, and reform advance calmly and steadily. 
 
 In Bacon's first speech in parliament, ante, note B B, he says, " The Romans 
 they appointed ten men who were to collect or recall all former laws, and to set 
 forth those twelve tables so much of all men commended. The Athenians 
 likewise appointed six for that purpose. And Lewis the Ninth, King of France, 
 did the like in reforming his laws." 
 
 He repeats this in his proposal, made when he was attorney-general, for the 
 amendment of the laws of England : " The Romans, by their Decemviri, did 
 make their twelve tables ; but that was indeed a new enacting or constituting of 
 laws, npt a registering or recompiling ; and they were made out of the laws of 
 the Grecians, not out of their own customs. In Athens they had Sexviri, which 
 were standing commissioners to watch and to discern what laws waxed unproper 
 for the time ; and what new law did, in any branch, cross a former law, and so, 
 ex officio, propounded their repeals. King Lewis XL of France, had it in his 
 intention to have made one perfect and uniform law, out of the civil law Roman, 
 and the provincial customs of France." The same observation is contained in 
 his offer of a digest of the law published after his death. " In Athens they 
 had Sexviri, (as ^schines observeth) which were standing commissioners, who 
 did watch to discern what laws waxed improper for the times, and what new 
 law did in any branch cross a former law, and so ex officio propounded their 
 repeal." And in his tract on Universal Justice, Aph. 55, vol. ix. he says, " Erat 
 in more apud Athenienses ut contraria legum capita (que Antinomias vocant) 
 quotannis a sex viris examinaventur, et quae reconciliari non poterant propone- 
 rentur populo, ut de illis certum aliquid statueretur. Ad quorum exemplum, 
 ii, qui potestatem in singulis politiis legum condendarum habent, per triennium , 
 aut quinquennium, aut prout videbitur, Antinomias retractanto. Eae autem a 
 viris, ad hoc delegatis, priils inspiciantur et praeparentur, et demiim comitiis 
 exhibeantur, ut quod placueiit, per suffragia stabiliatur, et figatur." 
 
 D D. Life, p. xxviii. 
 
 Extract from Dewe's Journal of the House of Commons, p. 493. — Mr. F. Ba- 
 con assented to three subsidies, but not to the payments under six years ; and to 
 this propounded three questions, which he desired might be answered. The 
 first, impossibility or difficulty ; the second, danger or discontentment ; and 
 thirdly, a better manner of supply than subsidy. For impossibility, the poor 
 men's rent is such as they are not able to yield it, nor to pay so much for the 
 present. The gentlemen must sell their plate, and farmers their brass pots ere 
 this will be paid ; and for us, we are here to search the wounds of the realm, 
 and not to skin them over ; therefore not to persuade ourselves of their wealth 
 more than it is. The dangers are these : we shall first breed discontentment in 
 paying these subsidies, and in the cause endanger her majesty's safety, which 
 
■NOTES EE — FF. 
 
 must consist more in the love of the people than in their wealth, and therefore 
 not to give them discontentment in paying these subsidies : thus we run into a 
 double peril. In putting two payments into one, we make a double subsidy ; 
 for it maketh four shillings in tlie pound a double payment. The second' is this, 
 that this being granted to this sort, other princes hereafter will look for the like ; 
 so we shall put an evil precedent upon ourselves and our posterity. And in 
 histories it is to be observed, of all nations the English are not to be subject, 
 base, or taxable. The manner of supply may be by levy or imposition when 
 need shall most require, so when her majesty's coffers are empty they may be 
 filled by this means. 
 
 E E. Life, p. xxviii. 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer, touching his Speech in Parliament. 
 
 It may please your good Lordship, — I was sorry to find by your lordship's 
 speech yesterday, that my last speech in parliament, delivered in discharge of 
 my conscience, my duty to God, her majesty, and my country, was offensive : 
 if it were misreported, I would be glad to attend your lordship, to disavow any 
 thing I said not ; if it were misconstrued, I would be glad to expound my 
 words, to exclude any sense I meant not ; if my heart be misjudged by imputa- 
 tion of popularity, or opposition, I have great wrong, and the greater, because 
 the manner of my speech did most evidently shew that I spake most simply, and 
 only to satisfy my conscience, and not with any advantage or policy to sway 
 the case, and my terms carried all signification of duty and zeal towards her 
 majesty and her service. It is very true, that from the beginning, whatsoever 
 was a double subsidy I did wish might for precedent's sake appear to be extra- 
 ordinary, and for discontent's sake might not have been levied upon the poorer 
 sort, though otherwise I wished it as rising as I think this will prove, or more. 
 This was my mind, I confess it ;. and therefore I most humbly pray your lord- 
 ship, first, to continue me in your own good opinion, and then, to perform the 
 part of an honourable good friend towards your poor servant and ally, in drawing 
 her majesty to accept of the sincerity and simplicity of my zeal, and to hold me 
 in her majesty's favour, which is to me dearer than my life, and so, etc. Your 
 Lordship's most humble in all duty, Fr, Bacon. 
 
 Mr. Francis Bacon to Sir John Puckering, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. 
 
 My Lord, — It is a great grief unto me, joined with marvel, that her majesty 
 should retain an hard conceit of my speeches in parliament. It might please 
 her sacred majesty to think what my end should be in those speeches, if it were 
 not duty, and duty alone. I am not so simple, but I know the common beaten 
 way to please. And whereas popularity hath been objected, I muse what care 
 I should take to please many, that take a course of life to deal with few. On 
 the other side, her majesty's grace and particular favour towards me hath been 
 such, as I esteem no worldly thing above the comfort to enjoy it, except it be 
 the conscience to deserve it. But if the not seconding of some particular per- 
 son's opinion shall be presumption, and to differ upon the manner shall be to 
 impeach the end ; it shall teach my devotion not to exceed wishes, and those in 
 silence. Yet notwithstanding (to speak vainly as in grief) it may be her majesty 
 hath discouraged as good a heart as ever looked toward her service, and as void 
 of self-love. And so in more grief than I can well express, and much more 
 than I can well dissemble, I leave your lordship, being as ever, your Lordship's 
 entirely devoted, &c. 
 
 F F. Life, p. xxviii. 
 
 No man better understood the doctrine both of concealment and of revelation 
 of opinion than Lord Bacon. He well knew that nakedness is unseemly as 
 well in mind as in body, but the nature of his, and perhaps of every mind which 
 beholds things as from a cliff, is to view extensively and to speak freely. It i». 
 
NOTES F F H H. 
 
 be says, part of policy to observe a discreet mediocrity in the declaring^, or not 
 declaring a man's self: for although depth of secrecy, and making way, " qualis 
 est via navis in mari," be sometimes both prosperous and admirable ; yet many 
 times " Dissimulatio errores parit, qui dissimulatorem ipsum illaqueant ;" and 
 therefore, we see the greatest politicians have in a natural and free manner pro- 
 fessed their desires, rather than been reserved and disguised in them. 
 
 See the Advancement of Learning, under the head of the Art of Advancement 
 in Life, and under that part of it which relates to the arts of declaring and 
 of revealing a man's self (pages 278 and 285, vol. ii. of this edition), and see 
 in the treatise De Augmentis, when the same subject is considered, under his 
 comment on " a fool utters all his mind, but a wise man reserves somewhat 
 for hereafter." See also his Essay on Simulation and Dissimulation, vol. i. p. 17. 
 See his conclusion of the first book of the Advancement of Learning, page 88 
 of vol. ii. of this edition. See his essay on Goodness of Nature, vol. i. p. 40. 
 " Neither give thou JLsop's cock a gem, who would be better pleased and 
 happier if he had a barleycorn." 
 
 H H. Life, p. XXX. 
 
 To the Right Honourable, &c. the Lord Keeper, &c. 
 My very good Lord,— Because I understand your lordship remaineth at court 
 till this day, and that my lord of Essex writeth to me, that his lordship Cometh 
 to London, I thought good to remember your lordship, and to request you, as I 
 touched in my last, that if my Lord Treasurer be absent, your lordship would 
 forbear to fall into my business with her majesty, lest it might receive some foil 
 before the time when it should be resolutely dealt in. And so commending 
 myself to your good favour, I most humbly take my leave. Your Lordship's, 
 in all humble duty and service, — Fk. Bacon. 
 From Gray's Inn, this 8th of April, 1594. 
 
 To the Right Honourable his very good Lord, the Lord Keeper of the Great 
 
 Seal, &c. 
 My very good Lord, — I was wished to be here ready in expectation of some 
 good effect ; and therefore I commend my fortune to your lordship's kind and 
 honourable furtherance. My affection inclineth me to be much [your] lord- 
 ship's, and my course and way, in all reason and policy for myself, leadeth me 
 to the same dependence : hereunto if there shall be joined your lordship's obli- 
 gation in dealing strongly for me as you have begun, no man can be more 
 yours. A timorous man is every body's, and a covetous man is his own. But 
 if your lordship consider my nature, my course, my friends, my opinion with 
 her majesty, if this eclipse of her favour were past, I hope yon will think I am 
 no unlikely piece of wood to shape you a true servant of. My present thankful- 
 ness shall be as much as I have said. I humbly take my leave. Your Lord- 
 ship's true humble servant, — Fr. Bacon. 
 
 From Greenwich, this 5th of April, 1594. 
 
 To the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper, &g. 
 
 It may please your good Lordship,^ — I understand of some business like 
 enough to detain the quben to-morrow, which maketh me earnestly to pray your 
 good lordship, as one that I have found to take my fortune to heart, to take some 
 time to remember her majesty of a solicitor this present day. Our Tower em- 
 ployment stayeth, and hath done these three days, because one of the principal 
 offenders being brought to confess, and the other persisting in denial, her 
 majesty, in her vrisdom, thought best some time were given to him that is obsti- 
 nate, to bethink himself ; which indeed is singular good in such cases. Thus 
 desiring your lordship's pardon, in haste I commend my fortune and duty to 
 your favour. Your Lordship's most humbly to receive your commandments. 
 From Gray's Inn, Fb. Bacon. 
 
 this 13th of August, 1594. 
 
h 
 
 NOTES I I K K— ^L L. 
 
 I I. Life, p. XXX. 
 
 To the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper, &c. 
 My Lord, — In my last conference with your lordship, I did entreat yon both 
 to forbear hurting Mr. Fr. Bacon's cause, and to suspend your judgment of his 
 mind towards your lordship, till I had spoken with him. I went since that 
 time to Twickenham Park to confer with him, and had signified the effect of our 
 conference by letter ete this, if I had not hoped to have met with your lordship, 
 and so to have delivered it by speech. I told your lordship when I last saw 
 
 !rou, that this manner of his was only a natural freedom, and plainness, which 
 le had used with me, and in my knowledge with some other of his best friends, 
 than any want of reverence towards your lordship ; and therefore I was more 
 curious to look into the moving cause of his style, than into the form of it ; 
 which now I find to be only a diffidence of your lordship's favour and love to- 
 wards him, and no alienation of that dutiful mind which he hath borne towards 
 your lordship. And therefore I am fully persuaded, that if your lordship would 
 please to send for him, there would grow so good satisfaction, as hereafter he 
 should enjoy your lordship's honourable fa;rour, in as great a measure as ever, 
 and your lordship have the use of his service, who, I assure your lordship, is as 
 strong in his kindness, as you find him in his jealousy. 1 will use no argument 
 to persuade your lordship, that I should be glad of his being restored to your 
 lordship's wonted favour ; since your lordship both knoweth how much my 
 credit is engaged in his fortune, and may easily judge how sorry I should be, 
 that a gentleman whom I love so much, should lack the favour of a person 
 whom I honour so much. And thus commending your lordship to God's best 
 protection, I rest your Lordship's very assured, Essex. 
 
 Indorsed — 31 August, 95. My Lord of Essex to have me send for Mr. 
 Bacon, for he will satisfy me. In my Lord Keeper's own hand. 
 
 K K. Life, p. XXX. 
 
 Lord Treasurer Burghley to Mr. Francis Bacon. • 
 
 Nephew,"-I have no leisure to write much ; but for answer I have attempted 
 to place you : but her majesty hath required the Lord Keeper t to give to her 
 the names of divers lawyers to be preferred, wherewith he made me acquainted, 
 and I did name you as a meet man, whom his lordship allowed in way of 
 friendship, for your father's sake : but he made scruple to equal you with cer- 
 tain, whom he named, as Brograve t and Branthwayt, whom he specially com- 
 mendeth. But I will continue the remembrance of you to her majesty, and 
 implore my Lord of Essex's help. Your loving Uncle, W. Burghley. 
 
 Sept. 27, 1593. 
 
 L L. Life, p. XXX. 
 
 To the Kight Honourable the' Lord Keeper, &c.$ 
 It may please your Lordship, — I thought it became me to write to your lord- 
 ship, upon that which I have understood from my Lord of Essex, who vouch- 
 safed, as I perceive, to deal with your lordship of himself to join with him in 
 
 * Among the papers of Antony Bacon, esq. vol. iii. fol. 197, in the Lambeth 
 Library. 
 
 t Puckering. 
 
 t John Brograve, attorney of the duchy of Lancaster, and afterwards 
 knighted. He is mentioned by Mr. Francis Bacon, in his letter to the Lord 
 Treasurer of 7th June, 1595, from Gray's Inn, as having discharged his post of 
 attorney of the duchy with great sufficiency. There is extant of his, in print, a 
 leading upon the statute of 27 Henry VIII. concerning jointures. 
 
 § Harl. MSS. vol. 6997, No. 44. 
 
NOTES L L M M. 
 
 the concluding of my business, and findeth your lordship hath conceived oiTence, 
 as well upon my manner when I saw your lordship at Temple last, as upon a 
 letter, which I did write to your lordship some time before. Surely, my lord, 
 for my behaviour, I am well assured, I omitted no point of duty or ceremony 
 towards your lordship. But I know too much of the court to beg a countenance 
 in public place, where I make account I shall not receive it. And for my 
 letter, the principal point of it was, that which I hope God will give me grace 
 to perform, which is, that if any idol man be offered to her majesty, since it is 
 mixed with my particular, to inform her majesty truly, which I must do, as long 
 as I have a tongue to speak, or a pen to write, or a friend to use. And farther 
 I remember not of my letter, except it were that I writ, I hoped your lordship 
 would do me no wrong, which hope I do still continue. For if it please your 
 lordship but to call to mind from whom I am descended, and by whom, next to 
 God, her majesty, and your own virtue, your lordship is ascended ; I know you 
 will have a compunction of mind to do me any wrong. And therefore, good 
 my lord, when your lordship favoureth others before me, do not lay the separa- 
 tion of your love and favour upon myself. For I will give no cause, neither 
 can I acknowledge any, where none is ; but humbly pray your lordship to un- 
 derstand things as they are. Thus sorry to write to your lordship in an argu- 
 ment which is to me unpleasant, though necessary, I commend your lordship 
 to God's good preservation. Your Lordship's, in all humble respect. 
 
 From Twickenham Park, Fr. Bacon. 
 
 this 19th of August, 1595. 
 
 To the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper, &c.* 
 
 It may please your Lordship, ---There hath nothing happened to me in the 
 course of my business more contrary to my expectation, than your lordship's 
 failing me, and crossing me now in the conclusion, when friends are best tried. 
 But now I desire no more favour of your lordship, than I would do if I were a 
 suitor in the chancery ; which is this only, that you would do me right. And 
 I for my part, though I have much to allege, yet nevertheless, if 1 see her ma- 
 jesty settle her choice upon an able man, such a one as Mr. Sergeant Fleming, 
 I will make no means to alter it. On the other side, if I perceive any insufK- 
 cient, obscure, idol man offered to her majesty, then I think myself double 
 bound to use the best means I can for myself; which I humbly pray your 
 lordship I may do with your favour, and that you will not disable me farther 
 than is cause. And so I commend your lordship to God's preservation, that 
 beareth your Lordship all humble respect, Fr. Bacon. 
 From Gray's Inn, the 28tli of July, 1595. 
 
 Indorsed, in Lord Keeper's hand— Mr. Bacon wronging me. 
 
 M M. Life, p. XXX. 
 
 Your lordship would yet tu&ri opus tuum and give as much life unto this pre- 
 sent suit for the solicitor's place, as may be without offending the queen (for 
 that were not good for me). This last request I find it more necessary for me 
 to make, because (though I am glad of her majesty's favour, that I may with 
 more ease practise the law, which percase I may use now and then for my 
 countenance,) yet to speak plainly, though perhaps vainly, I do not think that 
 the ordinary practice of the law, not serving the queen in place, will be admitted 
 for a good account of the poor talent that God hath given me, so as I make 
 reckoning, I shall reap no great benefit to myself in that course. 
 
 To Lord Burleigh. 
 
 I have ever had your lordship in singular admiration ; whose happy ability 
 her majesty hath so long used, to her great honour and yours. Besides that 
 amendment of state or countenance, which I have received, hath been from 
 
 * Harl. MSS. vol. 6997, No. 37. 
 
NOTES N N — O — P P. 
 
 your lordship. And therefore, if your lordship shall stand a good friend to 
 your poor ally, you shall but " tuieri opus" which you have begun. And your 
 lordship shall bestow your benefit upon one that hath more sense of obligation 
 than of self-love. Thus humbly desiring pardon of so long a letter, I wish your 
 lordship all happiness. Your LoiiJship's in all humbleness to be commanded. 
 June 6, 1595. Fr. Bacon. 
 
 N N. Life, p. XXX. 
 
 The author of the Biographia says, It was now that he discovered how little' 
 reason he had to trust to, or depend upon, the Cecils, and had very little cause 
 to be well pleased with the conduct of the then Lord Keeper. Is not this ob- 
 servation, as far as reflates to Lord Burleigh unfounded 1 
 
 In Essex's letter to Bacon, indorsed March 28, 1594, Essex says, " The 
 queen said that none thought you fit for the place, but my Lord Treasurer and 
 myself. So also in Essex's letter to Bacon, of the 18th of May, 1596, Essex 
 says, " The queen answered that the greatness of your friends, as of my Lord 
 Treasurer and myself, did make men even a more favourable testimony than 
 else they would do, &c. And Bacon himself, in a letter to Sir Robert Cecil, 
 accusing him of having been bribed, says, " You wrought in a contrary spirit to 
 my lord your father." See also Burleigh's letter of September 27, 1 593, ante, 
 note. 
 
 In a letter to Lord Burleigh, after the appointment of Fleming, Bacon says. 
 And therefore, (my singular good lord) " ex abundanlia cordis," I must ac- 
 knowledge how greatly and diversely your lordship hath vouchsafed to tie me 
 unto you by many your benefits. The reversion of the office which your lord- 
 ship only procured unto me, and carried through great and vehement opposition, 
 though it yet bear no fruit, yet it is one of the fairest flowers of my poor estate ; 
 your lordship's constant and serious endeavours to have me solicitor : your late 
 honourable wishes, for the place of the wards : together with your lordship's 
 attempt to give me way by the remove of Mr. Solicitor ; they be matters of sin- 
 gular obligations ; besides many other favours, as well by your lordship's grants 
 from yourself, as by your commendation to others, which I have had for my 
 help ; and may justly persuade myself out of the few denials I have received 
 that fewer might have been, if mine own industry and good hap had been an- 
 swerable to your lordship's goodness. 
 
 O O. Life, p. xxxi. 
 
 In a letter to Lord Burleigh, he says. If I did show myself too credulous to 
 idle hearsays, in regard of my right honourable kinsman and good friend Sir 
 Robert Cecil (whose good nature did well answer my honest liberty), your 
 lordship will impute it to the complexion of a suitor, and of a tired sea-sick 
 suitor, and not to mine own inclination. 
 
 P P. Life, p. xxxi. 
 
 Earl of Essex to Mr. Francis Bacon. 
 
 Sir, — I wrote not to you till I had had a second conference with the queen, 
 because the first was spent only in compliments : she in the beginning excepted 
 all business : this day she hath seen me again. After I had followed her humour 
 in talking of those things, which she would entertain me with, I told her, in my 
 absence I had written to Sir Robert Cecil, to solicit her to call you to that 
 place, to which all the world had named you ; and being now here, I must fol- 
 low it myself ; for I know what service I should do her in procuring you the 
 place ; and slie knew not how great a comfort I should take in it. Her answer 
 in playing just was, that she came not to me for that, I should talk of those 
 things when I came to her, not when she came to me ; theteim was coming. 
 
NOTE PP. 
 
 and she would advise. I would have replied, but she stopped my mouth. To- 
 morrow or the next day I will go to her, and then this excuse will be taken 
 away. When 1 know more, you shall hear more ; and so I end full of pain in 
 my head, which makes me write thus confusedly. Your most affectionate 
 friend. 
 
 The Earl of Essex to Mr. Francis Bacon.* 
 
 Mr. Bacon, — Your letter met me here yesterday. When I came, I found 
 the queen so wayward, as I thought it no fit time to deal with her in any sort, 
 especially since hercholer grew towards myself, which I have well satisfied this 
 day, and will take the first opportunity I can to move your suit. And if you 
 come hither, I pray you let me know still where you are. And so being full of 
 business, I must end, wishing you what you wish to yourself. 
 
 1593, Sept, Your assured friend, Essex. 
 
 The Earl of Essex to Mr. Francis Bacon.t 
 Sir, — I have now spoken with the queen, and I see no stay from obtaining a 
 full resolution of what we desire. But the passion she is in by reason of the 
 tales that have been told her against Nicholas CliflPord , with whom she is in such 
 rage, for a matter, which I think you, have heard of, doth put her infinitely out 
 of quiet ; and her passionate humour is nourished by some foolish women. 
 Else I find nothing to distaste us, for she doth not contradict confidently ; 
 which they, that know the minds of women, say is a sign of yielding. 1 will 
 to-morrow take more time to deal with her, and will sweeten her with all the 
 art I have to ma)^e benewlum auditorem. I have already spoken with Mr. 
 Vice-Cham berlain.t and will to-morrow speak with the rest. Of Mr. Vice- 
 Chamberlain you may assure yourself; for so much he hath faithfully promised 
 me. The exceptions against the competitors I will use to-morrow ; for then I 
 do resolve to have a full and large discourse, having prepared the queen to-night 
 to assign mi a time under colour of some such business, as I have pretended. 
 In the mean time I must tell you, that I do not respect either my absence, or 
 my showing a discontentment in going away, for I was received at my return, 
 and I think I shall not be the worse. And for that I am oppressed with multi- 
 tude of letters that are come, of which I must give the Queen some account 
 to-morrow morning, I therefore desire to be excused for writing no more to- 
 night : to-morrow you shall hear from me again. I wish you what you wish 
 yourself in this and all things else, and rest your most affectionate friend, 
 
 This Friday at night, Essex. 
 
 Indorsed, March 29, 1594. 
 
 Earl of Essex to Mr. Francis Bacon. 
 
 Sir, — I went yesterday to the queen through the galleries in the morning, af- 
 ternoon, and at night. I had long speech with her of you, wherein I urged both 
 the point of your extraordinary sufiiciency proved to me not only by your last 
 argument, but by the opinion of all men I spake withal, and the point of mine 
 own satisfaction, which, I protested, should be exceeding great, if, for all her 
 unkindness and discomforts past, she should do this one thing for my sake. 
 To the first she answered, that the greatness of your friends, as of my Lord 
 Treasurer and myself, did make men give a more favourable testimony than else 
 they would do, thinking thereby they pleased us. And that she did acknow- 
 ledge you had a great wit, and an excellent gift of speech, and much other 
 good learning. But in the law she rather thought you could make show to the 
 uttermost of your knowledge, than that you were deep. To the second she said, 
 
 * Among the papers of Antony Bacon, esq. vol. iii. fol. 197, in the Lambeth 
 Library. 
 
 t Among the papers of Antony Bacon, Esq. vol. iv. fol. 89, in the Lambeth 
 Libraiy. 
 
 t Sir Thomas Heneage. 
 
NOTE P P. 
 
 she showed her raislike to the suit, aa well as I had done my affection in it ; 
 and that if there were a yielding, it was fitter to be of my side. I then added, 
 that this was an answer, with which she might deny me all things, if she did not 
 grant them at the first, which was not her manner to do. But her majesty had 
 made me suffer and give way in many things else ; which all I should bear, 
 not only with patience, but with great contentment, if she would but grant my 
 humble suit in this one. And for the pretence of the approbation given you 
 upon partiality, that all the world, lawyers, judges, and all, could not be partial 
 to you ; for somewhat you were crossed for their own interest, and some for 
 their friends ; but yet all did yield to your merit. 
 
 Earl of Essex to Mr. Francis Bacon,* 
 Sir, — I have received your letter, and since I have had opportunity to deal 
 freely with the Queen. I have dealt confidently with her as a matter, wherein 
 I did more labour to overcome her delays, than that I did fear her denial. I 
 told her how much you were thrown down with the correction she had already 
 given you, that she might in that point hold herself already satisfied. And be- 
 cause I found that Tanfieldt had been most propounded to her, I did most 
 disable him. I find the Queen very reserved, staying herself upon giving any 
 kind of hope, yet not passionate against you, till I grew passionate for you. 
 Then she said, that none thought you fit for the place but my Lord Treasurer 
 and myself. Marry, the others must some of them say before us, for fear or for 
 flattery. I told her, the most and wisest of her council had delivered their 
 opinions, and preferred you before all men for that place. And if it would 
 please her majesty to think, that whatsoever they said contrary to their own 
 words when they spake without witness, might be as factiously spoken, as the 
 other way flatteringly, she would not be deceived. Yet if they had been never 
 for you, but coatrarily against you, I thought my credit, joined with the appro- 
 bation and mediation of her greatest counsellors, might prevail in a greater 
 matter than this ; and urged her, that though she could not signify her miud to 
 others, I might have a secret promise, wherein I should receive great comfort, 
 as in the contrary great unkindness. She said she was neither persuaded nor 
 would hear of it till Easter, when she might advise with her council, who were 
 now all absent ; and, therefore, in passion bid me go to bed, if I would talk of 
 nothing else. Wherefore in passion I went away, saying, while I was with her 
 I could not but solicit for the cause and the man I so much affected ; and 
 therefore I would retire myself till I might be more graciously heard ; and so 
 we pai-ted. To-morrow I will go hence of purpose, and on Thursday I will 
 write an expostulating letter to her. That night or upon Friday morning I will 
 be here again, and follow on the same course, stirring a discontentment in her, 
 &c. And so wish you all happiness, and rest your most assured friend, 
 Indorsed — ^Marcb 28, 1594. Essex. 
 
 Mr, Francis Bacon to his brother Antony. 
 Good Brother,— ^Since I saw you this hath passed. Tuesday, though sent 
 for, I saw not the Queen. Her majesty alleged she was then to resolve with 
 the council upon her places of law. But this resolution was ut supra ; and note 
 the rest of the counsellors were persuaded she came rather forwards than other- 
 wise ; for against me she is never peremptory but to my lord of Essex. I missed 
 a line of my Lord Keeper's ; but thus much I hear otherwise. The Queen 
 seemeth to apprehend my travel. Whereupon I was sent for by Sir Robert 
 Cecil, in sort as from her majesty ; himself having of purpose immediately gone 
 to London to speak with me ; and not finding me there, he wrote to me. Where- 
 upon I came to the court, and upon his relation to me of her majesty's speeches. 
 
 • Among the papers of Antony Bacon, Esq. vol. iv. fol. 90, in the Lambeth 
 Library. 
 
 t Probably Laurence Tanfield, made Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer in 
 June, 1607. 
 
NOTE P t>. 
 
 I desired leave to answer it in writing ; not, I said, that I mistrasted his report, 
 but mine own wit ; the copy of which answer I send. We parted in kindness 
 secundum exterius. This copy you must needs return, for I have no other ; and 
 I wrote this by memory after the original was sent away. The Queen's speech 
 is after this sort. Why? I have made no solicitor. Hath any body carried 
 a solicitor with him in his pocket 1 But he must have it in his own time (as if 
 it were but yesterday's nomination) or else I must be thought to cast him away. 
 Then her majesty sweareth thus : " 1/ I continue this manner, she will seek all 
 England for a solicitor rather than take me. Yea, she will send for Houston 
 and Coventry to-morrow next," as if she would swear them both. Again she 
 entereth into it, that," she never deals so with any as with me (in hoc erratum 
 non est) she hath pulled me over the bar (note the words, for they cannot be 
 her own) she hath used me in her greatest causes. But this is Essex, and she 
 is more angry with him than with me." And such like speeches, so strange, as 
 I should lose myself in it, but that I have cast off the care of it. My conceit 
 is, that I am the least part of mine own matter. But hqr majesty would have 
 a delay, and yet would not bear it herself. Therefore she giveth no way to me, 
 and she perceiveth her council giveth no way to others ; and so it sticketh as 
 she would have it. But what the secret of it is ocului aquilcs nonpenetravit. 
 My lord continueth on kindly and wisely a course worthy to obtain i better 
 effect than a delay, which to me is the most unwelcome condition. 
 
 Now to return to you the part of a brother, and to render you the like kind- 
 ness, advise you, whether it were not a good time to set in strongly with the 
 Queen to draw her to honour your travels. For in the course I am like to take 
 it will be a great and necessary stay to me, besides the natural comfortil shall 
 receive. And if you will have me deal with my lord of Essex,' or otherwise 
 break it by mean to the Queen, as that which shall give me full contentment, I 
 will do it as effectually; and with as much good discretion as I can. Wherein 
 if you aid me with your direction, I shall observe it. This as I did-ever account 
 it sure and certain to be accomplished, in case myself had been placed, and 
 therefore deferred it till then, as to the proper opportunity; so now that I see 
 such delay in mine own placing, I wish ei animo it should not expect. 
 
 I pray you let me know what mine uncle Killigrew will do ; for I must be 
 more careful of my credit than ever, since I receive so little thence where I de- 
 served best. And, to be plain with you, I mean even to make the best of those 
 small things I have with as much expedition, as may be without loss ; and so 
 sing a mass of requiem, I hope, abroad. For I know her majesty's nature, 
 that she neither careth though the whole surname of Bacons travelled, nor of 
 the Cecils neither. 
 
 I have here an idle pen or two, specially one, that was cozened, thinking to 
 have got some money this term. I pray send me somewhat else for them to 
 write, out besides your Irish collection, which is almost done. There is a col- 
 lection of King James, of foreign states, largeliest of Flanders ; which, though 
 it be no gieat matter, yet I would be glad to bave it. Thus I commend you to 
 God's good' protection. .Your entire loving Brother, Fr. Bacon. 
 
 From my lodging; at Twickenham Park, 
 this 25th of January, 1594. 
 
 To the right honourable my very good Loird, the Lord Keeper. , 
 
 My Lord,— I have, since I spake with your lordship, pleaded to the queen 
 against herself for the injury she doth Mr. Bacon, in delaying him so long, and 
 the unkindness she doth me in granting rid better expedition in a suit which I 
 have followed so long, and so affectionately. And though I find that she 
 makes some difficulty, to have the more thanks, yetl do assure myself she is 
 resolved to make him. I do write this, not to solicit your lordship to stand 
 firm in assisting me, because, I know, you hold yourself already tied by your 
 affection to Mr. Bacon, and by your promise to me ; but to acquaint your lord- 
 ship of my resolution to rest, and employ my uttermost strength to get 
 him placed before the term : so as I beseech your lordship think of no tempo- 
 rising course, for I shall think the Queen deals unkindly with me, if she do not 
 
NOTES Q Qt— B. R: 
 
 both g;ive him the place, and give it with favour and some extraordinary advaiu 
 tage', I wish your lordship all honour and happiness, and rest. 
 
 Your Lordship's very assured, Essex. 
 Greenwich, this 14th of January, [1594.] 
 Endorsed — My Lord of Essex, for Mr. fran. Bacon to be Solicitor. 
 
 Earl of Essex to Lord Keeper Puckering. 
 My Lord, — My short stay at the court made me fail of speaking with your 
 lordship, therefore I must write that which myself had told you ; that is, that 
 your lordship will be pleased to forbear pressing for a solicitor, since there is no 
 cause towards the end of a term to call for it ; and because the absence of Mr. 
 Bacon's friends may be much to his disadvantage. I wish your lordship all 
 happiness, and rest your Lordship's very assured to b^.oommanded, EssE^i^ 
 Wanstead, this 4th of May, 1594. 
 
 Q Q. Life, p. xxxii. 
 
 Mr. Francis Bacon to the Queen. 
 
 Madam, — Hemembering that your majesty had been gracious to me both iii < 
 countenancing me, and conferring upon me the reversion of a good place, and 
 perceiving that your majesty had taken some displeasure towards me, both these 
 were arguments to move me to offer unto your majesty my service, to the end to 
 have means to deserve your favour, and to repair my error. Upon this ground, 
 I affected myself to no great matter, but only a, place of my profession, such as 
 I do see divers younger in proceeding to myself, and men of no great not^, do 
 without blame aspire unto. But if any of my friends do press this ihatteri I Ao 
 assure your majesty my spirit is not with them. 
 
 It sufficeth me that I have let your majesty know that I am ready jto do that 
 for the service, which I never • would do for mine own gain. Aqd if your 
 majesty like others better, I shall, with the Lacedemonian^ be ,glad that.there is, 
 such^hpice'^ abler men than myself. Your majesty's favour indeed, and 
 access toyOur royal person, 1 did ever, encouraged by your own speeches, seek 
 and desire ; and I would be very glad to be reintegrate in that. But I will not 
 wrong mine own good mind so much as to stand upon that now, when your 
 majesty may conceive I do it but to make my profit of it. But my mind 
 titrnetn upon other wheels than those of profit. 'The conclusion shall be, that 
 I wish your majesty served answerable to yourself. Principis est virtxis maxima 
 nosse suas. Thus I most humbly crave pardon, of niy boldness and plainness. 
 Qod preserve your majesty. 
 
 R R., Life,t p.. xxxii. 
 
 Foulk(^ Grevill, Esq. to Mr., Francis Bacon. 
 
 Mr. Francis Bacon, — Saturday was my first coming to the court, from whence - 
 I departedrag&ih as soon as I had kissed her majesty's hands, because I had no 
 lodging nearet" than my ufacle's, which is four miles off. This day I came, 
 thither to dinner, and waiting for to speak with the Queen, took occasion to tell 
 how I met you, as I passed through London ; and among other speeches, how 
 you lamented your misfortune to me, that remained ai ^ withered branqh of her 
 roots; which she had cherlsUed and made to flourish in her service. I added 
 what I thought of your worth, and the expectation for all this, tbat the world 
 bad of her princely goodness towards you : which it pleased her majesty to con- 
 fess, that indeed you began to frame very wejl, insomuch as she saw an amends 
 in those little supposed errors, avowing the respect she carried to the dead, with 
 very exceeding gracious inclination tqti^ards you. Some comparisons there fell 
 out besides, which I leave till we meet, which I hope shall be this week. It 
 pleased her withal to tell of the jewel you offered her by Mr. Vice- Chamberlain, 
 which she had refused, yet with exceeding praise. I marvel, that as a prince 
 ^he -should refuse those havings of her piior siibjects, because it did include^-a 
 
 VOL, XV. ^ ■■ 4 
 
NOTES SS TT VV WW. 
 
 small sentence of despair ; but either I deceive myself, or she was resolved to 
 take it ; and the conclusion was very kind and gracious. Sure as I will one 
 hundred pounds to fifty pounds that you shall be her solicitor, and my friend ; 
 in which mind, and for which mind I commend you to God. From the court 
 this Monday in haste, your true friend to be commanded by you, 
 
 FOULKE GREVILL. 
 
 We cannot tell whether she come to , or stay here. I am much 
 
 absent for want of lodging ; wherein my own man hath only been to blame. 
 Indorsed— 17th of June, 1594. 
 
 S S. Life, ■p. xxxii. 
 
 See an interesting discussion upon this subject, in Hazlitt's essay on this 
 regal character, in his Political Essays. 
 
 TT. Life, ■p. xxxiii. 
 
 In a letter to Lord Burleigh, he says. When my father was appointed Attorney 
 of the Duchy, and that he had discharged his duties with great sufficiency : 
 And if her majesty thinketh that she shall make an adventure in using one that 
 is rather a man of study than of practice and experience, surely I may remem- 
 ber to have heard that my father, an example, I confess, rather ready than like, 
 was made solicitor of the Augmentation, a court of much business, when he 
 had never practised, and was but twenty-seven years old ; and Mr. Brograve 
 was now in my time called attorney of the duchy, when he had practised little 
 or nothing, and yet hath discharged his place with great sufficiency. 
 
 VV. Life, p. xxxiii. 
 
 To Foulk Grevil. 
 Sir, — My matter is an endless question. I assure you I had said, Requiesce, 
 anima mea : but I now am otherwise put to my psalter ; Nollte confidere, I 
 dare go no farther. Her majesty had, by set speech, more than once assured 
 me of her intention to call me to her service ; which I could not understand 
 but of the place I had been named to. And now, whether invidus homo hoc 
 fecit ; or whether my matter must be an appendix to my lord of Essex suit ; or 
 , whether her majesty, pretending to prove my ability, ' meaneth but to take 
 advantage of some errors, which like enough, at one time or other, I may com- 
 mit ; or what it is ; but her majesty is not ready to dispatch it. And what 
 though the master of the Rolls, and my lord of Essex, and yourself and others, 
 think my case without doubt, yet in the mean time I have a hard condition to 
 stand so, that whatsoever service I do to her majesty, it shall be thought but to 
 be serviiium mseatum, lime-twigs and fetches to place myself ; and so I shall 
 have envy, not thanks. This is a course to quench all good spirits, and to 
 corrupt every man's nature ; which will, I fear, much hurt her majesty's service 
 in the end. I have been like a piece of stuff bespoken in the shop ; and if her 
 majesty will not take me, it may be the selling by parcels will be more gainful. 
 For to be, as I told you, like a child following a bird, which, when he is 
 nearest flieth away, and lighteth a little before, and then the child after it again, 
 and so in infinitum ; I am weary of it, as also of wearying my good friends : 
 of whom, nevertheless, I hope in one course or other gratefully to deserve. 
 
 W W. Life, p. xxxiv. 
 
 From Bacon's Letter to the Earl of Devonshire. 
 And on the other side, I must and will ever acknowledge my lord's love, 
 trust, and favour towards me, last of all his liberality, having infeofed me of 
 land which I sold for eighteen hundred pounds to Master Reynold Nicholas, 
 and 1 think was more worth, and that at such a time, and with so kind and 
 noble circumstances, as the manner was as much as the matter ; which though 
 
NOTES WW — X X. 
 
 it be but an idle digression, yet VeciUiSe I cm not willing to be short in com- 
 memoration of his benefits, 1 will presume to trouble your lordship with the 
 relating to you the manner of it. After the Queen had denied me the solicitor's 
 place, for the which his lordship had been a long and earnest suitor on ray be- 
 half, it pleased him to come to me from Richmond to Twicknam Park, and 
 brake with me, and said, Mr. Bacon, the Queen hath denied me the place for 
 you, and hath placed another ; I know you are the least pait of your own 
 matter, but you fare ill, because you have chosen me for your mean and de- 
 pendance : you have spent your time and thoughts in my matters ; I die (these 
 were his very words) if I do not somewhat towards your fortune; you shall not 
 deny to accept a piece of land, which I will bestow upon you. My answer, I 
 remember was, that for my fortune it was no great matter ; but that his lord- 
 ship's offer made me call to mind what was wont to be said, when I was in 
 France, of the Duke of Guise, that he was the greatest usurer in France, because 
 he had turned all his estate into obligations ; meaning that he had left himself 
 nothing, but only had bound numbers of persons to him. Now, my lord, (said 
 1)1 would not have you imitate his course, nor turn your state thus by great 
 gifts into obligations, for you will find many bad debtors. He bad me take no 
 care for that, and pressed it : whereupon I said, My lord, I see I must be your 
 homager, and hold land of your gift ; but do you know the manner of doing 
 homage in law i Always it is with a saying of his faith to the king and his 
 other lords, and therefore, my lord, (said I) I can be no more yours than I was, 
 and it may be with the ancient savings ; and if I grow to be a rich man, you 
 will give me leave to give it back to some of your unrewarded followers. 
 
 XX. Life, p. xxxiv. 
 
 In a letter to Sir Robert Cecil, he says : Casting the w^rst of my fortune with 
 an honourable friend, that had long used me privately, I told his lordship of 
 this purpose of mine to travel, accompanying it with tliese very words, that 
 upon her majesty's rejecting me with such circumstance, though my heart 
 might be good, yet mine eyes would be sore, that I should take no pleasure to 
 look upon my friends ; for that I was not an impudent man, that could face 
 out a disgrace ; and that I hoped her majesty would not be offended, that, not 
 able to endure the sun, I fled into the shade. 
 
 Mr. Francis Bacon to the Earl of Essex.* 
 My Lord,— I thank your lordship very much for your kind and comfortable 
 letter, which I hope will be followed at hand with another of more assurance. 
 And I must confess this very delay hath gone so near me, as it hath almost 
 overthrown my health ; for when I revolved the good memory of my father, the 
 near degree of alliance I stand in to my Lord Treasurer, your lordship's so sig- 
 nalled and declared favour, the honourable testimony of so many counsellors, 
 the commendations unlaboured, and in sort offered by my lords the Judges and 
 the Master of the Rolls elect ;t that I was voiced with gieat expectation, and, 
 though I say it myself, with the wishes of most men, to the higher place ; :( that 
 I am a man that the Queen hath already done for ; and that princes, especially 
 her majesty, love to make an end where they begin ; and then add hereunto 
 the obscureness and many exceptions to my competitors : when I say I revolve 
 all this, I cannot but conclude with myself, that no man ever read a more exqui- 
 site disgrace ; and therefore truly, my lord, I was determined, if her majesty 
 reject me, this to do. My nature can take no evil ply ; but I will, by God's 
 assistance, with this disgrace of my fortune, and yet with that comfort of the 
 good opinion of so many honourable and worthy persons, retire myself with a 
 couple of men to Cambridge, and there spend my life in my studies and con- 
 
 * Among the papers of Antony Bacon, Esq. vol. iii. fol, 62, in the Lambeth 
 Library. 
 
 t Sir Thomas Egerton. 
 
 X That of Attorney General. 
 
NOTE Y Y. 
 
 temptations without looking back. I humbly pray youv lordship to pardon me 
 for troubling youwith my melancholy. For the matter itself, I commend it to 
 your love ; only I pray you communicate afresh this day with my Lord Trea- 
 surer and Sir Robert Cecil ; and if you esteem my fortune, remember the point 
 of precedency. The objections to my competitors your lordship knoweth partly .> 
 X pray spare them nat, not over the Queen, but to the great ones, to show your 
 confidence, and to work their distrust. Thus longing exceedingly to exchange 
 troubling your lordship with sei-ving you, I rest your Lordship's, in most intir& 
 and faithful service, Francis Bacon.— March 30, 1594. 
 
 I humbly pray your lordship I may near from you some time this day. 
 
 Y Y. Life, p. xxxiv. 
 
 In the postscript to Bushel's Abridgment, page 1, he says. Reader, if thou 
 hast perased the foregoing treatise of the Isle of Bensalem, wherein the philo- 
 sophical father of Solomon's house doth perfectly demonstrate my heroick 
 master (the Lord Chancellor Bacon's) design for the benefit of mankind ; then 
 give me leave to tell thee, how far that illustrious lord proceeding the practical 
 part of such his philososhical notions, and when and where they had their first ' 
 rise, as well as their first eclipse ; their first rise (as I have heard him say) was 
 from the noble nature of the Earle of Essex's affection, and so they were clouded 
 by his fall, although he bequeathed to that lord [upon his representing him 
 with a secret curiosity of nature, whereby to know the season of every hour of 
 the year by a philosophical glass, placed (with a small proportion of water) 
 in his chamber,] Twitnam Parke, and its garden of Paradise, to study in. But 
 the sudden change of his royal mistress's countenance acting so tragical a part 
 upon his only friend, and her once dearest favourite, he likewise yielded his law 
 studies as lost, despairing of any preferment from the present state, as by many 
 of his letters in his book of Remains appears, so that he retired to his philosophy 
 for some few months, from whence he presented the then ripiug sun (Prince 
 Henry) with an experiment of his second collections, to i know the heart of 
 man by a sympathizing stone, made of several mixtures, a?Ml ushered in the 
 conceit with this ensuing discourse : Most royal Sir, Since you are by birth thff" 
 prince of our country, and your virtues the happy pledge to our posterity ; ai)(l. 
 that the seigniority of greatness is ever attended more with flatterers than faithful 
 friends and loyal subjects ; and therefore needeth more helps to discern and 
 pry into the hearts of the people than private persons. Give me leave, noble 
 sir, as small rivulets run to the vast ocean, to pay their tribute ; so let me have 
 tlie honour to shew your highness the operative quality of these triangulap 
 stones (as the first fruits of my philosophy), to imitate the pathetical motion of 
 the loadstone and iron, although made by the compounds of meteors (as stai}; 
 shot jelly) and other like magical ingredients, with the reflected beams of thd; 
 sun, on purpose that the warmth distilled unto them through the moist heat of • 
 the hand, might discover the affection of the heart, by a visible sign of l;heir 
 attraction and appetite to each other, like the hand of a watch, wiihin ten 
 minutes after they are laid upon a marble table, or the theatre of a large looking 
 glass. I write not this as a feigned story, but as a real truth ; for I was never 
 «]uiet in mind till I had procured those jewels of my lord's philosophy from Mr. 
 Achry Primrose, the prince's page. 
 
 His love of philosophy thus appears in all his times of adversity. So true is 
 his observation, in his History of Arts : — As a man's disposition is never well 
 known till he be crossed, nor Proteus ever changed shapes till he was straitened 
 and held fast ; so the passages and variations of nature cannot appear so fully 
 in the liberty of nature, as in the trials and vexations of art. 
 
 Of this invention Archbishop Tennison, in his Baconiana, page 18, thus 
 speaks : His second invention was a secret curiosity of nature, whereby to 
 know the season of every hour of the year, by a philosophical glass placed (with 
 a small proportion of water) in a chamber. This invention I describe in the 
 words of him, from whom I had the notice of it, Mr. Thomas Bushel, one of 
 his lordship's menial servants; a man skilful in discovering and openingiof 
 
NOTE Y y. 
 
 mines, and famous for his curious water-works, in Oxfordshire, by which he 
 imitated rain, hail, the rainbow, thunder and lightning. This secret cannot be 
 that instrument which we call vitrum caletidare, or the weather-glass, the Lord 
 Bacon in his writings, speaking of that iis a thing in ordinary use, and, com- 
 TOending, not water, but rectified spirit of wine in the use of it. Nor (being an 
 instrument made with water) is it likely to have shewed changes of the air with 
 so ■much exactness as the latter baroscope made with mercury. And yet, it 
 should seem to be a secret of high value, by the reward it is said to have pro- 
 cured. For the Earl of Essex (as he in his Extract, page 17, reporteth) when 
 Mr. Bacon had made a present of it to him, was pleased to be very bountiful in 
 his thanks, and bestow upon him Twicknam Park, and its garden of paradise, 
 as a place for his studies. I confess I have not faith enough to believe the 
 whole of this relation. And yet I believe the Earl of Essex was extremely 
 liberal, and free even to profuseness ; that he was a great lover of learned men, 
 being, in some sort, one of them himself ; and that with singular patronage he 
 cherished the hopeful parts of Mr. Bacon, who also studied his fortunes and 
 service. Yet Mr. Bacon himself, where he professeth his unwillingness to be 
 short, in the commemoration of the favours of that earl, is, in this great one, 
 perfectly silent. 
 
 Of his practical inventive powers, more fit for the hand of a mechanic than 
 of a philosopher, Tennison, in his Baconiana thus speaks : — I doubt not but 
 his mechanical inventions were many. But I can call to mind but three at 
 this time, and of them I can give but a very broken account ; and, for his in- 
 struments and ways in recovering deserted mines, I can give no account at all ; 
 though certainly, without new tools and peculiar inventions, he would never 
 have undertaken that new and hazardous work. Of the three inventions which 
 come now to my memory, the first was an engine representing the motion of 
 the planets. Of this I can say no more than what I find, in his own words, in 
 one of his miscellany papers in manuscript. The words are these: " I did 
 once cause to be represented to me, by wires, the motion of some planets, in 
 fact as it is, without theories of orbs, &c. And it seemed a strange and extra- 
 vagant motion. One while they moved in spires forwards ; another while they 
 did unwind themselves iu spires backwards: <one' while Ihey made larger 
 circles, and higher ; another while smaller circles, and lower : one while they 
 moved to the north, in their spires, anothei* while to the south," &c. 
 
 But there is, in his Apologie, another story, which may seem to have given 
 to Mt. Bushel the occasion of his mistake. " After the Queen had denied to 
 Mr. Bacon the Solicitor's place, for the which the Earl of Essex had been . a 
 long and earnest suitor on his behalf, it pleased that earl to come tahira from 
 Kicbmond to Twicknam Park, and thus to break with him : Mr. Bacon, the 
 Queen hath denied me the place for you. You fare ill, because you have 
 chosen me for your mean and dependance : you have spent your thoughts and 
 time in my matters ; I die if 1 do not do somewhat towards your fortune. You 
 shall not deny to accept a piece of land which I will bestow upon you." And 
 it was, it seems, so large a piece, that he undersold.it for no less than eighteen 
 hundred pounds. 
 
 Of this I find nothing, either in his lordship's experiments touching Emission, 
 or Immateriate Virtues, from the Minds Eind Spirits of Men ; or in those con* 
 cerning the secret virtue of Sympathy and Antipathy. Wherefore I forbear to 
 speak further in an argument about which I am so much in the, dark. 
 
 I proceed to subjects upon which I can speak with much more' assurance, his 
 inimitable writings. 
 
 Note. — The late Lord Stanhope invented an instrument of this, nature to dis- 
 cover the insensible perspiration. It consisted of a small crystal' <:'yliuder, very 
 convex at one end, and less convex at the other, and when the large convexity 
 was pressed upon the skin it was immediately beaded with perspiration as with 
 dew, which was perceptible by looking through the great convexity. I once had 
 the instiTimeut in my possession,- I have seen other inventions of the same 
 nature, as small fish made of a thin horny substance, which, with the healing 
 of the hand, became apparently animated. — B. M. 
 
NCTES ZZ 3 A 3 T5. 
 
 Z Z. Life, p. xxxiv. 
 
 Mr. Francis Bacon to the Queen. 
 
 Most gracious and admirable Sovereign, — As I do acknowledge a providence 
 of God towards me, that findeth it expedient for me tolerare jugum in jttventute 
 mei ; so this present airest of mine, by his divine majesty, from your majesty's 
 service, is not the least affliction, that I have proved ; and I hope your majesty 
 doth conceive, that nothing under mere impossibility could have detained me 
 from earning so gracious a vail, as it pleased your majesty to give me. But 
 your majesty's service, by the grace of God, shall take no lack thereby ; and, 
 thanks to God, it hath lighted, upon him that may be best spared. Only the 
 discomfort is mine, who nevertheless have the private comfort, that in the time 
 I have been made acquainted with this service, it hath been) my hap to stumble 
 upon somewhat unseen, which may import the same, as I made my Lord 
 Keeper acquainted before my going. So leaving it to God to make a good end 
 of a hard beginning, and most humbly craving your majesty's pardon for pre- 
 suming to trouble "you, I recommend your sacred majesty to God's tenderest 
 preservation. Your sacred Majesty's in most humble obedience and devotion, 
 
 From Huntingdon, this 20th of July, 1594. Fr. Bacon. 
 
 3 A. Life, p. XXXV. 
 
 This appears by a letter to Burleigh, in which, thanking him for former obli- 
 gations, he says, " Together with your lordship's attempt to give me way by the 
 remove of Mr. Solicitor, in which he says : And now seeing it hath pleased her 
 majesty to take knowledge of this my mind, and to vouchsafe to appropriate me 
 unto her service, preventing any desert of mine with her princely liberality ; 
 first, I humbly do beseech your lordship to present to her majesty my more than 
 humble thanks for the same ; and withal, having regard to mine own unwor- 
 thiness to receive such favour, and to the small possibility in me to satisfy and 
 answer what her majesty conceiveth, I am moved ,to become a most humble 
 suitor to her majesty, tliat this benefit also may be affixed unto the other." 
 
 3 B. Life, p. XXXV. 
 
 Baker's MSS. Our register is a blank, and nothing entered from the year 
 1589 to the year 1602 ; but from Bedel Ingram's book, of equal authority in 
 history, though not in law, we have this account ; — An. 1594. Jul. 27. Whereas 
 there is something purposed to be done at this meeting more than usual at con- 
 vocations. Maye it therefore please yow, that this convocation be changed into 
 a congiegation, and the same to be effectual to no other intent then for the dis- 
 patch of such matters as shall presently be propounded hearin, and by your 
 approbation and consent, be granted and concluded. This being passed, the 
 Vicechan. dissolved the convocation, and the bedell called a congregation imme- 
 diate, at which congregation this grace following was passed ; Placet vobis, ut 
 Mr. Franciscus Bacon armiger, honorandi et nobilis viri domini Nicholai 
 Bacon militis, magni Angliae sigilli custodis, ante aliquot annos defuucti, filius, 
 post studium decem annorum, partem in hac academia nostra partim in trans- 
 marinis regionibus, in dialecticis, philosophicis, Grajcis Latinisque literis, ac 
 caeteris, humanioribus disciplinis sufHciat ei, ut cooptetur in ordinem magis- 
 trorum in artibus : ita tamen ut ad nuUas ceremonias, ad magisterii gradum 
 pertinentes coarctetur ; sed tantum in admissione sua juramentum praestet, de 
 regiae majestatis suprema authoritate in prirais agnoscenda et colenda, et fidem 
 del D. Procan de observandis statutis, privilegiis, et consuetudinibus hujus 
 universitatis approbatis. 
 
 Concess. 27 Julii, 1694. 
 
 Franciscus Bacon, Mr. in artibus, Jul. 27. Mr. Ingram's book. 
 
NOTES 3 C 3 D — 3 E 3 F 3 G . 
 
 3 C. Life, p. XXXV. 
 
 The Elements of the Cvmmon Lames of England, branched into a Double Tract: 
 the one containing a Collection of some principall Rules and Maximes of the 
 Common Law, with thmr Latitude and Extent, Ei'plicated for the more facile 
 hitroductipn of such as are studiously addicted to that noble profession. The other 
 the Use of the Ccymmon Lav), for tlie preseroation of our Persons, Goods, and 
 Good Names. According to the Lawes and Customes of this Land. By the late 
 Sir Francis Bacon, knight, Lo, Verulam, and Viscount S. Alban. Videre Vtilitas, 
 Ijondon, Printed by the Assignees of lohn More, Esquire. 1630. 
 
 Editions were also published in 1636 and 1639. 
 
 3 D. Life, p. XXXV. 
 
 Reoula I. Injure non remota causa, sed proxima spectatur. It were infinite 
 for the law to judge the causes of causes, and their impulsions one of another ; 
 therefore it contenteth itself with the immediate cause, and judgeth of acts by 
 that, without looking to any further degree. 
 
 As if an annuity be granted pro consilio impenso et impendendo, and the grantee 
 commit treason, whereby he is imprisoned, so that the grantor cannot have 
 access unto him for his counsel : yet, nevertheless, the annuity is not deter- 
 mined by this non-feasance ; yet it was the grantee's act and default to commit 
 the treason, whereby the imprisonment grew : but the law looketh not so far, 
 but excuseth him, because the not giving counsel was compulsory, and not 
 voluntary, in regard of the imprisonment. 
 
 He proceeds in the same manner to prove by other instances the rule which 
 he had established. 
 
 3 E. Life, p. XXXV. 
 
 The preface continues thus : Having collected three hundred of them, I 
 thought good, before I brought them all into form, to publish some few, that by 
 the taste of other men's opinions in this first, I might receive either approbation 
 in mine own course, or better advice for the altering of the other which remain ; 
 for it is great reason that that which is intended to the profit of others, should be 
 guided by the conceits of others. 
 
 3 F. Life, p. XXXV. 
 
 Atque quemadmodum vulgaris logica, quae regit res per syllogismum, non 
 tantiim ad naturales, sed ad omnes scientias pertinet ; ita et nostra quae pro- 
 cedit per inductionem, omnia complectitur. Tam enim historiam et tabulas 
 inueniendi conficimus de ir^, metu,. et verecundi^, et similibus ; ac etiam de 
 exemplis rerum civilium ; nee minus de motibus mentalibus memoiiae, compo- 
 sitionis et divisionis, judicii, et reliquorum : quam de calido et frigido, ant luce, 
 aut vegetatione, aut similibus. 
 
 3 G. Life, p. xxxvi. 
 
 I hold every man a debtor to his profession; from the which, as men of 
 coarse, do seek to receive countenance and profit, so ought they of duty to en- 
 deavour themselves, by way of amends, to be a help and ornament thereunto. 
 This is performed in some degree by the honest and liberal practice of a pro- 
 fession, when men shall carry a respect not to descend into any course that is 
 corrupt and unworthy thereof, and preserve themselves free from the abuses 
 wherewith the same profession is noted to be infected ; but much more is this 
 peformed if a man be able to visit and strengthen the roots and foundation of 
 the science itself; thereby not only gracing it in reputation and dignity, but 
 also amplifying it in perfection and substance. Having, therefore, from the 
 
>^6te's3g — 3 II — 3 I. , 
 
 beginning come to the study of the laws of this realm, with a desire no less, if 1 
 could attain unto it, that, the same laws should be the bettfer for my industry, 
 than that myself should be the better for the knowledge of them ; I do not find ! 
 thit, by mine own travel, without the help of authority, I can in any kind 
 confer so profitable an addition unto that science. •• 
 
 The same grateful feeling is expressed by Sir E. Coke, who says, " If this or 
 any other of my works, in any sort, by the goodness of Almighty God, who 
 hath enabled roe hereunto, tend to some discharge of that great obligation of 
 duly wlierein I am' bound to my profession, I shall reap some fruits from the 
 tree of life, and I shall receive sufficient compensation for all my labours." 
 
 Different I^itions and MSS. 
 
 Editions of it were published in 1636 and 1639 ; of this work there are the 
 following MSS. In Harleian MSS. vol. 2— 227„there is MSS. of Maxims of 
 the Law, written by Sir Francis Bacon, and by him inscribed to Queen Eliza- 
 beth, 8th January, 1596. There are some other observations relating to law at 
 the end of the book.— Use of the Law, Cat. 29lj Sloane's MSS. 
 
 There is also a MSS. in the University Library, Cambridge, entitled "Maxims 
 of Law." 
 
 It is thus 'noticed by Archbishop Tennison, when enumerating Lord Bacon's 
 law works in the Baconiana : — The fourteenth is, the Elements of the Common 
 Laws of England, in a double tract : the one of the rules and maxims of the 
 common law, with their latitude and extent. The other, of the use of common . 
 law, for the preservation of our persons, goods, and good names.- These he dedi- 
 cated to her majesty, whose the laws were, whilst the collection was his. 
 
 3 H'. Life, p. xxxvi. 
 
 Sir,— I have' thought the contemplation of the art military hardei: than the 
 exebution. But now I see where the number is great, compounded of sea and 
 land forces, the most tyrones, and almost all voluntaries, the officers equal 
 almost in age, quality, and standing in the wars, it is hard for any man to 
 approve himself a good commander. So great is my zeal to omit npthing, and 
 so short my sufficiency to perform all, as besides my charge, myself doth afflict 
 myself. For I cannot follow the precedents of our dissolute armies,- and my 
 helpfers are a little amazed with me, when they are come from governing a little" 
 
 troop to a great; and from to all the great spirits of our statet ■•And.. 
 
 sometimes I am as much troubled with them, as with all the troops. But 
 though these be warrants for my seldom writing, yet they shall be no excuses 
 for my fainting industry. I have written to my Lord Keeper and some other 
 friends to have care of you in my absence. ■ And so commending you to God's 
 happy and heavenly protection, I rest your true friend, Essex. 
 Plymouth, this 17th of May, 1596. 
 
 As specimens of the correspondence between them, see Bacon's letter to 
 Essex, vol. xii. p. 17, and Bacon's letter, ibid. p. 20. 
 
 3 I. Life, p. xxxvii. 
 
 The following apcount of the Essays, collected with much labour, will, it is 
 hoped, be acceptable to the reader. 
 
 First edition, 1597. 
 
 Essayes. Religious Meditations. Places of ■perswasion and disswasim. Seene 
 and allowed. At London Printed for Humfrey Hooper, and are to be sold at 
 the black Beare in Chancery Lane. 1597. i 
 
 The first edition of the Essays was published in the year 1597. 
 
 The Epistle Dedicatorie. " To M. Anthony Bacon his deare Brother. 
 
 " Loumg and beloued brother I do now like some that haue an orcharde il 
 neighbored, that gather their fruit before it is ripe, to preuent stealing. These 
 fragments of my conceits were going to print : to labour the stay of them had 
 bene troublesome, and subiect to interpretations to let them passe had bin to 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 ^diientur the wrong they mought receiue by vntrue coppies, or by some garnish'' 
 ment which it mought please any one that shold set them forth to bestow upon 
 them. Therefore 1 helde it best discretion to" publish them my selfe as they 
 ^passed long agoe from my pen without any further disgrace, then the weakenes 
 of the author. And as I did euer hold there mought be as gi'eat a vanitie in 
 retyring and withdrawing mens conceits (except they be of some nature) from 
 the world, as in obtruding them : so in these particulars I haue played my selfe 
 the inquisitor, and find nothing to my vnderstanding in them contrary, or infec- 
 tious to the state of religion, or manners, b^t rather (as I suppose) medicinable. 
 Onely I disliked now to put them out, because. they will be like the late newe 
 halfepence, which though the siluer were good, yet the pieces were ^mall. But 
 since they would not stay with their master) but wold needs trauel abroad, I 
 haue preferred them to you, that are next myself, dedicating them, such as they 
 are, to our loue, in the depth whereof (I assure you) I somtimes wish your 
 infirmities transslated upon my selfe, that her maiesty mought haue the seruice 
 of so active and able a mind, and I mought bee with excuse confined to these 
 contemplations and studies for wtiich I am fittest, so commende I you to the 
 preseruation of the diuine maiestie. From my chamber at Grayes Inne, this. 
 30 of lanuaiy, 1597. 
 
 Your entire louing brother, Fran. Bacon." 
 It consists of ten Essays. '^' 
 
 K OfStudie. 6. Of Expence. ' >?;• 
 
 .2. 'Of Discourse. 7. Of Begimenand Efeilth.'' 
 
 3. Of Ceremonies and Respects. 8. Of Honour and Reputation. 
 
 4. Of Followers and Friends. 9. Of Faction. 
 
 6,- OfiSatofSi ' 10. Of Negotiating. ■.' ■ 
 
 The vobiirtB is in 12mo. and consists of thirteen double pages, not very cor- 
 rectly printed. " Ex. gr. In the table of contents the first essay is " of Studie ;" 
 in the body of the work it is " of Studies." So again, in the table of contents, 
 the fifth essay is " Sutors ; " in the body of the work it is " of Sutes," &c. &c. 
 Lord Bacon's favorite style was, I am inclined to think, in aphorisms, as he 
 states in various parts of his works, and particularly in the advancement of 
 learning under the head of Tradition, where, amongst other styles, he considers 
 " style methodical or in aphorisms : " and, as may be seen in the Novum O;- 
 ganum, which is composed wholly in aphorisms. This first edition of the Es- 
 says, although apparently in continued discourse, is really severed and in apho- 
 risms. The following is an exact copy of part of the first essay, and they are 
 all separated in the same manner. ^ 
 
 % Beade not to contradict, nor to believe, but tp waigh and jponsidefn' ' 
 ^ Some bookes are to bee tasted, others to be' swallowed, "and somjei 
 few to be chewed and disgested : that is some bookes are to be read only 
 in partes ; others to be read but cursorily, and some few to be read 
 wholly and with diligence and attention. ^.'f 
 
 IT Histories make men wise, poets wittie, the mathematicks subtle, 
 ^ Vaturall philosophie deepe :^, moridl grave, logicke and rhetorick able to 
 < 'Contend. ' : • 
 
 There are two copies of this edition in the University library at Cambridge : 
 and there is Archbishop SancroftVcopy in Emanuel library : there is a copy in 
 the Bodleian, and I have a copy. •' 
 
 This small volume contains, as appears by the title-page, not only the essays, 
 but Religious Meditations and Places of Perswasion and Disswasion. The reli- 
 gious meditations are in Latin,' and 'are not printed, as the essays are, for 
 Hooper : and the paging is not continued from the essays, but begins page 1. 
 The following is a copy of the title-page : Meditationes Sacra. ■ Londini. Ex- 
 cudebat lohannes Windet, 1597. At the conclusion of the volume is, " Printed ■ 
 at iMndon by John Windet for Humfrey Hooper, 1597." So that, although the 
 name of Hooper does not appear in the title prefixed to the Meditationes Sacrsey 
 it is evident that Windet was the printer;foi' Hooper. *;•' 
 
 At the conclusion of the Meditationes Sacrs, a tract entitled " Of the Cm-' 
 lers of Good and Evil, a Fragment," is annexed. The paging is continued from 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 the Meditationes Sacrae. The following is a copy of the title-page : Of the 
 Coulers of Good and Euill, a Fragment. 1597. In the Advancement of 
 Learning, under the head of Rhetoric, there are one or two specimens of these 
 colours: and, under the same head in the treatise De Augmentis, they are 
 much enlarged. 
 
 Second Edition, 1598. 
 
 Essaies. Religioiis Meditations. Places of Perswasion and Disswasion. Scene 
 and allowed. London, printed for Humfrey Hooper, and are to hee solde at the 
 Blaeke Beare in Chauncery Lane, 1598. This is a ]2m6. of forty-nine pages. 
 It is nearly a transcript of the first edition, except that the Meditationes Sacraa 
 are translated into English, and the separation into aphorisms is discontinued ; 
 the paging continues through the whole work ; hut, at the end of the Medita- 
 tions, there is the following title-page: Of the Colours of Good and EdUI, a 
 Fragment, 1598. 
 
 In the Lansdown manuscripts in the British Museum there is a manuscript, 
 in antient writing, of this or the first edition of the Essays. It is in vol. ii. 
 p. 173. It cannot, I think, be the original MS. as there are not titles to the 
 different essaj'S, but they are written, and not by the same hand, in the margin. 
 
 There is also in the Harleian MSS. 6797, a MS. of two Essays, of Faction 
 and of Negotiating, with cross lines drawn through them. At the conclusion of 
 the volume there is, " Imprinted at London by John Windet for Humphrey 
 Hooper, 1598." As the printers and publishers are the same in this edition and 
 in the edition of 1597, it seems probable that this edition was sanctioned by 
 Lord Bacon. 
 
 Third Edition, 1606. 
 
 Essaies. Religious Meditations. Places of Perswasion and Disswasion. Scene 
 and allowed. Printed at London for lohn laggard, dwelling in Flcete Streete, 
 at the Hand and Starre, neere Temple Barre, 1606. This is in 12mo. and is not 
 paged. It is a transcript of the previous editions, but was I suspect pirated. 
 
 1st, It is not published by Lord Bacon's publisher ; and it will be seen, in 
 the progress of his Essays, that when an edition was published by Bacon, it 
 was regularly followed by an edition published by Jaggard. 
 
 2nd. The dedication in 1597 is to M. Anthony Bacon, and in this edition in 
 1606 it is to Maister Anthony Bacon. 
 
 3dly. The signature in 1597 is Fran. Bacon, in this of 1606 is Francis Bacon. 
 
 Fourth Edition, 1612. 
 The next edition was in 1612. It is entitled, Tlie Essaies of Sr Francis 
 Bacon, Knight, the King'sSolliciter Generall. Imprinted at London by lohn 
 Beale, 1612. It was the intention of Sir Francis to have dedicated this edition 
 to Henry Prince of Wales, but he was prevented by the death of the prince on 
 the 6th of November in that year. This appears by the following letter : 
 
 To the most high and excellent prince, Henry, Prince of Wales, Duke of Corn- 
 wall, and Earl of Chester. 
 It may please your Highness, — Having divided my life into the contemplative 
 and active part, I am desirous to give his majesty and your highness of the 
 fruits of both, simple though they be. To write just treatises, requireth leisure 
 in the writer, and leisure in the reader, and therefore are not so fit, neither in 
 regard of your highness's princely affairs, nor in regard of my continual service ; 
 which is the cause that hath made me choose to write certain brief notes, set 
 down rather significantly than curiously, which I have called Essays. The 
 word is late, but the thing is ancient ; for Seneca's epistles to Lucilius, if you 
 mark them well, are but essays, that is, dispersed meditations, though conveyed 
 in the form of epistles. These labours of mine, I know, cannot be worthy of 
 your highness, for what can be worthy of you I But my hope is, they may be 
 as grains of salt, that will rather give you an appetite than offend you with 
 satiety. And although they handle those things wherein both men's lives and 
 their persons are most conversant ; yet what I have attained I know not ; but I 
 have endeavoured to make them not vulgar, but of a nature, whereof a man 
 shall find much in experience, and littie in books ; so as they are neither repe- 
 
NOTE 3'I. 
 
 titions not fancies. But, however, I shall most humbly desire your higlmess to 
 accept them in gracious part, and to conceive, that if I cannot rest, but inust 
 shew my dutiful and devoted affection to your highness in these things which 
 proceed from myself, 1 shall be much more ready to do it in performance of any 
 of your princely commandments. And so wishing your highness all princely 
 felicity, I rest your Highness' most humble servaut, 
 
 1612. Fr. Bacon. 
 
 It was dedicated as follows : 
 
 To my loving Brother, Sir John Constable, Knight.* 
 
 My last Essaies I dedicated to my deare brother Master Anthony Bacon, 
 who is with God. Looking amongst my papers this vacation, I found others of 
 the same nature : which if I myselfe shall not suffer to be lost, it seemeth the 
 world will not ; by the often printing of the former. Missing my brother, I found 
 you next, in respect of bond both of neare alliance, and of straight friendship 
 and societie, and particularly of communication in studies. Wherein I must 
 acknowledge my selfe beholding to you. for as my businesse found rest in my 
 contemplations; so my contemplations ever found rest in your louing conference 
 and judgment. So wishing you all good, I remaine 
 
 Your louing brother and friend, Fba. Bacon. 
 
 The Table of Essays is, 
 
 1. OfBeligion. 
 
 2. Of Death. 
 
 3. Of Goodnes and goodnes of 
 
 nature. 
 
 4. Of Cunning. 
 
 5. Of Marriage and single life. 
 
 6. Of Parents and Children. 
 
 7. OfNobilitie. 
 
 8. Of Great place. 
 
 9. Of Empire. 
 
 10. OfCounsell. 
 
 11. Of Dispatch. 
 
 12. OfLoue. 
 
 13. Of Friendshippe. 
 
 14. Of Atheisme. 
 
 15. Of Superstition. 
 
 16. Of Wisdome for a Mans selfe. 
 
 17. Of Regiment of Health, 
 
 18. OfExpences. 
 
 19. Of Discourse, 
 
 20. Of Seeming wise. 
 
 21. Of Riches. 
 
 22. Of Ambition. 
 
 23. Of Young men and age. 
 
 24. OfBeautie. 
 
 25. Of Deformitie. 
 
 26. Of nature in Man. 
 
 27. Of Custome and Education. 
 
 28. Of Fortune. 
 
 29. OfSludies, 
 
 30. Of Ceremonies and Bespects, 
 
 31. OfSutors, 
 
 32. Of Followers. 
 
 33. Of Negociating, 
 
 34. Of Faction. 
 
 35. Of Praise. 
 
 36. Of Judicature. 
 
 37. Of vaine glory. 
 
 38. Of greatnes of Kingdomes. 
 
 39. Of the publike. 
 
 40. Of Warre and peace. 
 
 It is an octavo of 241 pages ; and the two last essays " Of the Publique," 
 and ' ' Of War and Peace," although mentioned in the table of contents, are not 
 contained in the body of the work.t 
 
 This edition contains all the •ilssays which are in the preceding editions, 
 except the Essay " Of Honor and Reputation :" and the title in the former 
 editions of the Essay " Of Followers.and Friends," is in this edition ■* Of Fol- 
 lowers," and there is a separate Essay " Of Friendship." The essays in italics 
 are in the former editions. 
 
 These essays are more extensive than the essays in the preceding editions, 
 according to the manner of the author, who says, " I always alter when I add ; 
 
 • Francis Bacon married Alice Burnham, and Sir John Constable married 
 her sister, Dorothy Burnham. In Lord Bacon's will, he says. Sir John Con- 
 stab'.e. Knight, my brother-in-law ; and he nominates him as one of his execu- 
 tors. 
 
 t There is a copy in the British Museum, and in the Bodleian ; and I have 
 a copy. 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 SO that nothing is finished till all is finished-"* As a specimen, the Essay 
 " Of Study," in the first edition ends with the words " able to contend." The 
 edition of 1612 is the same as the former edition, but it thus continues : 
 " Abeuut studia in mores ;" " nay, there is no stond or impediment in the w^t, 
 but may be wrought out by fit studies : like as diseases of the body may have 
 appropriate exercises ; bowling is good for the stone and reins, shooting for the 
 lungs and breast, gentle walking for the stomach, riding for the head, and the 
 like ; so if a man's wit be wandering, let him study the mathematics ; for in 
 demonstrations, if his wit be called away never so little, he must begin again ; 
 if his wit be not apt to distinguish or find differences, let him study the school- 
 men, for they are ' Cymini sectores ;' if he be not apt to beat over mattere, and 
 to call upon one thing. to prove and illustrate another, let him study the lawyer's 
 cases ; so every defect of the mind may have a special receipt." 
 
 ; i' Fifth Edition, Jaggard, 1612. 
 
 , { Iksij^ieSf Religious Meditations, Places offerswasion and disswasion. Scene and 
 dilowed, Printed at London for John Jaggard, dwelling in FUete-streete at the 
 Hand and Starre Tieere Temple harre, 1612. ^ 
 
 rThK edition may be divided into two parts : 
 
 The first part consisting. 
 
 1. Of the Essays which were contained in the-'-' 
 edition of 1606. 
 
 2. Keligious Meditations, 
 
 3. Places of Perswasion and Disswasion. 
 
 , The second part consisting 5°^ T*' ^TT 'I '^^ f'^'T "^ ^^^^ ^' "^ 
 ' ' ° I not inserted m the first part. 
 
 It seems that Jaggard supposed, that because the titles of certain essays in 
 the different editions were the same, the essays were not altered ; but it was 
 Lord Bacon's custom, as stated in his letter to Mr. Matthews, with his book 
 " De Sapientia Veterum," " always to alter when 1 add, so that nothing is 
 finished till all is finished." This was the custom of Lord Bacon, a custom 
 most probably ever attendant upon the fertility of genius. Mr. Jaggard, there- 
 fore, seems to have imagined that, in substance, his edition was as complete as 
 the edition published in the same year by Lord Bacon. By comparing either of 
 the essays in the edition of 1606 (" Of Studies," for instance), the erroijwill 
 appear. This edition, therefore, although it consists of 39 Essays (viz. 10, and 
 29^, does not contain the perfect essays upon the same subjects which £»?e in 
 the edition published by Lord Bacon in 1612. , ,.. ., ' ■• 
 
 The following table will exhibit the Essays contained in this.edition. 
 
 The first part consi$t^ of the Essays in the e(Ktion of 1606. 
 
 The second part consists of 29 of the essays upon new subjects which are 
 contained in the edition published by Lord Bacon in 1612 ; so that this consists 
 of 39 Essays, but the edition published by Lord Bacon in 1612, although nomi- 
 nally, containing 40 Essays, really consisted only of 38, the two last in the title 
 page not being inserted in the body of the work. 
 
 • j" To Mr. Matthews; along with the Book De Sapientia Veterum. — I 
 heartily thank you for your letter of the 24th of August, from Salamanca ; and, 
 in recompence, send you a little work of mine, that has begun to pass the world. 
 They tell me my Latin is turned into silver, and become current. Had you 
 been here, you should have been my inquisitor before it came forth : but I think 
 the greatest inquisitor in Spain will allow it. One thing you must pardon me, 
 if I maHe no haste to believe, that the world should be grown to such an 
 ecstasy, as to reject truth in philosophy, because the author dissents in religion^ 
 no more than they do by Aristotle or Averroes. My great work goes forward ; 
 and after my manner, I always alter when I add : so that nothing is finished 
 Sll all is finished. This I have wrote in the midst of a term and parliament ; 
 thinking no time so possessed, but that I should talk of these matters with so 
 jood and dear a friend. — Gray's Inn, Feb. 27, 1610." 
 
Titles of \606, and 1st 
 part of Jaggard's editiaa 
 
 of 1612. 
 i. Of §t)idie. 
 2; Of Disteoui-se. 
 3. Of Ceremonies and 
 
 ■' .Respects. 
 4." Of Followers and 
 Friends. 
 
 5. Of Sutors. 
 
 6. OfExpence. 
 
 7. Of Regiment of 
 
 Health. 
 
 8. Of Honor and Repu- 
 
 tation. 
 
 9. Of Faction. 
 10. Of Negotiating. 
 
 ■NOTE 3 I. 
 
 Titles of 1612. 
 Beale. 
 
 1. OfReli^on. 
 
 2. Of Death. 
 
 3. Of Goodnesse and 
 
 G oodnesse of Nature. 
 
 4. Of Cunning. 
 
 5. Of Marriage and Sin- 
 
 gle Life. 
 
 6. Of Parents and Chil- 
 
 dren. 
 
 7. OfNobilitie. 
 
 8. Of great Place. 
 
 Titles of 1612, 
 
 in 2nd partaf Jaggard's 
 
 edition, 
 
 1. Of Religion. 
 
 2. Of Death. 
 
 3. Of Goodnesse and 
 
 Goodnesse of Nature. 
 
 4. Of Cunning. 
 
 5. Of Marriage and Sin-', 
 
 gle Life. 
 
 6. Of Parents and Chil- 
 
 dren. 
 
 7. OfNobilitie. ' 
 
 8. Of grgat Place. . " 
 
 9. Of Empire. 9. 
 
 10. Of Counsel. 10. 
 
 11. Of Dispatch. 11. 
 
 12. Of Love. 12. 
 
 13. Of Friendship. 13. 
 
 14. Of Atheisme. ■ 14. 
 
 15. Of Superstition. 15. 
 
 16. Of Wisdom for a 16. 
 
 Man's self.' 
 
 17. Of Begiment of 
 
 Healthi ■ ' 
 
 18. Of Expellees. 
 
 19. W DiscouTse. 
 
 20. Of seeming wise. 17. 
 
 21. Of Riches. 18. 
 
 22. Of Ambition. 19. 
 
 23. Of Young Men iiad 20. 
 
 Age. •" . 
 
 24. OfBeautie. 21. 
 
 25. Of Deformitie. 22. 
 
 26. Of Nature in Men. 23. 
 
 27. Of Customeand 24. 
 
 Education. 
 
 28. OfFortune. ' 25. 
 
 29. OfStiidies. 
 
 30. of Ceremonies and 
 Respeots. 
 
 31. Of Sutors. 
 
 32. Of Followers. 
 
 33. Of Negotiating. 
 
 34. Of Faction. 
 
 35. Of Praise. 26. 
 
 36. Of Judicature. 27. 
 
 37. Of Vaine Glory. 28. 
 38; Of Greatnesse of 29. 
 
 Kingdoms. 
 
 39. OfthePublick. 
 
 40. Of Warre and Peace. 
 
 Sixth Edition, 1613. 
 
 Of Empire. 
 Of Counsel. " " 
 Of Dispatch. 
 Of Love. 
 Of Friendship. 
 Of Atheisme. 
 Of Superstition. 
 Wisdom for a Man's 
 self. 
 
 Of seeming wise. 
 Of Riches. 
 Of Ambition. 
 Of Young Men and 
 
 Afee. -.^..t 
 Of Beautie. ^ . >, 
 Of Deformitie. ,t 
 Of Nature in Men." * 
 Of Custom and Edu- 
 cation. 
 Of Fortune. 
 
 Of Praise. 
 Of Judicature. 
 Of Vaine Gloiy. 
 Of the Greatness of 
 Kingdomes. 
 
 The next edition was in 1613. It is entitled. The JCssaies of Sir Francis Bacon, 
 Knight, the Kings Atumey Generall, his Religious Meditations. Places of Per- 
 swasion a-nd Disswasion. Scene and allowed.. Printed at London for John laggard} 
 4weUi''>i «i.the Hand and Starre, betweene tlie two Temple Gates, l6l3, It.iS'a 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 transcript of the edition of 1612, with the erioneous entries in the table of con- 
 tents of the two essays, " Of the Publique" and " Of Wane and Peace," 
 which are omitted in the body of the work ; but it contains a transcript from the 
 editions of 1597 and 1606, of the essay " Of Honor and Reputation," which 
 is omitted in the edition of 1612. This edition, probably, originated in Jag- 
 gard's having discovered his error with respect to the edition of 1612, and his 
 hope to make it more complete by the addition of the essay of " Honor and 
 Reputation," without inquiring whether it was in substance incorporated in 
 either of the new essays in Lord Bacon's edition of 1612. Does, not this seem 
 further evidence that these editions were pirated 1 
 
 Seventh Edition, 1614, 
 
 The Essaies of Sir Francis Bacon, Knight, the Kings Atturney Generall. His 
 Religious Meditations, Places of Perswasion and Disswasion* Scene and allowed, 
 Edinbvrgh, Printed by Andro Hart, 1614. 
 
 This IS, as it seems, a transcript of Jaggard's edition of 1613, consisting of 
 41 essays in the table of contents, and omitting 39 and 40, in the body of the 
 work, and containing the Essay 41, " Of Honor and Reputation." The Essay 
 " Of Superstition" in this edition of 1614 is entitled 12, but it ought to be 15. 
 There is the same error in the edition of 1613 : so too the Essay " Of Followers 
 and Friends" is, in both, entitled 33, but it ought to be 32. 
 
 Eighth Edition, 1624. 
 
 The Essaies of Sir Francis Bacon, Knight, the Kings Atturney Generall. His 
 Religious Meditations, Places of Perswasion and Disswasion, Scene and allowed. 
 Printed at London, by J, D, for Elizabeth laggard, at the Hand and Starre, 
 mere the Middle Temple gate, 1624. 
 
 This edition is copied from the edition of 1613. The error with respect to 
 the title of the Essay of " Followers and Friends" is corrected in this edition ; 
 as in this edition it is, as it ought to have been in the edition of 1613-32. As 
 this is published by Jaggard, it is probably by the widow of John Jaggard, as it 
 is printed by I. D. for Elizabeth Jaggard, 
 
 Ninth Edition, 1625. 
 
 The Essayes or Counsels, Civiil and Morall, of Francis Lo, Vervlam, Viscovnt 
 St, Alban, Newly enlarged, London, Printed by lohn Haviland for Hanna 
 Barret and- Richard Whitaher, and are to be sold at the signe of the King's 
 head in PauVs Churchyard. 1625. 
 
 This edition is a small quarto of 340 pages ; it clearly was published by Lord 
 Bacon. It was published in 1625, and in the next year, 1626, Lord Bacon 
 died. It is dedicated in the following dedication, to the Duke of Buckingham : 
 
 To the Right Honorable my very good Lo. the Duke of Buckingham his Grace, 
 Lo, High Admirall of England. 
 
 Excellent Lo. — Salomon saies, A good name is as a precious oyntment ; and 
 I assure myselfe, such wil your grace's name bee, with posteritie. For your 
 fortune and merit both, haue beene eminent. And you haue planted things 
 that are like to last. I doe now publish my Essayes ; which, of all other 
 workes, have beene most currant : for that, as it seemes, they come home to 
 mens businesse and bosomes. I haue enlarged them, both in number and 
 weight ; so that they are indeed a new work. I thought it therefore agreeable 
 to my affection, and obligation to your grace, to prefix your name before them, 
 both in English and in Latine. For I doe conceiue, that the Latine volume 
 of them (being in the vniuersal language) may last as long as bookes last. 
 My Instauration I dedicated to the king: my Historic of Henry the Seventh, 
 (which I haue now also translated into Latine) and my portions of Nalurall 
 History, to the prince : and these I dedicate to your grace : being of the best 
 fruits, that by the good encrease which God gives to my pen and labours, I 
 could jeeld. God leade your grace by the'hand. Your Graces most obliged 
 and faithfuU seruant, Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 Of this edition Lord Bacon sent a copy to the Marquis Fiat. Baconiana, 201 . 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 A Iistter of the Lord Bacon's, in French, to the Marquis Fiat, relating to 
 his Essays. 
 
 Monsieur I'Ambassadeur mon File, — Voyant que vostre excellence faict et 
 traite mariages, non seulement entre les princes d' Angleterre ■ et de France, 
 mais aussi entre les langues (puis que faictes traduire non liure de I'Advance- 
 ment des Sciences en Francois) i' ai bien voulu vous envoyer mon liure der- 
 nierement imprim^ que i' avois pourveu pour vous, mais i' estois en doubte, de 
 le vous envoyer, pour ce qu'il estoit escrit en Anglois. Mais a' cest' heure 
 pour la raison susdicte ie le vous envoye. C est un recompilement de mes 
 Essays Morales et Civiles ; mais tellement enlargies et enrichies, tant de 
 nombre que de poix, que c' est de fait un oeuvre nouveau. Ie vous baise les 
 mains, et reste, vostre tres affection^e ami, ex tres humble serviteur. 
 
 The same in English, by the Publisher. 
 
 My Lord Ambassador, my Son, — Seeing that your excellency makes and 
 treats of marriages, not only betwixt the princes of France and England, hut 
 also betwixt their languages (for you have caused my book of the Advancement 
 of Learning to be translated into French), I was much inclined to ma,ke you a 
 present of the last book which I published, and which I had in readiness for 
 you. I was sometimes in doubt whether I ought to have sent it to you, because 
 it was written in the English tongue. But now, for that very reason, I send it 
 to you. It is a recompilement of my Essays, Moral and Civil ; but in such 
 manner enlarged and enriched both in number and weight, that it is in effect a 
 new work. I kiss your hands, and remain your most affectionate friend and 
 most humble servant, &c. 
 
 The titles of the Essays in this edition are as follows : 
 
 1. Truth. 30. 
 
 2. Death. 31. 
 
 3. Unity in Religion. 32. 
 
 4. Revenge. 33. 
 
 5. Adversity. 34. 
 
 6. Simulation and Dissimulation. 35. 
 
 7. Parents and Children. 36. 
 
 8. Marriage and Single Life. 37. 
 
 9. Envy.. 38. 
 
 10. Love. 39. 
 
 11. Great Place. 40. 
 
 12. Boldness. 41. 
 
 13. Goodness, and Goodness of 42. 
 
 Nature. 43. 
 
 14. Nobility. 44. 
 
 15. Seditions and Troubles. 45. 
 
 16. Atheism. 46. 
 
 17. Superstition. 47. 
 
 18. Travel. 48. 
 
 19. Empire. 49. 
 
 20. Counsel. 50. 
 
 21. Delays. 51. 
 
 22. Cunning. 52. 
 
 23. Wisdom for a Man's self. 53. 
 
 24. Innovations. 54. 
 
 25. Dispatch. 65. 
 
 26. Seeming wise. 56. 
 
 27. Friendship. 57. 
 
 28. Expense. 58, 
 
 29. The true Greatness of King- 
 
 doms and Estates. 
 
 Regiment of Health. 
 Suspicion. 
 Discourse. 
 Plantations. 
 RicheSk 
 Prophecies. 
 Ambition. 
 
 Masks and Triumphs. 
 Nature in Men. 
 Custom and Education, 
 Fortune. 
 Usury. 
 
 Youth and Age. 
 Beauty. 
 Deformity. 
 Building. 
 Gardens. 
 Negociating. 
 Followers and Friends. 
 Suitors. 
 Studies. 
 Faction- 
 Ceremonies and Respects.. 
 Praise. 
 Vain Glory. 
 
 Honour and Reputation. 
 Judicature. 
 Anger. 
 Vicissitudes of Things. 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 . * 
 
 The following tables will shew the variations in the titles of the Essays in 
 
 the different editions : 
 
 1625. 
 1597. 1612. Figures to the right are Order 
 
 Essays of \591 in or^r m 1612. Essays ^-^ of 
 ''-'•- oft 597 in Italics. ifel2. 
 
 Italics. 
 
 1. 
 
 Of Study. 
 
 1. Of Religion. 
 
 1. Of Truth. 
 
 1 
 
 2. 
 
 QfRiscQjirse. 
 
 2. Of Death. 
 
 2. Of Death. 
 
 ^ 
 
 3. 
 
 Of Ceyeifaoniea and 3. Of Goodnesse and 3. Of Vnitie in Reli- 
 
 
 
 ^ Respects. 
 
 Goodnesse of Na 
 ture. 
 4. Of Cunning. 
 
 gion. 
 
 
 4. 
 
 Of Followers and 
 
 Friends. 
 Of Sutors. 
 
 4. Of Revenge. 
 
 
 5. 
 
 5. Of Marriage and 
 
 5. Of Adversitie. 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 Single Life. 
 
 
 
 6. 
 
 Of.Ejsppnce. 
 
 6. Of Parente and 
 Children. 
 
 6. Of Simulation and 
 Dissimulation. 
 
 
 r. 
 
 tJff Regiment of 
 
 7. OfNobilitie. 
 
 7, Of Parents and 
 
 
 
 Health. 
 
 
 Children. 
 
 6 
 
 8. 
 
 Of Honor and Re- 
 
 - 8. Of Great Place. 
 
 8. Of Marriage and 
 
 
 
 putation. 
 
 
 Single Life. 
 
 ^ 5," 
 
 9. 
 
 Of Faction. 
 
 9. Of Empire. 
 
 9. Offinvie. 
 
 
 0. 
 
 Of Negotiating. 
 
 10. OfCounsell. 
 
 10. Of Love. 
 
 12 
 
 ... 
 
 
 11. Of Dispatch. 
 
 11. Of Great Place. 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 12. Of Love. 
 
 12. OfBoldnesse. 
 
 
 
 
 13, Of Friendshippe. 
 
 13. Of Goodnesse and 
 Goodnesse of Na- 
 ture. 
 
 ; 3 
 
 
 
 14. Of Atheisme. 
 
 14. OfNobilitie. ■ 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 15. Of Superstition. 
 
 15. Of Sedition and 
 Troubles-, v..' 
 
 
 
 
 16. Of Wisdome for a 
 
 16. Of Atheiscie. ■ 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 Man's self. 
 
 ,'«" ';,i' 
 
 
 
 
 17. Of Regimlmt of 
 Health. 
 
 17. Of Superstition. 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 18. Of Ex-pence. 
 
 18. OfTravaile. 
 
 
 
 
 19. Of Discourse. 
 
 19. Of Empire. 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 20. Of seeming wise. 
 
 20. OfCounsell. 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 21. Of Riches. 
 
 21. Of Delays. 
 
 
 
 
 22. Of Ambition. 
 
 22. OfCunniuff. 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 23. Of Young Men and 23. Of Wisdonie for a 
 
 
 
 
 Age. 
 
 Man's self. 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 24. OfBeautie. 
 
 24. Of Innovation. 
 
 
 
 
 25. Of Deformitie. 
 
 25. Of Dispatch. 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 26. Of Nature in Men 
 
 .26. Of seeming wise. 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 , 27. Of Custom and 
 
 27. Of Friendship. 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 Education. 
 
 
 
 
 
 28. Of Fortune. 
 
 28. Of Expence. 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 29. Of Studies. 
 
 29. Of the true Great- 
 nesseofKingdomes 
 and Estates. 
 
 
 
 
 30. Of Ceremonies and 
 
 30. Of Regiment of 
 
 
 
 
 Respects, 
 
 Health.. 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 31. OfSutdrs. 
 
 31. Of Suspicions. 
 
 
 
 
 32. Of.Followers. 
 
 32. Of Discourse, 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 33. Of Negotiating, 
 
 33. Of Plantations. ' 
 
 
 
 
 34. Of Faction. 
 
 34. Of Riches. 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 35. Of Praise. 
 
 35. Of Prophecies. > 
 
 
>;OTE 3 I. 
 
 1612 
 
 (^continued). 
 
 36. Of Judicature. 
 
 37. Of Vaine Glory. 
 
 38. Of Greatnesse of 
 
 Kingdomes. 
 
 39. OfthePublich* 
 
 40. OfWarreand 
 
 Peace,* 
 
 52 
 
 S3 
 
 S4< 
 
 Order 
 1697. 1612 1625 </ 
 
 (continued^. 1612. 
 
 36. Of Ambition. 22 
 
 37. Of Masks and Tri- 
 umphs. 
 
 38. Of Nature in Men. 26 
 
 39. Of Custom and 
 Education. 27 
 
 40. Of Fortune. 28 
 
 41. Of Usury. 
 
 42. Of Youth and Age. 23 
 
 43. OfBeautie. 24 
 
 44. Of Deformitie. 25 
 
 45. Of Building. 
 
 46. Of Gardens. 
 
 47. Of Negotiating. 33 
 
 48. Of Followers and 
 Friends. 32 
 
 49. OfSutors. 31 
 
 50. Of Studies. 29 
 
 51. Of Faction. 34 
 Of Ceremonies and 
 
 Respects. 30 
 
 Of Praise. 35 
 
 Of Vaine Gloiy. 37 
 
 55. Of Honor and Re- 
 
 putation. 
 
 56. Of Judicature. 36 
 
 57. Of Anger. 
 
 58. Of Vicissitude of 
 
 Things. 
 
 Modem Editions. 
 
 In 1629, three years after the death of Lord Bacon, an edition was published 
 by Haviland, by whom the edition of 1625 was published. It is the same as 
 the edition of 1625, except that the table of contents in 1629 is arranged alpha- 
 betically ; and the Colours of Good and Evil are annexed. Another edition 
 was published in 1632 by Haviland, and another in 1639 by Beaie. Since 
 that time the press has abounded with editions. 
 
 Posthumous Essays. 
 There are three posthumous essays : 
 
 1. A Fragment of an Essay of Fame. 
 
 2. Of a King. 
 
 3. On Death. 
 
 Fragment of an Essdy on Fame. The authenticity of this tract is indispu- 
 table. In the year 1657 Dr. Rawley published, in the first edition of the 
 Kesuscitatio, " A Fragment of an Essay of Fame," it is noticed in the Baco- 
 niana by Archbishop Tennison, in the account of Lord Bacon's works. He 
 says. To this book of Essays may be annexed that fragment of an Essay of 
 Fame, which is extant already in the Kesuscitatio, p. 281. 
 
 Essoi/ of a King. Of the authenticity of this essay, the reader will form his 
 own judgment from the following facts : 
 
 1. In the various editions of the Essays published during the life of Lord 
 Bacon, there is not any allusion direct or mdirect to this essay. 
 
 2. There is not any allusion direct or indirect to this essay by any pereon 
 vol.. XV. 6 
 
NOTE 3 r. 
 
 who had access to the papers of Lord Bacon. Dr. Rawley does not mention 
 it, and he expressly says, in his address to the reader in the Resuscitatio, 
 in 1657 : " Having been employed as an amanuensis, or daily instrument, 
 to this honourable author, and acquainted with his lordship's conceits, in 
 the composing of his works, for many years together, especially in his writing 
 time, I conceived that no man could pretend a better interest or claim to 
 the ordeiing of them after his death than myself. For which cause, I have 
 compiled in one whatsoever bears the true stamp of his lordship's excellent 
 genius, and hath hitherto slept and been suppressed in this present volume, 
 not leaving any thing to a future hand, which I found to be of moment, and 
 communicable to the public ; save only some few Lafiii works, which, by God's 
 favour and sufferance, shall soon after follow." 
 
 Dr. Rawley's son was chaplain to Archbishop Tennison, who, in his Baco- 
 niana, published in 1679, says, " It is my purpose to give a true and plain 
 account of the designs ^nd laboure of a very great philosopher amongst us ; and 
 to offer to the world, in some tolerable method, those remains of his which to 
 that end were put into my hands. Something of this hath been done already 
 by his lordship himself, and something further hath been added by the Reverend 
 Dr. Rawley ; but their remarks lay scattered in divers places, and here they 
 are put under one view, and have received very ample enlargements." But the 
 Essay of a King is not mentioned by the Archbishop, although, when com- 
 menting upon the essays, be notices the " Fragment of an Essay on Fame." 
 
 3. In the century after the death of Lord Bacon, which was in April 1626, 
 various spurious works were ascribed to Lord Bacon. Dr. Rawley, in his 
 address to the reader in the Resuscitatio, in 1657, says, " It is true that, for some 
 of the pieces herein contained, his lordship did not aim at the publication of 
 them, but at the preservation only, and prohibiting them from perishing; so as 
 to have been reposed in some private shrine or library ; but now for that, 
 through the loose keeping of his lordship's papers, divers surreptitious copies 
 have been taken, which have since employed the press with sundry corrupt and 
 mangled editions ; whereby nothing hath been more difficult than to find the 
 Lord Saint Alban in the Lord Saint Alban, and which have presented (some of 
 them) rather a fardle of nonsense than any true expressions of his lordship's 
 happy vein ; I thought myself, in a sort, tied to vindicate these injuries and 
 wrongs done to the monuments of his lordship's pen, and at once, by setting 
 forth the true and genuine writings themselves, to prevent the like invasions for 
 the time to come. And the rather, in regard of the distance of the time since 
 his lordship's days, whereby I shall not tiead too near upon the heels of truth, 
 or of the passages and persons then concerned, I was induced hereunto, which, 
 considering the lubricity of life, and for that I account myself to be not now in 
 vergentihvs, but in prtecipitantihvs anvh, I was desirous to hasten. Again, he 
 says in the same address : Lastly, if it be objected that some few of the pieces 
 whereof this whole consisteth had visited the public light before, it is true that 
 they had been obtruded to the world by unknown hands, but with such scars 
 and blemislies upon their faces, that they could pass but for a spurious and 
 adulterine brood, and not for his lordship's legitimate issue ; and the publishers 
 and printers of them, deserve to have an action of defamation brought against 
 them by the state of learning, for disgracing and personating his lordship's 
 works." 
 
 4. In the year 1642, the political disturbances in England raged in great 
 fury. " The Commons" (Says Hume, speaking of the early part of 1642) 
 were sensible that monarchical government, which during so many ages had 
 been established in England, would soon regain some degree of its former 
 dignity, after the present tempest was over blown ; nor would all their new 
 invented limitations be able totally to suppress an authority to which the nation 
 had ever been accustomed. The sword alone, to which all human ordinances 
 must submit, could guard their acquired power, and fully ensure to them per- 
 sonal safety against the rising indignation of their sovereign : this point, there- 
 fcre became the chief object of their aims. Hume, vol. vi. p. 420. 
 
 6. In 1642, a tract was published, of which there is a copy in the 
 
NOTF. 3 I. 
 
 British Museum, and of wliicli the following is the title : An Essuy of a King, 
 with an explanation what manner of persons tlwse should be that are to execute the 
 power or ordinance of the King's Prerogative. Written by the Right Honorable 
 Francis, Lord Veruiam Viscount Saint Alban. Decemh. 2. London, Printed 
 
 for Richard Best, 1642. 
 
 Immediately following this essay is the tract entitled, An Explanation what 
 manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the 
 King's Prerogative, written by the said Francis Bacon, late Lord Chancellor, 
 and Lord of St. Albans. This explanation thus concludes : " And to conclude, 
 custom cannot confirm that which is any ways unreasonable of itself. Wisdom 
 will not allow that which is many ways dangerous, and no ways profit- 
 able. Justice will not approve that government where it cannot be but wrong 
 must be commited. Neither can there be any rale by which to try it, nor 
 
 . means of reformation of it. Therefore, whosoever desireth government must 
 seek such as he is capable of, not such as seemeth to him most easy to execute ; 
 for it is apparent that it is easie to him that knoweth not law nor justice to rule 
 as he listeth, his will never wanting a power to itself; but it is safe and blame- 
 lesse both for the judge and people, and honour to the king, that judges be ap- 
 pointed who know the law, and thai they be limited to governe according to 
 the law." Who can suppose that tnis was the work of Lord Bacon, or doubt 
 the purpose for which, in those tumultuous times, it was composed and ascribed 
 to him 1 
 
 6. In 1648, this tract was incorporated in a small 4to volume, of which the 
 title page is as follows : The Remaines of the Right Honorable Francis Lord 
 Verulan, Viscount of St. Albanes, sometimes Lord Chancellour of England. Being 
 Essayes and severall Letters to severall great Personages, and other pieces ^' 
 various and high concernment not h&retofore published, A Table whereof' for 
 the Readers more ease is adjoyned, London : Printed by B. Alsop, for Lameuce 
 Chapman, and are to be sold at his Shop neer the Savoy in the Sirand. 1648. 
 
 The Table of Contents consists of forty-nine subjects, of which the four first 
 are: 
 
 1. An Essay of a King. 
 
 2. An explanation of what manner of persons they should be, that are 
 
 to execute the power or ordinance of the King's Prerogative. 
 
 3. Short notes of Civil Conversation. 
 
 4. An Essay on Death, 
 
 The first article, " An Essay of a King," with its Appendix, " An Explana- 
 tion, &c." is a copy of this tract published in 1642 : who the author was does 
 not appear, nor is there any preface or address, or explanation of the sources 
 from whence the different subjects were selected, or the authority upon which 
 they were ascribed to Lord Bacon. That some of them (for instance, the 
 opinion respecting the Charter House) were his lordship's is clear : and, but 
 for these authentic documents, it is probable that the other publications would 
 have fallen stillborn from the press ; but they may have been supported, as 
 Machiavel intimates that error is often supported by its alliance to tiuth, when 
 he says, in a passage cited by Lord Bacon, " the kingdom of the clergy had 
 been long before at an end, if the reputation and reverence towards the poverty 
 of friars had not borne out the scandal of the superfluities and excesses of 
 bishops and prelates." Let it not, therefore, be hastily inferred that the essay 
 is genuine, because it appears in some good company : in some, not all, for 
 the Essay of Death, which has not found any advocate, is in the same volume. 
 
 7. In 1656, a tract was published, of which the following is the title page : 
 The Mirrour of State and Eloqvettce. Represented in the Incomparable Letters 
 <f the Famous Sir Francis Bacon, Lord Veruiam, St. Albans, to Queene Eliza- 
 beth, King James, and other Personages of the highest trust, and honour in the 
 three Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Concerning the better and 
 mere sure Establishment of those Nations in the affaires of Peace and Warre. 
 With an ample and admirable accompt of his Faith, written by the express Com- 
 mand (f King lames : Together with the Character of a true Christian, and 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 some other culjuncts of rare Devotion, London, Printed for Lawrence Chapman, 
 and are to he sold at his Shop next doore to the Fountain Taveme in the Strand, 
 1646. This is, I conceive, merely a new title page prefixed to the unsold 
 copies of the edition of 1648 : as the publisher is the same ; the contents are 
 the same ; every page is the same ; and the table of errata, at the conclusion of 
 the volume, is the same. 
 
 8. In the year 1657, the first edition of the Resuscitalio was published by 
 Rawley ; and in 1679, the Baconiana, by Archbishop Tennison ; but the 
 Essay of a King is not noticed in either of these publications. 
 
 9. For near a century, that is, from 1656 to 1740, this essay seems to have 
 ■ been forgotten ; but in 1740 it was revived by Blackburn, in his edition of the 
 
 works of Lord Bacon, who, in that edition, not only published it as an essay of 
 Lord Bacon's, but incorporated it amongst the other essays ; — why he so incor- 
 porated it, instead of annexing it as a posthumous and uncertain publication, 
 he does not explain : although, as an admirer of Lord Bacon, he ought not to 
 liave forgotten the admonition that doubtful things ought neither to be rejected 
 nor received as certainties, but to be entered in the calendar of doubts. " The 
 registering of doubts hath," says Lord Bacon, " two excellent uses : the one, 
 that it saveth philosophy from errors and falsehoods ; when that which is not 
 fully appearing is not collected into assertion, whereby error might draw error, 
 but is reserved in doubt." The reason which he assigns for having ascribed this 
 essay to Lord Bacon is as follows : — " I have inserted from the Remains an 
 Essay of a King ; and my reason is, it is so collated and corrected by Arch- 
 bishop Sancroft's well known hand, that it appears to be a new work ; and 
 though it consists of short propositions mostly, yet I will be so presumptuous as 
 to say, that I think it now breathes the true spirit of our author : there seems to 
 be an obvious reason why it was omitted before." 
 
 With respect to the opinion of Sancroft, there appears not to be any evidence 
 that he thought the essay authentic ; and, even if he had so thought, it cannot 
 be necessary to add that it does not prove the fact. Why the examination of 
 this essay by Sancroft, without knowing the nature of his observations, by 
 which he was induced totally to alter the essay, should be evidence that the 
 Archbishop thought it authentic, it seems difficult to discover. Is the present 
 examination of the essay any evidence of my opinion of its authenticity ? With 
 respect to the style of Lord Bacon being perceptible in this essay, Blackburn 
 has not explained in what the resemblance consists. I have not been able to 
 discover it : the only passage which may be supposed to have some resemblance, 
 some shade of a shadow of resemblance, is the following : — " A wise king must 
 do less in altering his laws than he may ; for new government is ever dan- 
 gerous. It being true in the body politic, as in the corporal, that " omnis 
 subita immutatio est periculosa ;" and though it be for the better, yet it is not 
 without a fearful apprehension ; for he that changeth the fundamental laws of a 
 kingdom, thinketh there is no good title to a crown, but by conquest." Let 
 this be contrasted with his Essay on Innovation ; and, if any resemblance can 
 be discovered, does it mark the hand of the master or of an imitator : " As the 
 births of living creatures at first are ill-shapen, so are all innovations, which are 
 the births of time ; yet notwithstanding, as those that first bring honour into 
 their family are commonly more worthy than most that succeed, so the first 
 precedent (if it be good) is seldom attained by imitation ; for ill to man's 
 nature, as it stands perverted, hath a natural motion strongest in continuance ; 
 but good, as a forced motion, strongest at first. Surely every medicine is an 
 innovation, and he that will not apply new remedies must expect new evils." — 
 To me it seems that there is not any resemblance ; but, if I am in error, it is 
 not from a casual resemblance of an isolated passage, but from the whole spirit 
 and style of a work, that we can be warranted in ascribing it to an author. 
 — " Mothing is more easy," said a friend, "than occasionally to imitate the 
 style of any eminent author." — " Attempt then," said a great admirer of Bishop 
 Taylor, " to imitate his style." At their next interview, the following imitation 
 was produced : " I have sal upon the sea shore, and waited for its gradual 
 approaches, and have seen its dancing waves and its while surf, and admired 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 that he who measured it in bis hand had given to it such life and motion ; and 
 I have lingered till its gentle waters grew into mighty billows, and had well 
 nigh swept me from my firmest footing. So have I seen an heedless youth 
 gazing with a too curious spirit upon the sweet motions and gentle approaches 
 of an inviting pleasure, till it has detained his eye, and imprisoned his feet, and 
 swelled upon his soul, and swept him to a swift destruction." 
 
 10. In the British Museum (Lands. 236.) there is a volume of MSS. con- 
 taining this essay, thus entitled in the catalogue : " Speeches and other compo- 
 sitions of Sir Francis Bacon, many whereof are stated by Mr. Umfreville, 
 whose property they were, not to be collected into any edition of his works." 
 The inscnption to which the catalogue refers is, " Collectanea Bacon, many 
 whereof are not yet collected into any edition of his works." — Who Mr. Umfre- 
 ville was, or when this MS. was written, I know not. 
 
 11. The admission of this essay amongst the essays in the different editions 
 of Lord Bacon's works and essays, seems to have been occasioned by the inser- 
 tion of this essay by Blackburn, in his edition of 1740. 
 
 Essay on Death, This appeared, I believe, for the first time in the volume 
 published in 1648, entitled Remains. It is inserted in Blackburn's edition, 
 published in 1740, but, instead of being incorporated, like the " Essay of a 
 King," amongst the other essays, it is annexed, at the end of the fourth volume, 
 after the following notice : — The following fragments were never acknowledged 
 by Dr. Rawley among the genuine writings of the Lord Bacon ; nor dare I say 
 tliat they come up to the spirit or penetration of our noble author : however, as 
 they are vouched to be authentic in an. edition of the Remains of the Lord 
 Verulam, printed 1648 ; and as Archbishop Bancroft has reflected some credit 
 on them by a careful review, having in very many instances corrected and pre- 
 pared them for the press, among the other unquestioned writings of his lordship ; 
 for these reasons I have assigned them this place, and left every reader to form 
 his own judgment about their importance. 
 
 As Lord Bacon published an Essay on Death in the edition of 1612, and 
 enlarged it in the edition of 1625, and as there is not any evidence, direct or 
 indirect, external or internal, that this is the production of Lord Bacon, I shall 
 content myself with saying that, before it is adopted, thei'e ought to be some 
 evidence of its authenticity.* 
 
 Observatims upm the Essays. 
 
 His political writings of a more general nature, are his Apothegms and 
 Essays, besides the Excerpta, out of the Advancement above remembered. 
 Both these contain much of that matter which we usually call moral, distin- 
 guishing it from that which is civil : in the handling of which sort of argument 
 his lordship has been esteemed so far to excel, that he hath had a comment 
 written on him, as on an author in ethics, and an advancer of that most useful 
 part of learning, (a) Notwithstanding which, I am bold to put these books 
 under this head of matter political ; both because they contain a greater por- 
 tion of that matter, and because in true philosophy the doctrine of politics and 
 ethics maketh up but one body, and springeth from one root, the end of God 
 Almighty in the government of the world. 
 
 Tennison. 
 In a late Latin edition of these essays, there are subjoined two discourses, 
 the one called De Negotiis, the other Faber Fortunae. But neither of these 
 are works newly published, but treatises taken out of the book De Augmentis. 
 To this book of Essays may be annexed that fragment of an Essay of Fame, 
 which is extant already in the Resuscitatio. 
 
 * By mistake it is stated in vol. i. of my edition of Bacon, that there is a 
 MS. of this essay in the Museum. 
 
 (o) See Placcii Comment, in 1. 7, Aug. Scieot. de Fhilosophia Morali 
 augenda, in octavo. Franc, an, 1677. 
 
NOTE 3 1. 
 
 LordBacon's Essays, Chamberlain's Letters, 17th Deo. 1612. " Sh' Francis 
 Bacon hath set out new essays, where in a chapter of Deformity, the world takes 
 notice that he points out his little cousin to the life.* 
 
 See Hay's Essays on Deformity, where there is a running comment upon this 
 essay of Lord Bacon's. 
 
 Professor Stewart, in his introductory lecture, says, " The ethical disqui? 
 sitions of Bacou are almost entirely of a practical nature. Of the two theo- 
 retical questions so much agitated in both parts of this island, during the 
 eighteenth centuiy, concerning the principle, and the object of moral approba- 
 tion, he has said nothing ; but he has opened some new and interesting views 
 with respect to the influence of custom and the formation of habits, a most imr 
 portant article of moral philosophy, on which he has enlarged more ably and 
 more usefully than any writer since Aristotle. Under the same head of ethics, 
 may be mentioned the small volume to which he has given the title of Essays ; 
 the best known and the most popular of all his works. ~ It is also one of those 
 where the superiority of his genius appears to the greatest advantage j the 
 novelty and depth of his reflections often receiving a strong relief from the 
 triteness of the subject. It may be iiead from beginning to end in a few hours ; 
 and yet after the twentieth perusal one seldom fails to remark in it something 
 overlooked before. This, indeed, is a characteristic of all Bacon's writings, and 
 is only to be accounted by the inexhaustible aliment they furnish our own 
 thoughts, and the sympathetic activity they impart to our torpid faculties." — 
 Dugald Stewart's First Dissertation, p. 54. 
 
 In the critique upon this introduction in the Edinburgh Review for Septem- 
 ber, 1816, the author says, " We more properly contrast than compare the^ 
 exijeriments in The Natural History, with the moral and political observations 
 which enrich the Advancement of Learning, the Speeches, the Letters, the 
 History of Henry the Seventh, and above all, the Essays, a book which, though 
 it has been praised with equal fervour by Voltaire, Johoson, and Burke, has 
 never been characterized with Such exact justice and such exquisite felicity of 
 expression as in the discourse before us. It will serve still more distinctly to 
 mait the natural tendency of his mind, to observe that hii$ moral and political 
 reflections relate to these practical subjects, considejred in their most practical 
 point of view ; and that he has seldom or never attempted no reduce to theoiy 
 the infinite particulars of that ' civil knowledge' which, as he himself tells us, 
 is, of all others, most immersed in matter, and hardliest reduced to axiom." — 
 Edinburgh Review, Sept. 1816. 
 
 Translations of the 'Essaifs. 
 Latin. 
 
 Baem's notice ef the Latin edUion, — Of this tianslatioii, Bacon speaks in ttie 
 following letter : 
 
 " To Mr. ToWe Matthew. 
 
 It is true ray labours are now most set to have those works which I had foj» 
 merly puMished, as that of Advancement of Learning, that of Heniy VII, that 
 of l»e Essays, being retractate, and made more perfect, well translated into 
 Latin by the help of some good pens, which forsake me not. For these modern 
 languages will, at one time or other, play the bankrupt with books ; and since I 
 have lost much time with this €ge, I would be glad, as God shall ;giye me 
 leave, to recover it with posterity. For the Essay of Friendship, while I took 
 your speech of it for a cursory request, I took my promise for a complinjent. 
 But since you call for it, I shall perform it." 
 
 In his letter to Father Fulgentio,t giving some account of his writings, he 
 says, " The Novum Organum should immediately follow, but my Moral and 
 political writings step in between as teing more finished. "These are the History 
 
 • The Earl of Salisbuiy, the Lord Treasurer, who is elsewhere called by 
 Chamberlain the " little great man ;" alluding, I suppose, to his size. 
 t Baconiana, page 196. 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 of King Henry the Seventh, and the small book, whioh in your language you 
 have called Saggi Morali, but I give it a graver title, that of Sermones Fideles, 
 or Interiora Rerum, and these essays will not only be enlarged in number but 
 still more in 6ubstance>" 
 
 In the year 1622, in his letter to the Bishop of Winchester, concerning his 
 published and intended vmtings, he says, " As for my Essays, and some other 
 particulars of that nature, I Count them but as the recreaUons of my other 
 studies, and in that manner purpose to continue them ; though I am not igno- 
 rant that those kind of writings would, with less pains and assiduity, perhaps 
 yield more Instre and teputation to my name than the others I have in hand ; 
 but I judge the use a man should seek in publishing his vrritings before his 
 death to be but an untimely anticipation of that which is proper to follow, and 
 not to go along with him." — Then see his Dedications to the different editions, 
 
 Tennison's Notice rf Latin Edition. 
 
 The nature of the Latin edition and oF the Essays in general is thus stated by 
 Archbishop Tennison : 
 
 " The Essays, or Counsels Civil and Moral, though a by-work also, do yet 
 make up a book of greater weight by far than the apothegms: and coming 
 home to men's business and bosoms, his lordship entertained this persuasion 
 concerning. them, that the Latin volume might last as long as books should 
 last. His lordship wrote them in Ihb English tongue, and enlaiged them 
 as occasion served, and at last added to them the Colours of Good and Evil, 
 which are likewise found in his book De AUgmentis. The Latin translation of 
 them was a work performed by divers hands ; by those of Doctor Hacket (late 
 Bishop of Lichfield), Mr. Benjamin Johnson (the learned and judicious poet), 
 and some others, whose names I once heard from Dr. Rawley ; but I cannot 
 now recal them. To this Latin edition, be gave the title of Sermones Fideles, 
 after the manner of the Jews, who called the words Adagies, or Observations of 
 the Wise, Faithful Sayings ; that is, Credible propositions worthy of firm 
 assent and ready acceptance. And (as I think) he alluded more particularly, 
 in this title, to a passage in Ecclesiastes, where the Preacher saith that he 
 sought to find out Verba Delectabilia (as Tremellius rendereth the Hebrew), 
 pleasant words (that is, perhaps, his Book of Canticles ;) and Verba Fidelia 
 (as the same Tremellius), Faithful Sayings ; meaning, it may be, his Collec- 
 tion of Proverbs. In the next verse, he calls them words of the wise, and so 
 many goads and nails given ' Ab eodem pastore,' from the same shepherd [of 
 the flock of Israel]." 
 
 Publication (^ Latin Edition by Rawley. 
 
 In the year 1638, Rawley published in folio a volume containing amongst 
 other works, " Sermones Fideles, ab ipso Honoratissimo Auctore, prstorquaui 
 in paucis, Latinitate donatus." In his address to the reader he says : " Acce- 
 dunt quas prius Delibationes Civiles et Morales inscripserat : quaseliam in lin> 
 guas plurimas modernas translatas esse novit sed eas postea et numero, et pon> 
 dere, auxit; in tantum, ut veluti opus novum videri possint; quas mutato 
 titulo, Sermones Fideles sive Interiora Rerum, inscribi placuit. Addi etiam 
 voluit. The title page, dedication, and the table of contents are annexed : 
 
 Sermones Fideles sive, Interiora Rerum. Per Franciseum Baconum Baranem de 
 V'ervlamio, Viee-Comitem Sancti Albani. Londini, Excusum, typit Edwardi 
 Griffin. Prostant a^ Insignia Regia in Cmmeterio D, Pauls, a.pud Richardum 
 Whitakerum, 1638. 
 
 lUustri and Excellenti Domino Georgio Duci Buckinghamise, summo Angliae 
 Adfflirallio. 
 
 Honoratissime Domine, — Salomon inquit, Nomen bonum est instar vnguenti 
 fragrantis et pretiosi ; neque dubito, quintale futurum sit nomen tuum apud 
 posteros. Etenim et fortuna, et meritatua, priEcelluerunt. Et videris ea plan- 
 tasse, quaesint duratura. In lucem jam edere mihi visum est Delibationes 
 meas, quae ex omnibus meis operibus fuerunt acceptissimae : quia forsitan 
 
.NOTE 3 I. 
 
 videntur, piae caeteiis, horainum hegotia stiingeie, et in sinus fluere. Eas 
 autem auxi, et numero, et ' pondere' : in tantum, ut plane opus novum sint. 
 Consentaneum igiturv duxi,-. affectui, et obligatiopi meae, erga illustrissimam 
 dominationem tuam, ut nomen tuum illis prsefigam, tarn in editione Angliea, 
 quam Latina. Elfeniin, in bona spe sum, volumen earura in' Latinam, (lin- 
 guam scilicet universalem) vei'sum, pqsse durare, quamdiu libri et liters durent. 
 Instaurationem meam regi dicavi: Historiam RegniHenrici Septimi,.'(quam 
 etiam in : Latinum verti) et porUones meas Naturalis Historic ' principi : has 
 autem dQlibationes illustiissimse dominationi tuae dice ; cum sint; ex friictibus 
 optimis quos gratia diving calami' mei laboiibus.indulgente, exliibere potui. 
 Deus illustrissimam dominationem tuam manu> ducat, IllustrissimEe Domi- 
 nationis tuae servus devinctissimus et fidelis, Fr, S. Alban. 
 
 Index Sennonvm, 
 
 1. De Veritate. pag. 153 
 
 2. De Morte. ' 155 
 
 3. De Vnitate Ecclesiae. 156 
 
 4. De Uindicta. 159 
 
 5. De Rebus adversis. 160 
 
 6. De Dissimulatione et Simu- 
 
 latione. 161 
 
 7. De Parentibus et Liberis. 163 
 
 8. De Nuptiis et Coelibatu. 164 
 
 9. De Invidia. 165 
 
 10. DeAmore. 168 
 
 11. De Magistratibus et Dignita- 
 
 tibus. 170 
 
 12. De Audacia. 172 
 
 13. De Bonitate, et Bonitate Na- 
 
 tiva. 173 
 
 14. De Nobilitate. 175 
 
 15. De Sedidonibus et Turbis. 176 
 
 16. De Atheismo. 183 
 
 17. De Superstitione. 185 
 
 18. De Peregratione in partes ex- 
 
 teras. 186 
 
 19. De Imperio. 188 
 
 20. De Consilio. 191 
 
 21. DeMora. 194 
 
 22. De Astutia. 195 
 
 23. De Prudentia qua; slbi sapit. 197 
 
 24. De Innovationabus. 198 
 
 25. De Expediendis Negotiis 199 
 
 26. De Prudentia apparente. 201 
 
 27. De Amicitia. 202 
 
 28. DeSumptibus. 206 
 
 29. De Proferendis Finibus Im- 
 
 Jierii. 207 
 
 By comparing the Tables of Contents of the English edition of 1625 and 
 the Latin edition of 1638, it will be seen that they consist of the same essays, 
 except that the Latin edition does not contain either of the IJssays Of Prophecies 
 or Of Masks and Triumphs, which seem not to have been translated. 
 
 Retranslations of Latin into English. 
 
 In some editions, the editors have substituted their own translations of 
 the Latin for the beautiful English by Lord Bacon. How well they have suc- 
 ceeded the reader may judge by the following specimens. In a translation 
 published by William H. Willymott, LL.D. A.D. 1720, he says, " Wanting 
 an English book for my scholars to translate, which might improve them in 
 
 30. 
 31. 
 32. 
 33. 
 
 34. 
 35. 
 36. 
 
 37. 
 
 38. 
 39. 
 40. 
 41. 
 42. 
 43. 
 44. 
 45. 
 46. 
 
 47. 
 48. 
 
 49. 
 50. 
 
 51. 
 
 52. 
 53. 
 54. 
 55. 
 56. 
 
 De Regimine Valetudinis. 
 
 214 
 
 De Suspicione. 
 
 215 
 
 De Discursu Sermonum. 
 
 215 
 
 De Plantationibus Fopulo 
 
 
 rum et Coloniis. 
 
 217 
 
 De Divitiis. 
 
 220 
 
 De Ambitione.' . 
 
 222 
 
 De Natura, et Indole Natural 
 
 ■ 
 
 in Homiriibus. ■ 
 
 224 
 
 De Consuetudine et Educa- 
 
 
 tione. 
 
 225 
 
 De Fortuna. 
 
 225 
 
 De Usura sive Foenore. 
 
 228 
 
 De Juuentiite et Senectute. 
 
 230 
 
 De Pulchritudine. 
 
 232 
 
 De Deformitate. 
 
 233 
 
 De ^djficiis. 
 
 234 
 
 De Hortis. 
 
 237 
 
 De Negotiatione. 
 
 242 
 
 De Clientibus, Famulis, et 
 
 
 Amicis. 
 
 243 
 
 De Suprtlicantibus. 
 
 De Studiis, et Lectione Libro- 
 
 244 
 
 
 rum. 
 
 246 
 
 De Factionibus. 
 
 247 
 
 De Caeremoniis Civilibus, et 
 
 
 Decoro. 
 
 248 
 
 De Laude. 
 
 250 
 
 De Vana Gloria. 
 
 251 
 
 De Honore et Existimatione. 
 
 252 
 
 De Officio Judicis. 
 
 254 
 
 Delra. 
 
 256 
 
 De Vicissitudine Rerum. 
 
 258 
 
NOTE 3 I. 
 
 sense and Latin at once, (two things whicli should never be divided in teach- 
 ing) I thought nothing more proper for that purpose than Bacon's Essays, 
 provided the English, which is in some places grown obsolete, were a little 
 reformed, and made more fashionable. Accordingly having by me his lordship's 
 Latin volume of the Essays, (which as it was a later, so seems to be a perfecter 
 book) I fell to translating it, not tying myself strictly to the Latin, but com- 
 paring both languages together, and setting down that sense (where there was 
 any difference) Qiat seemed the fullest and plainest." 
 The following is a specimen : 
 
 Dr. Willymott. 
 
 " The principal virtue of prosperity 
 is temperance ; of adversity, fortitude ; 
 which in morals is reputed the most 
 heroical virtue. Again, prosperity be- 
 longs to the blessings of the Old Testa- 
 ment ; adversity to the beatitudes of 
 the New, which are both in reality 
 greater, and carry a clearer revelation 
 of the divine favour. Yet, even in the 
 Old Testament, if you listen to David's 
 harp, you will find more lamentable 
 airs than triuiiiphant ones." 
 
 Lord Bacon. 
 
 " But to speak in a mean, the 
 virtue of prosperity is temperance, the 
 virtue of adversity is fortitude, which 
 in morals is the more heroical virtue. 
 Prosperity is the blessing of the Old 
 Testament, adversity is the blessing of 
 the New, which carrieth the greater 
 benedictmn, and the clearer revelation 
 of God's favour. Yet, even in the Old 
 Testament, if you listen to David's 
 harp, you shall hear as many herse- 
 like airs as carols." 
 
 So too Shaw has made a similar attempt, of which the following is a specimeti 
 from the Essay " Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature :" 
 
 Dr. Shaw, 
 " There are several parts and signs 
 of goodness. If a man be civil and 
 courteous to strangers, it shews him a 
 citizen of the world, whose heart is no 
 island cut off from other lands, but a 
 continent that joins them. If he be 
 compassionate to the afflicted, it shews 
 a noble soul, like the tree which is 
 wounded when it gives the balm. If 
 he easily pardons and forgives offences, 
 it shews a mind perched above the 
 reach of injuries. If he be thankful 
 for small benefits, it shews he values 
 men's minds before their treasure." 
 
 Lord Bacon, 
 " The parts and signs of goodness 
 are many. If a man be gracious and 
 courteous to strangers, it shews he is a 
 citizen of the world, and that his heart 
 is no island cut off from other lands, 
 but a continent that joins to them ; if 
 he be compassionate towards the afflic- 
 tions of others, it shews that his heart 
 is like the noble tree that is wounded 
 itself when it gives the balm : if he 
 easily pardons and remits offences, it 
 shews that his mind is planted above 
 injuries, so that he cannot be shot ; if 
 he be thankful for small benefits, it 
 shews that he weighs men's minds, 
 and not their trash." 
 
 Dr. Shaw, in his preface, says, " A modem well-wisher to his works had 
 said that the English edition of the Essays may be as durable as the Latin 
 edition, if some equal hand would, once in a century, repair the decays of their 
 fleeting language." Dr. Shaw has not contented himself with an alteration of 
 the style, but has altered the arrangement of the essays, by classing them into 
 
 ("Moral, 
 
 Essays •{ Economical, and 
 LPolitical. 
 
 French, 
 
 Essays Moraux, Tres Honorable Seigneur Francois Sacon Chevalier Baron 
 de Verulam et grand Chancelier d'Angleterre traduites in Franpois par le Sieur 
 Arthur Georges, Chevalier Anglois, Scutura inmrieibile Fides, A Londres, chez 
 Tenor Bell, 1619. 
 
 VOL. XV. 6 
 
NOTES 3 1—3 K. 
 
 Essays Politques et Moraitx de Messire Francois Bacon, Grand Cliancelier 
 d'Angleteire mis en notre langue par C. Baudouin. A Paris, chez Francois 
 Tuthot au pied des ponts degres dti Palais, au soleil d'or, mdcxx^I- Avec 
 privilege du Rffy, 
 
 Post Nubila Surget Memoria Sacrum. Les Oemres Morales et Politiques de 
 Messire Francois Bacon, grand Chancelier d'Angleterre de la version de I. Bau- 
 doin. M.D.c.xxvi. A Paris chez Pierre Bacolet Francois Targa au Palais a 
 lentree de la galerie des Friers, 
 
 In the Essay of Unity in Religion, Lord Bacon, in his English edition, says, 
 " What would he have said, if he had known of the massacre in France, or the 
 Powder Treason of England"!" In this edition it is thus translated: " Mais 
 qu'cust il diet s'il eust seen les sanglantes executions, et les hoiTibles entreprises 
 adveniies de nostre temps pour ce mesme sujetl" This volume also contains 
 the translation of some of the apothegms : upon examining those which are 
 omitted, it will be seen how cautiously every apothegm has been avoided in 
 which a cardinal or pope is mentioned. 
 
 Oeuvres de Franfois Bacon, Chancelier d'Angleterre. Traduites par Ant. 
 Lasalle. Avec des notes critiques, kistoriqties et litteraires. Tome .douzieme. 
 A Dijon, de t'Imprimerie de L. N, Frantin. An. 10 de la Sepubliqiie Franfaise. 
 
 Italian. 
 
 Saggi Morali del Signore Francesco Bacono, Cavagliero Inglese, Gran Cance- 
 liero de Inchilterra, Con vn altro suo Trattato del'la Sapienza degli Antichi, 
 Tradotti in Italiano, In Londra appresso di Ciovani Billio, 1618. 
 
 Saggi Morali Opera Nuova di Francesco Bacon, Corretta, et data in luce del 
 Sig, Cavalier Andrea Cioli Segretario di Staio del Sereniss, Gran Duca di Tos- 
 cana, et un Trattato della Sapienza de gli Antichi all illustris et excel, Sig. D, 
 Francesco Colonna Principe de Pahstina, Ifc, Ristampata in Bracciano per 
 Andrea Fei, An licenza de Sup. 1621. Ad custanza di Pompilio Totti Librario 
 in Navona, 
 
 Sette Saggi Morali Del Sig, Caualier Francesco Baccone non piu vediiti, e 
 tradotti nell' Italians, Con trentaquatro Esplicationi d'attretante Sentenze di 
 Salomone. Con Licenza de' Superiori, 3f Priuilegio, In Venetia, Apprisso 
 Gitolamo Piuti, At monte Pamaso, 1626, 
 
 Lord Bacon's Essays, London, printed by Bensley, 1798. 12mo. Four large 
 paper copies printed exclusively for the Countess Spencer.^ These four copies 
 were presented by Lady Spencer, one to the late Duke of Devonshire, one to the 
 late Rev. C. M. Cracherode, a third to the late Mr. James, and the fourth to 
 his lordship, ^des Althorpianae, vol. i. p. 104. A copy, stated to be that of 
 Mr. James, in the catalogue of Payne and Foss, 1823, Supplement, marked 
 SI, 8s. 
 
 It is a fac( not unworthy of notice. The first book published in Philadel- 
 phia consists partly of the volume of Essays. It is entitled " The Temple 
 of Wisdom," printed by William Bradford, Philadelphia, 1688. 
 
 3 K. Life, p. xxxvii. 
 
 All his' early tracts, those which seem to have been written by him when a 
 boy, are without imagery. See his treatise on Rhetoric, in the Advancement of 
 Learning, vol. ii. p. 210. See also his praise of writing in Aphorisms, vol. ii. 
 p. 203. It appears, therefore, that in after life he had recourse to method and 
 ornament to insure reception for the truths which he was anxious to-commuui- 
 cate. It may, however, be thought that this imagery had not, as in many poets, 
 precedency in his mind, but followed in the train of his reason, and was used 
 merely as a mode of illustrating the truths which he wishes to explain. To 
 illustrate this, take (vol. ii. p. 51) the following passage: " But the greatest 
 error of all the rest, is the mistaking or misplacing of' the last or farthest end of 
 knowledge ; for men have entered into a desire of learning and knowledge. 
 
NOTE 3 L. 
 
 sometimes upon a natural curiosity and inquisitive appetite ; sometimes to enter- 
 tain their minds with variety and delight; sometimes for ornament and reputa- 
 tion ; and sometimes to enable them to victory of wit and contradiction ; and 
 most times for lucre and profession ; and seldom sincerely to give a true account 
 of their gift of reason, to the benefit and use of men : as if there were sought 
 in knowledge a couch, whereupon to rest a searching and restless spirit; or a 
 terras, for a wandering and variable mind to walk up and down with a fair 
 prospect ; or a tower of state, for a proud mind to raise itself upon ; or a fort or 
 -commanding ground, for strife and contention ; or a shop, for profit or sale ; 
 and not a rich storehouse, for the glory of the Creator, and the relief of man's 
 estate." Upon examining this extract, it will appear that the truth is first 
 conveyed, and that the imageiy is appended to enforce it by decoration. 
 
 Different parts of his woiks contain his sentiments upon imagination. In 
 the conclusion of his tract on Poesy, he says, " But it is not good to stay too 
 long in the theatre. I.et us now pass on to the judicial place or palace of the 
 mind, which we are to approach and view with more reverence and attention." 
 And in the preface to the Sylva Sylvarum, Dr. Rawley says, " I will conclude 
 with an usual sjJeech of his lordship's, that this work of his Natural History is 
 the world as God made it, and not as men have made it; for that it hath 
 nothing of imagination." 
 
 That his favourite style for philosophy was in Aphorisms, see his treatise on 
 style in the Advancement of Learning, page 203 of vol. ii. of this edition. See 
 also his Novum Organum, vol. ix. page 191, which is entirely in Aphorisms, 
 and his tract on Justitia Universalis, in the Treatise de Augmentis, vol. ix, 
 page 83. 
 
 3 L. Life, p. xli. 
 
 In the Meditations, he says, " This. I dare affirm in knowledge of natnre, 
 that a little natural philosophy, and the first entrance into it, doth dispose the 
 opinion to atheism ; but on the other side, much natural philosophy and wading 
 deep into it will bring about men's minds to religion ; wherefore atheism every 
 way seems to be joined and combined with folly and ignorance, seeing nothing 
 can be more justly allotted to be the saying of fools, than this, ' There is no 
 God.'" 
 
 In the Advancement of Learning, he says, " It is an assured truth, and a 
 conclusion of experience, that a little or superficial knowledge of philosophy 
 may incline the mind of man to atheism, but a further proceeding therein doth 
 bring the mind back again to religion ; for in tlie entrance of philosophy, when 
 the second causes, which are next unto the senses, do offer themselves to the 
 mind of man, if it dwell and stay there, it may induce some oblivion of the 
 highest cause ; but when a man passeth on farther, and seeth the dependence 
 of causes, and the works of Providence, then, according to the allegory of the 
 poets, he will easily believe that the highest link of nature's chain must needs 
 be tied to the foot of Jupiter's chair." 
 
 Upon this subject Lord Bacon's sentiments seemed to have been formed at 
 an early period of his life, and to have continued to his death. In the 
 " Meditationes Sacrae," a portion of his Meditation on Atheism is as follows: 
 — Of Atheism. " The fool hath said in his heart there is no God." First, 
 it is to be noted that Ihe .scripture saith, "The fool hath said in his heart, 
 and not thought in his heart," It is a fool that hath so said in his heart, 
 which is most true ; not only in respect that he hath no taste in those 
 things which are supernatural and divine, but in respect of human and civil 
 wisdom ; for, first of all, if you mark the wits and dispositions which are 
 inclined to atheism, you shall find thepi light, scoffing, impudent, and vain ; 
 briefly, of such a constitution as is most contrary to wisdom and moral gravity. 
 Secondly, amongst statesmen and politics those which have been of 'greatest 
 depths and compass, and of largest and most universal underderstanding, 
 have not only in cunning made their profit in seeming religious to the people, 
 but in truth have been touched with, an inward sense of. the knowledge of 
 
NOTE 3 M. 
 
 the Deity, as they which you shall evermore note to have attributed much 
 to fortune and providence. Contrarivvise, those who ascribed all things to 
 their own cunning and practices, and to the immediate and apparent causes, 
 and as the prophet saith, " have sacrificed to their own nets," have been always 
 but petty counterfeit statesmen, and not capable of the greatest actions. Lastly, 
 this I dare affirm, in knowledge of nature, that a little natural philosophy and 
 the first entrance into it, doth dispose the opinion to atheism ; but, on the other 
 side, much natural philosophy, and wading deep into it, will bring about men's 
 minds to religion ; wherefore atheism every way seems to be joined and com- 
 bined with folly and ignorance, seeing nothing can be more justly allotted to be 
 the saying of fools than this, " There is no God." 
 
 The first edition of his Essays, which was published with the Meditationes 
 Sacrae, in 1597, does not contain any essay upon Atheism. The next time the 
 subject is mentioned by Lord Bacon is in 1605, in the passage which I have 
 just quoted from the Advancement of Learning. 
 
 In 1612, Lord Bacon published an enlarged edition of bis Essays, and in 
 this edition there is an essay on Atheism, containing the veiy same sentiments ; 
 and in 1625, the year before his death, he published another edition of his 
 Essays, in which there are additions and alterations, and considerable improve- 
 ments of the essay on Atheism, but a repetition of the same opinions. He 
 says, in his sixteenth essay, which is " Of Atheism," " I had rather believe all 
 the fables in the legend and the Talmud and the Alcoran, than that this uni- 
 versal frame is without a mind ; and therefore God never wrought miracle to 
 convince atheism, because his ordinary works convince it. It is true that a 
 little philosophy inclines man's mind to atheism, but depth in philosophy 
 bringeth men's minds about to religion ; for while the mind of man looketh 
 upon second causes scattered, it may sometimes rest in them, and go no further ; 
 but when it beholdeth the chain of them confederate and linked together, it 
 must needs fly to providence and deity." 
 
 3 M. Life, p. xlii. 
 
 To my Lord of Essex. 
 My singular good Lord, — Your lordship's so honourable minding my poor 
 fortune, the last year, in the very entrance into that great action, (which is a 
 time of less leisure; and in so liberal an allowance of your care, as to write 
 three letters to stir me up friends in your absence, doth, after a sort, warrant me 
 not to object to myself your present quantity of affairs, whereby to silence my- 
 self from petition of the like favour. I brake with your lordship myself at the 
 Tower j and I take it, my brother hath since renewed the same motion, touching 
 a fortune I was in thought to attempt, in geriere cecanomi^o. In genere politicOf 
 certain cross winds have blown contrary. My suit to your lordship is, for your 
 several letters to be left with me, dormant, to the gentlewoman and either of 
 her parents. Wherein I do not doubt, but as the beams of your favour have 
 often dissolved the coldness of my fortune, so in this argument your lordship 
 will do the like with your pen. My desire is also, that your lordship would 
 vouchsafe unto me, as out of your care, a general letter to my Lord Keeper, 
 for his lordship's holding me from you recommended, both in the course of my 
 practice, and in the course of my employment in her majesty's service j 
 wherein, if your lordship shall, in any antithesis or relation affirm, that his 
 lordship shall have no less fruit of me than of any other whom he may cherish, 
 I hope your lordship shall engage youreelf for no impossibility. Lastly, and 
 chiefly, I know not whether I shall attain to see your lordship before your 
 noble journey ; for ceremonies are things infinitely inferior to my love and to 
 my zeal. This let me, with your allowance, say unto you by pen. It is Irue 
 that in my well meaning advices, out of my love to your lordship, and, perhaps, 
 out of the state of mine own minde, I have sometimes persuaded a course dif- 
 fering : Ac tibi pro tutis insignia facta ptacebunt : Be it so : yet remember, that 
 the signing of your name is nothing, unless it be to some good patent or charter, 
 whereby your country may be endowed with good and benefit. Which I speak 
 
NOTES 3 M — 3 N — 3 0. 
 
 both to move you to preserve your person for further merit and service of her 
 majesty and- your country ; and likevrise, to refer this action to the same end. 
 And so in most tiue and fervent prayers, I commend your lordship, and your 
 work in hand, to the preservation and conduct of the divine majesty ;'so much 
 the more watchful as these actions do more manifestly in show, though alike in 
 truth, depend upon his divine providence. 
 
 That nobleman embraced the cause of his friend with his wonted zeal, and 
 instantly dlspatcded two letters from Sandwich, to be given to ,the father and 
 mother of the lady. The letter to Sir Thomas Cecil was as follows : 
 
 Sir, — I write this letter from the sea side ready to go abroad, and leave it 
 with my secretary, to be by him delivered to you, whensoever he shall know, 
 that my dear and wortthy^ friend,- Mr. Francis Bacon, is a suitor to my Lady 
 Hatton, your daughter. What his virtues and excellent parts are, you are not 
 ignorant. What advantages you may give, both to yourself and to your house, 
 by having a son-in-law so qualified, and so likely to^rise in his profession, 
 you may easily judge. Therefore, to warrant my moving of you to incline 
 favourably to his suit, I will only add this, that if she were my sister or daughter, 
 I protest I would as confidently resolve to farther it, as I now persuade you. 
 And though my love to him be exceedingly great, yet is my judgment nothing 
 partial ; for he that knows him as well as I do, cannot but be so afiPected. In 
 this farewell of mine I pray receive the kindest wishes of your most afi^ectionate 
 and assured friend, Essex. 
 
 Sandwich, this 24th of June. 
 
 Lady Cecil, to whom the next letter was addressed, was one of the daughters 
 and coheirs of John Nevil, Lord Latimer. 
 
 Madam, — The end in my writing to your ladyship now, is to do that oflSce to 
 my worthy and dear friend, which, if I had stayed in England, I would have 
 done by speech ; and that is, to solicit your ladyship to favour his suit to my 
 Lady Hatton, your daughter ; which I do in behalf of Mr. Francis Bacon, 
 whose virtues I know so much, as you must hold him worthy of very good for- 
 tune. If my judgment be any thing, I do assure your ladyship I think you shall 
 very happily bestow your daughter. And if my faith be any thing, I protest, if 
 I had one as near me, as she is to you, I had rather match her with him than 
 with men of far greater titles. And if my words do carry credit with your lady- 
 ship, you shall make me very much bound to you, and shall tie me to be at 
 your ladyship's commandment, Essex. 
 
 Sandwich, the 24th of June, 1597. 
 
 3 N, Life, p. xlii. 
 
 This was a most unhappy marriage, and Bacon's subsequent knowledge 
 of Lady Hatton's violence of temper must have made him thankful for his de- 
 feat. This lady's name is still connected with a wild legend, and not many 
 years since she was believed to revel nightly with much pomp, in the old man- 
 sion in Hatton Garden, which Count Swedenborg afterwards converted into a 
 chapel. 
 
 3 O. Life, p. xlii. 
 To Sir Thomas Egerton, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. 
 
 It may please your Lordship, — I am to make humble complaint to your 
 lordship of some hard dealing offered me by one Sympson, a goldsmith, a man 
 noted much, as I have heard, for extremities and stoutness upon his purse ; but 
 yet I could scarcely have imagined he would have dealt either so dishonestly 
 towards myself, or so contemptuously towards her majesty's service. For this 
 Lombard (pardon me, I most humbly pray your lordship, if being admonished 
 by the street he dwells in, I give him that name^ having me in bond for three 
 
NOTES 3 o — 3 p. 
 
 hundred pounds principal, and I having the last term confessed the action, and 
 by his full and duect consent, respited the satisfaction till the beginning of this 
 term to come, without ever gixing me warning, either by letter or message, 
 served an execution upon me, having trained me at such time as I came from 
 the Tower, where Mr. Waad can witness, we attended a service of no mean im- 
 portance ; neither would he so much as vouchsafe to come and speak with me to 
 take any order in it, though I sent for him divers times, and his house is just 
 by ; handling it as upon a despite, being a man I never provoked with a cross 
 word, no nor with many delays. He would have urged it to have had me in 
 prison ; which he had done, had not Sheriff More, to whom I sent, gently re- 
 commended me to a handsome house in Coleman Street, where I am. Now 
 because he will not treat with me, I am inforced humbly to desire your lordship 
 to send for him according to your place, to bring him to some reason ; and this 
 forthwith, because I continue here to my farther discredit and inconvenience, 
 and the trouble of the gentleman with whom I «m. I have a hundred pounds 
 laying by me, which he may have, and the rest upon some reasonable time and 
 security, or if need be, the whole ; but with my more trouble. As for the con- 
 tempt he hath offered, in regard her majesty's service to my understanding, car- 
 rieth a privilege eundott redeundo in meaner causes, much more in matters of 
 this nature, especially in persons known to be qualified with that place and em- 
 ployment, which, though unworthy, I am vouchsafed, I inforce nothing, think- 
 ing I have done my part when I have made it known, and so leave it to yout 
 lordship's honourable consideration. And so with signification of my humble 
 duty, &c. 
 
 To Sir Bobert Cecil, Secretary of State. 
 
 It may please your Honour, — I humbly pray you to understand how badly I 
 have been used by the inclosed, being a copy of a letter of complaint thereof^ 
 which I have written to the lord keeper. How sensitive you are of wrongs 
 offered to your blood in my particular I have had not long since experience. 
 But herein I think your honour will be doubly sensitive, in tenderness also of 
 the indignity to her majesty's service ; for as for me, Mr. Sympson might have 
 had me every day in London ; and therefore to belay me while he knew I came 
 from the Tower about her majesty's special service was to my understanding 
 very bold. And two days before he brags he forebore me, because I dined with 
 Sheriff More : so as with Mr. Sympson, examinations at the Tower are not so 
 great a privilege, eundo et redeundo, as Sheriff More's dinner. But this com- 
 plaint I make in duty ; and to that end have also informed my lord of Essex 
 thereof ; for otherwise his punishment will do me no good. 
 
 So vidth signification of my humble duty, I commend your honour to the 
 divine preservation. At your honourable command particularly, Fh. Bacon. 
 
 3 P. Life, p. xlii. 
 
 The following is the title of the work : An Account of the lately, erected Ser- 
 vice, called the Office of Compositions for Alienations. Written [about the close 
 of 1598] by Mr. Francis Bacon, and published from a MS. in the Inner Temple 
 Library. _ There is a MS. of it in the Harleian MSS. 4888-5. 
 
 The biographer of Bacon, in the Biographia Britannica, thus speaks of this 
 work. How far this eulogium is correct I leave the reader to discover. " This 
 curious and highly finished tract, which has been but lately published from a 
 MS. in the Inner Temple Library, is one of the most laboured pieces penned 
 by our most learned author, containing his resolutions of a vei-y perplexed question, 
 whether it was most for the Queen's benefit, that the profits arising from this 
 oflSce for Alienations, should be let out to farm or not ? In handling this he 
 has shewn such diversity of learning, and so clear a conception of all the 
 different points of law, history, antiquities, and policy, as is really amazing ; 
 for I think it may be truly said, that there is not any treatise of the same coca- 
 pass extant in our langvage; which manifests so comprehensive a genius, and so 
 accurate a knowledge, both with respect to theory and practice as this, and 
 
NOTES 3 Q 3 R. 
 
 therefore it cannot but seem strange, that it hy so long hid from the world ; 
 but what appears to me most surprising is, that it shews our author to haVe! ha'd 
 as true notions, and as good a turn for economy as any man ever had, which 
 before the publication of this treatise, was thought the only kind of knowledge 
 in which he was deficient. But it seems it was one thing as a lawyei', states- 
 man, and candidate for court favour, to enter into a detail of the Queen's 
 revenues, to consider the various methods in which they might be managed, 
 together with the advantages and disadvantages attending each method ; and 
 quite another, to enter with like spirit and diligence into his own affairs, which 
 if he had done, he might have passed his days more happily, and have left his 
 fame without blemish." 
 
 About the close of the succeeding year, 1598, he composed, on a particular 
 Occasion, his History of the Alienation Office, which, however, was not pub^ 
 lished till many years after his decease. In this learned work he has fully 
 shewn how great a master he was, not in our law only, but in our history and 
 antiquities ; so that it may be justly said, there never fell any thing from his 
 pen, which more clearly and fully demonstrated his abilities in his profession. 
 It is not written in that dt^, dark, and unentertaining way, which so much- dis- 
 courages young readers in the perusal of books of this kind' ; but, on the contrary, 
 the sF^le is pleasant and agreeable, though plain and suitable to the subject ; 
 and facts, authorities, observations, remarks, and reflections, are so judiciously 
 interwoven, that whoever reads it with a competent knowledge of the subject, 
 must acknowledge him an able lawyer and an elegant writer. It is needless to 
 mention some smaller instances of his abilities in the law, which nevertheless 
 were received by the learned society of which he was a member, with all 
 possible marks of veneration and esteem, and which they have preserved with 
 that reverence due to so worthy a person and so eminent an ornament of their 
 house. 
 
 3 Q. Life, p. xlii. 
 
 Chudley's case, Le Argument de Fr. Bacon, Lansdowne MSS. 1121. I have 
 procured a copy, and had I procured it in time, it should have been inserted in 
 the volume in this edition appropriated to law works. 
 
 3 R. Life, p. xlii, 
 
 I subjoin some notices and observations upon the reading in the Statute of 
 Uses. 
 
 The first edition of which I have any knowledge, and of which there is a copy 
 in the British Museum, was in 1642. It is thus noticed in the Baconiana : 
 " His lordship's seventh writing, touching Civil Policy in special, is his reading 
 on the Statute of Uses. The following is a copy of the title page : The learned 
 Heading of Sir Fraiicis Bacon, one of her M(0esties learned Counsell at Law, 
 upon the Statute of Uses: 'being his double Reading t'o the Honourable Society of 
 Grayes Inne. Published for the common good. London : printeci for, Mathiew 
 Walbancke, and Laurence Chapman, 1642. 
 
 There have, of course, been various editions since 1642, of which the last 
 was by W. H. Bowe. N'Ok 342 of Hargrave's MSS. contains Index to Bacon 
 on Statute of Uses. The copies in MS. in the Harleian collection in the British 
 Museum appear from the hand writing to have been both written prior to the 
 first printed edition ; that in No. 1853 is a complete copy, the other in No. 6688 
 is written very close in a neat hand, and contains about two-thirds onlV of the 
 reading ; it ends with this passage : " The words that are common to both are 
 words expressing the conveyance whereby the use ariseth." ■ 
 
 Blackburn, vol. i. p. 184. We are now come to the learned reading upon 
 the Statute of Uses, being Mr. Bacon's double reading to the honoursible 
 society of Gray's Inn, 42 Eliz. When this piece was fiht published, the State of 
 printing resembled the state of monarchy, both being at a low ebb ; and none 
 of our noble author's works have been more mtserably racked and disjointed 
 
NOTES 3 R — 3 S. 
 
 than this before us. I have been fortunate in procuring a-con-ected copy of the 
 whole ; and further still, a second and much better copy in MS. which I take, 
 upon comparison of hands, to be the character of our author's clerk or amanu- 
 ensis ; for as the proprietor of this MS. was a lawyer by profession, so being 
 cotemporary with, our author, the probability of its being an original is the 
 stronger. , , However, I presume to say, meo periculo, that the internal proofs of 
 the excellency of this MS. so far, as, it goes (viz. to p. 169) are such that they 
 make our author speak masterly sense, and render the work in a manner new. 
 
 In the ■ Harleian collection in the British Museum are the following MSS. 
 with these titles : 
 
 Lectura Francisci Bacon unius ex consilio Dominie Regime in Legibus Eru- 
 ditis, Duplicis Leetoris, Super Statutum edictum 27 Hen. VIII. cap. 10. de 
 Usibus in Possessionem transfereniis. In English, Harleian MSS. British 
 Museum, No. 1853, fol. 90—167. 
 
 Lectura secunda Francisci Bacmt militis super Statutum provisum, 27 Hen, 
 VIII. cap. 10. de usuhus in,possessimem tranferendis, S;c, Harleian MSS. 
 British Museum, No. 6688, f. 16. ' 
 
 Mr. Hargrave has written the following note on. the first leaf of his copy of 
 the edition by Rowe, now ip the British Museum . — The .first edition of Lord 
 Bacon's Beading on the Statute of Uses was in 1642, which was about seven- 
 teen years after his death. In the title page of that edition it is expressed to be 
 "The Learned Reading of Sir Francis Bacon, one of her Majesty's Counsel at 
 Law, upon the Statute of Uses, being his Double Reading to the Honourable 
 Society of Grayes Inne." It appears therefore to have been delivered in the 
 reign of Queen Elizabeth. I collect also from the early, part of the Reading, 
 where Lord Bacon mentions Master Attorney's having, read^ upop the statute, 
 that the Reading of Lord Bacon was composed whilst Lord .Coke was attorney 
 general to Queen Elizabeth, which was from 10th April, 36th Eliz. to the end 
 of her reign. My inference that by Master Attorney Lord Bacon meant Lord 
 Coke, is from my having a manuscript volume of Readings, with an imperfect 
 note of part of a reading by Lord Coke upon the Statute of Uses, entitled 
 Lecture of Master Coke, Attorney General ; , and from Lord Coke's being 
 Attorney General when the Reading by Lord Bacon was delivered, which must 
 have been after the judgment in Chudleigh's case, in 37th, Eliz. he citing.that 
 judgment as made in that year. Upon the whole, I think that Lord Bacon's 
 Reading was delivered about three or four years before the death of Elizabeth. 
 — F. H. 
 
 In Coke upon Littleton, 17 ,Edw. 1. i. c. 1. gg 4. p. 13, there is the following 
 accidental observation by Mr. Hargrave : " As to an uses ensuing the nature 
 of the land, see 1 Co. 127, 2 Co. 58, and Bac. Reading on Stat.. Uses, 8vo. 
 edit. 308, in .which latter book the author controverts the generality of the doc- 
 trines, which certainly ought to be understood between uses and i\ie land itself; 
 or rather, as he expresses himself between uses and eases of possession. It 
 may be proper to observe, that all the editions of Lord Bacon's Reading, on 
 Uses are printed with such extreme incorrectness, that many passages are ren- 
 dered almost unintelligible, even to the most attentive reader. . A work so 
 excellent deserves a better edition." , 
 
 3 S. Life, p. xliv. 
 
 The. following selections from D'Ewer's Journal will enable the reader to 
 form some estimate of his unremitted exertions ; and will be the means of pub- 
 lishing some speeches not hitherto contained in any of the works. 
 
 Extract from the Journal of the House of Commons, 39 and 40 Reg. Eliz. 
 1597, p. 551. — Mr. Francis Bacon spake first, after that one bill, mentioned in 
 the original Journal Book of the House of Commons, had been read the first 
 time, viz. the bill against Forestallers, Regraters, and Ingrossers, and made a 
 motion against inclosures and depopulation of towns and nouses, of husbandry 
 and tillage ; and to this purpose he brought in, as he termed it, two bills not 
 drawn with a polished pen, but with a polished heart free from affection and 
 
NOTE 3 S. 
 
 affectation. And because former laws are medicines of oui' understanding, he 
 said he had perused the preambles of former statutes, and by them did see the 
 inconveniences of this matter, being scarce then out of the shell, to be now fully 
 ripened ; and he said that the overflowing of the people makes k shrinking, and 
 abate elsewhere ; and that these two mischiefs, though they be exceeding great, 
 yet- they seem the less because qui mala cum nmltis patimur, teviara videntuTf 
 and though it may be thought ill and very prejudicial to lords that have inclosed 
 great grounds, and pulled down even whole towns, and converted them to 
 sheep pastures ; yet considering the increase of people and the benefit of the 
 commonwealth, 1 doubt not but every man will deem the revival of former 
 moth-eaten laws in this point a praiseworthy thing. For in matters in policy, 
 ill is not to be thought ill, which bringeth forth good ; for inclosure of grounds 
 brings depopulation, which brings, first, idleness ; secondly, decay of tillage ; 
 thirdly, subversion of houses, and decay of charity, and charges to the poor; 
 fourthly, impoverishing the state of the realm. A law for the taking away of 
 such inconveniences is not to be thought ill or hurtful to the general state ; and 
 I would be sorry to see within this realm that piece of Ovid's verse prove true. 
 Jam seges uH Trqjafuit, so in England, instead of a whole town full of people, 
 nought but green fields, but a shepherd and a dog. The eye of experience is 
 the sure eye, but the eye of wisdom is the quicksighted eye ; and by experience 
 we daily see. Nemo putat iltud videri turpe^ quQd sihi sit quteslosum, and there- 
 fore there is almost no conscience made in destroying of the life, bread, I mean, 
 for PanU sapor vite, and therefore a strict and rigorous law had need to be made 
 against those viperous natures who fulfil the proverb, Si rum posse quod vult, 
 velle tamen quod potest, which if it be made by us, and life given unto it by 
 execution in our several counties, no doubt they will prove laws tending to 
 God's honour, the renown of her majesty, the fame of this parliament, and the 
 everlasting good of this kingdom, and therefore I think them worthy to be 
 received and read. — Thus far out of the aforesaid fragmentary and imperfect 
 journal : that which follows is out of the original Journal Book itself. In the 
 end of which said speech, as it should seem, the said Mr. Bacon did move the 
 house that a committee might be appointed to consider of the said matter 
 touching inclosures. 
 
 Extract from the Journal of the House of Commons, 39 and 40 Eliz. 1 597 , 
 23rd Nov. p. 562. — Mr. Francis Bacon, one of the committee, concerning 
 tillage and reedifying of houses and buildings (who were appointed on Saturday, 
 the 5th day of this instant November foregoing) shewed very eloquently and at 
 large the travels of the said committee in their sundry meetings together, with 
 his framing a bill, by their appointment, for 'some fit means of procuring the 
 reedifying of such houses and buildings ; and. so ofiTered the bill to the house, 
 and recommending the same to their good consideration, delivered the bill to 
 Mr. Speaket. 
 
 Extract from the Journal of the House of Commons, 39 and 40 Eliz. 1597, 
 5th Dec. page 568. — Mr. Francis Bacon, one of the committees of the bill for 
 tillage and building of houses (who were appointed on Saturday, the 26th 
 day of November foregoing), shewed at large the meeting and the travel of the 
 committees, and their framing of two new bills, and delivereth both the old and 
 the new bill to the house. 
 
 From the Journal of the House of Commons, 8tli Dec. 40 Reg. Eliz. 1597, 
 p. 571. — Mr. Francis Bacon, one of the committees in the bill to preserve the 
 property of stolen horses in the true owner's, brought in the bill with some 
 amendments, which being thrice read, was ordered to be engrossed. 
 
 Extract from Dewe's- Journal,' 39 and 40 Eliz. 14 .Jan, 1597, page 580. — 
 Mr. Bacon reciting in part the preceedings yesterday in the conference with the 
 Lords at the court, and putting the house in' mind of the objections of the Lords, 
 delivered this day in writing by Mr. Attorney General, moved for a committee 
 of some selected members of this house to be nominated to confer and consider 
 upon the said objections, for the belter answering of the same to the mainte- 
 nance of the bill. Whereupon some desiiing that the said objections might be 
 
 VOL. XV. 7 
 
NOTE 3 S. 
 
 lead, all was then further deferred till Monday next, the time being now far 
 spent, and the house ready to rise. 
 
 Extract from Dewe's Journal, 39 and 40 Eliz. 4 Feb. 1598, page 593.— 
 Mr. Francis Bacon, one of the committees in the bill lately passed in the upper 
 house by the Lords, and sent down to this house, against the decaying of houses 
 and towns of husbandry, shewed the meeting and travel of the committees and 
 amendments to the same bill, which amendments being read to the house, was 
 very well liked of by the whole house. 
 
 Extract from Dewe's Journal, 39 and 40 Eliz. 3rd Feb. 1598, page 592.— 
 Mr. Francis Bacon, one of the committees in the bill lately passed in the upper 
 house, and sent down by the Lords to this house, entitled an act against|the 
 decaying of towns and houses of husbandry, shewed the meeting of the com- 
 mittees, and that the more part of them being employed in the committee of ,a 
 bill for the more speedy payment of the Queen's majesty's debts (who were 
 appointed on Tuesday, the 31st day of January foregoing), and in the bill for 
 the better explanation of the act made in the thirteenth year of her majesty's 
 reign, entitled an act to make the lands, tenements, goods and chattels of 
 tellers, receivers, &c. liable to the payment of their debts, they would proceed 
 iq the said other bill, and so moved for another meeting for that purpose. 
 ■yVHiereupon it was ordered the same should be at two of the clock of the after- 
 noon of this present day in the Exchequer Chamber. 
 
 Extract from the Parliamentary History, 43 Reg. Eliz. Nov. 5, 1601, p. 436. 
 — The famous Mr. Francis Bacon, so often mentioned before, stood up to make 
 a motion, and on the offering of a bill spoke thus : — Mr. Speaker, I am not of 
 their minds that bring their bills into this house obscurely, by delivery only to 
 yourself or the clerk, delighting to have the bills to be incerto autftare, as 
 though they were either ashamed of their work, or afraid to father their own 
 children ; but I, Mr. Speaker, have a bill here, which I know I shall no sooner 
 be ready to offer, but you will be ready to receive and approve. I liken this 
 bill to that sentence :of the poet, who set this as a paradox in the fore front of his 
 book, First water, then gold, preferring necessity before pleasure. And I am of 
 the same opinion that things, necessary in use, are better than those things which 
 are glorious in estimation. This, Mr. Speaker, is no bill of state or novelty, like 
 a stately gallery for pleasure, but neither to dine in or to sleep in : but this bill 
 is a bill of repose, of quiet, of profit, of true and just dealings ; the title whereof 
 is, An Act for the better suppi'emng of abuses in weights and measures* We 
 have turned out divers bills without disputation ; and for a house of wisdoXQ 
 and gravity as this is, to bandy bills like balls, and to be silent as if nobody 
 were of counsel with the commonwealth, is unfitting in my understanding for 
 the state thereof. I will tell you, Mr. Speaker, out of my own experience, that 
 I have leariied and observed, having had causes of this nature referred to my 
 report ; that this fault of using false weights and measures has grown so intoler 
 rable and common, that if you would build churches, you shall not need for 
 battlements and bells other than false weights of lead and brass ; and because 
 I would observe the advice given in the beginning of this parliament, that we 
 should make no new laws ; I have only made this bill a confirmation of the 
 statute of the 1 1th of Henry VII. with a few additions, to which I will speak at 
 the passing of the bill, and shew the reasons of every particular clause, the 
 whole being a revival of a former statute ; for I take it far better to scour a 
 stream than to turn a stream : and the first clause is, " That it is to extend to 
 the principality of Wales, to constrain them to have the like measures and 
 weights to us in England." 
 
 Extract from the Journal of the House of Commons, 43 Eliz. 7 Nov. 1601, 
 page 632. — Mr. Francis Bacon, after a repetition, of somewhat was done yester- 
 day, that the three pound men might not be excluded, he concluded that it was, 
 Duicis tractus pari jugo, therefore the poor as well as the rich not to be 
 exempted. 
 
 Extract from Dewe's Journal, 43 Eliz. 13 Nov. 1601, page 636.— Mr. Fran- 
 cis Bacon said. It is far more honourable for this house in my opinion, when 
 our warrant shall move the principal member of justice, that when it, shall com- 
 
NOTE 3 S. 
 
 mand a base, petty, or inferior servant to the clerk of the crown or the clerk of 
 the petty bag, it will be said that our warrant emanavit improvide, when we shall 
 direct our warrants to these base officers when we may move the great seal of 
 England by it, even as soon as either petty bag or petty officer. 
 
 Extract from Dewe's Journal, 43 Ehz. 18 Nov. 1601, page 642.— Mr. Bacon, 
 one of the committees in the bill touching process and pleadings in the court of 
 Exchequer, maketh report of the travel and meeting of the committees, and 
 brought in a new bill drawn to the same purpose ; upon the referring whereof 
 he spake as foUoweth (out of the private journal) : Mr. Speaker, This bill hath 
 been deliberately and judiciously considered of by the committees, before whom 
 Mr. Osborn came, who I assure this house did so discreetly demean himself, 
 and so submissively referred the state of this whole office to the committees; and 
 so well answered in his defence, that they would not ransack the heaps, or 
 sound the bottom of former offences, but only have taken away something that 
 was superfluous and needless to the subject. Touching the committees they 
 have refomred partj yet they have not so nearly eyed every pailicular as if 
 they would pare to the quick an office of her majesty's gift and patronage. 
 This bill is both public and private: public, because it is to do unto the sub- 
 ject ; and private, because it does no injustice to the particular officer. The 
 committees herein have not taxed the officer by way of imputation, but removed 
 a task by removing way of imposition. I will not tell you what we have 
 taken away, either in quo titulos, in Exchequer language, or according to the 
 poet, who saith, MUte id qwrd scio, die quod rogo ; I will omit tiiat which you 
 have known, and tell you that you know not and are to knovv, and that in 
 femiliar terms. And so he told the substance of the bill. We found that her 
 majesty, whose eyes are the candles of our good days, had made him an officer 
 by patent ; in which that he might have right, her majesty's learned counsel 
 were there in centinel to see that her majesty's right might not be suppressed. 
 If my memory hath failed me in the delivering of the truth of the proceeding, 
 and the committee's determination, I desire those that were present to help and 
 assist me. Here is the bill. So he called aloud to the Serjeant of the house, 
 and delivered him the bill to deliver to the Speaker, which said bill was read 
 prima vice. 
 
 Extract from the Journal of the Hnus'e of Commons, 43 Eliz. 20 Nov. 1601, 
 page 644. — Mr. Francis Bacon said. The gentleman that spake last coastetl 
 so for and against the bill, that for my own part, not well hearing him^ I do not 
 perfectly understand him. I confess, the bill as it is, is in few words, yet pon- 
 derous and weighty. For the prerogative royal of the prince, for my oWn pSrt, 
 I ever allowed of it, and it is such as shall never be discussed. The Queen, as 
 she is our sovereign, hath both an enlarging and distraining power. For by 
 her prerogative she may at first set at liberty things restrained by statute law o'r 
 otherwise^ and secondly, by her prerogative she may restrain things which: be 
 at liberty. For the first, she may grant nen obstante, contrary to the penal 
 laws, which truly, according to my own conscience (and so struck himself on 
 the breast), are as hateful to the subjects as monopolies. For the second, if 
 any man out of his own wit, industi-y, or endeavour finds out any thing bene- 
 ficial for the commonwealth, or bring in any new invention, which every subject 
 of this kingdom may use ; yet, in regard of his pains and travels therein, her 
 majesty is pleased to grant him a prK'ilege to use the same only by himself or 
 his deputies for a certain time. This is one kind of monopoly. Sometime, 
 there is a glut of things when they be in excessive quantity, as perhaps of corn, 
 and her majesty gives license of transportation to one man : this is another 
 kind of monopoly. Sometime there is a scarcity or small quaiitity, and the 
 like is granted also. These and divers of this nature have been in trial both at 
 the Common Pleas upon actions of trespass, where if the judges do find the 
 privilege good and beneficial to the commonwealth, they then will allow it ; 
 otherwise, disallow it. And also I know that her majesty herself hath given 
 commandment to her Attorney General to bring divers of them, since the last 
 parliament, totrial in the Exchequer, since which time at least fifteen or six- 
 teen, to my kDOWledgej have been repealed ; some by her majesty's express 
 
NOTES 3 s^ — 3t. 
 
 commandftiejit upon complaint made unto her by petition, and some, by quo 
 warranto, in the Exchequer. Butj.Mr. Speaker (said hej pointing to the bill), 
 this is no stranger to this place, but a stranger in this vestment ; the use hath 
 been ever to humble ourselves unto her majesty, and by petition desire to have 
 our grievances remedied, especially when the remedy touchetl) her so nigh in 
 point of prerogative. All cannot be done at once ; neither was it possible since 
 last parliament to repeal all. If her majesty make a patent (or as we term it, 
 a monopoly) unto any of her servants, that must go, and we cr^ out of it ; but 
 if she grant it to a number of burgesses or a corporation, that must stand, and 
 that forsooth is no monopoly. I say, and I say again, that we ought not to 
 deal, to judge, or meddle with her majesty's prerogative. I wish every man 
 therefore to be careful in this business ; and humbly pray this house to testify 
 with me that I have discharged my duty in respect of my place, in speaking on 
 h?r majesty's behalf, and protest I have delivered my conscience in saying that 
 which I have said. 
 
 Extract from the Journal of the House of Commons, 43 Eliz. 9 Dec. 1601, 
 page 674. — Mr. Bacon said, The old commendation of Italy by the poet was, 
 Potmi viris fitqiie yhere. gleba, and it stands not with the policy of the state that 
 the wealth of the kingdom should be engrossed into a few graziers' hands. And 
 if you put in so many provisos as be desired, you will make it useless. The 
 husbandman is a strong man, the good footman, which is the chief observation 
 of good warriors, &c. So he concluded the statute not to, be repealed. 
 
 From the Journal of the House of Commons, 43 Eliz. 4 Dec. 1601, page 669. 
 — Mr, Bacon said, 1 am, Mr. Speaker, to tender unto this house the fruit of 
 the committee's labour, which tends to the comfort of the realm, I mean the 
 merchant, which if it quail or fail into a consumption, the state cannot choose 
 but shortly be sick of that disease. It is inclininff already. A certainty of 
 gain is that which this law provides for, and by policy of assurance the safety 
 of goods assured unto merchants. This is the, loadstone that draws him on to 
 adventure, and to stretch even the very punctilio of his credit. The committees 
 haye drawn a new bill, far differing from the old : the first limited power to the 
 Chancery, this to certain commissioners of Oyer and Terminer ; the first, that it 
 should only be there, this that only upon appeal from the commissioners it 
 should be there finally arbitrated. But lest it may be thought for vexation, the 
 party appellant must lay it in deposito, &c. and if tried against him, to pay 
 double, costs and damages. We thought this course fittest for two reasons ; 
 first, because a suit in Chancery is too long a course, and the merchant cannot 
 endure delays; secondly, because our courts have not the knowledge of .their 
 terms, neither can I tell what to say upon their causes, which be secret in their 
 science, proceeding out of their experience., I refer the bill both old and new 
 to your considerations, wishing gqod success therefore in both for the comfort of 
 the merchants and performance of our duties. The act is entitled, An Act 
 touching Policies of AssT}rances used among Merchants. 
 
 ST. Life, p. xlviii. 
 
 See Bacon's Essay on Friendship. The following, from Bacon's Apology 
 respecting Essex, is a specimen of Elizabeth's sensibility upon this subject : 
 " And another time I remember she told me for news, that my lord had written 
 unto her some very dutiful letters, and that she had been moved by them, and 
 when she took it to be the abundance of the heart, she found it to be but a pre- 
 parative to a suit for the renewing of his farm of sweet wines ; whereunto I 
 replied, O Madam, how doth your Majesty construe these things, as if these 
 two could not stand well together, which indeed nature hath planted in all 
 creatures. For there are but. two sympathies, the one towards perfection, the 
 other towards preservation. That to perfection, as the iron contendeth to the 
 loadstone ; that to preservation, as the vine will creep towards a stake or prop 
 that stands by it, not for any. love to the stake, but to uphold itself. And there- 
 fore, niadam, you must distinguish my lord's desire to do you service, is as to 
 
NOTES 3 V 3 W, 
 
 his perfection, that which he thinks himself to be born for: whereas his desire 
 to'obtain this thing of you, is but a sustentation." i > ■ ' 
 
 The following anecdote mentioned by Bacon, in his observations upon Alex- 
 ander, seems to be another manifestation of this species of sensibility : — For 
 matter of policy, weigh that significant distinction, so much in all ages embraced', 
 that he made between his two fiiends, Hephsestion and Craterus, when he said, 
 " That the one loved Alexander, and the other loved the king :" describing the 
 principal difference of princes' best servants, that some in affection love their 
 person, and others in duty love their crown. i 
 
 3 V. Life, p. Iv; 
 
 The following is the title from a copy published in 1603 : An Apologyof the 
 Earl of Essex- against those which Jealously and Malicioush) tax him to be the 
 Hinderer of the Peace and Quiet of his CoUntlry, Penned by himself in anno 
 1598. Imprintedat London by Richi Bradocke, 1603. 
 
 The Tract thus opens : "He that either thinketh he hath or wisheth to have 
 an excellent face, no sooner is told of any spot or uncomeliness in his- counte- 
 nance than be byes to shew himself to a glass, that the glass may shew again 
 his true likeness unto him ; the same curiosity moves me,'that desires to have a 
 fair minde, to shew the true face and state of my mind to my true friend ; that 
 he like a true glass without injury or flattery may tell me whether nature or acci- 
 dent have set so foul a blemish in it as my accusers pretend. 
 
 " I am charged that either in affection or opinion or both, I prefer war before 
 peace, and so consequently that all my counsels, actions, and endeavours, doe 
 tend to keep the state of England in continual wars, especially at this time 
 when some say peace may be had and I only impugn it. But both my heart 
 disclaims from so barbarous an affection) and my judgment from so absurd an 
 opinion. The reputation of a most faithful subject and zealous patriot (which 
 with hazard of my life, and decay of my estate, I have sought to purchase) must 
 not suffer this ugly and odious aspersion, that my actions have caused, main- 
 tained, or increased the wars, or had ever any such scope or intent. 
 
 " First, for my affection in nature it was indifferent to books and to arms, and 
 was more inflamed with the love of knowledge than with the love of fame ; wit- 
 ness my contemplative retiredness in Wales, and my bookishness from my 
 very.«hildhood. And now if time, reason, or experience, have taught me to 
 wish that to myself which is best for myself, what should I not wish rather than 
 martial employment, in which I have impaired' my stkte, lost my dear and only 
 brother, the half arch of my house, buried many of my dearest and nearest 
 friends, and 'subjected myself to the rage of seas, violence, general plagues', 
 famine, andf all kinds of wants, discontentment of undisciplined and unruly 
 multitudes, and acceptation of all events. And as my affectioii neither in truth 
 is, nor, if I regard myself, in reason ought to be. set on these courses of the wars : 
 so in judgment I have ever thought wars the disease and sickness ; and peace, the 
 ti'ue, natural, and healthful temper, of all states." 
 
 3W. Life, p. Iviii. 
 
 The motive for this proceeding is thus stated in the opening of the case kgainst 
 him. " Few days after my lord was removed to further liberty in his own 
 house, her majesty hoping that these bruits and malicious imputations would of 
 themselves wax old and vanish : but finding it otherwise in proof, upon taste 
 taken by some intermission (Xf time, and especially beholding the humour of the 
 time in a letter presumed to be written to her majesty herself by a lady, to 
 whom, though nearest in blood to my lord, it appertained little to intermeddle 
 in matters of this nature, otherwise than in course of humility to have solidted 
 her grace and mercy ; in which letter, in a certain violent and mineral spirit of 
 bitterness, remonstrance and representation is made to her majesty, as if Wy 
 lord suffered under passion and faction, and not under justice mixed with mercy ; 
 which letter, though written to her saered majesty, and therefore unfit to pass in 
 
NOTES 3 X ^^3 Y 32. 
 
 vulgar hands, yet was first divulged' by Copies evevy where, that being, as it 
 seemeth, the newest and finest fonn of libelling, and since committed to the 
 press : her majesty in her wisdom seeing manifestly these rumours thus nourished 
 had got too great a head to be repressed without some hearing of the cause, and 
 calling my lord to answer." 
 
 3 X. Life, p. lyiii. 
 
 The following is from the Lord's Charge in opening the cause. "And yet 
 on the other side, being still informed touching my lord himself of his continu- 
 ance of penitence and submission, did in conclusion resolve to use justice, but 
 with the edge and point taken off and rebated ; for whereas nothing leaveth that 
 teint upon honour, which in a person of my lord's condition is hardliest repaired, 
 in question of justice, as to be called to the ordinary and open place of offen- 
 ders and criminals, her majesty had ordered that the hearing should be intra dci- 
 mesticos parietes, and not luceforensi. And whereas again in the Star-chamber 
 there be certain formalities not fit in regard of example to be dispensed with, 
 which would strike deeper both into my lord's fortune and reputation ; as the 
 fine which is incident to a sentence there given, and the imprisonment of the 
 Tower, which in case of contempts that touch the point of estate doth likewise 
 follow^ her majesty turning this course had directed that the matters should 
 receive, before a great honorable and selected council, a full and deliberate, and 
 yet in respect a private, mild, and gracious hearing." 
 
 3 Y. Life, p. lix. 
 
 Bacon's account of the whole proceeding is as follows : " And then did 
 some principal counsellers send for us of the learned counsel, and notify her 
 majesty's pleasure unto us, save that it was said to me openly by one of them , 
 that her majesty was not yet resolved whether she would have me forborn in the 
 business or no. And hereupon might arise that other sinister and untrue speech 
 that I heard is raised of me, how I was a suitor to be used against my Lord of 
 Essex at that time : for it is very true, that I that knew well what had passed 
 between the Queen and me, and what occasion I had given her both of distaste 
 and distrust, incrossing her disposition, by standing steadfastly for my Lord of 
 Essex, and suspecting it also to be a stratagem arising from some particular 
 emulation, I writ to her two or three words of compliment, signifying to her 
 majesty, that if she would be pleased to spare me in my Lord of Essex's cause, 
 out of the consideration she took of my obligation towards him, I should reckon 
 it for one of her greatest favours : but otherwise desiring her majesty to think that 
 I knew the degrees of duties, and that not particular obligation whatsoever to 
 any subject could supplant or weaken that entiredness of duty that I did owe and 
 bear to her and her service ; and this was the goodly suit I made, being a res- 
 pect no man that had his wits could have omitted : but nevertheless I had a 
 further reach in it ; for I judged that day's work would be a full period of any 
 bitterness or harshness between the Queen and my lord, and therefore if I 
 declared myself fully according to her mind at that time, which could not do my 
 lord any manner of prejudice, I should keep my credit with her ever after, 
 whereby to do my lord service." — Bacon's Apology, vol. vi. 256. 
 
 3 Z. Life, p. Ix. 
 
 The following is the whole of that passage. " There is formed in every thing 
 a double nature of good, the one as every thing is a total or substantive in itself, 
 the other as it is a part or member of a greater body ; whereof the latter is in 
 degree the greater and the worthier, because it tendeth to the conservation of a 
 more general form : therefore we see the iron in particular sympathy moveth to 
 the loadstone, but yet if it exceed a certain quantity, it forsaketh the affection to 
 the loadstone, and like a ^ood patriot moveth to the earth, which is the region 
 and country of massy bodies ; so may we go forward and see that water and 
 
NOTES 4 A 4 B. 
 
 passy bodies move to the centre of the earth, but rather than to suffer a divulsion 
 in the continuance of nature they will move upwards from the centre of the 
 earth, forsaking their duty to the earth in regard of their duty to the world. 
 This double nature of good and the comparative thereof is much more engraven 
 upon man, if he degenerate not, unto whom the consei'vation of duty to the public 
 ought to be much more precious than the conservation of life and being; 
 according to that memorable speech of Fompeius Magnus, when being in com- 
 mission of purveyance for a famine at Rome, and being dissuaded with great 
 vehemency and instance by his friends about him, that he should not hazard 
 himself to sea in an extremity of weather, he said only to them, Necesse est ut 
 earn, non ut vivam," 
 
 4 A. Life, p. Ixii. 
 
 As a patron he considered preferment a sacred trust for the encouragement of 
 merit, Pirwer to do good is, he says, the true and lawfut end of aspiring, ftyr good 
 thoughts though God accept tliem, are little better than good dreams except they be 
 put in act. " Detur digniori" was therefore his favourite maxim. " Qui bene- 
 ficium digno dat, omnes obligat." And in this spirit, upon sending to Buck- 
 ingham his. patent for creating him a viscount, he says, " I recommend unto you 
 principally, that which I think was never done since I was born ; and that which 
 because it was not done, hath bred almost a wilderness and solitude in the King's 
 service ; which is that you countenance and encourage and advance able men 
 in all kinds, degrees, and professions. For in the time of the Cecils, the father 
 and the son, able men were by design and of purpose suppressed : and though 
 of late, choice goeth better, both in church and commonwealth, yet money and 
 serving, and cunning canvasses, and impoitunity prevaileth too much. And in 
 places of moment, rather make able and honest men yours, than advance those 
 that are otherwise because they are yours." 
 
 And within a few weeks after he was appointed Lord Keeper, he thus wrote 
 to a Clergyman of Trinity College. 
 
 " After my hearty commeiidations, I, having heard of you as a man well de- 
 serving and of able gifts to become profitable in the church ; and there being 
 fallen within my gift the Kectory of Frome St. Quintin, with the Clfapel of 
 Evershot in Dorsetshire, which seems to be a thing of good value, 182. in the 
 King's books and in a good county, I have thought good to make offer of it tp 
 j^ou ; the rather for that you are of Trinity College, whereof rhyself was some 
 time. And my purpose is to make choice of men rather by care and inquiry, 
 than by their own suits and commendatory letters. So I bid you farewell. 
 From your loving Friend, Fk. Bacon, C. S. 
 
 From Dorset House, 23rd April, 1617. 
 To Mr. Massey, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 
 
 4 B. Life, p. Ixii. 
 
 In his advancement of learning he has thus explained the custom of the 
 ancients in hearing the opposite reasonings of the same powerful mind, which 
 has occasionally existed and did exist, in the time of Elizabeth, in our Courts of 
 Justice in England. 
 
 Strange as, from our habits, this may be considered, there is nothing new in' 
 the suggestion. When Alexander was feasting one night where Calisthenes 
 was at the table, it was moved by some after supper, for entertainment sake, that 
 Calisthenes, who was an eloquent man, might speak of some theme or purpose, 
 at his own choice : which Calisthenes did ; choosing the praise of the Mace- 
 donian nation for his discourse, and performing the same with so good manner 
 as the hearers were much ravished : whereupon Alexander, nothing pleased, 
 said, " It was easy to be eloquent upon so good a subject." " But," saith he, 
 " turn your style, and let us hear what you can say against us :" which Calis- 
 thenes presently undertook, and did with that sting and life, that Alexander in- 
 
NOTE 4 B. 
 
 terrupted him, and said, " The goodness of the cause made him eloquent before, 
 and despite made him eloquent again." 
 
 In the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, it is stated as follows: — 
 Elizabeth, Queen of England, was a princess most entirely beloved of the 
 people, for during her government pure justice and mercy did overflow in all 
 courts of judicature, which made her so famous, that upon any motion abroad 
 from her palace, many thousands would crowd into the streets and highways, 
 to congiatulate her with their loyalty, and loud acclamations sent up to heaven 
 for her majesty's long life, health, and prosperity. And in this peerless queen's 
 reign it is reported that there was but one seijeant-at-Iaw at the Common Pleas 
 bar (called Serjeant Benlowes) who was ordered to plead both for the plaintiff 
 and defendant, for which he was to take of each party ten groats only and no 
 more ; and to manifest his impartial dealing to both parties, he was therefore to 
 wear a party-coloured gown, and to have a black cap on his head of impartial 
 justice, and under it a white linen coif of innocence, but in the reign of King 
 James seqeants were made in abundance, and a Serjeant's place sold for 800/. ; 
 and in the late King Charles the First's reign, the preferment to be a serjeant 
 grew to a higher rate, for it was then raised to 1500/. and thirteen made at one 
 lime, so strangely differing are the proceedings in law in these latter times to the 
 former^ that requires the use of many lawyei-s, and they to have unreasonable 
 fees. 
 
 And I understand that, within the last twenty years, when there was but one 
 barrister at the Ely Sessions (Mr. Hart), he used to argue on both sides. 
 
 This practice seems to have existed in all civilized countries, and countries 
 approaching to civilization. In some travels in Africa, (Park's, if I mistake 
 hot) the author says, that the litigation is conducted, not by the parties them- 
 selves, but by persons called "palavers." Milton, in his history of Muscovy, 
 two hundred years ago, voh iv. 278, says, " They have no lawyers, but every 
 man pleads his own cause, or else by bill or answer in writing delivers it with 
 his own hands to the duke ; yet justice, by corruption of inferior officers, is 
 much perverted. Where other proof is wanting, they may try the matter by 
 personal combat or by champion. If a debtor be poor, he becomes bondman 
 to the duke, who lets out his labour till it pay the debt ; till then he remains in 
 bondage. 
 
 In the Edinburgh Review for February, 1822, upon the question whether a 
 prisoner accused of felony ought to be heard by counsel 'i — the author says, 
 '= Whence comes it, that the method of getting at truth, which is so excellent 
 on all common occasions, should be considered as so improper on the greatest 
 of all occasions, where the life of a man is concerned 1 If an acre of land is to 
 be lost or won, one man says all that can be said on one side of the question — 
 another on the other ; and the jury, aided by the impartiality of the judge, 
 decide. The wit of man can devise no better method of disentangling difficulty, 
 exposing falsehood, and detecting truth." 
 
 " Justice is found, experimentally, to be most effectually promoted by the 
 opposite efforts of practised and ingenious men, presenting to the selection of an 
 impartial judge, the best arguments for the establishment and explanation of 
 truth. It. becomes, then, under such an aiTangement, the decided duty of an 
 advocate to use all the arguments in his power to defend the cause he has 
 adopted, and to leave the effect of those arguments to the judgment of others." 
 — Sidney Smith. 
 
 Milton seems not to have been partial to the character of a lawyer. In his 
 tract on education, vol. i. 276, he says, " Some, allured to the trade of law, 
 grounding their purposes not on the prudent and heavenly contemplation of 
 justice and equity, which was never taught them, but on the promising and 
 pleasing thoughts of litigious terms, fat. contentions, and Bowing fees.'' Vol. ii. 
 56. " It is true an adulteress cannot be shamed enough by any public pro- 
 ceeding; but the woman whose honour is not appeached is less injured by a 
 silent dismission, being otherwise not illiberally dealt with, than to endure a 
 clMnouring debate of utterless things,, in a business of that civil secresy and 
 difficult discerning, as not to be overmuch questioned by nearest friends ; which 
 
NOTE 4b. 
 
 dYew that answer from the greatest and worthiest Roman of his time, Paulus 
 Emilius, being demanded why he would put away his wife for no visible reason I 
 ' This shoe,' said he, and held it out on his foot, ' is a neat shoe, a new shoe, 
 and yet none of you know where it wrings me ;" much less by the unfamiliar 
 cognizance of a feed gamester can such a private' difference be examined, neither 
 ought it. 
 
 The following extract is from Boswell's Life of Johnson, vol. ii. p. 162. I 
 asked him whether, as a moralist, he did not think that the practice of the law, 
 in some degree, hurt the fine feeling of honesty. Johnson, " Why no, Sir, if 
 you act properly. You are not to deceive your clients with false representations 
 of your opinion : you are not to tell lies to a judge." Boswell, " But what do 
 you think of supporting a cause which you know to be bad." Johnson. " Sir, 
 you do not know it to be good or bad till the judge determines it. I have said 
 that you are to state facts fairly ; so that your thinking, or what you call know- 
 ing, a cause to be bad, must be from reasoning, must be from your supposing 
 your arguments to be weak and inconclusive. But, Sir, that is not enough. An 
 argument which does not convince yourself, may convince the judge to whom 
 you urge it; and, if it does convince him, why, then, Sir, you are wrong, and 
 he is right. It is his business to judge ; and, you are not to be confident in your 
 opinion that a cause is bad, but to say all you can for your client, jind then hear 
 the judge's opinion." Boswell. " But, Sir, does not affecting a warmth when 
 you have no warmth, and appearing to be clearly of one opinion, when you are 
 in reality of another opinion, does not such dissimulation impair one's honesty 1 
 Is there not some danger that a lawyer may put on the same mask in common 
 life, in the intercourse with his friends'!" Johnson. "Why no. Sir. Every 
 t)ddy knows you are paid for affecting warmth for your client ; and it is, there- 
 fore, properly no dissimulation : the moment you come from the bar you resume 
 your usual behaviour. Sir, a man will no more carry the artifice of the bar into 
 the common intercourse of society, than a man who is paid for tumbling upon 
 his hands will continue to tumble upon his hands when he should walk on his 
 feet." 
 
 Lord Erskine, in his defence of Thomas Paine, says, I will for ever, at all 
 hazards, assert the dignity, independence, and integnty of the English bar ; 
 without which impartial justice,- the most valuable part of the English constitu- 
 tion, can have no existence. From the moment that any advocate can be per- 
 mitted to say that he will or will not stand between the crown and the subject 
 arraigned in the court where he daily sits to practise, from that moment the 
 liberties of England are at an end. 
 
 If the advocate refuses to defend, from what he may think of the charge or of 
 the defence, he assumes the character of the judge ; nay, he assumes it before 
 the hour of judgment ; and, in proportion to his rank and reputation, puts the 
 heavy influence of, perhaps, a mistaken opinion, into the scale against the ac- 
 cused, in whose favour the benevolent principle of English law makes all pre- 
 sumptions, and which commands the very judge to be his counsel. 
 
 The following extract is from the life of Sir M. Hale, 143. If he saw a cause 
 was unjust, he for a great while would not meddle further in it, but to give his 
 advice that it was so. If the parties after that would go on, they were to seek 
 another counsellor, for he would assist none in acts of injustice. If he found 
 the cause doubtful or weak in point of law, he always advised his clients to 
 agree their business. Yet afterwards he abated much of the scrupulosity he had 
 about causes that appeared at first view unjust, upon this occasion. There were 
 two causes brought to him, which by the ignorance of the party, or their attor- 
 ney, were so ill represented to him, that they seemed to be very bad, but he, in- 
 quiring more narrowly into them, found they were really very good and just. 
 So after this he slackened much of his former strictness, of refusing to meddle in 
 causes upon the ill circumstances that appeared in them at first. 
 
 The administration of justice mainly depends upon the ability and the inte- 
 grity of the bar. Who, in times when our liberties are threatened, when power 
 is attempting to extend its influence ; who but men of ability can be expected to 
 Ksist these invasions? Is it to be' expected that the herd who follow any body 
 
 VOL, XV. 8 
 
NOTE 4 C. 
 
 that whistles to them, or drives them to pasture, will have the honesty and cou- 
 rage upon such occasions to despise all personal considerations, and to think of 
 no consequence but what may result to the public from the faithful discharge of 
 their sacred trust'! When Sir Matthev? Hale, in the case of Lord Craven, 
 pleaded so forcibly for his client, that in those miserable times, he was threatened 
 by the then Attorney General, with the vengeance of the government, " I am 
 pleading," he replied, " in defence of those laws which the parliament have de- 
 clared they will maintain and preserve ; I am doing my duty to my client, and 
 I am not to be daunted." The hardminded and mistaken JefTeries, said to Mr. 
 Wallop, on Baxter's trial, " I observe you are in all these dirty causes, and were 
 it not for you gentlemen of the long robe, who should have more wit and honesty 
 than to uphold these factious knaves by the chin, we should not be at the pass 
 we are at." Similar language disgraced the bench on the trial of the seven 
 bishops, but Mr. Hale and Mr. Somers were not likely to be deterred by such 
 conduct from the discharge of their duties. 
 
 4 C. Life, p. Ixx. 
 
 Accounts of this trial may be found in Bacon's works, in the Sydney Papers, 
 in Camden, and in Morrison. Bacon's account will be found in vol. vi. of 
 this edition, p. 276. The accounts from the Sydney Papers, from Camden, and 
 from Morrison are annexed. 
 
 Accou7it of the Trial from the Sydney Papers, 
 
 Kow. Whyte, Esq. to Sir Rob. Sydney. S. L. Vol. ii. p. 199. Penshurst, 
 Friday night, 6 June, 1600. 
 
 Yesterday my lord of Essex was at ray Lord Keeper's before commissioners 
 appointed to hear his cause, and to-morrow I go to court, and will learn what 
 I can of it, and advertise your lordship. 
 
 Row. Whjte, Esq. to Sir Rob. Sydney. S. L. Vol. ii. p. 199. Court in hast, 
 Saturday, 7 June, 1 600. 
 
 I am now newly come to court, where I hear how the matter passed upon 
 Thursday, with my lord of Essex before the lords and other commissioners. 
 The Attorney General, Serjeant Yelverton, her majesty's Solicitor, and Mr. 
 3acon, all of her highnes learned counsel, laid open his offences and contempts, 
 during which time the earle himself kneeled at bord's end , and had a bundle of 
 papers in his own hand, which sometimes he laid in his hat that was upon the 
 ground by him. The effect of their speeches contained his making of my lord 
 Southampton general of the horse, contrary to her majesty's pleasure ; his 
 making of knights ; his going into Munster, contrary to his instructions ; his 
 return, being expressly commanded by her majesty's own letter to stay : all which 
 points were by her majesty's learned counsel very gravely and sharply touched 
 and propounded against him. His speech was very discreet, mild, and gentle, 
 acknowledging that he had grievously offended her majesty in all these things 
 objected against him, but with no malicious intent ; and that if it would please 
 their honors to give him leave, he would declare unto them the blind guides that 
 led him to those errors, which in his opinion would have furthered her majesty's 
 service. But then began my Lord Keeper, upon the reasons argued by her 
 majesty's learned counsel, to deliver his opinion ; that his contempts deserved 
 to be imprisoned in the Towre, to be fined as deeply as ever subject was, to 
 have his offices of counsellor, earl marshall, and master of the ordnance seques- 
 tered from him. My Lord Treasurer left out the Towre ; my Lord Admiral the 
 fine. Mr. Secretary made a wise grave speech of these contempts of his towards 
 her majesty ; all the rest spoke, condemning him greatly for contemptuously 
 offending so gracious a sovereign ; and it was concluded that he should return 
 from the place he came, till her majesty's further pleasure were known. The 
 poor earl then besought their honors to be a mean unto her majesty for grace 
 and pardon; seeing there appeared in his offences no disloyalty towards h»r 
 
NOTK 4C. 
 
 highness, but ignorance xnd indiscretion in himself. I hear it was a most 
 pitiful and lamentable sight, to see him that was the mignion of fortune, now 
 unworthy of the least honor he had of many ; many that were present burst out 
 in teal's at his fall to such misery. 
 
 Row. Whyte, Esq. to Sir Rob. Sydney. S. L. Vol. ii. p. 200. Baynard's 
 Castle, Wednesday, 1 1 June, 1600. 
 
 I heard since about the Earl of Essex, that the Attorney General in his speech' 
 would have proved wilful and malicious contempts to have been disloyalty in 
 him, and brought forth these words : Regina vidit, consul vidit, senatus vidit, 
 hie tamen vivit. To this his lordship answered, that he was forced to alter his 
 purpose of coming to that place, which was not to justify himself, but to 
 acknowledge his transgressions, being by his own opinion and persuasion of 
 others, misled to commit these eiTOVs. But now his honor and loyalty was called 
 in question, he should do God great wrong and his own conscience ; and if I do 
 not justify myself an honest man (taking his George, and putting it with his 
 hand towards his heart), this hand shall pull out this heart when any disloyal 
 thought shall enter into it. But the lords interrupted his speech, clearing him 
 generally of that, and proceeded to their censure, by the way of opinion only, to 
 those matters objected by the Queen's learned counsel against him. Something 
 he said to all these, but no way to justify himself, and with all humble submis- 
 siveness besought her majesty's mercy. The lords did all admire at his discre- 
 tion and carriage, who never was moved at any speech was spoken against him, 
 but with patience heard all was said ; sometimes kneeling, one while standing, 
 another while leaning at a cupboard, and at last he had a stool given him ; but 
 never oflFered to leave kneeling, till the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury desired 
 he might stand, and then that he might leane, and lastly, that he might sit. 
 For they began at nine in the morning, and it continued till eight at night, 
 without removing. The lords did in a sort give him this comfort, that her 
 majesty would be gracious unto him ; in the meantime all his offices are seques- 
 tered from him. The master of the horse was not mentioned, because it was 
 not by patent, and a deputy by the Queen appointed, which is my lord of 
 Worcester, till his return to court ; so that if he come not again, then is he 
 still to execute it as he doth. The judges made his contempts very heinous by 
 the laws of the land, and by examples, and by the civil law criminal. The poor 
 earl continues still with a keeper at his own house until her majesty's pleasure 
 be further known, who, as it seems, is not resolved what she will do with him. 
 Her majesty is very much quieted and satisfied to see, that the lords of her 
 council, her nobility, and the grave judges of her land, do hold him worthy of 
 far more punishment than hath been inflicted against him. Some think his 
 keeper shall be removed this week, and that he shall have the liberty of his 
 houses in London and Barnelmes, and that he shall have his friends come to 
 him ; there are others that do believe that he shall continue as he doth some time 
 longer. 
 
 Camden's Account of the Trial, 
 
 But whereas the vulgar sort spread abroad his innocency every where, it 
 seemed good to the Queen, for removing of all suspicion of too much severity, 
 injustice, and prejudice from herself and her counsel, that his case should be 
 plainly heard (not in the Star Chamber, lest he should be heavily fined, but) in 
 the Lord Keeper's house, before the Queen's councell, four earls, two barons, 
 and four judges, and that, as it were, a certain censorious animadversion should 
 be used, yet without any note of perfidiousness. The chief heads of the accusa- 
 tion against him were these : that contrary to that he had in charge, he had 
 made the Earl of Southampton general of the horse ; that he had bestowed the 
 dignity of knighthood upon many ; that he had drawn his forces into Munster, 
 neglecting Tir-Oen, the archrebel ; that he had conference with him not be- 
 seeming the Queen's majesty, nor the dignity of a lord deputy ; and which was 
 the more suspect, because it was in secret. All these points the Queen'? 
 learned councell had highly aggravated, producing out of his letters, written 
 
NOTE 4 C. 
 
 above two years before (whereof copies were lately dispersed by his foUowen), 
 these short abrupt sentences : "■ No tempest is more furious than the indigna- 
 tion of an impotent prince ; the Queen's heart is hardened. Cannot princes 
 err 1 Can they not wrong their subjects 1 What I owe as a subject I know 
 well, and what as earl marshal of England." From hence they argued, as if 
 he esteemed the Queen for an impotent princess, and voyd of reason ; compared 
 her to Pharaoh, whose heart was hardened, that she cared no longer for truth 
 and justice ; and as if he besides his fidelity, ought neither obedience nor thank- 
 fulness. Some points also of lesser moment they objected unto him out of a 
 book of the deposing of Richard the Second, dedicated unto him. He kneeling 
 at the table, upon one knee, thanked Almighty God for all his benefits, and his 
 most gracious princess, which would not have his cause to be heard publickly in 
 the Star Chamber, but commanded that cup to pass (for these were his words), 
 and him to be censured within a private house. He professed therefore that he 
 would not contest with her, nor in the whole, or in part, excuse the errors of his 
 young inconsiderate years, and of his weakness. He protested that he had most 
 sincerely kept his allegiance, and had not had so much as a thought not to obey, 
 and that he would ever be obedient. Briefly, that in all things his meaning was 
 good, howsoever it fell out otherwise, and that now he would bid the world 
 farewell. And withal he shed plenty of tears j the standers by also wept with 
 him for joy, out of the great hope they had of him. Yet could he not contain 
 himself, but begun to make excuse, that he had made Southampton general of 
 the horse out of a credulous error that the Queen would admit the reasons which 
 he yielded ; but they being rejected, he presently displaced him. That he had 
 bestowed the dignity of knighthood upon many, that he might retain the gentle- 
 men volunteers about him. That he had undertaken the war in Munster, by 
 the inconsiderate advice of the councel of Ireland. That Ormond, the principal 
 of them, rued the same, by the loss of his sight, and Sir Warham St. Leger, by 
 a cruel death. As he was going forward, the Lord Keeper stayed him, and put 
 him in mind to go forward as he had first begun, and to fly to the Queen's 
 mercy, who would not have him charged vrith perfidiousness, but with contempt 
 and disobedience ; and not to pretend obedience in words which in deeds he 
 had little performed. For by extenuating his offences he might seem to exte- 
 nuate the Queen's clemency. That it was absurd to shadow open disobedience 
 with the will to obey. What every one said it is needless to repeat, seeing they 
 were in a manner the same which were either before spoken, or after to be 
 spoken, in the Star Chamber. In conclusion, the Lord Keeper pronounced that 
 he should be removed from the place of a counsellor, suspended from his offices 
 of earl marshal and master of the ordnance, and detained in custody during the 
 Queen's pleasure. These censures the rest approved by their voices, and many 
 conceived good hope that he should ere long be received again into favor ; for- 
 asmuch as the Queen had expressly commanded that he should not be suspended 
 from his mastership of the horse (as if she would use his service again), and 
 that this censure should by no means remain upon record, 
 
 Morrison's Account of the Trial. 
 
 Give me leave to digresse a little, to one of the fatall periods of Robert, the 
 noble Earle of Essex his tragedy (and the last but one, which was his death), 
 whereof the following relation was sent into Ireland. The fifth of June there 
 assembled at Yorke-house in London, about the hearing of my Lord of Essex 
 his cause, eighteene commissioners, viz. my Lord of Canterburie, Lord Keeper, 
 Lord Treasurer, Lord Admirall, Lords of Worcester, Shrewsbuiy, Cumberland, 
 Huntington, Darby, and Zouch, Mast. Comptroller, Master Secretarie, Sir 
 Thon Fortescu, Lord Popham, Chiefe Justice, Lord Anderson, Chiefe Justice 
 of the Common Pleas, Lord Perian, Chiefe Baion of the Exchequer, Justices 
 Gandy and Walmesley. They sate from eight of the clock in the morning, till 
 very neere nine at night, all at a long table in chaires. At the earles comraing 
 in none of the commissioners stirred cap, or gave any signe of curtesie. He 
 kneeled at the vpper end of the table, and a good while without a cushion. At 
 length my Lord of Canterbury moved my Lord Treasurer, and they jointly my 
 
NOTE 4C. 
 
 Lord Keeper and Lord Admirall, that sat over against them, then was he per- 
 mitted a cushion, yet still was suffered to kneele, till the Queen's Serjeants 
 speech was ended, when by the consent of the lords, he was permitted to stand 
 vp, and after, vpon my lord of Canterburies motion, to have a stoole. 
 
 The manner of proceeding was this. My Lord Keeper first delivered the 
 cause of the assembly, and then willed the Queenes counsaile at law, viz. 
 Sergeant, Attorney, Solicitor, and Master Bacon, to informe against him. The 
 Sergeant began, and his speech was not long, onely a preface as it were to the 
 accusations. The summe of it was, to declare the Queene's princely care and 
 provision for the warres of Ireland, and also her gratious dealmg with the earle 
 before he went, in discharging ten thousand pound of his debts, and giving him 
 almost so much more, to buy him horses, and provide himself, and especially 
 in her proceedings in this cause, when, as after so great occasion of onence as 
 the consumption of a royall army, fruitlesse wasting thirty hundred thousand li. 
 treasure, contempt, and disobedience to her expresse commandement, she not- 
 withstanding was content to be so mercifuU towards him, as not to proceede 
 against him in any of her courts of justice, but only in this priuate sort, by way 
 of mercy and favour. After him the Attorney began, whose speech contained 
 the body and substance of the accusation, it was very sharp and stinging ; for 
 besides the many faults of contempt and disobedience wherevrith hee charged 
 him, he did also shrewdly inferre a dangerous disposition and purpose, which 
 was by many rhetoricall amplifications, aggravated to the full ; he divided his 
 speech into three parts, Quomodo ingressus, quomodo progressus, quomodo re- 
 gressus ; in the ingresse, hee observed how large a commission he stood upon, 
 such a one as never any man had the like before, namely, that he might bane 
 authoritie to pardon all traytors of himselfe, yea, to pardon treason committed 
 against her maiesties owne person, and that he might mannage the warres by 
 himself, without being tied to the advice of the counsell of Ireland, which clause 
 hee said was granted, that he might at first proceede in the northeme iourney, 
 which the counsell of Ireland (whose lands and livings lay in the south), might 
 perhaps hinder, aiid labor to divert him, to the safeguard of themselves. In the 
 other two parts of his speech were contained five speciall crimes, wherewith the 
 earle was charged, viz. His making the Earle of Southampton generall of the 
 horse. 2. His going to Leinster and Mounster, when he should have gone to 
 Vlster. 3. His making so many knights. 4. His conference with Tyrone. 
 5. His returne out of Ireland, contrary to her majesties command. These all 
 saving the fourth, were recited by the lords in their censures, as the crimes for 
 which he was censured by them. The ,first was amplified, for that he did it 
 contrary to her majesties mind, plainely signified unto nim in England, that hee 
 increased that offence, by continuing him in that office stil, when her majesty 
 by letters had expressely commanded him to displace him ; and thirdly, for 
 that he wrote a very bold presumptuous letter to her majesty, in excuse of that 
 offence, which letter was afteiwards read. The second point of his southerne 
 journy was agravated, in that it was made contrary to ner majesties advised 
 resolution, agreed upon by her counsel, and approved by her martial men, as 
 the only means to reduce Ireland, and contrary to the earles own project, yea, 
 and that without the advice of the counsel of Ireland also, as appeared by a 
 letter of theirs under their hands, though now the earle pretended their advice for 
 his own excuse, whereupon followed the harrowing out, and the weakning of 
 the royallest army that ever went out of England, the wasting of that huge 
 expence, and the overthrow of the whole action. The third point, viz. the 
 making of knights, was urged to have beene contrary to her maiesties ex- 
 presse commandement, a qiigstlon being once made whether he should have 
 that authoritie or no, because he bad abused it before ; yet the same being at 
 the last granted, with this limitation given him in charge, that he should make 
 but few, and those men of good ability, whereas he made to the number of 
 threscore, and those some of his meniall servants, yea, and that in a most un- 
 seasonable time, when things were at the worst, which should have been done 
 upon victorie and triumph onely. The fourth point, namely, his conference 
 with the rebell, was agravated, in that it was an equall and secret conference. 
 
NOTE 4 C. 
 
 dishonourable to her majestie, for him that sustained her royall person, to con- 
 ferre in equall sort with the basest and vilest traytor that ever lived, a bush 
 kerne, and base sonne of a blacksmith ; suspicious also, in that it was private 
 and secret, no man suffered to approach, but especially no Englishman ; the 
 end of the conference most shamefull, that the wretched traytor should prescribe 
 conditions to his soveraigne : abominable and odious conditions, a publike 
 toUeration of idolatrous religion, pardon for himselfe, and all the traytors in 
 Ireland, and full restitution of lands and possessions to all the sort of them. It 
 was added, that before this parley, a messenger went secretly from the earles 
 campe to the traytor, viz. Captaine Thomas Leigh, if not sent by the earle, at 
 least by his connivency, at least by the connivencie of the marshall, whom the 
 earle did not punish. Lastly, the fifth point was urged to be intollerably pre- 
 sumptuous, contrary to her maiesties expresse commandement in writing, under 
 the seale of her privy signet, charging him upon his dutie not to return until he 
 heard further from her ; that this his returne was also exceeding dangerous, in 
 that he left the army divided unto two divers men, the Earle of Ormond and the 
 Lord Chancellor, men whom himselfe had excepted against, as unfit for such a 
 trust, and that he so left this army, as that if God his providence had not been 
 the greater, the mine and losse of the whole kingdome had ensued thereupon. 
 This was the summe of the accusation, every part interlaced with most sharpe 
 and bitter rhetoricall amplifications, which I touch not, nor am fit to write, but 
 the conclusion was (whereby a taste of the same may be had) that the ingresse 
 was proud and ambitious, the progresse disobedient and contemptuous, the 
 regresse notorious and dangerous. Among other things, the Lady Rich her 
 letter to the Queene was pressed with very bitter and hard termes : my Lady 
 Rich her letter he termed an insolent, saucy, malipert action. He proposed 
 also in the end a president for the earles punishment (saying, he was faine to 
 seeke farre for one gentle enough) : one William of Britten, Earle of Richmond, 
 who refusing to come home out of France upon the king's letter, was adjudged 
 to loose all his goods, lands, and chattels, and to indure perpetuall imprison- 
 ment. Master Attorney particularly said the following words, whereas the earle 
 in his letter exclameth tempora, O mores ! (for so I thinke he construed these 
 words of his, O hard destiny of mine, that I cannot serve the Queene and please 
 her too.) Let me also say with the orator concerning him ; Hiec regina intel- 
 ligit, base senatus videt, hie tamen vivit. In the end of his speech, Now (saith 
 he) nothing remaineth but that wee inquire quo animo ; all this was done. 
 Before my lord went into Ireland, he vaunted and boasted that hee would 
 fight with none but the traytor himselfe, he would pull him by the eares out of 
 his den, hee would make the earle tremble under him, &c. But when he came 
 thither, then no such matter, hee goes another way ; it appearatb plainely he 
 meant nothing lesse than to fight with Tyrone. This was the effect of Master 
 Attorney's part. Master SoUiciter his speech followed, which contained the 
 unhappy successe, which ensued in Ireland after the earles departure, whereby 
 appeared how little good the earle had done, in that the traitor was growne much 
 more confident, more insolent, and stronger than ever he was before, as appeared 
 principally by his declaration, which he hath given out since the earles depar- 
 ture, vaunting that he is the upholder of the Catholike faith and religion ; that 
 whereas it was given out by some that he would follow the Earle of Essex into 
 England, hee would perhaps shortly appeare in England; little to Englands 
 good : many things he added to that purpose. 
 
 After him Sir Francis Bacon concluded the accusation with a very eloquent 
 speech. First, by way of preface, signifying, that he hoped both the earle him- 
 selfe, and all that heard him, would consider that the particular bond of duty, 
 which he then did and ever would acknowledge to owe unto the earle, was now 
 to be sequestred, and laied aside. Then did he notably extoU her maiesties sin- 
 gular grace and mercy, whereof he said the earle was a singular work, in that 
 upon his humble sute, shee was content not to prosecute him in her court of jus- 
 tice, the Starre-chamber, but according to his owne earnest desire, to remove 
 that cup from him (those, he said, were the earles own words in his letter), and 
 now to suffer his cause to be heard, Inter privates parietes, by way of mercy and 
 
NOTli 4 C. 
 
 favour onely, where no manner of disloyalty was laide to his charge, for (quoth he) 
 if that had beene the question, this had not beene the place. Afterwards passing 
 along most eloquently through the earles iourney into Ireland, hee came to charge 
 him with two points not spoken of before. The first was a letter written by the 
 earle unto my Loi-d Keeper, very boldly and presumptuously, in derogation to 
 her maiesty, which letter he also said was published by the earles own friends. 
 The points of the letter which he stood upon were these ; No tempest to the 
 passionate indignation of a prince ; as if her maiesty were devoid of reason, 
 carried away with passion (the onely thing that ioineth man and beast toge- 
 ther) : her maiesties heart is obdurate, he would not say that the earle meant 
 to compare her absolutely to Pharaoh, but in this particular onely, which must 
 needs be very odious. Cannot princes erre 1 cannot subjects suffer wrong 1 as 
 if her maiesty had lost her vertues of judgement, justice, &c. Farre be it from 
 me (quoth he) to attribute divine properties to mortal princes, yet this I must 
 truly say, that by the common law of England, a prince can doe no wrong. 
 The last point of that letter was a distinction of the duty a subject oweth to his 
 prince, that the duty of allegiance is the onely indissolueble duty, what then 
 (quoth he) is the duty of gratitude? what the duty of obedience, &c. The 
 second point of Master Bacon's accusation was, that a certaine dangerous 
 seditious pamphlet was of late put forth into print, concerning the first yeeres of 
 the raigne of Henry the Fourth, but indeed the end of Bichard the Second, and 
 who thought fit to be patron of that booke, but my lord of Essex, who after the 
 booke had beene out a weeke, wrote a cold formall letter to my lord of Canter- 
 bury, to call it in againe, knowing belike that forbidden things are most sought 
 after : this was the effect of his speech. The speciall points of the whole accu- 
 sation were afterwards proved by the earles owne letters, by some of her maiesties 
 letters, and the counsels, and by the letter of the Earle of Ormond and others of 
 the counsell of Ireland, openly red by the clerke of the counsell. 
 
 The accusation ended, the earle kneeling, beganne to speake for himselfe, in 
 effect thus much : That ever since it pleased her gracious maiestie to remove 
 that cup from him (which he acknowledged to have been at his humble sute), 
 and to change the.course of proceeding against him, which was intended in the 
 Starre-chamber ; he laied aside all thought of justifying himselfe in any of his 
 actions, and that therefore he had now resolved with himselfe never to make 
 any contestation with his soveraigne : that he had made a divorce betwixt him- 
 selfe and the world, if God and his soveraigne would give him leave to bold it ; 
 that the inward sorrow and afflictions which he had laied upon his soule 
 privately, betwixt God and his conscience, for the great offence against her 
 majesty, was more then any outward crosse or affliction that could possibly 
 befall him. Thtit he would never excuse himselfe, neither a toto nor a tanto, 
 from whatsoever crimes of errour, negligence, or inconsiderate rashnes, which 
 his youth, folly, or manifold infirmities might leade him into, onely he must 
 ever professe a loyall faithfuU unspotted heart, unfained affection and desire, 
 ever to doe her majesty the best service he could, which rather than he would 
 lose, he would, if Christianity and charity did permit, first teare his heart out of 
 his breast with his owne hands. But this alwaies preserved untouched, he was 
 most willing to confesse and acknowledge whatsoever errours and faults it 
 pleased her maiesty to impute vnto him. The first part of his speech drew 
 plenty of teares from the eyes of many of the hearers ; for it was uttered with 
 great passion, and the words excellently ordered, and it might plainely appeare 
 that he had intended to speake no more for himselfe. , But being touched (as it 
 seemed) with the oversharpe speeches of his accusers, he humbly craved of their 
 lordships, that whereas he had perceived many rhetaricall inferences and insi- 
 nuations given out by his accusers, which might argue a disloyall, malicious, 
 wicked, and corrupt affection in him, they would give him leave, not in any sort 
 to excuse himself, but only by way of explanation, to lay downe unto them those 
 false guides which had deceived him, and led him into all his errours, and so he 
 entered into a kind of answering Master Attumies speech, from point to point 
 in order, alleaging, for the point of his large commission for pardoning treason 
 against her maiesties person, that it was a thing he had learned of Master 
 
NOTE 4 C. 
 
 Attourney himselfe, onely to meete witli the rebels curiosity, which had an 
 opinion, that all treason in Ireland might be interpreted treason against her 
 maiesties person, and therefore would trust no pardon without that clause. 
 That in making the Earle of Southampton generall of the hoise, the deceive- 
 able guide which misled him, was an opinion that her majesty might have 
 been satisfied with those reasons which moved him, as also with those reasons 
 which he had alleaged in his letters, for continuance of him in the place, 
 but that after he perceived her maiesties mind plainely in her second letter, 
 he displaced him the next day. For his journey into Mounster, hee alleaged 
 divers things, principally that the time of the yeere would not serve for an 
 Vlster journey, and then the advice of the counsel there, which he protested 
 to alleage not to excuse himselfe, but rather to accuse his owne errours, and 
 the errours of the counsellors in Ireland : and whereas some of them to ex- 
 cuse themselves, and charge him the deeper, had now written the contrary to 
 the counsell : he protested deepely that therein they had dealt most falsely, and 
 it seemeth (saith he) that God his just revenge hath overtaken two of tliem 
 already, the Earle of Ormond by blindnesse, and Sir William St. Leger, by vio- 
 lent death. For his making of knights, he alleaged the necessity and straights 
 he was driven unto, that being the onely way he had to retaine the voluntaries, 
 the strength and pride of the army ; that he made but two of his servants, and 
 those men of speciall desert and good ability : that he thought his service ought 
 not to be any barre against them, for the receiving the reward of their deserts. 
 But before he had thus waded through halfe his answer, my Lord Keeper inter- 
 rupted him, and told him, that this was not the course that was like to doe him 
 good ; that be beganne very w^ell in submitting' himselfe unto her maiesties mercy 
 and pardon, which he, with the rest of the lords, were glad to heare ; and no 
 doubt but her princely and gracious nature was by that way most like to be 
 inclined to him : that all extenuating of his offence was but the extenuating of 
 her maiesties mercy in pardoning : that he, with all the rest of the lords, would 
 cleere him of all suspition of disloyalty ; and therefore he might doe well to 
 spare the rest of his speech, and save time, and commit himselfe to her maiesties 
 mercy. And when the earle replied, that it might appeare by that hedge which 
 he diligently put to all his answers, that he spake nothing but only to cleere 
 himselfe from a malicious corrupt affection. My Lord Keeper told him againe, 
 that if thereby he meant the crime of disloyalty, it was that which he needed 
 not to feare ; he was not charged with it, as the place and course taken against 
 him might warrant ; all that was now laied unto him was contempt and disobe- 
 dience. And if he intended to persuade them, that he had disobeyed indeed, 
 but not with a purpose of disobeying, that were frivolous and absurd. Then 
 my Lord Treasurer beganne to speake, and cleering the earle from suspition of 
 disloyalty, did very soundly controU diners of his other excuses. After him 
 Master Secretary, making a preface why he spake before his turae, by reason of 
 his place, tooke the matter in hand, and first notably cleering the earle from all 
 suspition of disloyalty, which he protested he did from his conscience, and after- 
 wards often iterated the same, and preserved it unto him entire, he spake singu- 
 larly for the justifying of her majesty's special care and wisdom for the warres 
 in Ireland, in providing whatsoever could be demanded by the earle for that 
 service before his going out; with supplying him afterwards with whatsoever 
 hee could aske, so it were possible to bee given him : in prescribing that course, 
 which had it beene followed, was the onely way to have reduced that realme, 
 and which being forsaken, was the onely ruine and losse of that royall army. 
 And as for all those excuses which the earle alleaged for himselfe, hee cleerely 
 cut them ofl'', shewing that his excuse of following the counsell of Irelands 
 advice, was nothing, his commission being so large, that he was not bound to 
 follow them ; and if he had beene, yet were they a counsell at his command ; he 
 might force them to say what he list : his own letters which he alleaged, might 
 be provisionary, written of purpose then to excuse him now. To be short, he 
 greatly justified her inaiesties wisdorae, in managing that whole action, as much 
 as lay in her, and laid the whole fault of the bad successe in Ireland upon the 
 earlcs ominous iourney (so he called it) into Mounster. And thus, in the be- 
 
NOTE 4C. 
 
 halfe of her majesty, he fully satisfied the auditors. Master Secretary gave the 
 earle his right alwaies, and shewed more curtesie than any; yet, saied he, the 
 eaile iii all his iourneydid nothing else but make (as it were) circles of errours, 
 which were all bound up in the unhappy knot of his disobedient returns. Also 
 he gave the earle free liberty to interrupt him at any time in his speech. But 
 the earle. being contented with the opinion of loyalty so cleerely reserved unto 
 him, was most" willing to beare the whole burthen of all the rest of the accusa- 
 tion, and therefore never Used any further reply ; onely by reason of a question 
 or two, that were moved by my Lord of Canterbury and my Lord Admirall : 
 some little speech there was to and fro. My Lord of Canterburies question 
 was concerning the'conditions of yeelding unto Tyrone in tolleration of religion ; 
 the earle heartily thanked him for moving that doubt, and then protested, that it 
 was a thing mentioned in deed, but never yeelded unto by him, nor yet stood 
 upon by the traitor, to whom the earl had said plainely. Hang thee up, thou 
 carest for religion as much as my horse. Master Secretary also cleered the earle 
 in that respect, that be never yefelded to Tyrone in that foule condition, though 
 by reason of Tyrones vaunting afterwards, it might have some shew of proba- 
 bility. By reason of my Lord Admirals question, the earle spake somewhat of 
 his returne, that he did it upon a false ground of hope, that her majesty might 
 pardon him, as shee did the Earle of Leicester in the like case, who returned out 
 of the Low Countries, contrary to her majesties expresse letter. This I thought 
 with myselfe (quoth the earle) if Leicester were pardoned, whose end was onely 
 to sane himselfe, why might not Kssex be pardoned, whose end was to save a 
 kingdome. But Master Secretary replied, that upon his knowledge there never 
 passed any letter from her majesty, to forbid the fearle of Leicester's returne. 
 
 Judge Walmesley his speech was move blunt then bitter : Prisoners at our 
 baiTes (saith he) are more gracelesse, they will not confesse their faults. 
 Againe, he compared my lord his comming home, and leaving the army there, 
 to a shepheard that left his flocke to the keeping of his dogge. 
 
 In conclusion, the earle protested , that all he sought for was the opinion of a 
 tiTie and a loyall subject, which might appeare by the speech wherewith he 
 hedged in all his answeres, namely, that he intended onely to shew those false 
 guides which misled him, whether they were his owne errours, or the errouis of 
 his counsellors, whom he followed, tliat he yeelded himselfe wholly to her 
 maiesties mefcy and favour, and was ready to offer up his. poor carkasse unto 
 her, he would not say to doe (for alasse he had no faculties), but to suffer what- 
 soever her majesty should inflict upon him, and so requested them all to make 
 a just, honourable, and fauourable report of his disordered speeches, which had 
 fallen from him in such sort, as his aking head and body weakened with sick- 
 nesse, would give him leave. This done, they proceeded to the censure. 
 
 My Lord Keeper beganne with a good, powerfull, and eloquent speech. Tha* 
 by justice and clemency the throne is established; as for mercy, her majesty 
 had reserved it to herselfe; but for the satisfying of her justice, shee had 
 appointed them to enquire into the cause. That they were to enquire onely of 
 those faults of contempts and disobedience laid unto the earle, and to censure 
 him accordingly, and for her meroy they had nothing to do with it ; onely God 
 was to worke it in her princely breast. In examining the carles faults, he laid 
 these for his grounds : that the two grounds and foundations of the princes 
 scepter and estate, are the reputation of a diligent and carefull providence for 
 the preservation of her estate and countries, and the obedience of her subiects ; 
 and he that should take either of these from her, should take from her the crowne 
 and scepter. For the first, he notably shewed at large, how her maiesty had 
 deserved it in the whole course of the Irish warres ; for obedience, he shewed the 
 nature of it, consisting in precisely following th^ streight line of the princes 
 commandement, and upon that straioe he amplified to the uttermost all the 
 earles contempts and disobediences, that her maiesties great mercy might appeare 
 the more cleerly. Among the rest, (for he went through them all in order) he 
 answered thus to the pretence of Leicesters president for excuse of the earles 
 returne. In good things the example is better then the imitation of another; 
 he that doth wel of his owne head, doth best, and he that doth wel by imitation, 
 
 VOL. XV. 9 
 
NOTES 4 C 4 D. 
 
 doth commendably in a lesse degree ; but in bad things the proportion is other- 
 wise, the example being naught, the imitation isworse : therefore if my Lord of 
 Leicester did evill, in comming over contrary to the Queenes commandement, 
 my Lord of Essex did worse in imitating my Lord of Leicester, and is so much 
 the more to be punished for it. In the end he came to the censure, which was 
 this. If, quoth he, this cause had beene heard in the Starre-chamber, my sen- 
 tence must have been so great a, fine as ever was set upon any man's head in 
 that court, and perpetuall imprisonment in that place which belongeth to a man 
 of his quality, that is the Tower ; but now that we are in another place, and in 
 a course of favour, my censure is, that he is not to execute the office of a coun- 
 sellor, nor to holde himselfe for a counsellor of estate, nor to execute the office 
 of earle marshall of England, nor of the master of the ordinance, and to returne 
 to his owne house, there to continue a prisoner as before, till it shall please her 
 majesty to release both this and all the rest. 
 
 After my Lord Keeper all the rest in order gave their censures (amplifying 
 her majesties clemency and the earles offences), according to the manner in the 
 Starre-chamber ; but all accorded to this censure, (for so they called it, and not 
 a sentence), Master Secretary said, my censure is, that the earle deservelh, &c. 
 The greater part of the day was spent in the lords censures, who were many of 
 them very long, onely the noble men (not counsellors) were short. 
 
 The Earle of Worcester cited these two verses ; 
 
 Scilicet a superis etiam fortuna luenda est, 
 Nee veniant, laeso numine, casus habet. 
 
 Even for our fortune gods may cast us downe, 
 Neither can chance excuse, if a god frowne. 
 
 The Earle of Cumberland said, if he thought that censure should stand, he 
 would crave longer time, for it seemed unto hime somewliat hard and heavy, 
 intimating how easily a generall commander might incurre the like ; but (quoth 
 hee) in confidence of her maiesties mercy, I agree with the rest. 
 
 The Lord Zouch would give no other censure, but that which he thought the 
 earle would lay upon himselfe, that was, thai he would restraine himselfe from 
 executing his offices, &c. and keepe himselfe in his house, till her majesty shall 
 release all. 
 
 They all seemed by their speeches to conceive a sure hope of her majesties 
 releasing this censure, and the earl was reasonably chearefuH, onely his body 
 seemed weake and distempered with sicknesse, and now and then he shewed 
 most manifest tokens of sorrow for his offence to her maiesty, by teares in his 
 eyes (specially in the first part of his owne speech, and when my Lord Keeper 
 spake). 
 
 [Fynes Moryson's Itinerary, fol. Lond. 1617. Part II. Ireland, anno 
 ^ 1600. pp. 68—74. 
 
 4 D. Life, p. Ixxviii. 
 
 A Letter to the Earl of Essex, in offer of his service when he was first enlarged 
 to Essex House. 
 
 My Lord, — No man can expound my doings better than your lordship, which 
 makes me need to say the less ; only I humbly pray you to believe, that I aspire 
 to the conscience and commendation of bonus civis, and bonus vir ; and that 
 though I love some things better, I confess, than I love your lordship, yet 1 love 
 few persons better; both for gratitude's sake, and for your virtues, which cannot 
 hurt but by accident, of which my good affection it may please your lordship to 
 assure yourself, and of all the true effect and offices I can yield. For as I was 
 ever sorry your lordship should fly with waxen wings, doubting Icarus's fortune, 
 so for the growing up of your own feathers, be they ostriches or other kind, no 
 man shall be more glad. And this is the axletree whereon I have turned and 
 shall turn. Which having already signified to you by some near mean, having 
 
NOTES 4d — 4E. 
 
 SO fit a messenger for mine own letter, I thought good also to redouble by 
 writing. And so I commend you to God's protection. From Gray's Inn, this 
 9th day of July, 1600. (a) 
 
 An Answer of my Lord of Essex to the immediately preceding Letter of 
 Mr. Bacon's. 
 
 Mr. Bacon, — I can neither expound nor censure your late actions, being 
 ignorant of all of them, save one, and having directed my sight inward only, to 
 examine myself. You do pray me to believe that you only aspire to the 
 conscience and commendation of bonus civis and bonus vir ; and I do faithfully 
 assure you, that wbile tliat is your ambition (though your course be active and 
 mind contemplative), yet we shall both, convenire in eodem tertio, and convenire 
 inter nos ipsos. Your profession of a£Fection, and offer of good offices, are wel- 
 come to me ; for answer to them I will say but this, that you have believed I 
 have been kind to you ; and you may believe that I cannot be other, either 
 upon humour or mine own election. I am a stranger to all poetical conceits, 
 or else I should say somewhat of your poetical example. But this I must say, 
 that I never flew with other wings, than desire to merit and confidence in my 
 sovereign's favour ; and when one of these wings failed me, I would light no- 
 where but at my sovereign's feet, though she suffered me to be bruised wilh my 
 fall. And till her majesty, that knows I was never bird of prey, finds it to 
 agree with her will, and her service, that my wings should be imped again, I 
 have committed myself to the mue. No power, but my God's and my sove- 
 reign's, can alter this resolution of your retired friend, Essex. 
 
 If it is imagined that the apparent coldness of this letter ought to be ascribed 
 to injured feeling, to that lofty spirit, which could not brook any real or apparent 
 opposition, let the time when it was written : let it be connected with the letters 
 in note E : let the conclusion of the letter, beginning at " till her majesty," 
 and let Bacon's accidental account of these letters in page Ixxxi, " and having 
 received from his lordship a courteous and loving acceptation of my good will 
 and endeavours," be considered ; and it will, perhaps, clearly appear that this 
 was a letter intended to be seen by the Queen. 
 
 4 E. Life, p. Ixxix. 
 
 The following are the letters : 
 
 Two Letters framed, one as from Mr. Anthony Bacon to the Earl of Essex ; the 
 other, as the Earl's answer. 
 
 My singular good Lord, — This standing at a stay doth make me, in my love 
 towards your lordship, jealous, lest you do somewhat, or omit somewhat, that 
 amounteth to a new error ; for I suppose that of all former matters there is a full 
 expiation; wherein, for any thing which your lordship doth, I, for my part, 
 (who am remote) cannot cast or devise wherein my error should be, except in 
 one point, which I dare not censure nor dissuade ; which is, that as the prophet 
 saith, in this affliction you look up " ad manum percutientem," and so make 
 your peace with God. And yet I have heard it noted, that my lord of Leicester, 
 who could never get to be taken for a saint, yet in the Queen's disfavour waxed 
 seeming religious ; which may be thought by some, and used by others, as a 
 case resembling yours, if men do not see, or will not see, the difference between 
 your two dispositions. But, to be plain with your lordship, my fear rather is, 
 because I hear how some of your good and wise friends, not unpractised in the 
 court, and supposing themselves not to be unseen in that deep and unscrutable 
 centre of the court, which is her majesty's mind, do not only toll the bell, but 
 even ring out peals, as if your fortune were dead and buried, and as if there 
 
 (o) A copy of this letter is supposed, erroneously perhaps, to have been sent 
 by Bacon to Lord Salisbury, on the 20th of July. 
 
NOTE 4 E. 
 
 were no-possibility of recovering her majesty's favour ; and as jf the best of yonr 
 condition were to live a private and retired life, out of want, out of peril, and 
 out of manifest disgrace. And so, in this persuasion to your lordship wards, to 
 frame and accommodate your actions and mind to that end ; I fear (I say) that 
 this untimely despair may in time bring forth a just despair, by causing yonr 
 lordship to slacken and break o6F your wise, loyal, and seasonable endeavour 
 and industry for redintegration to her majesty's favour, in comparison whereof 
 all otiier circumstances are but as atoms, or rather as a vacuum, without, any 
 substance at all. Against this opinion, it may please your lordship to consider 
 of these reasons, which I have collected ; and to make judgment of them, neither 
 out of the melancholy of your present fortune, nor out of the infusion of that 
 which comelh to you by other's relation, which is subject to Tnuch tincture, but 
 " ex rebus ab ipsis," out of the nature of the persons and actions themselves, as 
 the truest, and less deceiving ground of opinion. For, though I am so unfortu- 
 nate as to be a stranger to her majesty's eye, much more to her nature and 
 manners, yet by that which is extant I do manifestly discern that she hath that 
 character of the divine nature and goodness, as " quos amavit, amavit usque ad 
 iinem ;" and where she hath a creature, she doth not deface nor defeat it : 
 insomuch as, if I observe rightly, in those persons whom heretofore she hath 
 honoured with her special favour, she hath covered and remitted, not only de- 
 fections and ingratitudes in affection, but errors in, state and service. 
 
 2. If I can, scholar-like, spell and put together the parts of her majesty's 
 proceedings now towards your lordship, I cannot but make this construction ; 
 that her majesty, in her royal intention, never purposed to call your doings into 
 public question, but only to have used a cloud without a shower, and censuring 
 them by some restraint of liberty, and debarring from her presence. For both 
 the handling the cause in the Star Chamber was enforced by the violence of 
 libelling and rumours, wherein the Queen thought to have satisfied the world, 
 and yet spared your appearance : and then after, when that means, which was 
 intended for the quenching of malicious bruits, turned to kindle them, because 
 it was said your lordship was condemned unheard, and your lordship's sister 
 wrote that private letter, then her majesty saw plainly that these winds of ru- 
 mours could not be commanded down, without a handling of the cause, by 
 making you party, and admitting your defence. And to this purpose I do 
 assure your lordship, that my brother Francis Bacon, who is too wise to be 
 abused, though he be both reserved in all particulars more than is needful, yet 
 in generality he hath ever constantly, and with asseveration affirmed to me, that 
 both those days, that of the Star Chamber, and that at my Lord Keeper's, were 
 won of the Queen, merely upon necessity and point of honour, against her own 
 inclination. 
 
 3. In the last proceeding, I note three points, which are directly significant, 
 that her majesty did expressly forbear any point which was irrecuperable, or 
 might make your lordship in any dfegree uncapable of the return of her favour, 
 or might fix any character indelible, of disgrace upon you: for she spared the 
 public places, which spared ignominy; she limited the charge precisely, not to 
 touch disloyalty, and no record remaineth to memory of the charge or sentence. 
 
 4. The very distinction which was made in the sentence of sequestration, from 
 the places of service in state, and leaving to your lordship the place of master of 
 the horse, doth in my understanding point at this, that her majesty meant to use 
 your lordship's attendance in court, while the exercises of other places stood 
 suspended. 
 
 5. I have heard, and your lordship knoweth better, that now since you were 
 in your own custody, her majesty, " in verbo regio," and by liis mouth to whom 
 she committelh her royal grants and decrees, hath assured your lordship she 
 will forbid, and not suffer your ruin. 
 
 6. As I have heard her majesty to be a prince of that magnanimity, that she 
 will spare the service of the ablest subject or peer, where she shall be thought 
 not to stand in need of it ; so she is of that policy, as she will not blaze the 
 service of a meaner than your lordship, where it shall depend merely upon her 
 choice and will. 
 
NOTE 4e. 
 
 7. I held it for a principle that those diseases are hardest to cure, whereof the 
 cause is obscure ; and those easiest, whereof the cause is manifest. Whereupon 
 I conclude, that since it hath been your errors in your lowness towards her 
 majesty whiih have prejudiced you, that your reforming and conformity will 
 restore you, so as jtoU may be " faber fortunae propriae." 
 
 Lastly, considering your lordship is removed from dealing in causes of state, 
 and left only tb a place of attendance, methinks the ambition of any which can 
 endure no partners in state matters may be so quenched, as they should not 
 laboriously oppose themselves to your being in court. So as upon the whole 
 matter, 1 cannot find, neither in her majesty's person, nor in your own person, 
 nor in any third person, neither in foimer precedents, nor in your own case, any 
 cause of peremptory despair. Neither do I speak this, but that if her majesty 
 out of her resolution should design you to a private life, you should be as 
 willing, upon the appointment, to go into the wilderness as into the land of 
 promise ; only I Wiih that your lordship will not despair, but put trust (next to 
 God) in her majesty's grace, and not be wanting to yourself. I know your 
 lordship may justly interpret, that this which I persuade may have some refe- 
 rence to my particular, because I may truly say, " tu stante non virebo," for I 
 am withered in myself; but manebo, or tenebo, I should in some sort be, or 
 hold out. But though your lordship's years and health may expect return 
 of grace and fortune, yet your eclipse for a time is an " ultimum vale" to my 
 fortune : and were it not that I desired and hope to see my brother established 
 by her majesty's favour, as I think him well worthy for that he hath done and 
 suffered, it were time I did take that course from which I dissuade your lord- 
 ship. Now in the mean time, I cannot choose but perform those honest duties 
 unto you, to whom I have been so deeply bound, &c. 
 
 A Letter framed as from the Earl, in answer to the former letter. 
 
 Mr. Bacon, — I thank you for your kind and careful letter. It persuades me 
 that which 1 wish strongly, and hope for weakly ; that is, possibility of restitu- 
 tion to her majesty's favour : but your arguments that would cherish hope turn 
 to despair. You say the Queen never meant to call me to public censure, 
 which sheweth her goodness ; but you see I passed under it, which sheweth 
 other's power. I believe most steadfastly her majesty never intended to bring 
 my cause to a sentence ; and I believe as verily, that s'mce that sentence she 
 meant to restore me to attend upon her person. But they that could use occa- 
 sions, which was not in me to let, and amplify occasions, and practise upon 
 occasions, to represent to her majesty a necessity to bring me to the one, can 
 and will do the like to stop me from the other. You say, my errors were my 
 prejudice', and' therefore I can mend myself, and that if I ever recover the 
 Queen, that I will never loose her again, will never suffer me to obtain interest 
 in her favour : and you say the Queen never ibi'sook utterly where she hath in- 
 wardly favoured, but know not whether the hourglass of time' halh altered her ; 
 but sure I am, the false glass of other's informations must alter her, when I want 
 access to plead mine own cause. I know lought doubly infinitely to be her 
 majesty's, hoth "jure creationis," for I am her creature; and jure redemp- 
 tionis," for I know she hath saved me from overthrow. But for her first love, 
 and for her last protection, and all her great benefits, I can but pray for her 
 majesty ; and my endeavour is now to make my prayers for her and myself 
 better heard. For thanks be to God, that they which can make her majesty 
 believe I counterfeit with her, cannot make God believe that I counterfeit with 
 him ; and they that can let me from coming near to her, cannot let me from 
 drawing nearer to him, as I hope I do daily. For your brother, I hold him an 
 honest gentleman, and wish him all good, much rather for your sake ; yourselfj 
 I know, hath suffered more for me, and with me, than any friend that I have : 
 but I can but lament freely, as you see I do, and advise you not to do that I 
 do, which is, to despair. You know letters what hurt they have done me, and 
 therefore make sure of this ; and yet I could not, as having no other pledge of 
 my love, but communicate openly with you for the ease of my heart and yours. 
 
 ■ Your loving friend, R. Essex. 
 
KOTE 4 E. 
 
 The Substance of a Letter I now wish your Lordship should write to her 
 Majesty. 
 
 That you desire her majesty to believe id, quod res ipsa loquitur, that it is not 
 conscience to yourself of any advantage her majesty hath towards you, otherwise 
 than the general and iafinite advantage of a queen and a mistress ; nor any 
 drift or device to win her majesty to any point or particular, that moveth you to 
 send her these lines of your own mind : but first, and principally, gratitude ; 
 next a natural desire of, you will not say, the tedious remembrance, for you 
 can hold nothing tedious that hath been derived from her majesty, but the 
 troubled and pensive remembrance of that which is past, of enjoying better 
 times with her majesty, such as others have had, and that you have wanted. 
 You cannot impute the difference to the continuance of time, which addeth 
 nothing to her majesty but increase of virtue, but rather to your own misfortune 
 or errors. Wherein, nevertheless, if it were only question of your own endu- 
 rances, though any strength never so good may be oppressed, yet you think you 
 should have suffocated them, as you had often done, to the impairing of your 
 health, and weighing down of your mind. .But that which indeed toucheth the 
 quick is, that whereas you accounted it the choice fruit of yoursejf to be a con- 
 tentment and entertainment to her majesty's mind, you found many times to the 
 contrary, that you were rather a disquiet to her, and a distaste. 
 
 Again, whereas in the course of her service, though you confess the weakness 
 of your own judgment, yet true zeal, not misled with any mercenary nor glorious 
 respect, made you light sometimes upon the best and soundest counsels ; you 
 had reason to fear that the distaste particular against yourself made her majesty 
 farther off from accepting any of them from such a hand. So as you seemed, to 
 your deep discomfort, to trouble her majesty's mind, and to foil her business ; 
 inconveniences, which, if you be minded as you ought, thankfulness should 
 teach you to redeem, with stepping down, nay throwing yourself down, from 
 your own fortune. In which intricate case, finding no end of this former course, 
 and therefore desirous to find the beginning of a new, you have not whither to 
 resort, but unto the oracle of her majesty's direction. For though the true intro- 
 duction ad tempora melim-a be by an amnestia of that which is past, except it be 
 in the sense that the verse speaketh, Oliin hac meminisse Juvabit, when tempests 
 past are remembered in the calm ; and that you do not doubt of her majesty's 
 goodness in pardoning and obliterating any of your errors and mistakings hereto- 
 fore ; refreshing the memory and contemplations of your poor services, or any 
 thing that hath been grateful to her majesty from you ; yea, and somewhat of 
 your sufferings, so though that be, yet you may be to seek for the time to come. 
 For as you have determined your hope in a good hour not willingly to offend 
 her majesty, either in matter of court or state, but to depend absolutely upon 
 her will and pleasure, so you do more doubt and mistrust your wit and insight 
 in finding her majesty's mind, than your conformities and submission in obeying 
 it ; the rather because you cannot but nourish a doubt in your breast, that her 
 majesty, as princes' hearts are inscrutable, hath many times towards you aliud 
 in ore, et uliud in corde. So that you, that take her secundum literam, go many 
 times farther out of your way. 
 
 Therefore your most humble suit to her majesty is, that she will vouchsafe 
 you that approach to her heart and bosom, et ad scrinium pectoris, plainly, for 
 as much as concerneth yourself, to open and expound her mind towards you, 
 suffering you to see clear what may have bred any dislike in her majesty; and 
 in what points she would have you reform yourself, and how she would be 
 served by you. Which done, you do assure her majesty, she shall be both at 
 the beginning and the ending of all that you do, of that regard, as you may 
 presume to impart to her majesty. 
 
 And so that hoping that this may be an occasion of some farther serenity from 
 her majesty towards you, you refer the rest to your actions, which may verify 
 what you have written ; as that you have written may interpret your actions, 
 and the course you shall hereafter take. 
 
 Indorsed by Mr. Francis Bacon— A Letter framed for 
 my Lord of Essex to the Queen. 
 
NOTE 4 F. 
 
 4 F. Life, p. xc. 
 
 In the Harl. MS. No. 6854, fol. 188, entituled a description of the arraign- 
 ment of Robert, Earl of Essex, and Henry, Earl of Southampton, the 19th day 
 of February, 1600, is the following speech of Lord Bacon's : 
 
 Then Mr. Bacon entered into a speeche much after this fashion, in speaking 
 of this late and horrible rebellion which hath been in the eis and eares of all 
 men. I shall save my self much labour ia opening and enforceing the particular 
 poinctes therof, insomuch as I spalte not before cuntrey jury of ignoraunt 
 people, but before a most honorable assemblie of the gravest and sagest peeres 
 of the real me, whose wisdomes conceaves farr more then my tonge can utter ; 
 yet with your gratious and honorable favours, 1 will presume, if not for infor- 
 macion of your lordshipps, yet for dischardge of my duetie to sale this much, 
 that there was never any traytor hard of soe shameleslie desperat that durste 
 directlie attempt the seate of his liege soveraigne, but alwais covered his prac- 
 tizes with some plausible pretence, for God hath ymprinted such a majestic in 
 the face of princes, that noe subiect dare aproach the person of his soveraigne 
 with any open traiterous yntent, and therefore they runne another side course 
 oblique and altare, makeing shew to reforme some corrupcion in the state of 
 religion, to reduce some auncyent libertie, or to remove some persons in highe 
 places, yet still ayming at the subversion of the estate and destraction of their 
 princes : so Cayne, the first murtherer, tooke upp an excuse, as shameing to out 
 face that fact with impudency ; and soe this traytor Essex made his collour the 
 scowring of some noble men and councellors from her majesties favour and the 
 feare he stood in of his pretended enemies, lest they should murther hime. 
 Therefore he said he was compelled to fly into the cittie for favour and defence, 
 not much unlike Fisistrates, of whom yt is so auncyenllie written, how he gasht 
 and wounded himself and in that sort rann cryeing into Athens that his lief was 
 sought, and like to have been taken awaie, thinking to move the people to have 
 pittie on him by such counterfett dainger and harme, wheras his ayme was to 
 take the government of the cittie into hishandes; and after the forme therof, 
 with like pretence of dainger and assaultes, the Erie of Essex entered the cittie 
 of London throw the bowels therof, wheras he had noe such enemyes nor such 
 daingers. But you, my lo. should know, that althoughe princes geve their 
 subiectes causes of discontent, thoughe they take away the honors they heaped 
 uppon them, thoughe they bringe them to a lower estate from whence they first 
 raysed them, yet ought they not to be soe forgetfull of their alleageaunce, that 
 therfore they should enter into any undutifull action, lesse upon rebellion, as 
 they have donn. i 
 
 Here the Erie of Essex spake to answer Mr. Bacon. I muste call foorth 
 Mr. Bacon against Mr. Bacon : you must then that Mr. Bacon hath written 
 twoe severall lettres, the one artificialie framed in my name, haveing first 
 framed one from me ; and Bacon, to provoke me, he layed doune the groundes 
 of my discoutement, and the resons I pretended against my enerays much like 
 such a lettre as my sister Lady Rich wrott, and was therfore called before your 
 lordshipps ; yf those resons were then iuste and true, not counterfett, how can 
 yt be that now my pretences are false, and iniurious, flTor ther Mr. Bacon joyned 
 with me in opinion and poincted out those to be my enemyes, aud hold me in 
 disgrace with her majesty, whom now he seemeth to cleere of any such mynde 
 towards me, and therfore leave the truth of what I sale, and he opposeth, to 
 your lordshipps inditferent consideracions. Then said Mr. Bacon, for those 
 lettres, my lord, if they were here they would not blushe for any thing con- 
 teigned in them. I thinke soe, said the Erie of Essex ; for you have thrust 
 them into many men's handes. Well, my lo. said Mr. Bacon, I have spent 
 more houres in vaine, in studiing how to make you a good servaunt to her 
 majestie and state then I have donn in any thing ells. Who, 1 1 Mr. Bacon, 
 a good subject by your studye, said the erle with scornful countenance. 
 
NOTE 4 S. 
 
 In the Harleian MS. No. 5202, entitled Proceedings against the Earl of 
 Essex, 1600, the following speeches of Mr. F. Bacon occur : 
 
 Then Mr. Baconne speake to this efTecte. I expected not, quothe hee, that 
 the matter of defFence should have bine excused. Therefore I must elatt my 
 speache for that I intended, to rebell in defFence is matter not had of morther to 
 defend is lawfull, but in this cause to doe all that was donpe that day, and to 
 goe about to blanche I cannot allowe, 1 speake not to simple men, I speake to 
 them that cane draw prooffe out of the matter ; the thinges themselves is known 
 by boockes, by experience, and by common lawe, that noe unlawful intend- 
 mentes bent against the prynce, but that is an alteringe of government, as the 
 phrease is in Scotland, they goe by noe meanes but by particulars enimies. My 
 lord, I cannot assenible your proceedings to bee more aptly then that of Passis- 
 sortus of Athens* who lanched himselfe, to the intent that by the sightes of his 
 bleedinge woundes, the people might belive. he was sett upon, your lordshipe 
 gave out that your lyfFe was sought .by my Lo. Cobha,m and' Sir Wi Kalighe, 
 and came in shuche a shewe of religion,- that mens eies weare not able to 
 behould the dept of it throughe shuohe a mist. But your imprisoninge of the 
 lordes of the councell, what refTerence had that face to my Lq. Cobham or the 
 rest f you alledge the matter against to bee resoulved vpon a sudon, when you 
 were 3 monthes in a. deliberation. Oh, my lord, destren with your selfe, and 
 sti'ipe you of all excuses the persons whom you shot att, yf yoii righly vnder- 
 stand are your best frendes> ' 
 
 Then the E. of Essex interrupted him and sead that the speache of Mr. Ba- 
 conne gaue him ocpation to speake for himselfe ; for, saithe hee; Mr. Baconne 
 beinge a dailie courtier, and. havinge free access to her majestie, vndevtooke to 
 goe to the Queene in my behalfe; and did write a letter most artificially, which 
 was subscribed with my name, also another letter was duawne by him to ocation 
 that letter with others that should come from his brother, Mr. Anthony Bacone, 
 bothe which he shewed the Q. Oosnall and he br<ought me bothe the letters, 
 and in my letter hee did plead for me feelingly against thous enimies, and 
 poynted them out as particularly as vyas posable. 
 
 Here Mr. Baconne answeared that thees degressions weare not ffil, nether 
 wouldibe suffered, but that the honorable parties of assemblys weare great, yet 
 hee spent more tyme to .ra£ike hinj a servant for her majestie then ever he 
 desarued, and for any thinge contayned in the letters, they would not blushe at 
 the clearest light. . , , 
 
 But, saith the Earle, lett it be judged indifferently whether I have cause of 
 greefe or not, when I was informed by thous of good credit, that a honorable 
 gentelman and- a wise coUncellor did with tearelament the courses that weare 
 talkinge, besides of that I speake in London, that the infant vras enlyteled the 
 succession. I had reason for it, for it was tould me that Mr. Secretary . should 
 
 say it to one of his fellow councelors, that the infantes tytle, &c. Sac.' • 
 
 # » # * *- : 
 
 Then Mr. Baconne speake to thes effecte. I doubte the veriatie of the 
 matter and the degressions haue senered the judgmentes of the lordes, and 
 therefore I hould it necessary to trye the judges opinions ; that donne, hee pro- 
 ceeded to this effecte : nowe putt the case the E. of Essex's intent were as you 
 would have it beleued, to goe as a spectakell to - her majestie, yet shall there 
 jietitions be armed petitions, which all was losse of libertie to the prynce, nether 
 IS it a nyce poynt of law, as my lord of South, would haue it, that condemes 
 them of treason, even common sence to consult, to executt, to rune and gether 
 a nomber in there dublettes and liosse, armed with weapons, what can bee the 
 cause 1 Warned by my Lo. Kep, by a harowld, and yet presist, "will any simple 
 man take this lese then treason. 
 
 The E. of Essex replyed, that if he had purposed any. thinge against any 
 other than honeste fore his privat enimies, hee would not have shewed with soe 
 small a company. 
 
 Mr. Baconne answeared, that not the company that you carried with you that 
 you trusted in, but the assistment hoped for in the city. The Giiies thrust 
 
NOTES 4 G — 4 H. 
 
 theme selves into Paris with only viij gent, and see was aded, but thankes be to 
 God, you fayled of it in London, but what followed 1 the kinge was put to his 
 pilgrimage habit, and in them devised to escape from the feare of the Guies ; 
 you came with all hale to the citie, but thend was treason, as hath bene already 
 proved. 
 
 There is another copy of this speech of Lord Bacon's, nearly in the same 
 words, in the Harl. MS. No. 6854, fol. 231. See also State Trials. 
 
 4 G. Life, p. xciv. 
 
 Birch, vol. ii. p. 505. But in the beginning of June the year following her 
 majesty, in a conversation with Count de Beaumont, successor to Mons. de 
 Boissise, as ambassador to her from France, after owning herself to be weary of 
 life, with sighs and tears in her eyes, touched upon the subject of the earl's 
 death, and s^d, that having been apprehensive, from the impetuosity of his 
 temper and his ambition, that he would precipitate himself into destruction by 
 some ill design, she had advised him above two years before to content himself 
 with pleasing her on all occasions, and not to shew such an insolent contempt 
 for her as he did ; but to take care not to touch her sceptre, lest she should be 
 obliged to punish him according to the laws of England, and not according to 
 her own, which he had found too mild and favourable for him to fear any suffer- 
 ing from them ; but that her advices, however salutary and affectionate, could 
 not prevent his i;uin. 
 
 The ambassador wrote again to his master on the 28th of March, N.S. that 
 the Queen continued to grow worse, and appeared already in a manner insen- 
 sible, not speaking sometimes for two or three hours, and within the last two 
 days not for above four and twenty, holding her £nger almost continually in her 
 mouth, vrith her eyes open and fixed upon the ground, where she sat upon 
 cushions without rising or resting herself, and was greatly emaciated by her long 
 watching and fasting. 
 
 In bis next letter, of the Istof April, N.S. he informs Mons. Villeroy, that the 
 Queen was drawing to her end, and had been abandoned the day before by all 
 her physicians, but was now forced in a manner into bed, after having sat ten 
 days upon cushions, refusing to repose herself on it except for one hour, and that 
 in her clothes. She seemed once to be so much better, calling for broth, that 
 those about her entertained some hopes of her ; 1>ut soon after began to lose her 
 speech, and from that time eat nothing, but lay on one side on the day of the 
 date of this letter, without speaking or looking upon any person, though the day 
 before she had directed some meditations to be read to her, and, among others, 
 those of Mons. du Flessis. 
 
 4 H. Life, p. xciv. 
 
 Between the year 1605 and 1612, Bacon wrote an Essay " in Felicem 
 Menurriam EUzabethtB." This appears by a letter of Lord Bacon's to Sir George 
 Carew, who was dead in 1613, as Mr. De Thou, in a letter to Mr. Camden, in 
 1613, laments his death. 
 
 The following is a copy, from the Cabala and Stephens's collection, of the 
 letter : 
 
 To Sir George Carew. 
 
 My very good Lord, — Bein^ asked the question by this bearer, an old servant 
 of my brother Anthony Bacon's, whether I would command him any thing into 
 France ; and being at better leisure than I would, in regard of sickness, I began 
 to remember, that neither your business nor mine, (though great and continual) 
 can be, upon an exact account, any just occasion, why so much good will as 
 hath passed between us should be so much discontinued, as hath been. And 
 therefore, because one must begin, I thought to provoke your remembrance 6f 
 me by a letter ; and thinking to fit it with somewhat besides salutations, it came 
 
 VOL. XV. 10 
 
NOTE 4h. 
 
 to my mind, that this last summer vacation, by occasion of a factious book, thast 
 endeavoured to verify, Misei-a Fumina (the addition of the Pope's bull), (o) upoH 
 Queen "Elizabeth, I did write a few lines in her Memorial, which I thought you 
 would be pleased to read, both for the argument, and because you were wont to 
 bear affection to my pen, Verum, ut aliud ex alio, if it came handsomely to 
 pass, I would be glad the President de Thou, (who hath written an history, as 
 ■you know, of 'that fame and cfiligence) saw it; chiefly because I know not 
 whether it may not serve him for some use in his story ; wherein I would be 
 glad he did right to the truth, and to the memory of that lady, as I perceive by 
 that he hath already written, he is well inclined to do. I would be glad also it 
 were some occasion (such as absence may permit) of some acquaintance, or 
 mutual notice between us. For though he hath many ways the precedence 
 (chiefly in worth) yet this is common to us both, that we serve our sovereigns in 
 ■places of law eminent ; and not ourselves only, but our fathers did so before us. 
 And lastly, that both of us love learning and liberal sciences, which was ever a 
 bond of friendship, in the greatest distance of places. But of this i make no 
 'further request than your occasions and respects (to me unknown) may further 
 or limit ; my principal purpose being to salute you, and to send you this tolcen, 
 •Whereunto I will add my very kind commendations to my lady, and sD commit 
 ' you both to G od's holy protection. 
 
 It seems also that he then had, if not the intention, the inclination to publish 
 'it ; the following passage is fromthe tract: — There are tvvo fair issues of her 
 ■iiappiness, born'to her since het death, I conceive not less glorious and eminent 
 than those she enjoyed alive. The one of her successor, the other of her 
 ■memory. For she hath ■gotten such a successor, who although for his mascu- 
 line virtues, and blessing of posterity, and addition of territories he may be 
 said to exceed her greatness and somewhat to obscure it ; notwithstanding he is 
 most zealous of her name and glory; and doth even give a perpetuity to her 
 acts, considering both in the choice of the persons, and in the orders, and insti- 
 tutions of the kingdom, he hath departed so little from her so as d son could 
 hardly succeed a father, with less noise of innovation. As for her memory, it 
 hath gotten such life in the mouths and hearts 6( men, as that envy being put 
 t)ut by her death, and her fame lighted, I cannot say whether the felicity of hev 
 life, or the felicity of her memory be the greater. 'For if, perhaps, theie fly 
 abroad any factious fames of her, raised either by discontented persons, or such 
 as are averse in religion ; which notwithstanding dare now "scarce shew their 
 faces, and are every where cried down ; the same are neither true, neither can 
 they be long lived. And for this cause especially have I made this collection, 
 such as it is, touching her felicity, and the marks of God's favour towards her ; 
 that no malicious person should dare to interpose a curse, where God hath 
 given a blessing. 
 
 " Restant felicitates posthumse duae, iis quas vivam comitabantur feri celsiores 
 et augustiores : una successoris, altera memoriae. Nam successorem sortita est 
 eum, qui licet et mascula virtute et prole, et nova imperii accessione fastigium 
 ejus excedat et obrambret ; tamen et nomini et honoribus ejus faveat, et actis 
 ejus quandam perpetuitatem donet : cum nee ex peraonarum delectu, nee ex 
 institutorum ordine, quicquam magnopere mutaverit : adeo utTaro filius parenti, 
 tanto silentio, atquae tam exigua mutatione et perturbatione successerit." 
 
 In 1605, he published the Eulogiura on Elizabeth, which is in page xcv, of 
 the text of this life. 
 
 About the year 1612, " The King," says Wilson, ■■ cast his thoughts 
 towards Peterborough, where his mother lay, whom he caused to be transkited 
 to a magnificent tomb, at Westminster. And (somewhat suitable to her mind 
 
 (a) I have a tract in my possession, entitled, Felix Memoria Elizahetha An- 
 glice Uegime Auctore Fnmcisco Bacono, Barone de Verulamio, Vice Comite 
 S. Alhard. Helmstadi, Typis Georg-Wotfgangi, Hammi. Acad, Typogr, Anno 
 •mDCLXxxix. At the conclusion o't this tract the Pope's bull is annexed. 
 
NOTE 4tI. 
 
 when slie was living) she had a translucent passage in the night, through the 
 city of London, by multitudes of torches ; the tapers placed by the tomb and 
 the altar, in the cathedral, smoking with them like an offertory, with all the 
 ceremonies, and voices, their quires and copes could express, attended by many 
 prelates and nobles, who paid this last tribute to her memory." 
 
 In 1623 Lord Bacon published the treatise " De Augmentis." In this 
 treatise the praise of Elizabeth, in th^ Advancement of Learning, is wholly 
 omitted, and certainly not for its want of beauty ; he also omits the passage, 
 " Then the reign of a queen matched with a foreigner : then of a queen that 
 lived solitary and unmarried, and yet her government so masculine that it had 
 greater impression and operation upon the states abroad than it any ways 
 received from thence ;" merely saying, " Rursus regnum fa;minae solitariae et 
 coelibis." Whatever were the motives by which he was induced to suppress, 
 for a time, the just praise of Elizabeth, he ordered the publication in a will, 
 which he afterwards cancelled, but, in all probability, after some understanding 
 with Dr. Bawley, that the publication should appear, as it did, soon after his 
 death. This appears from Kawley's account, and from Archbishop Tennison's 
 Baconiana. 
 
 Archbishop Tennison published, in the Baconiana, this extract from his will, 
 saying, " It is a transcript out of his lordship's will concerning his writings. 
 There in particular manner, he commendeth to the press The Felicities of 
 Queen Elizabeth." The words in the will are, " In particular I wish the elegie 
 which I writ ' in felicem memoriam Elizabetha:' may be published." 
 
 The will to which the Archbishop and Dr. Rawley refer was a former will, 
 and was altered. This appears by comparing the transcript by Archbishop 
 Tennison with the published copy of his last : and that there may not be any 
 mistake, I compared the printed copy of Lord Bacon's will, with the copy in 
 Doctor's Commons, and found it correct, except with a few immaterial literal 
 variations. 
 
 The published, that is, the correct copy of Lord Bacon's will, does not con- 
 tain this direction respecting the eulogy on Elizabeth. 
 
 In the year 1651 a tract was published from which it appears that the essay 
 " In felicem memoriam Elizabethae" had not been confined to the drawer of 
 Dr. Rawley ; it is entitled. In happy Menwrie of Elizabeth, Queen of England, 
 or a Collection of the Felicities of Q,tieen Elizabeth, 
 
 Of this tract Archbishop Tennison says, " The third is a memorial, intituled 
 The Felicities of Queen Elizabeth. This was written by his lordship in Latin 
 only. A person of more good will than ability, translated it into English, and 
 called it in the singular, Her Felicity. But we have also a version, much 
 more accurate and judicious, performed by Doctor Rawley, who was pleased to 
 take that labour upon him, because he understood the value his lordship put 
 upon this work; for it was such, that I find this charge given concerning it, in 
 his last will and testament. ' In particular I wish the elogie which I writ, in 
 Felicem Memoriam Elizahethce, may be published.' " This version was pub- 
 lished in 1657, many years after the death of James, in the first edition of the 
 Resuscitatio, where in his address to the reader, he says, " I thought it fitting 
 to intimate, that the discourse within contained, entituled A Collection of the 
 Felicities of Queen Elizabeth, was written by his lordship in Latin only ; 
 whereof, though his lordship had his particular ends then, yet in regard that I 
 held it a duty, that her own nation, over which she so happily reigned for manj 
 years, should be acquainted and possessed with the virtues of that excellent 
 queen, as well as foreign nations, I was induced, many years ago, to put the 
 same into the English tongue ; not ad vei'btim, for that had been but flat and 
 injudicious; but (as far as my slender ability could reach) according to the 
 expressions, which I conceived his lordship would have rendered it in, if he 
 had written the same in English ; yet ever acknowledging that Zeuxis or 
 Apelles' pencil, could not be attained but by Zeuxis or Apelles himself. This 
 work, in the Latin, his lordship so mucli aifected, that he had ordained, by his 
 last will and testament, to have had it published many years since; but that 
 singular person entrusted therewith soon after deceased ; and therefore it must 
 
VOTZ 4 H. 
 
 nnw expect a time to come forth, amongst his lordship's other Latin works." 
 Tlie translation is in the Kesuscitatio. The Latin copy is in vol. xi. of this 
 edition, p. 375. 
 
 In the Harleian Miscellany in the British Museum, No. 6797, there is a 
 folio containing, amongst various papers, a tract of praise of Queen Elizabeth ; 
 it was published in 1734 by Stephens. It is in Mallet's folio edition of 1760, 
 and is in vol. vii. page 147 of this edition. 
 
 NOTE ZZ. 
 JSegpetltns tje CJaige of loriierg. 
 
 Solicitations by Suitors in England, 
 
 1. Temp. Eliz. 
 
 2. Temp. Jao. 
 
 ("1. Before time of Bacon. 
 ■j 2. During time of Bacon. 
 l_3. After time of Bacon. 
 
 3. Present times. 
 
 Letters from Trinity College, Cambridge, to Lord Burleigh, respecting a Cause 
 before him in which the College was interested, 1596. 
 
 Our humbliest duties remembered. Your lordship's most honorable protec- 
 tion to our poor colledge giveth us occasion at this present to crave some favour 
 in a cause depending before your honorable lo. in the Exchequer chamber, into 
 which court hath our tenant of the Rectorie of Swinsheade, within the countie 
 of Lincoln been drawne for certain tythes to the Lo. Delaware's lands within 
 that parish, pretended to belong to the free chapel of Barthrope, from no other 
 evidence than a bare and tome inquisition lately discovered by one Jeff, and 
 since sold for five pounds to John Knight, now plaintiff for the said tythes in 
 question ; who being the Lo. Delaware's bayly in these parts hath procured, of 
 late years, some broken payments of the said tythes, by threats, and promises 
 to save the saide tenants there harmeles, and not otherwise. May it therefor 
 please your most honorable lordship, for preservation of the colledge rights to 
 examine the ualidity of the said inquisition, being no sufficient euidence, as we 
 are advertised, against so auntient possession, and never taken by the oathes of 
 any due inquest. Whereunto, nevertheless, if we must submit ourselves for the 
 Queene, yet our humble request is, for avoyding of further inconvenience, 
 wherein we stand more entangled by some indirect entring of a late decree in 
 this cause, that the said decree so misentered at least may be explained and 
 rectified by order of that honorable court, and that henceforth the plaintiff inter- 
 meddle not anie with other tythes save come and haye, which in the said inqui- 
 sition are only reserved. So being always bSHe to troble your lo. in all our 
 needs, we humblie comend your most honorable lordship to Almightie God. 
 From Trinity College, in Cambridge. Januarii 27° 1596. 
 
 Your Lo. most humblie to be always comaunded, 
 Thomas Nevile, 
 Jer. Radcliffe, John Overall, 
 
 Gre. Milner, Hn. Graye, 
 
 Thomas Harrison, Kicha. Wright, 
 
 William Hall, Thomas Furtho'. 
 
 To the Right Honorable our very singular good 
 
 Lo. the Lo. Burghley, Lo. High Treasurer of 
 
 England. Lansd. MS. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 The fallowing is a letter written in the year 1597 from the University of 
 Oxford to Lord Burleigh to induce him to interfere with the Lord Keeper res- 
 pecting a pending cause in which the univeisities were interested. 
 
 If, most honored Sir, the risk to which we are exposed were ours alone, yet 
 from a persuasion of your perfect goodwill to us, and the belief of mutual friend- 
 ship we should think ourselves right in invoking ;^our support as readily as that 
 of our own Chancellor. But since the well-being of the other university is 
 assailed by the same danger whiph involves our interests, we hasten to borrow a 
 share in that succour which your own Cambridge claims from you, that those 
 who are united in one danger may conjoin their resources for the common 
 cause. A deputation of our members has attended, by order of the court of 
 Chancery, where, as they were bound to do, they pleaded the privilege of the 
 university to the jurisdiction, and asked that by the favour of the court, they 
 might be relieved from the necessity of leading evidence in any public trial, 
 and permitted to settle the disputed points, after the anfient manner, at home. 
 Their plea was so little regarded that while the validity of the privilege was un- 
 deniable, they made their reports to us that the matter must be tried in the 
 usual course. The answer having been repeatedly returned our most honorable 
 chancellor at our earnest desire dealt with the illustrious lord keeper to appoint 
 a day in which he should be at liberty to take cognizance of our cause, and to 
 decide upon it, thinking that whether the decision should accord with our 
 wishes or disappoint them, it was still no small object to ascertain as soon as 
 possible what we had to expect. Each ought to have that committed to him 
 which he is best fitted to administer, and our distinguished chancellor has pro- 
 mised, so far as he is concerned, that though prevented from interfering, by 
 having in some measure a common interest in the cause, he will exert himself 
 to bring the dispute to an equitable determination. But your lordship has a 
 free access to solicit for your friends where the cause is not your own ; and we 
 therefore the more earnestly conjure you to endeavour to conciliate in our favor 
 that noble person, the Lord Keeper ; and, with your wonted and unequalled 
 skill and influence, to obtain for us on the day whereon the honorable court 
 shall grant us a hearing, a prompt and fair decision. Which trouble, if you 
 consent to take upon you, you will render no less a favor to Cambridge than to 
 us, and shall bind us as closely to you as are your. friends its members. We 
 wish you, most honorable Sir, all health, and that you may long live for your 
 country and for us. Given the 12 February, 1597. 
 
 For the Most Honorable Baron Burleigh, High 
 Treasurer of England, Privy Counsellor to 
 the Queen's Majesty : — These. 
 
 Cemp. IHac. ISefote ISacott i»ae ffljgancellot. 
 
 The influencing a judge out of court seems at that period scarcely to have 
 been considered improper. A short time before Sir Francis was appointed Lord 
 Keeper, Sir Edward Coke had incurred the royal displeasure. The King, 
 anxious to convict one Peacham, but doubting the issue of a trial, ordered his 
 attorney general to sound the judges upon it, and gather their opinions privately 
 before he instituted a public prosecution. " I will not thus declare wnat may 
 be my judgment by these auricular opinions of new and pernicious tendency, 
 and not according to the customs of the realm," was the answer of Sir Edward 
 Coke. 
 
 A cause against the Bishop of Litchfield, respecting a vacant church held in 
 commendam, Setjeant Chiborne, who was council against the bishop, in arguing 
 the case had maintained several positions, reckoned prejudicial and derogatory 
 to the King's supreme and imperial power, which was aflirmed to be distinct 
 from, and of a higher nature than his ordinary authority. Informed of this, 
 James peremptorily commanded them to stay all proceedings till his return to 
 London. They were then summoned before the council, and sharply' repri- 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 tnanded for suffering the popular lawyers to question his prerogative, which was 
 represented as sacred and transcendent, not to be handled or mentioned in 
 vulgar argument. At last, raising his voice to frighten them into submission, 
 he put this question to them severally : " If, at any time, in a case depending 
 before the judges, he conceived it to concern him either in profit or power, and 
 thereupon required to consult with them, and that they should stay proceedings 
 in the mean time, whether they ought not to stay them accordingly 1" They 
 all, the chief justice only excepted, acknowledged it their duty to do so. His 
 answer was, " When such a case happens I will do that which will be fit for a 
 judge to do." For this noble conduct, for this independent spirit, in resisting 
 an attempt to violate the law. Sir Edward Coke was, as it is termed, disgraced, 
 a censure which reflected more honour upon him than all his preferments. 
 The following letters will exhibit the nature of the proceedings in these times. 
 
 To the King, touching Feacham's business, &c. 
 
 It may please your excellent Majesty, — I received this morning, by Mr. 
 Murray, a message from your majesty, of some waiTant and confidence that I 
 should advertise your majesty of your business, wherein I had part : wherein I 
 am first humbly to thank your majesty for your good acceptation of my endea- 
 vours and service, which I am not able to furnish with any other quality, save 
 faith and diligence. 
 
 For Peacham's case, I have since my last letter, been with my lord Coke 
 twice ; once before Mr. Secretary's going down to your majesty, and once 
 since, which was yesterday : at the former of which times I delivered him 
 Peacham's papers ; and at this latter the precedents, which I had with care 
 gathered and selected ; for these degrees and order the business required. At 
 the former I told him that he knew my errand, which stood upon two points ; 
 the one to inform him of the particular case of Peacham's treasons, for I never 
 give it other word to him ; the other, to receive his opinion to myself, and in 
 secret, according to my commission from your majesty. At the former time he 
 fell upon the same allegation which he had begun at the council table ; that 
 judges were not to give opinion by fractions, but entirely according to the vote 
 whereupon they should settle upon conference ; and that this auricular taking of 
 opinions, single and apart, was new and dangerous; and other words more 
 vehement than I repeat. I replied in civil and plain terms, that I wished his 
 lordship, in my love to him, to think better of it ; for that this, that his lordship 
 was pleased to put into great words, seemed to me and my fellows, when we 
 spake of it amongst ourselves, a reasonable and familiar matter, for a king to 
 consult with his judges, either assembled or selected, or one by one. And then 
 to give him a little outlet to save his first opinion, wherewith he is most com- 
 monly in love, I added, that judges sometimes might make a suit to be spared 
 for their opinion, till they had spoken with their brethren ; but if the king, upon 
 his own princely judgment, for reason of estate, should think it fit to have it 
 otherwise, and should so demand it, there was no declining ; nay, that it 
 touched upon a violation of their oath, which was to counsel the king, without 
 distinction, whether it were jointly or severally. Thereupon, I put him the case 
 of the privy council, as if your majesty should be pleased to command any of 
 them to deliver their opinion apart and in private ; whether it were a good 
 answer to deny it, otherwise than if it were propounded at the table. To this 
 he said, that the cases were not alike, because this concerned life. To which I 
 replied, that questions of estate might concern thousands of lives, and many 
 things more precious than the life of a particular ; as war, and peace, and the 
 like. To conclude, his lordship tanquam exitum quarens, desired me for the 
 time to leave with him the papers, without pressing him to consent to deliver a 
 private opinion till he had perused them. 1 said I would. But he desired me 
 to leave the precedents with him, that he might advi.se upon them. I told him, 
 the rest of my fellows would dispatch their part, and I should be behind with 
 mine ; which I persuaded myself your majesty would impute rather to his 
 backwardness than my negligence. He said, as soon as I should understand 
 that the rest were ready, he would not be long after with his opinion. 
 
NOTE 7, Z. 
 
 For Mr. St. John, your majesty knoweth, the day draweth on ; and my lord 
 Chancellor's recovery, the season, and his age, promising not to be too hasty. 
 I spake with him on Sunday, at what time I found him in bed, but his spirits 
 strong, and not spent or wearied, and spake wholly of your business, leading me 
 from one matter to another ; and wished and seemed to hope that he might 
 attend the day for O.S. and it were, as he said, to be his last work to conclude 
 his services, and express his affection towards your majesty. I presumed to say 
 to him, that I knew your majesty would be exceedmg desirous of his being 
 present that day, so as that it might be without prejudice to his continuance ; 
 but that otherwise your majesty esteemed a servant more than a service, espe- 
 cially such a servant. Surely, in mine opinion, your majesty were better put 
 off the day than want his presence, considering the cause of the putting off is 
 so notorious; and then the capital and the criminal may coi^e together tlie 
 next tei'm. 
 
 I have not been unprofitable in helping to discover and examine, within these 
 few days, a late patent, by surreption obtained from your majesty, of the 
 greatest forest in England, worth 30,0002. under colour of a defective title, for 
 a matter of 400/. The person must be named, because the patent must be 
 questioned. It is a great person, my lord of Shrewsbury; or rather, as I think, 
 a greater than he, which is my lady of Shrewsbury. But I humbly pray your 
 majesty to knovJ this first from my lord treasurer, who methinks groweth even 
 studious in your business. God preserve your majesty. Your Majesty's most 
 humble and devoted subject and servant, Fe. Bacon. 
 
 Jan. 31, 1614. 
 
 The rather, in regard to Mr. Murray's absence, I humbly pray your majesty 
 to have a little regara to this letter. 
 
 A Letter to thf King, touching Peacham's Cause, January 27, 1614. 
 
 It may please your excellent Majesty,^ — This day in the afternoon was read 
 your majesty's letters of direction touching Peacham, which, because it con- 
 cerneth properly the duty of my place, I thought it fit for me to give your 
 majesty both a speedy and private account thereof; that your majesty knowing 
 things clearly how they pass, may have the true fruit of your own wisdom and 
 clear seeing judgment in governing the business. First, for the regularity 
 which your majesty (as a master in business of estate) doth prudently prescribe 
 in examining, and taking examinations, I subscribe to it ; only I will say for 
 myself, that I was not at this time the principal examiner. For the course 
 your majesty directeth and commandeth, for the feeling of the judges of the 
 King's Bench their several opinions, by distributing ourselves and enjoining 
 secresy ; we did first find an encounter in the opinion of my lord Cooke, who 
 seemed to afiirm, that such particular, and, as he called it, auricular taking of 
 opinions, was not according to the custom of this realm, and seemed to divine 
 that his brethren would never do it. But when I replied, that it was our duty 
 to pursue your majesty's directions ; and it were not amiss for his lordship to 
 leave his brethren to their own answers, it was so concluded ; and his lord- 
 ship did desire that I might confer with himself, and Mr. Serjeant Montague 
 was named to speak with Justice Crooke, Mr. Serjeant Crew with Justice 
 Houghton, and Mr. Solicitor with Justice Dodderidge. This done, I took my 
 fellows aside, and advised that they should presently speak with the three 
 judges, before I could speak with my lord Cooke, for doubt of infusion ; and 
 that they should not in any case make any doubt to the judges, as if they mis- 
 trusted they would not deliver any opinion apart, but speak resolutely to them, 
 and only make their coming to be, to know what time they would appoint to be 
 attended with the papers. This sorted not amiss ; for Mr. Solicitor came to me 
 this evening and related to me, that he had found Judge Dodderidge very ready 
 to give opinion in secret, and fell upon the same reason, which upon your 
 majesty's first letter I had used to my lord Cooke at the council table, which 
 was, that every judge was bound expressly by his oath to give your majesty 
 counsel when lie was called, and whether he should do it jointly or severally. 
 
NOTE Z 2. 
 
 that rested in your majesty's good pleasure, as you would tequire it. And 
 though the ordinary course was to assemble them, yet there might intervene 
 cases wherein the other course was more convenient. The like answer made 
 Justice Crook j Justice Houghton, vrho is a soft man, seemed desirous first to 
 confer ; alle^ng that the other three judges had: all served the crown before 
 they were judges, but that he had not been much acquainted with business o{ 
 this nature. We pui-pose therefore, forthwith, tihey shall be made acquainted 
 with the papers ; and if that could be done as suddenly as this was, I should 
 make small doubt of their opinions ; and howsoever, I hope, force of law and 
 precedent will bind them to the truth : neither am I wholly out of hope, that 
 my lord' Cooke himself, when I have in some dark manner put him in doubt 
 that he shall he left alone, will not continue singular. 
 
 For Owen, I know not the reason why there should have been no mention 
 made thereof in the last advertisement ; for I must say for myself, that I have 
 lost no moment of time in it, as my lord of Canterbury can bear me witness. 
 For having received Irom my lord an additional of great importance^ which was, 
 that Owen of his own accord, after examination, should compare the case of 
 your majesty ^if you were excommunicate) to the case of a prisoner condemned 
 at the bax, which additional was subscribed by one witness, but yet I perceived 
 it was spoken aloud, and in the hearing of others ; I presently sent down a 
 copy thereof, which is now come up, attested with the hands of three more, 
 lest there should have been any scruple of singtdaris testis ; so as for this case, 
 I may say omnia parata ; and we expect but a direction from your majesty for 
 the acquainting the judges severally, or the four judges of the King's Bench, as 
 your majesty shall think good. 
 
 I forget not, nor forslow not your majesty's commandment touching recu- 
 sants, of which, when it is ripe, T will give your majesty a true account, and 
 what is possible to be done, and where the . impediment is, Mr. Secretary 
 bringeth bonum voluntatem, but he is not versed much ii^these things, and 
 sometimes urgeth the conclusion without the premises, and by haste hindereth. 
 It is my lord treasurer and the Exchequer must help it, if it be holpen. I have 
 heard more ways than one, of an offer of 20,000/. per annum for farming the 
 penalties of recusants, not including any offence, capital or of premunire ; 
 wherein I will presume to say that my poor endeavours, since I was by your 
 great and sole grace your attorney, have been, no small spurs to make them feel 
 your laws, .and seek this redemption, wherein I must also say, my lord Cooke 
 hath done bis part ; and I do assure your majesty 1 know, somewhat inwardly 
 and groundedly, that by the courses we have taken, they conform daily and in 
 great numbers ; and I would to God, it were as well a conversion as a confor- 
 mity; but if it should die by dispensation or dissimulation, then I fear that 
 whereas yopr majesty hath now so many ill subjects, poor and detected, you 
 shall then have them lich and dissembled. And therefore I hold this offer veiy 
 considerable, of so great an increase of revenue, if it can pass the fiery trial of 
 religion and honpiur, which I wish all projects may pass. 
 
 Thus, inasmuch as I have made to your majesty somewhat a naked and 
 particular account of business, I hope your majesty will use it accordingly. 
 God preserve your majesty. 
 
 Your Majesty's most humble and devoted subject and servant. 
 
 To the King, concerning Owen's cause, &c. 
 It may please your excellent Majesty,— Myself, with the rest of your counsel 
 learned, conferred with my lord Coke, and the rest of the judges of the King's 
 Bench only, being met at my lord's chamber, concerning the business of Owen. 
 For although it be trae, that your majesty in your letter did mention that the 
 same course might be held in the taking of opinions apart in this, which was 
 prescribed and used in Peacham's cause ; yet both my lorfs of the council, and 
 we amongst ourselves, holding it, in a case so clear, not needful ; but rather 
 that it would import a diffidence in us, and deprive us of the means to debate 
 it with the judges, if cause were, more strongly, which is somewhat, we thought 
 best rather to use this form. The judges desired us to leave the examinations 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 and papers with them for some little time, to consider, which is a thing they 
 use, but I conceive, there will be no manner of question made of it. My Lord 
 Chief Justice, to shew 'forwardness, as I interpret it, shewed us passages of 
 Suarez and others, thereby to prove that though your majesty stood not excom- 
 municate by particular sentence, yet by the general bulls of Cmna Domini, and 
 others, you were upon the matter excommunicate ; and therefore that the treason 
 was as de fresenti. But I (that foresee that if that course should be held, when 
 it Cometh to a public day, to disseminate to the vulgar an opinion, that your 
 majesty's case is all one, as if you were de facto particularly and expressly ex- 
 communicate ; it would but increase the danger of your person with those that 
 are desperate papists ; and that it is needless) commended my lord's diligence, 
 but withal put it by, and' fell upon the other course, which is the true way ; that 
 is, that whosoever shall affirm, in diem, or sub conditione, that your majesty may 
 be destroyed, is a traitor de presenti; for that he maketh you but tenant for 
 life, at the will of another. And I put the Duke of Buckingham's case, who 
 said that if the king caused him to be anested of treason, he would stab him ; 
 and the case of the impostress Elizabeth Barton, that said, that if king Henry 
 the Eighth took not his wife again, Catherine dowager, he should be no longer 
 king, and the like. 
 
 It may be these particulars are not worth the relating ; but because I find 
 nothing in the world so important to your service, as to have you throughly in- 
 formed, the ability of your direction considered, it maketh me thus to do ; most 
 humbly praying your majesty to admonish me if I be over troublesome. 
 
 For Feacham, the rest of my fellows are ready to make their report to your 
 majesty, at such time and in such manner as your majesty shall require it. . 
 Myself yesterday took my lord Coke aside, after the rest were gone, and told 
 him all the rest were ready, and I was now to require his lordship's opinion, 
 according to my commission. He said I should have it ; and repeated that 
 twice or thrice, aa thinking he had gone too far in that kind of negative to 
 deliver any opinion apart before ; and said, he would tell it me within a very 
 short time, thoughihe were not that instant ready. I have tossed this business 
 in omnes partes, whereof I will give your majesty knowledge when time serveth. 
 God preserve your majesty. 
 
 Your Majesty's most humble and devoted subject and servant, 
 Feb. 11, 1614. Fr. Bacon. 
 
 Foster, on High Treason, when speaking of Peacham's case, says, " This 
 case weigheth very little, and no great regard hath been paid to it ever since. 
 And perhaps still less regard will be paid to it if it be considered that the king, 
 who appearetb to have had the suficess of the prosecution much at heart, and 
 took a part in it unbecoming the msrjesty of the crown, condescended to instruct 
 his attorney general with regard to the proper measures to be taken in the exa- 
 mination of the defendant ; that the attorney, at his majesty's command, sub- 
 mitted to the drudgery of sounding the opinions of the judges upon the point of 
 law before it was thought advisable to risk it at an open trial ; that the judges 
 were to be sifted separately, and soon, before they could have an opportunity of 
 conferring together ; and that for this purpose four gentlemen in the profession 
 in the service of the crown were immediately dispatched, one to each of the 
 judges; Mr. Attorney himself undertaking to practice upon the chief justice, of 
 whom some doubt was then entertained. Is it possible that a gentleman of 
 Bacon's great talents could submit to a service so much below his rank and 
 character ! But he did submit to it, and acquitted himself notably in it. 
 
 " Others of his letters shew that the same kind of intercourse was kept up 
 between the king and his attorney general with regard to many cases then de- 
 pending in judgment, in which the king was pleased to take a part, or thought 
 his prerogative concerned, particularly in the case of one Owen, executed for 
 treasonable words ; in that of Mr. Oliver St. John, touching the benevolence in 
 the dispute between the courts of King's Bench and Chancery in the case of 
 prsemunire, and in the proceedings against the Earl and Countess of Somerset." 
 
 VOL. XV. 11 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 " Of the fact of these applications having been made, no doubt can be enter- 
 tained. The inferences to be deduced from the fact alone vary. 
 
 It was the custom of the times, is one and a legitimate inference. 
 
 Judge Foster, applying the sentiments of his own more intelligent times to 
 this conduct, says, " Every reader will make his own reflections upon it. 
 have but one to make in this place. This method of forestalling the judgment 
 of a court in a case of blood then depending, at a time too when the judges 
 were removeable at the pleasure of the crown, doth no honour to the memory of 
 the persons concerned in a transaction so insidious and unconstitutional, and at 
 the same time weakeneth the authority of the judgment." 
 
 And speaking of Bacon, he says, " Avarice, I think, was not his ruling pas- 
 sion ; but whenever a false ambition, ever restless and craving, overheated in 
 the pursuit of the honours which the crown alone can confer, happeneth to sti- 
 mulate an heart otherwise formed for great and noble pursuits, it hath frequently 
 betrayed it into measures full as mean as avarice itself could have suggested to 
 the wretched animals who live and die under its dominion. IFor these passions, 
 however they may seem to be at variance, have ordinarily produced the same 
 effects. Both degrade the man ; both contract his views into the little point of 
 self interest, and equally steel the heart against the rebukes. of conscience, or 
 the sense of true honour. Bacon having undertaken the service, informeth his 
 majesty, in a letter addressed to him, that with regard to three of the judges, 
 whom he nameth, he had small doubt of their concurrence. ' Neither,' saith 
 he, ' am I wholly out of hope that my lord Coke himself, when I have, in some 
 dark manner, put him in doubt that he shall be left alone, will not continue 
 singular.' These are plain naked facts ; they need no comment. 
 
 iWfim iSacon Inae Chancellor. 
 
 It will be remembered that Sir Francis was appointed Lord Keeper on the 
 3rd of March, and that he did not take his seat in the court until the 7th of May, 
 but he had scarcely been entrusted with the seals when an application was 
 made to him out of court by Buckingham on behalf of a suitor, in a letter which 
 explains in a postscript that similar applications had been made to Sir Francis's 
 predecessor ; and similar applications were, as a matter of course, made during 
 the whole time he was entrusted with the great seal. This will appear from the 
 following letters : 
 
 To the Lord Keeper, (o) 
 
 My honourable Lord, — Whereas the late Lord Chancellor thought it fit to 
 dismiss out of the Chancery a cause touching Henry Skipwith to the common 
 law, where he desireth it should be decided ; these are to entreat your lordship 
 in the gentleman's favour, that if the adverse party shall attempt to bring it now 
 back again into your lordship's court, you would not retain it there, but let it 
 rest in the place where now it is, that without more vexation unto him in posting 
 him from one to another, he may have a final hearing and determination thereof. 
 And so I rest your Lordship's ever at command, G. Buckingham. 
 
 My Lord, This is a business wherein I spake to my Lord Chancellor, where- 
 upon he dismissed the suit. — Lincoln, the 4th of April, 1617. 
 
 (a) This is the first of many letters, which the Marquis of Buckingham wrote 
 to Lord Bacon, in favour of persons who had causes depending in, or likely to 
 come into the court of Chancery ; and it is not improbable that such recommen- 
 dations were considered in that age as less extraordinary and irregular than they 
 would appear now. The marquis made the same kind of applications to Lord 
 Bacon's successor, the Lord Keeper Williams, in whose life, by Bishop Racket; 
 part i. p. 107, we are informed, that " there was not a cause of moment, but, as 
 soon as it came to publication, one of the parties brought letters from this mighty 
 peer, and the lord keeper's patron.'' Birch. 
 
NOTE ZT. 
 
 To the Lord Keeper. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — His majesty hath spent some time with Sir Lionel 
 Cranfield about his own business, wherewith he acquainted his majesty. He 
 hath had some conference with your lordship, upon whose report to his majesty 
 of your zeal and care of his service, which his majesty accepteth very well at 
 your hands, he hath commanded Sir L. Cranfield to attend your lordship, to 
 signify his farther pleasure for the furtherance of his service ; unto whose rela- 
 tion I refer you. His majesty's farther pleasure is, you acquaint no creature 
 living with it, he having resolved to rely upon your care and ti'ust only. Thus, 
 wishing you all happiness, I rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, 
 October 26, 1617. G. Buckingham. 
 
 To the Lord Keeper. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — I have thought good to renew my motion to your 
 lordship, in the behalf of my Lord of Huntingdon, my Lord Stanhope, and Sir 
 Thomas Gerard ; for that I am more particularly acquainted with their desires ; 
 they only seeking the true advancement of the charitable uses, unto which the 
 land, given by their grandfather, was intended ; which, as I am informed, was 
 meant by way of a corporation, and by this means, that it might be settled upon 
 the schoolmaster, usher, and poor, and the coheirs to be visitors. The tenants 
 might be conscionably dealt withal ; and so it will be out of the power of any 
 feoffees to abuse the trust; which, it hath been lately proved, have been hitherto 
 the hindrance of this good work. These coheirs desire only the honour of their 
 ancestor's gift, and wish the money, misemployed and ordered to be paid into 
 court by Sir John Harper, may rather be bestowed by your lordship's discretion 
 for the augmentation of the foundation of their ancestors, than by the censure of 
 any other. And so I rest your Lordship servant, G. Buckingham. 
 Theobalds, Nov. 12.— Indorsed, 1617. 
 
 To the Lord Keeper. 
 My honourable Lord, — Though I had resolved to give your lordship no more 
 trouble in matters of controversy depending before you, with what importance 
 soever my letters had been, yet the respect I bear unto this gentleman hath so 
 far forced my resolution, as to recommend unto your lordship the suit, which, I 
 am informed by him, is to receive a hearing before you on Monday next, 
 between Barnaby Leigh and Sir Edward Dyer, plaintifi^, and Sir 'Thomas 
 Thynne, defendant ; wherein I desire your lordship's favour on the plaintiff's so 
 far only as the justice of their cause shall require. And so I rest your Lord- 
 ship's faithful servant, G. Buckingham. 
 Newmarket, Nov. 15j — Indorsed, 1617. 
 
 To the Lord Keeper. 
 My honourable Lord,— The certificate being returned upon the commission 
 touching Sir Richard Haughton's alum-mines, I have thought fit to desire your 
 lordship's furtherance in the business, which his majesty, as your lordship will 
 see by this letter, much affecteth as a bargain for his advantage, and for the 
 present relief of Sir llichard Haughton. What favour your lordship shall do 
 him therein, I will not fail to acknowledge, and will ever rest your Lordship's 
 faithful servant, G. Buckingham. 
 
 Indorsed, Received Nov. 16, 1617. 
 
 To the Lord Keeper. 
 My honourable Lord, — Understanding that Thomas Hukeley, a merchant of 
 London, of whom I have heard a good report, intendeth to bring before your 
 lordship in Chancery a cause depending between him, in the right of his wife, 
 daughter of William Austen, and one John Horsmendon, who married another 
 daughter of the said Austen ; I have thought fit to desire your lordship to give 
 the said Thomas Hukeley a favourable hearing when his cause shall £ome before 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 you ; and so far to respect him for ray sake, as your lordship shall see him 
 grounded upon equity and reason, which is no more than I assure myself your 
 lordship will grant readily, as it is desired by 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Bdckingham. 
 
 Indorsed, Nov. 17, 1617. 
 
 To the Lord Keeper. 
 My honourable Lord, — His majesty hath been pleased to refer a petition of 
 one Sir Thomas Blackstones to your lordship, who being brother-in-law to a 
 gentleman whom I much respect. Sir Henry Constable, I have, at his request, 
 yielded to recommend his business so far to your lordship's favour, as you shall 
 find his case to deserve compassion, and may stand with the rules of equity. 
 And so I rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 Newmarket, Dec. 4. — Indorsed, 1617. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable good Lord, — Whereas in Mr. Hansbye's cause, (a) which 
 formerly, by my means, both his majesty and myself recommended to your 
 lordship's favour, your lordship thought good, upon a hearing thereof, to decree 
 some part for the young gentleman, and to refer to some masters of tlie Chan- 
 cery, for your farther satisfaction, the examination of witnesses to this point ; 
 which seemed to your lordship to be the main thing your lordship doubted of, 
 whether or no the leases, conveyed by old Hansbye to young Hausbye by deed, 
 were to be liable to the legacies, which he gave by will ; and that now I am 
 credibly informed, that it will appear upon their report, and by the depositions 
 of witnesses, without all exception, that the said leases are no way liable to 
 those legacies : these shall be earnestly to intreat your lordship, that upon con- 
 sideration of the report of the masters, and depositions of the witnesses, you 
 will, for my sake, shew as much favour and expedition to young Mr. Hansbye 
 in this cause, as the justness thereof will permit. And I shall receive it at 
 your lordship's hands as a particular fivour. So I take my leave of your lord- 
 ship, and rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 Greenwich, the 12th of June, 1618. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — Lest my often writing may make your lordship con- 
 ceive that this letter hath been drawn from you by importunity, I have thought 
 fit, for preventing of any such conceit, to let your lordship know, that Sir John 
 Wentworth, whose business I now recommend, is a gentleman whom I esteem 
 in more than an ordinary degree. And therefore 1 desire your lordship to shew 
 him what favour you can for my sake in his suit, which his majesty hath referred 
 to your lordship ; which I will acknowledge as a courtesy unto me, and rest 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 Newmarket, Jan. 26, 1618. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honorable Lord, — I being desired by a special friend of mine to recom- 
 mend unto your lordship's favour the case of this petitioner, have thought fit to 
 desire you, for my sake, to shew him all the favour you may in this his desire, 
 
 (n) This seems to be on<^ of the causes, on account of which Lord Bacon was 
 afterwards accused by the House of Commons ; in answer to whose charge he 
 admits, that in the cause of Sir Kalph Hansbye there being two decrees, one 
 for the inheritance, and the other for goods and chattels ; some time after the 
 first decree, and before the second, there was 500i. delivered to him by Mr. 
 Tobie Matthew ; nor could his lordship deny, that this was upon the matter 
 pendente lite. 
 
NOTE Z-Z. 
 
 as you shall find it in reason to deserve ; which I shall take as a courtesy from 
 your lordship, and ever rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, 
 
 G. Buckingham. 
 
 I thank your lordship for your favour to Sir John Wentworth, in the dispatch 
 of his business, 
 
 Newmarket, March 15, 1618. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — Understanding that there is a suit depending before 
 your lordship between Sir Rowland Cotton, plaintiff, and Sir John Gawen, 
 defendant, which is shortly to come to a hearing ; and having been likewise 
 informed that Sir Rowland Cotton hath undertaken it in behalf of certain poor 
 people ; which charitable endeavour of his, I assure myself, will find so good 
 acceptation with your lordship, that there shall be no other use of recommenda- 
 tion; yet at the earnest request of some friends of mine, 1 have thought fit to 
 write to your lordship in his behalf, desiring you to shew him what favour you 
 lawfully may, and the cause may bear, in the speedy dispatch of his business ; 
 which I shall be ever ready to acknowledge, and rest your Lordship's most 
 devoted to serve you, G. Bdckingham. 
 
 Whitehall, April 20, 1618. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My honorable Lord, — Understanding that the cause depending in the Chan- 
 cery between the Lady Vernon and the ofiicers of his majesty's household is 
 now ready for a decree, though I doubt not but as his majesty hath been satis- 
 fied of the equity of the cause on his ofiicers' behalf, who have undergone the 
 business by his majesty's command, your lordship will also find their cause 
 worthy of your favour, yet I have thought fit once again to recommend it to 
 your lordship, desiring you to give them a speedy end of it, that both his majesty 
 may be freed from farther importunity, and they from the charge and troubleof 
 following it ; which I will be ever ready to acknowledge as a favour done unto 
 myself, and always rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, 
 
 Greenwich, June 15, 1618. G. Buckingham. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord,— I wrote unto your lordship lately in the behalf of Sir 
 Ro'wland Cotton, that then had a suit in dependance before your lordship and 
 the rest of my lords in the Star-Chamber. The cause, I understand, hath gone 
 contrary to his expectation ; yet he acknowledges himself much bound to your 
 lordship for the noble and patient hearing he did then receive ; and he rests 
 satisfied, and I much beholden to your lordship, for any favour it pleased your 
 lordship to afford him for my cause. It now rests only in your lordship's power 
 for the assessing of costs ; which, because, I am certainly informed, Sir JElow- 
 land Cotton had just cause of complaint, I hope your lordship will not give any 
 against him. And I do the rather move your lordship to respect him in it, be- 
 cause it concerns him in his reputation, which I know he tenders, and not the 
 money, which might be imposed upon him ; which can be but a trifie. Thus 
 presuming of your lordship's favour herein, which I shall be ready ever to 
 account to your lordship for, I rest your Lordship's most devoted to serve you, 
 June 19, 1618. G. Buckingham. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — I have been desired by some friends of mine, in the 
 behalf of Sir Francis Englefyld, to recommend his cause so far unto your lord- 
 ship, that a peremptory day being given by your lordship's order for the perfect- 
 ing of his account, and for the assignment of the trust, your lordship would take 
 such course therein, that the gentleman's estate may be redeemed from farther 
 trouble, and secured from all danger, by engaging those to whom the trust is 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 now transferred by your lordship's order, to the performance of that whereunto 
 he was tied. And so not doubting but your lordship will do him what lawful 
 favour you may herein, I rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant. 
 
 Indorsed — Received Oct. 14, 1618. G. Bockingham. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My honourable Lord, — Whereas there is a cause depending in the couit of 
 Chancery between one Mr. Francis Foliambe and francis Hornsby, the which 
 already hath received a decree, and is now to have another hearing before your- 
 self ; I have thought fit to desire you to shew so much favour therein, seeing it 
 concerns the gentleman's whole estate, as to make a full arbitration and final 
 end, either by taking the pains in ending it yourself, or preferring it to some 
 other, whom your lordship shall think fit: which 1 shall acknowledge as a 
 courtesy from your lordship, and ever rest 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 Hinchingbroke, Oct. 22, 1618. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor, 
 My honourable Lord, — Having formerly moved your lordship in the business 
 of this bearer, Mr. Wyche, of whom, as I understand, your lordship hath had a 
 special care to do him favour, according to the equity of his cause ; now seeing, 
 that the cause is shortly to be heard, I have thought fit to continue my recom- 
 mendation of the business unto you, desiring your lordship to shew what favour 
 you lawfully may unto Mr. Wyche, according as the justness of the cause shall 
 require ; which I will acknowledge as a courtesy from your lordship, and ever 
 rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 
 Newmarket, Nov. 18, 1618. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My honourable Lord, — I having understood by Dr. Steward, that your lord- 
 ship hath made a decree against him in the Chancery, which he thinks very hard 
 for him to perform ; although I know it is unusual to your lordship to make 
 any alterations, when things are so far past ; yet in regard I owe him a good 
 turn, which I know not how to perform but this way, I desire your lordship, if 
 there be any place left for mitigation, your lordship would shew him what favour 
 you may, for my sake, in his desires, which I shall be ready to acknowledge as 
 a great courtesy done unto myself, and will ever rest 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham, 
 Newmarket, Dec. 2, 1618. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My honourable Lord, — I have written a letter unto your lordship, which will 
 be delivered unto you in behalf of Dr. Steward ; and besides, have thought fit 
 to use all freedom with you in that, as in other things ; and therefore have 
 thought fit to tell you, that he being a man of very good reputation, and a stout 
 man, that will not yield to any thing, wherein he conceiveth any hard course 
 against him, I should be sorry he should make any complaint against you. And 
 therefore, if you can advise of any course, how you may be eased of that 
 burden, and freed from his complaint, without shew of any fear of him, or any 
 thing he can say, I vrill be ready to join with you for the accomplishment 
 thereof: and so desiring you to excuse the long stay of your man, I rest 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 From Newmarket, Dec. 3, 1618. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My honourable Lord, — I thank your lordship for the favour, which I under- 
 stand Sir Francis Englefyld hath received from your lordship upon my last 
 letter, whereunto I desire your lordship to add this one favour more (which is 
 the same that I understand your lordship granted him at Christmas last) to give 
 him liberty for the space of a fortnight, to follow his business in his own person ; 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 whereby he may bring it to the more speedy end, putting in security according^ 
 to the ordinary course, to render himself prisoner again as soon as that time is 
 expired ; which is all that I desire for him, and in which I will acknowledge 
 your lordship's favour towards him, and ever rest 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 Newmarket, Dec. 10, 1618. 
 
 To the Loixl Chancellor. 
 My honourable Lord, — His majesty, upon a petition delivered by Mr. Thomas 
 Digby, wherein he complaineth of great wrongs done unto him, hath been 
 pleased, for his more speedy relief and redress, if it prove as he allegeth, to 
 refer the consideration thereof unto your lordship. And because he is a gentle- 
 man whom I have long known and loved, I could not but add my desire to 
 your lordship, that, if you find he hath been wronged, you would do him so 
 much favour, as to give him such remedy as the equity of his case may require. 
 For which I will ever rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, 
 
 Koyston, Oct. 8, 1619. G. Bdckingham. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 My very good Lord, — ^This morning the duke came to me, and told me the 
 king's cause was yesterday left fair ; and if ever there were a time for my lord of 
 Suffolk's submission, it was now ; and that if my lord of Suffolk should come 
 into the court and openly acknowledge his delinquency, he thought it was a 
 thing considerable. My answer was, I would not meddle in it ; and, if I did, 
 it must be to dissuade any such course ; for that all would be but a play upon 
 the stage, if justice went not on in the right course. This I thought it my duty 
 to let the king know by your lordship. 
 
 I cannot express the care I have had of this cause in a number of circum- 
 stances and discretions, which, though they may seem but small matters, yet 
 they do the business, and guide it right. God ever keep your lordship. 
 
 Your Lordship's most obliged friend and faithful servant, 
 Oct. 21, 1619. Fe. Verdlam, Cane. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My honourable Lord, — This bearer, a Frenchman belonging to the ambas- 
 sador, having put an Englishman in suit for some matters between them, is 
 much hindered and molested by often removing of the cause firom one court to 
 another. Your lordship knows that the French are not acquainted with our 
 manner of proceedings in the law, and must therefore be ignorant of the remedy 
 in such a case. His course was to his majesty; but I thought it more projper 
 Ihat your lordship would be pleased to hear and understand this case from him- 
 self, and then to advise and take order for his relief, as your lordship in your 
 wisdom shall think fit. So commending him to your honourable favour, I rest 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Bdceingham. 
 Royston, Oct. 27, 1619. 
 
 Your lordship shall do well to be informed of every particular, because his 
 majesty will have account of it at his coming. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — His majesty hath been pleased, out of his gracious 
 care of Sir Robert Killigiew, to refer a suit of his, for certain concealed lands, 
 to your lordship and the rest of the commissioners for the Treasury ; the like 
 whereof hath been heretofore granted to many others. My desire to your lord- 
 ship is, that he being a gentleman, whom I love and wish very well unto, your 
 lordship would shew him, for my sake, all the favour you can, in furthering his 
 suit. Wherein your lordship shall do me a courtesy, for which I will ever rest 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 Koyston, Dec. 15, 1619. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My honourable Lord, — I have been intreated to recommend unto your lord- 
 ship the distressed case of the Lady Martin, widow of Sir Kichard Martin, 
 deceased, who hath a cause to be heard before your lordship in the Chancery, 
 at your first sitting in the next term, between her and one Archer, and others, 
 upon an ancient statute, due long since unto her husband ; which cause, I am 
 informed, hath received three verdicts for her in the common law, a decree in 
 the Exchequer Chamber, and a dismission before your lordship ; which I was 
 the more willing to do, because 1 have seen a letter of his majesty to the said 
 Sir Richard Martin, acknowledging the good service that he did him in this 
 kingdom, at the time of his majesty's being in Scotland. And therefore I desire 
 your lordship, that you would give her a full and fair hearing of her cause, and 
 a speedy dispatch thereof, her poverty being such, that having nothing to live 
 on but her husband's debts, if her suit long depend, she shall be inforced to 
 lose her cause for want of means to follow it ; wherein I will acknowledge your 
 lordship's favour, and rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, 
 
 Whitehall, Jan. 13, 1620. G. Bdckingham. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — Understanding that there hath been a long and 
 tedious suit depending in the Chancery between Robert D'Oyley and his wife, 
 plaintiffs, and Leonard Lovace, defendant ; which cause hath been heretofore 
 ended by award, but is now revived again, and was, in Blichaelmas term last, 
 fully heard before your lordship ; at which hearing your lordship did not give 
 your opinion thereof, but were pleased to defer it, until breviats were delivered 
 on both sides ; which, as I am informed, hath been done accordingly : now my 
 desire unto your lordship is, that you will be pleased to take some time, as 
 speedily as your lordship may, to give your opinion thereof, and so make a final 
 end, as your lordship shall find the same in equity to deserve. For which I 
 will ever rest your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 Windsor, May 18, 1620. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — His majesty having made a reference of business to 
 your lordship, concerning Sir Robert Douglas and Mr. David Ramsey, two of 
 his highness's servants, whom he loveth, and whom I wish very well unto ; I 
 have thought fit to desire you to shew them all the favour your lordship may 
 therein j which I will acknowledge, and ever rest 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 
 The reference comes in the name of my brother Christopher, because they 
 thought it would succeed the better ; but the prince wisheth well to it. 
 Famham, the last of August, 1620. 
 
 Indorsed — Touching the business of wills. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — There is a business in your lordship's hands, with 
 which Sir Robert Lloyd did acquaint your lordship ; whereof the prince hath 
 demanded of me what account is given. And because I cannot inform his 
 highness of any proceeding therein, I desire your lordship to use all expedition 
 that may be in making your answer to me, that I may give his highness some 
 satisfaction, who is very desirous thereof. And so I rest 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful friend and servaiit, G. Buckingham. 
 Rcyston, Oct. 14, 1620. 
 
 Indorsed — Touching the register of wills. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, — I desire your lordship to continue your favour to 
 Sir Thomas Gerrard in the business concerning him, wherein I signified his 
 majesty's pleasure to your lordship. And one favour more I am to intreat of 
 your lordship in his behalf, that you will be pleased to speak to one of the 
 assistants of the Chancellor of the Duchy, in whose court he hath a cause 
 depending, as he will more fully inform your lordship himself, to see that he 
 may have a fair proceeding according to justice ; for which I will ever rest 
 
 Yoor Lordship's faithful friend and servant, G. Buckingham. 
 
 Royston, Oct. 15, 1620. 
 
 Letters from other persons than ^ucliingham respecting Suitiyrs of the Court 
 of Chcmcery* 
 
 From the University of Cambridge.* 
 
 Right Honourable, — The confidence which the townsmen have, in obtaining 
 their charter and petition, makes us bold and importunate suitors to your honour, 
 by whose favour with his majesty and protection, we again humbly intreat the 
 University and ourselves may be freed from that danger which by them is 
 intended to us. By their own reports, it is a matter of honour and advantage 
 for which they sue : when they were at the lowest, and in their meanest for- 
 tunes, they ever shewed themselves unkind neighbours to us ; and their suits 
 with us, within these few years, have caused us to spend our common treasury, 
 and trouble our best friends, and therefore we cannot expect peace amongst 
 them, when their thoughts and wills shall be winged and strengthened by that 
 power and authority which the very bare title of a city will give unto them. 
 Since oiir late letter to the right honourable Lord Chancellor, your honour, and 
 his majesty's Attorney General, we (being better informed of the course they 
 take, and of their confidence to prevail at the end of the next term) have sent 
 letters from the body of the University to the King's majesty, the Lord Chan- 
 cellor, and others, our honourable friends; shewing them of our fear, and their 
 purpose, and to entreat them to join with your honour and us, to his majesty, to 
 stay their suit before we be driven to further charge or trouble, in entertaining 
 counsel, or soliciting our friends. Thus humbly entreating your honour to 
 pardon our importunity, and often soliciting your lordship in this business, 
 with our earnest prayers to the Almighty for your honour's long life and happy 
 estate, we end this. Your Honour's in all duty to be commanded. 
 February, 1616. 
 
 Sir Francis Englefyld t to the Lord Keeper. 
 Right Honourable, — Give me leave, I beseech your lordship, for want of 
 other means, by this paper to let your lordship understand, that notwithstanding 
 
 * SloanMS. 3562. art. 41. 
 
 t This gentleman was very unfortunate in his behaviour with regard to those 
 . who had the great seal; for in Hilary term of the year 1623-4 he was fined 
 three thousand pounds by the Star Chamber, for casting an imputation of 
 bribery on the Lord Keeper Williams, Bishop of Lincoln. MS. letter of Mr. 
 Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton, dated at London, 1623-4. Sir Francis 
 had been committed to the Fleet for a contempt of a decree in Chancery ; upon 
 which he was charged, by Sir John Bennet, with having said before sufficient 
 witness, " that he could prove this holy bishop judge had been bribed by some 
 that fared well in their causes." A few days after the sentence in the Star 
 Chamber, the Lord Keeper sent for Sir Francis, and told him he would refute 
 his foul aspersions, and prove upon him that he scorned the pelf of the world, 
 or to exact, or make lucre of any man ; and that, for his own part, he forgave 
 him every penny of his fine, and would crave the same mercy towards him from 
 the king. — Bishop Hacket's Life of Archbishop Williams, Part I. p. 83, 84. 
 
 vol.. XV. 12 
 
NOTE Z Z-. 
 
 I rest in no contempt, nor have to my koowledge broken any order made by 
 your lordship concerning the trust, either for the payment of money, or assign- 
 ment of land ; yet, by reason of my close imprisonment, and the unusual 
 carriage of this cause against me, I can get no council, who will in open court 
 deliver my case unto your lordship. I must therefore humbly leave unto your 
 lordship's wisdom, how far your lordship will, upon my adversary's fraudulent 
 bill exhibited by the wife without her husband's privity, extend the most 
 powerful arm of your authority against me, who desire nothing but the honest 
 performance of a trust, which I know not how to leave, if I would. So, nothing 
 doubting but your lordship will do what appertaineth to justice, and the eminent 
 place of equity your lordship holdeth, I must, since I cannot understand from 
 your lordship the cause of my late close restraint, rest, during your lordship's 
 pleasure, your lordship's close prisoner in the Fleet, 
 - October 28, 1617. Fr. Englefyld. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 Most honourable Lord, — Herewithal I presumed to send a note inclosed, 
 both of my business in Chancery, and with my Lord Roos, which it pleased 
 your lordship to demand of me, that so you might better do me good in utroqui 
 genere. It may please your lordship, after having perused it, to commend it 
 over to the care of Mr. Meautys for better custody. 
 
 , At my parting last from your lordship, the grief I had to leave your lordship's 
 presence, though but for a little time, was such, as that being accompanied 
 with some small corporal indisposition that I was in, made me forgetful to say 
 that, which now for his majesty's service I thought myself bound not to silence. 
 I was credibly informed and assured, when the Spanish ambassador went away, 
 that howsoever Ralegh and the prentices should fall out to be proceeded withal, 
 no more instances would be made hereafter on the part of Spain for justice to 
 be done ever in these particulars : but that if slackness were used here, they 
 would be laid up in the deck, and would serve for materials (this was the very 
 word) of future and final discontentments. Now as the humour and design of 
 some may carry them towards troubling of the waters, so 1 know your lordship's 
 both nature and great place require an appeasing them at your hands. And I 
 have not presumed to say this little out of any mind at all, that I may have, to 
 meddle with matters so far above me, but out of a thought I had, that I was 
 tied in duty to lay thus much under your lordship's eye ; because I know and 
 consider of whom I heard that speech, and with how grave circumstances it was 
 delivered. 
 
 I beseech Jesus to give continuance and increase to your lordship's happi' 
 ness ; and that, if it may stand with his will, myself may one day have the 
 honour of casting some small mite into that rieli treasury. So I humbly do 
 your lordship reverence, and continue the most obliged of your Lordship's many 
 faithful servants, Tobie Matthew. 
 
 Nottingham, Aug. 21, 1618. 
 
 after tje time of Horlr ISacon. 
 
 Bishop Williams, 
 
 In part of his life Bishop Hackett says, " And within the compass of this 
 time he says he dreamt the Lord Keeper was dead, and that he went by and 
 saw his grave a making. And how doth he expound this vision which he saw 
 in his sleep, but that he was dead in my Lord Buckingham's affections 1 Some 
 are like to ask what it was that did the ill office to shake the steadfastness of 
 their friendship 1 That will break out hereafter. But the quarrel began that 
 some decrees had been made in Chancery for whose better speed my lord 
 marquess had undertaken. An undertaker he was without confinement of im- 
 portunity. There was not a cause of moment but as soon as it came to publi- 
 cation one of the parties brought letters from this mighty peer and the lord 
 keeper's patron. For the lord marquess was of a kind nature, in courtesy more 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 At. 
 
 luxuriant than was fit in his place, not willing to deny a suit but prone to 
 gratify all strangers, chiefly if any of his kindred brought them in his hand, 
 and was far more apt to believe them that asked him a favour, than those that 
 would persuade him it was not to be granted. These that haunted him without 
 shame, to have their suits recommended to great officers, made him quickly 
 weary of his faithful ministers that could not justly satisfy him, I had men- 
 tioned none but that I am beholden to the cabal to fall upon one, the worst of 
 twenty. Sir John Michel, of whose unreasonableness the Lord Keeper writes 
 thus ; ' God is my witness I have never denied either justice or favour (which 
 was to be justified) to this man, or any other that had the least relation to your 
 good and most noble mother. And I hope your lordship is persuaded thereof.' " 
 
 The Lord Keeper to the Duke about the Lord Treasurer. 
 
 My most noble Lord, — That I neither wrote unto your lordship, nor waited 
 upon your lordship sithence my intolerable scandalizing by the Lord Treasurer, 
 this is the true and only cause : I was so moved to have all my diligent service, 
 pains, and unspotted justice thus rewarded by a lord, who is reputed wise, that 
 I have neither slept, read, written, or eaten any thing since that time ; until the 
 last night, that the ladies sent for me (I believe of purpose) to Wallingfdrd 
 House, and put me out of my humour. I have lost the love and affection of my 
 men, by seizing upon their papers, perusing all their answers to petitions, casting 
 up their monies, received by way of fees (even to half-crowns and two shillings) 
 and finding them all to be poor honest gentlemen, that have maintained them- 
 selves in my service by the greatness of my pains, and not the gieatness of their 
 fees. They are, most of them, landed men, that do not serve rae for gain, but 
 for experience and reputation ; and desire to be brought to the test, to show 
 their several books, and to be confronted by any one man, with whom they 
 contracted, or from whom they demanded any fee at all ; the greatest sum in 
 their books is five pounds, and those very few, and sent unto them from earls 
 and barons ; all the rest are, some twenty shillings, ten shillings, five shillings, 
 two shillings and sixpence, and two shillings. And this is the oppression in my 
 house, that the kingdom (of the common lawyers, peradventure, who have lost, 
 I confess, hereby twenty thousand pounds at the least, saved in the purses of 
 the subjects) doth now groan under. 
 
 . Now I humbly beseech your lordship to peruse this paper here inclosed, and 
 the issue I do join with the Lord Treasurer ; and to acquaint (at the least) the 
 king and the prince, how unworthily I am used by this lord ; who (in my soul 
 and conscience I believe it) either invents these things out of his own head, 
 and ignorance of this court, or hath taken them up from base, unworthy, and 
 most unexperienced people. Lastly, because no act of mine (who am so much 
 indebted for all my frugality) could in the thoughts of a devil incarnate, breed 
 any suspicion that I gained by this office, excepting the purchase of my grand- 
 father's lands, whereunto my Lord Chamberlain's nobleness, and your lordship's 
 encouragement, gave the invitation, I do make your lordship (as your lordship 
 ^ath been often pleased to honor me) my faithful confessor in that business, 
 and do send your lordship a note inclosed, what money I paid, what I borrowed, 
 and what is still owing for the purchase. 
 
 I beseech your lordship to cast your eye upon the paper, and lay it aside, that 
 it be not lost. And having now poured out my soul and sorrow into your lord- 
 ship's breast, I find my heart much eased, and humbly beseech your lordship 
 to compassionate the wrongs of your most humble and honest servant, 
 
 Sept. 9, 1622. J. L. C. S. 
 
 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, concerning Sir John Michel. 
 
 My- most noble Lord, — In the cause of Sir John Michel, which hath so often 
 wearied this court, vexed my lady your mother, and now flieth (as it seemeth) 
 unto your lordship, I have made an order the last day of the term, assisted by 
 the Master of the Rolls and Mr. Baron Bromley in the presence, and with the 
 full consent of Sir John Michel, who then objected nothing against the same ; 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 but now in a dead' vacation, when both the adverse party and his counsel are 
 out of town, and that I cannot possibly hear otherwise than with one ear, he 
 clamours against me (most uncivilly), and would have me, contrary to all con- 
 science and honestly reverse the same. The substance of the order is not so 
 difficult and intricate, but your lordship will easily find out the equity or harsh- 
 ness thereof. 
 
 Sir Lawrence Hide malies a motion in behalf of one Strelley (a party whose 
 face I never saw), that whereas Sir John Michel had put a bill into this court 
 against him, and one Sayers, five years ago for certain lands and woods, (deter- 
 minable properly at the common law) and having upon a certificate betwixt 
 himself and Sayers, without the knowledge of the said Strelley, procured an in- 
 junction from the last Lord Chancellor for the possession of the same, locks up 
 the said Strelley with the said injunction, and never proceeds to bring his cause 
 to hearing within five years. 
 
 It was moved, therefore, that either Sir John's bill might be dismissed to a 
 trial at the common law, or else that he might be ordered to bring it to hearing 
 in this court, with a direction to save all wastes of timber trees (in favour of 
 either paiiy, that should prove the true owner) until the cause should receive 
 hearing. 
 
 Sir John being present in court, made choice of this last offer, and so it was 
 ordered accordingly. And this is that order, that this strange man hath sa 
 often of late complained of to your mother, and now, as it seemeth, to your 
 lordship. God is my witness, I have never denied either justice or favour 
 (which was to be justified) to this man, or any other, that had the least relation 
 to your good and most noble mother. And I hope your lordship is persuaded 
 thereof. If your lordship will give me leave (without your lordship's trouble) to- 
 wait upon you, at any time this day, your lordship shall appoint, I would 
 impart two or three words unto your lordship, concerning your lordship's own. 
 business. 
 
 Aug. 8, 1622. 
 
 ^^resetit Cinres. 
 
 That it is customary in the present times for suitors to solicit the judges, 
 every person who has any knowledge of human nature, or has been in any 
 judicial situation must well know. The hope of success and the belief in the 
 justice of his case are passions too strong to restrain suitors from attempting to 
 intercede with the judge. I have again and again heard Lord Eldon, and I 
 think I may say every chancellor, complain of these applications ; and as a 
 commissioner of bankrupts even, scarcely a month passes without some applica- 
 tion being made to me. 
 
 Suitors' Presents* 
 
 Was it customary for suitors in the time of Lord Bacon to make presents to 
 the judges 1 
 
 1. Preface. 
 
 2. Custom in former times. 
 
 Homer. 
 Plutarch. 
 Merchant of Venice. 
 
 3. Custom in foreign countries. 
 
 Epices. 
 
 4. Inquiry whether presents were made to judges in England, 
 
 Before time of James, 
 21 Henry VI. 
 Sir Thomas More. 
 Time of James, 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 ^ Before time of Bacon, 
 
 Proof that similar presents were made to other statesmen. 
 After time of Bacon, 
 
 Bishop Williams, 
 After time of James, 
 
 Sir M. Hale. 
 Present times. 
 
 Preface, 
 It is, says Lord Bacon, (a) a secret in the art of discovery, that the nature 
 of any thing is seldom discovered in the thing itself. If this doctrine is true, it 
 may be expedient in entering upon this inquiry, to ascertain what has been the 
 custom in other times and in other countries, with respect to solicitations and 
 presents being made by the suitors to the judges. 
 
 . Custom informer times. 
 Homer. 
 Aaoi S" tiv ayopy tirav iOpooi' lv9a dk vHkoq 
 Qpup£i' Svo o' dvSpEQ IvtiKtov ilvsKa iroivrig 
 'Avdpbg airotpOifievov' o fisv^tv\tTO iravT airoSovvai 
 Arffit/} TTi^avfTKtiiv' 6 S' dvaivero fijjSkv eXeff^af 
 'Aji^ia S'iiaOt]])' IttI 'iaropi wtipap i\ka9ai, 
 Aaot S' cLii^orkpoiaiv iirriirvov, afi^ig apbiyo'r 
 
 (o) The nature of any thing is seldom discouered in the thing itself, — It com- 
 monly happens, that men make experiments slightly, and as in the way of 
 diversion, somewhat varying those already known ; and if they succeed not to 
 their expectation, they grow sick of the attempt, and forsake it. Or, if they 
 apply in earnest to experiments, they commonly bestow all their labour upon 
 some one thing, as Gilbert upon the loadstone, and the alchemists upon gold. 
 But this procedure is as unskilful as it is fruitless : for no man can advan- 
 tageously discover the nature of any thing in that thing itself ; but the inquiry 
 must be extended to matters that are more common. 
 
 And if any one applies himself to nature, and endeavours to strike out some- 
 thing new, yet he will generally propose and fix upon some one invention, 
 without further search : for example, the nature of the 'loadstone, the tides, the 
 theory of the heavens, and the like ; which seem to conceal some secret, and 
 have been hitherto unsuccessfully explained; whereas it is, in the highest 
 degree, unskilful to examine the nature of any thing in that thing itself. For 
 the same nature which in some things lies hid and concealed, appears open and 
 obvious in others, so as to excite admiration in the one, and to pass unobserved 
 in the other ; thus the nature of consistence is not taken notice of in wood or 
 stone, but slighted under the term of solidity, witheut further inquiry into its 
 avoidance of separation, or solution of continuity ; whilst the same thing appears 
 subtile and of deeper inquiry, in bubbles of water, which throw themselves into 
 their skins of a curious hemispherical figure, in order, for the instant, to avoid a 
 solution of continuity. 
 
 And again, those very things which are accounted secrets, have, in other 
 cases, a common and manifest nature, which can never be discovered whilst the 
 experiments and thoughts of men run wholly upon them. 
 
 Whoever shall reject the feigned divorces of superlunary and sublunary 
 bodies ; and shall intentively observe the appetences of matter and the most 
 universal passions, which in either globe are exceeding potent, and transverbe- 
 rate the universal nature of things, he shall receive clear information concerning 
 celestial matters from the things seen here with us : and contrariwise from those 
 motions which are practised in heaven, he shall leai'n many observations which 
 now are latent, touching the motion of bodies here below, not only so far as 
 their inferior motions are moderated by superior, but in regard they have a 
 mutual intercourse by passions common to them both. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 Kijpt/K££ t' cbQa \abv iprjTVOV oe Ik jspovrig 
 E'lar' im ^earoiai XiBoig, 'SpS ^vi kvbXw 
 
 Toiaiv eiretr fiiaaov, dfi.oil3r)Slg S' tSiKaZoV 
 Kelro i' ag' iv jiiaaoiin Svo xpvaoio raXavra, 
 Tif dofiev, 8c /t£T(i rolai iiKtjv WivTara diry. 
 
 IXtaSoe S. 
 
 There in the forum swarm a numerous train. 
 
 The subject of debate, a townsman slain. 
 
 One pleads the fine discharged, which one denied. 
 
 And bade the public and the laws decide. 
 
 The witness is produced on either hand ; 
 
 For this or that, the partial people stand. 
 
 The appointed heralds still the noisy bands, 
 
 And form a ring with sceptres in their hands. 
 
 On seats of stone, within the sacred place. 
 
 The reverend elders nodded for the case. 
 
 Alternate eachth' attesting sceptre took, 
 
 And rising solemn each his sentence spoke : 
 
 Two golden talents lay amidst in sight 
 
 The prize of him who best adjudg'd the right. 
 
 Plutarch. 
 By supplying the people with money for the public diversions, (a) and for 
 their attendance in courts of judicature, and by other pensions and gratuities, 
 he (Pericles) so inveigled them as to avail himself of their interest against the 
 council of the Areopagus, &c. 
 
 Merchant of Venice. 
 
 The following passage in the Merchant of Venice originates in the same 
 principle. 
 After Portia has pronounced judgment, there is the following dialogue : 
 
 Bassanio. Most worthy gentleman, I and my friend 
 Have by your wisdom been this day acquitted 
 Of grievous penalties : in lieu whereof 
 Three thousand ducats due unto the Jew, 
 We freely cope your courteous pains withal. 
 
 Ant. And stand indebted over and above 
 In love and seiTice to you evermore. 
 
 Portia. He is well paid who is well satisfied. 
 And, I, delivering you, am satisfied. 
 And therein do account myself well paid. 
 My mind was never yet more mercenary. 
 I pray you know me when we meet again ; 
 I wish you well, and so I take my leave. 
 
 Bas. Dear sir, of force I must attempt you further. 
 Take some remembrance of us as a tribute. 
 Not as a fee ; grant me two things, I pray you. 
 Not to deny me and to pardon me. 
 
 PoR. You press me far, and therefore I will yield. 
 Give me your gloves ; I'll wear them for your sake 
 And for your love. I'll take this ring from you. 
 
 (o) There were several courts of judicature in Athens, composed of a certain 
 number of the citizens, who sometimes received one obolus each for every cause 
 they tried ; and sometimes men who aimed at popularity procured this fee to be 
 increased. — Translator's note. Piutirch's Lives, Langhorne. Life of Periclfis, 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 Do not draw back your hand. I'll take no more 
 And you in love shall not deny me this. 
 
 Bas. This ring, good sir — alas ! it is a trifle ; 
 I will not shame myself to give you this. 
 
 PoR. I vfill have nothing else but only this, 
 And now, methinks I have a mind to it. 
 
 Custom in Foreign Countries, 
 
 Montesquieu, B. 28, c. 35. Of Costs. Montesquieu says, that in former 
 times costs were not payable. The chapter then concludes thus : " f he custom 
 of appeals naturally introduced that of giving costs. Thus D^fontaines says, 
 that when they appealed by written law, that is, when they followed the new 
 laws of St. Lewis, they gave costs ; but that in the usual custom, which did not 
 permit them to appeal without falsifying the judgment, no costs were allowed. 
 They obtained only a fine and the possession for a year and a, day of the thing 
 contested, if the cause was remanded to the lord. 
 
 But when the number of appeals increased, from the new facility of appeal- 
 ing ; when by the frequent usage of those appeals from one court to another, 
 the parties were continually removed from the place of their residence ; when 
 the new method of proceeding multiplied and perpetuated the suits ; when the 
 art of eluding the very justest demands was refined ; when the parties at law 
 knew only how to fly in order to be followed ; when actions proved destructive, 
 and pleas easy ; when the arguments were lost in whole volumes of writings; 
 when the kingdom was filled vrith members of the law who were strangers to 
 justice ; when knavery found encouragement from mean practitioners, though 
 discountenanced by the law ; then it was necessary to deter litigious people by 
 the fear of costs. They were obliged to pay costs for the judgment, and for the 
 means they had employed to elude it. Charles the Fair made a general ordi- 
 nance on that subject. 
 
 Epices. 
 
 Epice, en terme de jurisprudence, ne s'emploie qu'au plurier, et on entend, 
 par ce mot, des droits en argent que les juges de plusieurs tribunaux sont auto- 
 risfe a recevoir des parties pour la visite des proces par 6crit. Ces sortes de 
 retributions sont appellees endroit sportulse ou species, mots qui signifient 
 toutes sortes de fruits en general, et singulierement des aromates ; du dernier Ton 
 a fait en franpois Apices, terme qui comprenoit autrefois toutes sortes de confi- 
 tures, pavce qu'avant la d^couverte des Indes, et que I'on eflt I'usage du sucre, 
 on faisoit coupre les fruits avec des aromates, et on en faisoit aux juges des 
 pr^sens, ce qui leur fit donner le nom d'^pices. 
 
 L'origine des Apices, mgme en argent, remonte jusq'aux Grecs. 
 
 Homere, Iliade VI. dans la description qu'il fait du jugcment qui 6toit figur6 
 sur la bouclier d'Achille, rapporte qu'il y avoit deux talens d'or pos^s au milieu 
 des juges, pour donner a celui qui opineroit le mieux. Ces deux talens 6toient 
 alors, il est vrai, de peu de valeur; car Bud^e, en son iv= liv. de asse, en par- 
 lant de talento homerico, prouve par un autre passage du xxiv^ de Iliade que 
 ces deux talens d'or 6toient estimis moins qu'un chauderon d'au:ain. Flutarque, 
 en la vie de Pericles, fait miention d'un usage qui a encore plus de rapport avec 
 les Apices ; il dit que Pericles fut le premier qui attribua aux juges d'Athenes 
 des salaires appellfes prytan^es, parce qu'ils se prenoient sur les deniers que lea 
 plaideurs consignoient a I'entree du proces dans la prytan^e, qui fetoit un lieu 
 public destine a rendre la justice. Cette consignation 6toit du dixieme, mais 
 tout n'etoit ]>as pour les juges : on preuoit aussi sur ces deniers le salaire des 
 sergens ; celui du juge ^toit appelie to dixaariKov. 
 
 A Kome, tons les magistrats et autres officiers avoient des gages sur la fisc, 
 et faisoient serment de ne rien exiger des particuliers. II 6toit cependant permis 
 aux gouverneurs de recevoir de petits pr&ens appell6s xenia ; mais cela ^toit 
 limits a des choses propres a manger ou boire dans trois jours. Dans la suite, 
 Constantin abolit cet usage, et d^fendit a tons ministres de la justice d'exiger 
 ni m^me de recevoir aucuns pr^sens, quelque lagers qu'ils fussent ; mais Tri- 
 
NOTIi Z Z. 
 
 bonien, qui etoit )ui-meme dans I'usage d'en recevoir, ne voulut pas Insurer 
 cette loi dans le code de Justinien. 
 
 L'empereur lui-m^me Be rel^cha de cette s6v6rit6 par rapport aux juges d'un 
 ordre inf^rieur ; il permit, par sa novelle 15. chap. 6, aux d^fenseurs des cit^s 
 de prendre, au lieu de gages, quatre ^cus pour chaque sentence definitive ; et en 
 la novelle 82, chap. 19, il assigne aux iuges pedanies quatre ^cus pour chaque 
 proces, a prendre sur les parties, outre deux marcs d'or de gages qu'ils avoient 
 sur le public. 
 
 Ces Apices 6toient appellees " sportulae," de mgme que la salaire des appari- 
 teuis et autres ministres inf^rieurs de la jurisdiction, ce qui venoit de sporta, 
 qui 6toitune petite corbeille ou Ton recueilloit les petits pr^sens que les grands 
 avoient coutumede distribuer a ceux qui leur faisoient la cour. 
 
 Par les dernieres constitutions grecques, la taxe des Apices se faisoit en egard 
 a la somme dont il s'agissoit ; comme de cent ^cus d'or on prenoit un demi- 
 ^cu, et ainsi des autres sommes a proportion, suivant que le remarque Th^o- 
 phile, § tripl. instit. de action. 
 
 On appelloit aussi, les Apices des juges pulveratica, comme on lit dans 
 Cassiodore, lib. xii. variar, ou il dit, pulveratica olim judicibus prsestabantur ; 
 pulveraticum 6toit le prix et la recompense du travail, et avoit ^te ainsi appell^ 
 en faisant allusion a cette poussiere dont les luteurs avoient coutume de se 
 couvrir mutuellement lorsqu'ils alloient au combat, afin d'avoir plus de prise 
 sur' leur antagoniste. Quelques-uns ont cru qu'anciennement en France les 
 juges ne prenoient point d'^pices ; cependant outre qu'il est probable que Ton y 
 suivit d'abord le m^me usage que les Remains y avoient etabli, on voit dans 
 les loix des Visigoths, liv. xi. tit. 2, chap. 15, qui ^toient observes dans toute 
 I'Aquitaine qii'il ^tpit permis au rapporteur de prendre un vingtieme, vigesimum, 
 solidum pro labore et judicata caus^ ac legitime deliberate. II est vrai que 
 le conseil de Verneuil tenu I'an 884 au sujet de la discipline eccl6siastique, 
 d^fendit a tons juges eccl^siastiques ou laiques de recevoir des Apices, ut nee 
 episcopus, nee abbas, nee ullus laicus pro justiti^ faciendS, sportulas accipiat. 
 Mais il paroit que cela ne fut pas toujours observe ; en effet, des le temps 
 de St. Louis, il y avoit certaines amendes applicables au profit du juge, et 
 qui dans ces cas tenoient lieu d'^pices. On voit, par example, dans I'ordon- 
 nance que ce prince fit en 1254, que celui qui louoit une maison a quelque 
 ribaude, etoit tenu de payer au bailli du lieu, ou au pr^vdt ou au juge, une 
 somme ^gale au loyer d'une ann^e. 
 
 Ce m6me prince en abolissant une mauvaise coutume qui avoit 6t€ long- 
 temps observee dans quelques tribunaux, par rapport aux d^pens judiciaires et 
 aux peines qui devoient supportez ceux qui succomboient, ordonne qu'au com- 
 mencement du proces les parties donneront des gages de la valeur du dixieme 
 de ce qui fut I'objet du proces ; que dans toute la cour du proces on ne levera 
 rien pour les d^pens ; mais qu'a la fin du proces celui qui succombera, paiera 
 a la cour la dixieme partie de ce a quoi il sera condamn6, ou I'estimation ; que 
 si les deux parties succombent, chacune en quelqiie chef, chacune paiera a pro- 
 portion des chefs auxquels elle aura succombe ; que les gages seront rendus 
 apres le jugement, a la partie qui aura gagn^, que ceux qui ne pourront pas 
 trouver des gages, donneront caution, &c. 
 
 Ce dixieme de I'object du proces que Ton appelloit decima litium, servoit a 
 payer les d6pens dans lesqjiels sent compris les droits des juges. II etoit alors 
 d'usage dans les tribunaux laiques, que le juge sous pretexte de fournir au 
 salaire de ses assesseurs, exigeoit des parties ce dixieme, ou quelque autre 
 portion, avec les depenses de bouche qu'ils avoient faites, ce qui fut d^fendu 
 aux juges d'eglise par Innocent III. suivant le chap. 10, aux decretales de vita 
 et houestate clericorum, excepte lorsque le juge est oblige d'aller aux champs et 
 hors de sa maison ; lechapitre cum ab omni, et le chapitre statutum, veulent 
 en ce cas que le juge soit defraye. 
 
 II n'etoit pas non plus aloBS d'usage en cour d'eglise de condamner aux 
 depens : mais en cour laic il y avoit trois ou quatre cas ou I'on y condamnoit, 
 comme il parott par le chap. 92 des etablissemens de S. Louis en 1270, et ce 
 m^me chap, fait mention que la justice prenoit un droit pour elle. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 Les privileges accord^s a la ville d'Aigues, mortes par le roi Jean, au mois 
 de fevrier 1350, portent que dans cette ville les juges ne prendront rien pour les 
 actes de tutele, curatelle, Emancipation, adoptioa, ni pour la confection des 
 testamens et ordonnances qu'ils donneroient ; qu'ils ne pourroient dans aucune 
 affaire faire faisir les effets des parties pour sflretE des frais, mais que quand 
 I'affaire seroit finie, celui qui auroit H& condamn6 paieroit deux sous pour livre 
 de la valeur de la chose si c'Etoit un meuble ou de I'argent ; que si e'Etoit un 
 immeuble, il paieroit le vingtierae en argent de sa valeur, suivant I'estimation ; 
 que si celui qui avoit perdu son procds, ne pouvoit en mfeme temps satisfaire a 
 ce qu'il devoit a sa partie et aux juges, la partie seroit pay^e par preference. 
 
 II y eut depuis quelques ordonnances qui d^fendirent aux juges, meme 
 laiques, de rien recevoir des parties ; notamment celle de 1302, rapport^e dans 
 I'ancien style du parlemeut, en ces termes ; " praefati officiarii nostri nihil 
 penitus exigant a subjectis nostris." 
 
 Mais I'ordonnance de Philippe de Valois, du 11 Mars 1344, permit aux 
 comraissaires d^put^s du parlement, pour la taxe des d^pens, ou pour I'audition, 
 des t^moins, de prendre chacun dix sous parisis pour jour, outre les gages du 
 roi. 
 
 D'un autre cdte,l'usage s'introduisit que la partie qui avoit gagnE son proces, 
 en venant remercier ses juges, leur prEsentoit quelques bottes de confitures 
 seches au de drag^es, que Ton appelloit alors §pices. Ce qui Etoit d'abord 
 purement volontaire passa en coutume, fut regards comme un droit et devint de 
 necessity.- ces Apices furent ensuite converties en argent; on se trouve deux 
 exemples fort ancieus avant meme que les epices entrassent en taxe : I'un est 
 du 12 Mars, 1369 ; le sire de Tournon, par licence de la cour, sur sa requete, 
 donna vingt francs d'or pour les Epices de son proces jugE, laquelle somme fut 
 partagEe entre les deux rapporteurs; I'autre est que le 4 juillel 1371 un cou- 
 seiller de la cour, rapporteur d'un proces, eut apres le jugement de chacune 
 des parties six francs. 
 
 Mais les juges ne pouvoient encore recevoir des Epices ou prEsens des parties 
 qu'en vertu d'une permission spEciale, et les Epices n'Etoient pas encore toujours 
 converties en argent. En effet, Charles VI. par des lettres du 17 Mars 1395, 
 pour certaines causes et considErations, permit a Guillaume de Sens, Pierre 
 Boschet, Henri de Marie, et Ymbert de Boissy, prEsidens au parlement, et a 
 quelques conseillers de cette cour, que chacun d'eux pilt, sans aucune offense, 
 prendre une certaine quantitE de queues de vin a eux donnEes par la reine de 
 JErusalem et de Sicile, tante du roi. 
 
 Papon, en ses arrets, tit. des Epices, rapporte un airgt du 7 Mai, 1384, qu'il 
 dit avoir jugE qu'en taxant les dEpens de la cause principale, on devoit taxer 
 aussi les epices de I'arret. 
 
 Cependant du Luc, liv. v. de ses arrEts, tit, 5, art. 1, en rapporte un postE- 
 rieur du 17 Mars 1403, par lequel il fut dEcidE que les Epices, qu'il appelle tra- 
 gemata, n'entroient point en taxe, lorsqu'on en accordoit aux rapporteurs. 
 
 II rapporte encore un autre arrM de la m^me annEe qui Enonce que dans les 
 affaires importantes et pour des gens de qualitE, on permettoit aux rapporteurs 
 de recevoir deux on trois bottes de dragEes ; mais I'arr^t dEfend aux procureurs 
 de rien exiger de leurs parties sous ombre d'Epices. 
 
 Ces boites de dragEes se donnoient d'abord avant le jugement pour en accE- 
 lerer I'expEdition : les juges regarderent ensuite cela comme un droit, telle- 
 ment que dans quelques anciens registres du parlement on lit en marge, non 
 deliberetur donee solvantur species; mais comme on reconnut I'abus de cet 
 usage, il fut ordonnE par un arrfit de 1437, rapportE par du I-uc, liv. iv. tit. 5, 
 art. 10, qu'on ne paieroit point les Epices au rapporteur, et qu'on ne lui distii- 
 bueroit point d'autre procEs qu'il n'eflt expEdiE celui dont il Etoit chargE. II 
 appelle en cet endroit les Epices dicastica, ce qui feroit croire qu'elles Etoient 
 alors converties en argent. 
 
 On se plaignit aux Etats de Tours tenus en 1483, que la venalitE des offices 
 induisoit les officiers a exiger de grandes et excessives Epices, ce qui Etoit d'au- 
 tant plus criant qu'elles ne passoient point encoie en taxe : cependant I'usage 
 
 vofc. XV. 13 ■ • 
 
JfOTE Z Z. 
 
 en fut continue, tellement que, par un arr6t du 30 Novembre, 1494, il fut d£cid£ 
 que les epices des proems jug^s sur lesquels les parties avoient transig^, devoient 
 etre payees par les parties et non par le roi ; et ce ne fut que par uu v6glement 
 du 18 Mai, 1502, qu'il fut ordonn^ qu'elles entreroient en taxe. 
 
 L'ordonnanee de Koussillon, art. 31, et celle de Moulins, art. 14, d^fen- 
 dirent aux juges presidiaux; et autres juges inf^rieurs, de prendre des Apices 
 except^ pour le rapporteur. 
 
 La chambre des comptes fut autoris6e a en prendre par des lettres-patentes 
 du 11 d^cembre, 1581, registries en ladite chambre le 24 mars, 1582. 
 
 II y a cependant encore plusieurs tribunaux oil I'on ne prend point d'^pices, 
 tels que le conseil du roi, les conseils de guerre. 
 
 Les 6pices ne sont point accord^es pour le jugement g^n^ral, mais pour la 
 visite du proems. 
 
 L'^dit du mois d'aovlt 1669 contient un r^glement g6n6ral pour les Apices et 
 vacations. 
 
 II ordonne que par provision et en attendant que S. M. se trouve en etat 
 d'augmenter les gages des officiers de judicature, pour leur donner moyen de 
 rendve la justice gratuitement, les juges, mSme les cours, ne puissent prendre 
 d'autres Apices que celles qui auront 6t6 tax^es par celui qui' aura preside, sans 
 qu'aucun puisse prendre ne recevoir de plus grands droits, sous pr^texte d'ex- 
 tralts, de sciendum, ou d'arrSts ; ce qui est conforme a ce qui avoit d6ja 6t6 
 ordonn^ par I'art. 127 de l'ordonnanee du Blois, qui veut que la taxe en soit 
 faite sur les extraits des rapporteurs qu'ils auront faits eux-memes et que I'on y 
 use de moderation. 
 
 Celui qui a pr^sid^, doit ^crire de sa main au bas de la minute du jugement, 
 la taxe des Apices, et le greffier en doit faire mention sur les grosses et expe- 
 ditions qu'il d^livre. Si le president de la compagnie est rapporteur de I'afFaire, 
 c'est Tofficier qui le suit imm^diatement dans I'ordre du tableau, qui doit faire 
 la taxe des Apices en prenant I'avis de ceux qui ont assist^ au jugement du 
 proems. 
 
 Au chiltelet de Paris, il est d'usage que le president et le rapporteur taxent 
 les Apices, quand elles n'excedent par trois cens livres ; mais quand elles sont 
 au-dessus, elles se reglent a la plurality des voix par la compagnie, ainsi qu'il 
 se pratiquoit autrefois dans les bailliages, sen^cbauss^s, presidiaux, et prevot^s. 
 
 M. Duperray, en son trait6 des dixines, chap. xii. fait mention d'une decla- 
 ration du roi, dont il ne dit pas la date, qui remit, a ce qu'il dit, aux juges 
 subalternes les ^pieces mal prises, en payant une taxe. II paroit ^tre d'avis 
 que cette taxe ne dispense par ces juges de faire restitution a ceux dont ils ont 
 exige induement des epices. 
 
 La taxe des Apices doit Stre proportionee au travail, au nombre des stances 
 employees a la visite du proems, et a I'importance de I'affaire, sans avoir ^gard 
 au nombre des juges, ni a la valeur des choses, en litige, ni a la quality des 
 parties litigantes. On ne doit en taxer aucunes pour les proems qui sont 
 evoques, ou dont la connoissance est interdite aux juges, encore qtle le rap- 
 porteur en eflt fait I'extrait, et qu'ils eussent ite mis sur le bureau, et m6me vus 
 et examines. 
 
 II en est de mSme de tous les jugemens rendus sur requite et des jugemens 
 en matiere beneficiale ; lorsqu'apres la communication au parquet toutes les 
 parties sont d'accorde de passer appointement sur la maintenue du benefice 
 contentieux, s'il intervient arr^t portant que les titres et capacites des parties 
 seront vus. 
 
 II est defendu aux juges, a peine de concussion, de taxer ou prendre des 
 epices : 1°. pour les arrets, jugemens ou sentences, rendus sur la requite d'une 
 partie, sans que I'autre ait et? entendue, a moins qu'il ne soit question d'une 
 affaire criminelle, et qu'il n'y ait des prooes verbaux ou informations joints a la 
 requite : 2**. dans les causes civiles, oii les procureurs du roi, et ceux des seig- 
 neurs sont parties a moins qu'il ne s'agisse de gros proces domaniaux : 3°, en 
 matiere de police, quand les procureurs du roi, qu iiscaux sont seuls parties : 
 4°. en matiere criminelle, lorsqu'il n'y a point de parties civiles, et que le 
 proces se poursuit a la requite du ministere public : 5°. dans les jugemens de 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 competence pour les sentences de provision, pour les jugemens definitifs rendus 
 sur des procedures, oii il n'y a ni recoUement ni confrontation : 6°. pour le 
 jugement des affaires sommaires ou qui n'excedent pas le valeur de 100 liv. 
 7°, dans les affaires qui se jugent a I'audience, ou sur le bureau, ou qui se d61i- 
 berent sur le registre : 8°. pour I'audition des comptes des villes et des h6pi- 
 taux, et en general pour tout jugement interlocutoire ou de simple instruction. 
 
 Un arrSt des grands jours de Clermont, avoitdefendu aux juges de prendre 
 des Apices des parties qu'il ssavoient Stre pauvres et confoiTnemement a cette 
 regie le parlement de Toulouse avoit ^tabli que Ton n'en prendroit pas dans le 
 proces des religieux mendians a moins que le jugement ne fut en leur faveur, 
 parce qu'alors ils en obtiennent le remboursement de leur partie adverse. 
 
 11 fut cr^e en 1581 et 1586 des offices de receveurs des Apices dans les diff^- 
 rens tribunaux de royaume : ceux du Beaujolois furent supprim^s en 1588, les 
 autres en 1626 et reunis aux offices de gressiers et de maftres-clercs des greffes. 
 Mais par edit du roois de fevrier 1629, on retablit tous ceux qui avoient ^t^ 
 refus et installs, et qui n'avoient point ^l6 rembourses. Ensuite on en cr^a 
 d'altematifs et de triennaux, qui ont M^ suprimes ou reunis. II y a eu encore 
 nombre d'autres creations et suppressions, dont le detail seroit trop long ; il 
 suffit d'observer que dans quelques tribunaux ces officiers sont en titre d'office, 
 dans d'autres ils sont par commission. 
 
 L'edit de 1669 porte que les epices seront payees par les mains des greffiers, 
 ou autres personnes cbargees par I'ordre des compagnies qui en tiendront 
 registres, sans que les juges ou leurs clercs puissent les recevoir pai' les mains 
 des parties ou autres personnes. 
 
 II est defendu aux greffiers, sous peine d'amende, de refuser la communi- 
 cation du jugement, quoique les epices et vacations n'aient pas ete payees. 
 Mais on ne pent les obliger a deiivrer I'expedition du jugement avant le paie- 
 ment des epices. 
 
 Louis XII. avoit donne une ordonnance qui autorisoit les piges a user de 
 contrainte centre les parties pour leurs epices ; mais cette ordonnance ne fut 
 pas veripee, on permettoit seulement aux juges de se pouvoir par requite, 
 siiivant les arrets, rapportes par Guenois ; usage qui a ete aboli, aussi bien que 
 celui de faire consigner les epices avant le jugement, comme cela s'observoit 
 dans quelques paflemens ; ce qui fut abroge par une declaration du 26 fevrier, 
 1683, et autres a-peu-pres du m^me temps. 
 
 Presentement les juges, soit royaux, on des seigneurs ne peuvent decerner en 
 leur nom, ni en celui de leurs greffiers, aucun executoire pour les epices, a 
 peine de concussion ; mais on pent en deiivrer executoire a la partie qui les a 
 deboursees. II est egalement defendu aux juges, aux greffiers et a tous les 
 autres officiers de justice, de prendre aucune promesse ou obligation, soit sous 
 leur nom, soit sous celui d'autres personnes, pour les epices, droits et vacations 
 qui peuvent leur appartenir, 
 
 Les procureurs generaux et procureurs du roi, et leur substituts sont aussi 
 autorises a prendre des epices pour les conclusions qu'ils donnent dans les 
 affaires de rapport. Mais ils ne peuvent en prendre dans le cas oii il est defendu 
 aux juges de le fairc. 
 
 Lorsque la taxe, que les premiers juges ont faite des epices, est excessive, les 
 juges superieurs doivent, en pronon9ant sur I'appel de la sentence, ordonner la 
 restitution de ee qui a ete piis de trop, et meme, suivant les circonstances, les 
 condamner a plus grande peine. II n'est pas m^me necessaire d'entendre le 
 juge dans ses defenses, quoiqu'il puisse se pouvoir par opposition contre le 
 jugement qui lui enjoint de restituer. Un arr^t du couseil du 21 Aout, 1684, 
 seiTant de reglement pour les presidiaux du Languedoc, ordonne que les resti- 
 tutions d'epices, prononcees par le parlement contre les juges des senechaus- 
 ses, seront poursuivies a la diligence du procureur-general : et a la diligence de 
 ses substituts, lorsqu'elles auront ete ordonnes par jugement presidial et en 
 dernier ressort, centre les juges inferieurs. 
 
 La distribution des epices se fait entre le rapporteur et les officiers des sieges 
 suivant I'usage et chaque compagnie. 
 
 Les epices ont le meme privilege que les depens, pour la contrainte par corps, 
 
NOTC 7,7,. 
 
 et elles doivent etve payees par pr6f^rence a toute autre dette. EUes ne sont 
 pas aussi faisissables, et sont payees par provision, nonobstant I'appel. 
 
 Mr. Butler's Life of the Chancellor de I'Hopital. 
 
 In Mr. Butler's life of the Chancellor Michel de I'Hdpital there are three 
 chapters upon the Chancelloi's wish to reform abuses in the administration of 
 justice. 
 
 {1st. The abolition of the sale of law offices. 
 2nd. The abolition of the custom of making presents by the suitors to 
 the judges. 
 3rd. The abolition of fees to counsel. 
 
 The second chapter, upon " the abolition of the custom of making presents 
 by the suitors to the judges," the only important chapter relating to the present 
 subject is annexed. 
 
 Chap. X. — The Chancellor I'H&pital wishes to abolish the Epices. 
 
 Another reformation in the administration of justice, which l'H6pital wished 
 to effect, was the abolition of the Apices, or presents made, on some occasions, 
 by the parties in a cause, to the judges by whom it was tried. 
 
 A passage in Homer, (24 II.) where he describes a compartment in the shield 
 of Achilles, in which two talents of gold were placed between two judges, as 
 the reward of the best speaker, is generally cited to prove, that even in the 
 earliest times, the judges were paid for their administration of justice ; but an 
 attentive reader will probably agree with Mr. Miti'ord in his construction of this 
 passage, that the two talents were not the reward of the judge who should give 
 the best opinion, but the subject of the dispute, and were to be adjudged to him, 
 who established his title to them by the best arguments. — Plutarch mentions, 
 that, under the administration of Pericles, the Athenian magistrates were first 
 authorized to require a remuneration from the suitors of their courts. In 
 ancient Rome, the magistrates were wholly paid by the public ; but Justinian 
 allowed some magistrates of an inferior description to receive presents, which 
 he limited to a certain amount, from the suitors before them. Montesquieu 
 (Esprit des Loix, L. xxviii. ch. 35), observes, that " in the early ages of the 
 feudal law, when legal proceedings were short and simple, the lord defrayed the 
 whole expense of the administration of justice in his court. In proportion as 
 society became refined, a more complex administration of justice became neces- 
 sary ; and it was considered that not only the party who was cast, should, on 
 account of his having instituted a bad cause, but that the successful party should, 
 on account of the benefit which he had derived from the proceedings of the court, 
 contribute, in some degree, to the expenses attending them ; and that the 
 public, on account of the general benefit which it derived from the administration 
 of justice, should make up the deficiency." To secure to the judges the pro- 
 portion which the suitors were to contribute towards the expense of justice, it 
 was provided, by an ordonnance of St. Louis, that at the commencement of a 
 suit, each party should deposit in court the amount of one tenth part of the 
 property in dispute : that the tenth deposited by the unsuccessful party should 
 be paid over to the judges on their passing sentence ; and that the tenth of Jhe 
 successful party should then be returned to him. This was varied by subse- 
 quent ordonnances. Insensibly it became a custom for the successful party to 
 wait on the judges, after sentence was passed, and, as an acknowledgment of 
 their attention to the cause, to present them with a box of sweetmeats, which 
 were then called epices, or spices. By degrees, this custom became a legal 
 perquisite of the judges ; and it was converted into a present of money, and 
 required by the judges before the cause came to hearing : Non deliberetur donee 
 solventw species, say some of the ancient registers of the parliaments of France. 
 That practice was afterwards abolished ; the amount of the 6pices was regu- 
 lated ; and, in many cases, the taking of them was absolutely forbidden. 
 Speaking generally, they were not payable till final judgment ; and, if the 
 
NOTE ZK. 
 
 matter were not heard in court, but referred to a judge for him to hear, and 
 report to the court upon it, he was entitled to a proportion only of the Apices, 
 and the other judges were entitled to no part of them. Those among the magis- 
 trates who were most punctual and diligent in their attendance in court, and the 
 discharge of their duty, had most causes referred to them, and were therefore 
 richest in Apices ; hut the superior amount of them, however it might prove 
 their superior exertions, added little to their fortune, as it did not often exceed 
 50t. and never 100/. a year. The judges had some other perquisites, and also 
 some remuneration from government ; but the whole of the perquisites and re- 
 muneration of any judge, except those of the presidents, amounted to little more 
 than the 6pices. The presidents of the parliament had a higher remuneration : 
 but the price which they paid for their offices was proportionably higher, and 
 the whole amount, received by any judge for his 6pices, perquisites, and other 
 remunerations, fell short of the interest of the money Which he paid for the 
 charge ; so that it is generally true, that the French judges administered justice 
 not only without salary, but even with some pecuniary loss. Their real remu- 
 neration was the rank and consideration which their office gave them in society, 
 and the respect and regard of their fellow citizens. How well does this illustrate 
 Montesquieu's aphorism, that the principle of the French monarchy was honour ! 
 It may be truly said, that the world has not produced a more learned, en- 
 lightened, or honourable order in society, than the French magistracy. 
 
 Englishmen are much scandalised when they are informed that the French 
 judges were personally solicited by the suitors in court, their families and pro- 
 tectors, and by any other person whom the suitors thought likely to influence 
 the decision of the cause in their favour. But it all amounted to nothing : — to 
 all these solicitations the judges listened with equal external reverence, and 
 internal indifference ; and they availed themselves of the first moment when it 
 could be done with decency, to bow the parties respectfully out of the room : it 
 was a corvee on their time which they most bitterly lamented. 
 
 Inquiry whether Presents were made to Judges in England, 
 
 Before time of James, — 21 Henry VI. 
 
 Receiving presents was a practice neither uncommon among his predecessors 
 in that court, nor, I believe, imputed to them for unrighteousness. This will 
 appear plainly by the curious anecdote that follows ; which I myself copied 
 from the original manuscript, in the possession of Henry Wise, Esq. of Hampton 
 Court, (o) 
 
 Declarant etiam executores predict! quod ipsi ad speciale rogatum proedicti 
 domini Henrici flli docti Domini nuper comitis, quod erat eis ad prece.ptum, 
 dederunt Domino Cancellario Angliie, I shaving bacyn argenti, quae erat predicti 
 domini patris sui, viz. Ad excitandum dictum Dominum Cancellarium fore 
 benevolum et benefacientera materiis dicti Domini Henrici in curiis Domini 
 regis pendentibus pretium vni£. 
 
 Declarant etiam executores predicti quod ipsi dederant Domini Archi. Can- 
 tuarise Cancellario Angliae, J. saultauri ad similitudinem Cervi jacentis facti, 
 quod erat dicti domini nuper comitis, appretiatum ad £40. 16s. Sd. ad inten- 
 tionem ut ipse Dom. Archi. et Cane, suum bonum Dominum et auxilium dictis 
 executoribus favorabiliter ostenderet et faceret in certis materiis que versus eos- 
 dem executores ad grave prejudicium et impedimentum debite executionis 
 testament! et ultime voluntatis dicti Domini nuper comitis subtiliter movebantur ; 
 ad valentiam sicut predicitur. 
 
 This paper is called, Declaracio Thomae Huggeford, Nicdli Rody et Willi. 
 Berkswel presbyter. These were executors and feoffees of Richard Beauchamp, 
 Earl of Warwick, and this declaration was made in the 21st year of Henry the 
 Sixth, to account for certain plate, jewels, and so forth, which had come into 
 their hands as his executors. 
 
 (a) I copied this some years ago, but I have forgotten from whence. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 Sir Thomas More. 
 Life of Sir Thomas More. 
 
 His integrity in his office was sufficiently proved by the reduced state of his 
 circumstances when he resigned the seals ; but there are two or three anecdotes 
 which will serve to illustrate this part of his character. 
 
 After his fall, the Earl of Wiltshire, the father of Anne Boleyne, preferred a 
 complaint against him to the council for having taken a bribe from one Vaughan. 
 Sir Thomas confessed that he had received the cup from the hands of Vaughan's 
 vrife, but immediately ordering the butler to fill it with wine, he drank to her, 
 and when she had pledged him, says he, " as freely as your husband hath 
 given this cup to me, even so freely give I the same to you again, to give to 
 your husband for his new year's gift." 
 
 At another time one Gresham having a cause" depending in Chancery, sent 
 Sir Thomas a fair gilt cup, the fashion of which pleased him so well, that he 
 caused one of his own, of more value to be delivered to the messenger for his 
 master, nor would he receive it on any other condition. 
 
 Being presented by a lady with a pair of gloves, and forty pounds in angels 
 in them, he said to her, " Mistress, since it were against good manners to refuse 
 your new year's gift, I am content to take your gloves, but as for the lining, I 
 utterly refuse it." 
 
 The following anecdote of More is given by Lord Bacon in his Essays : — 
 A person who had a suit in Chancery sent him two silver fiagons, not doubting 
 of the agreeableness of the present. On receiving them, More called one of his 
 sei-vants, and told him to fill those two vessels with the best wine in his cellar ; 
 and turning round to the servant who had presented them, " Tell your master," 
 replied the inflexible ma^strate, " that if he approves my wine, I beg he would 
 not spare it." 
 
 Presents made temp. Jac. 
 
 Sir Augustine NichoUs. 
 
 Before the time of Lord Bacon, — In Lloyd's life of Sir Augustine Nicholls, 
 who was one of the judges in the time of James the First, he says, " He had 
 exemplary integrity even to the rejection of gratuities after judgment given, and 
 a charge to his followers that they came to their places clear handed, and that 
 they should not meddle with any motions to him that he might be secured from 
 all appearance of corruption. 
 
 When the charge was made against Lord Bacon, the following observation 
 was made in the House of Commons, as appears in the Journals of Lunae 26» 
 Martii, 19° Jacobi . — Alford. That the Chancery hindereth commerce at home. 
 Many things propounded about the Lord Chancellor. Thinketh he took gra- 
 tuities ; and the Lord Chancellor before, and others before him. Hath a ledger- 
 book, where 30s. given to a secretary, and 10/. to a Lord Chancellor, for his 
 pains in hearing a cause. Will proceed from Chancellor to Chancery : will 
 offer heads, to be considered by a committee. The Chancery to be confined to 
 breach of trust, covin, and accident. Not to have our wills, or gift of lands, 
 questioned, where no fraud. 
 
 That before the time of Lord Bacon it was customary to make presents to the 
 Chancellor may, as it seems, be collected from the nature of the charges made 
 against Lord Bacon, from which it appears that presents were made to him 
 within a few hours after he was entrusted with the seals ; that they were made 
 publicly, and as a matter of course, by men of eminence who were counsel in 
 the cause, and were made generally after the cause was decided, and by both 
 parties to the suit, and had not any influence upon the judgment. Now as 
 Lord Bacon held the great seals only four years, it is scarcely possible to sup- 
 pose that such a custom could, during this short interval, have originated, and 
 thus extensively and deeply pervaded the profession. 
 
 That they were made openly appears from the following facts. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 They were made by counsel in the cause and persons of eminence. In his 
 answer to the 24th, 25th, and 26th charges in which the Chancellor was 
 accused of having received presents from the companies of Grocers and Apothe- 
 caries, he says, " If I had taken it in the nature of a bribe, I knew it could 
 not be concealed, because it must be put to the account of the three several 
 companies," On the 20th of March Sir Kichard Young said, in the House of 
 Commons*(that, when he attended upon my Lord Chancellor, Sir John Trevor's 
 man brought a cabinet, and a letter to my Lord Chancellor, and entreated me 
 to "deliver it, which I did openly ; and this was openly done, and this was all 
 I knew of it. Sir Edward Coke said, " It was strange to him that this money 
 should be thus openly delivered, and that one Gardner should be present at the 
 payment of the £200." 
 
 The Charges. 
 
 That it wa!s customary for presents to be made by the siiitors to the Chan- 
 cellor in the time of Lord Bacon, may be collected from his lordship's answers 
 to the charges which were preferred against him. 
 
 In the first charge, which was in the case of Egerton and Egerton, the cause 
 was heard by the Chancellor, with the assistance of Lord Hobart, and the 
 present was made some days after the decision was pronounced. Unless it was 
 customary in these times to receive presents, why was the present made after 
 the cause was decided 1 His words are : " I do confess and declare, that upon 
 a reference from his majesty of all suits and controversies between Sir Rowland 
 Egerton and Edward Egerton, both parties submitted themselves to my award 
 by recognizances reciprocal in ten thousand marks apiece ; thereupon, after 
 divei's hearings, I made my award with the advice and consent of my Lord 
 Hobard ; the award was perfected and published to the parties, which was in 
 February. Then some days after the £300. mentioned in the charge was deli- 
 'vered unto me. Afterwards Mr. Edward Egerton fled off from the award; 
 then in Midsummer term following a suit was begun in Chancery to have the 
 award confirmed, and upon that suit was the decree made mentioned in the 
 article. 
 
 The second charge is in the same cause. In the first charge the present was 
 made on behalf of Rowland Egerton, one of the suitors. In the second charge 
 it was made on behalf of Edward Egerton, the other suitor ; and on his behalf 
 the presents were made by men of eminence, Sir George Hastings, and Sir 
 Richard Young, counsel in the cause, and members of parliament. Unless, 
 therefore, it can be supposed that the whole bar could be accessary to crime, 
 and that suitors could be so wild as to imagine that the judgments would be 
 influenced by money presented by both parties, it seems to follow that it was 
 customary to receive presents. It appears also in the Chancellor's answer to 
 this second charge, that the presents were made soon after his coming to the 
 seals, when presents were made by many. His words are : " I confess and 
 declare, that soon after my first coming to the seal, being a time when I was 
 presented by many, the £400, mentioned in the said charge was delivered unto 
 me in a pui'se, and as I now call to mind from Mr. Edward Egerton, but as far 
 as I can recollect, it was expressed by them that brought it to be for favours 
 past, and not in respect of favours to come." 
 
 To the third charge, which was the case of Hody and Hody, the present was 
 also made after the decision, and made by Sir Thomas Ferrott, who was, I 
 suspect, counsel in the cause, and was a. present of gold buttons worth £50. 
 which, even if it had been before the decision, can scarcely be supposed to be 
 the bribe that would be made to influence the judgment in a cause of great 
 inheritance. His words are ; " I confess and declare, that as it is laid in the 
 charge, about a fortnight after the cause was ended it being a suit for a. great 
 inheritance there was gold buttons about the value of £50. as is mentioned in 
 the charge presented unto me, as I remember by Sir Thomas Ferrott and the 
 party himself." 
 
 In the fifth charge, which was in Sir Thomas Monck's case, the present was 
 made three quarters of a year after the decree, and it was made by Sir Henry 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 Holmes, who was probably one of the counsel for Sir Thomas Monek. His 
 words are : " I confess it to be true that I received a hundred pieces ; but it 
 was long after the suit ended, as is contained in the charge." 
 
 In the sixth charge, which was in the cause of Trevor and Ascue, the present 
 was made by some person on the part of Sir John Trevor, and after issue 
 directed, and was presented, as seems to have been customary, as a new year's 
 gift. His words are : " I confess and declare, that I received as a^ew year's 
 gift £100. from Sir John Trevor ; and because it came as a new year's gift, I 
 neglected to inquire whether the cause was ended or depending, but since I find 
 that though the cause was then dismissed to a trial at law, yet the equity is 
 reserved, so as it was in that kind pendente Hte. 
 
 In the seventh charge, which was in the case of Holman and Young, the 
 present was made either by Mr. Tobie Matthew or by Mr. Young, and made 
 after the cause was ended. Mr. Tobie Matthew was the son of Dr. Matthew, 
 Archbishop of York. He was an intimate friend of Lord Bacon's. He was a 
 lover of intellectual pursuits, and translated Lord Bacon's Essays into Italian. 
 He was a religious and conscientious man. He submitted to great privations 
 for ten years (from 1607 to 1617) on account of his religious opinions, having 
 been seduced by Father Parsons to the Catholic religion. He was knighted by 
 King James, 1623. 
 
 Is it possible to suppose that such a man would have offered these presents, 
 unless it was in compliance wjth a general custom'! Is not Bishop Taylor 
 right when, in his Essay on Friendship, he says, " He that does a base thing 
 in zeal for his friend burns the golden thread that ties their hearts together." 
 
 His words are : " I confess and declare, that as I remember, a ,good while 
 after the cause ended I received £100. either by Mr. Tobie Matthew, or from 
 Young himself; but whereas I have understood that there was some money 
 given by Holman to my servant Hatcher, to that certainly I was never made 
 privy." 
 
 In the eighth charge, which was in the case of Fisher and Wrenham, a suit 
 of liangings was given by Mr. Shute, who was I conceive counsel in the cause, 
 and af^pr the cause was decided. It was given towards finishing his house, as 
 others, no ways suitors, did about that time present him. His words are : " I 
 confess and declare that some time after the decree passed, I being at that time 
 ujjon remove to York House, I did receive a suit of hangings of the value, I 
 think, mentioned in the charge by Mr. Shute, as from Sir Edward Fisher, 
 towards the furnishing of my house, as some others, that were no way suitors, 
 did present me with the like about that time." 
 
 The 10th charge, which was in the cause of Vanlore, the fact of a loan of 
 £1000. was so far from being a secret that Lord Bacon wrote to a friend about 
 the king, stating that he owed the money, and wished it to be set off against a 
 sum due from him for a fine. His words are : " I confess and declare, that I 
 borrowed the money in the article set down, and that this is a true debt ; and I 
 remember well that I wrote a letter from Kew, about a twelvemonth since, to a 
 friend about the king, wherein I desired, that whereas I owed Peter Vanlore 
 £2000. his majesty would be pleased to grant me so much out of his fine set 
 upon him in the Star Chamber. 
 
 The eleventh charge, which was in the cause of Scott and Lenthall, the 
 present was made after the decree, by Mr. Shute, whom, as I have before 
 stated, I conceive to have been counsel on behalf of Scott ; and in the charge, 
 which was in the same cause, a present was made by his servant Sherborn, on 
 behalf of Sir John Lenthall, who seems not to have been an adverse party, but 
 some third person who was benefited. His words are : "I confess and declare, 
 that some fortnight after, as I can remember, that the decree passed, I received 
 £200. as from Mr. Scott, by Mr. Shute ; but precedent, promise, or transaction 
 by Mr. Shute, certain I am I know of none." 
 
 The thirteenth charge, which was in the cause of Worth and Manwaring, 
 which was a cause for a valuable inheritance, the present was made by Mr. 
 Worth, some months after the cause was ended, which was ended not after 
 conflict but by consent. His words are : " I confess and declare, that this 
 
NOTE ZZ. 
 
 cause being a cause for inheritance of good value, was ended by iny arbitrament 
 and consent of parties, so a decree passed of course, and some months after the 
 cause was ended, the £100. mentioned in the said article was delivered to me 
 by my servant Hunt. 
 
 The fourteenth charge, which was in the cause of Sir Richarc] Hurdsley, the 
 present was made by Mr. Tobie Matthew. His words are : " I confess and 
 declare that there were two decrees, onei as I remember, for the inheritance, 
 and the other for the goods and chattels, but all upon one bill ; and some good 
 time after the first decree, and before the second, the said £500. was delivered 
 unto me by Mr. Tobie Matthew ; so as 1 cannot deny but it was, upon the 
 matter, pendente lite. 
 
 The sixteenth charge, which was in the cause of Aubrey and Bnicler, the 
 present was made by Sir George Hastings and Mr. Jenkins. His words are : 
 " I do confess and declare that the sum was given and received, but the manner 
 of it I leave to witnesses." 
 
 In the seventeenth charge, which was in Lord Montagu's cause, the present 
 was made after the decree. His words are : " I confess and declare there was 
 money given, and, as I remember, to Mr. Bevis Thelwall, to the sum men- 
 tioned in the article after the cause was decreed, but I cannot say it was ended ; 
 for there have been many orders since caused by Sir Francis Inglefield's con- 
 tempts, and I do remember that when Thelwall brought the money, he said 
 that my lord would be yet further thankful if he could once get his quiet, to 
 which speech I gave little regard." 
 
 In the eighteenth charge, which was in the cause of Drunck, the present was 
 made by Mr. Thelwall, as it seems after the decree. His words are : " I con- 
 fess and declare that it was delivered by Mr, Thelwall to Hatcher, my servant, 
 for me, as I think sometime after the decree, but I cannot precisely inform my- 
 self of the time." 
 
 In the nineteenth charge, which was in the cause of Reynell and Pencival, 
 the present of £200. was made by Sir George Reynell, a near relation, before 
 any suit commenced, at his first coming to the seals : a diamond ring, pendente 
 lite, as a new year's gift. His words are : " I confess and declare, that at my 
 first coming to the seal, when I was at Whitehall, my servant Hunt delivered 
 to me £200. from Sir George Reynell, my near ally, to be bestowed upon fur- 
 niture of my house ; adding, further, that he had received divers former favours 
 from me, and this was, as I verily think, before any suit bfegun ; the ring was 
 certainly received pendente lite, and though it were at New Year's tide, it was 
 of too^great a value for a New Year's gift, though, as I take it, nothing near the 
 value mentioned in the charge." 
 
 The twentieth charge, which was the cause of Peacock, the present was 
 made, at Lord Bacon's first coming to the seal, and when no suit was pending. 
 His words are : " I confess and declare, 'that I received of Mr. Peacock £100. 
 at Dorset House, at my first coming to the seal, as a present, at which time no 
 suit was begun ; and at the summer after, I sent my then servant Lister to 
 Mr. Rolfe, my good friend and neighbour at St. Albans to use his means with 
 Mr. Peacock, who was accounted a monied man for the borrowing of £500. 
 and after by my servant Hatcher for borrowing of £500. more, which Mr. Rolfe 
 procured ; and told me at both times it should be without interest, script, or 
 note, and that I shduld take my own time for payment of it." 
 
 In the twenty-second charge; which was in the cause of Raswell, the present 
 was made months after the decree, which was made with the assistance of two 
 judges. His words are.: " I confess and declare that I received money from 
 my sei-vant Hunt, as from Mr. Raswell, in a purse ; and whereas the sum in 
 the article being indefinite, I confess it to be £300. or £400., and it was about 
 some months after the cause was decreed ; in which decree I was assisted by 
 two of the judges." 
 
 In the twenty-third charge, which was in the cause of Barker, the present 
 was made some time after the decree. His words are : " I confess and declare, 
 that the sum mentioned in the artick was received from Mr. Barker some time 
 after the decree passed." 
 vol. XV. 14 
 
NOTE Zl.. 
 
 In the twenty-fourth, twenty-fifth, and twenty-sixth charges, which were in a 
 cause between the companies of Grocers and Apothecaries, presents were made 
 by both parties, and after the cause was terminated ; and in this case it is clear 
 it was considered a public act. He admits the several sums to have been 
 received of the three parties, but alleges, " that he considered those presents as 
 no judicial business, but a concord of composition between the parties : and as 
 he thought they had all three received good, and they were all common purses, 
 he thought it the less matter to receive what they voluntarily presented ; for if 
 he had taken it in the nature of a bribe, he knew it could not be concealed, be- 
 cause it must be put to the account of the three several companies." 
 
 Des Cartes. 
 Hence Des Cartes, in his History of England, says : " Coke was not yet 
 ashamed to accuse Bacon of corruption for what had been done by all his pre- 
 decessors without reproach. It had been a practice, perhaps from the time 
 that our kings had ceased to take money for the purchase of writs, to sue iu 
 their courts, for suitors to make presents to the judges who sat in them, either 
 in New Year's tide, or when their causes were on the point of coming to an 
 hearing : it was a thing of course, not considered in the nature of a bribe, being 
 universally known, and deemed an usual or honorary perquisite., Mr. Alford, 
 one of the most eminent meinbers in the House of Commons observed, " That 
 in the leiger books of his family there were entries of 30s. paid to a secretary, 
 and £10. to a Lord Chancellor for his pains in hearing a cause, and that this 
 passed from Chancellor to Chancellor : it seems indeed generally allowed that 
 former Chancellors had received the like gratuities as were given to Bacon. A 
 blot is none till it is hit, but it was now made use of to ruin the present Chan- 
 cellor, who had been charged in vain by Coke as one of the referees of Blom- 
 pressin's patents whilst he was attorney ; but he, not appearing to have been of 
 the number, got clear of that accusation, either for this reason, or because it was 
 not thought proper to prosecute the others. 
 
 Proof that it wus the custom of the times for similar presents to be made to other 
 statesmen. 
 
 To Sir Robert Cecil. 
 Sir, — Your honour knoweth my manner is, though it be not the wisest way, 
 yet taking it for the honestest, to do as Alexander did by his physician in 
 drinking the medicine and delivering the advertisement of suspicion ; so I trust 
 on, and yet do not smother what I hear. I do assure you, sir, that by a wise 
 friend of mine, and not factious toward your honour, I was told with, assevera- 
 tion, that your honour was bought by Mr. Coventry for 2000 angels ; and that 
 you wrought in a contrary spirit to my l*d your father. And he said further, 
 that from your servants, from your lady, from some counsellors that have 
 observed you in my business, he knew you wrought under hand against me. 
 The truth of which tale I do not believe ; you know the event will show, and 
 God will right. But as I reject this report, (though the strangeness of my case 
 might make me credulous,) so I admit a conceit that the last messenger my 
 lord and yourelf used, dealt ill with your honours ; and that word (speculation) 
 which was in the Queen's mouth rebounded from him as a commendation, for I 
 am not ignorant of those little arts. Therefore, I pray, trust not him again in 
 my matter. This was much to write, but I think my fortune will set me at 
 liberty, who am weary of asserviling myself to every man's charity. Thus, 
 I, &c. 
 
 By the following letters it appears that similar presents were made to other 
 statesmen : 
 
 Foulke Grevill, Esq. to Mr. Francis Bacon. 
 Mr. Francis Bacon, — Saturday was my first, coming to the court, from whence 
 I departed again as soon as I had kissed her majesty's hands, because I had a 
 lodgmg nearer than my uncle's, which is four miles off. This day I came 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 thither to dinner, and waiting for to speak with the Queen, took occasion to tell 
 how I met you, as I passed through London ; and among other speeches, how 
 you lamented your misfortune to me, that remained as a withered branch of her 
 roots, which she had cherished and made to flourish in her service. I added 
 what I thought of your worth, and the expectation for all this, that the world 
 had of her princely goodness towards you ; which it pleased her majesty to con- 
 fess, that indeed you began to frame very well, insomuch as she saw an amends 
 in those little supposed errors, avowing the respect she carried to the dead, with 
 very exceeding gi-acious inclination towards you. Some comparisons there fell 
 out besides, which I leave till we meet, which I hope shall be this week. It 
 pleased her withal to tell of the jewel you offered her by Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, 
 which she had refused, yet with exceeding praise. I marvel, that as a prince 
 she should refuse those havings of her poor subjects, because it did include a 
 small sentence of despair ; but either 1 deceive myself, or she was resolved 
 to take it ; and the conclusion was very kind and gracious. Sure as I will one 
 hundred pounds to fifty pounds that you shall be her solicitor and my friend ; 
 in which mind and for which mind I commend you to God. From the court, 
 this Monday in haste. 
 
 Your true friend to be commanded by you, Foulke Grevill. 
 
 We cannot tell whether she come to , or stay here. I am much 
 
 absent for want of lodging ; wherein my own man hath only been to blame. 
 Indorsed— 17th of June, 1594. 
 
 Letter from Lord Salisbury to Mr. Hyckes. 
 
 Mr. Hycks, — I pray you return to Mr. Owen thanks for that whereof this 
 nieu years gyft is the signe ; for though these externall things are welcome to 
 many for themselfs, yet I ptest (protest) to me they are nonly (not unaccept- 
 able) because I know they are not sent with opinion to purchass my good will, 
 but to demonstrate theirs ; for otherwise I do take it rather unkindly of friends 
 then otherwise to have any such things given me. For your fine instruments to 
 way (weigh) perl I thank you, and till I see you will end your loving Friend, 
 Mr. Michael Hickes, Ro. Cecyll. 
 
 3 Jan. 1601-2. 
 
 Letter from F. Courtney to Mr. Hyckes. 
 
 Good Mr. Hyckes, — Your well approved faythful kindness hath mad me 
 have boldness towards you to entreate healpe and direction in a late fallen office, 
 what is by the death of Mr, Rycassius, one of the clerks of the sygnet ; and for 
 that my Lord Treasurer's furtherance maye muche avayle me, I doe most 
 earnestly entreattyour helpe in the gjrocuringe thereof, only to second the sute, 
 when by some other yf it please him, not the Queen hath moved ; and in my 
 thankfulness I will deliver unto whom he will please to appoint £100. and to 
 yourself 100 angels. And that my office which I have may be no hindrahce, 
 you know my attendance in court will be but one month, and my place at 
 Southampton affords a deputie ; so as all objection of denyal (if therein it stand) 
 will be taken away. Thus much have I presumed upon you, whereof I entreate 
 your answer, and even so do most heartily salute you, wishing you all happiness. 
 Dytton, this 28th of Apryll. Ever yours, Fra. Courtenay. 
 
 To the worshipful my very good friend, 
 Mr. Michall Hyckes, at the court. 
 
 Letter from Bishop of Durham to Lord Burleigh. 
 
 Right Honourable, — Your L. having alwaies been an especiall patron to the 
 see of Duresme, wherein it hath now pleased God and her majesty to place me, 
 thoughe unworthie ; and myself reaping the fruite of your L. and extraordinarie 
 furtherance in obtayning the same, I could not without great note of ingratitude 
 (the monster of nature) but yelde your L. some signification of a thankful 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 minde. And seeking by all good means, but contiary to myne expectatiom, 
 not finding any office or other particular presentlie voyde, either fitt for me to 
 offer your lordship, or sure for your L. to receive at my hande, I have presumed 
 in lieu thereof to present your good lordship with an hundred pounds in golde, 
 ■which this bringer will deliver to your L. It is no recompense any waie pro- 
 portionable, I confesse, to your lordship's great goodnesse towards me, but 
 onely a sclender token of my dutie most bounden to your L. and a pledge of my 
 service alwaies to be at your L. commandment afore and above any man alive, 
 which I beseech your lordship to accept in such part as is simply and faithfully 
 meant. And so desyriog the continuance and encrease of your L. honorable 
 opinion and favour, of the which I shall endeavour, by God's grace, your L. 
 shall never repent yourselfe. I most humblie betake your good L. to the 
 blessed tuition of the Almighty. Your Lordship's most humble and bounden, 
 April, 1595. Tobias Dunelm. 
 
 To the Right Honorable my singular goode Lorde, 
 the Lord Burleigh, Lord H. Treasurer of England. 
 
 Lansd. 72. Art. 72. 
 
 Good Mr. Hickes, — With my hastye commendations, and as many thanks 
 as there ys farthings in twentye pounds, which I have sent ye by this bearer ; 
 and I pray ye be twice as bolde with me in any thing that I can pleasure ye 
 withall. My Lorde Keeper hath preferred me to a greate offyc? in this cuntry, 
 that is, to be a collector of the ffyffteenths, which yf my lorde hadd known me 
 very well, what for my ylnes and my unableness to travel!, I have no doubte 
 but that he would have pardoned me, but nowe there is no remadye. I must 
 needs follow my collections, which will make me to vysite you this next terme ; 
 and therefore I praye you, if I chance to be behinde hand, I will require your 
 friendshippe to be a meane to my lord to give me some dayes till I may get it 
 up. I have no good thinge presentlie to pleasure you withal, but at my cominge 
 up, if I do know of any good thinge in the country, you shall be sure if it lye 
 in me to gett it to have it. And so I doe ende the 15 daye of Oct. 1592. 
 
 Yo. assured friend, Maurice Beekly. 
 
 To the worshipful and assured good friende, 
 Mr. Michael Hyckes, geve theise. 
 
 From Mr. Michael Hyckes. 
 
 Althou;;!i I had not received your kinde letter of remembrance by this gent. 
 Mr. Buck, or had not been provoked by the cominge downe of so fit a bearer as 
 he is to have written unto you, yet would I neither have forgotten my promise 
 nor your many received friendships, who have nothinge else to requite them 
 withal than an honest true affection towards you, whereof also I can make no 
 other demonstration but in these pety kynde of offices now and then as occasions 
 are offered (which I know are as welcome and acceptable to you as 20 faire 
 angels laid in the hands of us poor bribers here in court). 
 
 (The remainder of the letter is on the preference of a country to a court life.) 
 
 To Mr. Manners. (No signature.) 
 
 Justys Younge being onne your ould suter, well hopes you may soune 
 dispach her. Shee hath twyse been sent for, and Ijy the messengers assured that 
 if she will give the sum you knowe of, her sute shall presentlie be dispached, 
 but she refused to hearken to it, restynge upon me. Wherefore, I pray you, 
 sende me worde what you will doe. If you will dispach it, what I said shall 
 be performed ; if not give her liberty to seeke other, which I wish she should 
 not neede. I pray you to write me worde whether my lorde to the court before 
 the remove. Your loving friend, George CDMBEKI.AN0. 
 
 To my very loving friend, Mr. Hyckes, 
 Secretary to my L, Treasurer. 
 
f NOTE Z Z. 
 
 This letter seems to involve Mr. Secretary Hicks in a suspicion of bribery. 
 In which case it is strange that it should exist, unless it be argued that its 
 preservation is ratlier a token of Mr. Hicks's innocence. But even his master 
 was attacked in this manner. See the Duke of Wirtemburg's letter. No. 68. 
 It is to be hoped that there the blame was altogether with him that sent the 
 gyft. — Note by Mr. Douce, of the British Museum. 72 Lansd. 
 
 Sir, — Considering with myself the absolute disposition of my L. I hold it 
 under your allowance very material to your better successe, that after you shall 
 have spoken with Sir Thomas, who will offer the occasion if he meet with you, 
 that you let my lorde understande of his inclination to give over, giving your 
 motion to him as for one whom my L. affecting so as that Sir Thomas may 
 seem rather to resolve of resignation from my L, his likinge than first desire my 
 lorde to like of his particular resignation. 
 
 Sir, I am bould to present you with a very little mullet of sack, the which 
 I win send to-morrow to Kucholles, noe waie I protest unto you as a recom- 
 pense for your kindnesse, but as an obligation of my thankful disposition, the 
 which, I know, you only regardinge, will receive with the^ame hande I give it, 
 with the which likewise I presume to promise you fortie pounds either in golde 
 or plate at your choyce, at my beinge possessed of the place with your good 
 likinge and favor of my lorde your most honorable friend, neither will my thank- 
 fulnesse end in that and the interest in me in the worde of an honeste man 
 shall for ever (continue) and howsoever it shall fall out, my ever respectes and 
 thanks shall be in your good likinge : and so cravinge pardon for my boldnesse, 
 I humbly take my leave, and rest your very lovinge and thankful friend to 
 dispose of. Ho. Kayle, 
 
 My howse at Radcliffe, the 25 of Feb. 1604, 
 
 To the Right Worshipful Sir Michael Hickes, 
 knight in Austen Friere. 
 
 [MS. Lansdown. Mus. Brit. vol. 76. art. 68. original.] 
 Frederick, Duke of Wirtemberg, to Lord Burghley. 
 
 Monsieur, — Je ne doubte que vous ne soyez aduertij de ce que j'ay par cij 
 deuant, comme mesmes auec ceste commodite, escrit et demande humblement 
 a La Serenissime Royne d'Angleterre et de me laisser passer environ 1000 
 pieces de trap hors le renomm6 royaulme d'Icelle, librement et sans aulcun 
 peage, et pource que je scay, que vous pourrez beaucoup en cest affaire. 
 Je vous prye bien fort, vous ij employer. AiEn que je puisse auoir vne 
 bonne et brefue respounce, telle comme je le desire et demande, dont mon 
 commis le present porteur a charge, vous je present de ma part vne chaine 
 d'or pov. vos peines. Laquelle accepterez : s'il vous plaist de bon cueur. En 
 tous lieux la on j'auray moyen de recognoistre cela en vre endroict j'en suis 
 content de vous grattiffier a vre contentement, de telle volunte, comme apres 
 mes affectionnees recommendatione. Prye dieu vous auoir. 
 
 Monsieur, en sa sainte digne garde. De Stuctgart ce 12me de Decembre, 
 1594. Vre bien affectionn^, Feiderich. 
 
 A Monseigneur Monseigneur le Grandt 
 Tresorier dengleterre. 
 
 Bishop Williams. 
 
 The following is from Weldon : — This Williams, thongh he wanted much of 
 his predecessor's abilities for the law, yet did he equal him for learning and 
 pride, and beyond him in the way of bribery ; this man answering by petitions, 
 in which his servants had one part, himself another, and was so calculated to be 
 worth to him and his servants £3000 per annum, by a new way never found 
 out before. — Weldon, 450. 
 
 The explanation of this will be found in the fallowing extracts from Hackett's 
 Life of Bishop Williams : 
 
NOTE Z Z. i' 
 
 Among the qualities of a good judge there is one remaining and fit to bring 
 up the rear, which the king looked upon as to be presaged in his new officer, 
 ' ore hand clean from corruption and taking gifts,' which blind the eyes of the 
 wise, and pervert the words of the righteous. — Dent. xvi. 19. It was loudly 
 exclaimed, and the king was ashamed to have so far mistaken the persons, that 
 there were sucking horse-leeches in great places. Things not to be valued 
 at money were saleable, and what could not gold procure'! As Menander 
 
 writes, 
 
 $iXot SiKagai, /laipTvpeg, 
 fiovov dtSs : avTBg yap e^ug Teg 6e8f virepcrag. 
 
 That is, friends and judges and witnesses, you may have them for a price ; 
 nay, such as sit in the place of God will serve you for such wages. The wise 
 king having little prevailed by monitions and menaces against this sordid filthi- 
 ness, cast his liking upon a man whom he might least suspect for gripleness 
 and bribery. The likeliest, indeed, of all others to shake this viper from liis 
 hand, and to be armed with a breastplate of integrity against the mammon of 
 iniquity, for he was far more ready to give than to take, to oblige than to be 
 beholdinge. " Magis illud laborari ut illi quamplurimi debeant," as Sallust 
 of Jugurtha. 
 
 He was well descended of a fortunate and ancient lineage, and had made 
 his progress to advancements by steps of credit, a good bridle against base 
 deviations. What then made an unsavoury historian call him countiy pedant? 
 A reproach with which H. L. doth flirt at him, in his history of King Charles, 
 a scornful untruth. So I shake off this bar, and return to the reverend dean, 
 who was in a function of holy calling next to God. Among them I know all 
 have not been incorrupt : the sons of Samuel turned aside after lucre, and took 
 bribes and perverted judgment. 1 Sam. viii. 3. But commonly, I trust, they 
 do not forget what a scandal it is if God's stewards, turn the devil's rent 
 gatherers. He was also unmarried and so unconcerned in the natural impulsion 
 of avarice to provide for wife and children. Our old moral men touched often 
 upon this string that justice is a virgin UapQevs £Tt Sikti, says Hesiod, and 
 therefore fit to be committed to the trust of a virgin magistrate. He was never 
 sullied with suspicion that he loved presents : no not so much as Gratuidad di 
 G uantes as the Spaniards phrase is, but to go higher, they are living that know 
 what sums of value have been brought to his secretaries, such as might have 
 swayed a man that was not impregnable, and with how much solicitousness 
 they have been requested to throw them at his feet for favours already received, 
 which no man durst undertake, as knowing assuredly it would displace the 
 broker, and be his ruin. And it was happy for him, when five years after lime- 
 hounds were laid close to his footsteps to hunt him, and every corner searched 
 to find a tittle of that dust behind his door. But it proved a dry scent to the 
 inquisitors, for to his glory, and shame to his enemies, it could never appear 
 that the least birdlime of corruption did stick to his fingers. 
 
 Among the exceptions with which Lord Cranfield did exagitate him, one may 
 require a larger answer than he thought him worthy of in that humour. He 
 replies to him very briefly to him in the laconic form, because such brittle ware 
 would break with a touch. The treasurer was misinformed or coined it out of 
 his own head. That the Keeper dispatched great number of cases by hearing 
 petitions in his chamber, and he did usually reverse decrees upon petitions. 
 That £40,000 had been taken in one year among his servants by such spurious 
 and illegitimate justice. 
 
 That he did much work by petitions and treble as much in the first year as in 
 those that succeeded, it is confessed. First, the hindrances had been so great 
 which the court sustained before he began to rectify them, that unless he had 
 allowed poor men some furtherance by motions or petitions, they had been 
 undone for want of timely favour. 
 
 Secondly, all high potentates and magistrates under them have ever employed 
 some at their hand to give answers to supplicants that made requests unto them. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 Therefore, to straiten hi& course against all presumption of errors, he directed 
 two remonstrances ; the first, to the lord marquis, September the 8th, the other 
 to his majesty, October tlie 9th, 1622, which follow as he penned them. 
 
 My most noble Lord, — I am half ashamed of myself that any man durst be 
 so shameless as to lay upon me the least suspicion of corruption in that frugality 
 of life, poverty of estate, and retiredness from all acquaintance or dependencies 
 wherein I live ; but I have learnt one rule in the law, that knaves ever com- 
 plain of generalities. And I long to be charged with any particular ; petitions 
 are things that never brought to any man in my place either profit or honour, 
 but infinite trouble and molestation. TJhree parts of four of them are poor 
 men's, and bring not a penny to my secretaries. The last part are so slighted 
 and disrespected by my orders, that they cannot be to my secretaries (whom I 
 take to be honest men, and well provided for) worth their trouble or attendance. 
 All petitions that I answer are of these kind. First, for ordinary writs to be 
 signed by my hand ; secondly, for motions to be made in court ; thirdly, for to 
 be placed in the paper of peremptories ; fourth, for license to beg ; fifth, for 
 referring for insufficient answers ; sixth, for a day to dispatch references recom- 
 mended from the king ; seventh, for reigllng commissions to be dispatched to 
 the country; eighth, for my letter to the next justices to compound braules ; 
 ninth, for commissions of bankrupts, certiorari, especial stay of an extent until 
 counsel be heard, &c. Let any man that understands himself be questioned by 
 your lordship whether any of these poor things can raise a bribe or a fee worth 
 the speaking of. I protest I am fain to allow £20. a year to a youth in my 
 chamber, to take care of the poor men's petitions, the secretaries do so neglect 
 them. 
 
 In a while after thus to the King : 
 
 May it please your most excellent Majesty to pardon the first boldness of this 
 kind of intemipting your majesty. Although I do find by search those parti- 
 cular charges of chamber orders, showed unto me by my most noble Lord 
 Adnairal, to be falsely laid and wilfully mistaken, as being either binding 
 decrees or solemn orders pronounced in open court, and pursued only to pro- 
 cesses of execution by these private directions; yet do I find withal, and I 
 have advisedly and with mature deliberation, upon my entering into this office, 
 made many dispatches upon the petitions of the subjects to mine own great 
 trouble, and to the ease of their partes many thousand pounds in the compass 
 of this year. For that motion, which upon a petition will cost the party nothing 
 if it be denied, nor above five shillings to the secretaries (unless the party play 
 the fool and wilfully exceed that expected fee) where it is granted, being put 
 into the mouth of a lawyer will cost the client, whether granted or denied, one 
 piece at the least, and for the most part five, ten, or twenty pieces, is noto- 
 riously known to all the world ; yet have I most willingly obseiTed in all orders 
 upon petitions. First, to order nothing in this kind without notice given to the 
 adverse part and oath made thereof. Secondly, to reverse, correct, or alter to 
 one syllable of any decree or order pronounced in court upon counsel heard on 
 both sides. Thirdly, to alter no possession unless it be in pursuance of a former 
 decree or order pronounced in open court upon counsel heard on both sides, or 
 to save by a sequestration to indifferent hands, some bona peritura, which 
 commonly be a tithe or a crop of hay or corn, which are ready to be carried 
 away by force by unresponsal men, and will not stay for a decree in court. 
 Now I humbly crave your majesty's opinion whether I may go on this way, as 
 ancient as the court, for easing your majesty's subjects with these cautions and 
 limitations, the clamour of the lawyer and ignorance of some men, qui me per 
 ornamenta feriunt notwithstanding. For although no party grieved doth or 
 indeed can complain against these dispatches, and that in the corruptest times 
 it was never heard that any bribes have been taken for answers upon petitions^ 
 yet what reason have I to overtoil myself in easing the purse of the subject, if it 
 be objected as a crime against me, and be not a service acceptable to your 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 majesty and the realms ? I have eased myself these three days in this kind, 
 but am enforced to prevent their complaint by this humble representation unto 
 your majesty. I most humbly, therefore, crave your majesty's directions, 
 denied to none of your servants that desire them, to be signified unto me by the 
 Lord Admiral at his lordship's best conveniency. 
 
 The fair and familiar Conference which the Lord Treasurer had with the Lord 
 Keeper after some Expostulations of his own, and the issue joined thereupon, 
 at Whitehall, September 7, 1622. 
 
 Object. 1. There is taken £40,090 for petitions in your house this year. 
 
 Sol. Not much above the fortieth part of the money for all the dispatches of 
 the Chancery, Star-Chamber, Councel-Table, Parliament, the great diocese of 
 Lincoln, the jurisdiction of Westminster, and St. Martin's le Grand ; all which 
 have resort to my house by petitions. 
 
 Ob. 2. You have yourself a share in the money. 
 
 Sol. Then let me have no share in God's kingdom ; it is such a baseness as 
 never came within the compass of my thoughts. 
 
 Ob. 3. It is commonly reported you pay to my Lord Admiral £1,000 per 
 mensem. 
 
 Sol. As true as the other. The means of my place will reach to no more 
 than two months. 
 
 Ob. 4. You never receive any petitions with your own hands, but turn them 
 to your secretaries, who take double fees, one for receiving, and the other for 
 delivering, 
 
 Sol. Let the Cloisters at Westminster answer for me. I never to this day 
 received any petition from my secretaries, which I had formerly delivered unto 
 them with my own hands. This is a new fashion which ray lord hath found in 
 some other courts. 
 
 Ob. 5. You sell days of hearing at higher rates than ever they were at. 
 
 Sol. I never disposed of any since I came to this place, but leave them 
 wholly to the six clerks and registers, to be set down in their antiquity. Unless 
 his lordship means hearing of motions in the paper of peremptories, which I 
 seldom deny upon any petition, and which are worth no money at all. 
 
 Ob. 6. You usually reverse decrees upon petitions. 
 
 Sol. I have never reversed, altered, explained, or endured a motion, or peti- 
 tion, that touched upon a decree once pronounced ; but have sometimes made 
 ofders in pursuance of the same. 
 
 Ob. 7. You have three doorkeepers, and are so locked up, that no man can 
 have access unto you. 
 
 Sol. I have no such officer in all my house, unless his lordship means the 
 college porters; nor no locks at all, but his majesty's business, which I must 
 respect above ceremonies and compliments. 
 
 Ob. 8. You are cried out against over all the kingdom for an insuflFerable 
 oppression and grievance. 
 
 Sol. His lordship (if he have any friends) may hear of such a cry, and 
 yet be pleased to mistake the person cried out against. 
 
 Ob. 9. All the lords of the council cry out upon you, and you are a wretched 
 and a friendless man, if no man acquaints you with it, 
 
 Sol. I am a wietched man indeed if it be so. And your lordship ("at the 
 least) a very bold man if it be otherwise. 
 
 Ob. 10. I will produce particular witnesses, and make all these charges 
 good. 
 
 Sol. I know your lordship cannot, and I do call upon you to do it, as sus- 
 pecting all to be but your lordship's envy and malice to that service of the 
 king's, and ease of his subjects, which God hath enabled me to accomplish, and 
 perform in this troublesome office. J. L. C. S. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 After time of James. 
 Sir Matthew Hale. 
 
 By his exact and impartial administration of justice, of which we have the 
 following instances. He would never receive any private addresses or recom- 
 mendations from the greatest persons in any matter in which justice was con- 
 cerned. One of the first peers of England went once to his chamber, and told 
 him, " That having a suit in law to he tried before him, he was then to acquaint 
 him with it, that he might the better understand it when it should come to be 
 heard in court." Upon which Sir Matthew interrupted him, and said, " He 
 did not deal fairly with him to come to his chamber about such aifairs, for he 
 never received any information of causes but in open court, where both parties 
 were to be heard alike." So he would not suffer him to go on. Whereupon 
 his grace (for he was a duke) went away not a little dissatisfied, and com- 
 plained of it to the king as a rudeness that was not to be endured. But his 
 majesty bid him content himself that he was no worse used ;" and said he 
 verily believed he would have used himself no better if he had gone to solicit 
 him in any of his own caus,es. Another passage fell out in one of his circuits, 
 which was somewhat censured as an affectation of unreasonable strictness, but 
 it flowed from his exactness to the rules he had set himself. A gentleman had 
 sent him a buck for his table that had a trial at the assizes. So when he heard 
 his name, he asked " If he was not the same person who had sent him the 
 venison?" and finding he was the same, he told him he could not suffer the 
 trial to go on till he had paid him for his buck. To which the gentleman 
 answered, " That he never sold his venison, and that he had done nothing to 
 him which he did not do to every judge that had gone the circuit," which was 
 confirmed by several gentlemen then present : but all would not do ; for the 
 Lord Chief Baron had learned from Solomon, " that a gift perverteth the ways 
 of judgment," and therefore he would not suffer the trial to go on till he had 
 paid for the present, upon which the gentleman withdrew the record. And at 
 Salisbuiy, the dean and chapter having, according to custom, presented him 
 with six sugar-loaves in his circuit, he made his servants pay for the sugar 
 before he would try their cause. 
 
 Were Bacon's judgments influenced by the presents'! 
 
 That these solicitations and presents had not any influence upon the judg- 
 ments of the Chancellor appears from many reasons. 
 
 1. During the violence and virulence of the charges not a word was attempted 
 to be said of his having ever decided unjustly. 
 
 2. In most of the cases the presents were long after the decrees. 
 
 3. In many of the cases the presents vvere made by both parties. 
 
 4. When the present was made by only one of the suitors, the judgment has 
 been against him, and in Aubrey's case. Sir R. Phillips, the chairrflan of the 
 committee said, " Sir George Hastings, pitying Aubrey's case, did give in a 
 box £100 to the Lord Chancellor in those terms or the like, ' That it was to 
 help Aubrey in his cause.' Notwithstanding, not long after, a very prejudicial 
 and murthering order was made against Aubrey in his cause." 
 
 5. No doubt of the integrity of his judgments seems to have been entertained 
 by his cotemporaries, 
 
 Ben Jonson, 
 
 Ben Jonson died about 1630. " My conceit of this person was never 
 increased towards him by his place or honors; but I have and do reverence him 
 for the greatness that was only proper to himself, in that he seemed to me ever 
 by his works one of the greatest men, and most worthy of admiration, that had 
 been in many ages. In his adversity I ever prayed that God would give him 
 strength ; for greatness he could not want. Neither cculd I condole in a word 
 or syllable for him, as knowing no accident could do harin to virtue, but rather 
 help to make it manifest." 
 
 vol.. XV. 15 
 
NOTE 7. Z. 
 
 Fuller. 
 
 Such as condemn him for pride, in his place with the fifth part of his parts, 
 had been ten times prouder themselves. He had been a better master if he had 
 been a worse, being too bountiful to his servants, and either too confident of 
 their honesty, or too conniving at their falsehood. The story is told to his 
 advantage, that he had two servants, one in all causes patron to the plaiiitiff 
 (vphom his charity presumed always injured) the other to the defendant (pitying 
 him as compelled to law), but taking bribes of both, with this condition, to 
 restore the money received if the cause went against them. Their lord, igno- 
 rant thereof, always did impartial justice ; whilst his men (making people pay 
 for what was given them) by compact shared the money betwixt them; which 
 cost their master the loss of his office. 
 
 Bushel . — Rushworth . 
 
 He was over indulgent to his servants, and connived at their takings, and their 
 ways betrayed him to that error : they were profuse and expensive, and had at 
 their command whatever he was master of. The gifts taken were for the most 
 part for interlocutory orders: his decrees were ' generally made with so much 
 equity, that though gifts rendered him suspected for injustice, yet never any 
 decree made by him was reversed as unjust, as it has been observed by some 
 who were well skilled in our laws. — Kushworth's Collection, vol. i. 26. 
 
 Aubrey. 
 
 His favourites took bribes, but his lordship always g^ve judgment secundum 
 aequum et bonum. His decrees in Chancery stand firm ; there are fewer of his 
 decrees reversed than of any other Chancellor. 
 
 Lloyd. 
 
 He reflected upon himself, when he said to his servants as they rose to him 
 in the hall, " Your rise hath been my fall." Though, indeed, he rather 
 trusted to their honesty, than connived at their falsehood, yet he did impartial 
 justice commonly to both parties, when one sei^vant was in fee with the plaintiff, 
 and the other with the defendant. 
 
 It seems scarcely possible to suppose that if the judgments of the Chancellor 
 had been influenced by the solicitations and presents, the intimacy between him 
 and the King and Buckingham would have continued. The idea of his judg- 
 ments being tainted never enter the mind of Lord Bacon. This appears from 
 various passages in his works. 
 
 In his letter to Buckingham, written as soon as the charge was made, he says : 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham, (a) 
 
 My very good Lord, — Your lordship spoke of purgatory. I am now in it ; 
 but my mind is in a calm ; for my fortune is not my felicity. I know I have 
 clean hands, and a clean heart; and, I hope, a clean house for friends or ser- 
 vants. But Job himself, or whosoever was the justest judge, by such hunting 
 for matters against him, as hath been used against me, may for a time seem 
 foul, especially in a time when greatness is the mark, and accusation is the 
 game. And if this be to be a Chancellor, 1 think, if the great seal lay upon 
 Hounslow Heath, nobody would take it up. But the King and your lordship 
 will, I hope, put an end to these my straits one way or other. And in troth 
 that which I fear most is, lest continual attendance and business, together with 
 these cares, and want of time to do my weak body right this spring by diet and 
 physic, will cast me down ; and that it will be thought feigning, or fainting. 
 But I hope in God I shall hold out. God prosper you. 
 
 (a) This letter seems to have been written soon after Lord St. Alban began 
 to be accused of abuses in his ofllce of Chancellor. 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 And in his letter of March 25, to the King, he says : And for the briberies 
 and gifts wherewith I am charged, wheii the books of hearts shall be opened, I 
 hope I shall not be found to have the troubled fountain of a corrapt heart, in a 
 depraved habit of taking rewards to pervert justice ; howsoever I may be frail, 
 and partake of the abuses of the times. 
 
 When the Chancellor saw the King in April, during the recess, he had pre- 
 pared notes of his intended communication to the King, The following are the 
 notes : 
 
 Memoranda of what the Lord Chancellor intended to deliver to the King, 
 April 16, 1621, upon his first access to his Majesty after his troubles. 
 
 If your majesty will graciously give me the hearing, I will open my heart 
 unto you, both touching my fault and fortune. For the former of these, ! shall 
 deal ingenuously with your majesty, without seeking fig-leaves or subterfuges. 
 There be three degrees, or cases, as I conceive, of gifts and rewards given to a 
 judge : the first is of bargain, contract, or promise of reward, pendente lite. 
 And this is properly called venalis sententia, or baratria, or corruptelce munentm. 
 And of this my heart tells me I am innocent ; that I had no bribe or reward in 
 my eye or thought, when I pronounced any sentence or order. The second is a 
 neglect in the judge -to inform himself whether the cause be fully at an end or 
 no, what time he receives the gift, but takes it upon the credit of the party, that 
 all is done; or otherwise omits to inquire. And the third is, when it is 
 received sine Jraude, after the cause ended j which, it seems by the opinion of 
 the civilians, is no offence. Look into the case of simony, &c. 
 
 Now, if I might see the particulars of my charge, I should deal plainly with 
 your majesty, in whether of these degrees every particular case falls. But for 
 the first of them, I take myself to be as innocent as any born upon St. Inno- 
 cents' day, in my heart. For the second, I doubt, in some particulars I may 
 be faulty. And for the last, I conceived it to be no fault ; but therein I desire 
 to be better informed, that I may be twice penitent, once for the fact, and again 
 for the error. For I had rather be a briber than a defender of bribes. 
 
 I must likewise confess to your majesty, that at new-years tides, and likewise 
 at my first coming in, which was, as it were my wedding, I did not so precisely, 
 as perhaps I ought, examine whether those that presented me had causes before 
 me, yea or no. And this is simply all that I can say for the present, concerning 
 my charge, until I may receive it more particularly. And all this while, I do 
 not fly to that, as to say that these things are vitia temporis, and not vitia 
 hominis. 
 
 And in another letter to Buckingham he says : I perceive by some speech, 
 that passed between your lordship and Mr. Meautys, that some wretched 
 detractor hath told you that it were strange I should be in debt ; for that I 
 could not but have received an hundred thousand pounds gifts since I had the 
 seal, which is an abominable falsehood. Such tales as these made St. James 
 say, that the tongue is a fire, and itself fired from hell, whither when tiiese 
 tongues shall return, they will beg a drop of water to cool them. I praise God 
 for it, I never took peimy for any benefice or ecclesiastical living ; I never took 
 penny for releasing any thing I stopped at the seal ; I never took penny for any 
 commission, or things of tliat nature ; I never shared with any servant for any 
 second or inferior profit. My offences I have myself recorded, wherein I 
 studied, as a good confessant, guiltiness, and nut excuse; and therefore I hope 
 it leaves me fair to the king's grace, and will turn many men's hearts to me. 
 
 The state of Lord Bacon's mind may also be discovered by his own rule, tlie 
 sudden expressions which were made by him when the charge was made. 
 
 In the Advancement of Learning, he says, that the modes by which words 
 give us an insight into character are, when they are sudden, " vino tortus et 
 ira." So, when speaking of the use of Mechanical History, he says, " As a 
 man's disposition is never well known till he be crossed, nor Proteus ever 
 changed shapes till he was straitened and held fast ; so the passages and varia- 
 tions of nature cannot appear so fully in the liberty of nature, as jji the trials 
 and vexations of art." t 
 
NOTE Z Z. 
 
 Upon being told that it was time to look about him, he said, " I do not look 
 about me ; I look above me." 
 
 Upon his servants rising on his entrance, soon after the accusation, " Sit 
 down," he said, " your rise has been my fall." 
 
 Letter from Sir Kenelm Digby to M. de Format, published at the end of 
 Fermat's Opera Mathematica, 1769. 
 
 Extrait d'un lettre de Mons. le Chevalier Digby a M. de Fermat. 
 
 Et comme vous y parlez de notre ChancelUer Bacon, cela me fit souvenir 
 d'un autre beau mot qu'il dit en ma presence une fois a peu Mons. le Due de 
 Buckingham. C'^toit au commencement de ses malheurs quand l'assembl6e 
 des ^tats, que nous appellons le parleinent, entreprit de le miner, ce quelle fit 
 en suite, ce jour la il en eflt la premiere alarme. J'^tois avec le due ayant 
 ihnl' avec lui, le ChancelUer suivint, et I'entretint de I'accusation qu'un de 
 ceux de la chambre basse avoit pr^sent^e centre lui, et il supplia le due 
 d'employer son crMit aupres du roi pour le maintenir toujours dans son esprit. 
 Le due lui r^pondit, qu'il 6toit si bien avec le roi leur mattre qu'il n'^toit pas 
 besoin de lui rendre de bons offices aupres de sa majest6, ce qu'il disont, non 
 pas pour le refuser, car il aimoit beaucoup, mais pour lui faire plus d'honneur. 
 Le Chancelier lui r^pondit de tres bonne grace, " Qu'en il croyoit Itre parfaite- 
 ment bien dans I'esprit de son mattre, mais aussi qu'il avoit toujours remarqu^ 
 que pour si grand que soil un feu, et pour si fortement qu'il brille de lui mSme, 
 il ne laissera pourtant pas de bruler mieux, et d'Stre plus beau et plus clair si 
 on le suffle comme il faut." 
 
 Assuming that it was customary for the suitors to solicit and to make presents 
 to the judges out of court, the obsenrations made by Mr. Butler with respect to 
 this custom in France, may, therefore, as it seems, be applied to the custom in 
 England : " But it all amounted to nothing. To all their solicitations the 
 judges listened with equal external reverence and internal indifference ; and they 
 availed themselves of the first moment when it could be done with decency, to 
 bow the parties respectfully out of the room." 
 
 NOTE AAA. 
 
 Th£ Advancement of Learning. 
 
 The Advancement of Learning was published in the year 1605. The fol- 
 lowing is a copy of the title page : The Tvvoo Bookes of Francis Buain. Of the 
 proficience and aduancement of Learning, diuine and humane. To the King. 
 At London, printed for Henry Tomes, and are te be sould at his shop at Gruies 
 Inne Gate in Holborne. 1605. It is a small thin quarto of 119 pages, double 
 paged, that is, one page relates to two sides, so that there are according to the 
 modern mode of paging, 238 pages. The subjects are distinguished by capitals 
 and italics introduced into the text, with a few marginal uotes in Latin. 
 
 Of this work he sent copies to the Earl of Northampton, to present the book 
 to the King ; to Sir Thomas Bodley ; to Lord Chancellor Egerton ; to the Earl 
 of Salisbury ; to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst ; to Mr. Matthews. The fol- 
 lowing are copies of the several presentation letters : 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon, of the like Argument, to the Earl of Northampton, with 
 request to present the book to his Majesty. 
 
 It may please your good Lordship, — Having finished a work touching the 
 Advancement of Learning, and dedicated the same to his sacred majesty, whom 
 I dare avouch (if the records of time err not) to be the learnededst king that 
 hath reigned; I was desirous in a kind of congruity, to present it by the 
 learnedest counsellor in this kingdom, to the end, that so good an argument, 
 lightening upon so bad an author, might receive some reparation by the hands 
 
NOTE AAA. 
 
 into which, and by which it should be delivered. And theiefore I make it my 
 humble suit to your lordship to present this mean, but well meant writing to his 
 majesty, and with it my humble and zealous duty ; and also my like humble 
 request of pardon, if I have too often taken his name in vain, not only in the 
 dedication, but in the voucher of the authority of his speeches and writings. 
 And so I remain, &c. 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon to Sir Thomas Bodley, upon sending him his Book of the 
 Advancement of Learning. 
 
 Sir, — I think no man may more truly say with the psalm, " multum incola 
 fuit anima mea." For I do confess, since I was of any understanding, my 
 mind hath in effect been absent from that I have done, and in absence errors 
 are committed, which I do willingly acknowledge ; and amongst the rest, this 
 great one that led the rest ; that knowing myself by inward calling to be fitter 
 to hold a book than to play a part, I have led my life in civil causes, for which 
 I was not very fit by nature, and more unfit by the preoccupation of my mind. 
 Therefore, calling myself home, I have now for a time enjoyed myself, where 
 likewise I desire to make the world partaker ; my labours (if so I may term 
 that which was the comfort of my other labours) I have dedicated to the king, 
 desirous if there be any good in them, it may be as fat of a sacrifice incensed to 
 ~his honour ; and the second copy I have sent unto you, not only in good affec- 
 tion, but in a kind of congruity, in regard of your great and rare desert of 
 learning : for books are th^ shrines where the saint is, or is believed to be. And 
 you having built an ark, to save learning from deluge, deserve, in propriety, any 
 new instrument or engine, whereby learning should be improved or advanced. 
 So, &c. 
 
 A Letter of the like Argument to the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 May it please your good Lordship, — I humbly present your lordship with a 
 work, wherein as you have much commandment over the author, so your lord- 
 ship hath also great interest in the argument. For to speak without flattery, 
 few have like use of learning, or like judgment in learning, as I have observed 
 in your lordship. And again, your lordship hath been a great planter of learn- 
 ing, not only in those places in the church which have been in your own gift, 
 but also in your commendatory vote, no man hath more constantly held " detur 
 digniori," and therefore both your lordship is beholden to learning, and learning 
 beholden to you. Which maketh me presume, with good assurance, that your 
 lordship will accept well of these my labours, the rather because your lordship 
 in private speech hath often begun to me, in expressing your admiration of his 
 majesty's learning, to whom I have dedicated this work ; and whose virtue and 
 perfection in that kind did chiefly move me to a work of this nature. And so 
 with signification of my most humble duty and affection towards your lordship, 
 I remain, &c. 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Salisbury, upon sending him one of his Books 
 of Advancement of Learning. 
 
 It may please your good Lordship, — I present your lordship with a work of 
 my vacant time, which if it had been more, the work had been better. It 
 appertaineth to your lordship (besides my particular respects) in some propriety, 
 in regard you are a great governor in a province of learning, and (that which is 
 more) you have added to your place affection towards learning, and to your 
 affection j udgment, of which the last I could be content were (for the time) 
 less, that you might the less exquisitely censure that which I offer to you. But 
 sure I am, the argument is good, if it had lighted upon a good author ; but I 
 shall content myself to awake belter spirits, like a bellringer which is first up, 
 to call others to church. So, with my humble desire of your lordship's good 
 acceptation, I remain. 
 
NOTE AAA. 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, (a) upon the same occasion, 
 of sending his book of Advancement of Learning. 
 May it please your good Lordship, — I have finished a work touching the 
 Advancement or setting forward of Learning, which I have dedicated to his 
 majesty, the most learned of a sovereign, or temporal prince, that time liath 
 known. And upon reason not unlike, I humbly present one of the books to 
 your lordship, not only as a chancellor of an university, but as one that was 
 excellently bred in all learning, which I have ever noted to shine in all your 
 speeches and behaviours. And therefore your lordship will yield a gracious 
 aspeci to your first love, and take pleasure in the adorning of that wherewith 
 yourself are so much adorned. And so humbly desiring your favourable accep- 
 tation thereof, with signification of my humble duty, I remain. 
 
 To Mr. Matthew. 
 
 Sir, — I perceive you have some time when you can be content to think of 
 your friends ; from whom since you have borrowed yourself, you do well, not 
 paying the principal, to send the interest at six months. The relation which 
 here I send you inclosed, carries the truth of that which is public ; and though 
 my little leisure might have required a briefer, yet the matter would have 
 endured and asked a larger. 
 
 I have now at last taught that child to go, at the swaddling whereof you were. 
 My work touching the proficiency and advancement of learning, I have put 
 into two books ; whereof the former, which you saw, I cannot but account 
 as a page to the latter. I have now published them both ; whereof I thought 
 it a small adventure to send you a copy, who have more right to it than any 
 man, except Bishop Andrews, who was my inquisitor. 
 
 The death of the late great judge concerned not me, because the other was 
 not removed. I write this in answer to your good wishes ; which I return not 
 as flowers of Florence, but as you mean them ; whom I conceive place cannot 
 alter, no more than time shall me, except it be for the better. 1605. 
 
 Some short time after the publication of this work, probably about the year 
 1608, Sir Francis Bacon was desirous that the Advancement of Learning should 
 be translated into Latin ; and, for this purpose, he applied to Dr. Playfer, the 
 Margaret professor of divinity in the university of Cambridge. 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon, his Letter of request to Doctor Playfer, to translate the 
 book of Advancement of Learning into Latin. 
 
 Mr. Doctor Playfer, — A great desire will take a small occasion to hope, and 
 put in trial that which is desired. It pleased you, a good while since, to 
 express unto me the good liking which you conceive of my book, of the 
 Advancement of Learning, and that more significantly (as it seemed to me) than 
 out of courtesy, or civil respect. Myself, as I then took contentment in your 
 approbation thereof, so I should esteem and acknowledge, not only ray content- 
 ment increased, but my labours advanced, if I might obtain your help in that 
 nature which I desire. Wherein, before I set down in plain terms my request 
 unto you, I will open myself, what it was which I chiefly sought, and pro- 
 pounded to myself in that work, that you may perceive that which I now desire 
 to be pursuant thereupon, if I do not err, (For any judgment that a man 
 maketh of his own doings, had need be spoken with a "Si nunquam fallit 
 imago,") I have this opinion, that if I had sought my own commendation, it had 
 been a much fitter course for me to have done as gardeners use to do, by taking 
 their seeds and slips, and rearing them first into plants, and so uttering them in 
 pots, when they are in flower, and in their best state. But forasmuch as my 
 end was merit of the state of learning, to my power, and not glory ; and because 
 my purpose was rather to excite other men's wits, than to magnify my own, I 
 
 (o) Chancellor of Oxford, Lord Treasurer, Earl of Dorset, celebrated as a 
 poet, an orator, and a writer. 
 
NOTE AAA. 
 
 was desirous to prevent the incertainness of my own life and times, by uttering 
 rather seeds than plants ; nay, and farther,, as the proverb is, by sowing with 
 the basket than with the hand. Wherefore, since I nave only taken upon me to 
 ring a bell, to call otheiwits together (which is the meanest office), it cannot but 
 be consonant to my desire to have that bell heard as far as can be. And since 
 that they are but sparks, which can work but uport matter prepared, I have the 
 more reason to wish that those sparks may fly abroad , that they may the better find, 
 and light upon those minds and spirits which are apt to be kindled. And there- 
 fore, the privateness of the language considered wherein it is written excluding 
 so many readers (as on the other side, the obscurity of the argument, in many 
 parts of it, excludeth many others ;) I must account it a second birth of that 
 work, if it might be translated into Latin, without manifest loss of the sense and 
 matter. For this purpose, I could not represent to myself any man into whose 
 hands I do more earnestly desire that work should fall than yourself ; for by 
 that I have heard and read, I know no man a greater master in commanding 
 words to serve matter. Nevertheless I am not ignorant of the worth of your 
 labours, whether such as your place and profession imposeth' on you, or such as 
 your own virtue mayy upon your voluntary election, take in hand. But I can 
 ■lay before you no other persuasions, than either the work itself may affect you 
 with, or the honour of his majesty, to whom it is dedicated, or your particular 
 inclination to myself ; who, as I never took so much comfort in any labours of 
 my own, so I shall never acknowledge myself more obliged in any thing to the 
 labour of another, than in that which shall assist this. Which your labour, if 
 I can by my place, profession, means, friends, travel, work, deed, requite unto 
 you, I shall esteem myself so straitly bound thereunto, as I shall be ever most 
 ready both to take and seek occasion of thankfulness. So leaving it neverther 
 less, salvd amicitiu, as reason is to your good liking, I remain. 
 
 Dr. Playfer's wish to comply with this request, and his failure is thus stated 
 by Archbishop Tenison, (a) " The Doctor was willing to serve so excellent a 
 person, and so worthy a design, and within a while sent him a specimen of a 
 Latin translation. But men generally come short of themselves v/hen they 
 strive to outdo themselves ; they put a force upon their natural genius, and, by 
 sti-aining of it, crack and disable it : and so it seems it happened to that worthy 
 and elegant man. Upon this great occasion he wbtild be over accurate ; and 
 he sent a specimen of such superfine Latinity, that the Lord Bacon did not 
 encourage him to labour further in that work, in the penning of which, he 
 desired not so much neat and polite, as clear, masculine, and apt expression." 
 
 This was probably in 1606 or 1607, for Dr. Playfer's death is thus recorded 
 by Bishop Hackett, in his life of Archbishop Williams : " On Candlemas-day, 
 anno 1608, his reverend friend Dr. Playfer departed out of this world, in the 
 forty-sixth year of his life, in his flower and prime ; whose greatest well-wishers 
 did not wish him alive again, because his rarely beautified wits, with which he 
 had even enchanted his hearers in so many estivat commencements, were now 
 more and more distempered. Yet Mr. Williams wept over him, and exceeded 
 in grief, as if a child had lost his father. The University making preparation 
 for the solemn funeral of so great an ornament to it, the Vice Chancellor that 
 then was. Dr. Jeggon, possessed the pulpit to preach, and Mr. Williams was 
 required to be the orator, to give him a farewfeU of due praise in the chapel of 
 St. John's College. He pleaded thi truth, that his sorrow would not grant him 
 such a dispassionate mind, as was fit to compose a panegyric, and that in the 
 space of three days, and for such a man as Dr. Flayfer. And with tills excuse 
 he held off, till Dr. Clayton set upon it to enforce the task on him that could 
 best discharge it, threatened him with expulsion, if he refused that service to 
 which his superiors had allotted him. An hard condition, and suclr as might 
 have been disputed, as long after I heard him argue upon it. But then he 
 yielded, whether fair means or foul means overcame him I know not : but I 
 think rather love than fear got the upper hand of grief. And when his turn 
 
 (a) Baconiana, 25. 
 
JfOTE AAA. 
 
 came to speak upon the day of tlie obsequies, O what a tunable music he made 
 between his rhetoric and his tears ! for both flowed together. How curious 
 were his apostrophes ! how moving were his passions ! how winning his pro- 
 nunciation ! Many pauses he was compelled to make by the applause and 
 humming of the swarms about him in the close of his periods. When he had 
 done, and the assembly brake up, it was in every mouth, that Playfer's elo- 
 quence was not dead with him while this orator was alive. Let me trouble this 
 narrative with a small interjection. I was myself in the throng among those 
 that heard this oration, newly admitted into Trinity College, that being the 
 second day wherein I wore my purple gown. This being the first exercise that 
 I heard in Cambridge in the Latin tongue, I thought it was a city paved all 
 with emeralds, and that such learning and such silver elocution was common to 
 them all." 
 
 I find the following notice of this work by Lord Bacon. On the 12th of 
 October, 1620, in a letter to the King, presenting the Novum Organum to his 
 majesty, Lord Bacon says, " I hear my former book of the Advancement of 
 Learning, is well tasted in the universities here, and the English colleges 
 abroad ; and this is the same argument sunk deeper." And it is mentioned in 
 the following letter : 
 
 To Mr. Mathew. 
 
 Sir, — Two letters of mine are now already walking towards you ; but so that 
 we might meet, it were no matter though our letters should lose their way. I 
 make a shift in the mean time to be glad of your approaches, and would be 
 more glad to be an agent for your presence, who have been a patient for your 
 absence. If your body by indisposition make you acknowledge the healthful 
 air of your native country, much more do I assure myself that you continue to 
 have your mind no way estranged. And as my trust with the state is above 
 suspicion, so my knowledge, both of your loyalty and honest nature, will ever 
 make me show myself your faithful friend, without scruple : you have reason to 
 commend that gentleman to me by whom you sent your last, although his 
 having travelled so long amongst the sadder nations of the world make him 
 much the less easy upon small acquaintance to be understood. I have sent you 
 some copies of my book of the Advancement, which you desired, and a little 
 work of my recreation, which you desired not. My Instauration I reserve for 
 our conference ; it sleeps not. These works of the alphabet are in my opinion 
 of less use to you where you are now, than at Paris ; and therefore I conceived 
 that you had sent me a kind of tacit countermand of your former request. But 
 in regard that some friends of yours have still insisted here, I send them to you ; 
 and for my part, I value your own reading more than your publishing them to 
 others. Thus, in extreme haste, I have scribbled to you I know not what, 
 which therefore is the less affected, and for that veiy reason will not be esteemed 
 the less by you. 
 
 Different Editions. 
 
 This edition of 1605 was the only edition published during the life of Lord 
 Bacon, who died in 1626. 
 
 An edition in octavo was published in 1629. The following is a copy of the 
 title page : The Two Bookes of Fancis Bacon . Of the Prqficience and aduance- 
 ment of Learning, Divine and Hvman, To the King, London : printed for 
 William Washingtonf and are to be sold at his shop in S. Dunstanes Church' 
 yard. 1629. 
 
 In the year 1633, there was another edition of the same size. The following 
 is a copy of the title page : The Two Boohes of Sir Francis Bacon, of the Pro- 
 fcience djtd Advancement of Learning Divine and Hvman£. To the King, 
 Oxford, printed by I, L, Printer to the Vniversity, for Thomas Huggins. 1633. 
 With permission of B, Fisher, 
 
 I once thought that the edition of 1633 was either a fac-simile, or part of the 
 remaining copies of 1629, as it consists of the same pages (335), and very 
 nearly resembling each other. But, upon examining pages 334 and 335, it 
 
NOTE AAA. 
 
 will be seen that, although they consist of the same words, the spelling of the 
 word "be" is in various places different. It probably is the same in other 
 pages. 
 
 In 1808 another edition in octavo was published. It was edited by Mr. 
 Mallet, a great admirer of Lord Bacon. I know him well, and think of him 
 with affection and respect. He was cut off in his prime. The following is a 
 copy of the title page : The Two Books of Francis Bacon. Of the Projicience 
 and Advancement of Learning, Diiiine and Human. To the King. London : 
 printed by J. M'Creery,for T. Payne, Pall Mall. Mallet says, that his edition 
 IS corrected from the original edition of 1605 : numerous errors having crept 
 into many of the later editions, especially in the Latin quotations. 
 
 In the year 1825, another edition in octavo was published. The following is 
 the title page : The Two Books of Francis Lord Verulam. Of the Proficience 
 and Advancement of Learning, Divine and Human, To the King. London, 
 William Pickering, M.DCCO.xxv. I wrote the preface to this edition. Some 
 person was procured by the publisher to translate, and very badly has he trans- 
 lated, the various Latin quotations in different parts of the volume. 
 
 There is another 12mo. edition, a very neat pocket volume. 
 
 Of the Proficience and Advancement of Learning, Divine and Human. By 
 Francis Lord Bacon, London : printed and published by J. F, Dove, St. John's 
 Square. 1828. 
 
 NOTE BBB. 
 
 Novum Organum. 
 
 ( Rawley. 
 
 1. Observations by different authors. <Tennison, 
 
 2. Different editions, (Montagu. 
 
 3. Translations. 
 
 4. Tracts relating to. 
 
 5. Nature of the work. 
 
 6. Miscellaneous. 
 
 Obsei-vations by different authors. 
 
 Rawley's Observations upon Novum Organum. 
 
 Ben Jonson says, " I have ever observed it to have been the office of a wise 
 patriot, among the greatest affairs of the state, to take care of the commonwealth 
 of learning. For schools, they are the seminaries of state, and nothing is 
 worthier the study of a statesman, than that part of the republic which we call 
 the Advancement of Letters. Witness the care of Julius Csesar, who in the 
 heat of the civil war writ his book of Analogy, and dedicated them to Tully, 
 This made the late Lord St, Albans entitle his work Novum Organum, which, 
 though by the most of superficial men, who cannot get beyond the title of nomi- 
 nals, it is a work not penetrated or understood ; it really openeth all defects of 
 learning whatsoever, and is a book 
 
 Qui longum noto scriptori proroget ccvum. 
 
 Dr. Rawley, in his life of Lord Bacon, says, " I have been induced to think, 
 that if there were a beam of knowledge derived from God upon any man in 
 these modern times, it was upon him : for though he was a great reader of 
 books, yet he had not his knowledge from books, but from some grounds and 
 notions from within himself; which notwithstanding he vented with great 
 caution and circumspection. His book of Instauratione Magna (which in his 
 own account was the chiefest of his works,) was no slight imagination, or fancy 
 of his brain, but a settled and concocted notion, the production of many years 
 labour and travel. I myself have seen at the least twelve copies of the Instau- 
 ration, revised year by year one after another, and cveiy year altered and 
 
 voj., XV. ' 16 
 
NOTE li B B. 
 
 amended in the frame thereof, till at last it came to that model in which it was 
 committed to the press, as many living creatures do lick their young ones, till 
 they bring them to their strength of limbs. 
 
 Tennyson's ObseTvations wptm Novum Orgamim. 
 
 The second part of his Great Instauration (and so considerable a part of it, 
 that the name of the whole is given to it) is his Novum Organum Scientiarum, 
 written by himself in the Latin tongue, and printed also most beautifully and 
 correctly in folio, at London, (a) This work he dedicated to King James, wijji 
 the following excuse; that if he had stolen any time for the composure of it 
 from his majesty's other affairs, he had made some sort of restitution by doing 
 honour to his name and his reign. The King wrote to him, then Chancellor, a 
 letter of thanks with his own hand ; (/)) and this was the first part of it : " My 
 Lord, I have received your letter and your book, than the which you could not 
 have sent a more acceptable present to me. How thankful I am for it, cannot 
 better be expressed by me, than by a firm resolution I have taken ; first, to read 
 it through with care and attention, though I should steal some hours from my 
 sleep, having, otherwise, as little spare time to read it as you had to write it ; 
 and then to use the liberty of a true friend, in not sparing to ask you the question 
 in any point, whereof I stand in doubt (nam ejus est explicare, ciy'us est condere) ; 
 as, on the other part, I will willingly give a due commendation to such places, 
 as in my opinion, shall deserve it. In the mean time, I can with comfort 
 assure you, that you could not have made choice of a subject, more befitting 
 your place, and your universal and methodical knowledge." 
 
 Three copies of this Organum were sent by the Lord Bacon to Sir Henry 
 Wotton, one who took a pride (as himself saith) in a certain congeniality with 
 his lordship's studies. And how very much he valued the present, we may 
 learn from his own words : " Your lordship (said he) (c) hath doije a great and 
 ever-living benefit to all the children of nature, and to nature herself in her 
 uttermost extent of latitude ; who, never before, had sp noble, nor so true an 
 interpreter, or (as I am readier to style your lordship) never so inward a secre- 
 tary of her cabinet. But of your work (which came but this week to my hands ) 
 I shall find occasion to speak more hereafter ; having yet read only the first 
 book thereof, and a few aphorisms of the second. For it is not a ban(juet that 
 men may superficially taste, and put up the rest in their pockets ; but, m truth, 
 a solid feast, which requireth due mastication. Therefore, when I have once 
 myself pernsed the whole, I determine to have it read, piece by piece, at, certain 
 hours, in my domestic college, as an ancient author ; for I have learned thus 
 much by it already, that we are extremely mistaken in the computation of 
 antiquity, by searching it backwards ; because, indeed, the first times were the 
 youngest ; especially in points of natural discovery and experience. 
 
 This Novum Organum containeth in it, instructions concerning a better and 
 more perfect use of reason in our inquisitions after things. And therefore the 
 second title which he gave it was. Directions concerning Interpretations of 
 Nature. And by this art he designed a logic more useful than the vulgar, and 
 an Organum apter to help the intellectual powers than that of Aristotle. For he 
 proposed here, not so much the invention of arguments as of arts'; and in 
 demonstration, he used induction, more than contentious syllogism ; and in his 
 induction, he did not straightway proceed from a few particular sensible notions 
 to the most general of all; but raised axioms by degrees, designing the most 
 general notions for the last place, and insisting on such of them as are not 
 merely notional, but coming from nature, do also lead to her. 
 
 This book containeth three parts : the Preface ; the Distribution of the 
 Work of the Great Instauration ; Aphorisms, guiding to the interpretation of 
 nature. 
 
 (a) 1620, and in second part of Resuscilatio part of this Org. is published in 
 an English version. 
 
 (6) Dated October 16, 1620. (e) Wotton's Remains, 298. 
 
SOTE B B B. 
 
 The Preface consideieth the present unhappy state of learning, together with 
 counsels and advices to advance and improve it. To this preface, therefore, 
 are to be reduced the Indicia, and the Proem in Gruter,(a) concerning the inter- 
 pretation of nature ; the first book de Augmentis Scientiarum, which treateth 
 generally of their dignity and advancement. (6) 
 
 To the Distribution belongeth that Latin fragment in Gruter, (c) called the 
 Delineation and Argument of the second part of the Instauration, (d) 
 
 In the bringing this labour to maturity, he used great and deliberate care ; 
 insomuch that Dr. Rawley saith, he had seen twelve copies of it revised year by 
 year, one after another, and every year altered and amended in the frame 
 thereof, till at last it came to the model in which it was committed to the press. 
 It was like a mighty pyramid, long in its erection, and it will probably be like 
 to it in its continuance. Now he received from many parts beyond the seas 
 testimonies touching this work, such as beyond which he could not (he saith) 
 expect at the first, in so abstruse an argument; yet, nevertheless (he sailh 
 again) he had just cause to doubt that it flew too high over men's heads. He 
 purposed, therefore (though he broke the order of lime) to draw it dbwn to the 
 sense by some patterns of natural story and inquisition. 
 
 Montagu's Preface, 
 
 In the year 1605 Lord Bacon, in the Advancement of Learning, divided 
 knowledge respecting the Mind of Man into the understanding and the will. 
 Knowledge respecting the understanding he divided into 
 
 Invention, 
 Judgment, 
 Memory, 
 Tradition. 
 
 " Man's labour is to invent that which is sought or propounded ; or to judge 
 that which is invented ; or to retain that which is judged ; or to deliver over 
 that which is retained. So as the arts must be four ; art of inquiry or inven- 
 tion ; art of examination or judgment ; art of custody or memory ; and art of 
 elocution or tradition." 
 
 Under the head of Invention, afier having explained the deficiencc of the 
 art oftilnvention, " which," he says, " seemeth to me to be such a deficience 
 as if, in the making of an inventory touching the estate of a defunct, it should 
 be set down, ' of ready money nothing :' for as money will fetch all other com- 
 modities, so this knowledge is that which should purchase all the rest. And 
 like as the West Indies had never been discovered, if the use of the mariner's 
 needle had not been first discovered, though the one be vast regions and the 
 other a small motion ; so it cannot be found strange if sciences be no farther 
 discovered, if the art itself of invention and discovery hath been passed over." 
 
 He then adds, " This part of invention, concerning the invention of sciences, 
 I purpose, if God give me leave, hereafter to propound, having digested it into 
 two parts ; whereof the one I term ' Experientia Literata,' and the other 
 ' Interpretatio Naturae:' the former being but a degree and rudiment of the 
 latter. But I will njt dwell too long, nor speak too great upon a promise." 
 
 The Novum Organum was published, imperfect and incomplete, in the year 
 1620, when Lord Bacon was Chancellor, The reasons for the publication at 
 that period are stated in his letter to the King : " And the reason why I have 
 published it now, specially, being unperfect, is, to speak plainly, because 1 number 
 my days, and would have it saved. There is another reason of ray so doing, 
 which is to try whether I can get help in one intended part of this work. 
 
 (a) Script. 285, 479. 
 
 (6) Referred by Tennison to Preface of Novum Organum. 
 
 (c) Inter Script. 293. 
 
 (d) Referred by Tennison to the second part of Novum Organum. 
 
NOTE- BBB. 
 
 namely, the compiling of a natural aad experimental history, which must be 
 the main foundation of a true and active philosophy." Such are the causes 
 assigned by Lord Bacon, each deserving a separate consideration. 
 
 The first of these two reasons is, " because I number my days, and would 
 have it saved." The meaning of this cannot be mistaken. Bacon was borri in 
 the year 1560. His health was always delicate. Etiam, he says, nonnihil 
 hominibus spei fieri putamus ab exemplo nostro proprio ; neque jactantise causi 
 hoc dicimus, sed quod utile dictu sit. Si qui diffidant, me videant, humineiTi 
 inter homines setatis meae civilibus negotiis occupatissimum, nee firmi admodum 
 valetudine (quod magnum habet tempovis dispendium), atque in Mc re plane 
 protopirum, et vestigia nullius secutum, neque haec ipsa cum nllo mortalium 
 communicantem ; et tamen veram viam constanter ingressum, et ingenium 
 rebus subraittentem, haec ipsa aliquateniis (ut existimamus) provexisse. 
 
 In the year 1617, when he was fifty-seven years of age, the great seals were 
 offered to him. Unmindful of the feebleness of his constitution; unmindful of 
 his love of contemplation, and that genius is rarely prompt in action, or con- 
 sistent in general conduct ; unmindful of his own words, " I ever bore a mind 
 to serve his majesty in some middle place that I could discharge, not as a man 
 born under Sol, that loves honour; nor under Jupiter, that loves business ; for 
 the contemplative planet carries me away wholly." Unmindful of his own 
 words, " Men in great place are thrice servants : servants of the sovereign in 
 state ; servants of fame ; and servants of business : so as they have no freedom 
 neither in their persons, nor in their a.ctions, nor in their times. Power they 
 seek, and lose liberty : they seek power over others, and lose power over them- 
 selves." Unmindful of his admonition, " Accustom your mind to judge of the 
 proportion or value of things, and do that substantially and not superficially ; 
 lor if you observe well, you shall find the logical part of some men's minds 
 good, but the mathematical part nothing worth : that is, they can judge well of 
 the mode of attaining the end, but ill of the value of the end itself j and hence 
 some men fall in love with access to princes ; others, with popular fame and 
 applause, supposing they are things of great purchase, when in many cases, 
 they are but matters of envy, peril, and impediment. Unmindful of his own 
 doctrine, how much ** worldly pursuits divert and interrupt the prosecution and 
 advancement of knowledge, like unto the golden ball thrown before Atalanta, 
 which, while she goeth aside and stoopeth to take up, the race i« hindered 
 
 Seclinat cursus, aurumque volubile tollit." 
 
 One of the consequences was the publication of the Novum Organum in its 
 present state ; the sacrifice of his favourite work, upon which he had been 
 engaged for thirty years, and bad twelve times transcribed with his own hand. 
 
 The second reason assigned by Lord Bacon for the publication of the Novum 
 Organum in 1620 is, " to try whether I can get help in one intended part of 
 this work, namely, the compiling of a natural and experimental history, which 
 must be the foundation of a true and active philosophy.*' I'he meaning of this 
 seems also to be obvious. Lord Bacon's conviction of the importance of 
 Natural History, as the primitive matter of philosophy, appears in every part of 
 his works ; in the Advancement of Learning ; the Sylva iSylvarum ; the New 
 Atlantis; the Wisdom of the Antieuts; and the Novum Organum. It seems 
 probable, therefore, that he availed himself of the moment when power was 
 entrusted to him, to induce the king to assist in the formation of " such a col- 
 lection of natural history as he had measured out in his mind, and such as really 
 ought to be procured, which is," he says, " a great and royal work, requiring 
 the purse of a prince, and the assistance of a people." He, therefore, in his 
 presentation letter to the king, expresses his anxiety for the compiling a Natural 
 History, and he renews his solicitation in his next letter to the king. 
 
 Copies of the work were presented to the King, to the University of Cam- 
 bridge, to Sir Henry Wotton, and to Sir Edward Coke. The following are the 
 letters of presentation and the answers. 
 
>iOTE B»B. 
 
 To the Kiag. 
 
 It may please your most excellent Majesty, — It being a thing to speak or 
 write, specially to a king, in public, another in private, although I have dedi- 
 cated a work, or rather a portion of a work, which at last I have overcome, to 
 your majesty by a public epistle, where I speak to you in the hearing of others j 
 yet I thought fit also humbly to seek access for the same, not so much to your 
 person, as to your judgment, by these private lines. 
 
 The work, in what colours soever it may be set forth, is no more but a new 
 logic, teaching to invent and judge by induction, as finding syllogism incom- 
 petent for sciences of nature ; and thereby to make philosophy and sciences 
 both more true and more active. This tending to enlarge the bounds pf reason, 
 and to endow man's estate with new value, was no improper oblation to your 
 majesty, who, of men, is the greatest master of reason, and author of benefi- 
 cence. 
 
 There be two of your council, and one other bishop of this land, that know I 
 have been about some such work near thirty years ; so as I made no haste. 
 And the reason why I have published it now, specially being unperfect, is, to 
 speak plainly, because I number my days, and would have it saved. There is 
 another reason of my so doing, which is to tiy, whether I can get help in one 
 intended part of this work, namely, the compiling of a natural and experimental 
 history, which must be the main foundation of a true and active philosophy. 
 
 This work is but a new body of clay, whereinto your majesty, by your coun- 
 tenance and protection, may breathe life. And, to tell your majesty truly what 
 I think, I account your favour may be to this work as much as an hundred 
 years' time ; for I am persuaded the work Will gain upon men's minds in ages, 
 but your gracing it may make it take hold more swiftly, which I would be very 
 glad of, it being a work meant, not for praise or glory, but for practice and the 
 good of men. One thing, 1 confess, I am ambitious of, with hope, which is, 
 that after these beginnings, and the wheel once set on going, men shall seek 
 more truth out of Christian pens than hitherto they have done out of heathen. 
 I say with hope ; because I hear my former book of the Advancement of 
 Learning is well tasted in the universities here, and the English colleges 
 abroad: and this is the same argument sunk deeper. And so I ever humbly 
 rest in prayers, and all other duties, your Majesty's most bounden and devoted 
 servant, Fb. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 York House, this 12th of October, 1620. 
 
 This Letter was written with the King's own hand, to. my Lord Chancellor 
 Verulam, upon his Lordship's sending to his Majesty his Novum Organum. 
 
 My Lord, — I have received your letter and your book, than the which you 
 could not have sent a more acceptable present unto me. How thankful I am 
 for it cannot better be expressed by me than by a firm resolution I have taken ; 
 first, to read it through with care and attention, though I should steal some 
 hours from my sleep. Having otherwise as little spare time to read it as you 
 had to write it. And then to use the liberty of a true friend, in not sparing to 
 ask you the question in any point whereof I shall stand in doubt : " Nam ejus 
 est explicare, cujus est condere," as on the other part I will willingly give a due 
 commendation to such places as in my opinion shall deserve it. In the mean 
 time I can with comfort assure you,, that you could not have made choice of a 
 subject more befitting your place, and yoiir universal and methodical know^- 
 ledo^e ; and in the general, I have already observed, that you jump with me, in 
 keeping the mid-way between the two extremes ; as also in some particulars, 1 
 have found that you agiee fully with my opinion. And so praying God to give 
 your .work as good success as your heart can wish, and your labours deiserve, I. 
 bid you heartily farewell. James. R. 
 
 October 16, 1620. 
 
To the King, thanking his Majesty for his gracious acceptance of his boot. 
 May it please your Majesty, — I cannot express how much comfort I received 
 by your last letter of your own royal hand. I see your majesty is a star, that 
 nath benevolent aspect and gracious influence upon all things, that tend to a 
 general good. 
 
 " Daphni, quid antiques signorum suspicis artus 7 
 Ecce Dionsei processit Cajsaris astrum ; 
 Astrum, quo segetes gauderent frugibus, et quo 
 Duceret apricis in collibus uva colorem." 
 This work, which is for the bettering of men's bread and wine, which are the 
 characters of temporal blessings and sacraments of eternal, I hope, by God's 
 holy providence, will be ripened by Ciesar's star. 
 
 Your majesty shall not only do to myself a singular favour, but to your busi- 
 ness a material help, if you will be graciously pleased to open yourself to me in 
 those things, wherein you may be unsatisfied. For though this work, as by 
 position and principle, doth disclaim to be tried by any thing but by experience, 
 and the results of experience in a true way ; yet the sharpness and profoundness 
 of your majesty's judgment ought to be an exception to this general rule ; and 
 your questions, observations, and admonishments, may do infinite good. 
 
 This comfortable beginning makes me hope farther, that your majesty will be 
 aiding to me, in setting men on work for the collecting of a natural and experi- 
 mental history ; which is " basis totius negotii," a thing, which I assure myself 
 will be, from time to time, an excellent recreation unto you ; I say, to that 
 admirable spirit of yours, that delighteth in light ; and I hope well, that even 
 in your times many noble inventions may be discovered for man's u§j. For 
 who can tell, now this mine of truth is opened, how the veins go; and what 
 lielh higher, and what lieth lower! But let me trouble your majesty no further 
 at this time. God ever preserve and prosper your majesty. 
 October 19, 1620. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, — I send now only to give his majesty thanks for the 
 singular comfort which I received by his majesty's letter of his own hand, 
 touching my book. And I must also give your lordship of my best thanks, for 
 your letter so kindly and affectionately written. 
 
 I did even now leceive your lordship's letter touching the proclamation, and 
 do approve his majesty's judgment and foresight about mine own. Neither 
 would I have thought of inserting matter of state for the vulgar, but that now- 
 a-days there is no vulgar, but all statesmen. But, as his majesty doth excel- 
 lently consider, the time of it is not yet proper, I ever rest your Lordship's 
 most obliged friend, and faithful servant, Fr. Veriilam, Cane. 
 
 Indorsed — In answer to his majesty's directions touching the proclamation 
 for a parliament, 
 
 A Letter from the Lord Chancellor Verulam to the University of Cambridge, 
 upon sending to their public library his Novum Organum, to which this 
 letter written with his own hand is affixed. 
 
 Almae Matri Academise Cantabrigiensi, — Cum vester filius sim et alumnus, 
 voluptati mihi erit, partum meum nuper editum vobis in gremium dare : aliter 
 enim velut pro exposito eum haberem. Nee vos moveat, quod via nova sit. 
 Necesse est enim talia per aetatum et seculorum circuitus evenire, Antiquis 
 tafnen suus constat honos ; ingenii scilicet : nam fides verbo Dei et experientia 
 tantum debetur. Scientias autem ad experientiam retrahere, non conceditur : 
 at, easdem ab experientia de integio excitare, operosum certe, sed perviuin. 
 Deus vobis, et studiis vestris faveat. Filius vester amantissimus. 
 
 Ex ^dibus Eborac. 3 Octob. 1620. Franc. Verulam, Canc.(o) 
 
 (o) Translation by Archbishop Tennison, in Baconiana, 192 :— " Seeing I 
 am your son, and your disciple, it will much please me to repose in yourljosom 
 
NOTE BB B. 
 
 Lovd Bacon to Sir Henry Wotton . 
 
 My very good Cousin, — Your letter which I received from your lordship 
 upon your going to sea was more than a compensation for any former omission ; 
 and I shall be very glad to entertain a correspondence with you in both kinds, 
 which you writ of ; for the latter whereof I am now ready for you, having sent 
 you some ore of that mine. I thank you for your favours to Mr. Mewtus, and 
 I pray continue the same. So wishing you out of that honourable exile, and 
 placed in a better orb, I ever rest your Lordship's aflectionate kinsman, and 
 assured friend, Fe. Verulam, Cane, (a) 
 
 York House, Oct. 20, 1620. 
 
 Sir Henry Wotton to Lord Bacon. 
 
 Right honourable, and my very good Lord, — I have your lordship's letters, 
 dated the 20th of October, and I have withal, by the care of my cousin, Mr. 
 Thomas Meawtis, and by your own special favour, three copies of that work, 
 wherewith your lordship hath done a great and ever-living benefit to all the 
 children of nature, and to nature herself in her uttermost extent and latitude : 
 who never before had so noble nor so true an interpreter, or (as I am readier to 
 style your lordship) never so inward a secretary of her cabinet. But of your 
 said work, which came but this week to my hands, I shall find occasion to 
 speak more hereafter ; having yet read only the first book thereof, and a few 
 aphorisms of the second. For it is not a banquet that men may superficially 
 taste, and put up the rest in their pockets ; but in truth a solid feast, which 
 requireth due mastication. Therefore when I have once myself perused the 
 whole, I determine to have it read piece by piece at certain hours in my 
 domestic college as an ancient author ; for I have learned thus much by it 
 already, that we are extremely mistaken in the computation of antiquity, (6) by 
 
 the issue which I have lately brought forth into the world ; for otherwise I 
 should look upon it as an exposed child. Let it not trouble you, that the way 
 in which I go is new ; such things"will of necessity happen in the revolutions 
 of several ages. However, the honour of the ancients is secured : that, I mean, 
 which is due to their wit. For faith is only due to the word of God, and to ex- 
 perience. Now, for bringing back the sciences to experience, is not a thing to 
 be done ; but to raise them anew from experience is indeed a very difficult and 
 laborious, but not a hopeless undertaking. God prosper you and your studies. 
 " Your most loving son, Francis Verdlam, Chancel." 
 
 (o) When this letter, together with the other two next before and after it, 
 were written, upon the occasion of my Lord Chancellor's publishing his Novum 
 Organum, Sir Henry Wotton, so eminent for his many embassies, great learn- 
 ing, candour, and other accomplishments, was resident at Vienna, endeavouring 
 to quench that fire which began to blaze in Germany, upon the proclaiming the 
 Elector Palatine King of Bohemia. How grateful a present this book was to 
 Sir Henry, cannot better be expressed than by his answer to this letter ; which 
 though it may be found in his Remains, I hope the reader vrill not be displeased 
 to see part of it transcribed in this place. — Bacon's Letters. 
 
 (A) Bentham, in his Book of Fallacies says : " What in common language 
 is called old time, ought (with reference to any period at which the fallacy in 
 question is employed) to be called young or early time. As between individual 
 and individual living at the same time and in the same situation, he who is old 
 possesses, as such, more experience than he who is young ; — as between genera- 
 tion and generation, the reverse of this is ti-ue, if, as in ordinary language, a 
 preceding generation be, with reference to a succeeding generation, called old ; 
 — the old or preceding generation could not have had so much experience as the 
 succeeding. With respect to such of the materials or sources of wisdom which 
 have come under the cognizance of their own senses, the two are on a par: 
 with respect to such of those materials and sources of wisdom as are derived 
 from the reports of others, the later of the two possesses an indisputable advarr- 
 
NOTE BBB. 
 
 searching it backwards, because indeed the first times were the youngest ; 
 especially in points of natural discovery and experience. For though I grant 
 that Adam knew the natures of all beasts, and Solomon of all plants, not only 
 more than any, but more than all since their time ; yet that was by divine 
 infusion, and therefore they did not need any such Organum as your lordship 
 hath now delivered to the world ; nor we neither, if they had left us the memo- 
 ries of their wisdom. 
 
 But I am gone further than I meant in speaking of this excellent labour, 
 while the delight yet I feel, and even the pride that I take in a certain congeni- 
 ality, as I may term it, with your lordship's studies, will scant let me cease : 
 and indeed I owe your lordship even by promise, which you are pleased to 
 remember, thereby doubly binding me, some trouble this way ; I mean, by the 
 commerce of philosophical experiments, which surely, of all other, is the most 
 ingenuous traffic : therefore, &c. 
 
 That a copy was sent to Sir Edward Coke, appears from the following melan- 
 choly exhibition of this great lawyer's mind. 
 
 In the library of the late Thomas Earl of Leicester, the descendant of Sir 
 Edward Coke, at Holkham in Norfolk, is a copy of the Novum Organum, 
 entitled Instauratio Magna, printed by John Bill in 1620, presented tp Sir 
 Edward, who at the top of the title page has written Edw. C, ex dono auctorls. 
 
 Auctori Consilium. 
 Insturare paras veterum documenta, sophorum : 
 Instura Leges Justitiamq ; prius. 
 
 And over the device of the ship passing between Hercules's pillars. Sir Edward 
 has written the two following verses : 
 
 " It deserveth not to be read in schooles. 
 But to be freighted in the Ship of Fools." (o) 
 
 The Novum Organum is noticed by Lord Bacon in other letters, both before 
 and after the publication in 1620. In the year 1609 he wrote 
 
 To Mr. Matthew, upon sending to him a part of Instauratio Magna. 
 Mr. Matthew,— I plainly perceive by your affectionate writing touching my 
 work, that one and the same thing aflPecteth us both ; which is, the good end 
 
 tage. In giving the name of old or elder to the earlier generation of the two, 
 the misrepresentation is not less gross, nor the folly of it less incontestable, than 
 if the name of old man or old woman were given to the infant in its cradle. 
 What then is the wisdom of the times called old 1 Is it the wisdom of gray 
 hairs 1 No. It is the wisdom of the cradle."* 
 
 (a) Alluding to a famous book of Sebastian Brand, born at Strasburgh about 
 1460, written in Latin and High Dutch verse, and translated into English in 
 1508, by Alexander Barklay, and printed at London the year following by 
 Richard Pynson, printer to Henry VII. and Heniy VIII. in folio, with the 
 following title, " The Shyp of Follys of the World : translated in the Coll. of 
 Saynt Mary Otery in the count of Devonshyre, oute of Latin, Frenche, and 
 Doche, into Englesse tongue, by Alex. Barklay, preste and chaplen in the said 
 College M,ccccc,viii." It was dedicated by the translator to Thomas Cornish, 
 bishop of Tine and suffragan bishop of Wells, and adorned with a great variety 
 of wooden cuts. 
 
 • No one will deny that preceding ages have produced men eminently distin- 
 guished by benevolence and genius ; it is to them that we owe in succession all 
 the advances which have hitherto been made in the career of human improve- 
 ment : but as their talents could only be developed in proportion to the state of 
 knowledge at the period in which they lived, and could only have been called 
 into action with a view to then existing circumstances, it is absurd to rely on 
 their authority, at a period and under a state of things altogether different. 
 
NOTE BBB. 
 
 to which it is dedicated; for as to any ability of mine, it cannot merit that 
 degree of approbation. For your caution for church-men and church-masters, 
 as for any impediment it might be to the applause and celebrity of my work, it 
 moveth me not ; but as it may hinder the fruit and good which may come of a 
 quiet and calm passage to the good port which it is bound, I hold it a just 
 respect ; so as to fetch a fair wind I go not too far about. But the truth is, 
 . that I at all have no occasion to meet them in my way ; except it be as they 
 will needs confederate themselves with Aristotle, who, you know, is iutempe- 
 rately magnified by the schoolmen ; and is also allied, as I take it, to the 
 Jesuits, by Faber, who was a companion of Loyola, and a great Aristotelian. 
 I send you at this time the only part which hath any harshness ; and yet I 
 framed to myself an opinion, that whosoever allowed well of that preface, 
 which you so much commend, will not dislike, or at least ought not to dislike, 
 this other speech of preparation ; for it is written out of the same spirit, and out 
 of the same necessi^ : nay, it doth more fully lay open that the question be- 
 tween ine and the ancients is not of the virtue of the race, but of the rightness 
 of the way. And to speak truth, it is to the other but as palma to pugnus, part 
 of the same thing more large. You conceive aright, that in this and the other 
 you have commission to impart and communicate them to others according to 
 your discretion. Other matters I write not of. Myself am like the miller of 
 Granchester, that was wont to pra^ for peace amongst the willows ; for while 
 the winds blew, the wind-mills wrought, and the water-mill was less customed. 
 So I see that controversies of religion must binder the advancement of sciences. 
 Let me conclude with my perpetual wish towards yourself, that the approbation 
 of yourself, by your own discreet and temperate carriage, may restore you to 
 your country, and your friends to your society. And so I commend you to 
 God's goodness. 
 
 Gray's Inn, Oct. 10, 1609. 
 
 And there is another letter, in which, to use his own words, it appears 
 " how much his heart was upon it." 
 
 To Mr. Mathew. 
 
 Sir, — I thank you for your last, and pray you to believe, &c. And I must 
 confess my desire to be, that my writings should not court the present time, or 
 some few places, in such sort as might make them either less general to persons, 
 or less permanent in future agej. As to the Instauration, your so full appro- 
 bation thereof I read with much comfort, by how much more my heart is upon 
 it ; and by how much less X expected consent and concurrence in a matter so 
 obscure. Of this I can assure you, that though many things of great hope 
 decay with youth, and multitude of civil businesses is wont to diminish the 
 price, though not the delight of contemplations, yet the proceeding in that 
 work doth gain with me upon my affection and desire, both by years and busi- 
 nesses. And therefore I hope, even by this, that it is well pleasing to God, 
 from whom, and to whom all good moves. To him I most heartily commend 
 you. 
 
 And in his addiess written in the year 1622, to " An Advertisement touching 
 an Holy War, to the Right Reverend Father in God, Lancelot Andrews, Lord 
 Bishop of Winchester, and Counsellor of Estate, to his Majesty." . After men- 
 tioning the instances of Demosthenes, Cicero, and Seneca, " All three persons 
 that had held chief place of authority in their countries ; all three ruined, not 
 by war, or by any other disaster, but by justice and sentence, as delinquents 
 and criminals," he says, " These-examples confirmed me much in a resolution 
 whereunto I was otherwise inclined, to sp6nd my time wholly in writing; and 
 to put forth that poor talent, or half talent, or what it is, that God hath given 
 me, not as heretofore to particular exchanges, but to banks or mounts of perpe- 
 petuity, which will not break. Therefore having not long since set forth a part 
 of my Instauration, which is the work that in mine own judgment, ' si nunquam 
 fallit imago,' 1 do most esteem ; I think to proceed in some new parts thereof. 
 And although I have received from many parts beyond the seas, testimonies 
 
 vol.. XV. 17 
 
NOTE BBB. 
 
 touching that work, such as beyond which I could not expect at the first in so 
 abstruse an argument ; yet nevertheless I have just cause to doubt, that it flies 
 too high over men's heads : (a) have a purpose therefore, though I break the 
 order of time, to draw it down to the sense, by some patterns of a Natural Story 
 and Inquisition. And again, for that my book of Advancement of Learning 
 may be some preparative or key for the better opening of the Instauration, 
 because it exhibits a mixture of uew conceits and old ; whereas the Instauration 
 gives the new unmixed, otherwise than with some little aspersion of the old for 
 taste's sake : I have thought good to procure a translation of that book into the 
 general language, not without great and ample additions, and enrichment 
 thereof, especially in the second book, which handleth the partition of sciences ; 
 in such sort, as I hold it may serve in lieu of the first part of the Instauration, 
 and acquit my promise in that part." 
 
 Such are the different sentiments expressed by Lord Bacon of his favourite 
 work. 
 
 The notices of this work by his faithful secretary and biographer, Dr. Rawley, 
 and his admirer Archbishop Tennison, are as follows : — Dr. Rawley, in his life 
 of Lord Bacon says, " I have been induced to think, that if there were a beam 
 of knowledge derived from God, upon any man in these modern times, it was 
 upon him : for though he was a great reader of books, yet he had not his know- 
 ledge from books, but from some grounds and notions from within himself. 
 Which, notwithstanding, he vented with great caution and circumspection. 
 His book of Instauratio Magna (which, in his own account, was the chiefest of 
 his works,) was no slight imagination or fancy of his brain, but a settled and 
 concocted notion, the production of many years labour and travail. I myself 
 have seen, at the least, twelve copies of the Instauration revised, year by year, 
 one after another, and every year altered and amended in the frame thereof, till, 
 at last, it came to that model in which it was committed to the press : as many 
 living creatures do lick their young ones till they bring them to their strength of 
 limbs." 
 
 And Archbishop Tennison, speaking of the Novum Organum, says. The 
 second part of his great Instauration (and so considerable a part of it, that the 
 name of the whole is given to it) is his Novum Organum Scientiarum, written 
 by himself in the Latin tongue, and printed also most beautifully and correctly 
 in folio, at London. This work he dedicated to King James, with the following 
 excuse ; that, if he had stolen any time, for the composure of it, from his 
 majesty's other affairs, he had made some sort of restitution, by doing honour to 
 his name and his reign. The king wrote to him, then chancellor, a letter of 
 thanks with his own hand. Part of the dedication is then stated. 
 
 This Novum Organum containeth in it instructions concerning a better and 
 more perfect use of reason in our inquisitions after things. And therefore the 
 second title which he gave it was, directions concerning interpretations of 
 nature. And by this art he designed a logic more useful than the vulgar, and 
 an Organon apter to help the intellectual powers than that of Aristotle. For 
 he proposed here, not so much the invention of arguments, as of arts ; and in 
 demonstration, he used induction more than contentious syllogism ; and in his 
 induction, he did not straightway proceed from a few particular sensible notions 
 to the most general of all, but raised axioms by degrees, designing the most 
 general notions for the last place ; and insisting on such of them as are not 
 merely notional, hut coming from nature, do also lead to her. 
 
 (a) Mr. Chamberlain, in a letter to Sir Dudley Carleton, ambassador at 
 Holland, dated at Loudon, October 28, 1620, mentions, that Mr. Henry Cuflfe, 
 who had been secretary to Robert, Earl of Essex, and executed for being con- 
 cerned in his treasons, having long since perused this work, gave his censure, 
 " that a fool could not have written such a work, and a wise man would not." 
 And, in another letter, dated February 3, 1620-1, Mr. Chamberlain takes 
 notice, that the King could not forbear sometimes, in reading that book, to say, 
 that it was " like the peace of God, that passeth all understanding." 
 
NOTE BBB. 
 
 This book containeth three parts, the Preface ; the distribution of the work 
 of the great Instauration ; Aphorisms, guiding to the interpretation of nature. 
 
 The preface considereth the present unhappy state of learning, together with 
 counsels and advices to advance and improve it. To this preface therefore, are 
 to be reduced the Indicia, and the proem in Gruter, concerning the interpre- 
 tation of nature ; the first book de Augmentis Scientiarum, which treateth 
 generally of their dignity and advancement ; and his lordship's " Cogitata et 
 Visa" written by him, in Latin, without intention of making them public in 
 that form, and sent to Dr. Andrews, as likewise to Sir Thomas Bodley, with a 
 desire to receive their censures and emendations. The latter returned him a 
 free and friendly judgment of this work, in a large and learned letter, pub- 
 lished in the Cabala, in the English tongue, and by Gruter in the Latin. 
 The like, perhaps, was done by the former, though his answer be not extant. 
 
 To the distribution belongeth that Latin fragment in Gruter, called the 
 Delineation and Argument, of the second part of the Instauration. So doth 
 that of the philosophy of Farmenides and Telesius, and (especially) Demo- 
 critus. For, as he sheweth in the beginning of that part, he designed first to 
 consider the learning of which the world was possessed ; and then to perfect 
 that ; and that being done, to open new ways to further discoveries. 
 
 To the Aphorisms is reducible his letter to Sir Henry Savil, touching helps 
 for the intellectual powers, written by his lordship in the English tongue. A 
 part of knowledge then scarce broken, men believing that nature was here 
 rather to be followed than guided by art ; and as necessary (in his lordship's 
 opinion) as the grinding and whetting of an instrument or the quenching it, 
 and giving it a stronger temper. 
 
 Also there belong to this place, the fragment called " Aphorismi et Consilia, 
 de Auxiliis Mentis," and " Sententiee Duodecim de Interpretatione Natuise ;" 
 both published by Gruter in the Latin tongue, in which his lordship wrote 
 them. 
 
 Different Editions of Novum Organum. 
 
 The first edition of the Novum Organum was published in folio in 1620, 
 when Lord Bacon was Chancellor ; annexed is the title page : Francisci de 
 Verulamio summi AnglitE Cancellarii^ Instauratio Magna, Londini, apud Jo- 
 annem Billium Typographum Regium. 
 
 Another edition was published in Holland in 1645. 
 
 Another edition was published in 1650. Annexed is the title page : Fran- 
 cisci de Verulamio summi Anglia Cuncellarii, Instauratio Magna. Lvgd, Batav, 
 Ex Officina Andriani Wyngaerden, 
 
 Another edition was published in 1660. Annexed is the title page : Fran- 
 cisci de VeruiamiOf summi Angliie Cancellariiy Instauratio Magna. AmsteliE- 
 dami, sumptibus Joannis Ravesteing. 
 
 Francisci Baconi Baronis de Verulamio Novum Organum Scientiarum, 
 Wirceburgi, apud Jo. Jac. Stahel. 1779. 
 
 Another edition was published at Oxford in 1813. Annexed is the title 
 page : Francisci Buconi de Vervlamio, summi Anglite Cancellarii, Nooum Orga- 
 num, sive Indicia vera de Interpretatione Natura, Oxonii, e Typographeo 
 Clarendoniano, 
 
 Translations. 
 
 Translation, 1640. From Watts' Translation of De Augmentis. 
 
 The introductory tract prefixed to the Novum Organum was translated in 
 1640 by Dr. Watts, and is prefixed to his translation of the treatise " De 
 Augmentis." 
 
 Translation, 1671. From the 3rd edition of Resuscitatio. 
 
 In the third edition of the Kesuscitatio, published in 1671, there are three 
 translated tracts from the Novum Organum, viz. 
 
NOTE EBB. 
 
 1. " The Natural and Experimental History of the Form of Hot Things." 
 
 2. " Of the several kinds of Motion, or of the active Virtue." 
 
 3. A translation of the Parasceve, vfhich is the beginning of the third part 
 
 of the Instauration, but is annexed to the Slovum Organum in the 
 
 first edition. 
 The following is the title page : A Preparatory to the History Natural and 
 Experimental, written originally in Latine, by the Right Honourable Francis 
 Lord Verulam, Lord High Chancellor of England, and now faithfully rendred 
 into English. By a well wisher to his Lordship's writijigs. London^ printed by 
 Sarah Griffing and Ben. Giiffing, for William Lee, at the Turks-head in Fleet 
 Street., over against Fetter- Lane. 1670. 
 
 Translation, 1676. From 10th edition of Sylva. 
 
 In the 10th edition of the Sylva Sylvarum, there is an abridged translation of 
 the Novum Organum. The following is a copy of the title page : The Novum 
 Organum of Sir Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount St. Albans. 
 Epitomiz'd : for a clearer understanding of his Natural History, Translated 
 and taken out of the Latine, by M. D. B. D. London, Printed for Thomas Lee, 
 at the Turks-head in Fleet Street. As this tenth edition of the Sylva was pub- 
 lished 1676, and Dr. Rawley died 1667, it must not, from any documents now 
 known, be ascribed to him. It is not noticed in the Baconiana, published 
 in 1679. 
 
 In 1733, Peter Shaw, M.D. published a translation of the Novum Organum. 
 
 In the year 1 830 the translation published in this edition was by my friend, 
 William Wood. 
 
 In the year 1788 an Italian edition was published. The following is the 
 title ; Nuovo Organo delle Scienze di Francesco Bacone di Verulamio, Gran 
 Cancelliere d'Inghilterra. Traduzione in Italiano con Annotazioni ed una Pre- 
 fazione del Traduttore, Bassano, 1788, a Spese Remondini di Venezia. Con Li- 
 cenza de' Supei-iori. 
 
 In the year 1810 there was another Italian edition of the Novum Organum. 
 Annexed is a copy of the title page : Nuovo Organo delle Scienze di Francesco 
 Bacone di Verulamio traduzione in Italiano del can. Antonio Pelizzari. Edizione 
 seconda arricchita di un Indice e di Annotazioni, Bassano, Tipografia R^mon- 
 diniana. 
 
 There is the following edition in French : CEuvres de Franfois Bacon, Chan- 
 celier d'Angleterre, traduites par Ant. Lasalle ; avec des notes critiques, historiques 
 et litt^raires. Tome quatrieme. A Dijon, de Vlmprimerie de L. N, Frantin* 
 An 8 de la Ripublique Franfaise. 
 
 Different Editions. 
 Year. Language. Printer. Place. Size. 
 
 1620 Latin T. Bill London Folio. 
 
 1645 Ditto 18mo. 
 
 1650 Ditto Wyngarden ... Lugd. Bat I8mo. 
 
 1660 Ditto Rovestein Ams I8mo. 
 
 1779 Ditto I. Stahel Wirceburg 8vo. 
 
 1803 Ditto Serymgeour ... Glasgu^ 12mo. 
 
 1813 Ditto Clarendon Oxford Bvo. 
 
 Translations. 
 
 1671 English 3rd edition of Resuscitatio. 
 
 1676 English 10th edition of Sylva. 
 
 1733 English, by Shaw, Knapton London 4to. 
 
 1788 Italian Venezia Basano 8vo. 
 
 1793 German Nauck Berlin 8vo. 
 
 1810 Italian Remondiniana Basano Bvo. 
 
 1818 English, by Shaw, Sherwood London 12mo. 
 
 YearBFr. Rep. French Frantin Dijon 8vo. 
 
 1830 Wood Whittingham .. London 8vo. 
 
NOTE BBB. 
 
 Tracts relating to Novum Organum. 
 
 In the British Museum there are the following tracts relating to the Novum 
 Organum. 
 
 1. MS. Sloane, No. 432. fo. 131. Consideratib Nov! Organi Yerulamii 
 
 institutu olim a David Mylio. 
 
 2. MS, Sloane, No. 432. fol. 38. Consideratio considerationis Mylianae. 
 
 Nature of the Work, 
 Miscellaneous. 
 The intention of Lord Bacon with respect to the Novum Organum, he has 
 himself explained in Aph. 22. part 2, where he says : We therefore propose to 
 treat, 
 
 1. Of prerogative instances. 
 
 2. Of the helps of induction. 
 
 3. Of the rectification of induction. 
 
 4. Of the method of varying inquiries according to the nature of the 
 
 subject. 
 
 5. Of prerogative natures for inquiry, or what subjects are to be inquired 
 
 into first, what second. 
 
 6. Of the limits of inquiry, or an inventory of a]l the natures in the 
 
 universe. 
 
 7. Of reducing inquiries to practice, or making them subservient to human 
 
 uses. 
 
 8. Of the preliminaries to inquiries. 
 
 9. And lastly, of the ascending and descending scale of axioms. 
 
 Of these nine parts, the first, or prerogative instances, was alone completed. 
 — " But, time, in the interim, being on the wing, and the author too much 
 engaged in civil affairs, especially considering the uncertainties of life, he 
 would willingly hasten to secure some part of his design from contingencies ; 
 and after much close thought, and a deliberate consideration, he determined, 
 that to prevent so useful a thing from disaster, the best course was to propose 
 and lay down certain tables of invention, or forms of genuine inquiry, that is, 
 the digested matter of particulars, designed for the work of the understanding, 
 and this in some determinate subjects, by way of example, or a palpable model 
 of the whole. And hence, though we should not ourselves complete the under- 
 taking, yet men of a solid and sublime genius, being thus admonished by what 
 we have offered, may, without any greater assistance, expect the rest from 
 themselves and finish it. For, as to the matter in hand, we are almost of his 
 opinion, who said, this is eiiough for the wise ; but for the unwise, more would 
 not be serviceable," 
 
 Annexed to the Novum Organum in the first edition is, Parasceve ad Histo- 
 riam Naturahm et 'Experimentalem, which is in fact the beginning of the third 
 part of the Instauration, It is translated in the third edition of Besuscitatio. 
 
 NOTE CCC. 
 
 The Wisdcm of tlie Ancients, 
 
 The first edition was published in 1609. In February 27, 1610, Lord Bacon 
 wrote to Mr. Matthew, upon sending his book De Sapientia Veterum. 
 
 " Mr. Matthew, — I do veiy heartily thank you for your letter of the 24th of 
 August from Salamanca ; and in recompence therefore I send you a little work 
 of mine that hath begun to pass the world. They tell me my Latin is turned 
 into silver, and become current : had you been here, you should have been my 
 inquisitor before it came forth ; but, I think, the greatest inquisitor in Spain 
 will allow it. But one thing you must pardon me if I make no haste to believe, 
 that the world should be grown to such an ecstasy as to reject truth in phi- 
 
NOTE C C C. 
 
 losophy, because the author disseuteth in religion ; no more than they do by 
 Aristotle or Averroes. My great work goeth forward ; and after my manner, I 
 alter ever when I add. So that nothing is finished till all be finished. This I 
 have written in the midst of a term and parliament ; thinking no time so pos- 
 sessed, but that I should talk of these matters with so good and dear a friend. 
 And so with my wonted wishes I leave you to God's goodness. 
 " From Gray's Inn, Feb. 27, 1610." 
 
 And in his letter to Father Fulgentio, giving some account of his writings, 
 he says, " My Essays will not only be enlarged in number, but still more in 
 substance. Along with them goes the little piece ' De Sapientia Veterum.'" 
 
 Bacon's sentiments with respect to these fables may be found in the " Ad- 
 vancement of Learning," and in the " De Augmentis," under the head of 
 Poetry. 
 
 In the " Advancement of Learning" he says, " There remaineth yet anotheu 
 use of poesy parabolical, opposite to that which we last mentioned : for that 
 tendeth to demonstrate and illustrate that which is taught or delivered, and this 
 other to retire and obscure it: that is, when the secrets and mysteries of 
 religion, policy, or philosophy, are involved in fables or parables. Of this in 
 divine poesy we see the use is authorized. In heathen poesy we see the expo- 
 sition of fables doth fall out sometimes with great felicity ; as in the fable that 
 the giants being overthrown in their war against the gods, the Earth, their 
 mother, in revenge thereof brought forth fame : 
 
 ' lUam Terra parens, ir^ irritata deorum, 
 Extremam, ut perhibent, Coeo Enceladoque sororem 
 Progenuit," 
 
 expounded, that when princes and monarchs have suppressed actual and open 
 rebels, then the malignity of the people, which is the mother of rebellion, doth 
 bring forth libels and slanders, and taxations of the state, which is of the same 
 kind with rebellion, but more feminine. So in the fable, that the rest of the 
 gods having conspired to bind Jupiter, Pallas called Briareus with his hundred 
 hands to his aid, expounded, that monarchies need not fear any curbing of 
 their absoluteness by mighty subjects, as long as by wisdom they keep the 
 hearts of the people, who will be sure to come in on their side. So in the fable, 
 that Achilles was brought up under Chiron the centaur, who was part a man 
 and part a beast, expounded ingeniously, but corruptly by Machiavel, that it 
 belongeth to the education and discipline of princes to know as well how to 
 play the part of the lion in violence, and the fox in guile, as of the man in 
 virtue and justice. Nevertheless, in many the like encounters, I do rather 
 think that the fable was first, and the exposition then devised, than that the 
 moral was first, and thereupon the fable framed. For I find it was an ancient 
 vanity in Chrysippus, that troubled himself with great contention to fasten the 
 assertions of the Stoics upon the fictions of the ancient poets ; but yet that all 
 the fables and fictions of the poets were but pleasure and not figure, I interpose 
 no opinion. Surely of those poets which are now extant, even Homer himself, 
 (notwithstanding he was made a kind of Scripture by the latter schools of the 
 Grecians,) yet I should without any difficultjf pronounce that his fables had no 
 such mwardness in his own meaning ; but what they might have upon a more 
 original tradition, is not easy to afiirm ; for he was not the inventor of many of 
 them." 
 
 In the treatise " De Augmentis," the same sentiments will be found with a 
 slight alteration in the expressions. He says, " there is another use of para- 
 bolical poesy, opposite to the former, which tendeth to the folding up of those 
 things, the dignity whereof deserves to be retired and distinguished, as with a 
 drawn curtain : that is, when the secrets and mysteries of religion, policy, and 
 philosophy are veiled and invested with fables and parables. But whether 
 there be any mystical sense couched under the ancient fables of the poets, may 
 admit some doubt : and indeed for our part we incline to this opinion, as to 
 think that there was an infused mystery in many of the ancient fables of the 
 
NOTE CCC. 
 
 poets. Neither doth it move us that these matters are left commonly to school- 
 boys and grammarians, and so are embased, that we should therefore make a 
 slight judgment upon them : but contrariwise because it is clear that the wri- 
 tings which recite those fables, of all the writings of men, next to sacred writ, 
 are the most ancient ; and that the fables themselves are far more ancient than 
 they (being they are alleged by those wiiters, not as excogitated by them, but 
 as credited and recepted before) seem to be, like a thin rarefied air, which from 
 the traditions of more ancient nations, fell into the flutes of the Grecians." 
 
 This tract seems, in former times, to have been much valued, for the same 
 reason, perhaps, which Bacon assigns for the currency of the Essays ; " be- 
 cause they are like the late new halfpence, which, though the silver is good, yet 
 the pieces are small." Of this tract. Archbishop Tenison in his Baconiana, 
 says, " Id the seventh place, I may reckon his book X>e Sapientia Veterum, 
 written by him in Latin, and set forth a second time with enlargement ;* and 
 translated into English by Sir Arthur Georges : a book in which the sages of 
 former times are rendered more wise than it may be they were by so dextrous an 
 interpreter of their fables. It is. this book which Mr. Sandys means, in those 
 words which he hath put before his notes, on the Metamorphosis of Ovid. 
 ' Of modern writers, I have received the greatest light from Geraldus, Pon- 
 tanus, Ficinus, Vives, Comes, Scaliger, Sabinus, Pierius, and the crown of 
 the latter, the Viscount of St. Albans. 
 
 " It is true, the design of this book was instruction in natural and civil 
 matters, either couched by the ancients under those fictions, or rather made to 
 seem to be so by his lordship's wit, in the opening and applying of them. But 
 because the first ground of it is poedcal story, therefore let it have this place 
 till a fitter be found for it," 
 
 The author of Bacon's Life, in the Biogiaphia Britannica, says, " that he 
 might relieve himself a little from the severity of these studies, and as it were 
 amuse himself with erecting a magnificent pavilion, while his great palace of 
 philosophy was building, he composed and sent abroad in 1610, his celebrated 
 treatise Of the Wisdom of the Ancients, in which he showed that none had 
 studied them more closely, was better acquainted with their beauties, or had 
 pierced deeper into their meaning. There have been very few books published, 
 either in this or in any other nation, which either deserved or met with jnore 
 general applause than this, and scarce any that are like to retain it longer, 
 for in this performance Sir Francis Bacon gave a singular proof of his capacity 
 to please all parties in literature, as in his political coaduct he stood fair with 
 all the parties in the nation. The admirers of antiquity were charmed with 
 this discourse, which seems expressly calculated to justify their admiration; 
 and, on the other hand, their opposites were no less pleased with a piece, 
 from which they thought they could demonstrate that the sagacity of a modern 
 genius had found out much better meanings for the ancients than ever were 
 meant by them." 
 
 And Mallet, in his Life of Bacon, says, " In 1610 he published another 
 treatise, entitled Of the Wisdom of the Ancients. This work bears the same 
 stamp of an original and inventive genius with his other performances. Re- 
 solving not to tread in the steps of those who had gone before him, men, 
 according to his own expression, not learned beyond certain common places, he 
 strikes out a new tract for himself, and enters into the most secret recesses of 
 this wild and shadowy region, so as to appear new on a known and beaten 
 subject. Upon the whole, if we cannot bring ourselves readily to believe that 
 there is all the physical, moral, and political meaning veiled under those fables 
 of antiquity, which he has discovered in them, we must own that it required no 
 common penetration to be mistaken with so great an appearance of probability 
 on his side. Though it still remains doubtful whether the ancients were so 
 knowing as he attempts to shew they were, the variety and depth of his own 
 knowledge are, in that vei-y attempt, unquestionable," 
 
 * In the year 1617, in Latin. It was published in Italian in 1618 ; in 
 
NOTE DDD. 
 
 In the year 1619, this tract was translated by Sir Arthur Georges. Prefixed 
 to the work are two letters ; the one to the Earl of Salisbury, the other to the 
 University of Cambridge, which Georges omits, and dedicates his translation to 
 the high and illustrious Princess the Lady Elizabeth of Great Britain, Duchess 
 of Baviare, Countess Palatine of Rheine, and Chief Electress of the Empire. 
 
 This translation, it should be noted, was published during the life of Lord 
 Bacon by a great admirer of his works. 
 
 The editions of this work with which I am acquainted are : 
 
 Year. Language. Printer. Place, Size. 
 
 1609 Latin R. Barker London 12mo. 
 
 1617 Ditto T. Bill Ditto Ditto. 
 
 1619 English Ditto Ditto Ditto. 
 
 1620 Ditto Ditto Ditto , ... Ditto. 
 
 1633 Latin F. Maire Lug. Bat Ditto. 
 
 1634 Ditto F. Kingston... London Ditto. 
 
 1638 Latin E. Griffin London Folio. 
 
 1691 Ditto H. Weston.... Amsterdam ... 12mo. 
 
 1804 French H. Frantin .... Dijon 8vo. 
 
 NOTE DDD. 
 
 Proof of the increase of business in the Court of Chancery. 
 
 This note is divided into two parts : 
 First. Proof of the assertion that the business of the court had increased to 
 
 this uncontrolable extent. 
 Secondly. The remedies of this evil. 
 
 First. Proof that the business of the court had increased. 
 
 That the business of the court had, in the time of Lord Bacon, so increased 
 as to require additional power to subdue it, appears ; 1st, from the considera- 
 tion that the science of equity had been increasing for years ; 2ndly, from the 
 complaints which, soon after were made in parliament, of which the following 
 extract from the Journals of the Commons in 1620 will exhibit a specimen. 
 
 The parliament met on the 16th of Jan. 18 Jacobi, when various committees 
 were appointed. 
 
 Sabbati, 17° Februarii, 18° Jacobi. 
 
 Sir Edward Sackvyle reporteth from the committee for courts of justice, four 
 heads: 1. Interfering of courts. Against protections. That an ordinary course 
 in the court of Wards, where the principal dieth, his heir in ward, the surety 
 protected ; so that the party that lent in great danger to lose his money. 2dly. 
 Prosecutors for concealed wards, find an office in the remote parts of the 
 country. A lease of lands gotten before the party knew it. A travers will cost 
 100 marks : instance in Dayrell and Newdigate's case. 
 
 2. The jurisdiction of courts, one pressing upon another. That at this time 
 one committed in the court of Wards, for not obeying the decree there, where 
 ordered against the ward : in the Chancery, ordered on the other part, and the 
 person in prison there. Master of the Rolls' motion to have that determined by 
 private conference, or to be ordered by the king ; not here, where properly not 
 determinable. 
 
 3. For fees ; so great, as more cost to get an hearing set down of his cause 
 than the cause worth. That alleged, the fees not now much greater than forty 
 years sithence ; but many new officers in Courts, who took much greater fees 
 than heretofore. 
 
 4. For both the first grievances in the court of Wards ; a bill against the 
 
NOTE DDD. 
 
 protection, in tlie first case ; and the prosecutors to be put into tlie bill against 
 infonners. 
 
 That offered from the Lord Chancellor, he would willingly consent that any 
 man might speak freely any thing concerning his court. 
 
 Mr. Alford : To re-commit all these things, because not yet ripe. 
 
 To inform the lords, what liberties they have lost. 2dly. Of the luxuriant 
 authority of the Chancery ; and that it devoureth all that cometh into it. 
 
 16 March. — Length of causes : 23 his j some 30 years. Mulct in the civil 
 law if a cause above three years. This ppwer too much for any one man. 
 
 That the Masters in Chancery should be reduced fjom twelve to six, &c. &c. 
 
 Srdly. From the increased but unavailing exertion of the Chancellor to 
 subdue the business. 
 
 Lord Egertou. 
 
 In Lord Bacon's speech upon taking his seat, he says : — For it hath been a 
 manner much used of late in my last lord's time, of whom I learn much to 
 imitate, and somewhat to avoid ; that upon the solemn and full hearing of a 
 cause nothing is pronounced in court, but breviates are required to be made ; 
 which I do not dislike in itself in causes perplexed. For I confess I have 
 somewhat of the cunctative ; and I am of opinion, that whosoever is not wiser 
 upon advice than upon the sudden, the same man was no wiser at fifty than he 
 was at thirty. And it was my father's ordinary word, " You must give me 
 time." But yet I find when such breviates were taken, the cause was some- 
 times forgotten a term or two, and then set down for a new hearing, three or 
 four terms after. And in the mean time the subject's pulse beats swift, though 
 the Chancery pace be slow. 
 
 D'Aguesseau. 
 
 The same anxiety was felt in France by Chancellor d'Aguesseau. Mr. 
 Butler, in his Reminiscences says, " The only fault imputed to him was dila- 
 toriness of decision. We should hear his own apology. The general feeling of 
 the public on this head was once respectfully communicated to him by his son. 
 ' My child,' said the Chancellor, ' when you have read what I have read, seen 
 what I have seen, and heard what I have heard, you will feel that if on any 
 subject you know much, there may be also much that you do not know, and 
 that something, even of what you know, may not at the moment be in your 
 recollection. You will then too be sensible of the mischievous and often 
 ruinous consequences of even a small error in a decision ; and conscience, I 
 trust, will then make you as doubtful, as timid, and consequently as dilatory as 
 I am accused of being.' " 
 
 Sir Matthew Hale. 
 
 So too of Sir Matthew Hale it is said, " He continued eleven years in that 
 place ; and it was observed by the whole nation how much he raised the repu- 
 tation and practice of that court. The only complaint ever made against him 
 was, ' that he did not dispatch matters quick enough,' but the causes that were 
 tried before him were seldom if ever tried again." 
 
 Lord Keeper North. 
 
 The biographer of Lord Keeper North says, " I come now to his lordship's 
 last and highest step of preferment in his profession, which was the custody of 
 the great seal of England. And for conformity of language, I call this a pre- 
 ferment; but in truth (and as his lordship understood) it was the decadence of 
 all the joy and comfoit of his life, and instead of a felicity, as commonly 
 reputed, it was a disease like a consumption, which rendered him heartless 
 and dispirited. By his acceptance of the great seal, he became, as before of 
 the law, so now of equity, a chief, or rather sole justice. And more than that, 
 he must be a director of the English affairs at court as chief minister of state, 
 with respect to legalities, for which he was thought responsible. Sq, what with 
 lequity, pelilics, and law, the cares and anxieties of his. lordship's life were 
 
 vol.. XV. ' 18 
 
NOTE DDD. 
 
 exceedingly increased ; for either of these provinces brought too much upon the 
 shoulders of any one man (who cordially and conscientiously espouseth the 
 duty required of him), to be easily borne. The greatest pain he endured, 
 moved from a sense he had of the torment the suitors underwent by the ex- 
 cessive charges and delays of the court. And the truth is, a court, as that is, 
 with officers and fees proper for a little business, such as the judiciary part 
 anciently was, coming to possess almost all the justice of the nation, must 
 needs appear troubled. The business of his office was too great for one, who 
 thought he was bound to do it all well." 
 
 Lord Eldon. 
 
 It was my good fortune to practise in the court of Chancery when the vener- 
 able Lord Eldon presided in the court. He was a man of sound judgment ; 
 he was never diverted from the truth by immediate impression. " I have made 
 a covenant with myself," was his favourite maxim, " not to decide hastily, 
 when I am powerfully excited." He decided with unbiassed impartiality, 
 never suffering any passion to interfere with the love of truth and of justice. 
 He was quick in forming his opinions, but slow in deciding. From his exten- 
 sive and accurate knowledge of law he appeared to me immediately to see the 
 whole merits of the case ; but, from his anxiety to be just, his habit was, 
 diligently to discover, before he decided, every thing which could be urged 
 against the opinion he had formed. He was not tenacious in retaining any 
 opinion. He was never ashamed of being wiser to-day than he was yesterday. 
 A more analytical and discriminating mind never existed ; but he well knew 
 where to stop : he never suffered himself to wander from the substance of the 
 matter in judgment into useless subtlety and refinement. A more anxious 
 judge never presided on earth. He was " patientissimus veri." A kinder 
 heart never beat. His habit was the same as Lord Egerton's, and might be 
 described in the same words as are used by Bacon : " For it hath been a 
 manner much used of late in my last lord's time, of whom I learn much to 
 imitate, and somewhat to avoid, that upon the solemn hearing of a cause 
 nothing is pronounced in court, but breviates are required to be made, which I 
 do not dislike in causes perplexed. But yet I find that when such breviates 
 were taken, the cause was sometimes forgotten a term or two, and then set 
 down for a new hearing, three or four terms after. And in the mean time the 
 subject's pulse beats swift, though the Chancery pace be slow." 
 
 In the year 1826 a commission was appointed to inquire into the delays of 
 the court of Chancery. I was examined before this commission, and thus spoke 
 respecting Lord Eldon : " I cannot but think it most unjust to confound the 
 court with the judge. There is a spirit of improvement now moving upon this 
 country, which ought not, as it appears to me, to be impeded by personality. 
 Permanent defects in a court may perhaps generally be traced to the constitu- 
 tion of the court ; that is, not to the judge, but to society. The real causes of 
 these delays, are (I conceive) because the business of the court has increased 
 for centuries, until it has become too extensive. This was assumed by the 
 legislature, when the Vice Chancellor's court was appointed; but since the 
 appointment of the Vice Chancellor, the Lord Chancellor sits for a less time, 
 and is, unless I am much mistaken, less able, when he does sit, to accelerate 
 business, I consider the fact with respect to the delays in deciding to be 
 indisputable. I am repeatedly urged to ask the Lord Chancellor for judgment, 
 and I do again and again mention petitions to the Lord Chancellor; but, 
 knowing the pressure of business upon him, I confess I always do it with con- 
 siderable reluctance." 
 
 Having stated what appeared to me to be the different causes of these delays, 
 I proceeded as follows : " The third cause appears to me to be, partly the con- 
 stitution of the Chancellor's mind, and his anxiety to decide justly ; as an 
 instance of which I beg to mention the case of Ex parte Blackburn, which I 
 have stated to have been in the paper last year, relating to transactions so many 
 years back. I argued this case (I think I may say) two or three times, and I 
 certainly never was in my life more satisfied with my own argument than I was 
 
NOTE DDD. 
 
 in that case. I mentioned it again and again to the court, but I could not 
 obtain judgment. At last the Lord Chancellor stated that he had been delibe- 
 rating upon the case for many hours during the night, and that there was one 
 point which had escaped me in my argument, to which he wished to direct my 
 attention, and he was pleased to direct my attention to it, and to desire it to be 
 re-argued ; and upon re-arguing it, I was satisfied that he was right, and I was 
 wrong ; and whatever may have been the cause of the delay, the consequence 
 has been, that he has prevented the injustice which I should have persuaded 
 him to have committed. I beg also to mention another case, (Ex parte Leigh), 
 which will be found in Glyn and Jameson, 264, the case of a habeas corpus ; 
 where, to my knowledge, the prisoner was detained illegally, upon an affidavit 
 upon detainers for debt by a Mr. Claughton, (I think for 10,000/). The court 
 of King's Bench refused to discharge him. I presented a petition to the Chan- 
 cellor on behalf of the bankrupt, being convinced that the decision of the court 
 of King's Bench was erroneous ; and, it being in the case of the liberty of a 
 piisoner, the Chancellor heard it immediately, and took the trouble of applying 
 to the Chief Justice of the court of King's Bench ; and, after deliberation, 
 thought it his duty to reverse the judgment, and to order him to be discharged ; 
 and, but for this care and deliberation, I am satisfied he would have been in 
 prison at this moment, as I know the hostility between these parties is con- 
 tinuing to this very day. There is a petition in the paper between them coming 
 on at these sittings. 1 am so convinced of the Lord Chancellor's caution and 
 sense of justice, that, notwithstanding some resistance, I have always insisted 
 upon the right given to prisoners by the habeas corpus act to select their own 
 judge, which I trust will never be diminished, aud have selected the Lord 
 Chancellor in preference to all the judges. With the pressure of business 
 upon the Lord Chancellor, and his anxiety, it is (I conceive) very difficult for 
 him to decide expeditiously ; and if any part of the blame is to attach to the 
 Lord Chancellor, it is (1 conceive) only this anxiety (ultra anxiety if I may 
 so say) to decide justly. I have no disposition to praise the Chancellor, or any 
 man living, more than I ought. I am much mistaken if there are any two 
 men in the country who differ more in their views of society than the Lord 
 Chancellor and myself. I almost always thought and acted, and I am rejoiced 
 at the recollection of it, with Sir Samuel Romilly : but, speaking of the Lord 
 Chancellor as a judge, I should be most ungrateful if I did not feel his kindness 
 to me for near twenty years, and (as I think) to the whole of his profession, 
 during his long judicial life. I should think most ill of myself, if I did not 
 look up with the greatest respect to his extensive knowledge and extraordinary 
 powers ; dilating his sight so as to view the whole of eveiy subject, and con- 
 tracting it so as not to suffer the most minute object to escape him. I should 
 be most unjust, if I did not acknowledge his patience to hear, his charity to hope, 
 and his anxiety to do justice to every suitor of the court. I trust, therefore, that 
 I shall be protected from the supposition that I wish to ascribe the faults of 
 the court to the judge." — Do not these permanent effects upon powerful minds 
 say that the business of the court was beyond the reach of any one mind 1 
 
 " Mark," says Lord Bacon, " whether the doubts that arise are only in cases 
 not of ordinary experience, or which happen every day. If in the first, impute 
 it to the frailty of man's foresight, that cannot reach by law all the cases ; but, 
 if in the latter, be assured that there is a fault in the law itself." 
 
 Secondly. The Remedies. 
 
 Assuming that the pressure upon the court had thus increased, the question 
 is, how ought it to be met 'i The modes are two. 
 
 First, by increasing the number of the judges in the same or in different 
 courts. 
 
 Secondly, by increased diligence on the part of the individual judge. 
 
 The tendency of society would be to adopt the latter mode. Lord Bacon, in 
 his instances of power in the Novum Organum, says, " It is one of the great 
 obstacles to improvement that the mind has a tendency to suppose that nothing 
 can be accomplished, unless the same means be employed with, perhaps, a 
 
NOTE D D D. 
 
 little more diligence, and more accurate preparation ; whereas, on the contrary, 
 it may be stated as a fact, that the ways and means hitherto discovered and 
 observed, of effecting any matter or work, are for the most part of little value, 
 and that all really efficient power depends, and is really to be deduced from the 
 sources of forms, none of which have yet been discovered. Thus," he adds, 
 " if any .power had meditated on balistic machines and battering rams, as they 
 were used by the ancients, whatever application he might have exerted, and 
 though he might have consumed a whole life in the pursuit, yet would he never 
 have hit upon the invention of flaming engines, acting by means of gunpowder ; 
 nor would any person, who had made woollen manufactories and cotton the 
 subject of his observation and reflection, have ever discovered thereby the nature 
 of the silkworm or of silk." Unfortunately, therefore, the mode of remedying 
 this evil in the court of Chancery was, not by resorting to any new expedient, 
 but by calculating upon increased exertion on the part of the Chancellor ; and 
 the consequence has been, such an inadequacy of power to subdue the business, 
 that the word Chancery has been for centuries, and is proverbial for delay and 
 expence. 
 
 The increased diligence on the part of the court has always manifested itself 
 in proportion to the intelligence and expanded mind of the judge, as appears 
 from the exertions of Lord Egerton, of Lord Eldon, and of Sir M. Hale. 
 
 I well remember the perplexities in which Lord Eldon was placed. The 
 pressure of the business was so great, and the time requisite for politics was, 
 during the French Revolution, so excessive, that it was impossible that the 
 business of the court could be subdued by his, or by any mind. On the one 
 side he was surrounded by the senseless yells of ignorance, which he might 
 have pacified by affected dispatch : on the other side, he had to preserve the 
 interests of the suitors and his own approbation, by the consciousness of acting 
 as a judge ought to act, without any fear but the fear of deciding unjustly. 
 He preferred the latter. He went right onward in his course, regardless of the 
 hayings at him ; and, to the disgrace of the country, he was censured by the 
 great mass ' of the community for havihg sacredly preserved the interests of 
 the suitors and the dignified administration of justice. It may be well for 
 a moment to consider Lord Bacon's sentiments upon judicial delay and 
 dispatch. 
 
 In his essay " Of Dispatch" he says, " Affected dispatch is one of the most 
 dangerous things to business that can be : it is like that which the physicians 
 call predigestion, or hasty digestion ; which is sure to fill the body full of 
 crudities and secret seeds of diseases : therefore measure not dispatch by the 
 times of sitting, but by the advancement of the business ; and as, in races, it is 
 not the large stride, or high lift, that makes the speed ; so in business, the 
 keeping close to a matter, and not taking of it too much at once, procureth 
 dispatch. It is the care of some only to come off speedily for the time, or to 
 contrive some false periods of business, because they may seem men of dis- 
 patch ; but it is one thing to abbreviate by contracting, another by cutting off; 
 and business so handled at several sittings or meetings, goeth commonly back- 
 ward and forward in an unsteady manner. I knew a wise man that had it for 
 a byword, when he saw men hasten to a conclusion, ' Stay a little, that we 
 make an end the sooner.' 
 
 " On the other side, true dispatch is a rich thing ; for time is the measure of 
 business, as money is of wares ; and business is bought at a dear hand where 
 there is small dispatch. 
 
 " There be three parts of business : the preparation, the debate, or examina- 
 tion, and the perfection ; whereof if you look for dispatch, let the middle only 
 be the work of many, and the fifst and last the work of few. The proceeding 
 upon somewhat conceived in writing doth for the most part facilitate dispatch ; 
 for though it should be wholly rejected, yet that negative is more pregnant of 
 direction than an indefinite, as ashes are more generative than dust." 
 
 And in his speech, when he took his seat as Chancellor, he says, " There is 
 another point of true expedition, which resteth much in myself, and that is in 
 my manner of giving orders. For I have seen an affectation of dispatch turn 
 
^OTC DDD. 
 
 Utterly to delay at length ; for the manner of it is to take the tale out of the 
 counsellor at the bar his mouth, and to give a cursory order, nothing tending or 
 conducing to the end of the business. It makes me remember what I heard 
 one say of a judge that sat in Chancery ; that he would make forty orders in a 
 morning out of the way, and it was out of the way indeed ; for it was nothing to 
 the end of the business : and this is that which makes sixty, eighty, an hundred 
 orders in a cause, to and fro, begetting one another ; and like Penelope's web^ 
 doing and undoing. But I mean not to purchase the praise of expeditive in 
 that kind ; but as one that have a feeling of my duty, and of the case of others. 
 My endeavour shall be to hear patiently, and to cast my order into such a 
 mould as may soonest bring the subject to the end of his journey. 
 
 To the same effect he says, in his essay " Of Delays," " The ripeness or 
 unripeness of the occasion (as we said) must ever be well weighed ; and gene- 
 rally it is good to commit the beginnings of all great actions to Argos with his 
 hundred eyes, and the ends to Briareus with his hundred hands ; first to watch, 
 and then to speed ; for the helmet of Pluto, which maketh the politic man go 
 invisible, is secrecy in the council, and celerity in the execution ; for when 
 things are once come to the execution, there is no secrecy comparable to celerity ; 
 like the motion of a bullet in the air, which flieth so swift as it outruns the eye." 
 
 It is evident Lord Bacon thought the number of the judges ought to be 
 increased. Although in the infancy of the science of equity its administration 
 ought perhaps to be entrusted to one master mind, yet, when the science 
 advances, it swells beyond the power of any individual. Hence Lord Bacon, 
 in the thirty-eighth aphorism of his " Justitia Universalis," says, "At curiae 
 illae uni viro ne committantur sed ex pluribus constent." And he says to the 
 same effect in his tract on the perfection of the Church : " But there be two 
 circumstances in the administration of t^ishops, wherein, I confess, I could 
 never be satisfied ; the one, the sole exercise of their authority ; the other, the 
 deputation of their authority. 
 
 " For the first, the bishop giveth orders alone, excommunicateth alone, 
 j udgeth alone. . This seemeth to be a thing almost without example in good 
 government, and therefore not unlikely to have crept in in the degenerate and 
 corrupt times. We see the greatest kings and monarchs have their councils. 
 There is no temporal court in England of the higher sort where the authority 
 doth rest in one peison. The king's bench, common pleas, and the exchequer, 
 are benches of a certain number of judges. The chancellor of England hath 
 an assistance of twelve masters of the chancery. The master of the wards hath 
 a council of the court : so hath the chancellor of the duchy. In the exchequer 
 chamber, the lord treasurer is joined with the chancellor and the barons. The 
 masters of the requests are ever more than one. The justices of assize are two. 
 The lord presidents in the North and in Wales have councils of divers. The 
 star-chamber is an assembly of the king's privy council, aspersed with the lords 
 spiritual and temporal : so as in courts the principal person hath ever either 
 colleagues or assessors. 
 
 " The like is to be found in other well governed commonwealths abroad, 
 where the jurisdiction is yet more dispersed : as in the court of parliament of 
 France, and in otlier places. No man will deny but the acts that pass the 
 bishop's jurisdiction are of as great importance as those that pass the civil 
 courts : for men's souls are more precious than their bodies or goods, and so are 
 their good names. Bishops have their infirmities, and have no exception from 
 that general malediction which is pronounced against all men living, " Vae 
 soli, nam si oocideret, &c." Nay, we see that the first warrant in spiritual 
 causes is directed to a number, ' Die Ecclesise ;' which is not so in temporal 
 matters : and we see that in general causes of church government there are as 
 well assemblies of all the clergy in councils as of all the states in parliament. 
 Whence should this sole exercise of jurisdiction comel Surely I do suppose, 
 and I think upon good ground, that ' ab initio non fuit ita ;' and that the deans 
 and chapters were councils about the sees and chairs of bishops at the first, and 
 were unto them a presbytery or consistory ; and intermeddled not only in the 
 disposing of their revenues and endowments, but much more in jurisdiction 
 
NOTE EEE. 
 
 ecclesiastical. But it is probable, that the deans and chapters stuck close to 
 the bishops in matters of profit and the world, and would not lose their hold ; 
 but in matters of jurisdiction, which they accounted but trouble and attendance, 
 they suffered the bishops to incroach and usurp ; and so the one continueth, and 
 the other is lost. And we see that the bishop of Rome, ' fas enim et ab hoste 
 doceri,' and no question in that church the first institutions were excellent, 
 performeth all ecclesiasdcal jurisdiction as iri consistory. 
 
 " And whereof conslsteth this consistory, but of the parish priests of Rome, 
 which term themselves cardinals, ' a cardinibus mundi,' because the bishop 
 pretendeth to be universal over the whole world 1. And hereof again we see 
 many shadows yet remaining : as, that the dean and chapter, ' pro forma,' 
 chooseth the bishop, which is the highest point of jurisdiction ; and that the 
 bishop, when he giveth orders, if there be any ministers casually present, calleth 
 them to join with him in imposition of hands, and some other particulars. And 
 therefore it seemeth to me a thing reasonable and religious, and according to 
 the first institution, that bishops, in the greatest causes, and those which require 
 a spiritual discerning, namely, in ordaining, suspending, or depriving ministers, 
 in excommunication, being restored to the true and proper use, as shall be 
 afterwards touched, in sentencing the validity of marriages and legitimations, 
 in judging causes criminous, as simony, incest, blasphemy, and the like, 
 should not proceed sole and unassisted : which point, as I understand it, is a 
 reformation that may be planted ' sine strepitu,' without any perturbation at 
 all : and is a matter which will give strength to the bishops, countenance to the 
 inferior degrees of prelates or ministers, and the better issue or proceeding 
 to those causes that shall pass." 
 
 NOTE EEE. 
 
 Mar. 3, 1617. Rex invisit Cancellarium languentem, et ex invalid^, senecti 
 officio cedere volentem ; sigillumque in manus Regis lachrymantis tradidit. — 
 Annalium Apparatus, Camdeni Epistolse, page 24, pub. 1691. 
 
 Mar. 7, 1617. Sigillum magnum traditur Francisco Bacono Attornato 
 Regio ; anno eetatis 54 quem Rex admonuit, ut nihil nisi deliberate sigillet, 
 ex equo et bono judicet, nee prserogativam Regiam nimio plus extendat. — 
 Annalium Apparatus, Camdeni Epistolae, page 24, pub. 1691. But see his 
 speech upon taking his seat in Chancery, in which he states that there were 
 /imr admonitions, which he explains as stated in the text. 
 
 In his address to the bar, upon taking his seat in Chancery, he said, " The 
 king's charge, which is my lanthorn, rested upon four heads. 
 
 " The first was that I should contain the jurisdiction of the court within its 
 true and due limits, without swelling or excess. 
 
 " The second, that I should think the putting of the great seal to letters 
 patents was not a matter of course after precedent warrants, but that I should 
 take it to be the maturity and fulness of^ the king's intentions ; and therefore 
 that it was one of the greatest parts of my trust, if I saw any scruple or cause 
 of stay, that I should acquaint him concluding with a quod dubkes nefeceris. 
 
 " The third was that I should retrench all unnecessary delays, that the 
 subject might find that he did enjoy the same remedy against the fainting of the 
 seal, and against the consumption of the means and estate, which was speedy 
 justice, bis dat, qui cito dat. 
 
 " The fourth was that justice might pass with as easy charge as might be, 
 and that those same brambles that grow about justice of needless charge and 
 expense, and all manner of exactions might be rooted out so far as might be. 
 
 " These commandments, my lords, are righteous, and (as I may term them) 
 sacred ; and therefore, to use a sacred form, I pray God bless the king for his 
 great care over the justice of the land ; and give me his poor servant grace and 
 power to observe his precepts." 
 
 The Lord Chancellor EUesmere about this time, weary of his public employ- 
 ment, and weakened with age, desired the king's leave to retire, that he might 
 
NOTE EEE. 
 
 make use of the short time left him to cast up his accounts for another world. 
 The king gave the sea], and the place of Lord Chancellor, to Sir Francis Bacon, 
 his attorney general ; and the old Lord Ellesmere wore out the remnant of his 
 life in qmet, dying in a good old age, and full of virtuous fame, leaving a noble 
 
 postenty, who enjoy a great estate, vtith the title of Earl of Bridgwater 
 
 Wilson's History of Great Britain, page 97, pub. 1616. 
 
 Upon the 21st of July, 1 Jac. Sir Thomas Egerton was raised to the degree 
 of a baron of this realm, by the title of Lord Ellesmere ; also, upon the 24th of 
 the same month made Lord Chancellor of England ; and lastly, viz. 7 Nov. 14 
 Jac. advanced to the dignity of Viscount Brackley.— Dugdale's Baronage of 
 England, vol. ii. page 414, pub. 1675. 
 
 The following is a copy of the patent : 
 
 Pro Francisco Bacon, milite, domino custode magni sigilli Anglite. 
 
 James, by the grace of God, &c — To the Treasurer and Barons of our 
 Exchequer, and to the auditor or auditors of the accompt of the clerk or keeper 
 of our Hanaper in our Chancery, and of our chief butler of England, and of 
 our keeper of our great garderobe, and to the clerk or keeper of our said 
 Hana^ier, to our said chief butler of England, and to the keeper and clerk of 
 our said garderobe, and to every of them that now be, and for the time hereafter 
 shall be, greeting. 
 
 Whereas we, of our grace especial, certain knowledge and mere motion, for 
 the great trust and confidence that we have in the wisdom and dexterity of our 
 right trusty and well beloved counsellor Sir Francis Bacon, knight, lord keeper 
 of our great seal of England, and for certain other special causes us moving, 
 have given and granted unto the said Sir Francis Bacon, knight, the office of 
 lord keeper of the great seal of England, and given authority to the said lord 
 keefier to hear, examine, and determine causes, matters, and suits as shall 
 happen to be, as well in our Chancery as in our Star Chamber, like as the 
 chancellor of England, or keeper of the great seal of England of us, or our pro- 
 genitors, for the lime being, heretofore hath used, done, and practised, with all 
 and singular manner of fees and commodities to or with the same room or office 
 of chanfiellor or keeper of the great seal of England, in any wise, or by any 
 manner of mean, due, appertaining, used or belonging in like, and in as ample 
 manner and form as any lord chancellor of England or lord keeper of the great 
 seal of England either in the time of King Henry the Eighth or King Edward 
 the Sixth, or in the times of Queen Mary or Queen Elizabeth, or in our time 
 hath had, enjoyed, perceived, and received for and in the same. And therefore 
 we will, charge and command, not only the clerk or keeper of our Hanaper, in 
 our said Chancery, for the time being, that ye, of such our money as is, or 
 shall come to your hands of ours, or to our use, do content and pay, or cause 
 to be contented and paid unto the said Sir Francis Bacon, knight, from time to 
 time, for his wages, diets, robes, and liveries of himself and the masters of our 
 Chancery like fees and rewards, and in as large manner, and as large sum and 
 sums of money, as any of the said lord chancellors, or lord keepers of the great 
 seal had and perceived for the same room or office of lord chancellor or lord 
 keeper of the great seal ; that is to say, five hundred forty-two pounds and 
 fifteen shillings sterling by the year, for and from the seventh day of^this instant 
 month of March hitherto, and from henceforth as long as the said Sir Francis 
 Bacon shall exercise the said room or office of lord keeper of our great seal of 
 England ; and also for his attendance in our said Star Chamber, after the rate 
 of fifty pounds sterling every term, and after the rate of three hundred pounds 
 by the year from the said seventh day of this instant month of March hitherto, 
 and from henceforth, as long as the said Sir Francis Bacon shall execute the 
 same room or office of our lord keeper of our great seal, over and above the said 
 allowance, in like manner as the aforesaid lord chancellors or lord keepers of 
 the great seal before this time at any time had and perceived. And also that 
 ye, our chief butler of England for the time being, content and pay, or cause 
 to be contented and paid to the said Sir Francis Bacon, after the rate of 
 threescore pounds for twelve tons of wine by the year, and so after the same 
 
NOTE EEE. 
 
 late for and from the aforesaid seventh day of this instant month of Match 
 hitherto, and so from henceforth, during the time that he shall occupy and 
 exeicise the said room or office of lord keeper of our great seal. And also 
 that ye, the keeper of our great garderobe for and from the same time 
 hitherto, and from henceforth, of such our money or revenue as is or shall 
 be coming to your hands, do content and pay or cause to be contented and 
 paid to the said Sir Francis Bacon, for his wax due to him by reason of 
 his said office of lord keeper of our great seal, after the rate of sixteen pounds 
 by the year, for and from the same time hitherto, and so forth, in like manner 
 and form as the foresaid lord chancellors or lord keepers of the great seal 
 at any time had or received for the same in the said office or room of lord 
 chancellor or lord keeper of the great seal. And further, we will and grant 
 that ye, our said treasurers and barons of our said Exchequer, and the auditors, 
 and all other our officers and ministers for the time being, or that hereafter shall 
 be, and every of you, to whom in this cause it shall appertain, from time to 
 time do make or cause to be made to the said clerk or keeper of our Hanaper, 
 of our said Chancery, and to the said chief butler of England, and also to the 
 said keeper of our great garderobe, for the time being, and to every of them in 
 their several accompt or accompts, of which they or any of them be in yielding, 
 or shall yield before you or any of you, at or for any time or times, due allow- 
 ance, plain deduction, and discharge of all and several the aforesaid sums of 
 money, as they or any of them shall content and pay for the wages, fees, 
 rewards, robes and wine, as before particularly expressed, by us granted as afore- 
 said for and from the said seventh day of this instant month of March hitherto, 
 and from henceforth, during the time that the said Sir Francis Bacon shall exer- 
 cise the said office of lord keeper of our great seal of England. 
 
 Any matter, law, course, or cause you or any of you, moving to the contrary 
 in any wise notwithstanding ; and these our letters, under our great seal, shall 
 be unto you and every of you sufficient warrant and discharge in this behalf. 
 In witness whereof, &c . Witness ourself at Westminster, the thirtieth day of 
 March. — Per breve de privato-sigillo. 
 
 See Rymer, vol. xviii. p. 1, 1617. Blackburn, vol. i. 97. 
 
 Falsehooth in circulation. 
 
 As a specimen of the falsehoods in circulation in these times, the following 
 extract from Weldon is inserted : " Next, Egerton had displeased him by not 
 giving way to his exorbitant desires. He must out, and would not let him 
 scale up his dying eyes with the seals which he had so long cairyed, and so 
 well discharged ; and to despight him the more, and to vex his very soul in the 
 last agony, he sent Bacon (one he hated yet to be his successor) for the seals, 
 which the old man's spirit could not brook, but sent them by his own servant to 
 the king, and shortly after yielded his soul to his Maker. 
 
 " And to the end you may know what men were made choyce of to serve 
 turns, I shall set you down a true story. This great favorite sent a noble 
 gentleman, and of much worth, to Bacon with this message ; that he knew him 
 to be a man of excellent parts, and as the times were, fit to serve his master in 
 the keeper's place ; but he also knew him of a base and ingrateful disposition, 
 and an arrant knave, apt in his prosperity to mine any that had raised him from 
 adversity ; yet for all this, he did so much study his master's service, (knowing 
 how fit an instrument he might be for him) that he had obtained the seals for 
 him ; but with this assurance, should he ever requite him, as he liad done 
 some others, to whom he had been more bound, he would cast him down as 
 much below scorn, as he had now raised him high above any honor he could 
 ever have expected. 
 
 " Bacon was at that time attorney general, who patiently hearing this message, 
 replyed, ' I am glad my noble lord deals so friendly and freely with me, and 
 hath made that choyce of so discreet and noble a friend, that hath delivered his 
 message in so plain language.' ' But,' saith he, ' can my lord know these 
 abilities in me, and can he think when I have attained the highest preferment 
 my profession is capable of, I shall so much faile in my judgment and under- 
 
NOTE EEE. 
 
 standing, as, to lose those abilities, and by my miscarriage to so noble a patron, 
 cast myself headlong from the top of that honor to the very bottome of con- 
 tempt and scorn 1 Surely my lord cannot think so meanly of me.' The 
 gentleman replied, ' I deliver you nothing from myself, but the words are put 
 into my mouth by his lordship, to vfhich I neither add nor diminish ; for had it 
 been left to my discretion, surely, though I might have given you the substance, 
 yet should I have apparelled it in a more modest attire ; but as I have faith- 
 fully delivered my lord's to you, so will I as faithfully return yours to his 
 lordship.' 
 
 " You must understand the reason of this message was his ungratefulness to 
 Essex, which every one could remember ; for the earle saved him from starving, 
 and he requited him so as his apology must witness ; were there not a great 
 fault there needed no apology : nor could any age, but a worthless and corrupt, 
 in men and manners, have thought him worthy such a place of honor." 
 
 Such is a specimen of falsehoods at that time in circulation. It is thus 
 noticed in the Life of Lord Bacon in the Biographia Britannica. 
 
 " There is perhaps no country in the world in which exalted fortune does not 
 beget envy, but at the same time, I believe, it may be truly said that kind of 
 envy rises no where higher, or manifests itself with more violence and bitterness 
 than -with us in England. The Lord Keeper Bacon felt this very severely, for 
 no sooner was he advanced to this high point of preferment in his profession, 
 than all tongues were opened against him, that either from interest or inclina- 
 tion, wished to have seen some other person seated in that high post. How- 
 ever, very little evil was publicly divulged of him during his lifetime, when it 
 might have afforded room for apology or defence, but has discovered itself in 
 libels, penned indeed by such as lived in his days, but not such as were most 
 likely to be well acquainted with him, or the points of which they so confidently 
 wrote. Sir Anthony Weldon, in his Court and Character of King James, 
 asseits," &c. as stated supra. The biographer in the Biographia Britannica 
 adds, " But this account contains two egregious falsities : for, in the first 
 place, though, as we have seen in the text, Camden says, the Chancellor 
 resigned to the King himself ; other authors agree that it was the King sent for 
 the seals, and not tite Duke of Buckingham ; and he sent for them, not by Sir 
 Francis Bacon, but by Secretary Winwood, with this message, that himself 
 would be his under-keeper, and not dispose of them while he lived to bear the 
 name of Chancellor ; nor did any person remove the seal out of the King's 
 sight till the Lord Egerton died, which happened soon after. In the next 
 pkce, the Lord Chancellor Egerton, as Dr. Tennison observes, was willing 
 that the Attorney General, Bacon, should be his successor, and ready to pro- 
 mote it : so far was he from conceiving any hatred against him either upon that 
 or any other account. In the same volume we have likewise his speech at the 
 taking his place in Chancery, in performance of the charge his majesty had 
 given him, when he received the seals in 1617. Sir Anthony Weldori has 
 upon this occasion introduced another scandalous story with regard to Sir 
 Irancis Bacon, and tells us that this great favourite (Buckinghani) sent a 
 noble gentleman and of much worth to him with this message. That he knew 
 him," &c. ut supra. He then adds, " Very hard language this of a man so 
 eminent and well known, and this from a person of no character at all, or, 
 which is worse, of a very bad one. At present it shall suffice that we observe 
 there is not the least degree of probability in the story which he relates, at 
 the same time that he pretends not to the least shadow of evidence ; so that we 
 are to take a fact, which would scarcely deseiTO credit, though supported by 
 ever so good witnesses, without any witness at all, and this against the light of 
 one's own reason, and of a multitude of facts which may be alleged to discredit 
 it ; for whereas this is made to have been a sudden promotion, in, consequence 
 of a bargain with Buckingham, we have seen that it was so far from being 
 such a promotion, that it was long before in agitation with the King hiniself, 
 upon whom it is evident enough Sir Francis Bacon chiefly depended. This 
 ftory makes Buckingham, even before he had acquired that title, an insolent 
 {ind overbearing favourite, which is directly contrary to what all the historians 
 
 VOL. XV. 19 
 
NOTE E E E. 
 
 of those times say, who commend him for his affability and generosity at the 
 beginning, by which, as he rose in the King's favour, he grew likewise in 
 esteem with his subjects, pursuing therein a conduct very diflerent from that of 
 his predecessor, Somerset, who really raised and disgraced, brought into credit 
 or cU-ove out of the court, without the least regard to decency, men of great 
 merit or men of none, just as his interest required or his fancy dictated. It is 
 not therefore at all probable, that the new favourite, who so well knew by what 
 steps the old one became so very odious, should immediately pursue his path ; 
 more especially when he could not but very well know, that he was far enough 
 from bemg absolutely master of the King's good graces, out of which he had 
 very nearly thrown himself a very little after this, by most imprudently disco- 
 vering his aversion to the King's intended journey into Scotland." 
 
 Saunderson says, speaking of Lord Ellesmere, " This aged statesman leaves 
 the seat of deciding, and sits down himself to his devotions, leaving the seal to 
 be born by Bacon. But the manner of the dispose is mis-told by tfie pamphlet 
 (who makes it the Chancellor's heart-break to be rid of the charge), when in 
 truth the term come, and Ellesmere sick, the King sent for the seal, by Secre- 
 tary Winwood, with a gracious message ; that himself would be his deputy, and 
 not dispose it whilst Ellesmere lived to bear the title of Chancellor, nor did any 
 one receive it out of the King's sight till he was dead, nor long after." 1616. 
 
 NOTE FFF. 
 
 His works abound with proofs of this. In a letter to Lord Burleigh in the 
 year 1592, he says, " My health, I thank God, I find confirmed ; and I do not 
 fear that action shall impair it : because I account my ordinary course of study 
 and meditation to be more painful than most parts of action are. I ever bear a 
 mind, in some middle place that I could discharge, to serve her majesto ; not 
 as a man born under Sol, that loveth honour • nor under Jupiter, that loveth 
 business, for the contemplative planet carrieth me away wholly. The meanness 
 of my estate doth somewhat move me : for though I cannot accuse myself, that 
 I am either prodigal or slothful, yet my health is not to spend, nOr my course to 
 get. Lastly, I confess that I have as vast contemplative ends, as I have 
 moderate civil ends : for I have taken all knowledge to be tny province. And 
 if your lordship will not carry me on, I will not do as Anaxagoras did, who 
 reduced himself with contemplation unto voluntary poverty ; but this I will do : 
 I will sell the inheritance that I have, and purchase some lease of quick 
 revenue, or some office of gain, that shallbe executed by deputy and so give 
 over all care of service, and become some sorry book-maker, or 'a ti-ue' pioneer 
 in that mine of truth, which, he said, lay so deep. This which I havie writ 
 unto your lordship, is rather thoughts thatS words, being set down without all 
 art, disguising, or reservation : wherein I have done hdnoui both to your lord- 
 ship's wisdom, in judging that that will be best believed of your lordship which 
 is truest ; and to your lordship's good nature, in retaining nothing from you." 
 
 In a letter to the Lord Treasurer of 21st March, 1594, he says, " To speak 
 plainly, though perhaps, vainly, I do not think that the ordinary practice of the 
 law, not serving the Queen in place, will be admitted for a good account of the 
 poor talent that God hath given me, so as I make reckoning I shall reap no 
 great benefit to myself in that course." 
 
 In a letter to Essex, March 30, 1594, he says, " I will, by God's assistance, 
 with this disgrace of my fortune, and yet with that comfort of the good opinion 
 of so many honourable and worthy persons, retire myself, with a couple of men, 
 to Cambridge, and there spend my life in my studies and contemplations without 
 looking back." 
 
 In a letter to the Earl of Northumberland, a few days before Queen Eliza- 
 beth's death, he says, " And to be plain with your lordship, it is very true, 
 and no winds or noises of civil matters can blow this out of my head or heart, 
 that your great capacity and love towards studies and conteinplations, of a 
 higher and worthier nature than popular, a nature rare in the world, and in a 
 
NOTE F F F. 
 
 person of your lordship's quality almost singular, is to me a great and chief 
 motive to draw my affection and admiration towards you : and therefore, good 
 my lord, if I may be of any use to your lordship by my head, tongue, pen, 
 means, or friends, 1 humbly pray you to hold me your own: and herewithal, 
 not to do so much disadvantage to my good mind, nor partly to your own worth, 
 as to conceive, that this commendation of my humble service prodnceth out of 
 any straits of my occasions, but merely out of an election, and indeed the 
 fulness of my faeait. And so wishing your lordship all prosperity, 1 continue." 
 
 In a letter to the Lord Treasurer (1594) he says, " I am to give you humble 
 thanks for your favourable opinion, which by Mr. Secretary's report 1 find you 
 conceive of me for the obtaimng of a good place, which some of my honourable 
 friends have wished unto me ' nee opinanti.' I vrill use no reason to persuade 
 your lordship's mediation but this, that your lordship and my other friends shall 
 m this beg my life of the Queen ; for I see well the bar will be my bier, as I 
 must and will use it rather than my poor estate or reputation shall decay : but 
 I stand indifferent whether God caU me or her majesty." 
 
 The following is from the dedication to the &st edition of his Essays to his 
 brother, who was lame : " Dedicating them, such as they are, to our love, in 
 the depth whereof (I assure you) I sometimes wish your infirmities translated 
 upon myself, that her majesty might have the service of so active ajid able a 
 mind, and I might be with excuse confined to these contemplations and studies 
 for which I am fittest ; so commend I you to the preservation of the Divine 
 Majesty. From my chamber at Gray's Inn, this 30th of January, 1597." 
 
 In a letter to Essex, 1594, he says : 
 
 To my Lord of Essex. 
 
 It may please your good Loi'dship, — I pray God her majesty's weighing be 
 not like the weight of a balance ; gtavia detyrsum, levin sursum. But I am as 
 far from being altered in devotion towards her, as I am from distrust that she 
 will be altered in opinion towards me, when she knoweth me better. For Wy- 
 self, I have lost some opinion, some time, and some means ; this is my accodnt : 
 but then for opinion, it is a blast that goeth and cometh ; for time, it is true, 
 goeth and cometh not, but yet I have learned that it may be redeemed. 
 
 For means, I value that most ; and the rather, because I am purposed not to 
 follow the practice of the law, if her majesty command me in any particular, I 
 shall be ready to do her willing service; and my reason is only because it 
 drioketh too much time, which I have dedicated to better purposes. But even 
 for that point of estate and means, I partly lean to Thales's opinion. That a 
 philosopher may be rich if he will. Thus your lordship seeth how I comfort 
 myself ; to the increase whereof I would fain please myself to believe that to be 
 ti-ue which my Lord Treasurer writeth; which is, that it is more than a philoso- 
 pher can morally digest. But without any such high conceit, I esteem it like 
 the pulling out of an aching tooth, which, X remember, when I was a child, 
 and had little philosophy, I was glad of when it was done. For your lordship, 
 I do think myself more beholden to you than to any man : and 1 say, I reckon 
 myself as a common, not popular, but common ; and as much as is lawful to be 
 inclosed of a common, so much your lordship shall be sure to have. Your 
 Lordship's, to obey your honourable commands, more settled than ever. 
 
 In a letter to the King, dated April 1, 1616, he says, " Were your majesty 
 mounted, and seated without difficulties and distaste in your business, as I 
 desire and hope to see you, I should ' ex animo' desire to spend the decline of 
 my years in my studies." 
 
 ■ In a letter to the Earl of Salisbury respecting the solicitor's place, written 
 about the year 1607, he says, "It is thought Mr. Attorney shall be chief jus- 
 tice of the Common-place; in case Mr. Solicitor rise,' I would Ije glad now 
 at last to be solicitor : chiefly because I think it will increase my practice, 
 wherein God blessing me a few years, I may mend my state, and so after fall 
 to my studies and ease ; whereof one is requisite for my body, and the other 
 serveth for my mind." 
 
NOTt HHH. 
 
 Upon taking his seat in Chancery, having explained his intention as to his 
 mode of discharging his judicial duties, he says, " The depth of the three long 
 vacations I would reserve in some measure free from business of estate, and for 
 studies, arts, and sciences, to which in my own nature I am most inclined." 
 
 NOTE HHH. 
 
 Towards his rising years, not before, he entered into a married estate, and 
 took to wife, Alice, one of the daughters and co-heirs of Benedict Barnham, Esq. 
 and aldermanof London, with whom he received a sufficiently ample and liberal 
 portion in marriage. Children he had none : which, though they be the means 
 to perpetuate our names after our deaths ; yet he had other issues to perpetuate 
 his name : the issues of his brain ; in which he was ever happy and admired ; 
 as Jupiter was in the production of Fallas. Neither did the want of children 
 detrast from his good usage of his consort, during the intermarriage ; whom he 
 prosecuted with much conjugal love and respect, with many rich gifts and endow- 
 ments, besides a robe of honour which he invested her withal, which she wore 
 until her dying day, being twenty years and more after his death. Rawley. 
 
 Mallet's life, page xlix. He continued single till after forty, and then took 
 to wife a daughter of Alderman Barnham of London, with whom he received a 
 plentiful fortune, but had by her no children ; and she outlived him upwards of 
 twenty years. 
 
 The following is from Lord Bacon's will : Devises and legacies to my wife, 
 I give grant and confirm to my loving wife by this my last will, whatsoever hath 
 been assured to her, or mentioned or intended to be assured to her by any 
 former deed, be it either my lands in Hertfordshire, or the farm of the seal, or 
 the gift of goods in accomplishment of my covenants of marriage ; and I give 
 her also the ordinary stuff at Gorhambury, as wainscot tables stools, bedding, and 
 the like ; always reserving and excepting the rich hangings with their covers, 
 the table carpets, and the long cushions, and all other stuff which was or is 
 used in the long gallery ; and also a rich chair which was my neice Caesar's 
 gift, and also the armour, and also all tables of marble and towch : I give also 
 to my wife my four coach geldings and my best caroache, and her own coach 
 mares and caroache : I give also and grant to my wife the one half of the rent 
 which was reserved upon Reades lease for her life; which rent although I in- 
 tended to her merely for her better maintenance while she lived at her own 
 charge, and not to continue after my death, yet because she has begun to receive 
 it, I am content to continue it to her ; and I conceive by this advancement, which 
 first and last, I have left her, besides her own inheritance, I have made her of 
 competent abilities to maintain the estate of a viscountess, and given sufficient 
 tokens of my love and liberality towards her ; for I do reckon (and that with the 
 least) that Gorhambury and my lands in Hertfordshire, will be worth unto her 
 seven hundred pounds per annum besides Woodfells and the leases of the bouses, 
 whereof five hundred pounds per annum only I was tied unto my covenants upon 
 marriage ; so as the two hundred pounds and better was mere benevolence ; 
 the six hundred pounds per annum upon the farm of the writs was likewise mere 
 benevolence ; her own inheritance also, with that she purchased with part of her 
 portion, is two hundred pounds per annum and better, besides the wealth she 
 has in jewels, plate or otherwise, wherein I was never straight handed. All 
 which 1 here set down, not because I think it too much, but because others may 
 not think it less than it is. 
 
 What was Bacon's motive for this bequest it seems difficult to discover, for in 
 the very same will there is the following clause : " Whatsoever I have given, 
 granted, confirmed, or appointed to my wife, in the former part of this my will, 
 I do now for just and great causes utterly revoke and ma^e void, and leave her 
 to her right only." 
 
 It was ndt, without some difficulty, that I discovered the place where Lady 
 Verulam is buried. 
 
 Newcomb in his history of St. Albans, page 503, says, " He married Alice, 
 a daughter of Benedict Barnham, alderman of London, who is interred (as a 
 
NOTE HHH. 
 
 marble tablet shews) in the cathedral of Chichester ; and whose other daughter 
 was the unfortunate wife of the LordCastlehaven ; who for his ill-treatment of 
 her was with his accomplice hanged," 
 
 In consequence of this statement, I applied to a friend at Chichester. The 
 following is the answer : " Our cathedral contains the ashes not of Lady Bacon, 
 but of her grandmother, who, as well as her daughter and Lady Bacon bore the 
 name of Alice, and hence I suppose whoever furnished ' the paper' referred to, 
 was led into a very natural mistake. There is in the south aisle of the cathedral 
 a mural tablet of bitkss, hideous enough and coarsely engraved. It represents 
 two figures kneeling. The man in the robes of an alderman with six sons also 
 kneeling behind him, the woman in the dress of the times with her eight daughters 
 ranged behind her, perhaps this goodly patriarchal train moved the sympathy of 
 Cromwell's soldiers, who laid violent hands on monuments of this description, 
 but to keep to the point, these figures as the inscription testifies, are those of 
 William Bradbridge, thrice mayor of this city, and Alice his wife att^ded by 
 their whole family. One of the eight daughters named Alice, married Francis 
 barnham, alderman and sheiiif of London. She became a widow, and erected 
 this monument which was finished in July 1592. In December 1598, Alice 
 Barnham bequeathed 120^ to be freely lent to young tradesmen of this city. 
 In this bequest she is mentioned as the mother of Stephen Barnham, then repre- 
 sentative for Chichester. It appears to me, that the Alice who married Lord 
 Bacon, must have been the sister of Stephen Barnham, and that the idea of 
 interment here may have arisen from the name of their mother Alice Barnham, 
 the erectress of the tablet being inscribed on it. If this be correct would not the 
 Bradbridge arms be quartered with those of Bacon 1 Dallaway g^ves them thus : 
 ' Arms, sable, a pheon argent, Bradbridge.' In Dallaway's Western Sussex, 
 page 138, of the History and Antiquities of Chichester, may be found the 
 inscription verbatim, of which I have given the substance. I shewed your letter 
 to one of our clergyman, Holland, the brother-in-law of Murray the bookseller, 
 the cathedral is his ' Great Diana,' and I thought he would know as much about 
 it as any one, also to others, they all agree with me in thinking the case to be 
 probably as above supposed." 
 
 Lysons Magna Brittannia, Bedfordshire, page 83. Eyworth, on the borders 
 of Cambridgeshire, about three miles from Potton, and five from Biggleswade. 
 
 In the reign of Elizabeth, Eyworth was the property and seat of Sir Edmund 
 Anderson, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas ; a man of considerable 
 eminence in his profession, and one of the judges who sat at the trial of Mary 
 Queen of Scots. In the church are sereral monuments of the Andersons. On 
 the floor of the chancel is the tomb of Alice, Viscountess Verulam, and Baroness 
 St. Alban's, widow of the great Lord Chancellor Bacon, who died in 1656, 
 probably at the house of Mr. Anderson, to whom she was related. 
 
 My Dear Sir, — Probably the annexed may be new to you, and if so, cannot 
 fail of being interesting as connected with an object dear to your feelings. 
 
 Yours very truly, J. Beitton. 
 To Basil Montagu, Esq. 
 
 Close to the church at Eyworth was an ancient mansion, belonging to Sir 
 Edmund Anderson, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, one of the 
 Judges who sat on the trial of Mary Queen of Scots. The title became extinct 
 in 1773. Was Lady Bacon related to the Andersons'! the house is levelled to 
 the ground, but several terraces, moats, and garden walls, are evidences of its 
 former consequence. 
 
 Lady Bacon. 
 In the chancel of Eyworth Church, Bedfordshire, is a slab of grey marble on 
 the floor, much injured; liable to speedy destruction, thus inscribed : 
 
 Here lieth interred the body of Dame Alice, Baroness Verulam, 
 Viscountess St. Albans, one of the daughters of Benedict 
 Barnham, alderman of London. She departed this life the 29lh 
 day of June, A. D. 1650. 
 
NOTES TTT J J J. 
 
 NOTE TTT. 
 
 Pro eodeip Francisco Bacon Milite. Reic omnibus adquos, &c. Salutem. 
 Rymer, Torn. xvi. page 596. 
 
 Sciatis quod nos, tarn in consideratione boni fidells et acceptabilis servitii, 
 per nuper dilectum nostrum Antonium Bacon Armigerum defunctum, fratrem 
 germanum Francisci Bacon militis seivientis nostri, ac etiam per dilectum 
 serviensem nostrum prsedictum Franciscum Bacon milJterii praastiti ct'impensi, 
 quam pro deversis aliis causis et considerationibus ad noc nos specialiter 
 moventibus. 
 
 De gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia et mero motu nostris, dedimus 
 et concessimus, ac per praesentes, pro nobis haeredibus et successoribus nostris, 
 damus et concedimus praefato Francisco Bacon quandam annualem pensionem 
 sexaginta librarum bonae et legalis monetae angliae per annum, solvendam annu- 
 atim eidem Francisco Bacon ad festa sancti Michaelis ArcTiaiigeli et pascbae per 
 squales portiones, de thesauro nostro haeredum et successonim nostrorum, per 
 manus tnesaurarii et camerarionum ibidem pro tempore existentium, primsl 
 solutione inde incipiend^ ad testum testorum praedictorum proximum post datara 
 praesentium. 
 
 Habendajm et tenendam gauderidam et percipiendam annualem pensionem 
 praedictam, duranti vit& naturali prasdicti Francisci Bacon. 
 
 In cujus rei, &c. Teste Rege apud Harfeild vicesimo quinto die Augusti. — 
 Per breve de private sigillo. 
 
 NOTE J J J. 
 
 The following are passages from the king's speech. 
 As to the union. 
 
 Hath not God first united these two kingdoms, both in language and religion, 
 and similitude of manners 1 yea, hatji he not mad,e us all in one island, com- 
 passed with one sea, and of itself by nature so indivisible, as almost those that 
 were borderers themselves on the late borders, cannot distinguish, not know, or 
 discern their own limits 1 these two countries being separated neither by sea, nor 
 great river, mountain, nor other strength of nature, but only by little small brooks, 
 or demolished little walls, so as rather they were divided in apprehension, than 
 in effect ; and now in the end and fulness of time united, the nght and title of 
 both in my person, alike lineally descended of both tlie crowns, wherry it is now 
 become a little world within itself. 
 
 As to Religion. 
 
 Nay, my mind was ever so free from persecution, or inthralling of my subjects 
 in matters of conscience, as I hope those of that profession within this kingdom 
 have a proof since my coming, that I was so far from increasing their burthens 
 with Rehoboam, as I have so much as either time, occasion, or law could perpiit, 
 lightened them. And even now at this time, have . I been careful to revise and 
 consider' deeply upon the laws made against them, that some overture might be 
 made to the present parliament for clearing these laws by reason (which is the soul 
 b£ the law) in case they have been in times past, further, or more rigorously ex- 
 tended by judges, than the meaning of the law was, or might. And this sort of 
 people, 1 would be sorry to punish their bodies for the error of their minds, the 
 reformation whereof must only come of God and the true spirit. . And here I have 
 occasion to speak to you, my lords the bishops ; for as you my lord of Durham, 
 said very learnedly to day in your sermon, correction without instruction is but 
 tyranny ; so ought you, and all the clergy under you, to be more careful, vigilant 
 and careful than you have been, to win souls to God, as well by your exemplary 
 life, as doctrine. And since you see how careful they are, sparing neither 
 labour, pains, npr extreme peril of their persons, to pervert (the devil is so 
 
' NOTE QQQ. 
 
 busy a bishop ;) (o) ye should be the more careful, and wakeful in your charges. 
 Follow the rule prescribed to you by St. Paul, be careful to exalt and instruct, 
 in season, and out of season : and where you have been any way sluggish 
 before, now waken yourselves \ip again with a new diligence, remitting the suc- 
 cess to God, who calling them either at the second, third, tenth, or twelfth hour 
 as they are alike welcome to him, so shall they be to me his lieutenant here. 
 
 NOTE QQQ. 
 
 Plutarch in his Morals, says, " You have naturally a philosophical genius; 
 and are troubled to see a philosopher have no kindness for the study^f medicine. 
 You are uneasy that he should think it concerns him more to study geometry, 
 logic, and music, than to be desirous to understand whether the fabrick of his 
 body as well as his houses be well or ill designed. Now among all the liberal 
 arts, medicine does not only contain so neat and large a field of pleasure as to 
 give place to none, but plentifully pays the charges of those who delight in the 
 studjT of her with health and safety : so that it ought not to be called the trans- 
 gression of the bounds of a philosopher to dispute about those things which relate 
 to health." 
 
 The following extract is from Dr. Garnet's Lectures. 
 
 " Physiological ignorance is, undoubtedly, the most abundant source of our 
 sufferings ; every person accustomed to the sick must have heard them deplore 
 their ignorance of the necessary consequences of those practices, by which their 
 health has been destroyed : and when men shall be deeply convinced, that the 
 eternal laws of nature have connected pain and decrepitude with one mode of 
 life, and health and vigour with another, they will avoid the former and adhere 
 to the latter. It is strange, however, to observe that the generality of mankind 
 do not seem to bestow a single thought on the preservation of their health, till it 
 is too late to reap any benefit from their conviction. — If knowledge of this kind 
 were generally diffused, people would cease to imagine that the human constitu- 
 tion was so badly contrived, that a state of general health could be overset by 
 every trifle ; for instance, by a little cold ; or that the recovery of it lay con- 
 cealed in a few drops, or a pill. Did they better understand the nature of 
 chronic diseases, and the causes which produce them, they could not be- so un- 
 reasonable as to think, that they might live as they chose with impunity ; or did 
 th^ know any thing of medicine, they would soon be convinced, that though 
 fits of pain have been relieved, and sickness cured, for a time, the re-establish- 
 ment of health depends on very different powers and principles." 
 
 Sir William Temple, in his Essay upon the Cure of the Gout by Moxa, saysj 
 " Within these fifteen years past, I have known a great fleet disabled for two 
 months, and -thereby lose great occasions, by an indispositiob of the admiral, 
 while he was neither well enough to exercise, nor ill enough to leave the com- 
 mand. I have known two towns of the greatest consequence, lost contrary to all 
 forms, by the governors falling ill in the time uf the sieges. 
 
 " I have observed the fate of Campania determine contrary to all appearances, 
 by the caution and conduct of a general, which were atttribated by those that 
 knew him, to his age and infirmities, rather than his own true qualities, acknow- 
 ledged otherwise to have been as great as most men of the {ige. I have seen 
 the counsels of a noble country grow bold or timorous, according to the fit^ of 
 bis good or ill health that managed them, and the pulse of the government beat 
 high or low with that of the governor. And this unequal conduct makes way 
 for great accidents in the world : bay, I have often reflected upon the counsels 
 and fortunes of the greatest monarchies rising and decaying sensibly with the 
 ages and healths of the princes and chief officers that governed them. And I 
 remember one great minister that confessed to me, when he fell into one of his usual 
 fits of the gout, he was no longer able to bend his mind or thoughts to any public 
 business, nor give audiences beyond two or three of his own domestics, though 
 
 (o) See a sermon- of Latimer's. 
 
NOTES RRR — WWW. 
 
 it were to save a kingdom ; and that this proceeded not from any violence of 
 pain, but from, a general languishing and, faintness of spirits, which made him 
 in those fits think nothing worth the trouble of one careful or solicitous thought. 
 For the approaches or lurkings of the gout, the spleen, or the scurvy, nay, the 
 very fumes of indigestion, may indispose men to thought and to care, as well as 
 diseases of danger and pain. 
 
 " Thus accidents of health grow to be accidents of state, and public constitu- 
 tions come to depend in a gres^tmeasure.'upon those of particular men ; which 
 makes it perhaps seem necessary in the choice of persons for great employments 
 (at least such as require constant- application and pains) to consider their bodies 
 as well as their.; minus, and ages and health as well as their abilities," 
 
 Whether information upon Lttin and <Greek or upon the , art of preserving 
 health, will, at some future time, be ascertained, with great respect for a know- 
 ledge of languages, I should prefer to all these attainments, a knowledge of the 
 mode of preserving health. The air we breathe ; the food we take ; our exercise 
 and rest ; our sleep. < 
 
 Each of these subjects isof great importance, and so wholly neglected in our 
 education, that the very name of them is changed, and they are termed by 
 medical men " non-naturals." 
 
 As the word nervmts, which used to express strength, has now changed its 
 meaning, and is used as an expression of aspen-leaf debility, or as the yew tree, 
 planted in churchyards, as a symbol of perpetual life, is called by us in return, 
 " the .melancholy yew." 
 
 NOTE RRR. 
 
 All his juvenile tracts are without imagery, and so are his Novum Organum, 
 and tract upon universal justice. That imagery followed in the train of his 
 reason, and was used chiefly if not solely to illustrate his reasoning, see his expla- 
 nation of mistaking the motive for acquiring knowledge. See vol. ii. p. 51. 
 
 Arrangement,- — In the Advancement of Learning, distinguished as it is for its 
 symmetry, in explaining the causes of the evil of method, he says, " fqr as 
 young men, when they knit and shape perfectly, do seldom grow to a further 
 Stature, so knowledge, whilst it is dispersed into aphorisms and oljservations, 
 may .grow and shoot up : but once entered and comprehended in methods, it may, 
 perchance, be farther polished and fashioned and accommodated for use and 
 practice, but increaseth no more in bulk and substance." 
 
 NOTE WWW. 
 
 Seneca says, " The grammarian's business lies in asyntax of speech ; or, if 
 he proceed to history, or the measuring of a verse, he is at the end of his line ; 
 but what signifies a congruity of periods, the computing of syllables, or the 
 modifying of numbers, to the taming.of our passions, or the repressing pf our 
 lusts'! The philosopher proves the body of the sun to be large, but for the trae 
 dimensiotis of it we must ask the mathematician ; geometry and music, if they 
 do not teach us to master our hopes and fears, all the rest is to little puiyose- 
 What does it concern lis. which was the elder of the two, Homer or Hesiod ; or 
 which was the taller, Helen or Hecuba f We take a great deal of -pains to 
 trace Ulysses in his wanderings ; but were it not time as well spent to look to 
 ourselves, that we may not wander at all. Are not we oursel*es tossed with 
 tempestuous passions ; and both assaulted by terrible monsters on the one hand, 
 and tempted by syrens on the other V 
 
 " You," says Lord Shaftsbury, " who are skilled in other fabrics and compo- 
 sitions both of art and nature, have you considered of the fabric of the mind, 
 the constitution of the soul, the connexion and frame of all its passions, and 
 affections, to know accordingly the order and symmetry of each part ; and how 
 it either improves or suffers; what its force is, when naturally preserved in its 
 sound state, and what becomes of it when corrupted and abused 1 Till this (my 
 friend) be well examined and understood, how shall we judge either of the force 
 
KOTL WWW. 
 
 of virtue or power of vice, or in what manner either of these may work to our 
 happiness or undoing 1 Here, therefore, is that inquiry we should first make. 
 But who is there can afford to make it as he ought 1 If happily we are born of 
 a good nature ; if a liberal education has formed in us a generous temper and 
 disposition, well regulated appetites and worthy inclinations, it is well for us ; 
 and so indeed we esteem it. But who is there endeavours to give these to 
 himself, or to advance his portion of happiness in this kindl Who thinks of 
 improving, or so much as of preserving his share, in a world where it must of 
 necessity run so great a hazard, and where we know an honest nature is so easily 
 corrupted'! All other things relating to us are preserved with care, and have 
 some art or economy belonging to them : this, which is nearest related to us, 
 and on which our happiness depends, is alone committed to chance ; and temper 
 is the only thing ungoverned, whilst it governs all the rest. — Thus we inquire 
 concerning what is good and suitable to our appetites, but what appetites are 
 good and suitable to us, is no part of our examination. We inquire what is 
 according to interest, policy, fashion, vogue ; but it seems wholly strange and 
 out of the way to inquire what is according to nature. The balance of Europe, 
 of trade, of power, is strictly sought after ; while few have heard of the balance 
 of their passions, or ever thought of holding these scales even." 
 
 " We all meditate," says Bishop Hall, "one, how to do ill to others: 
 another, how to do some earthly good to himself : another, to hurt himself under 
 a colour of good. Or perhaps, some better minds bend their thoughts upon the 
 search of natural things ; the motions of every heaven, and of every star : the 
 reason and course of the ebbing and flowing of the sea : the manifold kinds of 
 simples that grow out of the earth and creatures that creep upon it, with all 
 their strange qualities and operations : or, perhaps, the several forms of govern- 
 ment and rules of state take up their busy heads : so that, while they would be 
 acquainted with the whole world, they are strangers at home ; and while they 
 seek to know all other things, they remain unknown to thenJselves." 
 
 Burton says, " We spend our'days in unprofitable questions and disputations, 
 intricate subtleties, about moonshine in the water, leaving in the mean time 
 those chiefest treasures of nature untouched, wherein the best medicines for all 
 manner of diseases are to be found; and do uot only neglect them ourselves, 
 but hinder, condemn, forbid; and scoff at others that are willing to inquire after 
 them." 
 
 " But whether thus these things, or whether not : 
 
 Whether the sun, predominant in heaven. 
 
 Rise on the earth, or earth rise on the sua : 
 
 He from the east his flaming road begin, 
 
 Or she from west her silent course advance 
 
 With inoffensive pace, that spinning sleeps 
 
 On her soft axle, while she paces even. 
 
 And bears thee soft with the smooth air along. 
 
 Solicit not thy thdughts with matters hid : 
 
 Leave them to God above, him serve andfear : 
 
 Of other creatures, as him pleases best. 
 
 Wherever placed, let him dispose : joy then 
 
 In what he gives to thee, this Paradise 
 
 And thy fair Eve : — Heaven is for thee too high 
 
 To know what passes there : be lowly wise : 
 
 Think only what concerns thee and thy being." 
 
 Paradise Lost, b. viii. 
 
 Teach me my duty to my country, to my father, to my wife, to mankind. 
 What is it to me, whether Penelope was honest or no 1 Teach me to know 
 how to be so myself, and to live according to that knowledge. What am I the 
 better for putting so many parts together in music, and raising an harmony out 
 of so many different tones. Teach me to tune my affections, and to hold con- 
 stant to myself. Geometry teaches me the art of measuring acres ; teach me to 
 measure my appetites, and to know when I have enough : teach me to divide 
 
 VOL. XV. 20 
 
KOTES Y Y Y Z Z Z. 
 
 with my brother, and to rejoice in the pvosperity of my neighbour. You teach 
 me how I may hold my own, and keep my estate ; but I would rather learn 
 how I may lose it all, and yet be contented. It is hard, you will say, for a 
 man to be forced from the fortune of his family. This estate, it is true, was 
 my father's ; but whose was it in the time of my great-grandfather 1 I do not 
 only say. What man's was itl but, what nation's! The astrologer tells me of 
 Saturn and Mars in opposition ; but I say, let them be as they will, their 
 courses and their positions are ordered them by an unchangeable decree of fate. 
 Either they produce, and point out the effects of all things, or else they signify 
 them ; if the former, what are we the better for the knowledge of that which 
 must of necessity come to pass 1 If the latter, what does it avail us to foresee 
 what we cannot avoid 1 So that, whether we know or not know, the event will 
 still be the same. — Seneca. 
 
 NOTE YYY. 
 
 " Men carry their minds as they carry their watches, content to, be ignorant 
 of the mechanism of their movements, and satisfied with attending to the little 
 exterior circle of things, to which the passions, like indexes, are pointing. It is 
 surprising to see how little ^elf-knowledge a person not watchfully observant of 
 himself may have gained in the whole course of an active, or even an inquisitive 
 life. He may have lived almost an age, and traversed a continent, minutely 
 examining its curiosities, and interpreting the half obliterated characters on its 
 monuments, unconscious the while of a process operating on his own mind to 
 impress or to erase characteristics of much more importance to him than all the 
 figured brass or marble that Europe contains. After having explored many a 
 cavern or dark ruinous avenue, he may have left undetected a darker recess in 
 his character. He may have conversed with many people in different lan- 
 guages, on numberless subjects ; but having neglected those conversations with 
 himself by which his whole moral being should have been kept continually dis- 
 closed to his view, he is better qualified perhaps to describe the intrigues of a 
 foreign court, or the progress of a foreign trade ; to represent the manners of 
 the Italians or the Turks ; to narrate the proceedings of the Jesuits, or the 
 adventures of the gypsies, than to write the history of his own mind." 
 
 Foster's Essays, p. 6, 4th ed, 
 
 NOTE ZZZ. 
 
 Foster says, " And perhaps still less regard will be paid to it, if it be consi- 
 dered that the King, who appeaieth to have had the success of the prosecution 
 much at heart, and took a part in it unbecoming the majesty of the crown, con- 
 descended to instruct his attorney general with regard to the proper measures to 
 be taken in the examination of the defendant ; that the attorney at his majesty's 
 command submitted to the drudgery of sounding the opinions of the judges 
 upon the point of law, before it was thought advisable to risk it at an open 
 trial ; that the judges were to be sifted separately and soon, before they could 
 have an opportunity of conferring together; and that for this purpose four 
 gentlemen of the profession in the service of the crown were immediately dis- 
 patched, one to each of the judges ; Mr. Attorney himself undertaking to prac- 
 tice upon the Chief Justice, of whom some doubt was then entertained. Is it 
 possible that a gentleman of Bacon's great talents could submit to a service so 
 much below his rank and character ! But he did submit to it, and acquitted 
 himself notably in it. 
 
 •' Avarice, I think, was not his ruling passion. But whenever a false ambi- 
 tion, ever restless and craving, overheated in the pursuit of the honours which 
 the crown alone can confer, happeneth to stimulate an heart otherwise formed 
 for great and noble pursuits, it hath frequently betrayed it into measures full as 
 mean as avarice itself could have suggested to the wretched animals who die 
 under its dominion. For these passions, however they may seem to be at 
 variance, have ordinarily produced the same effects. Both degrade the man. 
 
NOTES ZZ7. A AAA. 
 
 both contract his views into the little point of self-interest, and equally steel the 
 heart against the rebukes of conscience, or the sense of true honour. 
 
 " Bacon, having undertaken the service, informeth his majesty in a letter 
 addressed to him, that with regard to three of the judges whom he nameth, he 
 had small doubt of their concurrence. ' Neither,' saith he, ' am I wholly out 
 of hope, that my Lord Coke himself, when I have in some dark manner put him 
 in doubt that he shall be left alone, will not continue singular.' These are 
 plain naked facts, they need no comment. Every reader will make his own 
 reflections upon them. I have but one to make in this place. This method of 
 forestalling tne judgment of a court in a case of blood then depending, at a time 
 too when the judges were reraoveable at the pleasure of the crown, doth no 
 honour to the persons concerned in a transaction so insidious and unconsti- 
 tutional, and at the same time greatly weakeneth the authority of the judg- 
 ment." 
 
 In a tract entitled An Enquiry into the conduct of a late Right Honourable 
 Commoner, 4th edit. Lend. 1766, 8vo. p. 1, the same observation is thus 
 repeated : " In the tide of almost every great man's life there is commonly one 
 period, which is not only more remarkable than the rest, but conveys with it 
 strong characteristic marks of the complexion of him to whom it belongs. Thus 
 the great Bacon, when he saw the only road to preferment was through Buck- 
 ingham, attached himself to that favourite, and undertook to second the views 
 of the crown. We read of his excessive pliancy in transactions wholly below 
 his rank and character ; particularly several attempts to corrupt and bias the 
 judges in causes which the King or his minister had much at heart. ' Avarice,' 
 says Mr. Justice Foster (who in his discourse on high treason has recorded 
 these instances of his baseness) , ' 1 think, was not his ruHng passion. But, 
 whenever a false ambition, ever lestless and craving, over-heated in the pursuit 
 of the honours which the. crown alone can confer, happeneth to stimulate an 
 heart otherwise formed for great and noble pursuits, it hath frequently betrayed 
 it into measures full as mean as avarice itself could have suggested to the 
 wretched animals who live and die under her dominion. For these passions, 
 however they may seem to be at variance, have ordinarily produced the same 
 effects. Both degrade the man ; both contract his views into the little point of 
 self-interest, and equally steel the heart against the rebukes of conscience, or 
 the sense of true honour.' Whoever is at the pains of reading Bacon's life, will 
 find that from the moment of his attaching himself to Villiei-s, Duke of Buck- 
 ingham, his character takes a new turn. We see no more of the firm friend, 
 nor honest man ; both are sunk in the scandalous instrument of a favourite, 
 without honour, and of a court without veracity; and Villiers and he were 
 afterwards impeached by the Commons. The King indeed endeavoured to save 
 Villiers ; but Bacon was sacrificed. It is true he had been made a lord, but 
 he was sequestered from parliament; and the pangs of his conscience were 
 evidenced by every passage of his future life." 
 
 NOTE AAA A. 
 
 Biographia, p. 3853. — He lived in a private frugal manner, being resolved to 
 dispose of his great estate in some important charity. But before he had fixed 
 upon any particular plan for carrying that design into execution, he was greatly 
 alarmed in the year 1608, with the news of a design to raise him to the peerage, 
 in the view of laying him thereby under an obligation to make King Charles I. 
 then Duke of York, his heir Upon the first notice that came to his ears of 
 this project, he immediately put a stop to it. (a) 
 
 (a) The project was laid before King James by Sir John Harrison, who had 
 proposed it to Mr. Sutton ; but as soon as he heard what was doing at court, he 
 dispatched the following letter to the Lord Chancellor Ellesmere and the Lord 
 Treasurer Salisbury, both feoffees for his intended hospital : 
 
 " May it please your Lordships, — I undsrstand that his majesty is possessed 
 
NOTE BBBB. 
 
 NDTE BBBB. 
 
 Upon the first day of the term, when he was to take his place in court, he de- 
 clined the attendance of his great friends, who offered, as the manner was, to 
 bring him to his first settling with a pomp of an inauguration. But he set out early 
 in the morning with the company of the judges and some few more, and passing 
 through the cloisters into the Abbey, he carried them with him into the chapel 
 of Henry the Seventh, where he prayed on his knees (silently, but very devoutly, 
 as inight be seen by his gesture) almost a quarter of an hour ; then rising up 
 cheerfully, he was conducted with no other train, to a mighty confluence that 
 expected him in the hall, whom from the bench of the court of Chancery, he 
 greeted with this speech. 
 
 " My Lords and Gentlemen all, I would to God my former course of life had 
 so qualified me for this great place (wherein by the will of God and the special 
 favour of the King I am for a time to bestow myself) that I might have fallen 
 to my business without any farther preface or salutation, especially considering, 
 that, as the orator observes. Id ipsum dicere nunquam sit non ineptum, nisi 
 cusu est necessarium. This kind of orationing hath ever a tincture of levity, if- 
 it be not occasioned by some urgent necessity. For my own part, 1 am as far 
 from affecting this speech, as I was from the ambition of this place ; but having 
 found by private experience that sudden and unexpected eruptions put all the 
 world into a gaze and wonderment, I thought it most convenient to break the 
 ice with this short deliberation, which I will limit to these two heads : my calling, 
 and my carriage in this place of judicature. 
 
 " For my calling unto this oflice, it was (as most here present cannot but 
 know) not the cause, but the effect of a resolution in the state, to change or 
 reduce the governor of this court from a professor of our municipal laws to some 
 one of the nobility, gentry, or clergy of this kingdom. Of such a conclusion of 
 state (quae aliquando incognita semper justa), as I dare not take upon me to 
 discover the cause, so I hope I shall not endure the envy, Peradventure the 
 managing of this court of equity doth Recipere magis et minus, and is as soon 
 diverted with too much as too little law. Surely those worthy lords, which to 
 their eternal fame, for the most part of an hundred years governed and honoured 
 
 by Sir John Harrington, or by some other by his means, that I intend to make 
 his highness's son, the Duke of York, my heir ; whereupon, as it is reported, 
 his highness proposeth to bestow the honour of a baron on me ; whereof as I am 
 most unworthy, so I vow to God and your lordships, I never harboured the 
 least thought or proud desire of any such matter. My mind, in my younger 
 times, hath been ever free from ambition ; and now I am going to my grave, to 
 gape for such a thing were niere dotage in me, so unworthy also, as I confess 
 unto your lordships. That this knight hath been often tampering with me to 
 that purpose, to entertain honour, and to make the noble duke my heir, is true ; 
 to whom I made that answer, as, had he either wit or honesty (with reverence 
 to your lordships be it spoken), he never would have engaged himself in this 
 business, so egregiously to delude his majesty, and wrong me. My humble 
 suit unto your lordships is, that considering this occasion hath brought me into 
 question, and in his hazard of his highness's displeasure, having never given 
 Sir John Harrington, or any man living, either promise or semblance to do any 
 such act, but upon his motions grew into utter dislike with him for such idle 
 speeches, yovir lordships will vouchsafe me this favour, to inform his highness 
 aright, how things have proceeded directly without my privity ; and withal, that 
 my trust is in "his gracious disposition, not to conceit the worse of me for other 
 men's follies ; but that I may have free liberty with his princely leave, wherein 
 I rest most assured, to dispose of my own, as other his majesty's loyal subjects. 
 And so, most humbly recommending my duty and service to your lordships, 
 for the increase of whose honours and happiness I shall ever pray, I rest, 
 
 " Your Lordship's poor beadsman, Thomas Sutton." 
 
NOTE BBBBi 
 
 this noble court ; as they equalled many of their own profession in the know- 
 ledge of the laws, so did they excel the most of all other professions in learning, 
 wisdom, gravity, and mature experience. In such a case, it were but poor phii- 
 losophy to resti-ain those effects to the former, which were produced and brought 
 forth by those latter endowments, Examine them all, and you shall find them 
 in their several ages to have the commendation of the completest men, but not 
 of the deepest lawyers. I except only that mirror of our age and glory of his 
 profession, my reverenced master, who was as eminent in the universal, as any 
 other one of them all in his choicest particular. Sparguntur in omues, uno hoc 
 mista fluunt, et quae diversa beatos eflSciunt, conjuncta tenet. Again, it may 
 be, the continual practice of the strict law. without a special mixture of other 
 knowledge], makes a man unapt and undisposed for a court of equity. Juris 
 consultus ipse per se nihil nisi lugubrius quidam cantus et acutus, as M. Crassus 
 was wont to define him. They are (and that cannot be otherwise) of the same 
 profession with the rhetorics at Rome, as much used to defend the wrong, as to 
 protect and maintain the most upright cause. And if any of them should prove 
 corrupt, he carries about him, armatam nequitiam, that skill and cunning to 
 palliate the same, that that mis-sentence, which pronounced by a jplain and 
 understandiug man would appear most gioss and palpable, by their colours, 
 quotations, and wrenches of the law, would be made to pass for current and 
 specious. Some will add hereunto the boldness and confidence, which their 
 former clients will take upon them, when^ as St. Austin speaks in another case, 
 they find the man to be their judge, who was the other day their hired advocate. 
 Marie that, deprsdandi memoria, as St. Jeram calls it, that proneness to take 
 money, as accustomed to fees, is but a base and scandalous aspersion, and as 
 incident to the divine, if he want the fear of God, as to the common lawyer, or 
 most sordid artizan. But that that former breeding and education in the strict- 
 ness of law might (vrithout good care and integrity) somewhat indispose a 
 practiser thereof for the rule and government of a court of equity, I learned long 
 ago from Plinius Secundus, a most excellent lawyer in his time, and a man of 
 singular rank in the Roman estate ; for in bis second, third, and sixth episties, 
 making comparison between the scholastici, as he calls them, which were 
 gentlemen of the better sort, bred up privately in feigned pleadings and schools 
 of eloquence, for the qualifying of themselves for civil employments, and another 
 sort of gentlemen, termed forenses, who were pleaders at the bar, and trained 
 up in real causes : he makes the former more innocent and harmless a great 
 deal than the latter, and yields hereof the principal reason, Nos enim, qui in 
 foro verisque litibus terimur, multum matitiae, quamvis nolimus, addiscimus. 
 For we, saith he, that are bred in real quutks and personal contentions, cannot 
 but reserve some fang thereof, whether we will or no. These reasons, though 
 they please some men, yet, God be praised, if we do but right to this noble pror 
 fession, there are in our commonwealth no way concluding or demonstrative ; 
 for I make no question, but there are many scores which profess our laws, who, 
 beside their skill and practice in this kind, are so richly enabled in all moral 
 and intellectual endowments, Vt omnia tanquam singula preficiant, that there is 
 no court of equity in the world but might be most safely committed unto them. 
 I leave, therefore, the reason of this alteration as a. reason of state not to be 
 fathomed by any reason of mine, and will say no more of my calling in the 
 general. 
 
 " Now when 1 reflect upon myself in particular, Quis sum egol aut quis 
 filius Ishai 1 What am I, or what can there be in me in regard of knowledge, 
 gravity, or experience, that should afford me the least qualification in the world 
 for so weighty a place 1 Surely, if a sincere, upright, and well meaning heart 
 doth not cover thousands of other imperfections, I am the unfittest man in the 
 kingdom to supply the place. And therefore must say of my creation, ^s the 
 poet said of the creation of the world, Materiam noti quaerere, nulla fuit. 
 Trouble not your heads to find out the cause, I confess there was none at all. 
 It was, (without the least inclination or thought of mine own) the immediate 
 work of God and my king. And their actions are no ordinary effects, but ex- 
 traordinaiy miracles. What then ] should I beyond the limits and duty of 
 
« > NOTIi BBBB. 
 
 obedience despond, and refuse to make some few years trial in this place? 
 Nor, Tuns, Jacobe, quod optas explorare labor, mihi jussa capessere fas est, I 
 will therefore conclude this point with the excuse of that poet, whom the Em- 
 peror Gratian would needs enforce to set out his poem, whether he would or no, 
 Non habeo ingenium, Ciesar sed jussit habebo. Cur mue posse negem, posse 
 quod ille putet. I am no way fit for this great place, but because God and the 
 king will have it so, I will endeavour, as much as I can, to make myself fit, and 
 put my whole confidence in his grace and mercy. Qui neminem dignum eligit, 
 sed eligendo dignum facit, as St. Austin speaks. And so much of my calling, 
 now I come unto my carriage in this place. 
 
 " It is an observation which fully makes. In causis direndis eiFugei'e solebat 
 Antonius, ne succederet Crasso. Antonius was ever afraid to come after 
 Crassus, a most eloquent and powerful orator. And the greatest discouragement 
 I find in this place is, that I am to come after (after, indeed, nee passibus iequis) 
 my two immediate predecessors, the one of them excellent in most things, the 
 other in ail things. But both of them so bred in this course of life, Ut illis 
 plurimarum rerum agitatio frequens, nihil esse ignotum patiebatur : as Pliny 
 speaks of the pleaders of his times. It were too much to expect at my hands, a 
 man bred in other studies, that readiness, or quickness, or dispatch which was 
 efifected by them. Lords, both of them brought up in the King's courts, and not 
 in the King's chapel. My comfort is this, that arriving here as a stranger, I may 
 say as Archimedes did when he found those geometrical lines and angles drawn 
 everywhere in the sands of Egypt, Video vestigia humana : I see in this court 
 the footsteps of wise men, many excellent rules and orders for the managing the 
 same, the which, though I might want learning and knowledge to invent, (if 
 they were not thus offered to my hands) yet I hope I shall not want the honesty 
 to act and put in execution, these rules I will precisely follow, without the 
 least deflexion at all, until experience shall teach me better. Every thing by 
 the course of nature hath a certain and regular motion. The air and fire still 
 upward, the earth and water fall downward : The celestial bodies whirl about 
 in one and the self same course and circularity, and so should every court of 
 justice, otherwise it grows presently to be had in jealousy and suspicion. For 
 as Vel. Paterculus observes very well, In iis homines extraordinaria reformi- 
 dant, qui modura in voluntate habent. Men ever suspect the worst of those 
 rules which vary, with the judge's will and pleasure. I will descend to some 
 few particulars. 
 
 " First, I will never make any decree that shall cross the grounds of the 
 common or statute laws ; for I hold by my place the custody not of mine own, 
 but of the King's conscience : and it were most absurd to let the King's con- 
 science be at enmity and opposition with his laws and statutes. This court (as 
 I conceive it) may be often occasioned to open and confirm, but never to 
 thwart and oppose the grounds of the laws. I will therefore omit no pains of 
 mine own, nor conference with the learned judges, to furnish myself with com- 
 petency of knowledge, to keep my resolution in this point firm and inviolable. 
 Secondly, I will never give a willing ear to any motion made at this bar, which 
 shall not apparently tend to further and hasten the hearing of the cause. The 
 very word motion, derived a movendo, to move, doth teach us that the hearing 
 is. Finis, perfectio, &c. terminem ad quem, the end, perfection, and proper 
 home, as it were, of the matter propounded. If a counsellor, therefore, will 
 needs endeavour, as Velleius writes of the Gracchi, Optimo ingenio pessime 
 uti, to make that bad use of a good wit, as to justle a cause out of the King's 
 highway, which I hold in this court to be bill, answer, replication, rejoinder, 
 examination and bearing, I will ever regard it as a wild-goose chase, and not a 
 learned motion. The further a man runs out of his way, the further he is from 
 home, the end of his journey, as Seneca speaks : so the more a man tattles 
 besides these points, the further it is from the nature of a motion. Such a motion 
 is a motion. Per Antiphrasin, ut mons a non movendo. It tends to nothing but 
 certamen ingenii, a combat of wit, which is infinite and endless. For when it 
 once comes to that pass, some will sooner a great deal lose the cause than the 
 last word. Thirdly, I would have no man to conceive that I come to this place 
 
NOTES BBBB — XXXX. ,^ 
 
 to overthrow without special motives the orders and decrees of my predecessors, 
 I would be loth to succeed any man, as Metellus did, Caius verres, cuius omnia 
 erant ejusmodi, ut totam verris Prieturam retexere videretur; whose carriage, saith 
 TuUy, was a mere Penelope's web, and untwisting of all the acts of Verres's prae- 
 torship. Upon new matter, I cannot avoid the reviewing a cause, but I will ever 
 expect the forbearing of persons, so as the ashes of the dead may be hereafter 
 spared, and the dusi of the living no further raked. Fourthly, I will be as cautious 
 as I can in referring of causes, which I hold of the same nature as a by-way 
 motion. For one reference that spurs on a cause there are ten that bridle it in, 
 and hold it from hearing. This is that which Bias calls the backward foiward- 
 ing of a cause ; for as the historian speaks, Quod procedere non protest recedit. 
 Fifthly, I profess beforehand, that this court shall be no sanctuary for undirect 
 and desperate sureties. It is a ground of the common law, that a man shall 
 make no advantage of his own follies and laches. When the money is to be 
 borrowed, the surety is the first in the intention ; and therefore, if it be not paid, 
 let him a God's name be the first in execution. Lastly, I will follow the rules 
 of this court in all circumstances, as near as I can, and considering that, as 
 Pliny speaks, Stultissimum est ad imitandum, non optima quaeq. proponere : It 
 were a great folly to make choice of any other than the very best for imitation, 
 I will propound my old master for my pattern and precedent in all things. 
 Beseeching Almighty God so to direct me, that while I hold this place, I may 
 follow him by a true and constant imitation. And if I prove unfit and unable 
 for the same, that I may not play the mountebank so in this place, as to abuse 
 the king and the state, but fallow the same most worthy lord in his cheerful and 
 voluntary resignation. Sic mihi contingat vivere, sicq. mori." 
 
 NOTE XXXX. 
 
 When Coke said, " I know with whom I deal," and " For we have to deal 
 to-day with a man of wit," more was conveyed than meets our ears at present. 
 
 The monopoly of playing cards had been granted to Baleigh by Elizabeth ; 
 and the casual mention of this monopoly in the House of Commons had, two 
 years before, stung Raleigh sensibly. It was with him therefore, who had 
 owned the cards that the Attorney had now to deal. 
 
 Sir Simonds d'Ewes reports in his Journals, that on the 20th November, 1601, 
 in a debate on a bill, " For the explanation of the common law in certain cases 
 of Letters Patent," Dr. Bennet said, " He that will go about to debate her 
 majesty's prerogative royal had need walk warily. In respect of a grievance out 
 of the city for which I come, I think myself bound to speak that now which I 
 had not intended to speak before ; I mean a monopoly of salt. It is an old 
 proverb, Sal sapit omnia ; fire and water are not more necessary. But far other 
 monopolies, cards (at which Sir Walter Raleigh blusht), dice, starch, and the 
 like, they are (because monopolies), I must confess, very hurtful, though not all 
 alike hurtful." The bystanders at Raleigh's trial seemed to have understood 
 Coke's allusion in his use and repetition of the word " deal." A letter hitherto 
 unpublished, and from an eye-witness, contains a curious passage which fur- 
 nishes a conclusive comment upon these cruel words of the King's Attorney, 
 and thus describes the game. 
 
 " The managing of this arraignment was like the sett at Mawge. The King's 
 Attorney did at the first inforce the evidence with slender proofes, and reserved 
 in the decke the ace of hearts. Sir Walter, on the other side, kept close the 
 knave of the game, as he supposed, wherewith to take the ace. For after Sir 
 Walter had much disabled the first evidence, and seemed in the opinion of 
 divers not cleerely guiltie (though noe verie honest man), then did the Kinges 
 Attorney produce a full and voluntarie accusation subscribed with the L. Cob- 
 ham's owne hand, sheweinge that Sir Walter was the principall contryver, 
 plotter, and deviser of all the treasons. Which Sir Walter seeing, seemed to 
 wonder, and draweinge out of his bosome a paper, first used theis speeches in 
 
NOTE Y V Y Y. 
 
 effect : ' Alas, pooie, seely, weake, base, miserable man ;' a^d then intreated 
 my L. Cecil! to read it, whoe tooke it, and delivered it to the clarke, wherby it 
 appeared that the^ L, Cobham had, upon all the oathes that raaie binde a 
 christian, an honest-, or honorable man, cleered Sir Walter of all the treasons." 
 " Winchester, hast, 19 of November, 1603, 
 
 A postscript, " Sir Walter is attainted of treason," shews the letter to have 
 been v<ritten under the impression of the moment and from the spot. 
 
 With'respect to Coke's abuse, it is curious, as matter of critical observation, to 
 note how his own expressions, " English /ace" and " Spanish heart," suggest 
 to himself through the association of face cards, and hearts, the offensive word 
 "deal," As matter of moral observation, it is interesting to remark how 
 quietly and effectively Raleigh gives his irritated accuser to understand that 
 he is aware of the intended insult and retains his self-possession, by retorting 
 upon cards a sarcasm derived from bowls: " It will go near to prove a measuring 
 cast between you and me, Mr. Attorney." 
 
 NOTE YYYY. 
 
 When Coke indulged himself in these satirical lines he alluded to Sebastian 
 Brant's " StuUifera navis," translated by Alexander Barclay, and then called, 
 " The Ship of Fooles," This work opens with a most inviting satire, baving for 
 its title De Inutilibus Libris. " Here beginneth the Ship of Fooles, and first 
 " Of Unprofitable Baohei;'', to the company of vfhich Coke, in his ungrattful 
 spleen, consigned the Novum Organum, In addition to the obvious sarcasm 
 conveyed in the happy title to which he alludes, he doubtless indulged himself 
 in the recollection of some lines which followed, and which he associated with 
 Lord Bacon's new dignity. 
 
 " Eche is not. lettered that now is made a lorde, 
 Nor eche, a cleike that hath a benefice ; 
 They are not all lawyers, that pleas do recorde, 
 All that are promol|ed are not fully wise." . 
 
 The spirit of his " Auctori Consilium" he evidently caught from the lines 
 which conclude the satire in the original : 
 
 " vos doctores qui grandia nomina fertis 
 I^espicite antiques patres, jurisque peritos : 
 Non in caudidulis,pensebant dogmata libris," &c. 
 
 May we be forgiven for the surmise that this reference to Brant's book was 
 accompanied by some secret mental application of a coarse jest supplied by 
 the next page? To the chapter " De Inutilibus Libris" succeeds " De Malis 
 Consultoribus." '" Of Evill Counsellors, Judges, and Men of Law," where the 
 Cut prefixed is an attempt to scald a live pig in a caldron. Now here, and in per- 
 fect keeping with the refined spirit which dictated many of the Chief Justice's 
 classical displays of rhetoric, was Bacon on the brink of the hot water which the 
 Cote had prepared. The uncharitable suspicion gathers strength from the fact 
 that the whole satire " Of Evill Counsellors" is directed by the translator to 
 the Chancery Bar, in his L'Envoy, which opens thus, with some strength and 
 much naivft6. 
 
 " Therefore ye yonge stpdentes of the Chauncery 
 (I speake not to tlu olde, the cure of them is past :) 
 Remember that justice long hath in bondage be. 
 Reduce her nowe unto libertie at the last, 
 Endeavour you her bondes to louse or to brast." 
 
 That the personages engaged in forcing the hog into the pot were adorned with 
 caps and bells, was an incident most naturally overlooked by the self-compla- 
 cency of the Chief Justice. 
 
NOTES Y Y Y Y' — Z ZX7.. 
 
 From au indication which occurs in a coUection of Poems in honourof Bacon, 
 edited immediately after his death by Rawley, " Memorm Albani Sacrum," 
 ito. 1626, good evidence may be adduced that the sarcasm contained in the 
 lines, 
 
 " Instauraie paras veteram documenta sophorum, 
 , Instauia. legSs, justitiamque prius," 
 
 had been circulated, — and if so, most probably by the author hiniself— through 
 the Inns of Court. Robert Ashley, of the Middle Temple, ia one of the con- 
 tributors, and thus indignantly refers to those very lines and the objection they 
 convey : 
 
 " Scripta docent; veterum queis hie monumenta sophorum 
 Censur^ castigat acii ; — exiguoque libello 
 Stupendos ausus docet ' Instauratio Magna.'" 
 
 This was not ill done with respect to the Latin gibe, but with regard to 
 English as well as Latin, — the taunt upon his wisdom, or the sneer at his know- 
 ledge of the principles of justice, — Bacon himself had already, and as it were 
 by anticipation, done much better. Long ago had he given the very best reply 
 to the ribbald allusion into which his device of a ship upon its adventurous 
 voyage beyond the Pillars of Hercules, had tempted an ungenerous rival. Long 
 before had he set an example which fixed the fully on him who would not or 
 could not profit by it. In expressing his opinion of another's labours, he too 
 had spoken of a ship ; but it was in-a strain of higher mood, where justice and 
 admiration united to drown the jarring notes of rivalry and self. lu 1613 thus 
 did Bacon, then Attorney General, write to his king : " Had it not been for 
 Sir Edward Coke's reports (which though they may have errors, and some 
 peremptory and extrajudicial resolutions more than are warranted, yet they 
 contain infinite good decisions and rulings over of cases,) the law by this time 
 had been almost like a ship without ballast." 
 
 [For the two preceding notes I am. indebted to my kind and intellectual 
 friend, B. H. Blight.} 
 
 NOTE ZZZZ. 
 
 Nicholls, in his Progresses of Elizabeth, says, in each year an exact inventory 
 was made on a roll signed by the Queen, and attested by the proper officers. 
 Five of these rolls are preserved at full length in these volumes ; the earliest in 
 1561-2, the latest in 1S99-1600. The following from page 45 is a specimen : 
 
 " Anno Regni Regius 42 Eliz. 1599, 1600. New yeares guyftes geven to 
 the Queue's inajestie at her manner of Richmonde, the firste day of January, 
 in the yeare abovesayde, by these persones whose names hereafter ensue, viz. 
 
 " By Sir Thomas Egerton, Knight, Lord Keeper of the greate scale of Eng- 
 lande, one amuylet of gold, garnished with sparkes of rubyes, pearle, and halfe 
 pearle. 
 
 " By the Lord Buckhurste, Lord High Treasurer of Englande, in golde, £10. 
 delivered to Henry Sackford, esquyer, one of the groomes of her majestie's 
 privy chamber. ' 
 
 " By the Lord Marques Win', in golde, £20. 
 
 " Earles. 
 
 " By the Earl of Nottingham, Lord Admyrall, one karcanett, containinge 29 
 pieces pi golde, whereof nyne bigger pieces and tenne lesser, 18 pendantes like 
 muUettes, likewise garnished with small rubyes and peaile^ with a round jeWell 
 pendant in the myddest, garnished with one white topaz, and a pearle pendant, 
 and nine small rubyes. 
 ' VOL. xy. II 
 
NOTES ZZZZ — XOT. 
 
 " By the earle of Shrewesbury, paiM of a doublett of white tatten, embio- 
 thered all over like snakes wounde together, of Venice ^.Iver, willi wtpughte 
 and puffes of lawne embrothered, with Venice sylver like wheate eares." 
 
 The list then contains gifts by marquesses and countesses. By the bishops, 
 by lords, baronesses, ladies, knights, sundry gentlewomen arid gentlemen, 
 including the gift of Mr. Francis Bacon,, mentioned in the text. It concludes : 
 
 " Summa totalis of all the money given to her highness this year £754. 
 6s. Sd." ' • 
 
 ■ Amongst these are somewhat whimsically arranged the physicians, apothe- 
 caries, the master cook, several tradesmen and artificers, ending with Charles 
 Smith, Dustman, who gave " two bottes of Cambric," and- received twenty 
 ounces and a half of gilt plate. 
 
 NOTE XOT. 
 
 If man is under the inHuence of any pasSion more powerful than the love of 
 truth, he swerves frotn the truth. ' . 
 
 All the rules of evidence in courts of justice as to the incompetency of witr 
 nesses seem to be founded on this law : and the confession of a criminal, if it is 
 obtained by promises or -threats, is not, by the law of England, permitted to be 
 adduced as evidence against him; and a confession under the influence of hope 
 or'feau is not admitted as evidence. 
 
 • '■ Man would contend that two and two did not make four, if his interests were 
 affected by this position." — Hobbs. ' ' 
 
 "The light of theiunderstanding is not a dry and pure light, but drenched in 
 the will and affections, and the intellect forms the sciences accordingly. What 
 men 4esire should be true,- they are most inclined to believe. The undferstauding, 
 therefore, rejects things difficult, as being impatient of inquiry : things just and 
 solid, because they limit hope ; and the deeper mysteries of nature, through 
 superstition: it rejects the light of experience through pride and haughtiness, 
 as disdaining the mind should be meanly and wayerly employed : it excludes 
 paradoxes for fear of the vulgar ; and thus the affections tinge and infect the 
 understanding numberless ways and sometimes imperceptibly." — Bacon. 
 
 " Agnus" was the only combination which the wolf, learning to spell, could 
 tnake of the twenty-four letters of tlie alphabet. ■:■••.., 
 
 " Not much 
 Unlike yonng men, whom Aristotle thought 
 
 Unfit to hear moral philosophy. . . 
 
 The Teasons you allege do more conduce 
 To the hot passion of distempered blood 
 ^han to make up a free determination 
 'Twixt right and wrong, ' for pleasure and revenge 
 Have ears more deaf than adders to the voice 
 Of any true decision.^ " — Troilus and Cressida. 
 
 In the memoirs of Baron Grimm, he says, " Madame GeofFrin avait fait a 
 M. de Rhuliere des offres assez considerables pour I'engager a jeter au feu son 
 l^anuscrit SMf la Russie. II lui prouva tres 61oquemment que ce serait de sa 
 part I'action la plus indigne et la plus l&che. A tout ce grand ^talage d'hon- 
 neur, de vertu, de sensibility qu'elle avait paru .^couter avec beaucoup de 
 patience, elle ne lui r^pondit que, ces deux mots: " En voulez-voiis davan- 
 '^ge'-'" I. ,. ,.,,'■- 
 
 A pertain English ambassador, who had for a time resided at the court pf 
 Rome, was on his return introduced at the levee of Queen Caroline. This lady 
 asked him why in his absence he did not try to make a convert of the Pope tD 
 the Protestant religion'! He answered her, " Madam, the reason was that I 
 had nothing better to offer' his Holiness than what he already has in his 
 possession." ; 
 
i: 
 
 NOTE XOV. 
 
 Th« various obstacles are : 
 
 -l.Wa„tofU»e.fVo™ J ^-[^^^^iT '""' 
 |_8. Want of means. 
 That they are all and each overrated may, without difficulty, be seen. 
 
 Worldly occupation. 
 
 Although it is, in general, true that the wisdom of a learned man cometh by 
 oppdi;tunity of leisure, and he that hath little business shall become wise, yet 
 let it not b^ forgotten what has ever been dotie in contemplation by lovers of 
 truth engaged in active life : l>y those who are so fortunate as to know tlif 
 delights of intellectual pleasure. 
 
 Brutus, when a soldier under Pompey in the civil wars, employed all his 
 leisure in study ; and the very day before the battle of Fharsalia, though it was 
 in the middle of summer, and the camp under many privations, spent all his 
 time till the evening in writing an epitome of Folybius. t' 
 
 Julius Caesar wrote his Commentaries and a work De Analogia, occasioned 
 a reformed .cemputatiou of the year^ and collected a book of Apophthegims;; i-. 
 , Who caniforgetithelaboursof Cicerol • 1 ..'.- ,l 
 
 Alfred, notwithstanding the multiplicity and urgency of his afiaiT»,<employed 
 himself in the pursuits of knowledge : he olften laboured under great liodily 
 infirmities : he fought in person fifty-six battles . by sea and land ; was able, 
 during a life of no extraordinary length, to acquire more knowledge, and even 
 to compose more books, than most studious men, though blest with the greatest 
 leisure and application, have ip more fortunate ages made the object of their 
 unintemiptedi industry. 
 
 ^ Elizabeth,! unto. the. very last year of her life, accustomed herself to appoint 
 set hours for reading ; scarce any young student In an. university more daily or 
 more, duly. ' . n 
 
 Can the.labours of Milton or of Burke be forgotten 1 
 
 ; ■ ■ ' ■ dji 
 
 Shortness of life. - « in i„ij 
 
 ' ' Vita btevis s ars longa : ,i . ^i i . lu 
 
 Sed fngit interea : fugit irreparabile tempus.'' ' 
 
 Notwithstanding the shortness of life, which is Supplied by the conjunctiou 
 of labours, much may be done by any individual who steadily pursues his 
 object. iJet him who despaira think of the labours of the schoolmen : of our 
 divines, of Barrow, of Taylor : of eminent artists, of. Raphael^ of Michael 
 Angelo : of poets, of Milton, of Shakespeare : of philosophers,., of Newton, of 
 Bacon. !•.■ j 
 
 The obstacle from the shortness of life may be caiinteracted by the con- 
 sciousness that ' no labour is lost," and that a discovered truth will flourish in 
 future ages. " We hold it sufficient," says Siacon, " to ca^ry ourselves soberly 
 and usefully in moderate things ; and in the mean time to.soiy the seeds of pure 
 truth for posterity, and not be wanting in our assistance to the first beginmngs 
 of great things." 
 • In Bacon's Dedication of th6 Novum Organum to Jataes, he says, " I may, 
 perhaps, when I am dead, hold out a light to posterity by this new torch Set Up 
 in the obscurity of philosophy." ' 
 
 We ought rather to be grateful than to repine at being able to conceive mdre 
 than we are able to execute. In works of tenevolence our exertfohs are liifiitfed :' 
 we can reach only to our arm's length, and our voice can be heard only till thfeJ 
 next air is still: are we to murmur because our good wishes aM prayers 
 extend to all mankind f ' ' ' ' ., 
 
 . Wasting time. ,■ , !,► 
 
 The knowledge of the art of preventing the waste of time is a science ofi great 
 importance, and may be thus exhibited : .- ,- . 
 
NOTE XOV. 
 
 ri. In general. - ■ . r. 
 
 J ri. Excess in sleepi ' 
 
 (_2. In particular, i 2. Misapplication of tinies of vacation, 
 ^3. Useless inquiry; ' 
 
 Wasting time, in general. 
 Alfred usually divided his time iiito three equal pdrtions : one was eittplpyed 
 in sleep and the refection of his body by diet and feiferciie ; another in the dis- 
 patch of business; a third iii study and devotion: and that he might more 
 exactly measure the hours, he made use of burning tapers of equal length, 
 which he fixed in' lanthorns, an expedient suited to that fiidfe age when the 
 geometiy of dialling, and the mechanism of clocks and watches was ehtiiely 
 unknown. 
 
 Sleep. 
 
 Of wasting time by excessive sleep, Milton, speaking of his own morning 
 joccupations, says, " My morning haunts are, where they should be, at home ; 
 not sleeping, or concocting the surfeits of an irregular feast, but' up, and 
 stirring ; in winter, often eie the sound of any bell awake men to labour, or to 
 devotion ; in summer, as oft with the bird that first rises/ or not much tardier, 
 to read good authors, or cause them to be read, till the attention be weary, or 
 memory ha^e its full freight." ' ' ' 
 
 Wasting time, by misapplication of times of vacation. 
 
 Cicero says, " Quare quis tandem me reprehfendat: si quantum caetteris ad 
 festos dies ludoruni celebt4lndbs, quantum ad alias voluptates et ad ipsam 
 requiem animi et corporis eoneeditur temporis, quantum" alii tetnpestivis con- 
 viviis; tantlim' mihi egomet ad' hffic studia recolenda sumpseto." 
 
 " I3ut," says Bacon, " if any man rtotwithstanding resolvedly maintaineth, 
 that 'learning lakes up too much time whith' might otherwise be better employed, 
 1 answer; that no man can be So straitened and oppressed with business and an 
 active course of life, but may have many vacant times of leisure, whilst he 
 expects' the' r^turns*and tides of business, except he be either of a 'Very dull 
 temper or of no dispatch, o^ ambitious (little to his credit and repiilatibh) to 
 meddle and engage himself in employment of all natures andrnattersaboVe his 
 reach. If remainelh therefore to be inquired in what matter, and how those 
 spaces and times of leisilre should be filled up and spent; whether in pleasures 
 or study, sensutllity, or contemplation; as was well answered by Demosthenes 
 to iEschines, a man given to pleasure, Who, when he told him by way of 
 reproacb that his orations did smell of the lamp. 'Indeed,' said Demosthenes, 
 ' there is great dijSference between the things that you and I do by lamplight :' 
 wherefore let no man fear lest learning should expulse business ; nay, rather it 
 will keep anddefend the possessions of the mind against idleness and pleasure, 
 which otherwise! at unawares, may enter, to the prejudice both of business and 
 leairning'."' ' "'"■' '^ ' ' " '' " 
 
 ■ 'Mr.'Charies Butler, in his Reminiscences, sayS, '' Very e'ai^ly rising, a sys- 
 tematic division of my time, abstinence from all company, and from all diver- 
 sions not likely to amuse me highly, and, above all, never peiTaitting a bit or 
 scrap of time to be unemployed, have supplied me with an abundance of 
 library hours," . , , j 
 
 instances of this misapplication of times of vacation may be observ^ ip the 
 conduct of members of different professions, ' ' ' 
 
 Evelyn, inhisMemoirs, says, 5th December, 1678 : " I was this day invited 
 to a wedding of one Mrs. Castle, towhom I had some obligation, and it was to 
 her fifth husband^ a lieutenant cobnel of the city. She was the daughter of 
 one Burton, a broom-man, by his wife who sold kitchen-stuflP, whom God so 
 blessed, that the father became very rich and was a very honest man : he was 
 Sheriff of Surrey when I sat on the bench with him. Another of his daughters 
 was married to Sir John Bowles, and this daughter was a jolly i friendly woman. 
 There was at the wedding the Lord Mayor/ th« SherifTi sevei'aj Aldermen, and 
 
NOTEjiXOV. 
 
 persons of quality > above all, Sir George Jeffriest . itewly Qiade Lord Chief 
 Justice of England, with Mr. Justice Withings, danced with the bride, and 
 were exceeding merry. , These great men spent th? rpst of the afternoon, till 
 eleven at night, in drinking healtliS) taking tobacco, and talking much beneath 
 the gravity of judges, that bad but a day or two before condemed Mr. Algernon 
 Sidney." 
 
 Mr. C. Butler, in his, Essay on the Life of Chancellor de l'Hdpital> says, 
 " When a magistrate, after the sittings of the court, returned to his family, he 
 had little temptation to stir again from home. His library was necessarily his 
 sole resource ; his books, his only company. Speaking generally, he had 
 studied hard at college, and had acquired there a taste for literature, which 
 never forsook him. , To this aiistere and retired life, we owe the Chancellor de 
 l'H6pital, the President de Thou, Pasquier, Loisel, the Pithous, and many 
 other ornaments of the magistracy. These days are passed." 
 
 Of loss of time by useless inquiry. 
 As the inclination to affection is imprinted deeply in our nature,. iQSomuch 
 that, if it issue, pot towards our fellow creatures, it will fix Ujpon other creatures ; 
 so the love of truth, if it be not rightly directed, will waste itself in idl$ inquiry. 
 Inquiry cannot, strictly speaking, ever be said to be wholly useless.: for it is, 
 indeed, some consolation to reflect that, however we may err and stray in the 
 pursuit of knowledge, our labours are seldom, if ever, wholly . lost. , Some 
 wheat will spring up amidst the tares. The waters of science cannot be 
 troubled without exerting their virtue. 
 
 -Bacon, in his. Novum Organum, when speaking of instancy .qf power, says, 
 " Neither are superstitions, and those commonly called magic^ matters, to be 
 quite excluded : for, although things of this kind lie strangely. , buried, and, deep 
 involved in falsehood and fable ; yet some, regard should be. had, |o discover 
 whether no.natural operation is concealed in the heap ;. for exarapla^lin fasci- 
 nation — 1, The power of itnaginatioo, 2, The sympathy qr consent of. distant 
 things.. 3. The communication of impressions, from spirit to spirit,, as ^ell as 
 from body to, body." &c, ., . . > 
 
 The pursuit of alchemy is at an end. Yet surely to alcheiqy this right is 
 due, that it may. truly be compared to the huebandman, wherspf <Esop makes 
 the fable, that, when he died, told his sons he had. left unto them a great mass 
 of gold buried under ground in his vineyard, but did not remember the particular 
 place where it was hidden ; who, when they had vjith spades turned u^ all the 
 vineyard, gold indeed they found none, but by reason of their stirring^ and 
 digging the mould .about .the roots of their vines, they had a great vintage the 
 year foUgwing : so the painful search and stir of alchemists to make gold hath 
 brought to light a great number of good and fruitful ezperimsots, as well for 
 the disclosing of natuie, as the use of man's life. 
 
 Avoiding idle curiosity. 
 The modes of preventing useless J 2. Knowledge of existing inventions. 
 
 g 
 
 inquiry are by 1 3. Contracting the inquiry within narrow 
 
 limits. 
 
 Idle curiosity. . • i . 
 
 We spend, our days in unprofitable questions and disputations, intricate 
 subtleties, de lana caprina, about moonshine in the water. 
 
 Truths; that the learn 'd pursue with eager thought, • 
 Are not important always as dear bought,' 
 Proving at last, though told in pompous strains, 
 A chiliMsh waste- of philosophic pains j 
 But tmthsj on which depends our mjin concern, 
 I Thait 'tis our shame and misery not to learn; 
 • Shineby thesi^e-ofeverv path we treadi - 
 With such a lustre^ he that runs may read. 
 
NOTE XO V. 
 
 Bacon, in his Novum Organum, says, " Among prerogative instances, we 
 assign the twenty-fifth place to intimating; instatices : that is, such as hint or 
 point put the advantages or conveniences of ri[ia.n)tind; for bfjre: power and 
 knowledge oflly ^nlarge, but do not enrich human nature, and therefore such 
 things as principally appertain to the uses of life, are to be selected, or culled- 
 out from the general mass of things." Again, " As a futtlief ground of expec- 
 tation men may please to consider the infinite expense of genius, time, and 
 treasure that has been bestowed upon things and studies of very little use and 
 value ; whilst, if but a part thereof were employed upon sound and serviceable 
 inatters, every difficulty mightie conquered." 
 
 The angel in the Paradise Lost says, 
 
 " But whether thus these things or whether not, 
 Whether the sun predominant in heaven 
 Rise on the earth, or earth rise on the sun, , 
 He from the east his flaming road begiii. 
 Or she from west her silent course pursue 
 With inoffensive pace, that sp'inning sleeps 
 On her soft axle, while she paces even 
 And bears thee soft with the smooth air along. 
 Solicit not thy thoughts with matters hid, 
 Leave them to God ^above. 
 
 but to know 
 That which before us lies in daily life 
 Is the prime wisdoni, what is more is fume. 
 Or emptiness, or fond impertinence. 
 
 ■- — Joy thou 
 
 In whf^t he gives to thee, this paradise 
 And thy fair Eve ; heaven is for thee too high 
 To know what passes there ; be lowly wise : 
 Think only what concerns thee and thy being." 
 
 Les hommes ne sont pas n^s pour employer leur temps a mesurer des lignes, 
 a examiner les rapports des aneles, a consid6rer les divers mouvemens de la 
 matiere : leur esprit est trop grand, leur vie troj) courte, leur temps trop 
 pr^cieux pour I'occupfer a de si petits objSts; mais ils sont obliges d'Stire 
 jiistes/^quitables, judicieux dans tous leurs discours, dans toutes leur actions,! 
 et dans toutes leS afiaiTes qu'ils manient, et c'est a quoi ils doivent parficu- 
 lierement s'exercer et se former. 
 
 " Quid fas optare, quid asper 
 
 Utile nummus habet, patriae charisqiue propinquis 
 Quantum ^largiii deccE^t, quem te Deus esse 
 Jussit, et humana qua parte locatus es in re. 
 Quid siimiis, aut quidnam victuri gignimus." 
 
 Curiosity- in things of little use is either in words or in matter; the first 
 distemper of learning is when men study words, not matter ; a vanity whicb 
 more or less will ever exist. ■ i, 
 
 Fygmi^lipji cftenzy/is a good emblem of this v.apty,for what are words but 
 the images of matter ?. and except tbey be animated ^ith the spirit of reason^ to 
 fall i'u lo,ve jwith t^iem, is, all one as to fa)l in love with a picture. 
 
 Demetrius tne grammarian finding in the temple of Delphos a knot of 
 philosophers chattii^g together, said to them, ' Either I ain inuch deceived, or 
 by your cheerful and pleasant countenance, you are engaged in no veiy deep 
 discourse.' To which one of them, Heraclean the magician, replied, ' 'Tis 
 for such as are puzzled about inquiring wbethsr the future tense of the ifprb 
 /3aX\(i) be spelt with. a double X, or that hunt after ,the derivation of the comr, 
 pafatiyes, xfipiov, piXfipv,, and the superlatives jdetpiTov, jSeXrt's-oj', to iviii 
 their brows whilst discburing of their jscif nee.' ,i j,, i, 
 
NOTES XOU XUY. 
 
 I.J • Ignorance -of existing inventions. 
 
 The celebrated John Hunter, who was almost self-educated, is said to have 
 devoted mdch of his valuable time to the discovery of some tniths that had been 
 known fbr years. 
 
 Bacon, in Ms Instances of Power, says, " In the tenth place come instances 
 of power ; or, as we sometimes call them, trophies or ensigns of power, inven- 
 tions, or the works of men's hands ; that is, the most noble and perfect works, 
 and as it were the masterpiece in every art. For since the design is to bend 
 nature to things, and bring her to serve the turn of man, (a) it is absolutely 
 proper that the works already in men's possession should be enumerated and 
 set down, (as so many provinces already subdued and cultivated,) especially 
 such works as are best understood, and brought nearest to perfection ; because 
 these afford a short and easy passage to fuither discoveries. 
 
 Contracting inquiries within narrow limits. 
 This subject is considered in the Novum Organum. 
 
 NOTE XOU. 
 
 When a great outrage is committed by a lunatic, as Hadfield's attempting to 
 shoot the King, or Bellingham's shooting Mr. Percival, it is a common vulgar 
 feeling that the offender should be executed : and Bellingham was executed, — 
 Q. 1. Does not this error originate in the supposition that insane minds can be . 
 influenced by a calculation of the consequences of its actions 1 Q. 2. Do not 
 punishments increase the offence, by awakening the morbid feeling? Q. 3. 
 Does not punishment originate in the alarm felt by the community at the 
 probable repetition of the offence. 
 
 NOTE XOY. 
 
 " My very good Lord,— I thank your lordship for yO\st last loving 
 letter. I now write to give the King an account of a patent I have stayed 
 at the seal. It is of licence to give in moTtmain eight hundred pounds 
 land, though it be in tenure in chief to Allen, that was the player, for an 
 hospital. I like well that Allen playefli the last act of his life so well; but, 
 if his majesty give way thus to an^ortize his tenures, his courts oi waaidsi 
 will decay, which I had well hoped should improve. But that which 
 moved me chiefly is, that his majesty now lately did absolutely deny Sir 
 Henry Savile for two hundred pounds, and Sir Edwin Sandys for one 
 hundred pounds, to ^he perpetuating of two lectures, the one in Oxford, 
 the other in Cambridge, foundations of singular honour to his majesty (the 
 best learned of kings), and of which there is great want; whereas hospitals 
 abound, and beggars abound never a whit the less. If jkis m^esty^do like 
 to pass the book at all; yet if he would be pleased to abridge the eight; 
 hundred pounds to five hundred pounds, and then give way to the^ other 
 two books for the university, it were a princely work. And I vvoiiHf'ih&Jce 
 an humble suit to the King, and desire ybur lordship to joiti in it, that it ' 
 might be so. God ever preServie and pi:oS]jer you. Yoilf 'Lordship's 
 most obliged frietid Etnd feithftir^en^nt/* 
 
 In Heme's Histoiy of the Charter House, p. 107, after having statedi 
 
 (o) Let a clear and strong conception be had of the end in view ; lyhicli js 
 noiess than to acquire such a command and mastery over nature, as that ijlen' 
 ma*^use her like a ready instrument, or agent, iti effecting the^^eafest works';' 
 such as lengthening life, ruling the weither, and the like, which to viilgir 
 philosophers appear impossibilities. 
 
NOTF. XOY. 
 
 Bacon's letter to the King respecting Sutton's Hospital (ante, cliv), says, 
 '' Those who ever understood the temper of this learned man may easily 
 perceive that at this time there were baits enough laid for his partiality, 
 that such a mind as his could not but be biassed, nay, now he was to con- 
 test for opposition's sake : this made him busy and importunate, eager at 
 Ihe bar, and earnest in his addresses to the King. The motives that 
 encouraged him to espouse the plaintiff's quarrel, in short were these: 
 1. The comfortable expectation of a great share of the revenues. 2. Be- 
 cause he was not named by Sutton, as one of the trustees for the founda- 
 tion; which very reflection Mr. Laws, the executor, used to him much 
 about the trial. 3. He and Sir Edward Coke could never agree, and 
 therefore no wonder if they diifered in this affair : an instance whereof I 
 find in a letter of his of expostulation to Sir Edward, wherein he says, 
 He took a liberty to disgrace his law, experience, and discretion, &c. 
 I shall not undertake to answer the particular arguments in the letter, but 
 only briefly take thus much notice of it. First, the simile of salt and 
 sacrifice amounts to no more than this : that we can do nothing perfectly, 
 but yet we must do as well as we can ; and in acts of mercy every man is 
 the proper judge of his own discretion. Secondly, he urges the honourable 
 trustees cannot live for ever; but yet, at their decease, their equals are 
 chosen in their room. What else is urged, is rather a large and studied 
 essay of the end of charity, than a thing proper to this afiair." 
 
 In Stephens's collection of letters, p. 234, which contains this letter to 
 Buckingham, there is the following note upon these observations of Heme : 
 " It were to be wished this observation did not hold true in these times ; 
 for though the foundations of hospitals are to be commended, which Sir 
 Francis Bacon hath done both in this letter and other his writings, yet it 
 shews that some more adequate remedy for supporting the poor, than what 
 arises from these charities, or even fi:om the laws enacted for their relief, 
 was then, and yet is to be desired. And as the defect thereof is no small 
 reproach to the government of a' country, happy in its natural product, and 
 enriched by commerce; so it would be an act of the greatest humanity, 
 that the poor might be provided for, and beggary and idleness, the succes- 
 sive nursery of rogues, as far as possible extirpated. And since his majesty 
 has recommended it to the parliament from his throne, with a tenderness 
 becoming the fether of his country, it is to be hoped that great assembly 
 will be able in his reign to effect so good a work. Upon fliis occasion I 
 cannot but take notice of a story which has been spread abroad to the 
 defamation of Sir Francis Bacon (but upon no good ground, as far as 1 
 can judge), as if in the accomplishment of the foundation of the Chartreux 
 Hospital, begun by Mr. Sutton, and carried on by his executora. Sir 
 Francis who was then the King's Solicitor, hid, for some ill designs of 
 gain to himself or others, endeavoured to have defeated the same. The 
 fact whereof was : that the heir at law supposing, that notwithstanding 
 what Mr. Sutton had done in procuring acts of parliament, and patents 
 from the King, in order to establish this noble charity, the greatest part of 
 his estate was descended to him; it was argued on his behalf, by th6 
 Solicitor General, and by Mr. Henry Yelverton, and Mr. Walter, men of 
 great reputation in those times. And whatever ill intentions some of the 
 court might have, my request to the reader is, that before he pass any 
 censure upon Sir Francis Bacon relating hereunto, he would please to 
 peruse his advice giveo to the King touching Mr. Sutton's estate, and 
 published in the Resuscitatio, p. 265." 
 
KOTE COG. 
 
 NOTE GGG. 
 
 Journal of Proceedings against Lord Bacon. 
 [From a tract, entitled, A Collection of the Proceedings, &e.] 
 
 15th March, 1620. — Sir Robert Philips reports from the committee appointed 
 to inquire into abuses in the courts of justice, viz. — I am commanded from the 
 said committee to render an account of some abuses in the courts of justice, 
 which have been presented unto us. In that which I shall deliver are three 
 parts: 1. The person against whom it is alleged. 2. The matter alleged. .3. 
 The opinion of the committee. 
 
 1. The person against whom it is alleged is no less than the Lord Chancellor ; 
 a man so endued with all parts both of nature and art, as that I will say no 
 more of himj being not able to say enough. 2. The matter alleged is corrup- 
 tion. 3. The persons by whom this is presented to us are two, Awbrey and 
 Egei-ton. 
 
 Awbrey's petition saith, that he having a cause depending before the Lord 
 Chancelldr, and being tired by delays, was advised by some, that are near my 
 lord, to quidken the way by more than ordinary means, viz. by presenting my 
 lord with lOOi. The poor gentleman, not able by any means to come to hi-t 
 wished-for port, struck sail at this, and made a shift to get 100/. from the 
 usurer ; and having got it, went with Sir George Hastings and Mr. Jenkins of 
 Gray's Inn ; and being come to my lord's house, they took the money of him, 
 and carried it in to my Lord Chancellor, and came out to him again, sayiuj;, 
 My lord was thankful, and assured him of good success in his business. Sir 
 George Hastings acknowledges the giving of advice, and carrying in of money 
 to my lord, and saith, be presented it to my lord as from himself, and not from 
 Awbrey. This is also confirmed by divers letters ; but it wrought not the effect 
 which the getitleman expected ; for notwjthstandlng this, he was still delayed. 
 
 Egerton sheweth, that he desirijMi5^|jrocure my lord's favour, was persuaded 
 by Sir George Hastings and Sir B^tM^oinjg to present my lord with a sura 
 of money. Before this advice, y^^^^/^^/§/^ present of 52/. and odd shillings 
 in plate, as a testimony of hisr love ; buMffit rests doubtful whether before his 
 oalUng to seal, or since. But now, by-jnortgaging his estate, he got up 400/. 
 and sends for Sir George Hasting* and ^ir Richard Young, desires, their assist- 
 ance in presenting this money, and told them, how much it was. They took it 
 and carried it in, and presented it to. the Lord,.Chancellgr, as a gratuity from 
 the gentleman, for that my lord (when he was Attorney) stood by him.. My 
 lord (as they say) started at it first, saying. It was too much, he' would not take 
 it ; but at length was persuaded, because it was for favours past, and took it ; 
 and the gentleman returned him thanks, saying. That their loni said that he did 
 not only enrich him, but laid a tie on him to assist him in all just and lawful 
 business. Sir George Hastings and Sir Richard Young acknowledged the 
 receiving and delivery of the purse, but said they knew not what was in it. 
 
 Then a question was proposed, whether there were any suit depending during 
 those oflFers, either in the Chancery or Star Chamber ; but there was no certain 
 evidence of it. Thus you see corruption laid to the charge of a judge too, a 
 great judge, nay, to the great keeper of the king's conscience. 
 
 Another point came inby the by, shewing that some indirect means are some- 
 times open (I fear too often) to^he courts of justice.. It concerns nq less man 
 than a divine, that is now a bishop, but then called Doctor Field. Mr. Eger- 
 ton and he being acquainted, and Mr. Egerton's mind being troubled with the 
 ill success of his business, vented it to this divine, who contrary to his profes- 
 sion, took upon him to broke for him in such a manner, as was never prece- 
 dented.by any. He made Egerton to acknowledge a recognizance of 10,000/. 
 with a defeasance, that if my Lord Chancellor did decree it for him, 6000/. was 
 to be distributed amongst those honourable persons that did solicit it for him ; 
 
 VOL. XV. 22 
 
NOTE G G G. 
 
 but if it did not go as they desired, he promised in vei-bo sacerdolis, that he 
 would deliver the bonds again. This appeared by letters from the now reverend 
 bishop, but then practical doctor. Mr. Johnson (a moral honest man) per- 
 ceiving that Mr. Egerton finding no relief, did intend to prefer a petition against 
 my Lord Chancellor, by one Heal's means, took occasion to talk with Mr. 
 Egerton, asking him, why he would prefer such a scandalous petition against 
 my lord 1 - He would have him take the money out of the petition, and then his 
 cause by the mediation and conference of some other judge with my lord, might 
 be brought to a good end ; and for money, if he had lent any, he might be 
 satisfied again. There was, upon a petition to the King by Sir Rowland 
 Egerton, a reference of this matter to my Lord Chancellor, and Mr. Edward 
 Egerton entered into 10,000 marks bond. 
 
 He had treated with one Doctor Sharp, that if he would give llOOJ. he 
 should have his desire : we sent for Sharp, but he denied that he ever contracted 
 with him. 
 
 The desire of the committee was, to reform that which was amiss ; and they 
 thought fit to give as much expedition as may be, because so great a man's 
 honour is soiled with it, and therefore that further inquisition be made this 
 afternoon, and when it is found, to be sent to the Lords. 
 
 Thus I have faithfully related what hath passed, and with as much duty and 
 respect as I might to my Lord Chancellor, I desire it to be carried out of the 
 house with a favourable construction. 
 
 Ordered, that this matter be further considered by the committee this after- 
 
 [The previous statement is from the Tract, the following from the Journals :] 
 
 15th March. — Sir E-obert Phillippes reporteth from the committee for Courts 
 of Justice, three parts : Person, against whom : the matter : and opinion of 
 the committee : with desire of further direction. 
 
 The person, the Lord Chancellor : a man excellently endued with all parts, 
 of nature and art. Will not speak much, because cannot speak enough. 
 
 The matter, corruption : the parties accusing, Awbrey and Egerton. 
 
 Upon question, resolved, that the complaints of Awbrey and Egerton aga,inst 
 the Lord Chancellor and the Bishop, for corruption, for the lOOi. and 400l. and 
 the recognizance, shall be presented to the Lords from this house, without 
 prejudice or opinion. " 
 
 This to be presented to the Lords upon Monday. 
 
 The heads hereof to be set down in writing, for the better information of this 
 house. 
 
 The same to be presented by Sir R.o. Phillippes. 
 
 The heads to be set down by Sir Edw. Coke, Sir Ro. Phillippes, Mr. Noye, 
 Sir D. Digges. 
 
 Sir Tho. Howard. That this message must be, first, for a conference ; and 
 then to deliver this complaint at that conference. Agreed. 
 
 Awbrey. 
 
 Awbrey complaineth, that, wearied in his cause in chancery, he was advised 
 by his counsel, to expedite his business, to present the Lord Chancellor with 
 lOOi. He got at use lOOi. goeth with Sir George Hastings and Mr. Jenkyns to 
 Yorke House : there they two went, and returned to him, with thanks from my 
 lord, and hopes of better success in his cause than formerly. 
 
 That Sir George confessed, he consented to the advice ; and that he gave ray 
 lord the money, but, as from himself, not from the party. 
 
 That this confirmed by the copies of Awbrey's letters to my lord ; wherein 
 this sum mentioned. That, this notwithstanding, his cause succeeded ill, 
 being still locked up there. 
 
 Egerton. 
 
 The next, Edward Egerton. That, haying many suits, he first presented my 
 
NOT I', ti GO. 
 
 lord with a bason and ewer, of 52/. but doubtful, whetlier this before he was 
 Lord Keeper, or presently after. 
 
 That persuaded by Sir George Hastinges, and Sir Richard Yong, to gratify 
 my lord. That he sold tythes ; raised 400/. carried it to Whytehall, to my 
 Lord Chancellor's lodging; called for Sir George and Sir Richard Yong, and 
 by them sent in this gold in a purse ; who carried it in to my lord ; who started 
 at it, saying, it was too much. That thanks returned to him from my lord. 
 And Edward Egerton saith, he had a further message ; that my lord said, he 
 not only enriched him, but bound him to do him all lawful favours. 
 
 This denied by Sir George and Sir Richard Yong ; but the delivery of the 
 money confessed by them. 
 
 That it was ordered by the committee, Edwzu-d Egerton should have time, to 
 bring in all the petitions, references, bills, answers, injunctions, orders, and 
 writings, concerning this business. 
 
 That a circumstance appeared, that some indirect way open in these cases. 
 That Egerton, acquainted with a divine, now a bishop, broke to him his suits : 
 he undertook to broke for him ; took from him a recognizance of 10,000/. with 
 a kind of defeazance, that, if his land were decreed him, he should pay 6000/. 
 to those honourable persons, by whom he should receive favour. That this was 
 con6rmed by Bishop Feild's letters. That this letter had some honesty in it ; 
 for, if the business succeeded not, in verba sacerdotis he should have his recog- 
 nizance again. 
 
 A circumstance, concerning Mr. Johnson, a member of this house, a moral 
 honest man: That, as Egerton saith, Johnson persuaded him to take out of 
 his petition the matter of money, and then his lordship would give way to it ; 
 and, if he would go in the afternoon to my lord, with Sir George and Sir 
 Richard Yong, my lord was like to let him have the money he had lent him : 
 but this Johnson denied. 
 
 Sir Richard Yong : grieved, to hear, or speak, of this. That he summoned 
 to answer here in a great senate ; therefore will neither deny, nor blanch, truth. 
 That Edward Egerton and he long acquainted: cousins. Beholding to the 
 Lord Chancellor, who had been formerly of his counsel. That Sir George and 
 he dining with my lord at Whytehall, Edward Egerton brought them a bag of 
 gold : that they presented it to my lord, as a thankful remembrance from a 
 client, to buy him a suit of hangings for his house, which then preparing. 
 
 Mr. Noye : two complainers of wrongs idone by them ; Awbrew, and Eger- 
 ton. That they accuse the Lord Chancellor of a great crime. We must needs 
 now, either clear, or condemn him. 
 
 That strange, there should be witnesses in this case : yet here some. Liketh 
 not. Sir George or Sir Richard should have made any apology, l^he acciisa- 
 tion against one, that hath taken an oath, as a counsellor to the king, and chan- 
 cellor : if the offence true, wrongeth the king, and the land in general. 
 
 It seems to be next to impossible that communication of these proceedings 
 was not immediately made to the Lord Chancellor, aiid yet it is certain that he 
 sat in the House of Lords on the 17th March, as appears from the following 
 entry on the journals : 
 
 Die Sabbati, videlicet, 17" die Martii, Domini tam Spirituales quam Tempo- 
 rales, quorum nomina subscribuntur, praesentes fuerunt : 
 
 p. Carolus Princeps Walliae, &c. 
 Archiepus. Cant. p. Vicecomes St. Alban, 
 
 p. Archiepus. Eborum. Magn. Cane. Anglias. 
 
 Epus. London. p. Vicecomes Maundevil, 
 
 p. Epus. Dunelm. Mag. Thes. Anglias. 
 
 &c. &c. 
 
 Tliis was the last time he sat as Chancellor in the House of Lords. 
 
NOTE GOO. 
 
 [Sabbati, 17th March, 1620.— 1st. From the Tract.] 
 
 Sir Robert Phillips made report from the Committee of the abuses in the 
 Courts of Justice. 
 
 We met on Thursday in the afternoon : the principal thing wherein I desired 
 to be satisfied was, whether at the time of giving those gifts to the Lord Chan- 
 cellor, there was any suit depending before him. In Awbrey's case it appeared 
 plainly there was something accidentally fell out in this examination, and that 
 IS a declaration of Sir George Hastings, who hath been struggling with himself 
 betwixt gi'atitude and honesty, but public and private goods meeting, he pre- 
 ferred the public, he pitying Awbrey's case, did give in a box of 100/. to the 
 Lord Chancellor in those terms or the like, that it was to help Awbrey in his 
 cause, notwithstanding not long after a very prejudicial and murthering order 
 was made against Awbrey in his cause ; whereupon Sir George Hastings moved 
 my Lord Chancellor to rectify this order ; my lord promised to do it, but did it 
 not. The order was put into the hands of one Churchill, (one of the registers 
 of the Chancery) by a servant of the Lord Chancellor's. 
 
 There are letters of Awbrey to the Lord Chancellor touching this business. 
 
 Now for Mr. Egerton's case : as the matter was of more weight, so the sum 
 was of larger extent, for there was 400i. given then, and a suit then depending 
 in the Star Chamber, about which time Sir Rowland Egerton did prefer a 
 petition to the King for a reference unto the Lord Chancellor ; whereupon my 
 lord caused him to enter into 10,000 marks bond to stand to his award. An 
 award was made, which was refused by Edward Egerton ; thereupon a suit by 
 the Lord Chancellor's direction was commenced against him, and the bond of 
 10,000 marks assigned over to Sir Rowland Egerton. About this time Edward 
 Egerton became acquainted with Doctor Field, relating his cause unto him, 
 who pitying him, sent him two worthy gentlemen, Mr. Damport and Sir John 
 Butler (who is now dead ;) he makes known his case to them, and desires them 
 to be a means to put oif his cause from hearing, because his witnesses were not 
 here. Whereupon Damport rode to the Marquis of Buckingham to have had 
 his letter to the Lord Chancellor to stop it ; but the marquis said he would not 
 write, because the matter was already decreed, and he would not receive it, 
 Mr. Egerton was drawn into a bond of 10,000/. for 6,000/. and Mr. Damport 
 being asked what he and Doctor Field should have had of this money, he said 
 he did not remember what certain sum, but he said it was more than any cause 
 could deserve in any court of justice. 
 
 In Awbrey's case this is to be added, that Sir George Hastings being at 
 Hackney, where he dwelt, was sent for by the Lord Chancellor, and came unto 
 him, and found him in bed, who bid him come near him, and willed the rest to 
 depart the room, and then said to him. Sir George, I am sure you love me, and 
 I know that you are not willing that any thing done by you shall reflect any 
 dishonour upon me. I hear that one Awbrey pretends to petition against me ; 
 he is a man that you have some interest in, you may take him off if you please. 
 Sir George Hastings afterwards met with Awbrey, and asked whether he 
 intended any such thing,.and desired to see it to show the Lord Chancellor, 
 which Sir George accordingly did, and desired my lord to do the poor man 
 justice. My lord promised to do it, and bad him bring his counsel ; they did 
 so, but could have no remedy; so the petition went on. Sir George Hastings 
 sometimes since had conference with my Lord Chancellor ; he told him, he 
 must lay it upon his lordship. If you do, George, said he, I must deny it upon 
 my honour. 
 
 Thus you see the relation of what hath passed. Now for our proceedings 
 in it. 
 
 It is a cause of great weight, it concerns every man here ; for if the fountains 
 be muddy, what will the streams be 1 If the gieat dispenser of 'he king's con- 
 science be corrupt, who can have any courage to plead before himl I will 
 present one thing to you, and then make a request. 
 
 ■That which I move is, that we present this business singly to the Lords, and 
 deliver it without exasperation. One precedent is for it in the like case, for s, 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 chancellor in a cause of conuption. Secondly, because the party accused is a 
 peer of the kingdom, sitting in the higher house, whom we cannot meddle with. 
 Thirdly, because we have no power to give an oath. That which I request is, 
 that those people which have been fettered with much calamity by these courses 
 may by petition to his majesty, or otherwise, have their causes revived and 
 revised. 
 
 Sir Edward Sackvil. This noble lord stands but yet suspected ; and I hold 
 not those gentlemen that have testified against him competent witnesses. 1. 
 Because they speak to discharge themselves. 2. Because, if he be guilty, they 
 were those who tempted him. But yet, if notwithstanding you resolve to send 
 it up to the Lords, let it be presented without any prejudicial opinion, to be 
 weighed in the balance of their lordships' judgments. And if they think fit to 
 examine these witnesses, let them. , 
 
 Sir George Hastings. This adds to my grief ; but this is my resolution, I 
 had. rather perish with a just sentence here than escape with a guilty conscience. 
 
 Some moved, that Sir George Hastings and Sir Richard Young should be 
 separated till the matter were ended, but nothing ordered therein. 
 
 Mr. Nevil. . After some reluctation within me, I am resolved to speak what 
 my conscience moves me unto ; I speak for the good of my country, the honour 
 of my king, and advancement of justice. Justice is the fountain, the king the 
 head thereof, clear as the waters of Siloah, pute as the river of Damascus ; but 
 there is a derivative justice brought unto us by channels ; those are often 
 muddy, and more bitter than the waters of Marah ; such waters flow abundantly 
 in Chancery. I will not touch upon the person of him that sits in court, for he 
 is the dispenser of the king's conscience ; but because some motions are made 
 against the testimony of those gentlemen, I will say this, I think them fit to 
 sit here, because they are neither delinquents nor accused. My lord means to 
 deny it upon his honour ; but I would not have that serve his turn, for he him- 
 self hath made the nobility swear in Chancery : therefore I would have their 
 lordships informed what privileges they have lost. Next I would have them 
 note the luxuriant authonty of that court, and how it is an inextricable laby- 
 rinth, wherein resideth such a minotaur, as gormandizeth the liberty of all 
 subjects whatsoever. 
 
 Mr. Recorder Finch. If we shall make but a presentation of this, we do in 
 a sort accuse him, nay, judge him, if the gentlemen be admitted to give testi- 
 mony ; before it shall condemn another, it must agree with itself. 
 
 First, I heard him say, he gave it as a present from himself, yet afteiwards 
 he saith, he told my Lord Chancellor he had it from Awbrey. Again, Awbrey 
 speaks not of any delivery of money himself to my Lord Chancellor. Then 
 again it is urged> that a discontented suitor wrote letters to my lord, the letters 
 are rejected, not hearkened unto : what doth this but free him 1 
 
 In the other case ; if Egerton, out of a desire to congratulate him at his 
 coming to the seal for his kindnesses and pains in former business, what wrong 
 hath he done, if he hath teceived a present^ And if there were a suit depend- 
 ing, who keeps a register in his heart of all causes, nay, who can amongst 
 such a multitude 1 And for the 6,000i. there is no colour that ever he should 
 have had any part thereof. 
 
 For taking away the privilege of the nobility in requiring an oath, he found 
 the couit possessed of it before he came there ; so that we have no sufficient 
 grounds to accuse so great a lord ; but if we shall present articles to the lords, 
 what do we (as I said before) but accuse him ? • 
 
 Sir Edward Coke. It is objected, that we have but one single witness, 
 therefore no sufficient proof. I answer, that in the 37 Eliz. in a complaint against 
 soldier-sellers, i. e. such as having warrants to take up soldiers for the wars, 
 if they pressed a rich man's son, for money they would discharge him, there 
 was no more but singularis testis in one matter ; but though they were single 
 witnesses in several matters, yet agreeing in one and the same third person, it 
 was held sufficient to prove a work of darkness, for in such works it is a marvel 
 there are any. But some object that these men are culpable, and therefore no 
 competent witnesses. I answer, they came not to accuse, but were interro- 
 
NOTE G G G. 
 
 gated : if I be interrogated, I had rather speak truth than respect any man ; 
 and you will make bribery to be unpunished, if he who carrieth the bribe shall 
 not be a witness. In this one witness is sufficient. He that accuseth himself 
 by accusing another, is more than three witnesses, and this was wrought out 
 of them. 
 
 It was ordered that the complaint of Awbrey and Egerton against the Lord 
 Chancellor and the bishop for corruption for the 100/. and 400i. and the 
 recognizance should be drawn up by Sir Robert Philips, Sir Edward Coke, 
 Mr. Noy, and Sir Dudley Diggs, and be related to the Lords without prejudice 
 or opinion at a conference, and a message to be sent for this purpose ou Monday. 
 Adjourned, &c. 
 
 [2ndly. From the Journals. — 17th March.] 
 
 Sir R. Phillips reported : that, in Egerton's case, it now appeared, by view 
 of orders, that, at the time of the presenting my lord with the 400/. before, and 
 after, a suit in chancery depending. An order made 28th Maii, another 3rd 
 Junii, and another of July : mean between these, this 400/. given. The same 
 time some suits in chancery. 
 
 That Robert Egerton petitioned the king, who referred it to my Lord Chan- 
 cellor. Bonds of 10,000 marks apiece, to stand to his award. An award 
 made : refused by Edward Egerton. A suit, by Lord Chancellor's direction, 
 commenced in chancery ; and the bonds of 10,000 marks assigned over to Sir 
 Row. Egerton. 
 
 The recognizance of 10,000/. lo Field and Damport, as in the notes at the 
 committee, for the motion, and answer, of, and to, my lord of Buck'. That 
 Field was to have a great share ; and Damport, as he said, a share also, so 
 great, as, he thought, no suit in any court would have afforded. 
 
 Sir George Hastinges : that, out of commisseration of the poor man's person 
 and estate, he gave way to this by-way ; for which soriy, and craveth pardon. 
 
 Sir George Hastinges required to deliver the truth, upon his credit. 
 
 Tha.t, about three weeks, he was sent for, by one of my lord's men, from 
 Hackney : that my lord, in his bed, putting away his servants out of the cham- 
 ber, told him, he hoped, he loved hiih so well, he hoped, nothing, passing by 
 him, should reflect upon my lord ; and required him to take oflF Awbrey, And 
 took Awbrey his petition, carrying it to my lord, desired him to do the party 
 that right, as might keep this off from his lordship, and him : which his lord- 
 ship promised, wishing his counsel to come : which was done ; but could not 
 be heard : and therefore this pursued. 
 
 Mr. Noye : that my Lord Chancellor returned an answer to Egerton, of 
 thankfulness ; which could not do, if he had received it of them, as from them- 
 selves. 
 
 Mr. Finch : that, sithence these are to be sworn, not to have that set down 
 in writing ; and that, if it be set down in writing, it may be done apart. 
 
 Sir D. Digges and Dr. Gouch to do this apart. 
 
 Sir Robert Phillippes craveth pardon, if, through shortness of time, and his 
 own wants, shall fail : and that he may add, in the end, that, if any thing else, 
 of this kind, appear, they may appear. 
 
 Sir Ro. Phillippes reporteth from the committee for courts of justice, that it 
 plainly appeared, in Awbrey his case, that he had a suit depending, before, at, 
 and long after, the presenting of the 100/. to the Lord Chancellor. That Sir 
 George Hastings had striven between gratefulness to my Lord Chancellor, and 
 publick honesty. That he said, that, hoping it would have plained Awbrey his 
 way in his suit, received from Awbrey 100/. which he delivered my lord, as 
 from himself, to further Awbrey his suit. That Sir George, in summer last, 
 acquainted Sir Charles Mount, that he had given this 100/. for this purpose, to 
 iny Lord Chancellor. That, a killing order made in Awbrey his prejudice. 
 Sir George acquainted my lord with it, praying his help of it ; who promised 
 it, but performed it not. That this order dravra by Churchill, upon notes deli- 
 vered him by a servant or secretary of my Lord Chancellor. 
 
NOTE G G G. 
 
 Remembereth further, in Awbrey his case, Sir George said lately to my lord, 
 he must say, this money was delivered to him by him : whereto my lord ; 
 " George, if you do so, I must deny it, upon mine honour," That last night, 
 before this committee sat, my lord said to Sir George and Sir Bichavd Young, 
 they must answer this another day ; for he would deny it, upon his oath. 
 
 That, in Egerton's business, he, by Merrifield's help, got money, put it into 
 gold; told Merrifield, my Lord Chancellor was to have it, for help iu his 
 cause ; and told him, he had done so. 
 
 As Lord Bacon sat in the House of Lords on the 17th, and then sat there, 
 for the last time as Chancellor, I infer that there was some communication 
 between him and Buckingham between the 17th and the 19th, and that the 
 following letter was written during this interval : 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingam. (a) 
 My very good Lord, — Your lordship spoke of purgatory. J am now in it j 
 but my mind is in a calm, for my fortune is not my felicity. I know I have 
 clean hands, and a clean heart ; and, I hope, a clean house for friends or ser- 
 vants. But Job himself, or whosoever was the justest judge, by such hunting 
 for matters against him as hath been used against me, may for a time seem 
 foul, especially in a time when greatness is me mark, and accusation is the 
 game. And if this be to be a chancellor, I tliink, if the great seal lay upon 
 Hounslow Heath, no body would take it up. But the King and your lordship 
 will, I hope, put an end to these my straits one way or other. And in troth 
 that which I fear most is, lest continual attendance and business, together with 
 these cares, and want of time to do my weak body right this spring by diet and 
 physic, will cast me down ; and that it will be thought feigning or fainting. 
 But I hope in God I shall hold out. God prosper you. 
 
 The following anecdotes seem proper for this place : 
 
 Extract d'un Lettre de Monsieur le Chevalier Digby a M. de Fermat. 
 
 Et comme vous y parley de notre Chancellier Bacon, cela me fit souvenir 
 d'un autie beau mot qu'il dit en ma presence une fois a feu Monsieur le Due 
 de Buckingham. C'^toit au commencement de ses malheurs, quand I'assem- 
 bMe des ^tats, que nous appellons le parlement, entreprit de la miner, ce qu'elle 
 fit en suite ce jour la il eu eflt la premiere alarme : j'^tois avec le due ayant 
 disn^ avec lui; le chancelier survint et I'entretint de I'accusation qu'un de 
 ceux de la chambre basse avoit presentee centre lui, et jl supplia le due i'em- 
 ployer son credit aupres du roi pour le maintenir toujours dans son esprit : le 
 due repondit qu'il £toit si bien avec le roi leur mattre, qu'il n'^toit pas besoin 
 de lui rendre de bons offices aupres de sa majesty, ce qu'il disoit, non pas pour 
 le refuser, car il aimoit beaucoup, mais pour lui faire plus d'honneur : le chan- 
 celier lui repondit de tres-bonne grace, qu'en il croyoit Stre parfaitement bien 
 " dans I'esprit de son mattre, mais aussi qu'il avoit toujour remarqu^ que pour 
 si grand que soil un feu, et pour si fortement qu'il br41e de lui-m§me, il.ne 
 laissera pourtant pas de brMer mieux et d'6tre plus beau et plus clair si on le 
 souffle comme il faut." 
 
 One told his lordship it was now lime to look about him. He replied, " I 
 do not look about me, I look above me." 
 
 [From the Tract.] 
 
 Luns, 19th Martii, 1620. — ^A message was sent to the Lords by Sir Robert 
 Phillips to desire a conference with them about the Lord Chancellor and Bishop 
 of Landaff being petitioned against by Awbrey and Egertoh. 
 
 Mr. Secretary Calvert brings a message from the ]king, that this parliament 
 
 (o) This letter seems to have been written soon after Lord St. Alban began 
 to be accused of abuses in his office of chancellor. 
 
SrOTK GGG. 
 
 hath sat a long time, and Easter is near come, and it's fit there should be a Ces- 
 sation for a time, yet the king will appoint no time, but leaves it to yourselves. 
 But for the beginning again, he thinks the 10th of April a fit time, but will 
 appoint none, only he would have you take care, that there be no impediment 
 in the subsidies. The king also took notice of the complaints against the Lord 
 Chancellor, for which he was sorry : for it hath always been his care to have 
 placed the best ;, but no man can prevent such accidents. But his comfort 
 was, that the house was careful to preserve his honour. And his .raajesty 
 thought not fit to have the occasions hang long in suspence, therefore would not 
 have any thing to hinder it ; but for the furtherance thereof, he proposed a com- 
 mission of six of the higher house, and twelve of the lower house to examine it 
 upon oath. This proposition, if we liked it well, he would send th'e like to the 
 lords ; and this he thought might be done during this cessation ; and though he" 
 hoped the chancellor was free, yet if he should be found guilty, he doubted not 
 but you would do him justice- 
 Sir Edward Coke said, we should take heed the commission did no hinder 
 the manner of our parliamentary proceedings, 
 
 The answer returned to the kmg, was, rendering thanks for the first part of 
 his gracious message ; and for the second, we direct that the like message may 
 be sent to the lords, for there being so good a concurrence betwixt us, we may 
 have conference with them about it. Then adjourned. 
 
 [From the Journals.] 
 
 Die LunEB, videlicet, 19th die Martii, Domini tam Spirituales quam Tem- 
 porales, quorum nomina subscribuntur, preesentes fuerunt : 
 p. Carolbs, Princeps Walliae, etc. 
 Atchiepus, Cant. p. Jac. Ley, Miles, et Bar. Ds. Capit. 
 
 p. Archiepus, Eborum. Justic. Locum tenens, etc. 
 
 Memorandum, that, by reason of the want of health and indisposition of .the 
 Lord Chancellor, a commission was awarded to Sir James Ley, knt. and bart. 
 Lord- Chief Justice of the King's Bench, signed by the king, and under the 
 broad seal, to execute the same place ; the which commission was delivered to 
 the clerk, to be read. 
 
 Message from the lower house, by Sir Robert Phillipps and others. 
 
 That, in the search of the abuses of courts, they have found abuses in certain 
 eminent persons ; for the which they desire a conference ; that such course may, 
 be taken, for redress thereof, as shall stand with the order and dignity of a par- 
 liament ; the time and place, and number of committees, they humbly leave to 
 their lordships. 
 
 Answer returned. 
 
 The lords are well pleased to accept of the conference required ; the com- 
 mittee to be of this whole house, at two of the clock this afternoon, in the 
 painted chamber, 
 
 [From the Tracts.] 
 
 Martis, 20 Martii, 1620. — Sir Edward Giles made a motion that one Churchill 
 should be called in ; whereupon there was a petition of one Moritacute Wood, 
 &c. against my Lord Chancellor for taking 300!. of the Lady Wharton, and 
 making orders, &c. which was read. Churchill and Keeling- were said to be 
 witnesses, and a committee was appointed to examine them. , 
 
 Sir Robert Phillips reports from the conference that, according to the com- 
 mandment of this house, he had delivered those heads which were agreed on at 
 the conference yesterday, excusing himself, if he had failed in any point; that 
 the lords accepted it with a great deal of affection, as sensible of the wrongs of 
 the commonwealth ; returned answer by the Lord Treasurer, first by way of 
 question, whetherwe would not return it them in writing? Resolved, no, for 
 no cause, this consisting only of two or three points clear and plain. Next for 
 the letters, and other things which the lords desire would acquaint the house,- 
 and doubted not but it would be yielded , that they would proceed in this mat- 
 ter with care and diligence, and expedition. 
 
NOTK Ci G G. 
 
 A message (rom the lords, to signify that they have taken into qonsideration 
 Ihe last conference, and shall need the testimony of two members of this 
 bouse i and therefore desire that voluntarily, and without ordering, as private 
 persons, tUey make declaration upon oath, and the like for others, if occasion 
 were, - 
 
 Answer returned, that the gentlemen would attend voluntarily as private men, 
 and (upon private notice) be examined. 
 
 Sir Robert Phillips reports from the committee appointed for the examination 
 of Churchill, from which particular a general may be extracted, conducing to 
 ihe discovery of corruption m the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 The Lady Wharton having a cause depending in chancery, many orders 
 were made in it ; amongst the rest, there was an order made for dismission, by 
 the consent of the counsel on both sides ; which niy lady disliking, took 
 Churchill, the Register, into her coach, carried him to my Lord Chancellor's, 
 and so wrought, that he was willed hot to enter the last order ; so that my lady 
 was left at liberty to prosecute it in chancery, brought it to a hearing, and at 
 length got a decree. Keeling being examined, saith, that near about the time 
 of passing this decree, my lady took lOOi. he saw it, and she made him set 
 down the words and stiles, which she would use in the delivery of it. Then 
 she goeth to York House, and delivered it to my Lord Chancellor, as she told 
 him. She carried it in a purse ; my lord asked her what she had in her hand t 
 She SEud, a purse of her own making, and presented it to him ; who took it, 
 and said, what lord could refuse a purse of so fair a lady's working ! After 
 this, my lord made a decree for her,' but it was not perfected j but 200/. more 
 being given, (one Gardener being present), her decree had life. But after the 
 giving of the lOOi. because she had not 200/. ready in money, one Shute dealt 
 with her to pass over the land to my Lord Chancellor, and his heirs, reserving 
 an estate for life to herself; but she knowing no reason to disinherit her own 
 children, and confer it upon a lord who had no children, asked Keeling, her 
 man, what he thought of it 1 He, like an honest servant, was against it. 
 Shute knowing this, sets upon Keeling, and brought him to be willing my lady 
 should do it, with power of revocation upon payment of 200/. in a reasonable 
 time. Keeling lets fall some speeches, as if he had left York House for the 
 corruption which was there, which he himself knew in part. Gardener, Keel- 
 ing's man, confirmed the payment of the 300/. for the decree, viz. 100/. before, 
 and 200/. after. This purchased decree being lately damned again by my 
 Lord Chancellor, was the cause of this complaint. 
 
 Keeling saith. Sir John Trevor did present my Lord Chancellor with 100/. 
 by the hands of Sir Richard Young, for a final end to his cause. Sir Richard 
 Young answered, that when he attended upon my Lord Chancellor, Sir John 
 Trevor's man brought a cabinet, and a letter to my Lord Chancellor, and en- 
 treated me to deliver it, which I did openly ; and this was openly done, and 
 this was all I knew of it. 
 
 Sir Edward Coke said, it was strange to him that this money should be thus 
 openly delivered, and that one Gardener should be present at the payment of 
 the 200/. 
 
 Ordered, 
 
 That Sir Robert Phillips do deliver to the lords this afternoon the Bishop of 
 Llandaff's and Awbrey's letter^, and all other writings that he hath. Then 
 adjourned. 
 
 [From the Journals,] 
 
 Die Martis, videlicet, 20th die Martii. — The Lord Treasurer reported the 
 conference yesterday with the commons. 
 
 At which conference, was delivered the desire of the commons, to inform 
 their lordships of the great abuses of the courts of justice; the infprma,tion 
 whereof was divided into three parts : 1. Of the persons accused. 2. Of the 
 matters objected against them. 3. Their proof. The persons are, the Lord 
 Chancellor of England, and the now Lord Bishop of Landaph (being then no 
 bishop, but Doctor Feild). The incomparable good parts of the Lord Chan- 
 
 voL. XV. 23 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 ceilor were highly commended ; his place he holds, magnified ; from whence 
 bounty, justice, and mercy, were to be distributed to the subjects, with which 
 he was solely trusted ; whither all great causes were drawn, and from whence 
 no appeal lay for any injustice,' or wrong done, save to the parliament. 
 
 That the Lord Chancellor is accused of great bribery and corruption, com- 
 mitted by him in this eminent place. Whereof two cases were alleged ; the 
 one concerning Christopher Awbrey, the other concerning Edward Egerton. 
 
 In the cause depending in chancery between this Awbrey and Sir William 
 Brouncker, Awbrey, feeling some hard measure, was advised to give the Lord 
 Chancellor an hundred pounds ; the which he delivered to his counsel (Sir 
 George Hastings), and he to the Lord Chancellor: This business proceeding 
 slowly notwithstanding, Awbrey did write divers letters, and delivered them to 
 the Lord Chancellor, but could never have any answer from his lordship ; but 
 at last, delivering anothet letter, his lordship answered, " If he importune him, 
 he will lay him by the heels." ' 
 
 The proofs of this accusation are five : : r : , . . 
 
 1. Sir George Hastings related it lorig since unto Sir Charles Montague* 
 2. The Lord Chancellor, fearing this would be complained of; desired silence 
 of Sir George Hastings. 3. Sir George Hastings' testimony thereof, which 
 was not voluntary, but urged. 4. The Lord Chancellor desired Sir George 
 Hastings to bring the party (Awbrey) unto him, and promised redress of- the 
 wrongs done him. 5. That the Lord Chancellor said unto Sir George Hastings, 
 if he would afiirm the giving this hundred pounds, his lordship would and must 
 deny it upon his honour. ' ' "' 
 
 The case of Edward Egerton is this. There being suits depending between 
 Edward Egerton and Sir Rowland Egerton, in the chanceiy, Edward Egerton 
 presented his lordship (a little after he' was Lord Keener) with a bason and 
 ewre of fifty pounds and above ; and afterwards, he delivered unto Sir George 
 Hastings and Sir Richard Younge, four hundred pounds in gold, to be pre- 
 sented unto his lordship. Sir Richard Younge presented it ; his lordship took 
 it, and poised it, and said it wa^too much, and Teturned answer; that Mr. 
 Egerton had nbt oitly infiched him, but had laid a tie upon his lordship to do 
 him favour in all his jdst causes." . .. , ,i , . 
 
 The proofs' are, the testimony of Sir George Hastings, ■and the testimony of 
 — Merefyll, a scrivener, thus far, that he took up seven hundred pounds for 
 Mr. Egerton, Mr. Egerton then telling him, that a great part of it was to be 
 given to the Lord Chancellor ; alrid that Mr. Egerton afterwards told him that 
 Sie four hundred pounds in gold was'given to the Lord Chancellor, i ' 
 
 At' this conference, was further declared of a bishop, who was touched' in this 
 business upon the bye, whose function was much honoured, but his person 
 touched herein. . . i .■ . , . 
 
 This business (depending) being ordered against Edward' Egerton, he pro- 
 cured a new reference thereof from the king, to the- Lord Chancellor. His' 
 lordship demanded the parties first to be bound in six thousand marks, to stand 
 to his lordship's award; they having entered into that bond, his lordship 
 awarded the matter against Edward Egerton, for Sir Rowland Egerton. And 
 Edward Egerton refusing to stand to the said award, a new bill was exhibited 
 in' the chancei^ ; and thereupon his lordship ordered that this bond of six thou- 
 sand marks should be assigned unto Sir Rowland Egerton, and he to put the 
 same in suit, in his lordship's name. The Bishop of Landaph (as a friend 
 unto Edward Egerton') adviseth with Randolph Davenport and Butler (which 
 Butler is now dead), that they would procure a stay of the decree upon that 
 award, and procure a new hearing. It was agreed, that six thousand pounds 
 should be given for this by Edward Egerton, and shared amongst them and cer- 
 tain honoura'ble persons. ' A recognizance of ten thousand pounds was required 
 from Mr. Egerton to the' bishop,' for performance hereof ; the bishop's share of 
 this six thousand pounds was to have been so great, as no court of justice 
 would allow. They produced letters of the bishop's, naming the sum, and 
 setting down a course how this six thousand pounds might be raised ; videlicet,' 
 the land in question to be decreed for JMr. Egerton, and out of that the money 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 to be leaned. And, if this were not effected, then the bishop promised, in verbo 
 lacerdotis, to deliver up the recognizance to be cancelled. ,T,he recognizance is 
 sealed accordingly ; and Randolph Davenport rides to the court, and moved 
 the Lord Admiral for his lordship's letter to the Lord Chancellor hereip ; but 
 his- lordship denied to meddle in a cause depending, in suit. Then the ^aid 
 I^andolph Davenport essayed to get the king's letter, but failed therein also; 
 so that the good they intended to Mr. Egerton was not effected.; and; yet the 
 bishop, though required, refused to deliver up the said recognizEUice, until Mr. 
 Egerton threatened to complain thereof to the kingi 
 
 , He showed also, that the commons do purpose, ithat, if any more of this kind 
 happen to be complained of before them, they will present the same to your 
 lordships ; wherein they shall follow the ancient precedents, which shew that 
 great personages have been accused for the like in parliament. , 
 
 They humbly desire, that, forasmuch as this concerns a person of so great 
 eminency, it may not depend long before your. lordships ; that the. examination 
 of the proofs may be expedited ; and, if he be found, guilty, then to be punished ; 
 if not guilty, the accusers to be punished. 
 
 ' This report ended, the Lord Admiral declared, that he had been twice with 
 the Lord Chancellor, to visit him, being sent to, him by the king. The first 
 time,- 'he ' found his lordship very sick and heavy ; the second time he found 
 him better, and much comforted, for that he heard that the complaint of the 
 grievances ofthe commons against him were come into this house ; where he 
 assured himself to find honourable justice ; in confidence whereof, his lordship 
 had written a letter to the house. The which letter the Lord Admiral presented 
 to the house, to -be read ; the tenor whereof foUoweth : 
 
 "To the Right Honourable his Very good Lords, the Lords Spiritual and 
 Temporal in the Upper House of Parliament assembled. 
 
 " My very good lords, 
 " I humbly pray your lordships all to make a favourable and true construc- 
 tion' of my absence. It is no feigning, nor fainting, but sickness both of my 
 •heart and of my back ; though joined with that comfort of mind, that per- 
 swadeth me, that I am not far from heaven, whereof I feel the first fruits. 
 And because, whether I live or die, I would be glad to preserve my honour 
 and fame, as far as I am worthy, hearing that some complaints of base bribery 
 are come before your lordships, my requests unto your lordships are : first, that 
 you will maintain me in your good opinion, without prejudice, until my cause 
 be heard ; secondly, that, in regard I have sequestred my mind at this time, in 
 great part, from worldly matters, thinking of my account and answer in a higher 
 court, your lordships would give me some convenient time, according to the 
 course of other courts, to advise with my counsel, and to make my answer, 
 wherein nevertheless my counsel's part will be the least ; for I shall not, .by the 
 grace of God, trick up an innocency with cavillations ; but plainly and ingenu- 
 ously (as your lordships know my manner is) declare what I know or remem- 
 ber ; thirdly, that, accoiding to the course of justice, I may be allowed to 
 except to the witnesses brought against me, and to move questions to your 
 lordships for their cross examination, and likewise to .produce my own witnesses 
 for discovery of the truth : and lastly, if there come any more petitions of like 
 ■nature, that your lordships would be pleased not to take any prejudice or appre- 
 hension of any number or muster of them, especially against a judge that makes 
 two thousand decrees and orders, in. a year (not to speak of the courses that 
 have been taken for hunting out complaints agaiiist me) ; but that I may 
 answer them, according to the rules of justice, severally and respectively. 
 These requests, I. hope, appear to your lordships no other than just. And so, 
 thinking myself happy, to have so noble peers and reverend prelates to discern 
 of my cause, and desiring no privilege of greatness for subterfuge of guiltiness ; 
 but meaning (as 1 said) to deal fairly and plainly with your lordships, and to 
 put myself upon your honours and favours, I pray God to bless your counsels 
 and your persons ; and rest " Your lordships' humble servant, , 
 
 ■ 19th March, 1620 " Fr. St. Alban, Cane" 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 The clerk, having read the letter, delivered the same to the Lord Chief Jus- 
 tice ; who, by repetition, read the same also. 
 
 The Lord Bishop of Laudaph admitted to speak for his defence of the accu- 
 sation of Brocage, in a bribe intended to the Lord Chancellor, in Mr. Egerton's 
 cause ; shewed his grief, that he remained accused, arraigned, condemned, and 
 executed, in dicta causa ; for although he should (as he doubted not to do) 
 clear himself, yet the scandal would not die. He shewed, that the party that 
 accused him was the party grieved, a man weak and mad with affliction ; as 
 for the action whereof he was accused, he was but used therein ; he was 
 requested first by Francis Jenour, but refused ; then by Tristram Woodward, 
 and then he also denied it ; at last the party himself requested him, at whose 
 tears he yielded thus far, that the party (videlicet, Edward Egerton) might 
 acknowledge unto him a recognizance of six thousand pounds ; it was only 
 acknowledged, not enrolled, nor intended to be enrolled ; he was only trusted 
 with it for Mr. Egerton's good ; Davenport and others were to be the actors. 
 That he discharged his trust accordingly, and delivered back the recognizance, 
 though Davenport and others importuned him to the contrary. His aims in this 
 action were two : the one, charity, to do Mr. Egerton good ; the other, to prefer 
 a beneficial suit to an honourable friend, to whom he owed his very life. If he 
 had an eye to some private gain to himself, having wife and children, he had 
 therein sinned against God, in not relying only on him for their maintenance, 
 but no sum of the share of this six thousand pounds was ever purposed unto 
 him. And upon a strict examination of his conscience herein, he protested be- 
 fore God, in whose council he stood, and before this honourable assembly, 
 " qui estis Dii," inquit, that he was not to have one denier of a share therein. 
 
 The Lord Chamberlain moved, that, for the better consideration of this 
 business, and how to proceed to the proofs, the court may be adjourned ad 
 placitura, and the whole house sit as a committee. Whereupon the Lord Chief 
 Justice removed to his place as an assistant. 
 
 After much debate thereof, the Lord Chief Justice, by direction, returned to 
 the place of speaker, and it was agreed, that a message should be sent to the 
 Lower House, by Mr. Attorney General and Sir William Bird, to declare unto 
 the knights, citizens, and burgesses of the House of Commons, that the Lords 
 have, according to the conference yesterday, taken consideration of the complaints 
 by them made against the Lord Chancellor, and against the Lord Bishop of 
 Laudaph ; that they find they have use of three letters written by the said Lord 
 Bishop of Landaph, and of other writings (mentioned by them in their said 
 complaint), and also of the testimony of two gentlemen, members of that house, 
 videlicet. Sir George Hastings and Sir Kichard Yonge. In taking of whose 
 testimonies, the Lords intend not to touch the privileges of their house, but to 
 have the same as of private persons, and not as members of that house, if cause 
 shall require, upon the examination of the said abuses complained of. 
 
 Answer returned, that the said two gentlemen. Sir George Hastings and Sir 
 Kichard Yonge, will voluntarily, and not by commandment nor direction of 
 their house, attend their lordships. That all letters, &c. required shall be sent 
 accordingly. As for the general request, that the Lords may send for any 
 other members of that house to be examined herein, they humbly pray that 
 they may advise thereof. 
 
 Memorandum, that, during the time that the whole house sat as a committee 
 as aforesaid, it was debated, and agreed, that the parties undernamed should 
 also be sent for, to be sworn and examined in this business : videlicet, 
 
 Christopher Awbrey, Tristram Woodward, 
 
 Ralph Merefill, Francis Jenour, 
 
 Edward Egerton, Randolph Davenport. 
 
 It was now also moved, and much disputed, whether Sir William Broncker 
 and Sir Rowland Egerton (the two adversaries of Christopher Awbrey and 
 Edward Egerton) should be sent for also, to be examined whether they gave any 
 bribe on their part. 
 
 Moved by the Earl of Southampton, and agreed, that an answer should be 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 sent to my Lord Chancellor's letter ; whereupon message is sent to the Lord 
 Chancellor, by Sir James Woolridge, to this effect : that the Lords received his 
 lordship's letter, delivered unto them by the Lord Admiral ; they intend to pro- 
 ceed in his cause (now before their lordships) according to the right mle of jus- 
 tice ; and they shall be glad if his lordship shall clear his honour therein } to 
 which end, they pray his lordship to provide for his defence. 
 
 Die Martis, videlicet, 20° die Martii, post meridiem, Domini tam Spirituales- 
 quam Temporales, quorum nomina subscribuntur, prsesentes fuerunt : 
 
 p. Carolus Princeps Walliae, &c. 
 Archiepus. Cant. p.Jac. Ley, Miles et Bar. Ds. Caplt. 
 
 p. Archiepus. Eborum. Justic. Locum tenens, &c. 
 
 Answer from the Lord Chancellor, by Sir James Woolridge : that the Lord 
 Chancellor returns the Lords humble thanks for their lordships' assurance of 
 justice in his cause, and well wishes to him of the success. The one secures, 
 the other comforts him. That he intends to put their lordships in mind hereafter 
 of some points contained in his lordship's letter, for that the same were not 
 spoken of in the message delivered unto him. 
 
 Sir George Hastings, Knight, and Sir Richard Yonge, Knight, Jurati a voir 
 dire to all questions asked by the court, or committees, or by any authorized by 
 the court, whether their answer be by word or set down in writing. 
 
 Edward Egerton was sworn & voir dire ; and, being sworn, ne delivered a 
 petition, touching the proceedings in his cause in the Chancery ; cujus quidem 
 tenor sequitur in hac verba : 
 
 " To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this present 
 Parliament assembled. 
 
 " The humble petition of Edward Egerton, Esquire. 
 
 " Humbly sheweth, that your petitioner, being unmarried, and sickly, by 
 indenture of uses and other conveyances, entailed divers manors and lands in 
 the counties of Chester and Stafford to the use of your petitioner, and the heirs 
 males of his body ; and, for default of such issue, to remain to Sir John Egerton 
 and his heirs ; which said conveyances were made voluntarily, without any 
 consideration paid for the same, with power of revocation. 
 
 " That Sir John Egerton having, by deed executed in his lifetime, conveyed 
 all his own lands unto Sir Rowland Egerton, his son and heir, and having 
 advanced in marriage all his daughters, did make his last will and testament in 
 writing, under his hand and seal, having first bound the said Sir Rowland in a 
 statute of five thousand pounds, to perform his said will. 
 
 " That the said Sir John, by hxs last will, in general words, devised all his 
 lordships, manors, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, to your petitioner ' and 
 his heirs, and made your petitioner sole executor. 
 
 " By which said will, all the estate of the said Sir John, in any part of your 
 petitioner's lands (if he had any estate therein, as indeed he had not), was law- 
 fully devised to your petitioner and his heirs. 
 
 " That the said Sir Rowland Egerton unduly obtained of Sir John Bennett, 
 Knight, letters of administration, to be granted unto two of his sisters, after the 
 said will exhibited to be proved, whereby your petititioner was put to three 
 thousand pounds charges in suits of law. 
 
 " That Sir Rowland Egerton hath also, by indirect means, gotten into his 
 hands the said indenture of uses, and all your petitioner's other writings and 
 evidences, and refuseth to let your petitioner to see the said indenture of uses, 
 or to deliver to your petitioner a true copy thereof ; albeit the same doth in law 
 appertain to your petitioner. 
 
 " That the Lord Ellesmere, late Lord Cha;nceHor of England, before the 
 probate of the said will, did decree, that the said Sir Rowland shall have and 
 enjoy the manor of Wrinehill and Heywood Barnes, being a great part of your 
 petitioner's inheritance, worth six hundred pounds per annum, without any 
 cause of equity contained in the said decree. 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 ", That your petitioner made humble suit unto the Ilight Honourable Francis 
 Viscount St. Alban, now Lord Chancellor of England, to have the benefit of a 
 subject, to recover his aticient inheritance, by the ordinary course of the laws. 
 
 " That the now Lord Chancellor took from your petitioner four hundred pounds 
 of money in goldj and fifty-two pounds, ten shillings, in silver plate, which 
 money was accepted by the said Lord Chancellor, saying, that your petitioner 
 did not only enrich him, but also lay a tie upon his lordship to do your petitioner 
 justice in his rightful cause. 
 
 " That afterwards the said Lord Chancellor sent for your petitioner, i^nd.did, 
 by great oaths and protestations, draw your petitioner to seal an obligation to 
 his lordship of ten thousand marks, to stand to his lordship's award, for all the 
 lands whereof Sir John Egerton died seized only, bilt not for any other of your 
 petitioner's lands. 
 
 " That afterwards your petitioner was divers times sent for by Robert Shar- 
 peigh, then steward of his lordship's house ; and your petitioner was several 
 times offered, that, if your petitioner would then presently pay eleven hundred 
 pounds in ready money ; that is to say, a thousand pounds for his lordship, and 
 a hundred pounds for the said Sharpeigh, that then your petitioner would have 
 all his lands decreed unto him, which your petitioner could not then presently 
 pay in ready money. 
 
 " That afterwards the said Lord Chancellor di4 not only confirm unto the 
 said Sir Kowland the lands which he then held of your petitioner's inheritance, 
 being worth six hundred pounds per annum ; but the said Lord Chancellor did 
 also take away from your petitioner more lands, worth fifteen thousand pounds, 
 and decreed the same also unto the said Sir Kowland Egerton, who did not 
 make any title thereunto before the said bond taken, and before the said 
 Unlawful decree made. And the said Lord Chancellor did also decree, that the 
 said bond of ten thousand marks, made by your petitioner to the said Lord 
 Chancellor, in his lordship's own name, should be set over and delivered to the 
 said Sir Bowland Egerton, who should sue the same in the Lord Chancellor's 
 name, and recover upon the same to his own use. 
 
 " And the said Lord Chancellor did further decree, that your petitioner shall 
 not take benefit of the statute of five thousand pounds, made by the said Sir 
 Rowland to perform the said will ; and your petitioner is restrained^ by the said 
 decree, from the benefit of a subject, to recover his right, by the ordinary course 
 of the common law, without any cause of equity set forth in the said decree. 
 
 " That your petitioner having spent six thousand pouiids in suit of law, and 
 being deprived of all his said evidences, and being utterly impoverished by the 
 evil dealing of the said Lord Chancellor, and by the indii-ect practices of the 
 said Sir Rowland, is likely to be utterly defrauded of all his ancient inheri- 
 tance, contrary to the common justice of the land, except he may be relieved 
 herein by this high court of parliament. 
 " Your petitioner humbly prayeth, that the said Sir Rowland Egerton may 
 be ordered to produce, and bring forth upon oath, all such indentures of 
 uses, writings, and evidences, as he hath, or any other hath to his use, 
 concerning your petitioner's said lands, and whereby he claimeth any 
 estate in your petitioner's lands, to the end your honoure may judge 
 thereof, and to do therein further as to your grave wisdoms shall seem to 
 stand with justice." 
 
 The which petition being read, and affirmed by -the said Edward Egerton, 
 upon his oath, to be true ; the said Edward Egerton was examined also in open 
 court. ' 
 
 Robert Sharpeigh, Esquire, was also sworn, and examined in open court. 
 
 [From the Tract.] 
 
 Mercurii, 21st Martii, 1620 — Sir Robert Philips reports from the committee 
 
 to examine Keeling and Churchill, who informed of many corruptions against 
 
 my Lord Chancellor. 1. In the cause between Hull and Holman : Hull gave 
 
 or lent my lord lOOOi. since the suit began. 2. In the cause between Worth 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 and Mannering there were 100 pieces pven, of which Hunt ^lad 20i. 3. 
 Hoddy gave a jewel, which was thought to be worth 5001. but he himself said 
 it was a trifle of lOOi. or 200i. price ; it was presented to my Lord Chancellor 
 by Sir Thomas Peryn andSir Heniy Holmes. 4. In the cause between Pea- 
 cock' and Reynell, there was much money given on both sides. 5. In the case 
 of Barker and Bill ; Barker said he was 800/. ing^fts since his suit began; 6. 
 In the c^e between Smithwick and Walsh j Smithvjick gave 300i. yet my lord 
 decreed it against him, so he had his money again by piecemeal. In this and 
 other cases my lord would decree part ; and when he wanted nlore money, he 
 would send for more money, and decree another part. In most causes my 
 lord's servants have undertaken one side or another, insomuch as it was usual 
 for counsel, when their clients came unto them, to ask what friend they had at 
 York House. 
 
 Mr., Meawtys. Touching the persons that inform, I would entreat this ho- 
 nourable house to consider, that Keeling is a common solicitor, (to say no more 
 of him ;) Churchill a guilty register by his own confession. I know that fear 
 of punishment, and' hopes of lessening it, may make them to say much, yea, 
 more than is truth. For my own part, I must say, I have been an observer of 
 my lord's proceedings ; I know he hath sown a good seed of justice, and I hope 
 that it will prove, that the envious man hath sown these tares. I humbly 
 desire that those generals may not be sent up to the lords, unless these men win 
 testify them in particular. 
 
 Ordered, 
 
 That a message be sent to the lords by Sir Robert Philips to relate the case 
 of the Lady Wharton, and the informations of Churchill. 
 
 Sir Kobert Philips reports from the lords, that they acknowledged the great 
 care of this house in these important businesses ; thanks for the correspondence 
 of this house with them, assure the like from them for ever to this house. In 
 these and all other things will advise, and return answer as soon as possible.' 
 Then adjourned. 
 
 [From the Journals.] 
 
 March 21; '18th James. Hull and Holman. — Sir R. Philips. Another 
 case ; Hull and Holman. Holman, refusing to answer, committed ; there lay 
 twenty weeks : after required to answer, and to give bond of 20,000/. to stand 
 to my Lord Chancellor's order in it. That one Manby, about the Exchange, 
 dealt in this business with Mr. Mewtys. That Holman, finding his order vary, 
 resolved to complain to this house. That, upon Friday last, my lord sent foi' 
 Hull and Holman ; offered to make an indifferent end between them : and that 
 Holman told Keeling, he was an happy man now, he could have any thing from 
 my Lord Chancellor, 
 
 March 21 ; 18th James. Smythwicke. — ^The other case, between Smyth- 
 
 wicke and -: Smythwicke was told, he must use some good Way .: came 
 
 to Mr. Yong ; promised my lord 200/. so as the certificate might be decreed : 
 dealt after with Burrowes : he undertook to move my lord. He heard the' 
 cause : part of the award decreed. The 200/. paid. That, unless my lord 
 might have 100/. more, no further proceeding. That Smythwicke brought Btir- 
 rowes 70/. part of the 100/. The cause yet deferred. Brought the other 30/. 
 to Hunt, who, Burrowes said, had most part of the money. The former pai't of 
 the decree now again questioned, Smythwicke demanded his money. 
 
 Hunt. That -he had disbursed it for my lord, and given my lord accounts 
 for it. Hunt advised Smythwicke to petition my lord, to have leave to sue 
 Hunt for this money. That Hunt promising the re-payment of the money. 
 
 That he received, from Boroughe and Hunt, all his money again, but 20/. 
 which kept from him a year, and then repaid him by Hunt. 
 
 Mercurii, 21st Mai-tii ; 18th Jacobi. Lady Whai-ton, — Sir Robert Philips. 
 That Gardyner's man afiirmeth, that, three days before the hearing of the cause, 
 the Lady Wharton put 100/. in a purse, went to Yorke House, and, as she said 
 after, gave it my lord. That; in after, she put 200/. more into a purse. 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 and took the money from Gardener at Yorke Ho.use, wnt in to my jlprd, atid, 
 as she said, delivered it to, my lord ;. and had after presently the 4pcree. 
 
 For the general : time given to him, to set down in writing, against to-morrow 
 morning, the particulars he knoweth. 
 
 For the particular : Churchill, that, before October was twelvemonth, an 
 order for dismission on both parts: the day, after, Churchill, Lady Wharton 
 took him in her coach, carried him to Yorke House : there she spake with my 
 lord. Thereupon Churchill ordered to stay the dismission of Lady Wharton, 
 but to suffer the other to stand. A decree upon this. , 
 
 Keeling, examined, confesseth that, near about passing, .this decree, took 
 lOOi. made Keeling write down the words she should use to my lord, at her, 
 presenting it. lOOi. delivered in a purse, of her own working. This decree 
 made de bene esse. Made iu October ; but stayed till about June after, even 
 till she paid my Lord Chancellor 200i. more. That Shute persuaded Lady 
 Wharton to confer the land upon my Lord Chancellor : that she would' not 
 yield, till had spoken with Keeling. Shute persuaded Keeling; who would 
 not yield without a power of revocation. That, upon this, the composition of 
 300J. followed. ' ' ,, . 
 
 ' Keeling let fall words, that he had left Yorke House, uppii the general cor- 
 ruption he found there, and the altering of divers agreements had been there 
 made. , 
 
 Keeling saith, he soliciting a cause between Sir John Trevor and Askew ; 
 where six injunctions, &c. arid, for a final end. Sir John Trevor gave my lord 
 100/. by Sir Richard Yonge's hands. Five pieces for a day of hearing last 
 Michaelmas term : Clayton a monopoly of this. 40s. for an hearing ; Si. and 
 4i. for an injunction. " : 
 
 That this petition hath brought forth a copy of another petition. 
 
 Sir Richard Yong : That, in Christmas holidays, a man of Sir John Tre- 
 vor's brought him a letter to my lord, and a cabinet; which he delivered' my. 
 lord openly, and delivered it to my lord. 
 
 Sir Edward Coke : Strange to him, that this money should be thus openly 
 delivered ; and that one Gardyner should be present at the payment of the 
 200/. ' . . ■ 
 
 Sir Robert Philips, after these things, set down by Churchill, and Keeling, 
 shall be presented, and heard in this house. Sir Robert Philips shall, at the 
 lords' next sitting, deliver these things to the lords. 
 
 Sir Robert Philips tq deliver to the, lords, this afternoon, three letters from 
 Landaphe to Edward Egerton ; three copies of letters frpm Awbrey to the Lord 
 Chancellor ; a copy of the recognizance of 10,000,/. and of a defeazance ; and 
 divers orders, and one under seal, De executimie ordinis ; to be presented to the 
 lords ; and all. other writings. Sir Robert Philips hath. 
 
 A paper of direction delivered in from Churchill : which read. 
 
 Which sent to the lords by Sir Robert Philips ; but they were risen befor«, 
 and so the messenger returned. _ 
 
 Mr. Mewtys :, Keeling a common solicitor, Churchill a guilty register. Fear, 
 of punishment, and,hope to escape, may make them speak, untruly. 
 
 That a servant to my lord ; an eye and ear-witness, for four years. .That, in 
 this time, my lord hath sown much good seed of justice ; and that only the en- 
 vious man hath sown the tares. liloveth, whether this general accusation fit to 
 be sent up to my lords, without particular application. 
 
 Sir Robert Phifips : That this fit for the lords now. 
 
 [From the Journals.] 
 Die Mercurii, videlicet, 21st die Martii. — Edward Egerton, upon humble 
 suit,' wais admitted to deliver the names of these witiiesses he desired to have 
 Sworn and examined touching his cause. 
 
 Witnesses sworn in open court, in causa Domini Cancellarii : 
 Sir George Reynell, knt. Sir Thomas Peryn, knt.' 
 
 George Hull, Mercer of London. John Hunt. 
 
 Sir Henry Helmes, knt. . Edward Sherburne. 
 
NOTE GOG. 
 
 William Peacocke. Robert Barker. 
 
 Robert Pye. Thomas Mewtys. 
 
 Richard Keeling.' George Norbuiy. 
 
 Anthony Gardiner. Thomas Bowker. 
 
 Bouham Norton. Frauncis Kinge. 
 
 Memorandum — Forasmuch as the examinations of these witnesses would 
 require much time, it was agreed, that the committees should transmit the 
 names of some of the principallest of them, and the heads whereupon they were 
 to be examined, and the examinations to be taken in open court. 
 
 The form of the oath agreed upon : 
 
 " You shall swear, that you shall true answer make to all such questions and 
 interrogatories as shall be mentioned unto you by this high court, o^ by the 
 lords the committees, or by any person or persons authorized by this high court. 
 You shall say the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth ;■ and you 
 shall not spare to do so, neither for fear, favour, affection, or any other cause 
 whatsoever ; whether your depositions be in writing or by word of mouth. So 
 help you God, and the contents of this book." 
 
 Interrogatories to be ministred to them that shall be so transmitted to be exa- 
 mined in open court : 
 
 " 1. Whether they, by themselves, or any other person, have given money, 
 or other gratuity, to the Lord Chancellor, or to any other servants, friends, or 
 follower of his t 
 
 " 2. Whether they have advised or directed any so to do, or known of any 
 other that hath so done 1 
 
 " 3. Whether they, or the parties vfhich they advised so to do, or have heard 
 so to have done, had then any cause or suit depending before him, or intended 
 to have-any? 
 
 " 4. Whether they have intended, attempted, or known others that have 
 attempted or contracted for any gratuity, so to be given, though not per- 
 formed ? " 
 
 Sir George Renell examined in open court. 
 
 He did also set down, his knowledge of bribes given by him to the Lord 
 Chancellor, in writing under his hand, and delivered the same upon his oath. 
 
 Ordered — No witnesses to be examined what they received themselves, but 
 only "what bribes were given to the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 Message from the lower house, by Sir Robert Philips and others ; 
 
 Moved, That the Lord Chief Justice should not relate the message unto the 
 house until the prince be present, who was desirous to hear the same. 
 
 Answer to the commons in the mean time, that the lords take notice of the 
 great care and industry used (by the lower house) in the search and examina- 
 tion of these great grievances now complained of; for which they give them 
 hearty thanks, and will hold correspondence with them therein, as is desired. 
 , And, when the lords are, resolved of the recess of this parliament, and when to 
 meet again ; 'notice thereof shall be given, as they likewise desire. 
 
 Thomas Mewtys examined in open court, touching bribes given to the Lord 
 Chancellor, • Oath ; he desired respite until to-morrow, to set down in writing 
 bis full knowledge herein upon his oath. 
 
 John Hunt examined also in open court, touching the same, and required to 
 set the same down in writing under his hand and upon oath, and deliver the 
 same in open court to-morrow morning. 
 
 Edward Shereburne examined in open court ; and Memorandum, the said 
 Edward Shereburne was admitted to explain himself upon his former examina- 
 tion i which being done, he also was required to set down in writing his know- 
 ledge therein, and deliver the same in open Court to-morrow morning, signed 
 with his own hand. 
 
 Randolph Davenport examined in open court, 
 
 Rob^ Barker examined in open court, touching the same ; and ordered to 
 
 * Sic in Origin, 
 vol. XV. 24 
 
NOTE G G G . 
 
 set dpwn his full knowledge therein in writing, under his hand, and delirer the 
 same in open court to-morrow morning. 
 
 Dominus capitalis justiciarius, locum tenens Domini Cancellarii, declaravit 
 praesens parliamentum continuandum esse usque in diem crastinum, videlicet, 
 diem Jovis, 22 Martii, Dominis sic decementibus. 
 
 [From the Journals.] 
 Die Jovis, videlicet, 22nd die Martii, Domini tam spirituales quam tem- 
 porales, quorum nomina obscribuntur, prsesentes fuerunt : 
 
 p. Carolus Princeps Walliae, etc. 
 Archiepus. Cant. p. Jac. Ley, Miles et Bar. Ds. 
 
 p. Arcliiepus. Eborura. Capit. Justic. Locum tenens, 
 
 Epus. London. &c. 
 
 Jurati in causa Domini Cancellarii : videlicet, 
 
 Kichard Scott. Thomas Manwood. 
 
 Thomas Taylor. Sir Jo. Fynnett. 
 
 Sir Edward Fisher. Sir Eubulo Thelwall. 
 
 Philip HoUman. John Hankey. 
 
 Henry Manley. John Yong. 
 
 Arthur Blackmore. William Hatcher. 
 James Rolphe. 
 
 The Lord Chief Justice related the message delivered yesterday from the 
 lower house, by Sir Robert Philips and others : 
 
 The which consisted of two parts : the one of matter of respect, the other of 
 substance. 
 
 In the one, they acknowledged the good correspondence between both the 
 houses, especially in the examination of the grievances complained of, and 
 presented to the lords ; with humble thanks for the supply the lords added to 
 their labours, in giving the oath unto the examinants, which they cannot do. 
 They humbly desire to know the time of the recess of this parliament, and of 
 the access again, as they may accordingly depart and meet again at the same 
 time their lordships shall. 
 
 The second, being matter of substance, consisted of four points objedted 
 against the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 1. The first, a suit in the chancery being between the Lady Wharton, plain- 
 tiff, and Wood and others, defendants, upon cross bills ; the Lord Chancellor, 
 upon hearing, wholly dismissed them. But, upon the entry of the order, the 
 cross bill against the Lady Wharton was only dismissed. And afterwards, for 
 a bribe of 300i. given by the Lady Wharton to the Lord Chancellor, his lofd- 
 ship decreed the cause for her ; and then, hearing that Wood-aadJJie other 
 defendants complained thereof to the commons, his lordship sent for them, and 
 damned that decree, as unduly gotten ; and, when the Lady Wharton began to 
 complain thereof, his lordship sent for her also, and promised her redress, say- 
 ing, " That decree is not yet ended." 
 
 Secondly, in a suit, between Hull, plaintiff, and HoUman, defendant, HoU- 
 man, deferring his answer, was committed to the Fleet, where he lay twen^ 
 weeks, and, petidoning to be delivered, was answered by some about the Lord 
 Chancellor, the bill shall be decreed against him (^pro confessb), unless h^ 
 would enter into 2000i. bond to stand to the Lord Chancellor's order ; which 
 he refusing, his liberty cost him, one way and other, better than lOOOZ. HoU- 
 man being freed out of the Fleet, Hull petitioned to the Lord Chancellor, and 
 HoUman, finding his cause to go hard on his side, complained to the commons ; 
 whereupon the Lord Chancellor sent for him, and, to pacify him, told him, he 
 should have what order he would himself. 
 
 Thirdly, in the cause between Smithwick and Wyche, the matter in question 
 being for accompts ; the merchants, to whom it was referred, certified on the 
 behalf of Smithwick ; yet Smythwicke, to obtain a decree in his cause, was 
 told by one Mr. Borough (one near the Lord Chancellor), that it must cost him 
 
NOTE GOB. 
 
 200/. which he paid to Mr. Borough, or Mr. Hunt, to the use of the Lord 
 Chancellor; and yet the Lord Chancellor decreed but one part of the certifi- 
 cate ; \vhereupon he treats again with Mr. Borough, who demanded another 
 lOOi. which Smithwycke also paid, to the use of the Lord Chancellor; then his 
 lordship referred the accompts again to the same merchants, who certified again 
 for Smithwycke; yet his lordship decreed the second part of the certificate 
 against Smithwycke, and the first part (which was formerly decreed for him) 
 his lordship made doubtful. Smithwycke petitioned to the Lord Chancellor for 
 his money again, and had it all, save 20/. kept back by Hunt for a year. 
 
 The Lord Chief Justice also delivered the three petitions, which his lordship 
 received yesterday from the commons ; the first by the Lady Wharton ; the 
 second by Wood and Pargitor and others ; the third by Smithwycke. 
 
 Fourthly, the fourth part of the message consisted only of instructions deli- 
 vered to the commons by one Churchill, a register, containing divers bribes and 
 abuses in the chancery, which the commons desire may be examined. 
 
 Robert Barker delivered his depositions in writing, under his hand, of a bribe 
 given by him to the Lord Chancellor ; which was read, and he dismissed from 
 further attendance. 
 
 John Hunt also delivered his deposition, signed with his hand, touching 
 bribes ^ven to the Lord Chancellor ; which was read, and he dismissed from 
 further attendance. 
 
 Edward Sherebome delivered his depositions also, signed with his hand, 
 touching bribes given to the Lord Chancellor ; which was read, and he com- 
 manded to attend. , 
 
 William Peacock delivered his deposition, signed with his hand, which was 
 read ; but, for that it was not so full as he delivered it yesterday in court, the 
 same was delivered to him again, to add his further knowledge therein, and also 
 to set down what security he had from the Lord Chancellor for repayment of 
 the 1000/. which he lent his lordship, and the time of repayment thereof, and 
 the use (if any) to be answered for the same ; and to set down whether he had 
 spoken with any of the Lord Chancellor's servants since he was examined yes- 
 terday, and what the conference was. He confessed he had spoken since with 
 Edward Sherebome. 
 
 The confession and instructions of John Churchill touching bribery and cor- 
 ruption of the Lord Chancellor was read : 
 
 And memorandum, that presently upon the reading thereof the said confes- 
 sion and instructions, together with the three petitions sent from the commons, 
 were delivered to the lords' pommittees appointed to examine the same.. 
 
 Upon the motion of Lord Houghton for precedents to be produced touching 
 judicature, attestations, and judgments, anciently used in the high conrt of 
 parliament. 
 
 It was ordered, that a committee of a small number should presently take 
 care for the search thereof amongst the records remaining in the Tower, or else- 
 where ; copies of the same to be also certified under the oflicer's hands. 
 
 The names of the committees : 
 E. of Huntingdon. 
 E. of Warwick. 
 L. Haughton. 
 
 Memorandum, the clerk made a warrant, under his hand, to all officers, to 
 permit the said lords' committees to make search, amongst the said records, and 
 the officers to subscribe notes or copies thereof, without fee. 
 
 In causa Domini Cancellarii, jurati fuerunt : 
 Peter Vanlor. John Heme. 
 
 George Morgan. Lady Dorothy Wharton. 
 
 ^From the Journals.] 
 Die A''eneris, videlicet, 23d die Martii.— It was also agreed, that the three 
 fprmer committees, or any two lords of either of the said committees, appointed 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 to examine witnesses (in causa Domini Cancellaiii), may, from time to time 
 hereafter, examine any witnesses toucliing the said cause, between the recess 
 and access. 
 
 Jurati in causa Domini Caucellarii : 
 Sir Robert Bassett, knt. John May. 
 
 Francis Broad. John Haward. 
 
 James Kennedie. Richard Burrell. 
 
 Edward Shereborne having been divers times examined (in causa Domini 
 Cancellarii, prout antea), is licensed to depart, but to attend again upon new 
 warning, 
 
 The petition of Edward Egerton was read, whereby he humbly desired, Six 
 Rowland Egerton to be ordered forthwith to produce upon oath certain inden- 
 tures and writings, unduly gotten from the petitioner. 
 
 Ordered, ex motione Domini Sheffeild, this petition to remain with the clerk, 
 until the corruption and bribery complained of be determined, and then the 
 lords will take it into their consideration. 
 
 In causa Domini Cancellarii : 
 
 Sir Ralph Hansby, knt. sworn. 
 
 The Earl of South'ton shewed, that the said Sir Ralph Hansby, being exa- 
 mined by his lordship and others of a bribe of 500/. given by himself to the 
 Lord Chancellor, that the said Sir Ralph made a doubt whether his answer 
 thereunto might not be prejudicial to his cause. Wherefore their lordships' 
 resolution herein was required ; whether the said Sir Ralph should be urged to 
 make his answer hereunto or no. 
 
 After long debate of this matter, it was ordered, that the examinations taken 
 in this court should not be hereafter used in any other cause, nor in any other 
 court. 
 
 And although divers of the lords were of opinion, that the parlies' confession 
 of the giving of a bribe should not be prejudicial at all unto him ; yet divers 
 doubted thereof. 
 
 Whereupon it was put to the question, whether the said Sir Ralph shall be 
 examined what gift or reward he hath given to the Lord Chancellor; it was 
 agreed, he should be examined thereupon. 
 
 The lords' committees appointed yesterday to search for precedents, videlicet, 
 the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Warwick, and the Lord Haughton, re-r 
 turned from the Tower. 
 
 The Earl of Huntingdon made report of their search and view of the re- 
 cords ; and the Earl of Warwick read the heads of the precedents, and then 
 delivered the notes taken out of the records, and signed by the officer, unto the 
 clerk, to be kept. 
 
 35th March. 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham, 
 My very good lord, 
 Yesterday I know was no day ; now I hope I shall hear from your lordship, 
 who are my anchor in these flouds. Meanwhile to ease my heart, I have 
 written to his majesty the inclosed, which I pray your lordship to read ad- 
 visedly, and to deliver it, or not to deliver it, as you think good. God ever 
 prosper your lordship. Yours ever, &c. 
 
 25th March, 1621. Fr. St, Alban, Cane, 
 
 To the King. 
 
 It may please your most excellent majesty. 
 Time hath been, when I have brought unto you Gemitum Columba from 
 others, now I bring it from myself. I fly unto your majesty, with the wings of 
 a dove, which once within these seven days, I thought would have carried me 
 a higher flight. When I enter into myself, I find not the materials of such 
 a tempest as is come upon me. I have been (as your majesty knoweth best) 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 never author of any immoderate counsel, but always desired to have things 
 earned mavibvg modis. I have been no avaricious oppressor of the people. I 
 have been no haughty, or intolerable, or hateful man, in my conversation or 
 carnage : I have inherited no hatred from my father, but am a good patriot 
 born. Whence should this be 1 For these are the things that used to raise dis- 
 likes abroad. 
 
 For the house of commons, I began my credit there, and now it must be the 
 place of the sepulture thereof; and yet this parliament, upon the message 
 touchmg religion, the old love revived, and they said, I was the same man still, 
 only honesty was turned into honour. 
 
 For the upper house, even within these days, before these troubles, they 
 seemed as to take me into their arms, finding in me ingenuity, which they took 
 to be the true streight-line of nobleness, without any crookes or angles. 
 
 And for the briberies and gifts, wherewith I am charged, when the books of 
 hearts shall be opened, I hope, I shall not be found to have the troubled foun- 
 tain of a corrupt neart, in a depraved habit of taking rewards to pervert justice ; 
 howsoever I may be frail, and partake of the abuses of the times. 
 
 And therefore, I am resolved, when I come to my answer, not to trick my 
 innocency, (as I writ to the lords) by cavillations, or voydances ; but to speak 
 to them the language, that my heart speaketh to me, in excusing, extenuating, 
 or ingenuously confessing : praying to God to give me the grace to see the bot- 
 tom of my faults, and that no hardness of heart do steal upon me, under shew 
 of more neatness of conscience, than is cause. But not to trouble your majesty 
 any longer, craving pardon for this long mourning letter ; that which I thirst 
 after, as the hart after the streams, is, that I may know, by my matchless 
 friend that presenteth to you this letter, your majesty's heart (which is an 
 abyssus of goodness as I am an abyssus of misery) towards me. I have been 
 ever your man, and counted myself but an usufructuary of myself, the property 
 being yours. And now making myself an oblation to do vrith me as may best 
 conduce to the honour of your justice, the honour of your mercy, and the use 
 of your service, resting as clay in your majesty's gracious hands, 
 
 Fb. St. Alban, Cane 
 
 27th March.— On the 27th of March both houses adjourned till the 17th of 
 April. 
 
 ITuring this recess there was a private interview between the King and the 
 Lord Chancellor. 
 
 Thb appears, 1st, from an entry in the journals of the house of lords ; 2dly, 
 from a statement by Mr. Bushel ; and, 3dly, from a letter written after the 
 interview. 
 
 The following is the extract from the journals of the house of lords of 
 April 17. 
 
 The Lord Treasurer signified, that in the interim of this cessation, the Lord 
 Chancellor was an humble suitor unto his majesty, that he might see his 
 majesty and speak with him ; and although his majesty, in respect of the Lord 
 Chancellor's person, and of the place he holds, might have given his lordship 
 that favour, yet, for that his lordship is under the trisd of this house bis majes^ 
 would not on the sudden grant it. 
 
 That, on Sunday last, the king calling all the lords of this house which were 
 of his council before him, it pleased his majesty to shew their lordships what 
 was desired by the Lord Chancellor, demanding their lordships advice therein. 
 
 The lords did not presume to advise his majesty ; for that his majesty did 
 suddenly propound such a course as all the world could not advise a better j 
 which was, that his majesty would speak with him privately. 
 
 That yesterday, his majesty adnutting the Lord Chancellor to his presence, 
 his lordship desired that he might have a particular of those matters mierewith 
 he is charged before the lords of this house ; for that it was not possible for 
 him, who past so many orders and decrees in a year, to remember all things 
 that fell out in them ; and that, this being granted, his lordship would desire 
 two requests of his majesty. 1. That, where his answers should be fair and 
 
NOTE G G G. 
 
 clear to those things objected against him, his lordship might stand upon his 
 innocency. 2. Where his answer should not be so fair and clear, there his 
 lordship might be admitted to the extenuation of the charge ; and where the 
 proofs were full, and undeniable, his lordship would ingenuously confess them, 
 and put himself upon the mercy of the lords. 
 
 Unto all which his majesty's answer was, he referred him to the lords of this 
 house, and therefore his majesty willed his lordship to make report to their 
 lordships. 
 
 It was thereupon ordered, that the Lord Treasurer should signify unto his 
 majesty, that the lords do thankfully acknowledge this his majesty's favour, and 
 hold themselves highly bound unto his majesty for the same. 
 
 Account given by Mr. Bushel. 
 The following is the account given by Mr. Bushel. Having mentioned his 
 lord's design of proposing several projects to the parliament for the public ser- 
 vice, he then proceeds thus : " Before this could be accomplished to his ovra 
 content, there arose such complaints against his lordship, and the then favourite 
 at court, that for some days put the king to this quere, whether, he should per- 
 mit the favourite of his affection, or the oracle of his council, to sink in his 
 service ; whereupon his lordship was sent for by the king, who, after some dis- 
 course, gave him this positive advice, to submit himself to his house of peers, 
 and that (upon his princely word) he would then restore him again, if they (in 
 their honours) should not be sensible of his merits. Now, though my lord saw 
 his approaching ruin, and told his majesty there was little hopes of mercy in a 
 multitude, when his enemies were to give fire, if he did not plead for himself : 
 yet such was his obedience to him from whom he had his being, that he 
 resolved his majesty's will should be his only law, and so took leave of him 
 with these words. Those that will strike at your chancellor (it is much to be 
 feared), will strike at your crown, and wished, that as he was then the first, so 
 he might be the last of sacrifices. Soon after, (according to his majesty's com- 
 mands) he wrote a submissive letter to the bouse, and sent me to my Lord 
 Windsor to know the result, which I was loth, at my return, to acquaint him 
 with ; for alas ! his sovereign's favour was not iu so high a measure, but he 
 (like the phoenix) must be sacrificed in flames of his own raising, and so 
 perished (like Icarus) in that his lofty design. The great revenue of jiis office 
 being lost, and his titles of honour saved but by the bishops' votes, whereto he 
 replied, that he was only bound to thank his clergy ; the thunder of which fatal 
 sentence did much perplex my troubled thoughts, as well as others, to see that 
 famous lord, who procured his majesty to call this parliament, must be the first 
 subject of their revengeful wrath, and that so unparalleled a master should be 
 thus brought upon the public stage, for the foolish miscarriage of his own ser- 
 vants, whereof^ (with grief of heart) I confess myself to be one. Yet shortly 
 after, the king dissolved the parliament, but never restored that matchless lord 
 to his place, which made him then to wish, the many years he had spent in 
 state policy and law study, had been solely devoted to true philosophy : for, 
 (said he) the one, at the best, doth but comprehend man's frailty, in> its greatest 
 splendour ; but the other, the mysterious knowledge of all things created in the 
 six days' work." (o) 
 
 (a) This note is divided into two parts. First, Some Account of Bushel. 
 Secondly, Observations upon the Account given by Bushel. 
 
 I. Some Account of Bushel. 
 
 Mr. Buslfel's Abridgment of Lord Chancellm- Bacon's Philosophical Theory of 
 
 Mineral Prosecutions. London : printed in the year 1659. 
 It was the custom, in the time of Lord Bacon, for young men of property to 
 attach themselves, as pages, to noblemen of eminence. It appears that Mr. 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 Lord Bacon's Letter to the King. 
 
 It may please your most excellent majestie, — I think myself infinitely 
 bounden to your majestie, for vouchsafing me aceesse to your royal person, and 
 to touch the hemme of your gaiment. I see your majestie imilateth him that 
 would not break the broken reede, nor quench the smoking flax ; and as your 
 
 Bushel, who had large property at Eustone, near Oxford,* was, when he was 
 fifteen years old, admitted into the family of Lord Bacon, and that he was 
 under great obligation to him. Bushel's words are " his acceptance of me for 
 his servant at fifteen years of age upon my own address, his clearing all my 
 debts three several times with no smaller sum in the whole than 30002. his 
 preferring me in marriage to a rich inheritrix, and thereupon not only allowing 
 me 4002. per annum, but to balance the consent of her father in the match, 
 promised upon his honour to make me the heir of his knowledge in mineral 
 philosophy. 
 
 Aubrey, in his anecdotes, when describing the walks at Gorhambury, says, 
 " Here his lordship much meditated, his servant Mr. Bushel attending him with 
 his pen and ink-horn to set dowp present notions." 
 
 He was born about 1602, and was, therefore, in 1620, at the time of Lord 
 Bacon's fall, about eighteen years old : and about twenty-six, in 1626, when 
 Lord Bacon died. 
 
 After' the death of Lord Bacon Bushel retired to the Isle of Man, as he re- 
 lates in his own work, and as is thus stated in Wood's History of the Isle qf 
 Man. 
 
 " This island (the Isle of Man) is said to have been the retreat of two her- 
 mits, one of whom, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, murdered a beautiful 
 woman in a sudden fit of jealousy, and spent the remainder of his life in soli- 
 tude, penance, and the severest mortifications ; the other, Thomas Bushel, in 
 the reign of James, made, it his abode for only a few years. A supposed letter 
 of his still extant is to this eflect. 
 
 " ' The embrions of my mines proving abortive by the fall and death of Lord 
 Chancellor Bacon, were the motives which persuaded my pensive retirement to 
 a three years' solitude in the desolate isle, called the Calf of Man, where, in 
 obedience to my dear loid's philosophical advice, I resolved to make a perfect . 
 experiment upon myself for the obtaining a long and healthy life, most neces- 
 sary for such a repentance as my former debauchedness required, by a parsi- 
 monious diet of herbs, oil, mustard, honey, with water suflScieut, most like to 
 that of our long lived fathers before the flood, as was conceived W that lord, 
 which I most strictly observed, as if obliged by a religious vow, till Divine Pro- 
 vidence called me to a more active life.' " 
 
 As this tract was published in 1659, he was then near sixty years of age, as 
 is explained in part of the tract, viz. 
 
 In the address to the reader, in the beginning of this tract, he says : " But 
 now seriously considering that the taper of my life burns in the socket (I having 
 already numbered twelve lustres of years),'? and as by a. lustre I understand 
 five years, I conclude therefore that Bushel was sixty years in 1659. 
 
 Bushel always speaks of Lord Bacon in terms of the most grateful respect. 
 With such expressions as the following his work abounds, " My old master, the 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon, would often, say, &c." Again, " JJedkated by my 
 obliged gratitude to my Lord Bacon" 
 
 He died at the age of eighty in 1684. , , xr , , 
 
 He lay sometime at Captain Norton's, in the gate at Scotland Yard, where 
 he died seven years since (now 1684) about eighty stat. Buried in the little 
 cloysters at Westminster Abbey, somebody put B. B. upon the stone (now, 
 1787, all new paved).— Awbrey, 260. 
 
 * See Plot's History of Oxfordshire. 
 
NOTE G G G. 
 
 majestie imitateth Christ, so I ho^ assuredly my lords of the upper house will 
 imitate you, and unto your majestie's grace and mercy, and next to my lords I 
 recommend myself. It is not possible, nor it were not safe, for me to answer 
 particulars till I have my charge ; which when I shall receive, I shall without 
 figg leaves or disguise excuse what I can excuse, extenuate what I can ex- 
 
 II. Observations upon the Account given by Bushel. 
 
 The author of Bacon's Life, in the Biographia Britannica, says, " We have 
 a long and formal detail of this matter, from one who might certsunly be pre- 
 sumed to know a great deal of it : viz, Mr. Bushel, who was his lordship's 
 servant at that time, and who having ruined himself by engaging in the working 
 of mines, upon pretence of following his lord's philosophical theory on that 
 subject, endeavoured, while a prisoner in the Fleet, to apologize for his own 
 conduct, by publishing a speech, which he asserts his master intended to have 
 made to that parliament in which he was undone, upon this subject, and for 
 , procuring the establishment of a Royal Academy of Sciences, on the plan deli- 
 vered in a work of his, entitled, his New Atlantis, which speech of his, though 
 it may contain some thoughts of Lord Bacon's, is allowed by thelearned Di;. 
 Tenison to be in a great measure Jictitiam, and not only unworthy of that noble 
 person, but such as it was impossible far him to have drawn. It is at the close of 
 this speech, and in order to account for its not being spoken, that Mr. Bushel 
 mentions his master's fall, which, he says, intervened before it could be spoken, 
 and thereupon undertakes to give us all the circumstances of that extraordinary 
 event from his own knowledge, which, if it could be depended upon, must be 
 admitted to be a thing extremely worthy our notice : hut I at present produce it 
 with a view to gratify the inclination of the ingenious reader, of seeing whatever 
 has been advanced on this subject on either side. In this light too, Mr. 
 Bushel's account is a matter of some consequence, since it is the fullest and 
 most circumstantial that has been hitherto given. 
 
 " Bushel was a very strange man, and has told so many improbable stories 
 of his master, and so many silly ones of himself, that what he says deserves no 
 credit, farther than as it agrees with other evidence." — Tenison's Account of 
 Lord Bacon's Works, p. 97. 
 
 What authority there is for the assertion in the parts underlined, the reader 
 may judge, by an examination of the obsei'Vations in Archbishop Tenison's 
 work, which is annexed. But that Archbishop Tenison did not doubt the cor- 
 rectness of Bushel's statement, appears from the following passage in the Arch- 
 bishop's Baconiana. 
 
 " The great cause of his suffering, is to some, a secret. I leave them to 
 find it out, by his words to King James, ' I wish (said he) that as I am the 
 first, so I may be the last of sacrifices in your times.' And when from private 
 appetite, it is resolved, that a creature shall be sacrificed ; it is easie to pick up 
 sticks enough, from any thicket whither it hath straid, to make a fire to offer it 
 with." 
 
 But even if he had entertained doubts, we must judge by one of the funda- 
 mental rules in all reasoning. Is it most probable that Bushel should, at the 
 age of sixty years, have invented this anecdote, or that it is true 1 
 
 The following is the passage in Archbishop Tenison's work, to which the 
 editor of the Life, in the Biographia Britannica, refers. 
 
 Archbishop Tenison, in his account of Lord Bacon's works, says : " There 
 is annexed a certain speech touching the recovery of drowned mineral works, 
 prepared, as Mr. Bushel saith, for that parliament under which he fell. His 
 lordship, no doubt, had such a project ; and he might prepare a speech also, 
 for the facilitating of it. But that this is a true copy of that speech, I dare not 
 avouch. His lordship's speeches were wont to be digested into more method ; 
 his periods were more round, his words more choice, his allusions more fre- 
 quent, and managed with more decorum. And as no man had greater com- 
 mand of words, for the illustration of matter, than his lordship ; so here he had 
 matter which refused not to be clothed in the best words." 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 tenuate, aud ingenuously confess what I can neither clear nor extenuate. And 
 if there be any thing which I mought conceive to be no offence, and yet is, I 
 desire tobe informed, that I may be twice penitent, once for my fault, and the 
 second tim^ for my error, and so submitting all that I am to your majestie's 
 grace, I rest 20th April, 1621. 
 
 A Speech touching the recovering of Drowned Mineral Works, prepared for the 
 Parliament (as Mr. Bushel affirmed) by the Viscount of St. Albans, then 
 Lord High Chancellor of England. 
 
 My lords and gentlemen, — The king, my royal master, was lately (gra- 
 ciously) pleased to move some discourse to me concerning Mr. Sutton's Hos- 
 pital, and such like worthy foundations of memorable piety : which humbly 
 seconded by myself, drew his majesty into a serious consideration of the mine- 
 ral treasures of his own territories, and the practical discoveries of them by 
 way of my philosophical theory : which he then so well resented, that, after- 
 wai-ds, upon a mature digestion of my whole design, he commanded me to let 
 your lordships understand, how great an inclination he hath to further so hopeful 
 a work, for the honour of his dominions, as the most probable means to relieve 
 all the poor thereof without any other stock or benevolence, than that which 
 Divine bounty should confer on their own industries and honest labours, in 
 recovering all such drowned mineral works as have been, or shall be, therefore, 
 deserted. 
 
 And, my lords, all that is now desired of his majesty and your lordships, is 
 no more than a gracious act of this present parliament to authorize them herein, 
 adding a ipercy to a munificence, which is, the persons of such strong and able 
 petty-feloi^s, who, in true penitence for their crimes, shall implore his majesty's 
 mercy and permission to expiate their offences by their assiduous labours, in so 
 innocent and hopeful a work. 
 
 For, by ^his unchangeable way (my lords) have I proposed to erect the aca- 
 demical fabric of this island's Salomon's House, modelled in my New Atlantis. 
 And I can hope ("my lords) that my midnight studies to make our countries 
 6ourish and outvy European neighbours in mysterious and beneficent arts, have 
 not so ingratefully affected the whole intellects, that you will delay or resist liis 
 majesty's desires, and my humble petition in this benevolent, yea, magnificent 
 affair ; since your honourable posterities may be inriched thereby, and my ends 
 are only, to make the world my heir, and the learned fathers of my Salomon's 
 House, the successive and sworn trustees in the dispensation of this great ser- 
 vice, for God's glory, my prince's magnificence, this parliament's honour, our 
 countries general good, and the propagation of my own memory. 
 
 And I may assure your lordships, that all my proposals in order to this great 
 architype, seemed so rational and feasable to my royal sovereign, our Christian 
 Salomon, that I, there'oy, prevailed with his majesty to call this honourable 
 parliament, to confirm and impower me in my own way of mining, by an act of 
 the same, after bis majesty's more weighty affairs were considered in your wis- 
 doms ; both which he desires your lordships, and you gentlemen that are chosen 
 as the patriots of your respective countries, to take speedy care of: which done, 
 I shall not then doubt the happy issue of my undertakings in this design, 
 whereby concealed treasures, which now seem utterly lost to mankind, shall be 
 confined to so universal a piety, and brought into use by the industry of con- 
 verted penitents, whose wretched carcases the impartial laws have, or shall 
 dedicate, as untimely feasts, to the worms of the earth, in whose womb those 
 deserted mineral riches must ever lie buried as lost abortments, unless those be 
 made the active midwives to deliver them. For, my lords, I humbly conceive 
 them to be the fittest of all men to effect this great work, for the ends and causes 
 which I have before expressed. 
 
 All which, my lords, I humbly refer to your grave and solid judgments to 
 conclude of, together with such other assistances to this frame, as your own 
 oraculous wisdom shall intimate for the magnifying our Creator, in his inscru- 
 table Providence, and admirable works of nature. 
 
 VOL. XV. 25 
 
NOTE G Ct G. 
 
 Memoranda of what the Lord Chancellor intended to deliver to the King, April 
 16, 1621, upon his first access to his Majesty after his troubles. 
 
 That howsoever it goeth with me, I think myself infinitely bound to his 
 majesty for admitting me to touch the hem of his garment ; and that, according 
 to my faith, so be it unto me. That I ought also humbly to thank his majesty 
 for that, in that excellent speech of his, which is printed, that speech of so 
 great maturity, wherein the elements are so well mingled, by kindling affection, 
 by washing away aspersion, by establishing of opinion, and yet giving way to 
 opinion, I do find some passages which I do construe to my advantage. 
 
 And lastly, that I have heard from my friends, that notwithstanding these 
 waves of information, his majesty mentions my name with grace and favour. 
 
 In the next place, I am to make an oblation of myself into his majesty's 
 hands, that, as I wrote to him, I am as clay in his hands, his majesty may make 
 a vessel of honour or dishonour of me, as I find favour in his eyes ; and that I 
 submit myself wholly to his grace and mercy, and to be governed both in my 
 cause and fortunes by his direction, knowing that his heart is inscrutable for 
 good. Only I may express myself thus far, that my desire is, that the thread, 
 or line, or my life, may be no longer than the thread, or line of my service : 
 I mean, that I may be of use to your majesty in one kind or other. 
 
 Now for any further speech, I would humbly pray his majesty, that whatso- 
 ever the law of nature shall teach me to speak for my own preservation, your 
 majesty will understand it to be in such sort, as I do nevertheless depend wholly 
 upon your will and pleasure. And under this submission, if your majesty will 
 graciously give me the hearing, I will open my heart unto you, both touching 
 my fault and fortune. 
 
 For the former of these, I shall deal ingenuously with your majesty, without 
 seeking fig-leaves, or subterfuges. 
 
 There be three degrees or cases, as I conceive, of gifts and rewards given to a 
 judge. 
 
 The first is of bargain, contract, or promise of reward, pendente lite. And this 
 is properly called venalis sententia, or baratrin, or corruptelie munerum. And of 
 this my heart tells me I am innocent ; that I had no bribe or reward in my eye 
 or thought when I pronounced any sentence or order. 
 
 The second is a neglect in the judge to inform himself, whether the cause be 
 fully at an end, or no, what time he receives the gift ; but takes it upon the credit 
 of the party that all is done, or otherwise omits to inquire. 
 
 And the third is, when it is received sine fraiide, after the cause ended, 
 which it seems by the opinion of the civilians is no offence. Look into the case 
 of simony, &c. 
 
 Draught of another paper to the same purpose. 
 
 There be three degrees or cases of bribery, charged or supposed in a judge : 
 
 The first, of bargain or contract, for reward to pervert justice. 
 
 The second, where the judge conceives the cause to be at an end, by the 
 information of the party, or otherwise, and useth not such diligence as he ought 
 to inquire of it. And the third, when the cause is really ended, and it is sine 
 fraude, without relation to any precedent promise. 
 
 Now if I might see the particulars of my charge, I should deal plainly with 
 your majesty, in whether of these degrees every particular case falls. But for 
 the first of them, 1 take myself to be as innocent as any born upon St. Inno- 
 cent's day in my heart. For the second, I doubt in some particulars I may be 
 faulty. And for the last, I conceived it to be no fault ; but therein I desire to 
 be better iuformed, that I may be twice penitent ; once for the fact, and again 
 for the error. For I had rather be a briber, than a defender of bribes. 
 
 I must likewise confess to your majesty, that at New-year's tides, and likewise 
 at my first coming in (which was, as it were my wedding), I did not so pre- 
 cisely, as perhaps I ought, examine whether those that presented me had causes 
 before me yea or no. And this is simply all that I can say for the present con- 
 cerning my charge, until I may receive it more particularly. And all this 
 
NOTK G G G. 
 
 whMe, I do not fly to that, as to say that these things are vitia temporis, and not 
 vitia hominis. 
 
 For my foitune, summa svmmorum with me is, that I may not be made alto- 
 gether unprofitable to do your majesty's service or honour. If your majesty 
 continue me as I am, I hope 1 shall be a new man, and shall reform things out 
 of feeling, more than another can do out of example. If I cast part of my 
 burden, I shall be more strong and delivri to bear the rest. Andi to tell your 
 majesty what my thoughts run upon, I think of writing a stoiy of England, and 
 of recompiling of your laws into a better digest. 
 
 But to conclude, I most humbly pray your majesty's directions and advice. 
 For as your majesty hath used to give me the attribute of care of your business, 
 so 1 must now cast the care of myself upon God and you. 
 
 17th April. 
 
 The Lord Treasurer signified, that in the interim of this cessation, the Lord 
 Chancellor was an humble suitor unto his majesty, that he might see his 
 majesty and speak with him ; and although his majesty, in respect of the Lord 
 Chancellor's person, and of the place he holds, might have given his lordship 
 that favour, yet, for that his lordship is under the trial of this house his majesty 
 . would not on the sudden grant it. 
 
 That, on Sunday last, the king calling all the lords of this house which were 
 of his council before him, it pleased his majesty to shew their lordships what 
 was desired by the Lord Chancellor, demanding their lordships' advice therein. 
 
 The lords did not presume to advise his majesty ; for that his majesty did 
 suddenly propound such a course as all the world could not advise a better ; 
 which was, that his majesty would speak with him privately. 
 
 That yesterday, his majesty admitting the Lord Chancellor to his presence, 
 his lordship desired that he might have a particular of those mattere wherewith 
 he is charged before the lords of this house ; for that it was not possible for 
 him,, who past so many orders and decrees in a year, to remember all things 
 that fell out in them ; and that, this being granted, his lordship would desire 
 two requests of his majesty. 1. That, where his answers should be fair and 
 clear to those things objected against him, his lordship might stand upon his 
 innocency. 2. Where his answer should not be so fair and clear, there his 
 lordship might be admitted to the extenuation of the charge ; and where the 
 proofs were full, and undeniable, his lordship would ingenuously confess them, 
 and put himself upon the mercy of the lords. 
 
 Unto all which his majesty's answer was, he referred him to the lords of this 
 house, and thereof his majesty willed his lordship to make report to their 
 lordships. 
 
 It was thereupon ordered, that the Lord Treasurer should signify unto his 
 majesty, that the lords do thankfully acknowledge this his majesty's favour, and 
 hold themselves highly bound unto his majesty for the same. 
 
 Jurati in causa Domini Cancellarii : 
 
 Sir Thomas Middleton, Knt. Thomas Knight. 
 
 Edmond Phellipps. Thomas Hasellfoote. 
 
 John Bawbury. Henry Ashton. 
 
 Thomas Foones. Raphe Moore. 
 
 John Parkinson. Robert Bell. 
 
 Gabriel Sheriff. William Spyke. 
 
 Jo. Kellett Richard Peacock. 
 
 William Compton. Christopher Barnes. 
 
 Jo. Childe. 
 Agreed the Lords' committees to prepare the examinations against the Lord 
 Chancellor. 
 
 Moved by the Lord Hunsdon, and ordered by the house, that the Lord Chief 
 Justice do every morning, before the adjournment of the court, cause the names 
 of the Lords' committees, appointed to meet that day iu the afternoon, to be 
 read by the clerk. 
 
NOTE GOG. 
 
 Moved by the Eavl of Arundel, that the three several committees, in causa 
 Domini CancellaHi do make their report to-morrow morning of the examinations 
 by them taken touching the Lord Chancellor ; and the clerk to produce the 
 examinations in that cause taken in court, to the end their lordships may give the 
 Lord Chancellor such particulars of his charge as their lordships shall judge fit. 
 
 Dominus Capitalis Justiciarius, locum tenens Domini Cancellarii, declaravit 
 praesens Parliamentum continuandum esse usque in diem crastinum, videlicet, 
 decimum nonum diem Aprilis, Dominis sic decernentibus. 
 
 I9th April. 
 
 Die Jovis, videlicet, 19° die Aprilis, Domini tam spirituales quam tempo- 
 rales, quorum nomina subscribuntur, prasentes fuerunt : 
 p. Carolus Princeps Walliae, etc. 
 Archiepus. Cant. p. Jac. Ley, Miles et Bar. Ds. 
 
 p. Archiepus. Eborum. Capit. Justic. Locum tenens, 
 
 Epus. London. &c. 
 
 The Earl of Arundel shewed, that (according to the order of the house,' 27 
 Martii) his lordship and the other lords joined in committee with him, have 
 examined divers, in cansa Domini Cancellarii. The which examination he deli- 
 vered unto Mr. Baron Denham, who attended the lords of that committee. 
 
 The Earl of Huntingdon declared, that his lordship, and the other lords joined 
 in committee with him, had also examined divers touching the same cause ; the 
 which examinations his lordship delivered unto Mr. Serjeant Crewe, who 
 attended the lords of that committee. 
 
 The Earl of Southampton declared, that his lordship, and the other lords 
 joined in committee with him, had also taken divers examinations touching the 
 same cause ; the which his lordship delivered to Mr. Attorney General. 
 
 Mr. Baron Denham (coming to the clerk's table) stood and read the exami- 
 nation taken by the Earl of Arundel, and the lords joined with his lordship, viz. 
 the examinations of 
 
 Sir George Hastings, knt. Bevis Thelwall. 
 
 Sir Richard Yonge, knt. Sir William Bronker, knt. 
 
 Mr. Serjeant Crewe, in like manner, read the examinations taken by the Earl 
 of Huntingdon, and the lords joined with his lordship, viz. 
 The examination of Christopher Awbrey. 
 
 A letter written by Christopher Awbrey to the Lord Chancellor, dated 22nd 
 Nov. 1619. 
 
 One letter written by him to the Lord Chancellor, dated the 21st of June, 
 1620 ; and one other letter written by him to the Lord Chancellor, dated 19th 
 July, 1620. 
 
 The examinations of Ralph MerefiU, Scrivenei-, and Tristram Woodward. 
 Mr. Attorney General, in like manner, read first the brief of the examinations 
 taken by the Earl of Southampton, and the lords joined with his lordship ; and 
 then the examinations, viz. of 
 
 Sir Rowland Egerton, knt. Samuel Jones. 
 
 The Lady Dorothee Wharton. Sir Thomas Midleton, knt. 
 
 Richard Keeling. John Bunbury. 
 
 Anthony Gardiner. John Kellet. 
 
 Sir Thomas Perient, knt. Gabriel SheriflF. 
 
 Sir Henry Elmes, knt. Richard Scott. 
 
 Sir Edward Fisher, knt. John Childe. 
 
 James Kennedy. Henry Ashton. 
 
 Peter Vanlor. Thomas Hasellwood, 
 
 John Churchill. Ralph More. 
 
 Sir Ralph Hansby, knt. Thomas Knight. 
 
 William Compton. Robert Bell. 
 
 Robert Johnson, Alderman of William Spight. 
 
 London. Richard Peacock. 
 
NOTE GO a. 
 
 These letters and orders were also read, viz. 
 
 One letter, dated the 14th March, 1618, written by the Lord Chancellor to 
 the company of Vintners. 
 
 An order made by the Lord Chancellor to relieve the English merchants of 
 Vintners, dated 20th April. 
 
 Order of reference by the Lord Chancellor to Sir Thomas Love, dated 9th 
 May, 1619. 
 
 Another letter of the Lord Chancellor to the Vintners, dated 9th June, 
 1619. 
 
 These examinations being read, the Earl of Southampton signiBed, that Sir 
 Thomas Smith, knt. being to be examined in this business of the vintners, is 
 sick of the gout. His lordship also declared, that his lordship, and the lords 
 committees joined with him, have heard a public fame and report, how that the 
 Lord Chancellor, having ordered matters in open court, did afterwards alter and 
 reverse 'the same orders upon petitions ; that their lordships, in the time of this 
 cessation, being desirous to know the truth thereof, sent for the registers of the 
 Chancery (who then were in the country) ; and now, upon their return, they 
 have, upon search,, found out some such orders, altered and reversed upon 
 petitions, and required a longer time to search for more ; and then the said 
 registers will give their lordships more full satisfaction therein. The which was 
 generally approved of by the house. 
 
 The clerk read the examinations taken here in open court : 
 
 In causa Domini Cancellarii, viz. of 
 John Hunt. James Rolph. 
 
 Edward Shereborne. Robert Baiter. 
 
 Sir George Beaell. Thomas Mewtas, 
 
 William Peacock. 
 
 It was agreed, that, forasmuch as these examinations were taken by three 
 several committees, and some were taken here in the house, and the examinations 
 of the one spake of some of the same things taken by the other ; that the three 
 committees do meet together (attended by the King's counsel) to make one 
 brief of all these examinations. 
 
 Agreed also, that the three committees, in causa Domini Cancellarii, do con- 
 tinue to receive complainis, and take examinations inthe same cause ; and that 
 their lordships meet this afternoon, in the Little Committee Cliamber, after the 
 conference with the Commons. 
 
 Dominus Capitalis justiciarius, locum tenens Domini Cancellarii, declaravit 
 prsBsens Parliamentum continuandum esse usque in diem Martis, videlicet, 24"" 
 instantis Aprilis, Dominis pic decernentibus. 
 
 April 20. 
 
 To the King. 
 It may please your most excellent majesty,— I think myself infinitely bounden 
 to your majesty, for vouchsafing me access to your royal person, and to touch 
 the hem of your garment. I see your majesty imitateth him that would not 
 break the broken reedj nor quench the smoking flax ; and as your majesty 
 imitateth Christ, so I hope assuredly my lords of the upper house will imitate 
 you, and unto youKmajesty's grace and mercy, and next ,to my lords, I recom- 
 mend myself. It is not possible, nor it were not safe, for me .to answer parti- 
 culars till I have my charge ; which when I shall receive, I shall, without fig 
 leaves or disguise, excuse what I can excuse, extenuate what I can extenuate, 
 and ingenuously confess what I can neither clear nor extenuate.. And if there 
 be any thing which I might conceive to be no offence, and yet is, I desire to be 
 informed, that I may be twice penitent, once for my fault,and ithe second time 
 for n^ error, and so submitting all that I am to your majesty's grace, I rest. 
 A|)ril 30, 1621. 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 24th April. 
 Die Martis, videlicet, 24° die Aprilis, Domini tain Spirituales quam Tempo- 
 rales, quorum nomina subscribuntur, prssentes fuerunt : 
 
 Praesens Rex. p. Carolus Princeps Walliae, &c. 
 
 p. Archiepus. Cant. p. Jac. Ley, Miles et Bar. Ds. 
 
 p. Archiepus, Eborum. Capit. Justic. locum tenens, 
 
 Epus. London. &c. 
 
 The Lords sitting in their robes, and the Lord Chief Justice in the place of 
 the Lord Chancellor, expecting his majesty's coming into the Parliament house, 
 the Earl of Oxon (Lord Great Chamberlain of England) and the Earl of Essex, 
 who carried the sword, coming before, the King entered ; and his majesty being 
 placed in his chair, under the cloth of estate, was pleased to make a gracious 
 speech unto their lordships. 
 
 As touching the complaints of grievances, his majesty commended the 
 complaint of all public grievances, protesting that he will prefer no person 
 whomsoever before the public good. And his majesty was pleased to put the 
 lords in mind of their ancient orders of this house, in hearing the complaints in 
 the examinations, and their manner to give judgment thereupon ; and advised 
 them to entertain nothing (the time being precious), which was not material 
 and weighty. 
 
 And whereas many complaints are already made against courts of judicature, 
 which are in examination, and are to be proceeded upon by the lords ; his 
 majesty will add some, which he thinks fit to be also complained of, and 
 redressed, viz. That no orders be made but in public court, and not in cham- 
 bers ; that excessive fees be taken away ; that no bribery nor money be given 
 for the hearing of any cause. These and many other things his majesty thought 
 fit to be done this session. And his majesty added, that when he hath done 
 this, and all that he can do for the good of his subjects, he confesseth he hath 
 done but the duty whereunto he was born. 
 
 Post meridiem. — The Prince his highness signified unto the Lords, that the 
 Lord Chancellor had sent a submission unto their lordships, the which was 
 presently read. It follows, in hac verba : 
 
 " To the Right Honourable the Lords of Parliament, in the Upper House 
 assembled. 
 " The humble Submission and Supplication of the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 " It may please your lordships, I shall humbly crave at your lordships' hands 
 a benign interpretation of that which I shall now write. For words that come 
 from wasted spirits, and an oppressed mind, are more safe in being deposited in 
 a noble construction, than in being circled with any reserved caution. 
 
 " This being moved, and, as I hope, obtained, in the nature of a protection 
 to all that I shall say, I shall now make into the rest of that wherewith I shall 
 at this time trouble your lordships a very strange entrance. For, in the midst 
 of a state of as great affliction as I think a mortal man can endure (honour being 
 above life), I shall begin with the professing of gladness in some things. 
 
 " The first is, that hereafter the greatness of a judge or magistrate shall be 
 no sanctuary or protection of guiltiness, which (in few words) is the beginning 
 of a golden world. The next, that, after this example, it is like that judges will 
 fly from any thing that is in the likeness of corruption (though it were at a 
 great distance) as from a serpent; which tendeth to the purging of the courts of 
 justice, and the reducing them to their true honour and splendour. And in 
 these two points, God is my witness, that, though it be my fortune to be the 
 anvil upon which these good effects are beaten and wrought, I take no small 
 comfort. 
 
 " But, to pass from the motions of my heart, whereof God is only judge, to 
 the merits of my cause, whereof your lordships are judges, under God and his 
 lieutenant, I do understand there hath been heretofore expected from me some 
 justification ; and therefore I have chosen one only justification instead of all 
 
J^OTE G GG. 
 
 other, out of the justifications of Job. For, after the clear submission' and con- 
 fession which I shall now make unto your lordships, I hope I may say and 
 justify with Job, in these words : I have not hid my sin as did Adam, nor con- 
 cealed my faults in my bosom. This is the only justification which I will use. 
 " It resteth, therefore, that without fig-leaves, I do ingenuously confess and 
 acknowledge that, having understood the particulars of the charge, not formally 
 from the house, but enough to inform my conscience and memory, I find matter 
 sufficient and full, both to move me to desert the defence, and to move your 
 lordships to condemn and censure me. Neither will I trouble your lordships 
 by singling those particulars, which I think may fall off, 
 
 " Quid te exemtajuvat spinis depluribus imal 
 
 Neither will I prompt your lordships to observe upon the proofs, where they 
 come not home, or the scruples touching the credits of the witnesses ; neither 
 will I represent unto your lordships how far a defence might, in divers things, 
 extenuate the offence, in respect of the time or manner of the gift, or the like 
 circumstances, but only leave these things to spiing out of your own noble 
 thoughts and observations of the evidence and examinations themselves, and 
 charitably to wind about the particulars of the charge here and there, as God 
 shall put into your mind, and so submit myself wholly to your piety and grace. 
 
 " And now that I have spoken to your lordships as judges, I shall say a few 
 words to you as peers and prelates, humbly commending my cause to your 
 noble minds and magnanimous affections. 
 
 " Your lordships are not simple judges, but parliamentaiy judges ; you have 
 a further extent of arbitrary power than other courts ; and, if your lordships be 
 not tied by the ordinary course of courts or precedents, in points of strictness 
 and severity, much more in points of mercy and mitigation. 
 
 " And yet, if any thing which I shall move might be contrary to your honour- 
 able and worthy ends to introduce a reformation, I should not seek it. But 
 herein I beseech your lordships to give me leave to tell you a story. Titus 
 Manlius took his son's life for giving battle against the prohibition of his gene- 
 ral ; not many years after, the like severity was pursued by Fapirius Cursor, 
 the dictator, against Quintus Maximus, who being upon the point to be sen- 
 tenced, by the intercession of some principal persons of the senate, was spared ; 
 whereupon Livy maketh this grave and gracious observation : Neque minus 
 firmata est disciplina 7nilitaris periculn Quinti Maximi, quam miserabili supplicio 
 Titi Mania. The discipline of war was no less established by the questioning 
 of Quintus Maximus, than by the punishment of Titus Manlius : and the same 
 reason is of the reformation of justice ; for the jiuestioning of men of eminent 
 place hath the same terror, though not the same rigour with the punishment. 
 
 " But my case standeth not there. For my humble desire is, that his majesty 
 would take the seal into his hands, which is a great downfall ; and may serve, 
 I hope, in itself for an expiation of my faults. Therefore, if mercy and mitiga- 
 tion be in your power, and do no ways cross your ends, why should I not hope 
 of your lordships' favour and commiseration 1 
 
 " Your lordships will be pleased to behold your chief pattern, the King our 
 sovereign, a king of incomparable clemency, and whose heart is inscrutable for 
 wisdom and goodness. Your lordships will remember that there sat not these 
 hundred years before a prince in your house; and never such a prince, whose 
 presence deserveth to be made memorable by records and acts mixed of mercy 
 and justice : yourselves are either nobles (and compassion ever beateth in the 
 veins of noble blood) or reverend prelates, who are the servants of Him that 
 would not break the bruised reed, nor quench smoking flax. You all sit upon 
 one high stage ; and therefore cannot but be more sensible of the changes of the 
 world, and of the fall of any of high place. Neither will your lordships forget 
 that there are vitia temporis as well as vitia hominis, and that the beginning of 
 reformations hath the contrary power of the pool of Bethesda; for that had 
 strength to cure only him that was first cast in, and this hath commonly strength 
 to hurt him only that is first cast in ; and for my part, I wish it may stay there, 
 and go no further. 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 " Lastly, I assure mjreelf, your lordships have a noble feeling of me, as a 
 member of your own body, and one that, in this very session, had some taste of 
 your loving affections, which, I hope, was not a lightening before the death of 
 them, but rather a spark of that grace, which now in the conclusion will more 
 appear. 
 
 " And therefore my humble suit to your lordships is, that my penitent sub- 
 mission may be my sentence, and the loss of the seal my punishment ; and that 
 your lordships will spare any further sentence, but recommend me to his 
 majesty's grace and pardon for all that is past. God's holy spirit be amongst 
 you. Your Lordships' humble servant and suppliant, 
 
 April 22, 1621. " Fr. St. Alban, Cane." 
 
 The which submission being read, first by the clerk, and afterwards repeated 
 by the Lord Chief Justice ; the house was adjourned ad libitum, to the end, the 
 whole house being a committee, it might be the better debated, whether the said 
 submission were a sufficient confession for the lords to ground their censure on. 
 
 Their lordships being all agreed that the Lord Chancellor's submission gave 
 not satisfaction to their lordships, for that his lordship's confession therein was 
 not fully nor particularly set down, and for many other exceptions against the 
 submission itself, the same in sort extenuating his confession, and his lordship 
 seeming to prescribe the sentence to be given against him by the house; their 
 lordships resolved, that the Lord Chancellor should be charged particularly 
 with the briberies and corruptions complained of against him, and that his 
 lordship should make a particular answer thereunto ; but whether his lordship 
 shall be brought to the bar, to hear the charge, or that, respect being had to his 
 person (as yet having the King's great seal), the charge shall be sent unto his 
 lordship in writing, it was much debated. 
 
 And the Lord Chief Justice returning to the Lord Chancellor's place, his 
 lordship put it to the question, viz. whether the charge shall be sent to the Lord 
 Chancellor in writing, or the Lord Chancellor brought to the bar, to hear the 
 same ; and agreed, by most voices, the charge to be sent to his lordship. 
 
 Memorandum, That during the time the whole house was a committee, the 
 collections of corruptions charged upon the Lord Chancellor, and the proofs 
 thereof made by the three committees according to the order of the 19th April 
 instant, was read by Mr. Attorney General. 
 
 And the said collection (without the proofs) was now first read by Mr. 
 Attorney, and then sent to the Lord Chancellor by Mr. Baron Denham, and 
 him the said Attorney General, with this message from their lordships : That 
 the Lord Chancellor's confession is not fully set down by his lordship in the 
 said submission, for three causes : 1. His lordship confesseth not any particular 
 bribe nor corruption. 2. Nor sheweth how his lordship heard of the charge 
 thereof. 3. The confession, suchas it is, is afterwards extenuated in the same 
 submission ; and therefore the lords have sent him a particular of the charge, 
 and do expect his answer to the same with all convenient expedition. 
 
 Here foUoweth the said collection, viz. Corrjiptions charged upon the Lord 
 Chancellor, with the proofs thereof. 
 
 1. In the cause between Sir Rowland Egerton, knt. and Edward Egerton, 
 the Lord Chancellor received five hundred pounds, on the part of Sir Rowland 
 Egerton, before he decreed the same ; proved by the depositions of Sir Rowland 
 Egerton ; of John Brooke, who deposeth to the providing of the money, of pur- 
 pose to be given to the Lord Chancellor, and that the same is delivered to 
 Mr. Thelwall, to deliver to the Lord Chancellor : of Bevis Thelwall, who deli- 
 vered the five hundred pounds to the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 He received from Edward Egerton, in the said cause, four hundred pounds ; 
 proved by the depositions of Sir Richard Yonge, knight. Sir George Hastings, 
 knight, Rolphe Merefeild, and Tristram Woodward. 
 
 2. In the cause between Hody and Hody, he received a dozen of buttons, of 
 the value of fifty pounds, a fortnight after the cause was ended ; proved by the 
 depositions of Sir Thomas Perient, knight, and John Churchill, who speaks of 
 a greater value, by the report of Hody. 
 
NOTE C G G. 
 
 3. In the cause between the Lady Wharton, and the coheirs of Sir Francis 
 Willoughby, he received of the Lady Wharton three hundred and ten pounds ; 
 proved by the depositions of the Lady Wharton, Richard Keeling, and Anthony 
 Gardiner. 
 
 4. In Sir Thomas Muncke's cause, he received from Sir Thomas, by the 
 hands of Sir Henry Helmes, an hundred and ten pounds ; but this was three 
 quarters of a year after the suit.; proved by the deposition of Sir Henry 
 Helmes. 
 
 5. In the cause between Sir John Trevor and Ascue, he received, on the part 
 of Sir John Trevor, an hundred pounds, proved by the depositions of Richard 
 Keeling. 
 
 6. In the cause between Holman and Yong, he received of Yong an hundred 
 pounds, after the decree made for him ; proved by the depositions of Richard 
 Keeling. 
 
 7. In the cause between Fisher and Wrenham, the Lord Chancellor, after 
 the decree passed, received from Fisher a suit of hangings, worth an hundred 
 and sixty pounds and better, which Fisher gave by the advice of Mr. Sbute ; 
 proved by the deposition of Sir Edward Fisher. 
 
 8. In the cause between Kennedey and Vanlore, he received from Kennedey 
 a rich cabinet, valued at eight hundred pounds ; proved by the deposition of 
 James Kennedey. 
 
 9. He borrowed of Vanlore a thousand pounds, upon his own bond, at one 
 time, and the like sum at another time, upon his lordship's own bill, subscribed 
 by Mr. Hunt, his man ; proved by the depositions of Peter Vanlore. 
 
 10. He received of Richard Scott two hundred pounds after his cause was 
 ended ; but, upon a precedent promise, all which was transacted by Mr. Shute ; 
 proved by the deposition of Richard Scott. 
 
 He received, m the same cause, on Sir Jolin Lenthall's part, a hundred 
 pounds ; proved by the deposition of Edward Shereborne. 
 
 11. He received of Mr. Wroth a hundred pounds, in respect of the cause be- 
 tween him and Sir Arthur Mainewaring ; proved by the depositions of John 
 Churchill and John Hunt. 
 
 12. He received of Sir Ralph Hansby, having a cause depending before him, 
 five hundred pounds ; proved by the depositions of Sir Ralph Hansby. 
 
 13. William Counton, being to. have an extent for a debt of twelve hundred 
 pounds, the Lord Chancellor staid it, and wrote his letter, upon which part of 
 the <lebt was paid presently, and part at a future day ; 'the Lord Chancellor 
 hereupon sends to borrow five hundred pounds ; and, because Counton was to 
 pay to one Huxley four hundred pounds, his lordship requires Huxley to forbear 
 it for six months, and thereupon obtains the money from Counton. The money 
 being unpaid, suit grows between Huxley and Counton in Chancery, where his 
 lordship decrees Counton to pay Huxley the debt, with damages and costs, 
 where it was in his own hands ; proved by the depositions of William Counton. 
 
 14. In the cause between Sir William Bronker and Awbrey, the Lord Chan- 
 cellor received from Awbrey an hundred pounds ; proved by the depositions of 
 Christopher Awbrey, Sir George Hastings, and the letters to the Lord Chancellor 
 from Awbrey. 
 
 15. In the Lord Mountague's cause, he received from the Lord Mountague 
 six of seven hundred pounds, and more was to be paid at the ending of the 
 cause ; proved by the depositions of Bevis Thelwall. 
 
 16. In the cause of Mr. Dunch, he received from Mr. Dunch two hundred 
 pounds ; proved by the depositions of Bevis Thelwall. 
 
 17. In the cause between Reynell and Peacock, the Lord Chancellor received 
 from Reynell two hundred pounds, and a diamond ring worth five or six hundred 
 pounds ; proved by the depositions of John Hunt and Sir George Reynell. 
 
 He took of Peacock an hundred pounds, and borrowed a thousand pounds, 
 without security, interest, or time of re-payment ; proved by the depositions of 
 William Peacock and James Rolf. 
 
 18. In the cause between Sraithwick and Wych, he received from Smithwick 
 
NOTE GOG. 
 
 two hundred pounds, which was repaid; proved by the depositions of John 
 
 Hunt. 
 
 19. In the cause of Sir Henry Russwe]!, he received money from Russwellj 
 but it is not certain how much ; proved by the depositions of John Hunt. 
 
 20. In the cause of Mr. Barker, the Lord Chancellor received from Barker 
 seven hundred pounds ; proved by the depositions of Robert Barker and Edward 
 Shereburne. 
 
 21. There being a reference from his majesty to his lordship of a business 
 between the Grocers and Apothecaries of London, he received of the Grocers 
 two hundred pounds ; proved by the depositions of Sir Thomas Midleton, 
 Alderman Johnson, and John Bunbury. 
 
 He received in the same cause of the Apothecaries, that stood with the 
 Grocers, a taster of gold, worth between forty or fifty pounds, together with a 
 present of ambergrease ; proved by the depositions of Sir Thomas Midleton and 
 Samuel Jones. 
 
 He received of the new company of Apothecaries, that stood against the 
 Grocers, an hundred pounds ; proved by the depositions of John Kellet and 
 Gabriel Sheriff. 
 
 22. He took of the French merchants a thousand pounds, to constrain the 
 Vintners of London to take from them fifteen hundred tuns of wine ; proved by 
 the depositions of Robert Bell, William Spright, and Richard Peacock. To 
 accomplish which, he used very indirect means, by colour of his office and 
 authority, without bill or suit depending ; terrifying the vintners, by threats and 
 imprisonments of their persons, to buy wines, whereof they had no need nor use, 
 at higher rates than they were vendible ; proved by the depositions of John 
 Child, Henry Ashton, Thomas Haselfote, Raphe Moore, Thomas Knight, and 
 his own letters and orders. 
 
 23. The Lord Chancellor hath given way to great exactions by his servants, 
 both in respect of private seals, and likewise for sealing of injunctions, and 
 otherwise ; proved by the depositions of Thomas Manwood and Richard Keeling. 
 
 Dominus Capitalis Justiciarius, locum tenens Domini Cancellarii, declaravit 
 prsesens Parliamentum continuandum esse usque in diem crastinum, viz. 25™ 
 diem instantis Aprilis, hora 2^ post meridiem, Dominis sic decernentibus, 
 
 25th April. 
 
 Die Mercurii, viz. 25° die Aprilis, post meridiem, Domini tam Spirituales 
 quam Temporales, quoram nomina subscribuntur, praesentes fuerunt : 
 
 p. Carolus, Princeps WallicC, &c. 
 
 Mr. Baron Denham and Mr. Attorney General reported, that they did yester- 
 day (according to the direction of the house), deliver unto the Lord Chancellor 
 the charge of his lordship's corruption, &c. in writing, and required his lordship's 
 answer, who said he would return the lords an answer. Memorandum, that 
 the Lord Chief Justice received a letter from the Lord Chancellor, directed 
 thus : " Unto Sir James Ley, Knight, Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, 
 and supplying the place of the Lord Chancellor in parliament by commission." 
 Of which letter the lords would take no notice, because it was directed to the 
 Lord Chief Justice, and not to the house. 
 
 And the Earl of Southampton moved, that the house be not concluded with 
 this answer returned from the Lord Chancellor, viz. that he will return answer 
 with speed, but to require and receive a direct answer from his own mouth. 
 And it was much argued amongst the lords, in what manner this shall be done, 
 whether here at the bar, or no ; for the freer discussing whereof, the house was 
 adjourned ad libitum. 
 
 Their lordships being resolved thereof, the Lord Chief Justice returned to the 
 place of the Lord Chancellor ; and then their lordships agreed to send a message 
 unto the Lord Chancellor to this effect, by Mr. Baron Denham and Mr. Attorney 
 General, viz. The lords have received a doubtful answer unto the message their 
 lordships sent him yesterday ; and therefore they now send to him again, to 
 
know of his lordship, directly and presently, whether his lordship will make his 
 confession, or stand upon his defence. 
 
 Answer returned by the said messengers : The Lord Chancellor will make no 
 manner of defence to the charge ; but meaneth to acknowledge corruption, and 
 to make a particular confession to every point, and after that an humble sub- 
 mission. But humbly craves liberty, that where- the charge is more full than 
 he finds the truth of the fact, he may make declaration of the truth in such par- 
 ticulars, the charge being brief, and containing not all circumstances. 
 
 The lords sent the same messengers back again unto the Lord Chancellor, to 
 let his lordship know, that their lordships had granted him time until Monday 
 next, the thirtieth of this April, ten in the morning, to send such confession and 
 submission as his lordship intends to make. 
 
 The Lord Treasurer made report of the conference yesterday with the Com- 
 mons, touching Sir John Bennett ; the effect whereof was, that whereas the said 
 Sir John Bennett, Knight, Judge of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, being 
 directed by the law both what to do, and what fees to take, he did both contrary 
 to the law, exacting extreme and great fees, and much bribery ; some complaints 
 against him were opened, with a request of the Commons, that they might send 
 up more against him hereafter, if any came unto them. 
 
 26th April. 
 
 Answer returned this day, from the Lord Chancellor, by Mr. Baron Denham 
 and Mr. Attorney General : That yesterday they signified unto the Lord Chan- 
 cellor, that the lords have (at his lordship's request) granted him Monday next 
 to send such confession and submission as he intends to make. Unto which the 
 Lord Chancellor answered, " He will do it." 
 
 30th April. 
 
 The Lord Chief Justice signified unto the lords, that he received a letter from 
 the Lord Chancellor, the which was read, viz. 
 
 " It may please your Lordships, — Whereas I received this morning your 
 lordship's order for a wiit of summons to parliament to the now Earl of Hertford, 
 so it is, that upon Thursday night late, I received an absolute commandment, 
 under his majesty's royal signature, to stay the writ until I receive his majesty's 
 further pleasure therein ; with a clause, warranting me to give knowledge of this 
 his majesty's commandment, if such a writ were required. 
 
 " Your Lordship's humble servant, Fe. St. Alban, Cane. 
 " York House, 26th April, 1621." 
 Directed " To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and 
 Temporal, in the High Court of Parliament assembled." 
 
 The Lord Chief Justice also signified, that he had received from the Lord 
 Chancellor a paper roll, sealed up, which was delivered to the clerk ; and being 
 opened, and found directed to their lordships, it was also read, which follows, 
 in htec verba : 
 
 •• To the Right Honourable the i^oi-ds Spiritual and Temporal, in the High 
 Court of Parliament assembled. 
 
 " The Confession and humble Submission of me, the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 " Upon advised consideration of the charge, descending into my own con- 
 science, and calling my memory to account so fai- as I am able, I do plainly 
 and ingenuously confess, that I am guilty of comiption, and do renounce all 
 defence, and put myself upon the grace and mercy of your lordships. 
 
 " The particulars I confess and declare to be as foUoweth : 
 
 " 1. To the first article of the charge, viz. in the cause between Sir Rowland 
 Egerton and Edward Egerton, the Lord Chancellor received five hundred 
 pounds on the part of Sir Rowland Egerton, before he decreed the cause : I do 
 confess and declare, that upon a reference from his majesty, of all suits and 
 iBontroversies between Sir Rowland Egerton and Mr. Edward Egerton, both 
 
HOTE GGG. 
 
 parties submitted themselves to my award, by recognizance reciprocal in ten 
 thousand marks a-piece. Thereupon, after divers hearings, I made my awardy 
 with advice and consent of my Lord Hobart. The award was perfected and 
 published to the parties, which was in February ; then, some days after, the five 
 hundred pounds mentioned in the charge was delivered unto me. Afterwards 
 Mr. Edward Egeiton fled off from the award ; then, in Midsummer term follow- 
 ing, a suit was begun in Chancery by Sir Rowland, to have the award con- 
 firmed ; and upon that suit was the decree made, which is mentioned in the 
 article. 
 
 "2. To the second article of the charge, viz. in the same cause, he received 
 from Edward Egerton four hundred pounds : I confess and declare, that, soon 
 after my first coming to the seal (being a time when I was presented by many), 
 the four hundred pounds mentioned in. the charge was delivered unto me in a 
 purse, and I now call to mind, from Mr. Edward Egerton ; but, as far as I can 
 remember, it was expressed by them that brought it to be for favours past, and 
 not in respect to favours to come. 
 
 " 3. To the third article of the charge, viz. in the cause between Hodie and 
 Hodye, he received a dozen of buttons, of the value of fifty pounds, about a 
 fortnight after the cause was ended : I confess and declare, that, as it is laid in 
 the charge, about a fortnight after the cause was ended (it being a suit of a great 
 inheritance), there were gold buttons about the value of fifty pounds, as is men- 
 tioned in the charge, presented unto me, as 1 remember, by Sir Thomas Perient 
 and the party himself. 
 
 "4. To the fourth article of the charge, viz. in the cause between the Lady 
 Wharton aud the co-heirs of Sir Francis Willoughby, he received of the Lady 
 Wharton three hundred and ten pounds : I confess and declare, that I received 
 of the Lady Wharton, at two several times (as I remember) in gold, two 
 hundred pounds and an hundred pieces, and this was certainly pendente lite; 
 but yet I have a vehement suspicion that there was some shuffling between 
 Mr. Shute and the Register, in entering some orders, which afterwards I did 
 distaste. 
 
 " 5. To the fifth article of the charge, viz. in Sir Thomas Moncke's cause, he 
 received from Sir Thomas Monk, by the hands of Sir Henry Helmes, an hundred 
 and ten pounds ; but this was three quarters of a year after the suit was ended : 
 I confess it to be true, that I received an hundred pieces ; but it was long after 
 the suit ended, as is contained in the charge. 
 
 " 6. To the sixth article of the charge, viz. in the cause between Sir John 
 Treavor and Ascue, he received, on the part of Sir John Treavor, an hundred 
 pounds : I confess and declare, that I received at New Year's-tide an hundred 
 pounds from Sir John Treavor ; and because it came as a New Year's gift, I 
 neglected to inquire whether the cause was ended or depending ; but since I 
 find, that though the cause was then dismissed to a trial at lawj yet the equity is 
 reserved, so as it was in that kind pendente lite. 
 
 " 7. To the seventh article of the charge, viz. in the cause between Holman 
 and Yonge, he received of Yonge an hundred pounds, after the decree made 
 for him : I confess and declare, that, as I lemember, a good while after the 
 cause ended, I received an hundred pounds, either by Mr. Tobye Mathew, or 
 from Yonge himself; but whereas I understood that there was some money 
 given by Holman to my servant Hatcher, with that certainly I was never made 
 privy. 
 
 " 8. To the eighth article of the charge, viz. in the cause between Fisher and 
 Wrenham, the Lord Chancellor, after the decree passed, received from Fisher a 
 suit of hangings, worth an hundred and sixty pounds and better, which Fisher 
 gave by advice of Mr. Shute :• I confess and declare, that some time after the 
 decree passed, I being at that time upon remove to York House, I did receive a 
 suit of hangings of the value, I think, mentioned in the charge, by Mr. Shute, as 
 from Sir Edward Fisher, towards the furnishing of my house ; as some others 
 that were no way suitors did present me the like about that time. 
 
 " 9. To the ninth article of the charge, viz. iu the cause between Kenneday 
 and Vanlore.-he received a rich cabinet from Kenneday, prized at eight handred 
 
NOTE G G O. 
 
 pounds : I confess and declare, that such a cabinet was brought to my house, 
 though nothing near half the value ; and that I said to him that brought it, that 
 I came to view it, and not to receive it ; and gave commandment that it should 
 be carried back, and was offended when I heard it was not ; and some year and 
 an half after, as I remember. Sir John Kenneday having all that time refused to 
 take it away, as I am told by my servants, I was petitioned by one Pincknfey, 
 that it might be delivered to him, for that he stood engaged for the money that 
 Sir John Kenneday paid for it. And thereupon Sir John Kenneday wrote a 
 letter to my servant Shereborne with his own hand, desiring that I would not do 
 him that disgrace as to return that gift back, much less to put it into a wrong 
 hand ; and so it remains yet ready to be returned to whom your lordships shall 
 appoint. 
 
 " 10. To the tenth article of the charge, viz. he borrowed of Vanlore a thou- 
 sand pounds, upon his own bond, at one time, and the like sum at another time, 
 upon his lordship's own bill, subscribed by Mr. Hunt, his man : I confess and 
 declare that I borrowed the money in the article set down ; and that this is a 
 true debt. And I remember well that I wrote a letter from Kew, above a. 
 twelvemonth since, to a friend about the King, wherein I desired that, whereas 
 I owed Peter Vanlore two thousand pounds, his majesty would be pleased to 
 grant me so much out of his fine set upon him in the Star Chamber. 
 
 "11. To the eleventh article of the charge, viz. he received of Richard Scott 
 two hundred pounds, after his cause was decreed (but upon a precedent 
 promise), all which was transacted by Mr. Shute : I confess and declare, that 
 some fortnight after, as I remember that the decree passed, I received two 
 hundred pounds, as from Mr. Scott, by Mr. Shute ; but, for any precedent 
 promise or transaction by Mr. Shute, certain I am I knew of none. 
 
 " 12. To the twelfth article of the charge, viz. he received in the same 
 cause, on the part of Sir John Lentall, an hundred pounds : I confess and de- 
 clare, that some months after, as I remember, that the decree passed, I received 
 an hundred pounds by my seiTant Shereburne, as from Sir John Lentall, who 
 was not the adverse party to Scott, but a third person, relieved by the same 
 decree, in the suit of one Powre. 
 
 " 13. To the thirteenth article of the charge, viz. he received of Mr. Wroth 
 an hundred pounds, in respect of the cause between him and Sir Arthur Mayne- 
 waringe : I confess and declare, that this cause, being a cause for inheritance 
 of good value, was ended by my arbitrament, and consent of parties ; and so a 
 decree passed of course. And some month after the cause thus ended, the 
 hundred pounds mentioned in the article was delivered to me by my servant 
 Hunt. 
 
 " 14. To the fourteenth article of the charge, viz. he received of Sir Raphe 
 Hansby, having a cause depending before him, five hundred pounds : I confess 
 and declare, that there were two decrees, one, as I remember, for the inheri- 
 tance, and the other for goods and chattels, but all upon one bill ; and some 
 good time after the first decree, and before the second, the said five hundred 
 pounds were delivered me by Mr. Tobye Mathew, so as I cannot deny but it 
 was upon the matter, pendente Lite, 
 
 " 15. To the fifteenth article of the charge, viz. William Compton being to 
 have an extent for a debt of one thousand and two hundred pounds, the Lord 
 Chancellor stayed it, and wrote his letter, upon which part of the debt was paid 
 presently, and part at a future day. The Lord Chancellor hereupon sends to 
 borrow five hundred pounds ; and because Compton was to pay four hundred 
 pounds to one Huxley, his lordshifl requires Huxley to forbear it six months, 
 and thereupon obtains the money from-Compton. The money being unpaid, 
 suit grows between Huxley and Compton in Chancery, where his lordship 
 decrees Compton to pay Huxley the debt, with damages and costs, when it was 
 in his own hands : I declare, that in my conscience, the stay of the extent was 
 just, being an extremity against a nobleman, by whom Compton could be no 
 loser. The money was plainly borrowed of Compton upon bond with interest ; 
 and the message to Huxley was only to intreat him to give Compton a longer 
 day, and in no sort to make me debtor or responsible to Huxley ; and, therefore. 
 
NOTE G G G. 
 
 though I were not ready to pay Compton his money, as I would have been glad 
 to have done, save only one hundred pounds, which is paid ; I could not deny 
 justice to Huxley, in as ample manner as if nothing had been between Compton 
 and me. But, if Compton hath been damnified in my respect, I am to consider 
 it to Compton. 
 
 " 16. To the sixteenth article of the charge, viz. in the cause between bir 
 William Bruncker and Awbrey, the Lord Chancellor received from Awbrey an 
 hundred pounds : I do confess and declare, that the money was given and 
 received ; but the manner of it I leave to the witnesses. 
 
 " 17. To the seventeenth article of the charge, viz. in the Lord Mountague's 
 cause, he received from the Lord Mountague six or seven hundred pounds ; 
 and more was to be paid at the ending of the cause : I confess and declare, 
 there was money given, and (as I remember) by Mr. Bevis Thelwall, to the 
 sum mentioned in the article after the cause was decreed ; but I cannot say it 
 was ended, for there have been many orders since, caused by Sir Frauncis 
 Englefeild's contempts ; and I do remember that, when Thelwall brought the 
 money, he said, that my lord would be further thankful if he could once get his 
 quiet ; to which speech I gave little regard. 
 
 " 18. To the eighteenth article of the charge, viz. in the cause of Mr. Dunch, 
 he received of Mr. Dunch two hundred pounds : I confess and declare, that it 
 was delivered by Mr. Thelwall to Hatcher my servant, for me, as I think, some 
 time after the decree ; but I cannot precisely inform myself of the time. 
 
 " 19. To the nineteenth article of the charge, viz. in the cause between 
 Reynell and Peacock, he received from Reynell two hundred pounds, and a 
 diamond ring worth five or six hundred pounds : I confess and declare, that, at 
 my first coming to the seal, when I was at Whitehall, my servant Hunt delivered 
 me two hundred pounds, from Sir George Reynell, my near ally, to be 
 bestowed upon furniture of my house ; adding further, that he received divers 
 former favours from me ; and this was, as I verily think, before any suit begun. 
 The ring was received certainly pendente lite; and, though it were at New 
 year's-tide, yet it was too great a value for a New year's gift, though, as I take 
 it, nothing near the value mentioned in the article. 
 
 " 20. To the twentieth article of the charge, viz. he took of Peacock an 
 hundred pounds, and borrowed a thousand pounds, without interest, security, or 
 time of payment : I confess and declare, that I received of Mr. Peacock an 
 hundred pounds at Dorset House, at my first coming to the seal, as a present ; 
 at which time no suit was begun ; and that, the summer after, I sent my then 
 servant Lister to Mr. Rolf, my good friend and neighbour, at St. Albans, to use 
 his means with Mr. Peacock f who was accounted a monied man), for the 
 borrowing of five hundred pounds ; and after, by my servant Hatcher, for 
 borrowing of five hundred pounds more, which Mr. Rolf procured, and told me, 
 at both times, that it should be without interest, script, or note ; and that I 
 should take my own time for payment of it. 
 
 " 21. To the one and twentieth article of the charge, viz. in the cause be- 
 tween Smithwick and Wyche, he received from Smithwicke two hundred 
 pounds, which was repaid : I confess and declare, that my servant Hunt did, 
 upon his accompt, being my receiver of the fines of original writs, charge 
 himself with two hundred pounds, formerly received of Smithwick, which after 
 that I had understood the nature of it, I ordered him to repay it, and to defaulk 
 it of his accompt. 
 
 " 22. To the two and twentieth article of the charge, viz. in the cause of Sir 
 Henry Ruswell, he received money from Ruswell ; but it is not certain how 
 much : I confess and declare, that I received money from my servant Hunt, as 
 from Mr. Ruswell, in a purse ; and, whereas the sum in the article is indefinite, 
 I confess it to be three or four hundred pounds ; and it was about some months 
 after the cause was decreed, in which decree I was assisted by two of the 
 judges. 
 
 " 23. To the three and twentieth article of the charge ; viz. in the cause of 
 Mr. Barker, the Lord Chancellor received from Barker seven hundred pounds ; 
 
NOTE GCG. 
 
 1 confess and declare that the money mentioned in the article was received 
 from Mr. Barker, some time after the decree passed. 
 
 " 24. To the four and twentieth article, five and twentieth, and six and 
 twentieth articles of the charge, viz. the four and twentieth, there being a refe- 
 rence from his majesty to his lordship of a business between the Grocers and 
 the Apothecaries, the Lord Chancellor received of the Grocers two hundred 
 pounds. The five and twentieth article : in the same cause, he received of the 
 Apothecaries that stood with the Grocers, a taster of gold, worth between forty 
 and fifty pounds, and a present of ambergrease. And the six and twentieth 
 article : he received of the New Company of the Apothecaries that stood against 
 the Grocers, an hundred pounds : To these I confess and declare, that the 
 several sums from the three parties were received ; and for that it was no 
 judicial business, but a concord, or composition between the parties, and that as 
 I thought all had received good, and they were all three common purses, I 
 thought it the less matter to receive that which they voluntarily presented ; for 
 if I had taken it in the nature of a corrupt bribe, 1 knew it could not be con- 
 cealed, because it must needs be put to accompt to the three several companies. 
 
 " 27. To the seven and twentieth article of the charge : viz. he took of the 
 French merchants a thousand pounds, to constrain the vintners of London to 
 take from them fifteen hundred tons of wine ; to accomplish which, he used very 
 indirect means, by colour of his office and authority, without bill or suit depend- 
 ing ; terrifying the vintners, by threats and imprisonments of their persons, to 
 buy wines, whereof they had no need or use, at higher rates than they were 
 vendible : I do confess and declare, that Sir Thomas Smith did deal with me 
 in the behalf of the French company ; informing me, that the vintners, by 
 combination, would not take off their wines at any reasonable prices. That it 
 would destroy their trade, and stay their voyage for that year ; and tiiat it was a 
 fair business, and concerned the state ; and he doubted not but I should receive 
 thanks from the King, and honour by it ; and that they would gratify me with a 
 thousand pounds for my travel in it ; whereupon I treated between them, by 
 way of persuasion, and (to prevent any compulsory suit) propounding such a 
 price as the vintners might be gainers six pounds a ton, as it was theu main- 
 tained to me ; and after, the merchants petitioning to the King, and his majesty 
 recommending the business unto me, as a business that concerned his customs 
 and the navy, I dealt more earnestly and peremptorily in it ; and, as I think, 
 restrained in the messengers' hands for a day or two some that were the more 
 stiff; and afterwards the merchants presented me with a thousand pounds out 
 of their common purse ; acknowledging themselves that I had kept them from a 
 kind of ruin, and still maintaining to me that th^ vintners, if they were not 
 insatiably minded, had a very competent gain. This is the merits of the cause, 
 as it then appeared unto me. 
 
 " 28. To the eight and twentieth article of the charge ; viz. the Lord Chan^ 
 cellor hath given way to great exactions by his servants, both in respect of 
 private seals, and othei'wise for sealing of injunctions : I confess, it was a great 
 fault of neglect in me, that I looked no better to my servants. 
 
 " This declaration I have made to your lordships with a sincere mind ; 
 humbly craving, that if there should be any mistaking, your lordships would 
 impute it to want of memory, and not to any desire of mine to obscure truth, or 
 palliate any thing : for I do again confess, that in the points charged upon me, 
 although they should be taken as myself have declared them, there is a great 
 deal of corruption and neglect, for which I am heartily and penitentiy sorry, and 
 submit myself to the judgment, grace, and mercy of the court. 
 
 " For extenuation, I will use none concerning the matters themselves ; only 
 it may please your lordships, out of your nobleness, to cast your eyes of comi 
 passion upon my person and estate. I was never noted for an avaricious man. 
 And the apostle saith, that covetousness is the root of all evil. I hope also, 
 that your lordships do the rather find me in the state of grace; for that, in all 
 these particulars, there are few or none that are not almost two years old, 
 whereas those that have an habit of corruption do commonly wax worse and 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 worse; so that it hath pleased God to prepare me, by precedent degrees of 
 amendment, to my present penitency. And for my estate, it is so mean and 
 poor, as my care is now chiefly to satisfy my debts. 
 
 " And so, fearing I have troubled your lordships too long, I shall conclude 
 with an humble suit unto you, that if your lordships proceed to sentence, your 
 sentence may not be heavy to my ruin, but gracious, and mixed with mercy ; 
 and not only so, but that you would be noble intercessors for me to his majesty 
 likewise, for his grace and favour. 
 
 " Your Lordships' humble servant and suppliant, 
 
 " Fe. St. Alban, Cane." 
 
 This confession and submission being read, it was agreed that the lords here 
 under named do go unto the Lord Cliancellor, and shew him the said confession ; 
 to tell him, that the lords do conceive it to be an ingenuous and full confession ; 
 and to demand of him, whether it be his own hand that is subscribed to the 
 same, and whether he will stand unto it or no, viz. 
 
 L. Chamberlain. L. Bp. of Winton. L. Sheffeild. 
 
 E. of Arundel. L. Bp. of Co. and Lich. L. North. 
 
 E. of Southampton. L. Wentworth. L. Chandois. 
 
 L. Bp. of Duresme. L. Cromwell. L. Hunsdon. 
 
 Their lordships being returned, reported, that they shewed the said confession 
 unto the Lord Chancellor, and told him, that your lordships do conceive the 
 same to be ingenuous and full, and demanded of his lordship whether it were 
 his hand that is subscribed thereunto; who answered, " My lords, it is my act, 
 my hand, my heart. I beseech your lordships, be merciful unto a broken reed." 
 Which being reported to the house, it was agreed by the house, to move his 
 majesty to sequester the seal ; and that the lords intreated the Prince his high- 
 ness, that he would be pleased to move the King's majesty therein ; whereunto 
 his highness condesceiided ; and the same lords that went to take the acknow- 
 ledgment of the Lord Chancellor's hand were appointed to attend the Prince to 
 the King, with some other lords added. 
 
 The Prince his highness reported unto the lords, that according to the request . 
 made unto him this morning by the house, himself, accompanied with the lords 
 appointed to attend his highness, did move the King's majesty to sequester the 
 great seal from the Lord Chancellor, whereunto his majesty most willingly 
 yielded, and said he would have done it, if he had not been moved therein. 
 
 2nd May. 
 
 Die Mercurii, videlicet, 2° die Maii, post meridiem, Domini tam spirituales 
 quam temporales, quorum nomina subscribuntur, praesentes fuerunt. 
 
 The prince his highness presented their lordships' suit to his majesty, that he 
 would be pleased, as the case stood, to command the seal from the Lord Chan- 
 cellor. That yesterday his lordship, the-Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, 
 and the Earl of Arundel, at the King's command, went to the Lord Chancelloi;, 
 and received from him the great seal, and delivered the same unto his majesty; 
 who, by commission, hath committed the same to the keeping of them, the 
 Lord Treasurer, Lord Steward, Lord Chainberlain, and the Earl of Arundel. 
 
 Agreed, to proceed to sentence the Lord Chancellor to-morrow morning ; 
 wherefore the gentleman usher and the Serjeant at arms, attendants on this 
 house were commanded to go and summon him the Lord Chancellor to appeal 
 here in person to-morrow morning, by nine of the clock ; and the Serjeant was 
 commanded to take his mace with him, and to shew it unto his lordship at the 
 said summons. 
 
 See Blackburn, page 143, for the account of the attendance of the commis* 
 sioners upon the Chancellor to receive the great seal. 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 To the King's most excellent Majesty. 
 
 It may please your Majesty, — It hath pleased God, for these three days past, 
 to visit me with such extremity of headach, upon the hinder, part of my head, 
 fixed in one place, that I thought verily it had been some imposthumation ; and 
 then the little physic that I have told me that either it must grow to a congela- 
 tion, and so to a lethargy, or to break, and so to a mortal fever and sudden 
 death ; vphich apprehension, and chiefly the anguish of the pain, made me 
 unable to think of any business. But now that the pain itself is assuaged to be 
 tolerable, I resume the care of my business, and therein prostrate myself again, 
 by my letter, at your majesty's feet. 
 
 Your majesty can bear me witness, that at my last so comfortable access,! 
 did not so much as move your majesty, by your absolute power of pardon, or 
 otherwise, to take my cause into your hands, and to interpose between the sen- 
 tence of the house ; and, according to my own desire, your majesty left it to the 
 sentence of the house, and it was reported by my Lord Treasurer. 
 
 But now, if not per omnipotentiam, as the divines speak, but per potestatem. 
 siiaviter disponentem, your majesty will graciously save me from a sentence, with 
 the good liking of the house, and that cup may pass from me, it is the utmost 
 of my desires. This I move with the more belief, because I assure myself that 
 if it be reformation that is sought, the very taking away the seal, upon my 
 general submission, will be as much in example, for this four hundred years, as 
 any farther severities. 
 
 The means of this I most humbly leave unto your majesty. But surely I 
 conceive, that your majesty opening yourself in this kind to the lords counsellors, 
 and a motion from the prince, after my submission, and my lord marquis using 
 his interest with his friends in the house, may effect the sparing of a sentence, 
 I making my humble' suit to the house for that purpose, joined with the delivery 
 up of the seal into your majesty's hands. This is my last suit that I shall 
 make to your majesty in this business, prostrating myself at your mercy seat, 
 after fifteen years service, wherein I have served your majesty in my poor 
 endeavours, with an entire heart. And, as I presume to say unto your majesty, 
 am still a virgin, for matters that concern your person or crown, and now only 
 craving, that after eight steps of honour, I be not precipitated altogether. 
 
 But because he that hath taken bribes is apt to give bribes, I will go further, 
 and present your majesty with bribe ; for if your majesty give me peace and 
 leisure, and God give me life, I vdll present you with a good history of England 
 and a better digest of your laws. And so concluding with my prayers, I rest 
 clay in your majesty's hands. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 2nd May, 1621. 
 
 [From the Tract.] 
 
 Jovis, 3 Maii, 1621. — A message from the Lords, that they were ready to 
 pronounce sentence against the late Lord Chancellor, if it please the house, 
 with the Speaker, to come and demand judgment. 
 
 So the house went up, and the Speaker demanded judgment. 
 
 The Lord Chief Justice being Speaker in the higher house) said, that the 
 Lords had duly considered of the complaints presented by the Commons against 
 the Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Albans, late Lord Chancellor, and have found 
 him guilty, as well by oath of witnesses, as by his own confession, of those and 
 many other corruptions, for which they have sent for him to come and answer ; 
 and upon his sincere protestation of sickness, we admitting his excuse of 
 absence, have yet notwithstanding proceeded to his judgment, viz. That he be 
 fined 40,000/. to be imprisoned in the Tower during the King's pleasure, made 
 incapable to bear office in the commonwealth, never to sit in parliament, nor to 
 come within the verge, which is within twelve miles of the court. 
 
 vol.- XV. 27 
 
NOTE GGO. 
 
 The humble Submission and Supplication of the Lord Chancellor Bacon to 
 the House of Lords. 
 
 May it please your Lordships, — I shall humbly crave at your hands a benign 
 interpretation of that which I shall now write ; for words that come from wasted 
 spirits and oppressed minds are more safe in being deposited to a noble con- 
 struction, than being circled with any reserved caution. 
 
 This being moved (and, as I hope, obtained of your lordships) as a protec- 
 tion to all that I shall say, I shall go on ; but with a very strange entrance, as 
 may seem to your lordships, at first; for, in the midst of a state of as great 
 affliction as, I think, a mortal man can endure (honour being above life) ; I 
 shall begin with the professing of gladness in some things. 
 
 The first is, that hereafter the greatness of a judge or magistrate shall be no 
 sanctuaiy or protection to him against guiltiness, which is the beginning of a 
 golden work. 
 
 The next, that after this example, it is like that judges will fly from any thing 
 in the likeness of corruption (though it were at a great distance) as from a 
 serpent; which tends to the purging of the courts of justice, and reducing them 
 to their true honour and splendour. And in these two points (God is my wit- 
 ness) though it be my fortune to be the anvil upon which these two efTects are 
 broken and wrought, I take no small comfort. But to pass from the motions of 
 my heart (whereof God is my judge) to the merits of my cause, whereof your 
 lordships are judges, under God and his lieutenant ; I do understand there 
 hath been heretofore expected from me some justification ; and tlierefore I have 
 chosen one only justification, instead of all others, out of the justification of Job. 
 For after the clear submission and confession which I shall now make unto 
 your lordships, I hope I may say, and justify with Job, in these words, I have 
 not hid my sin, as did Adam, nor concealed my faults in my bosom. This is 
 the only justification which I will use. 
 
 It resteth, therefore, that without fig-leaves, I do ingenuously confess 9,nd 
 acknowledge that, having understood the particulars of the charge, not formally 
 from the house, but enough to inform my conscience and memory, I find matter 
 sufficient and full, both to move me to desert my defence, and to move your 
 lordships to condemn and censure me. Neither will I tiouble your lordships 
 by singling these particulars, which I think might fall off. Quid te exempta 
 juvat spinis de pluribus vva ? Neither will I prompt your lordships to observe 
 upon the proofs, where they come not home, or the scruple touching the credits 
 of the witnesses ; neither will I represent to your lordships how far a defence 
 might, in divers things, extenuate the offence, in respect of the time and 
 manner of the guilt, or the like circumstances ; but only leave these things 
 to spring out of your more noble thoughts and observations of the evidence 
 and examinations themselves, and charitably to wind about the particulars of 
 the charge here and there, as God shall put into your mind, and so submit 
 myself wholly to your piety and grace. 
 
 And now I have spoken to your lordships as judges, I shall say a few words 
 unto you as peers and prelates, humbly commending my cause to your noble 
 minds and magnanimous affections. 
 
 Your lordships are not simply judges, but parliamentary judges ; you have 
 a further extent of arbitrary power than other courts ; and, if you be not tied 
 by ordinary course of courts or precedents, in points of strictness and severity 
 much less in points of mercy and mitigation : and yet, if any thing which I 
 shall move might be contrary to your honourable and worthy end (the intro- 
 ducing a reformation), 1 should not seek it. But herein 1 beseech your lord- 
 ships to give me leave to tell you a story. 
 
 Titus Manlius took his son's life for giving battle against the prohibition of 
 his general: not many years after, the like severity was pursued by Papirius 
 Cursor, the dictator, against Quintus Maximus, who being upon the point to 
 be sentenced, was, by the intercession of some particular persons of the senate, 
 spared; whereupon Livy maketh this grave and gracious observation, Neque 
 
NOTE G G G. 
 
 minus Jirmata est diseiplina militaris periculo Qiimti Maximi, quam miserahili 
 supplicio Titi Manlii. The discipline of war was no less established by the 
 questioning of Quintus Maximus, than by the punishment of Titus Manlius. 
 And the same reason is in the reformation of justice ; for the questioning of 
 men in eminent places hath the same terror, though not the same rigour with 
 the punishment. But my cause stays not there ; for my humble desire is, that 
 his majesty woald take the seal into his hands, which is a great downfall, and 
 may serve, I hope, in itself for an expiation of my faults. 
 
 Therefore, if mercy and mitigation he in your lordships' power, and no way 
 cross your ends, why should I not hope of your favour and commiseration t 
 Your lordships will be pleased to behold your chief pattern, the King our 
 sovereign, a king of incomparable clemency, and whose heart is inscrutable for 
 wisdom and goodness; and your lordships will remember, there sate not these 
 hundred years before a prince in your house, and never such a prince, whose 
 presence deserveth to be made memorable by records and acts mixed of mercy 
 and justice. Yourselves are either nobles (and compassion ever beateth in the 
 veins of noble blood) or reverend prelates, who are the servants of him that 
 would not break the bruised reed, nor quench the smoking €ax. You all sit 
 upon a high stage, and therefore cannot but be sensible of the change of 
 human conditions, and of the fall of any from high place. 
 
 Neither will your lordships forget that there are vitia temporis, as well as 
 vitia hominis, and the beginning of reformation hath the contrary power to the 
 pool of Bethesda; for that had strength to cure him only that was-firet cast in, 
 and this hath strength to hurt him only that is first cast in ; and for my part, I 
 wish it may stay there, and go no further. 
 
 Lastly, I assure myself, your lordships have a noble feeling of me, as a 
 member of your own body, and one that, in this very session, had some taste of 
 your loving affections, which, I hope, was not a lightning before the death of 
 Ihem, but rather a spark of that grace, which now in the conclusion will more 
 appear : and therefore my humble suit to your lordships is, that my penitent 
 submission may be my sentence, the loss of the seal my punishment, and that 
 your lordships would recommend me to his majesty's grace and pardon for all 
 that is past. God's holy spirit be among you. 
 
 [From the Journals.] 
 
 Die Jovis, videlicet, 3° die Mali, Domini tarn spirituales quam temporales, 
 ^quorum nomina subscribuntur, preesentes fueruiit : 
 
 p. Carolus Princeps Wallise, etc. 
 p. Archiepus. Cant. p. Jac. Ley, Miles et Bar. Ds. 
 
 p. Archiepus. Eborum. Capit. Justic. Locum tenens. 
 
 The gentleman usher and the Serjeant at arms attending this house reported, 
 that (according to the appointment of their lordships yesterday) they repaired 
 last night unto the Lord Chancellor, whom they found sick in bed ; and they 
 signified unto him their lordships' pleasure ; and said they were sent to summon 
 him to appear here before their lordships this morning, by nine of the clock ; 
 who answered, that he is sick, and protested he feigned not tliis for an excuse ; 
 for, if he had been well, he would willingly have come. 
 
 The lords resolved to proceed notwithstanding against the Lord Chancellor ; 
 and the King's Attorney having read the charge and confession, it was put to 
 the question whether the Lord Chancellor be guilty of the matters wherewith he 
 is charged or no ; and it was agreed by all, rwmine dissentiente, that he was 
 thereof guilty. 
 
 And, to the end the lords might the more freely dispute and resolve what 
 sentence to pass upon the Lord Chancellor for his said offences, the court was 
 adjourned ad libitum. 
 
 The house being resumed, and the Lord Chief Justice returned to his place, 
 it was put to the question, whether the Lord Viscount St. Alban (Lord Chan- 
 
NOTE GGG. 
 
 cellor) shall be suspended of all his titles of nobility during his life, Or no ; and 
 it was agreed per plures, that he should not be suspended thereof. 
 
 The lords having agreed upon the sentence to be given against the Lord 
 Chancellor, did send a message to the House of Commons, by Mr. Serjeant 
 Crewe and Mr. Serjeant Hitcham, that the lords are ready to give judgment 
 against the Lord Viscount St. Alban, Lord Chancellor, if they, with their 
 Speaker, will come to demand it. 
 
 In the mean time the lords put on their robes ; and answer being returned of 
 this message, and the Commons come, the Speaker came to the bar, and 
 making three low obeisances, said, " The knights, citizens, and burgesses of the 
 Commons' house of parliament have made complaint unto your lordships of 
 many exorbitant offences of bribery and corruption committed by the Lord 
 Chancellor. We understand that your lordships are ready to give judgment 
 upon him for the same. Wherefore I, their Speaker, in their name, do humbly 
 demand and pray judgment against him the Lord Chancellor, as the nature of 
 his offence and demerits do require.'* 
 
 The Lord Chief Justice answered : " Mr. Speaker, upon the complaint of 
 the Commons, against the Lord Viscount St. Alban, Lord Chancellor, this 
 high court hath thereby, and by his own confession, found him guilty of the 
 crimes and corruptions complained of by the Commons, and of sundry other 
 crimes and corruptions of like nature. 
 
 " And therefore this high court, having first summoned him to attend, and 
 having received his excuse of not attending, by reason of infirmity and sickness, 
 which he protested was not feigned, or else he would most willingly have 
 attended, doth nevertheless think fit to proceed to judgment; and therefore this 
 high court doth adjudge : 
 
 " 1. That the Lord Viscount St. Alban, Lord Chancellor of England, shall 
 undergo fine and ransom of forty thousand pounds. 
 
 " 2. That he shall be imprisoned in the Tower during the King's pleasure. 
 
 " 3. That he shall for ever be incapable of any office, place, or employment 
 in the state or commonwealth. 
 
 " 4. That he shall never sit in parliament, nor come within the verga of the 
 court. 
 
 " This is the judgment and resolution of this high court." 
 
 The Prince his highness was entreated by the house, that accompanied with 
 divers of the lords of this house, he would be pleased to present this sentence 
 given against the Lord Chancellor unto his majesty. His highness was pleased 
 to yield unto this request. 
 
Letter of 
 
 To what page in 
 
 note. 
 
 text it refera. 
 
 A 
 
 i 
 
 B 
 
 1 
 
 C 
 
 i 
 
 D 
 
 1 
 
 E 
 
 11 
 
 G 
 
 111 
 
 H 
 
 IV 
 
 I 
 
 IX 
 
 K 
 
 XI 
 
 L 
 
 XI 
 
 M 
 
 ... xiii ... 
 
 N 
 
 xvi 
 
 O 
 
 XVI 
 
 INDEX RAISONNEE TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Number of 
 Subject of the note. the sheet of 
 
 the note. 
 
 York House, where Bacon was born... 1 
 Sir Anthony Cooke, father of Bacon's 
 
 mother 1 
 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon, Bacon's father ... 1 
 
 Lady Bacon, Anne, wife of Bacon 1 
 
 Lady Jane Grey skilled in Greek 1 
 
 Bacon's weak constitution . 1 
 
 Bacon's early developement of eminence 1 
 
 Bacon's juvenile productions 1 
 
 Universities 1 
 
 Importance of knowledge and educa- 
 tion. Bacon's admonitions 1 
 
 Extract from Bacon's will as to two 
 
 professorships in the universities 1 
 
 New Atlantis... 1 
 
 Bacon sent to France at the age of six- 
 teen 1 
 
 Q ... xvii ... Bacon's tract at sixteen on the state of 
 
 Europe 2 
 
 K ... xxii ... Bacon's tract on universal justice and 
 
 others 2 
 
 Bacon's love of contemplation 2 
 
 Bacon's chambers at Gray's Inn Square 2 
 
 References to Camden Styne Dugdale . 2 
 
 Observations on Spencer 2 
 
 Bacon's apology respecting Essex 2 
 
 Letter to Burghley from Bacon 2 
 
 Beversion of register's office 2 
 
 Preamble to parliamentary proceedings 2 
 Anthony Bacon member for Walling- 
 
 ford, and Francis for Middlesex 2 
 
 Speech on law reform 2 
 
 Bacon's suggestions on improvement of 
 the law, with analysis of Justitia 
 
 Universalis .^ 2 and 3 
 
 D D ... xxviii ... Extract from Dewe's journal of the 
 
 House of Commons as to Bacon's 
 speech, which displeased Elizabeth, 
 
 upon the subsidies 3 
 
 E E ... xxviii ... Letters from Bacon to the Lord Trea- 
 
 surer and Lord Keeper touching his 
 
 speech 3 
 
 F F ... xxviii ... On Bacon's opinion of the doctrine of 
 
 concealment and revelation 3 
 
 s 
 
 ... xxu 
 
 T 
 
 ... XXUl 
 
 V 
 
 ... XXUl 
 
 X 
 
 ... XXill 
 
 Y 
 
 ... XXXI 
 
 Z 
 
 ... XXXV 
 
 ZZ 
 
 ... xxvu 
 
 2Z 
 
 ... XXVll 
 
 AA 
 
 ... XXVll 
 
 BB 
 
 ... xxvii 
 
 CC 
 
 ... XXVll 
 
INDEX R.USONNEE TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Letter of 
 note. 
 
 HH 
 I I 
 KK 
 
 LL 
 
 MM 
 
 NN 
 
 00 
 
 PP 
 QQ 
 
 ss 
 
 TT 
 
 V V 
 
 WW 
 XX 
 
 Y Y 
 
 ZZ 
 3A 
 
 3B 
 
 3C 
 
 3D 
 3E 
 3F 
 3G 
 
 To what page in 
 text it refers. 
 
 3H 
 3 I 
 
 3M 
 
 3N 
 
 XXX 
 XXX 
 XXX 
 
 ,. XXXI ... 
 
 I. xx.xi ... 
 
 ,. xxxii ... 
 
 .. xxxli ... 
 
 ,. xxxiii ... 
 
 ,. xxxiii ... 
 
 ,. xxxiv ... 
 
 .. xxxiv ... 
 
 xxxiv ... 
 .. XXXV ... 
 
 XXXV 
 XXXV 
 XXXV 
 XXXV 
 
 XXXVl 
 
 xxxvii 
 
 xliii 
 
 xliii 
 
 30 
 
 ... xliii 
 
 3P 
 
 ... xliii 
 
 3Q 
 
 ... xliii 
 
 3 H 
 
 ... xliii 
 
 3S 
 
 ... xliv 
 
 Number of 
 Subject of the note, tlie sheet of 
 
 the note. 
 Three letters to the Lord Keeper from 
 
 Bacon respecting the solicitorship ... 3 
 Letter from Essex to the Lord Keeper 
 
 concerning Bacon 3 
 
 Letter from the Lord Treasurer to Ba- 
 con 3 
 
 Letter from Bacon to the Lord Keeper. 3 
 Letter from Bacon to Lord Burleigh ... 3 
 Bacon's discovery as to the Cecils and 
 
 Lord Keeper S 
 
 Bacon's apology to Burleigh for his 
 
 credulity respecting Salisbury 3 
 
 Essex's letters to Bacon 3 
 
 Bacon's letter to Queen 4 
 
 Fulke Greville's to Bacon 4 
 
 On regal character 4 
 
 Letter saying he is not a mere man of 
 
 letters 4 
 
 Letter to Greville urging him to exert 
 
 himself with the Queen 4 
 
 Apology for Essex 4 
 
 Letters upon his disappointment as soli- 
 citor 4 
 
 His inventions during his disappoint- 
 ment 4 
 
 Letter to Queen on his disappointments 4 
 Letter to Burleigh thanking him for 
 
 former obligations 4 
 
 Baker's MSS. from Bedel Ingram's 
 Book, as to Bacon's being admitted 
 
 A.M 4 
 
 Various editions of elements of common 
 
 law, &c 4 
 
 Specimens of his law maxims 4 
 
 Preface to law maxims 4 
 
 Nature of his law maxims 4 
 
 Every man a debtor to his profession, 
 &c. Different editions of his law 
 
 maxims and MSS 4 
 
 Letter from Essex to Bacon upon going 
 
 to Ireland 4 
 
 The various editions of the essays col- 
 lected with much labour, dedications, 
 letters to Prince of Wales, Sir John 
 Constable, and Mr. Toby Mathews, 
 to the Duke of Buckingham and Mar- 
 quis Fiat 4, 5, 6 
 
 Letter to Essex upon wishing to marry 
 
 Lady Hatlon, and Essex's answer... 6 
 Unhappy marriage of whom to Lady 
 
 Hatton 6 
 
 Letter when arrested to Egerton 6 
 
 History of alienation office 7 
 
 Chidley's case 7 
 
 Statute of uses 7 
 
 Extracts from Dewe's Journal of the 
 
INDEX B.A1S0NNEE TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Letter of To what page in s v- . * *,, . .^T.'^'/f 
 
 note. text it refers. Subject of tbe note. the sheet of 
 
 the note. 
 
 House of Commons upon various 
 
 speeches of Bacon's 7 
 
 3 T ... xlviii ... Bacon's apology respecting Essex — 
 
 Alexander Hephestion and Craterus . 7 
 3 V ... Iv ... Essex's apology contained in a tract, 
 
 penned by himself, 1598 ; extract 
 
 from it 7 
 
 3 W ... Iviii ... Notice of Lady Rich's letter to Queen 
 
 Elizabeth in favour of Essex 7 
 
 3 X ... Iviii ... Bacon's opening of the charge against 
 
 Essex 7 
 
 3 Y ... lix ... Bacon's account of the distribution of 
 
 parts to the counsel against Essex ... 7 
 
 3 Z ... Ix ... Double nature of good in every thing — 
 
 speech of Fompeius Magnus 7 
 
 4 A ... Ixii ... Preferment a sacred trust — letter from 
 
 Bacon to Mr. Massey 7 7 
 
 4 B ... Ixii ... Custom explained of counsel pleading 
 on both sides, extract from Harleian 
 MSS. Edinburgh Review, Boswell, 
 Lorf Erskine, and Sir M. Hale 8 
 
 4 C ... Ixx ... Account of the trial of Essex in the 
 Star Chamber from the Sydney pa- 
 pers, from Camden and Morrison ... 8 
 
 4 D .,. Ixxviii ... Letter from Bacon offering his services 
 
 to Essex, with his answer 9 
 
 4E ... Ixxix ... Letters referred to by Essex on his trial, 
 
 framed for him by Bacon .• _ 9 
 
 4 F ... xc ... Extract from the Harleian MSS. — des- 
 cription of the arraignment of Essex 
 and Southampton, 19th Feb. 1600— 
 Bacon's speeches.. 9 
 
 4 G ... xciv ... Extract from Birch — the Queen's con- 
 versation with the French ambassa- 
 dor — his letter to his royal master, 
 describing the Queen's last illness 
 and despondency 10 
 
 4 H ... xciv ... Letter to Sir George Carew respecting 
 his work in Felicem Memoriam Eli- 
 zabeths 10 
 
 ZZ ... ccxxxiii ... Respecting the charge of bribery, various 
 
 letters, examination of charge 10 
 
 AAA ... cxxi ... Advancement of Learning — letters re- 
 lating to and different editions of 13 
 
 B B B ... cclxviii ... Novum Organum — letters and different 
 
 editions 16 
 
 C C C ... cxlix ... Wisdom of Ancients— letters and dif- 
 ferent editions 17 
 
 DDD ... clxxxix ... Extent of business in chancery 18 
 
 T T T ... xcvii ... Rymer— Latin note 19 
 
 E E E ... cxc ... Reform of the court — made lord keeper 
 
 — patent — falsehoods in circulation . 19 
 F F F .. cxci ... Letters to Buckingham, to Burleigh 
 and Essex, from Bacon, speaking of 
 
 his love of literary leisure 19 
 
 H H H ... cii ... Lady Bacon, her birth, parentage, and 
 
IXpEX RAISONNEE TO THE l^^OTES. 
 
 T i.* e rp„ , . . Number of 
 
 Letter of To what page vo. - i.- * r *», * *v, v * ,t 
 
 note. text it refer.. Subject of the note. the sheet of 
 
 the note, 
 tomb — Lord Bacon's will concerning 
 
 her 19 
 
 J J J ... cvi ... King's speech as to the union and reli- 
 gion of these kingdoms, from jour- 
 nals 19 
 
 Q Q Q ... cxiii ... Value of medical knowledge, Plutarch 
 — extract from Dr. Garnet on the 
 
 same — Sir W. Temple ditto 19 
 
 R R R ... cxxiv ... On Bacon's juvenile tracts without 
 
 imagery or arrangement 19 
 
 WWW ... cxiii ... OnunproiStableinquiries in English uni- 
 versities — Shaftesbury, Hall, Milton, 
 
 Seneca 19 
 
 Y Y Y ... cxiii ... Ignorance of a man's own mind — Fos- 
 ter's essays 20 
 
 Z Z Z Censure of Bacon by Judge Foster, from 
 
 a tract, Lond. 1766 20 
 
 A A A A Sutton, the founder of the Charter 
 
 House, alarmed at being made a peer 
 
 — his frugal life 20 
 
 B B B B ... ccxiii ... Bishop Williams's speech on the first 
 
 day of term on taking his seat 20 
 
 X X X X Arraignment of Sir W. Raleigh 20 
 
 Y Y' Y Y Explanation of Coke's allusion to the 
 
 ship of fools 20 
 
 ZZZZ ... cciii ... Roll of "New Yeares Guyftes" to 
 
 Elizabeth 21 
 
 X O T Man swerves from truth if actuated by 
 
 a stronger passion than the love of it 21 
 X V Obstacles to the advancement of learn- 
 ing and acquisition of knowledge .... 21 
 XOU ... ccxli ... Error as to the opinion of punishing lu- 
 natics 21 
 
 X O Y ... ccxxiii ... Stopping the patent as to separate col- 
 lege 21 
 
 GGG ... cxxv ... Proceedings against Bacon, from a tract 
 entitled Collection of Proceedings, 
 &c. — an account of Bushel — Bacon's 
 letter to the King, &c 22 
 
INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Abolition of presents to judges in 
 
 France, note Z Z. 
 Advancement of Learning, to whom 
 
 presented, note AAA; different 
 
 editions of, note AAA. 
 Advocate, duty of, n^te 4 B, text 62. 
 Agnus, only word wolf makes of al- 
 phabet, note X O T. 
 Alfred, his division of time, note X O T. 
 Amias Paulet, text 9. 
 Ancients, Wisdom of, edition of, note 
 
 CCC. 
 Anne Bacon, wife of Harbottle Grim- 
 stone, account of, text 6. 
 Aphorisms, the favorite style of Bacon, 
 
 note 3K, text 37. 
 Apology by Bacon, concerning Essex, 
 
 note 3 Y, text 49. 
 Apology of Essex, written by himself, 
 
 note 3 V, text 45. 
 AiTest of Bacon for debt, note 3 O, 
 
 text 43. 
 Ascham, note E, text 2. 
 Atheism, arising from half-knowledge, 
 
 jwte 3 L, text 41. 
 Athens, reform of law in, note B B, 
 
 text 27. 
 Atlantis, New, note N, text 16. 
 Attempts to modernize essays, note 3 I, 
 
 text 36. 
 Aubrey, his petition against Bacon, 
 
 note G G G. 
 Authors, their observations on Novum 
 
 Organum, note B B B. 
 Autographs of Bacon in the books at 
 
 Grays Inn, note T, text 23. 
 
 Bacon, his desire to quit the law, note 
 Z, text 26; his judgment not in- 
 fluenced by presents, note Z Z ; 
 liable to fainting, note G, text 3 ; 
 his sensibility, note G, text 3 ; his 
 delicate health, note G, text 3 ; 
 Essex's care of him, note 3H, teat 
 26 ; goes to France, when six- 
 teen, note ; letters from, to the 
 Lord Keeper, April, 1594, requiring 
 his good offices as to the solicitor- 
 ship, note H H, text 30 ; never re- 
 warded by Elizabeth, note Z Z, text 
 
 27 ; his love of contemplation, note 
 F F F ; his marriage, note H H H ; 
 
 proceedings in parliament against, 
 
 ~ ~ ~ ; nii 
 TTT. 
 
 note G G G ; nis pension, note 
 
 Bacon's letter to Burleigh to rescue 
 him from the law, note Z, text 26 ; 
 letter to Burleigh respecting the 
 Queen's intentions ana liberality, 
 note 3 A, text 35 ; extraordinary 
 powers when a child, note H, text 3 ; 
 love of aphorisms, note 3 K, text 
 37 ; early writings without imagery, 
 note 3 K, text 37 ; essay on atheism, 
 note 3 L, text 41 ; letter to Essex 
 respecting his intended marriage, 
 note 3 M, text 42 ; chambers in 
 Gray's Inn, note T ; love of con- 
 templation, notes S, T, text 22 ; 
 apology respecting Essex, extract 
 from, note Y, text 26 ; powers, active 
 or contemplative, note Z, text 26 ; 
 letter to the King on his love of re- 
 tirement, April, 1616, note S; apart- 
 ments. No. 1, Gray's Inn Square, 
 description of, note T, text 23 ; letter 
 to Lord Burghley desiring his good 
 offices and speaking of his capa- 
 bility either for contemplation or 
 action, note Z, text 26 ; speech upon 
 the subsidies, in Queen Elizabeth's 
 reign, note D D, text 28 ; letter to 
 the Lord Treasurer as to his speech 
 on the subsidies which offended the 
 Queen, and to Puckering thereon, 
 note E E, text 28 ; letter to Anthony 
 Bacon on the solicitor's place, 2Sth 
 June, 1594, note F P, text 31 ; let- 
 ter to the Queen upon the solicitor's 
 place, and upon her displeasure, 
 note Q Q, text 32 ; letter complain- 
 ing to the Lord Keeper Puckering 
 of his treatment, August 19, 1595, 
 note L L, text 30 ; letter to Bur- 
 leigh desiring his good offices, note 
 M M, text 30 ; suspicion of the Ce- 
 cils, extract from the Biographia, 
 charge against Cecil that he was 
 bribed, note N N,,tei« 30 ; acknow- 
 ledgment that he was wrong in ac- 
 
INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 cusing Cecil of bribery, note O, 
 text 31 ; letter to Burleigh noticing 
 his father's youth when first em- 
 ployed by the Queen, note T T, tert 
 33 ; letter to Foulke Greville com- 
 plaining of the Queen, note V V, 
 text 33 ; letter to the Earl of Devon- 
 shire respecting Essex's gift of an 
 estate, note W W, text 34 ; letter to 
 Essex declaring his intention to re- 
 tire after his disappointment, March 
 30, 1594, note X X, text 34 ; inven- 
 tion of machine to show the motion 
 of the planets, note Y Y, text 34 ; 
 intention to travel after his disap- 
 pointment, letter to Cecil, note X X, 
 text 34; patent for Lord Keeper, 
 note E E E ; appointment as Lord 
 Keeper, falsehoods respecting, note 
 E E E; opinion of his own unfitness 
 for business, note S. 
 
 Bacon, Lady, buried in Bedfordshire, 
 note H H H ; maiden name of, 
 Barnham, note H H H. 
 
 Bacon, Anthony, member for Walling- 
 ford, note A A, text 27 ; member for 
 Middlesex, note A H, text 27 ; in- 
 troduced by Francis to Essex, note Y. 
 
 Bacon's mother, note D, text 1. 
 
 Bedel Ingram's account of grace 
 granted at Cambridge to Bacon, 
 note 3 B, text 35. 
 
 Ben Jonson, observations on Bacon's 
 early works without imagery, note 
 ix IX Hit 
 
 Bodley, letter to, from Bacon, on love 
 of retirement, note S, text 22. 
 
 Bodley, Sir Thomas, presented with 
 Advancement of Learning, note 
 AAA. 
 
 Bribery. — See Judges, presents to; 
 charge of, Des Cartes' observations, 
 note Z Z ; charge of, against Wil- 
 liams, note Z Z ; charges of, fully 
 detailed, note G G G ; interview be- 
 tween Bacon and King, note G G G ; 
 charges of, note Z Z ; refused by 
 Hale, note Z Z. 
 
 Brackley. — See EUesmere. 
 
 Brograve and Brauthwayt preferred 
 to Bacon, by Lord Keeper Pucker- 
 ing, note K K, text 30. 
 
 Buckhurst presented with Advance- 
 ment of Learning, njite AAA. 
 
 Buckingham, letter to, by Bacon, on 
 being accused, note Z Z. 
 
 Burghley's, Lord, objection to pay 
 Spenser for his poem, note X, text 
 25 ; letter from, to Bacon, on the 
 solicitorship, note K K, te.it 30. 
 
 Bushel, account of, note G G G ; his 
 account of Bacon's not resisting 
 charge of bribeiy, note G G G. 
 
 Bushel's Abridgement, page 1, de- 
 scribing a glass invented by Bacon, 
 note Y Y, text 34. 
 
 Butler, Charles, early riser, note 
 XOV. 
 
 Cambridge University grace passed, 
 1504, note 3 B, text 35 ; their letter 
 upon receipt of Novum Organum, 
 note B B B. 
 
 Camden's account of Essex's trial, 
 note 4 C, text 70. 
 
 Cards, patent for, by Raleigh, note 
 XXXX. 
 
 Cartes. — See Des Cartes. 
 
 Chambers in Gray's Inn, Bacon's, 
 mite T. 
 
 Chancellor, L'H6pital, his recreations, 
 note XOV. 
 
 Chancellor, Lord, presented with Ad- 
 vancement of Learning, note AAA. 
 
 Chancery, remedies for defects of, 
 note D D D. 
 
 Charge of bribery, note G G G. 
 
 Charges of bribery against Bacon, note 
 
 ZZ. -^ 
 
 Charter House, note X O Y ; founder 
 of, his noble conduct, note A AAA. 
 
 Cicero, his intellectual recreations, 
 note X O T. 
 
 Coke, Sir Edward, his remarks on 
 Novum Organum, note B B B. 
 
 Collegiate education of statesmen neg- 
 lected in England, note C C C. 
 
 Common Law, elements of, different 
 editions by Bacon, note 3 C, text 35. 
 
 Concealment and revelation of opinion, 
 note F F, text 28. 
 
 Contemplation, Bacon's love of, note 
 
 T, text 22 ; note F F F. 
 . Contemplative life, note B, text 1. 
 
 Cooke, Sir Anthony, note B, text 1. 
 
 Copies of Novum Organum, to whom 
 presented, note B B B. 
 
 Curiosity, Idle, notes X V, Q Q Q, 
 WWW, 
 
 D'AouESSEAti, note D D D. 
 Daughters of Sir A. Cooke, note B. 
 Death of Lord EUesmere, note E E E. 
 Defects of chancery, remedies for, 
 
 note D D D. 
 Demetrius, note XOV. 
 Des Cartes, his observations upon 
 
 charge of bribery, note Z Z. 
 D'Ewes, Sir Simon, note XXXX; 
 
 Journal, extract from, note 3 S, text 
 
INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 44; extract from, relating to the 
 subsidies, note D D, text 28. 
 
 Digby, letter to, note Z Z. 
 
 Double nature of good, note 3 Z, text 
 60. 
 
 Dulwich College, note X Y. 
 
 Editions of Bacon's Essays, full ac- 
 count of, note 3 £, text 37 ; dif- 
 ferent, of Advancement of Learn- 
 ing, note AAA; of Novum Or- 
 ganum, note B B B ; of Wisdom of 
 Ancients, note C C C. 
 
 Education of statesmen neglected in 
 England^ note C C C. 
 
 Egerton, Sir Thomas, letter to, note 
 3 0, text 43 ; his petition against 
 Bacon, note G G G. 
 
 Eldon, Lord, accoaot of him, note 
 DDD. 
 
 Elements of Common Law by Bacon, 
 different editions of, note 3 C, text 
 35. 
 
 Elizabeth, her affliction at the death of 
 Essex, note 4 G, text 94 ; eulogium 
 upon, by Bacon, with notices by 
 Tenisou and Rawley, rwte 4 H, 
 text 94 ; her neglect of Bacon, note 
 'L Z, text 27. 
 
 EUesmere, Lord, resigns great seals, 
 note EEE. 
 
 England, judges in, presents to, note 
 ZZ. 
 
 Epices' abolished in France by L'H6- 
 pital, note Z Z ; nature of, note Z Z ; 
 origin of, note Ti Z. 
 
 Ei-skine on duty of advocate, note 4 B, 
 text 62. 
 
 Essays of Bacon, various editions of, 
 note 3 I, feit 37 ; in French, note 
 3 I, text 36 ; translations of, luite 
 3 I , text 37 ; relating to administra- 
 tion of justice, rwte C C C ; post- 
 humous, note 3 1, text 37 ; observa- 
 tions on, nx>te 3 I, text 37 ; obser- 
 vations on, by Tenison, note 3 I, 
 text 37 ; in Italian, note 3 I, text 
 36 ; modernized, note 3 I, teit 26 ; 
 Forster's, wite G G. 
 Essex, Bacon's friendship for, note Y, 
 text 26 ; his care of Bacon, note 3 H, 
 tea* 26 ; his apology by himself, 
 note 3 -V , text 45 ; charge against, 
 in the house of lords, note 3 X, text 
 48 ; Bacon's apology respecting, 
 extract from, note Y, text 26 ; his 
 letter to Bacon after his confine- 
 ment, note 4 D, feit 78 ; his letters 
 to Bacon respecting the solicitor- 
 ship, September, 1593, and March, 
 
 1594, note P P, text 31 ; letters from, 
 to the Lord Keeper on Bacon's be- 
 half, note 1 1, text 30. 
 
 Eulogium on Queen Elizabeth, letter 
 thereon, note 4 H, text 94. 
 
 Europe, state of, mote Z, text 17 ; first 
 treatise of Bacon's, ih\A, 
 
 Evelyn's memoirs, note X O V. 
 
 Expense of Chancery, note D D D. 
 
 Fainting, Bacon liable to, note G, 
 text 3. 
 
 Falsehoods respecting Bacon's appoint- 
 ment as Lord Keeper, note E £ £. 
 
 Family of Sir Nicholas, note C. 
 
 Father Fulgentio, note C C C. 
 
 Field, Doctor, note G G G. 
 
 Fish-ponds, Bacon's, nate C. 
 
 Fools, ship of, note Y Y Y Y. 
 
 Forster, Judge, his observations on 
 Bacon, note Z Z Z. 
 
 Foster's essays, note Y Y Y. 
 
 Foulke Greville, letter from, to Bacon, 
 upon the solicitor's place, note R K, 
 text 32. 
 
 Founder of Charter House, his noble 
 conduct, note A A A A . 
 
 France, Bacon goes to, when sixteen, 
 note ; abolition of presents to 
 judges in, note Ti Z ; custom of 
 epices, note Z Z ; sale of offices abo- 
 lished in, note Z Z. 
 
 French ambassador's account of Queen 
 Elizabeth's affliction and decline, 
 7iofe 4G, text 94. 
 
 French essays, note X, text 36. 
 
 Friendship, note upon, note 3 S, text 48. 
 
 Fulgentio, father, note C C C. 
 
 Fuller, his praise of Bacon, wite Z Z. 
 
 Furniture belonging to Sir Nicholas, 
 how preserved, note C. 
 
 Garnet, note ZZZ. 
 
 General linowledge, importance of, 
 note L, text 11, 
 
 Giddy Hall, note B, text 1. 
 
 Glass tube to discover insensible per- 
 spiration invented by Lord Stanhope, 
 noteYY. , 
 
 Grammarian labouring on words, note 
 WWW. 
 
 Gray's Inn, Bacon's apartments there, 
 and autographs, and trees planted 
 by him, nnie T, text 23. 
 
 Gray's Inn Gardens, note T. 
 
 Great seal of Sir Nicholas, how pre- 
 served, nole G. 
 
 Grey, Lady Jane, note E, text 2. 
 
 Grimstone, Sir Harbottle, account of, 
 note C. 
 
INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Hale, Sir Matthew, on the duty of an 
 advocate, note 4 B, text G2 ; refused 
 presents, note Z Z. 
 
 Hale, note D D D. 
 
 Hale, note Z Z. 
 
 Hall, Bishop, note WWW. 
 
 Hastings, Sir George, note G G G. 
 
 Hatfield, lunatic, note X O U. 
 
 Hatton, Lady, legend concerning, note 
 3 O, text 42. 
 
 Health of Bacon delicate, note G. 
 text 3. 
 
 Heme, his observations on Bacon's 
 conduct respecting the Charter 
 House, note X O Y. 
 
 Historical collections, by Jonson, ex- 
 tract from, note 2 Z, text 27. 
 
 Homer, extract from, as to presents, 
 note Z Z. 
 
 Homer's presents to judges, note Z Z. 
 
 H6pital, see L'Hopital. 
 
 H6pital abolishes epices, note Z Z, 
 
 Hungerford, note A. 
 
 Hunter, John, his ignorance of e;rist- 
 ing knowledge, note X O Y. 
 
 Idi-E curiosity, notes Z Z Z, X O V, 
 
 WWW. 
 Ignorance of existing inventions, note 
 
 xov. 
 
 Imagery discarded from Bacon's early 
 writings, note 3 K, text 37 ; note 
 
 tV li A. 
 
 Importance of maternal education, 
 
 71 ote D. 
 Improvement of law, Bacon's difierent 
 
 suggestions, note C C, text 27. 
 Inscriptions at Gorhambury, note C. 
 Interview between Bacon and the 
 
 King, pending bribery proceedings, 
 
 note G G G. 
 Intellectual recreations of Carew, note 
 
 XOV. 
 Inventions, existing ignorance of, note 
 
 XOV. 
 Italian, essays in, note 3 1, text 36, 
 
 Jenkins, Mr., note G G G. 
 
 Jeffries, Judge, his sensual recreations, 
 
 note XOV. 
 Johnson on duty of advocate, note 4 B, 
 
 text 62. 
 Jonson, Ben, his praise of Bacon, note 
 
 ZZ. 
 Journals of the House, extracts from, 
 
 note 3 S, text 44. 
 Judge Forster, his observation on Ba- 
 
 con, nxite Z Z Z. 
 Judges in England, presents to, in all 
 
 times, nolo 2 Z ; presents to, in Ho- 
 
 mer, note I Z ; presents to, in Home, 
 
 note ZZ. 
 Judgment of Bacon not influenced by 
 
 presents, note 2 Z. 
 Judicial virtues of Hale, note 2 Z, 
 Justice, administration, essays relating 
 
 to, 710(6 CCC. 
 Justice, universal, note R, text 22 ; 
 
 description and analysis of, note 
 
 CCC. 
 Justitia universalis, description and 
 
 analysis of, note C C. 
 
 King, his letter upon NovumOrganum, 
 note B B B ; his interview with Ba- 
 con, pending bribery proceedings, 
 nute G G G ; his speech, note III. 
 
 Kings, presents to, note Z Z Z Z. 
 
 Knowledge, general importance of, 
 note L, text 11 ; of mind, import- 
 ance of, note WWW; destroys 
 atheism, note 3 L, text 41 ; obstacles 
 to, note XOV. 
 
 Lady Bacon, see Bacon's marriage, 
 note H H H : epitaph on, note 
 HHH. 
 
 Lansdowne MSS. notice of Bacon's 
 argument in Chudley's case, note 
 3 Q, text 43. 
 
 Latin, essays in, note 3 L, texX 36. 
 
 Law, gradual reform of, note BB, text 
 27. 
 
 Law offices, sale of, abolished in 
 France, note 2 Z. 
 
 Law works, 1. elements of common 
 law, maxims of law, use of law, 
 statute of uses, office of constables, 
 office for alienations, note R. 
 
 Lawyers oppose reform of law, note 
 CCC. 
 
 Learning, note AAA. 
 
 Learning, advancement of, note AAA. 
 
 Lectures left by Bacon in Will, note 
 M, text 13. 
 
 Letter to Essex, from Bacon, oflTering 
 his services when enlarged, mo(e 4 D, 
 text 78 ; to Cecil, complaining of 
 being arrested for debt, note 3 O, 
 text 43 ; to Sir J. Egerton, com- 
 plaining of being arrested for debt, 
 note 3 O, text 43 ; to the King, from 
 Bacon, on his love of retirement, 
 April, 1616, note S ; to Bodley, 
 from Bacon, stating his own unfit- 
 ness for business, Jiutc S ; from Bacon 
 to Essex, on his love of retirement, 
 note S, text 22 ; to Lord Treasurer, 
 on love of retirement, note S, text 22 ; 
 to Lord Burghley, from Bacon, 
 
INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 masgue at Gray's Inn, note T ; to 
 Bacon, from Lord Burghley, ' in 
 which he states the preference given 
 to Brogiave and Brauthwayt by the 
 Lord Keeper Puckering, note K K, 
 text 30 ; from Foulke Greville to 
 Bacon, as to the solicitor's place, 
 note R R, text 32 ; from Bacon to 
 the Earl of Devonshire, respecting 
 Essex's gift of an estate, note W W, 
 text 34 ; from Bacon to the Queen, 
 20 July, 1504, after her refusal of 
 solicitor's place, note ZZ, text 35 ; 
 of Sutton, refusing peerage, note 
 A A A A ; to Mathew, respecting 
 Novum Organum, note BSB; of 
 complaint to Buckingham, from 
 Williams, note Z Z ; from Bacon to 
 Mr. Massey, note 4 A, text 62. 
 
 Letters alluded to by Essex on his trial, 
 note 4 E, text 79 ; from Essex to 
 Bacon, respecting the solicitorship, 
 Sept. 1693, and March, 1594, note 
 P P, text 31 ; respecting Novum 
 Organum, note BBB; with pre- 
 sents to statesmen, note Z Z. 
 
 L'H6pital, his abolition of Epices, 
 note Z Z. 
 
 Life, shortness of, note X O. 
 
 Lords' Journals, entry of interview 
 between King and Bacon, pending 
 bribery charge, note G G G. 
 
 Love of truth, strength of, iwte 
 XOT. 
 
 Lunacy, error in legislating against, 
 note X U. 
 
 Machine for showing the motion of 
 planets, invented by Bacon, note 
 YY, text 34. 
 
 Masque in Gray's Inn, note T. 
 
 Mathew, Mr., letter to, respecting 
 Novum Organum, note BBB. 
 
 Mathew, Toby, presented with Ad- 
 vancement of Learning, note AAA. 
 
 Meautys, proprietor of Gorhambury, 
 inscription on his grave, note C. 
 
 Memorandum by Bacon of conference 
 with King, note Z Z ; from conference 
 with King on 16 April, note Z Z. 
 
 Milton, early rising of, note X O V. 
 
 Mind, knowledge of, its importance, 
 note WWW. 
 
 Miscellaneous observations on Novum 
 Organum, note BBB. 
 
 Modernizing essays, note 3 L, text 26. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, refuses presents, 
 note Z Z. 
 
 Morrison's account of Essex's trial, 
 note 4 C, text 70. 
 
 Mother of Francis, account of, note D, 
 text 1. 
 
 Nathaniel, brother of Francis; an 
 artist ; his pictures ; his ability, note 
 C. 
 
 Nature of Novum Organum, note 
 BBB; of good, double, note 3 Z, 
 text 60. 
 
 New Atlantis, note N, text 16. 
 
 Nicholas Bacon, father of Francis, 
 note C, text 1. 
 
 NichoUs, Judge, refuses presents, note 
 ZZ. 
 
 NichoUs' progress, note Z Z Z Z. 
 
 North, Lord Keeper, note D D D. 
 
 Northampton, Earl of. Advancement of 
 Learning presented to, note AAA. 
 
 Novum Organum, see Organum. 
 
 Novum Organum planned when a 
 youth, note I, text 9 ; presentation 
 copy to Sir Edward Coke ; letter to 
 Walton on ; translation of ; copies 
 of, to whom presented ; miscella- 
 neous observations on ; nature of; 
 tracts relating to; edition of; by 
 Rawley ; by 'Tenison ; by Montagu ; 
 note BBB. 
 
 Noy, Mr. note G G G. 
 
 Objections by lawyers to reform of 
 law, note C C C. 
 
 Observations on Novum Organum, 
 note BBB; on essays, note 3 I, 
 text 37. 
 
 Occupation, worldly, prevents pro- 
 gress of knowledge, note X O V. 
 
 Organum, Novuih, observations by 
 different authors upon, note BBB. 
 
 Parliamentary exertions of Bacon, 
 
 note 3 S, text 44. 
 Parliamentary proceedings against Ba- 
 con, note G G G. 
 Passions, knowledge of, note W W W. 
 Patent, Bacon's, for Lord Keeper, 
 
 note G G G ; respecting Dulwich 
 
 stayed, note X O Y. 
 Patronage, a sacred trust, note 4 A, 
 
 tea* 62. 
 Paulet, note G. 
 Pedigree of Lord Verulam's family, 
 
 note C. 
 Peerage, refusal of, by Sutton, note 
 
 A AAA. 
 Pension on Bacon, note T T T. 
 Persons to whom Advancement of 
 
 Learning presented, note AAA. 
 Petition by Aubrey ; by Egerton, note 
 
 GGG. 
 
IHDEX TO TIIF, NOTES. 
 
 Philosophical glass invented, by Bacon, 
 note Y y, teiLt 34. ' 
 
 Pictures, of Sir Nicholas Bacon ; of 
 Anne Grimstone ; by Nathaniel Ba- 
 con, note C. 
 
 Planets, their motion shewn by a ma- 
 chine invented by Bacon, note Y Y, 
 . text 34. 
 
 Playfair, Dr. asked to translate Ad' 
 vancement into Latin, his death, 
 beautiful eulogy on his death, note 
 AAA. 
 
 Pleadings on both sides by one advo- 
 cate, note 4 B, text 62. 
 
 Plutarch, m>te Q Q Q. 
 
 Ponds, Bacon's, note C. 
 
 Portrait of Anne Grimstone, note C. 
 
 Posthumous essays, note 3 I, text 37. 
 
 Praise of Bacon by Ben Jonson, Fuller, 
 Aubrey, and Lloyd, note Z Z. 
 
 Presentation copies of Advancement of 
 Learning, note AAA; of Novum 
 Organum, note B B B. 
 
 Presents to judges in. Borne, in Eng- 
 land, in France, to statesmen, re- 
 fused by Hale, no influence on 
 Bacon's judgment, from suitors be- 
 fore and after Bacon's time, note 
 Z Z ; to kings, note Z Z Z Z. 
 
 Principles, importance of, note L, text 
 11. 
 
 Proceedings in parliament against Ba- 
 con, note G G G . 
 
 Proceedings on charges of bribery, note 
 GGG. 
 
 Progress, NichoUs', note Z Z Z Z. 
 
 Procter, Sir Stephen, his project re- 
 lating to penal law, note C C, text 
 27. 
 
 Puckering, Bacon's letter to, respect- 
 ing the Queen's displeasure as to 
 his speech in parliament, note £ E, 
 text 28. , 
 
 Purse and great seal of Sir Nicholas, 
 how preserved, note C. 
 
 Pygmalion's frenzy, note X V. 
 
 Rawley, his observations on Novum 
 
 Organum, note B B B. 
 Raleigh, Sir Walter, note XX X X. 
 Recreations of Cicero, note X O V. 
 Reform in law by L'H6pital, note 
 
 ZZ. 
 Reform of the law. Bacon's speech 
 
 upon, gradual, note B B, text 27 ; 
 
 opposed by lawyers, note C C C. 
 Regal character, discussion upon, by 
 
 Hazlltt, in his political essays, note 
 
 S S, text 32. 
 Register of Star Chamber, reversion 
 
 of, given by Elizabeth to Bacon, 
 ndte ZZ, text 27. ' 
 
 Remedies for defects of chancery, note 
 DDD. 
 
 Retirement, love of, letters to Essex 
 and Lord Treasurer, and dedication 
 to his brother, note S, text 22. 
 
 Revelation of opinion and conceal- 
 ment, note F F, text 28. 
 
 Reversion of registry given to Bacon, 
 note Z Z, text 27. 
 
 Rising, early, by Milton, note X O V. 
 
 Rome, presents to judges in, note Z Z ; 
 reform of law in, note B B, text 27. 
 
 Sale of ofEces abolished in France, 
 note Z Z. 
 
 Salisbury, Earl, presented, with Ad- 
 vancement of Learning, note AAA. 
 
 Seal, great, of Sir Nicholas now pre- 
 served, note C. 
 
 Sensibility of Bacon, note G, text 3. 
 
 Sensuality of Judge Jeffries, note 
 XOV. 
 
 Shaftsbury, Lord, note WWW. 
 
 Ship of fools, notes B B B, Y Y Y Y. 
 
 Shortness of life, note XOV. 
 
 Sleep, excessive, note XOV. 
 
 Speech of Williams on taking his seat, 
 note B B B B. 
 
 Speeches of Bacon, from Harleian 
 MSS., Motc 4 F, text 90. 
 
 Spenser, Burghley's treatment of, his 
 lines to Elizabeth upon not being 
 paid for his poems, note X, text 25. 
 
 Star Chamber, registry of, given to 
 Bacon, n^te Z Z, text 27. 
 
 Stanhope, Lord, his invention to dis- 
 cover insensible perspiration, note 
 Y Y, text 34. 
 
 State of Europe, note Q, text 17 ; first 
 treatise of Bacon's, ibid. 
 
 Statesmen, education of, neglected in 
 England, note C C C ; presents to, 
 note Z Z. 
 
 Statute of Uses, Bacon's work on, 
 various editions of, note 3 R, teit 
 42. 
 
 Subsidies, Bacon's speech upon, of- 
 fensive to the Queen, note D D, text 
 28. 
 
 Suggestions for improvement of law 
 tracts, certificate touching penal law, 
 compiling and amending law, digest 
 of the laws of England, dedication 
 and preface to Law Maxims, act 
 against usury, ordinance for admi- 
 nistration of justice in chancery, 
 Justitia Universalis, note C C, text 
 27. 
 
INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Suitors' presents, before and after Ba- 
 con's time, note Z Z. 
 
 Sutton, his letter refusing peerage, his 
 refusal to be a peer, note A A A A. 
 
 Sutton's Hospital, note X Y. 
 
 Sydney Papers. Trial of Essex, note 
 
 , r"^ *■!* 70. 
 
 Temple, Sir William, note Z Z Z. 
 
 Tenison, his observations on Play- 
 fair's attempt to translate the Ad- 
 vancement, note AAA. 
 
 Tenison and Rawley, extracts from, 
 upon their Felicem Memoria Eliza- 
 beths, note 4 H, text 94. 
 
 Time, division of, by Alfred, note 
 XOT. 
 
 Tracts relating to Novum Organum, 
 note B B B. 
 
 Translations of Novum Organum, note 
 BBB. 
 
 Truth, love of, note XOT. 
 
 Universal justice, note R, text 22 ; 
 description and analysis of, note 
 
 ccc. 
 
 Universities, defects of, note K, text 
 11. 
 
 Vacations, misapplying, note XOT. 
 A^Uiers Street, note A. 
 
 Want of time, obstacle to acquire 
 knowledge, m)te X Q V. 
 
 Wasting time by misapplying vaca- 
 tions, notes XOT, X V. 
 
 Weldon, his falsehoods, nA)te E E E. 
 
 Wife of Bacpn, note H H H. 
 
 Will, leaves a sum for lectures in the 
 universities, note M, text 63. 
 
 Williams, Bishop, observations on, by 
 Weldon, note Z Z. 
 
 Williams, Lord Keeper, his dreain re- 
 lated by Hacket ; letter of remon- 
 strance to Buckingham, note Z Z ; 
 his taking his seat in chanceiy ; his 
 speech upon taking his seat as Lord 
 Keeper, note BBBB; charge of 
 bribery against, note Z Z. 
 
 Wisdom of Ancients, account of, note 
 CCC. 
 
 Wives of Harbottle Grimstone, ac- 
 count of, note C. 
 
 Wolf makes only Agnus of alphabet, 
 note XOT. 
 
 Words, Idle, Study of, note WWW. 
 
 Works of Bacon's mother, note D, 
 text 1. 
 
 Worldly occupation prevents progress 
 of knowledge, twte X O V. 
 
 Wotton, letter to, with Novum Or- 
 ganum, note BBB. 
 
 York House, note A, text I. 
 Young, Sir Richard, note G G G. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 C. Whittingham, Tooks Court, Chancery Laue. 
 
ft*