31 34! Z5| tyaxntll IttiueraitH ffiihrarg 3tl)ara, N*m fork : < £ i»- — BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF HENRY W. SAGE 1891 _ DATE DUE g ; 'VflW *Bm^ - * OAVLORD PRINTED INU.C-A. §t,. AHtV-«~ _ Cornell University Library B 341 Z51 v.1 Aristotle and the earlier Peripatetics: olin 3 1924 032 291 639 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924032291639 AEISTOTLE AND THE EARLIEB PEEIPATETICS VOL. I. WORKS BY DR. E. ZELLER. PEE-SOCEATIC SCHOOLS : a History of Greek Philosophy from the Earliest Period to the time of Socrates. Translated from the German by Sarah F. Alleyne. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 30«. SOCEATES AND THE SOCEATIC SCHOOLS. Translated from the German by O. J. Reichel, M.A. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. PLATO AND THE OLDEE ACADEMY. Translated from the German by Sarah F. Alleyne and A. Goodwin. Crown 8vo. 18s. STOICS, EPICUBEANS, AND SCEPTICS. Trans- lated from the German by 0. J. Reichel, M.A. Crown 8vo. 15a. HISTOEY OP ECLECTICISM IN GEEEK PHILO- SOPHY. Translated from the German by Sarah F. Alleyne. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. OUTLINES OP THE HISTOEY OF GEEEK PHILOSOPHY. Translated from the German by Sarah F. Alleyne and Evelyn Abbott. Crown 8vo. 10*. Gd. LONGMANS, GEEEN, & CO. 39 Paternoster Bow, London Kew York and Bombay ARISTOTLE AND THE EARLIER PERIPATETICS BEING A TBANSLATION FROM ZELLEB'S ' PHILOSOPHY OF THE GREEKS ' BY B. F. C. COSTELLOE, M.A. AND J. H. MUIEHEAD, M.A. IN TWO VOLUMES — VOL. I. LONGMANS, GBEEN, AND CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 1897 AH rights reserved Cj V V ,,,!,'..U' s.. AA>y£7/ //• TO THE MASTEE OF BALLIOL TBANSLATOBS' NOTE. The following translation embraces Part II. Div. II. of the third edition of Dr. Bduard Zeller's work on ' The Philosophy of the Greeks in its Historical Develop- ment.' It is made with Dr. Zeller's sanction, and completes the series of volumes issued from time to time by Messrs. Longmans as translations of the various sections of that exhaustive work. Mr. Costelloe is chiefly responsible for the translation of text and notes up to the middle of Chapter VII., and for Chapter XIX. to the end ; Mr. Muirhead for the middle portion. In most instances, however, both translators have revised the sheets. In calling attention to the table of Corrigenda, which is longer than might reasonably be expected in a work of this kind, the editors desire to explain that, owing to an accident for which the translator was not responsible, the sheets of that portion of the text in which the greater part of them occur Tiii TRANSLATORS' NOTE were passed through the press before he had seen them in proof. In dealing with some parts of Zeller's notes a certain liberty has been taken with the German text with a view to condensing the material where this could be done without impairing its value. The treatise is believed to be the only work accessible to English readers which is a complete and accurate exposition of the Aristotelian doctrine. The student will find ample guidance as to Dr. Zeller's plan in the Table of Contents, which is in fact an index of subject matters ; and the arrangement adopted by Dr. Zeller is so logical and clear that it has not been considered necessary to burden the translation with an exhaustive verbal index. CONTENTS OP THE FIRST VOLUME CHAPTER I THE LIFE OP ARISTOTLE Year of his birth, his family and youth, 2. Entrance into the Platonic School, relation to Plato, development of his opinions, 6. Sojourn in Atarneus, 18. The Macedonian Court, 21. Return to Athens, teaching and research, 25. Coolness of Alexander, 31. Flight from Athens and death, 33. Cha- racter, 39. CHAPTER II aeistotle's writings A. Consideration of the particular Works seriatim The Catalogues, 48. Letters and poems, 53. Dialogues and earlier writings, 55. Works on Logic, 64. Rhetoric, 72. Metaphysics, 75. Natural Philosophy : the Material Universe and Inorganic Nature, 81. Organic Nature, 87. Ethics and Politics, 97. Theory and History of Art, 102. B. Oeneral Questions touching the Aristotelian Writings. Different classes of Writings, 105. Exoteric, 106. Scientific, 123. CHAPTER III HISTORY AND ORDER OP THE WORKS OP ARISTOTLE Fate of Aristotle's Works, 137. Date and sequence of Works, 154. ARISTOTLE CHAPTER IV STANDPOINT, METHOD, AND DIVISIONS OP THE PHILOSOPHY OP ARISTOTLE Aristotle and Plato, 161. Their Agreement, 162. Their Difference, 165. Aristotle's Method: Dialectic, 171. Empiricism, 173. Formalism, 177. Division of his Philosophy : Theoretic, Prac- tical, Poietic, and their subdivisions, 180. Logic, Metaphysics, Physics, Ethics, TK'eory of Fine Art, 188. CHAPTER V LOGIC Scope of Logic, 191. Nature and Origin of Knowledge, 194. De- velopment of Knowledge, 196. Problem of the Science of Know- ledge, 211. Universal elements of Thought : the Concept, 212. Essence and Accident, Genus, Differentia, SpeciesT2l3r" Identity and Differ- ence, kinds of Opposition, 223. The Judgment, 229. Affirmation and Negation, 230. The Quantity of Judgments, 232. Modality, 233. Conversion, 236. The Syllogism, 236. The Figures, 238. Rules and Fallacies of Syllogism, 241. Proof : its problem and conditions, 243. Limits of Proof ; Imme- diate Knowledge, 245. Axioms and Postulates, 248. The Prin- ciple of Contradiction and Excluded Middle, 251. Induction, Dialectic or Probable Proof, 252. Defects of Aristotelian Induc- tion, 255. Definition, 265. Classification, 270. Summa Genera, 271. CHAPTER VI INTRODUCTORY INQUIRIES TOUCHING ARISTOTLE'S META- PHYSICS The Categories : what they are and how they are deduced, 274. The Categories in Detail, 281. Significance of the Theory of the Categories, 288. First Philosophy as the Science of Being : its Problem, 290. Its Possibility, 292. Fundamental Questions of Metaphysics, and their treatment by Earlier Philosophers : the chief problem of Metaphysics in Ari- stotle's time and his mode of presenting it, 295. Criticism of previous attempts at its solution : the Pre-Socratics, 297. The Sophists, Socrates, and the Minor Socratic Schools, 312. Plato 313^ The Ideas, 314. The Ideas as Numbers, 319. The Ulti- mate Principles of Things, the One and the original Material 321. The value of Aristotle's criticisms on Plato, 326. AEISTOTLE AND THE EAELIEE PEEIPATETICS CHAPTER I THE LIFE OF AEISTOTLE The lives and circumstances of the three great philo- sophers of Athens show a certain analogy to the character and scope of their work. As the Attic philosophy began by searching the inner nature of man and went on from this beginning to extend itself over the whole field of existence, so we find that the life of its great masters was at first confined in narrow limits, and gained, as time went on, a wider range. Socrates is not only a pure Athenian citizen, but a citizen who feels no desire to pass beyond the borders of his city. Plato is also an Athenian, but the love of knowledge takes him to foreign lands and he is connected by many personal interests with other cities. Aristotle owes to Athens his scientific training and his sphere of work ; but he belongs by birth and origin to another part of Greece, he spends his youth and a considerable part of his man- hood out of Athens, chiefly in the rising Macedonian kingdom ; and even when he is in Athens, it is as a stranger, not bound up with the political life of the VOL. I. B ARISTOTLE city, and not hindered by any personal ties from giving to his philosophy that purely theoretic and impartial character which became its distinctive praise. 1 The birth of Aristotle falls, according to the most probable reckoning, in the first year of the 99th Olympiad, 2 1 The old accounts of Ari- stotle's life now extant are (1) Diogenes, v. 1-35 (far the most copious) ; (2) Diontsius of Hali- carnassus, JBpist. ad Ammreum, i. 5, p. 727 sq. ; (3) 'Apurr. pios teal (TvyypdfifiaTa (wtov, by the Anonymns Mfenagii ; (4) another sketch of his life, known to us in three forms : (a) the Bios first printed in the Aldine ed. of Arist. 'Opp. 1496-98 (which is there ascribed to Philoponus, elsewhere to Ammonius, but belongs to neither), here cited as the Pseudo- Ammonius (ox Amm.); (i) the Life published from the Codex Marcianusby Robbein 1861, cited as Vita Marciana (or V. Mare.) ; (e) the Life cited as the Latin, Am- monius, 'preserved in an ancient translation, which approaches more closely to the Vita Marciana than to the Pseudo- Amnwni%s itself ; (5) 'Havxlov WLiKritriov irepi tov 'ApiaroreXovs ; (6) SUIDAS, sub voce 'ApurroTeKris. All of these, except (46), are to be found in Buhlb, Arist. Opp. i. 1-79. Westermann's appendix to Co- bet's Diogenes, and his Vitce Seriptorum (at p. 397) also con- tain (3) and (4a) ; Robbe, op. cit. gives (4i) and (4c). ROSE {Arist. Lib. Ord. 245), before the publica- tion of (ib), ascribed the arche- type of (4) to the younger Olym- piodorus — a guess which may be called possible but not proven. Of later commentaries, cf. Buhlb, Arist. Opp. i. 80-104; .Stahe, Aristotelia i. 1-188; BrANDIS, Gr.-rom. Phil. ii. b, i. pp. 48-65 ; Grote's Arist. (1872), i. 1-37, and Grant's Arist. (1877) pp. 1-29. Stahr discusses (p. 5 sqq.) the lost works of ancient writers which treated of Aristotle's life. We cannot be sure, as to any of the sources mentioned, what their basis or credibility may be. Rose's view that they one and all rest only on spurious texts and fanciful combinations (p. 115) is entirely unproved and improbable. Their value, how- ever, beyond doubt differs widely; we can only test each state- ment by its inherent probability. 2 According to Apollodorus apiid Diog. 9 ; no doubt on the basis of the statement (ibid. 10, Dionys. and Ammon.) which may be accepted as the safest fixed point as to the date of Aristotle's life, that he died in the archonship of Philocles (01. 114, 3), about sixty-three years old (erwv rpi&v irov Kal I^Koira, or more exactly, as in Dionys., rpia Trpbs roTs e^Koyra fridxras £t7)). Dionysius agrees, but erroneously talks of Demo- sthenes as three years younger than Aristotle, whereas he was born in the same year, or at most in the year before (in the begin- ning of 01. 99, 1, or end of 01. 98, 4); vide Stahe i. 30: Gellius' statement (JV. A. xvii. 21, 25) that Aristotle was born in the seventh year after the freeing of Rome THE LIFE OF AMgTOTLE B.C. 384. 1 Stagira, the city of his birth, was situated in that district of Thrace called Chalcidice, 2 which was at that date a thoroughly Hellenic country, with many flourishing cities, whose people were no doubt in full possession of all Greek culture. 3 His father Nicomachus from the Gauls also agrees, since that event is referred to the year 364A.TJ.C., or 390 B.C. Soalsothe V, Mare. p. 3, and the Ammon. Latin, p. 12, assert that he was born under Diotrephes (01. 99, 1) and died sixty-three years old under Philocles. An otherwise unknown writer, Eumblus (ap. Diog. 6), asserts, on the other hand, that Aristotle lived to be seventy ; but there is little reason to follow Rose (p. 116) in prefer- ring this account, since his next words, irihv ax6vnov ereXiinnaev, sufficiently show his lack of trust- worthiness. In fact, as the manner of Socrates' death is here transferred to Aristotle, so is his age also ; possibly by reason of the spurious Apologia ascribed to Aristotle (v. p. 35, n. 3, infra) and its parallelism with the Platonic Apologia of Socrates. But apart from the probability of this explanation, Eumelus is completely displaced by the agreement of all the other testi- mony, including that of so careful a chronologist as Apollodorus. A reliable tradition as to the age of theirfoundermusthave existed in the Peripatetic School. How could all our witnesses, except this one unknown and badly- informed writer, have come to agree upon a false statement of it when the truth could have been easily ascertained 1 1 That he was born in the first half of the Olympiad, or in 384 B.C., follows from the accounts as to his death above, and would also follow from our information as to his residence at Athens, if the figures are to be taken strictly (cf . p. 6, n. 3, infra). For if, at seventeen, he came to Athens and was with Plato for twenty years, he must have been thirty-seven years old at Plato's death; so that, if we put his exact age at 36£ and bring down Plato's death to the middle of 347 B.C., his birth would still fall in the latter half of 384 B.C. It is, however, also possible that his stay in Athens did not cover the full twenty years. 2 So called because most of its cities were colonies of Chalcis in Eubcea. Stagira itself was originally colonised from Andros, butperhaps (cf. DiONTS.wi supra) received a later contribution of second founders from Chalcis. In 348 B.C., it was, with thirty- one other cities of that district, sacked by Philip, but was after- wards on Aristotle's intercession restored (v. p. 24, infra). Vide Stahr, 23, who discusses also the form of the name (2rdyeipos, or 'Srdyetpa as a neuter plural). We do not know whether Ari- stotle's family house (mentioned in his will, ap. Diog. 14) was spared in the destruction of the town or was subsequently rebuilt. 3 Bernays (Dial. Arist. ii. 65, 134) calls Aristotle a 'half Greek,' but Grote (i. 3) and * 2 4 ARISTOTLE was the body-surgeon and friend of the Macedonian King Amyntas ' ; and it is natural to suppose that the father's profession — long hereditary in the family — must have influenced the mental character and education of the son, and that this early connection with the Macedonian Court prepared the way for the employment of Aristotle in the same Court at a later time. On neither of these points, however, have we any positive information. We may also assume that Nicomachus took his family with Grant (p. 2) rightly maintain against him that a Greek family in a Greek colony in which only Greek was spoken, could keep their nationality perfectly pure. Aristotle was not an Athenian, and though Athens was his philosophical home, traces can yet be found in him of the fact that his political sense had its training elsewhere ; but he was as truly a Hellene as Pythagoras, Xenophanes, Parmenides, Anax- agoras, Democritus, or the rest. The ' un-Greek ' element which Bernays and W. von Hum- boldt (in his letter to Wolf, WerTte, v. 125) find in Aristotle is doubtless to be connected not so much with the place of his birth as with the characteristics of his generation and his individual bent of mind. The full-born Athenian Socrates exhibits traits far more singular and seemingly un-Greek as compared with his own people and time than Ari- stotle, and if the typical writings of Aristotle appear un-Greek in comparison with Plato's, still, on the one hand, this is not true of his Dialogues, and, on the other hand, equally great divergencies are to be found between men whose surroundings and training were so closely similar as those of Schelling and Hegel, or of Baur and Strauss. 1 Vide DiOG. i. (quoting Herm- ippus), Dionys., JPs. Amm., V. Mare., Ammon. Latin., and Sui- das. The family of Nicomachus, according to these authorities, traced its descent, as did so many medical families, to Asclepius. TzETZES, CHI. x. 727, xii. 638, gives no ground for doubting this. The three recensions of the Pseudo-Ammonius repeat this same statement as to the family of Aristotle's mother.Phaistis, but erroneously ; for Diogenes tells us she was a Stagirite by birth, and Dionysius says that she was a descendant of one of the colonists from Chalcis. This connection might account for the mention of a country house and garden at Chalcis in the testa- ment (Diog. 14). The state- ment in Suidas, sub voce Ni«4t«Js) 10 sq. Robbb. 4 In his will (Diog. 16) Ari- stotle mentions his mother and orders a monument to be erected to her. Pliny (H. Nat. xxxv. 10, 106) mentions a picture of her which Aristotle had painted by Protogenes. There may have been manyreasons why his father was not mentioned in the will. 5 Apparently a relative who had emigrated to Stagira, for his son Nicanor is called Srayetpirris and oixetos 'Api6s ; he orders that the portraits of Nicanor, Proxenus, and Nicanor's mother, which he had projected, should be com- pleted, and that if Nicanor completed his journey success- fully (v. infra), a votive offer- ing he had promised should be set up in Stagira. These arrange- ments prove that Nicanor was adopted by Aristotle, and that Aristotle owed special gratitude to Nicanor's mother as well as to Proxenus, apparently similar to that he owed his own mother, of whom a similar portrait is ordered. If we assume the truth of the story in the Pseudo-Am- monius it will most naturally ex- plain the whole. Dionysius notes that Nicomachus was dead when Aristotle came to Plato. It might appear that, as Aristotle died at sixty-three, the son of his foster-parents would be too old to marry a daughter not then grown up ; but this does not follow. If Aristotle was a child at his father's death, and Proxe- nus a young man, the latter might have left a son twenty or twenty-five years younger than Aristotle, and some ten years younger than Theophrastus (then at least forty-seven) whom Py- thias was to marry in case of Nicanor's death (Dioo. 13).— This Nicanor is probably the same Nicanor of Stagira whom Alex- ander sent from Asia to Greece to announce his consent to the return of the exiles at the Olym- pian games of 324 b.c.(Dinaech. Adv. BemosU. 81, 103, Diodob. xviii.8 ; cf . the pseudo-Aristotelian Bhet. ad Alex, i, 1421, a, 38, and Geotb, p. 14). And the vow in Aristotle's will probably relates to a journey to Alexander's head- quarters where he had given an account of his mission and been detained on service in Asia. It is probably the same Nicanor who was governor of Cappadocia under Antipater (Arrian apud Phot. Clod. 92, p. 72, a, 6) and who was made away with, in B.C. 318, by Cassander, for whom he had done good service on sea and land (Diodob. xviii. 64' sq. 68, 72, 75). The dates agree exactly with what we know of Pythias, as to whom see p. 20, n. 3, infra. 1 We know nothing of the age at which Aristotle came to Proxenus, nor of the manner or place of his education, for it was probably not at Atarneus — see above, p. 5, n. 5. 2 A silly story in Ps. Amm. 44, V. Marc. 2, and Ammon. Latin. 11 relates that he was sent by the Delphic Oracle. 3 Apollodob. op. Diog. 9 : irapa$o.\tiv Se IIAtiTwyi, Kai 5ia- THE LIFE OF ARIi$£OTLE Plato's scholars, 1 to which he continued to belong for rptyai Trap 7 auT$.tficofftv %rri, kirra Kal Serca 4rav (Tvar&VTa. This testimony seems to be the basis of the statements of Dionysius (p. 728) that he came to Athens in his eighteenth year, of Diogenes 6, that he came eirra«:ai5eKeT775, and of the three recensions of the Ammonius Life that he came eirTaKaiSeica gtuv yevdfievos. We have also the chronology of Dionj sins, who places his arrival in the archonship of Polyzelos (366-7 B.c. 01. 103, 2), while the statement (V. Marc. 3, Ammon. Latin. 12) that he came in the archonship of Nausigenes (01. 103, 1) takes us to the middle of his seventeenth year instead of the completion of it. Euse- bius in his Clvronicle knows that he arrived at seventeen, but places the event erroneously in 01. 104, 1.— The statement of Bumelus (apud Diog. 6) that he was thirty years old wher he met Plato is combined by irote (p. 3 sq.) with the accoun * of Epi- curus and Timteus as co his dis- solute youth (of. mfra), but without deciding between the two accounts. We have already seen how little credit attaches to Eumelus' account of Aristotle's age and manner of death (p. 2, n. 2) ; but the two, statements are connected and fall together, for, as Aristotle composed an elegy and the Dialogue named Eudemus in memory of a fellow-student, Eudemus of Cyprus (p. 11, n. 4, infra), who went to Sicily with Dion in 357 B.C. and was killed there, it follows that Aristotle, if he were thirty when he came to Athens, would have been born several years before 384. — We do not know, moreover, when Eume- lus lived, or from whom he got his information. If, as is possi- ble, he be Eumelus the Peripa- tetic, whose Ilepl tjjj apxaia*; Ku/j-cpStas is quoted by a scholiast to ^Eschines' 'fmarch. (ed. Bek- ker, AbA. d. Berl. Aliad. 1836, Bist.-pHl. AX 230, § 39; cf. Rose, Arist. Libr. Ord. 113), he would belong to the Alexandrine, or possibly even the post-Alexan- drine period. In no case, as above shown, can he merit our confidence. As to Epicurus and Timseus vide p. 9, n. 1, infra. — The Vita Mavaiana finds it necessary to refute the story that Aristotle came to Plato in his fortieth year. The Latin Ammonius reproduces this in a still more absurd form, to which he adapts other parts of his story ; for he says that it was thought by many that Ari- stotle remained forty years with Plato. His translation ' xl annis immoratus est sub Platone ' pro- bably means that the text of the archetype was /i/ %ti\ ye-yovbs 1\v inrb TlXdruvi, or p! erav &v ivBl- erpi&ev, &c. If the latter be sup- posed, the mistake might well have arisen by the dropping out of &>v in the translator's MS. 1 Plato himself was probably at the moment absent on his second Sicilian journey (vide Zbllbb, Plato, p. 32). Stahr (p. 43) suggests that the above- mentioned statement that he was three years with Socrates and after hisdeath followed Plato(Ps. Amm. 44, 50, V. Mare. 2, Ammon. Lat. 11, 12, Olympiod. in Oorg. 42) arose from a misunderstanding of this circumstance. The arche- type may have contained the 8 ARISTOTLE twenty years until the master died. 1 It would have been of the greatest value if we could have known in detail something of this long period of preparation, in which the foundations of his extraordinary learning and of his distinctive philosophical system must have been laid. Unhappily our informants pass over all the important questions as to the movement and history of his mental development in absolute silence, and enter- tain us instead with all manner of evil tales as to his life and character. /One of these writers had heard that he first earned his bread as a quack-doctor. 2 Another alleges that he first squandered his patrimony, then in his distress went into military service, afterwards, being unsuccessful, took to selling medicines, and finally took refuge in Plato's school. 3 / This gossip, however, was statement that Aristotle spent ' Cf . p. 6, n. 3, and Dionysius, three years in Athens without ut supra: oWToflels TlXdravi hearing Plato, in attending other xf^ vov efewwrij tit&rpvtye i'ceivov eiwelv 'ApiffTOTe\7is 7]/^as aireKdlc- Tiffe nadcmepel rb.iru\dpiayevvi)Bima tV firirepa — and so JELIAN, V. H. iv. 9, and Helladius cup. Phot. Cod. 279, p. 533, b. Similarly Theodoret, Oar. Gr. Aff. v. 46, p. 77, says Aristotle often at- tacked Plato while he was yet alive : Philop. Anal. Post. 54 a, ScJwl. in Arist. 228, p. 16, that he had especially opposed his master's Ideal Theory ; and Augustine, Civ. Dei. viii. 12, that he had established even then a numerous school. 1 This occurrence is related by our sole authority (J5lian, V. H. iii. 19, cf. iv. 9) in this way : that when Plato was over eighty, and his memory was fail- ing, Aristotle on one occasion, Xenocrates being absent and Speusippus ill, had gone with a band of his own pupils and started a debate with Plato, in which he drove the old man into a corner with such rude pertin- acity that Plato withdrew him- self from thehalls of the Academy into his own garden, and it was THE LIFE OF ARISTOTLE 11 ferred to Aristotle the statement of Aristoxemis that during Plato's Sicilian journey a school was erected in opposition to his own 'by strangers.' 1 All these data, however, are very doubtful, and most of the actual statements deserve no credence. 2 If the asser- tion of Aristoxenus were to be understood of Aristotle it could not possibly be true, for chronological reasons in the first place, 3 but also because we possess undoubted proofs that Aristotle belonged to Plato's school long after the second Sicilian journey, and held his master in the highest honour. 4 Probably, however, only when Xenocrates returned, three months afterwards, that he reproached Speusippus for his cowardice and forced Aristotle to restore to Plato the disputed territory. 1 Aeistocl. apud Bus. Pr. Ev. XV. 2, 2 ; rls 8* av -TreitrQeiij toTs for' 'ApHTTol-evov rod /xovaitcov \eyo- fievois iv tqJ f3(cp rov n\dravos ; iv yap tt) ir\tii/7i Kal rrj airoZ'npi.ia s 'Api(n61-evos TCpwTOS i(TVKO Kal fie96$oio?y yap ivroiv 11, 16, 23, 992, a, 11, 25, c. 8, 989, $l\oiv iaiov irpoTip,av tV aA^fleiay. b, 18; iii. 2, 997, b, 3, c. 6, 1002, Cf. Zellek, Plato, p. 512; cf. b, 14; cf. Alex, and Asclep. on also ZeiAee, Ph. d. Gr.i. p. 971, 990, b, 8 ; and Alex, on 990, b, as to Aristotle's own view of his 16, 991, b, 3, 992, a, 10. duty to a teacher. 4 In a well-known passage a Numbn. apud Bus. Pr. Er. of the Ethics which itself xiv. 6, 8. THE LIFE OF ARISTOTLE 15 the Isocratean, in a book directed against Aristotle, attacked the Platonic doctrine and particularly the ' Ideas,' and Theocritus of Chios accused Aristotle of exchanging the Academy for Macedonia. 1 Again, it is established that he stayed in Athens until Plato's death, and immediately thereafter left the city for several years, presumably for no other reason than that then for the first time the tie that bound him to the city was dissolved, because his relation to Plato was then for the .first time broken. Finally, we are told 2 that Xenocrates journeyed with him to Atarneus ; and it is probable from the language in which Aristotle speaks of that Academic's opinions 3 that they continued to be friends in later times. But in view of the known loyalty of Xenocrates and his unbounded reverence for Plato, it is not to be supposed that he would maintain his relations with Aristotle and keep him company on the visit to Atarneus, if the latter had separated from his master in a disrespectful way, or had, by any such rude conduct as ^Elian ascribes to him, insulted the aged teacher not long before his death. It is of course altogether probable that so inde- pendent a mind as Aristotle's would not give up its own judgment even in face of a Plato; that as time 1 In the epigram noticed at p. he is obviously alluding to him 20, n. 3, infra : ethero vaieir avr' (cf . the cases cited, Zbllbk, 'A/caSryiefas Bop06pov ev irpoxoais, Plato, p. 364, n. ; and notes on B. being a river near Pella. p. 585, and later pasi 2 By Steabo (xiii. 1, 67, p. whereas Speusippus is named 610), whom we have no reason to in parallel cases. This pro- disbelieve, bably indicates not ill-feeling, 3 Others have remarked that but rather a desire to avoid the Aristotle almost never mentions appearance of personal conflict Xenocrates, and that he avoids with one who was teaching his name as if on purpose where beside him at Athens... . . . 16 ARISTOTLE went on he began to doubt the unconditional validity of the Platonic system and to lay the foundations, of his own : and that he perhaps even in these days laid bare many of the weak points of his teacher with the same uncompromising criticism which we find him using later on. 1 If a certain difference between the two men had developed out of such relations, or if Plato had not been more ready than many others since, to recognise in his scholar the man who was destined to carry forward and to correct his own work, it would be nothing wonderful. Yet that any such difference actually arose cannot be proved, and cannot even be shown to be very probable 2 : while we have patent facts to disprove the idea that Aristotle brought on any open breach by ingratitude or intentional offence. The same facts make it very im- probable that Aristotle opened any philosophic school of his own during his first residence in Athens. If he had done so, his friendly relations with Plato and the Platonic circle could hardly have gone on, and it would be unintelligible that he should leave Athens exactly at the moment when the death of his great rival left the field free for himself. 3 1 Even in the books ' On a scholar as Aristotle. Besides, Philosophy' (Arist. Fragm. 10, not to mention Heraclides and 11. p. 1475), apparently written Eudoxus, Speusippus himself before Plato's death, he had dropped the Ideal Theory, openly combated the Ideal s The remark of the Pseudo- Theory, and in the same treatise Ammonius that Chabrias and (Fragm. 17, 18) had maintained Timotheus prevented Aristotle the. eternity of the world. from setting up a new school 2 We have no right to ascribe against Plato is absurd. Who to Plato and his circle of friends could hinder him, if he chose ? the later ideas of school-ortho- Chabrias, moreover, died in 358 doxy, in any such sense as to B.C.; and Timotheus was banished suppose that the master could not from Athens for life in the f ollow- tolerate the independence of such ingyear,beingthenaveryoldman. THE LIFE »F ARISTOTLE 17 If, then, Aristotle was connected with Plato, as one of his school, from his eighteenth to his thirty-seventh year, it follows that we cannot well over-estimate the influence of such a relation upon his course of thought. The effect of that education on Aristotle's philosophic system dis- closes itself at every point. The grateful scholar has himself 1 commemorated the moral greatness and lofty principles of the man ' whom the base have not even the right to praise.' But the reverence for the master would obviously not prevent Aristotle from turning his at- tention at the same time to all other sources which might carrry him onward and help to satisfy his insatiable thirst for knowledge. We may safely assume that he did in fact employ his long years of preparation at Athens in busy acquirement of his marvellous learning, and also that he took a keen interest in researches in natural philosophy, though Plato always treated it as of secondary importance. It is also possible that even while he was still a member of Plato's circle he may himself have lectured, 2 without thereby breaking off his relations with Plato or setting himself up against him as the leader of a competing school. We hear, for instance, that Aristotle taught Ehetpric in opposition to Isocrates ; 3 but we know that the great 1 See the lines on p. 12 supra. Cicero seems to be without exact 2 Steabo (xiii. 1, 57, p. 610) information] versumque quendam- says of Hermias that he heard at Philoetetce paullo secus disoit.IUe Athens both Plato and Aristotle, enim turpe sibi ait esse taeere, 3 ClC. Be Orat. iii. 35, 141 : cum barbaros: He autem, cum Aristoteles, cumflorere Isoeratem Isoeratem pateretwr dicere. Ita nobiUtate discipulorum videret, ornavit et illustravit doctrmam . . . mutavit repente totamformam illam omiiem, rerwmque cogni- prope discipl&nee sum [which tionem cum orationis exercita- sounds as if Aristotle had even tione conjunxit. Neque vera hoc then a school of his own, though fugit sapientissimum regem PMl- VOL. I. C 18 ARISTOTLE orator's relations with Plato were no longer good and that he attacked the philosophers. 1 We have distinct indications also which lead us to assign to this same period the commencement of Aristotle's activity as a writer ; and the fact that in the writings of this time he imitated his master, both in matter and form, 2 shows clearly how completely he took on the impress of Plato's spirit and made the Platonic methods his own. In time, of course, a ad no doubt even before he left Athens, Ari- stotle acquired as a writer a more independent position ; and it is manifest that he had in reality outgrown the position of one of Plato's pupils, long before that rela- tion came visibly to an end by the death of the master. lippwm, qui Tiwnc Alescwndro filio doctorem accierit. AgaiD, ibid. 19, 62, ArUst. Isocratem ipsum lacessivit, and ibid. 51, 172, quis . . . aerior Arist. fuit ? quis porro Isocrati est adversatns im- pensius ? In Tuso. i. 4, 7, Cicero assumes that Aristotle attacked Isocrates in his lifetime, which would be possible only in his first residence at Athens, for when he returned in 335-4 B.C. Isocrates was many years dead. Cf . QtriN- til. iii. 1, 14 : Eoque {Isocrate'] jam seniore . . . pomeridianis schoiis Arist. prcecipere artem oratoriam ccejrit, noto qnidem illo, ut traditwr, versa ex Philocteta frequenter urns: altrxpbv aiair^v '\aaKfi.Ti\v [!C] 4av\4yeiv. Diog. (3) with less probability, reads aevo- Kpdrriv, so misplacing the story as of the time of the founding of the Lyceum. Cicero (Qffic. i. 1, 4) speaks clearly of contests between Aristotle and Isocrates in his life (de Arist. et Isocrate . . . quorum uterque suo studio delee- tatus contemsit alterum), and Iso- crates himself, Ep. v. ad Alex. 3, makes a covert attack on Ari- stotle, which confirms the story : Panath. 17 can hardly refer to Aristotle, because of the dates : cf. Spbngbl, Abh. d. Bayer. Altad. vi. 470 sq. Cephisodorus, a pupil of Isocrates, wrote a defence of his master against Aristotle, full of bitter abuse ; v. Dionts. Be Isocr. c. 18, p. 577; Athen. ii. 60, d, cf. iii. 122, b ; Aeistocl. ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. xv. 24, Nit- men, ibid. xiv. 6, 8, Themist. Or. xxiii. 285, c. This friction did not prevent Aristotle from doing justice to his opponents : in the Ehetoric he quotes examples from no one so readily as Isocrates, and twice quotes Cephisodorus (Mhet. iii. 10, 1411, a, 5, 23). Cf. as to the whole subject Stahe, i. 68 sq., ii. 285 sq. 1 Spergel, 'Isokr. und Pla- ton,' Abh. d. Munch. Altad. vii. 731, and Zelleb, PA. <;.(?»• i 416 ii. 459, n. z See for proof infra. Of the Aristotelian writings known to us the greater part of the Dia- logues and some of the rhetorical THE LIFE OF ARISTpTLE 19 That event opens a new chapter of Aristotle's life. So long as Plato led the Academy, Aristotle would not leave it. When Speusippus took his place, 1 Aristotle had nothing to keep him in Athens; since he does not seem to have at first contemplated the foundation of a philosophical school of his own, for which Athens would naturally have been the fittest place. Therefore he accepted, with Xenocrates, an in- vitation from Hermias,the lord of Atarneus and Assos, 2 who had himself at one time belonged to Plato's school. 3 The prince was the intimate friend of both, 4 and they remained three years with him. 5 Thereafter Aristotle went to Mytilene. 6 This, Strabo says; was for his own safety, because Hermias had fallen into the power of the Persians by treachery ; it is probable, however, that Aristotle had left before that event. 7 After the death Diohys. Ep. ad Amm. i. 5, who agree that Aristotle went to Hermias after Plato's death. The opposite would not follow from the charge cited from Eu- bulides on p. 10, n. 1 , supra, even if that were tree. Strabo names Assosasthe place where Aristotle lived during this period. * Cf. p. 17, n. 2, supra. Ari- stotle's enemies (apud Dioo, .'.', Anon. Menag., and Suidas, 'Ap.), suggest that this friendship was an immoral one, but this is impossible; BoBCKH, ibid. 137. 5 Apollodorus, Strabo, Diony- sius, etc., ut supra. 6 01. 108. 4 = 345-4 B.C., in the archonship of Eubulus : see Apollod. and Dionys. ibid. 7 Boeckh, ibid. 142, refuting Strabo, has shown this to be probable, though not certain. c 2 texts — perhaps the iwayayij T^uuiv — seem to belong to the first Athenian period. 1 This choice has caused sur- prise, but wrongly. It is possible that Plato had a greater personal liking for Speusippus than for Aristotle, or expected from him a more orthodox continuation of his teaching. Speusippus was a much older man, was Plato's nephew, had been brought up by him, had followed him faithfully for a long period of years, and was also the legal heir of Plato's garden near the Vcademy. Besides, we do not snow whether Plato did himself bequeath the succession or not. 2 Boeckh, ' Hermias,' Abh. d. Berl. AJtad. 1853, Hist. Phil. Kl. p. 133 sq. 3 Stbabo, xiii. 1, 57, p. 610, Apollodor. em. Diog. 9, and 20 ARISTOTLE of Hermias the philosopher married * Pythias, who was either the sister or niece of his friend ; 2 and of his last- ing affection for them both he left more than one memorial. 3 1 According to Aeistocles (see next note) citing a Letter to Antipater : reBveSros y&p 'Ep/aelov Sth riiv irpbs txewov eivoiav %yi\iitv abrty, &A\as piv etitppova Kal ayaitiiv oZaav, arvxivtrav fiiVTOi Sia tAs Kara\afioitras avjupophs rby aSe\. and Nimijit., confirmed by the terms of Theophrastus' will, apud DlOG. v. 51). The six books of Ethics and the work on his father's Physios, ascribed to him by Suidas, are therefore very doubtful. 1 This date is given by Apol- lod. ap. DlOG. 10, and Dionys. ut swpra. The Schol. in Arist. 23 b, 47, says Aristotle was at Alex- ander's Court at Plato's death, but this is obviously wrong. 2 Cf. Geiee, Alexander und Arist. (Halle, 1856). a Diog. says fifteen, which must be an oversight, for Apol- lodorus cannot be wrong in such a date (cf. Stahb, p. 85). 4 Plttt. Alex. c. v. ; Quintil. i. 1, 9. 5 Stahr (p. 84, 105, A. 2) is not averse to the view that Ari- stotle first went back from Myti- lene to Athens, but none of our biographers know anything of it. On the contrary, Dionys., ut swpra, expressly says he went from Mytilene to Philip. Ari- stotle in a fragment of a letter ap. Demetb. He Eloe. 29, 154, says : iy&> ek /tec 'ABnrlbv els 3t<£- yeipa 1\hBov SiA rbv Pam\ia rhv jxiyav e« Be 'Srrayeipav tls 'ASiivas Sta rbv %6t/x£ya rbv fieyav, but this jocular expression, even if the letter is genuine, proves no- thing, as it is clearly meant, not as an exact historical statement, but as a rhetorical antithesis between the termini of his jour- neys, leaving out the interme- diate points. * According to a well-known story, Philip had told Aristotle, 22 ARISTOTLE without information as to the kind of education he gave the young and ambitious prince, and the influence he had upon him. 1 But we should be forced to assume that not certain that any are trust- worthy. Plutarch {Alex. c. 7 sq.) praises Alexander's thirst for knowledge, his delight _ in books and learned conversation, and his passion for the poets and historians of his people. He as- sumes that he was instructed by Aristotle, not only in ethics and politics, but in the deeper secrets of his system, basing this on the well-known letter (q. v. op. Gell. xx. 5, quoting Andronicus, and a/p. Simpl. Phys. 2 b), in which Alexander chides Aristotle for publishing his acroamatic doc- trines, and Aristotle replies that those who had not heard them would not understand them. Plutarch also connects Alexander's fancy for medicine, which he sometimes tried personally on his friends, with Aristotle's teaching. These are, however, more or less probable guesses, and what appears most impor- tant is least trustworthy, for the letters turn on the theory of an acroamatic and esoteric teaching confined to a few, as to the in- correctness of which p.p. 112, mf. We hear of two books which Aristotle addressed to his pupil, Tlepl PairiKelas, and Tnep 'Awolxav, d.q.v. p. 60, n. 1 vnf. Plut. {Alex. 8) says Aristotle revised the text of the Iliad for Alexander. As fellow- pupils of Alexander are named Marsyas (Suid. Mapcr.), Calli- sthenes (Justin, xii. 6; cf. Plut. Alex. 55 ; Diog. v. 4 ; Arbian. iv. 10 ; but vide Geier, Alex. Script. 192 sq.), and perhaps Cassander (Plut. Alex. 74). At before Alexander's birth, that he hoped he would make a great man of him (v. the letter ap. Gell. ix. 3), but the letter is certainly spurious, for Philip could not have written in these extrava- gant terms to a young man of 27, who had had no chance to distinguish himself; and, again, if he had destined him to be his son's instructor from birth, he would have brought him to Macedonia before 01. 109, 2. But the prince, who was deeply interested in science and art, and no doubt well in- formed of what was going on in Athens, may have taken notice of Aristotle after he had become one of the most distinguished of Plato's school, though little weight attaches to Cicero's state- ment to that effect (JDe Orat. iii. 35, 141). It is also possible that through his father, Aristotle had relations with the Mace- donian court, and he may him- self, as Stahr (p. 33) suggests, have been acquainted in his youth with Philip, who was the youngest son of Amyntas and about his own age. 1 There was a work, or per- haps a section of a larger work, ' On the Education of Alexander,' by the Macedonian historian Marsyas (Suid. s. v. Maps.; cf. Muller, Script. Alex. M. 40, and Geieb, Alex. Hist. Script. 320 sq.). Onesicritus had treated of it also in a chapter of his Me- morabilia (Geier, ibid. 77; Dios. vi. 84). Yet the accounts we have of it are very scanty, and it is THE LIFE OF ARISg'OTLE 23 that influence was important and beneficial, even if we had less distinct testimony as to the respect of the great pupil for his teacher, and as to the love of learning which the philosopher imparted to the king. 1 Alexander was not only the invincible conqueror, but also a far- seeing ruler, ripe beyond his years. He was ambitious to establish the supremacy, not of Grecian arms only, but also of the Hellenic culture. He withstood for years the greatest temptations to overweening pride to which any man could be exposed. In spite of his later errors, he still stands far above all other world-con- querors in nobility of spirit, in purity of morals, in love of humanity, and in personal culture. And for all this the world has in no small degree to thank the tutor who formed his apt intelligence by scientific training and fortified by sound principles his natural instinct for all that was great and noble. 2 Aristotle himself appears to have made a kindly use of the influence which his position gave him, for we hear that he interceded with the king for individuals and even for whole cities. 3 the same time Alexander met ky&vovra TeK/iripiov. 6 fieyroi vpbs Theodectes (PLTJT. Alex. 17), s ical o-vvre- and probably also Theophrastus Bpan/ievos air' apxvs airy £?Aos (d. q. vide JElian. V. H. iv. 19). nal ir69os ovk 4£eppvrj rijs tyv^s, I)iog. v. 39, but cf. 52. The as his relation to Anaxarchus, fabulous stories as to Alexander's Xenocrates, and the Indian phi- youth, preserved by the pseudo- losophers Dandamis and Kalanus Callisthenes, may be ignored. showed (notwithstanding The- 1 Plut. Alex. 8 : 'hpuxToreXit mist. Or. viii. 106, D.). Si 9avfid(a>v eV opxp *"' ayairav ovx 2 That he did not act in prac- ^ttov, lis airbs e\eye, rod irarpbs, tioe on Aristotelian principles is Sj' Ik&i/ov pMv £2>v, Sitt rovrov Be (Plut. Virt. Alex. i. 6, p. 329 ; Ka\£s f£i/, So-rcpov Sh {nroirTorepop cf. StAHE, p. 99, 2 ; DBOYSEN, eo'xei' [». infra], ovx & a " re irotrjffal Gesch. d. Hellen. i. b, 12 sq.) ti icaicbv, o.W' at $i\orixi s iyevero rrjs iv 'AKo5rj|ii£ct (rxoMjs HevoKpdTW i\9ivra S)i avrbv ko.1 Beaad/ievov W i.Wif tJ)v ax»\^)v 4A€ ronea and Philip's murder, when Aristotle, already influential at the Macedonian Court, might by his intercession have done some service to Athens which Hermip- pus could describe by some such term as Trpetr$e4etv. The favour Alexander showed to the Athe- nians may have been partly due to Aristotle's influence (Pltjt. Alex. c. 13, 16, 28, 60). 4 01. 110.1, = 340 B.c.theyearof Philip's campaign against Byzan- tium. (DlOD.xvi.77; VhVT.AlexS.') THE LIFE OF ARISTOTLE 25 part in his father's decisive campaigns : though that circumstance does not exclude the possibility of some continuance of their intellectual pursuits in the intervals of leisure. 1 Aristotle seems at this time to have with- drawn to the city of his birth. 2 At an earlier period he and his pupil had already left Pella. 3 After Alexander ascended the throne, Aristotle must still have remained some time in the north. But with the beginning of the great war with Persia, the reasons that had bound him to Macedonia came to an end, and there was no longer anything to keep him away from that city, which offered at once the most congenial residence 4 and the best field for his teaching work. 5 1 During this period Aristotle might or might not be called Alexander's tutor; which accounts probably for the different stories as to the length of his tutorship, given by Dionys. as eight years (his whole residence in Mace- donia), and by Justin (xii. 7) as five years, which is itself too long. 2 That the last period before his return to Athens was spent in Stagira, where his family house was (cf. p. 3, n. 2), is assumed in the fragment quoted p. 21, n. 5, the genuineness of which is not beyond doubt. He must have treated Stagira as his home, since in his will (Diog. 16) he orders the votive offering for Nicomaohus to be erected there. His second wife was of Stagira (v. p. 20, n. 3), and Theophrastus owned land in the city (Diog. v. 52), with which he shows himself to be well acquainted. Cf . Hist. Plant, iii. 11, 1 ; iv. 16, 3. 3 Plut. (Alex, c.7) says he and Alexander lived at the Nymph- aeum, near Mieza. Stahr (104) takes this to be near Stagira, but Geier (Alexander unci Aristot. 33) shows it to be S.W. of Pella, in Emathia. 4 The fragment quoted p. 21, n. 5, says it was the Thracian winter that drove him from Sta- gira, but this could scarcely be the chief reason. 5 The Ps. Amman. 47, says Aris- totle was, after Speusippus' death, called to Athens by the Athenians, or, according to V. Marc. 5, by the Platonic school, the leadership of which he took over in common with Xenocrates (cf. p. 13, n. 3). The three recensions of this bio- graphy, however, contain at this point a chaos of fables. The Ps. Ammon. says Aristotle taught after this call in the Lyceum, had afterwards to fly to Chalcis, went thence again to Macedonia, ac- companied Alexander on his In- dian expedition, collected in his travels his 255 forms of govern- ment, returned after Alexander's ARISTOTLE He returned to Athens' in Olymp. 111.2 (B.C. 335-4) thirteen years after Plato's death. The time thus left for his work in that city was but twelve years, 2 but what he accomplished in that short interval borders on the incredible. Even if we may assume that he had already in great part completed the preparatory work for his philosophy, and that the researches in natural philosophy and the historical collections which supplied the materials for his theoretic labours had perhaps been brought to some kind of conclusion before his return to Athens, it seems certain that almost all his systematic treatises belong entirely to this last period of his life. death to his native town, and died there twenty-three years after Plato. The iMtin. Amnion. (14, 17) and the Vita Marciana (5, 8) send him with Alexander to Persia collecting his 255 polities, and returning home after the war, and after all this they make him start teaching in the Lyceum, fly to Chalcis and die there, twenty- three j'ears after Plato. The collection of polities in Alexander's campaigns is noticed also by Ammon. Categ. 5, b; David, Schol. m An. 24, a, 34 ; Ps.-Poeph. ibid. 9, b, 26 ; Anon. ad Porph. apud Rose, Ar. pseud. 393. To seek any grains of truth in this confusion would be lost time. 1 Apollod. apud Diog. 10, andDlONYS.^tf sup., both agree in naming 01. Ill, 2, but do not indicate whether Aristotle came in the first or second half of the year, i.e. end of 335 or spring of 334. For the latter it may be argued thatthe hostility of Athens to Alexander was only terminated and the Macedonian influence restored after the destruction of Thebes in the summer of 335, and that Alexander did not start on his march iuto Asia till the spring of 334. For the other view the calculation of Dionys. (see next note) may be quoted, but it is probable that this is merely his own deduction from the years given by Apollod. — 01. Ill, 2, for the arrival in Athens ; 01. 114, 3, for his death ; therefore, 01. 114, 2, for the flight to Chalcis. 2 Dionts. ut supra : itrxA\a- fcv iv Au/cefp xptvov 4rav StiSeica • tQ Be TpuTKa.iSeKi.Ttf, fieTa t^v 'A\el&vSpov Te\evr})v, eirl Ke PLUT. Alex. 53-55 ; Sto. rep. 20, KoKaaui KaX tuuj iitirifi^avTas aurbv 6. p. 1043, Qu. conv. i. 6. p. 623 ; na\ tovs viroSexo/ifvovs tois ir6\ctri AREIAN, iv. 10-14 ; CURT. viii. toJs 6>ol iviPovKeiovras. Accord- 18 sq. ; Chares apud Athen. x. ing to Chares (op. Plut. ibid.), 434 d ; Theophrast. ap. ClC. he had at first intended to try Two. iii. 10, 21 ; Seneca, Nat. Oallisthenes in Aristotle's pres- THE LIFE OF ARISTOTLE 33 sthenes as a kinsman and had afterwards recommended him to the King, 1 though, no doubt, he also warned the reckless young man against imprudence. 2 The suspicion however led to nothing worse than a notable coolness in his relations with Alexander. 3 / A story to the effect, that Aristotle was concerned with Antipater in the alleged poisoning of Alexander was connected with the death of Callisthenes, 4 but the completely groundless nature of the charge has long ago been proved. 5 / So far indeed was Aristotle from having any cause to desire his princely pupil's death that that event in reality brought serious dangers upon himself. ' ence. The statement of Dio. Chiys. (Or. 64, p. 338) that Alex- ander meant to kill Aristotle and Antipater is merely a rhetorical exaggeration. 1 Pltjt. ibid.; Akhian, iv. 10, 1 ; DlOG. i ; SuiD. KaAAnrfl. 2 Diog. ibid.; Valbe. Max. vii. 2 ; Plttt. Alex. 54. 3 Plutarch says this expressly (cf. p. 23, n. 1, xwpra), and the story in Diog. 10, that Alexander, to mortify his teacher, took Anaximenes of Lampsacus and Xenocrates into favour, would not prove the contrary even if it were more credible ; but it is unworthy of both Alexander and Aristotle. Plutarch, ibid., on the contrary, sees in the king's kind- ness to Xenocrates, a consequence of Aristotle's teaching. Philop- onus (apv,d Aeist. Meteorol. ed. Ideler, i. 142) cites a reputed letter of Alexander to Aristotle from India, which proves nothing. 4 The earliest witness to this story is a certain Hagnothemis (apud Pi.UT.AUa;. 77) who is said to have heard it from King Anti- VOL. I. gonus I. Arrian (vii. 27) and Pliny (H. Nat. xxx. 16) mention it, but, like Plutarch, treat it as an invention. Xiphilinus (lxxvii. 7, p. 1293) says the Em- peror Caracalla deprived the Peripatetics in Alexandria of their privileges on account of the alleged guilt of Aristotle. 5 The disproof of the charge (cf. Stahe, Ar. i. 136 sq. and Dboy- sbn, Geteh. d. Betten. i. 705 sq,) rests, apart from its moral im- possibility, on these grounds : (a) Plut. ibid, shows expressly that the suspicion of poisoning first arose six years after Alex- ander's death, whenit afforded the passionate Olympias a welcome pretext to slake her hatred against Antipater's family, and to excite public opinion against Cassander who was said to have administered the poison; (&) equal suspicion attaches to the testimony of Antigonus, which must belong to the time when he was at enmity with Cassander, though we do not know whether he made any charge against 34 ARISTOTLE For the unexpected news of the sudden death of the dreaded conqueror called out in Athens a wild excitement against the Macedonian rule, which, as soon as the news was fully confirmed, broke into open war. Athens put herself at the head of all who were willing to fight for the freedom of Greece, and before the Macedonian regent Antipater was fully pre- pared, he found himself beset by superior forces, which he only succeeded in mastering after a long and risky struggle in the Lamian War. 1 From the first this movement threatened, as was to be expected, the pro- minent members of the Macedonian party. Aristotle Aristotle; (c) it is significant that the bitterest opponents of Aristotle, to whom no calumny is amiss, such as Epicurus, Ti- mseus, Demochares, Lyco, etc., know nothing of the charge; (d~) almost all who speak of Alexander's poisoning preserve the story (which was clearly connected with the first publication of the rumour and was well fitted to catch the popular fancy) that it was ac- complished by water from the Nonacrian spring — i.e. the Styx — a proof that we are not dealing with history ; (c) the accounts Arrian and Plutarch give us from the court chronicles as to the course of Alexander's illness do not in any way suggest poison ; (/) if Aristotle's motive was the fate of Callisthenes, that could hardly have caused in him a hatred that would lead six years later to murder, nor could he, after so long a time, have had any fear as to his own safety; (g) it is probable that Aristotle's own adopted son was in Alex- ander's service, and intrusted with important missions (cf. p. 5, ii. 7, supra) ; (A) finally, the rumour of Alexander's poisoning is refuted by the movement of events afterwards. Alexander's death was the signal for an out- break in Greece, which in the Lamian war brought Antipater himself to great straits. Any- one acquainted with the politics of the day would clearly foresee such a result. If Antipater were not as much taken by surprise as everyone else was by the king's death, he would have made pre- parations either to stem or to head the rising. If he had been known as the author of that which the Greeks acclaimed as the beginning of freedom, they would not have begun their revolt by attacking him; and if any part in it had been attributed to Aristotle, he would not have had to fly from Athens. 1 For details, see Dboysbn, Qesoh. d. Hellen. i. 69 sq. THE LIFE OF ARISTOTLE 35 may not have played a political rdle ; l but, in any case, his relation as tutor to Alexander and his friendship with Antipater were so well known, his own name was so famous, and his personal enemies, no doubt, so many, that he could not escape attack. The charge brought against him of offences against the established religion — in itself baseless enough — must have been simply a pretext for wreaking political and personal ven- geance. 2 But Aristotle found it best to retire before the rising storm. 3 He escaped to Chalcis in Eu- 1 According to Aristocl. op. Ens. Pr. Ev. xv. 2, 3, Demochares (doubtless Demosthenes' nephew, de quo of. ClC. Brut. 83, 286: De Orat. ii. 23, 95 ; Seneca, De Ira, iii. 23, 2; Plut. Demosth. 30; Tit. X Orat. viii. 53, p. 847, and Suidas) had alleged that letters of Aristotle's had been found which were hostile to Athens; that he had betrayed Stagira to the Macedonians, and that after the destruction of Olynthus he had betrayed to Philip the richest citizens of that city. As the last two are impossible, the first is probably untrue, as Aristocles himself recognised. 2 The charge was brought by Demophilus on the instigation of the Hierophant Eurymedon, related to the deification of Hermias, and alleged as proofs the poem noticed (p. 20, n. 3), and the alleged sacrifice (p. 20, n. 1) : cf. Athen. xv. 696 a, 697 a; Diog.5 ; Anon. Menag., Suidas, and Hestch. Origen (c. dels. i. 65) suggests, out of his own fancy, rtvh Sdyftara rrjs tpiXotroipias avrov & 4j/6fiiirav elvai aaeftri oi 'AOjjvawH. The weakness of the charge proves that it was only a blind, although perhaps the Hierophant may have hated the philosopher's liberalism. An honest charge of atheism in the Athens of that day was hardly possible, although the mass of the people could still be moved by it. Grote (18 sq.) shows how in this connection the Athenians would be impressed by the story that Aristotle had given heroic honours to an eunuch who was first a slave and then a tyrant. Grote also notices (p. 14) how mortifying the mission of Aris- totle's adopted sonwasforHellenic pride (». p. 5, n. 7). The further suggestion of Grote (p. 37. cf. Gbant, p. 24) that the enmity of the school of Isocrates had to do with the prosecution of Aristotle may be true, but the fact that Demophilus was a son of Ephorus, and that the latter, and perhaps both, belonged to that school is not sufficient proof. We have still less ground to accuse the Academic school of having any share in it. 8 His remarks that 'he would not give the Athenians a second chance of sinning against philo- sophy,' and that ' Athens was the D 2 3ft ARISTOTLE boea, 1 where he had a country house, to which he had sometimes retired before, 2 and his enemies could only inflict on him unimportant insults. 3 To Theophrastus 4 he gave over his teaching work at the Lyceum, as a substitute during his absence. But it was not given place spoken of by Homer where 8yx v w ^ 7r ' ^yx v V yvp^< rK€i t o'vkov 5' «rl . THE LIFE OF ARISTOTLE 37 to Aristotle to enjoy his retirement long. In the following year, that is, in the summer of 322 B.C. 1 , he succumbed to a disease from which he had long suffered. 2 So it chanced that of his two great contempora- ries he survived Alexander by less than a year, and predeceased Demosthenes only by a short interval. His body is said to have been taken to Stagira. 3 His last will is preserved to us, 4 and it is a monument of his 1 Apollod. ap. Diog. 10, V. Mwre. 3, Amman. Latin. 12, and Dion. Hip. ad Amm. i. 6, give 01. 114, 3 as the year. It was about the time of Demosthenes' death (Apollod. ioid.~), but a little earlier (Gell. JV. A. xvii. 21, 35). As that date is given by Plut. {Bern. 30) as the 10th of Pyanepsion 01. 114, 3 = Oct. 14, 322, Aristotle must have died be- tween July and Sept. of that year. 2 That he died by illness is stated by Apollod. and Dionys. ut supra; of. Gell. xiii. 5, 1. Censorin. (JDi. Nat. 14, 1 6) adds : lame ferwnt natwalem stomachi infirmitatem crebrasque morbidi corporis offensiones adeo vi/rtute animi din sustentasse, ut magis mirwn sit ad annos setcagmta tres eum vitam protulisse, quam ultra non pertulisse. The statement of Eumelus ap. Diog. 6 (de quo v. p. 2, n. 2, p. 6, n. 3 supra) fol- lowed by the Anon. Menag. and Suidas, that he poisoned himself with hemlock, or (as Hesych. has it) that he was condemned to drink hemlock, is probably a con- fusion with the death of Demo- sthenes or of Socrates. It cannot be historic, because the best evidence is against it, because it is contrary to Aristotle's own principles (Mh. N. ii. 11, 1116 a, 12, v. 15 init., ix. 4, 1166 b, 11), and because it does not fit the circumstances, for in Eubcea he was in no danger. The tale (found only in ^Ilias Ceetensis, p. 507 D) that he threw himself into the Euripus because he could not discover the causes of his visions, and the variant of the same in Justin, cohort. 36, Greg. Naz. Or. iv. 112, or ProCOP. De Bello Oath. iv. 579, that his fruitless meditations on a vision wore him out with worry and fatigue, need no refutation, though Bayle (art. Aristotle, n. Z) thinks the latter a fitting end ; cf . Stahr, i. 155. 3 Related only by V. Marc. 4 and Amman. Latin. 13, and with the addition that an altar was built on his grave and the council meetings held there ; and that a festival ('Api4perai irapd re 'Av- Bpoviiccp KaX Xlrokefialtp ftercfc [twi'] triva.K[uv] ruy avrov trvyypafifidTwv (Amman. Latvn. 'cum volumi- nibus suorum tractatuum;' cf. Hbitz, Verl. Sehr. d. Ar. 34). The external evidence for the will is therefore good ; the more because it is likely that the wills of Aristotle and his followers would be carefully preserved by the Peripatetic school (for which those of Theoph., Strato, and Lyco were a kind of foundation charter), and because Aristo was himself the immediate successor of Lyco. The document has also all internal signs of genuineness, and the objections which have been urged against it (cf . Gkant, 26) prove little. It is objected that it mentions neither a house in Athens nor a library, both of which Aristotle possessed. A forger, however, would never have omitted the latter, which was the thing of chief interest for the school ; but it is very pos- sible that Aristotle had already made arrangements about it, which did not require to be re- peated in the extant will, that being rather a set of directions to friends than, like the three others quoted, a regular disposi- tion of his whole property. Grant thinks it unlikely that Pythias was not yet marriageable or that Nicomachus was a lad ; but this is not so. Why may not Ari- stotle's wife Pythias, perhaps after the death of older children, have borne him a daughter ten years after their marriage ? or why might Aristotle not have by a second wife, for whose remar- riage he provides, a son who would be a lad when his 'father was sixty-three ? Besides, we know from other sources that the education of Nicomachus was taken over by Theophrastus. The naming of Antipater arouses in Grant a suspicion that the forger inserted him as a historic name; but it is clearly natural that Aristotle might appoint him in order to place the carrying out of his directions for the benefit of those depending on him under the protection of his powerful friend. And this is all that is meant when he is named first in the honorary position of iwlrpovos thLvtuv, whereas the carrying out of the business provisions of the will is left to Theophrastus and the other c?m- /ieXijrai. Objection is taken to the provisions for four statues of animals which Aristotle is said to have vowed to Zeus Soter and Athene the Preserver, for Nicanor's safety (Diog. 16), as being an imitation of the. Socratic votive offering for Asclepios (Plat. Phatd. 118, a). This, however, is far-fetched and the point is unimportant. Little as THE LIFE OF ARISTOTLE 39 phrastus he named as the chief of his school, 1 and to him he left the best part of his inheritance, his books. 2 We are but poorly informed as to the personal traits of Aristotle's character. Excepting a few details as to his personal appearance, 3 almost the only statements we possess are the attacks of his enemies. Most of these charges have already been shown to be worthless — such as those concerning his relations with Plato, with Hermias, with his two wives, and with Alexander, his alleged misconduct in youth, and the political turpitude of his later years. 4 What remains of the stories told Aristotle believed in vows or in the mythic personalities of Zeus and Athene, yet it is quite natural that he should erect a monument of his love for his adopted son in their common home, Stagira (to which the statues were to be sent), in a fashion which accorded with Greek custom. He himself in Ethics iv. 5 reckons votive monu- ments and offerings among the forms in which the virtue of fieyaKtyjrpejreia shows itself. 1 The pretty story as to the way in which he expressed his choice is well known (Gell. N. A. xiii. 5, where ' Eudemus ' must be substituted for ' Mene- demus '). It is quite credible, and not unlike Aristotle. 2 Stbabo, xiii. 1, 54, p. 608 ; Pltjt. Sulla, c. 26; Athen. i. 3, a, with which cf . Diog. v. 52. 3 Diog. 2 calls him ip! ^>i\o- personally served him should be atxpias, to which it is rightly sold, and that several should be referred by Rose (Ar, Fr. No. 1) freed and even started in life, and Heitz (Ar. Fr. p. 33). As to the latter, cf. his saying, 2 As Bywater (Jowrn. of ap. DlOG. 17, ov -rbv rp6irov, &A\& Philol. vii. 69) also says. In -rbv &v8pairov itXi-qaa. Aristotle's extant works he often 4 Cf. his expressions in the refers to the need of further Letter to Antipater, ap. JElian, investigation. V. H. xiv. 1 and ap. Diog. 18. 3 As to the former, cf. his In the former fragment he says will, which provides inter alia as to the withdrawal of former that none of those who had honours (de a. v. p. 36, u. 3, THE LIFE OF AMSipTLE 45 appreciation of things which despises nothing that has its roots in human nature, but attributes an absolute value only to the spiritual and moral factors of life. And if his character, so far as we know it, and in spite of any little weaknesses which may have attached to it, seems to us lofty and honourable, still more are his powers and intellectual achievements altogether astounding. Never have so great a wealth of know- ledge, so careful powers of observation, and so untiring a zeal for acquisition, been found in combination with such keenness and power of scientific thinking, with a philosophic insight so capable of- piercing into the essence of things, with a width of view so fully capable of at once seeing the unity and coherence of all know- ledge, and embracing and subordinating all its branches. In poetic swing, in richness of fancy, in the insight of genius, he cannot compete with Plato. His powers lay wholly on the side of knowledge, not of art. 1 That fascinating witchery of speech with which Plato holds us is hardly ever to be found in the extant works of the Stagirite, though many of those that are lost are praised, doubtless with justice, for their literary grace. 2 But he outstrips his master in all those qualities which mark the full manhood of science — in width and solidity oliras %x a i " s firire fnoi 17 sq) and the fragments of aip6Spa fieAeiy xmep av-rmv ufa* M- 01 letters {op. Demete. 29, 233) p.ri$ev /teKeiv ; in the latter, as to give proof of it. That it went one who had reviled him behind with a tendency to banter and hish&ck.'.airdvTa^.eKalfiao'TtyoiTu. sauciness of speech C&tcaipos ik5js a' ; 119, UoniTiKuy a' : and probably also the Topics, under two different names, cf. infra. Also Nos. 90, n. tpio-ems a' 'ff •/, and 45 (115), n. Kiv4itreus a' (which are probably parts of the Physics) ; and No. 39, n. oroixeiW a' &' y' (meaning probably the two books n. yevetreus with our book iii. Be Ccelo, or book iv. Meteor.') ; 70, ©etreis «rixs'PV a - tikoX K€ (no doubt a recension of the Problems) ; 36, n. tUv iroo-a- X&s Aeyo/j.4vui> (doubtless the trea- tise, often cited by Ar. under that name, which is now book v. of the Metaphysics) ; and 38, "HBikHv (only 5 books). Even assuming that all the suggested correspon- dences are correct, the list still omits important parts of our Corpus. The Anon. Menag. adds the Topics under that name (his No. 52) and the Metaphysics, to which he gives 20 books (if the text is right, de quo infra). The First Analytic is his 134, with 2 books, and the Ethics is 39, "UBiKav k' (lege a'-*'). His appen- dix adds : 148, *ucn/ri) uitpSaais, of (lege i\ ; 149, n. yevetreus zeal (pBopas ; 150, n. /teretSptoj/, 5' ; 155, n. (tf,av io-Topias i'; 156, II. &>ccy Kivfiirems (as 3 books); 157, n. &W iiopiav (only 3 books) ; 158, n. £jW yeviaws (also 3 books) ; 174, II. t)BikSiv tiiKoimxeiaiv. 2 Of Bernays, Dial. Ar. 133, and Rose, ut supra: cf on the opposite side, Heitz, Verlnr. Sclir. p. 19. * £ ' Svpfypaif/e tie -ird/iirKeiirTa f}iP\ia. o7rep atc6\ovBov riyrjffd/iriv viroyp&tpcu Slit tV irep! irdvras \6yovs ravSpbs aper-liv,' are the introductory words in Diog. v. 21, but that does not mean that he' would exclude the main philo- sophical treatises. The same is clear from § 34, where Aristotle's power of work is said to be proved in twv irpoyeypaij.ij.4vuy pdvos is quoted by Olympiod. in Gorg. 166 (v. Jahro. f. Philol., Suppl., xiv. 395, and Ar. Fr. 603, Fr. Hz. 319) ; but it is more than suspi- cious, since no one used what would have been the best source of Platonic biography. A. Pane- gyric on Alexander ap. Themist. Or. iii. 56 {Ar. Fr. 602, Fr. Hz. 319) is condemned by the Fr. ap. Eutil. Lupus, De Fig. Sent. i. 18, if that belongs to it, Ber- nays' theory of another Alexander {Dial. Ar. 156) being very im- probable. An "Eyic\ri(ria 'AXeJaV- Spov is named by An. (No. 193) as spurious. Books n.'AA.e|di/8pou are ascribed by Eustath. ap. Dionys. Per. v. 1140, and An. App. 176, to Aristotle through some con- fusion between his name and Arrian's. Cf. Heitz, Verl Sohr. ARISTOTLE'S WRITINGS 55 A second section of the writings may include those which dealt with scientific questions, but were yet essentially distinct in form from all the extant treatises, namely, the Dialogues. l We have repeated proofs 2 that Aristotle, in one class of his works, did make use of the form of dialogue. It is said that his Dialogues differed from those of Plato in the fact that the individuality of the persons con . -trsing was not carried through, 3 and that the author kept the lead of the conversation in his own hands. 4 Of the known works of this kind, the Eudemus, 5 the three books On Philosophy 6 and the four books On Jus- 291, and Mullek, Script, rer. Alex. pref. v. 1 Cf . Bernays, Bialoge d. Ar. (1863), Heitz, Verl. Sohr. 141- 221, Rose, Ar. Pseud. 23 sq. 2 Cf. Cic. Ad Att. xiii. 19, 4, Basil. Ep. 135 (167) ap. Rose, Ar. Ps. 24, Plut. Adv. Col. 14, 4, Dio Cheys. Or 53, p. 274, Alex. ap. David, Selwl. in Ar. 24, b, 33, David, ibid. 24, b, 10 sq., 26, b, 35; Philop. ibid. 35, b, 41, and Be An. E. 2 ; PBOCL. ap. Philop. JEtem. M. 2, 2 (of. Ar. Fr. 10) and In Tim. 338 d; Ammon. Categ. 6, b (ap. Stahe, Ar. ii. 255) ; Simpl. Phys. 2, b ; Peiscian, Solut. Proasm. p. 553 b. s Basil. Ep. 135 (167) ap. Rose, Ar. Pseud. 24. Ar. Fr. 1474. Heitz, 146. 4 Cic. ut supra. Ad Quint. Fr. iii. 5 does not refer to Dia- logues. ' Aristotelius mos,' in Cic. AdFani.i. 9, 23, has a wider sense; and refers to the ' in utramque partem disputare,' cf . De Orat. iii. 21, 80 ; but see Heitz, 149. 5 This remarkable Dialogue (de a. v. Beenays, 21, 143 etc., and Rhein. Mus. xvi. 236 sq., ROSE, Ar. Ps. 52 sq., Ar. Fr. 32- 43, p. 1479, Fr. Hz. 47) is called EiiBiiuos (Themist. De An. 197, and cf. quotations in Ar. Fr. 41), or 'ncpl tyu X rjs (D. 13, An. 13, Plut. Dio 22), or Ei/STj/tos % w. jfivxv' (Plut. Cons, ad Apol. 27, p. 115, and Simpl. ap. Ar. Fr. 42). We learn from Plut. Dio 22, and Cic. Divin. 1, 25, 53, that it was dedicated to Aristotle's friend, Eudemus, who died in Sicily 352 B.C. (cf.p. 11 n. 4 supra), and it was probably written soon after (Keische, Forsch. i. 16). Of the Fragments ascribed to it by Rose, more probable places will be indicated infra for Fr. 36, 38, and 43. Aristotle himself seems, in De An. i. 4, in/it. to refer to a discus- sionin the Eudemus, cf. Ar.Fr. 41. 6 D. 3, An. 3 (who by oversight gives four books), Beenays, 47, 95, Rose, Ar. Ps. 27, Ar. Fr. 1-21, p. 1474, Heitz, Verl. Sohr. 179 sq., Fr. Hz. 30 sq., Bywatee, 'Aristotle's Dialogue 56 ARISTOTLE tice l seem to have been the most important. The first two are of particular interest, because they stand in such close relation, not only by their form but by their subjects, to the work of Plato, that there is much to be said for the conjecture that they were written in the period when Aristotle still belonged to the circle of Plato s scholars, and had not yet fully passed over to his later independer.'. position. 2 There are certain other works on Philosophy,' Jov/rn. of Philol. vii. 64 sq. Priscian tells us the work was a dialogue (Solut. Proasm. p. 553), and it is con- firmed by the statement (Pl.tit. Adv. Col. 14, 4, Procl. ap. PHILOP. Mt. it. 2, 2; v. Ar. Fr. 10) that Aristotle had in his Dia- logues attacked and renounced the Ideal Theory ; cf . Ar. Fr. 11 from the second book n. v) : and the attacks of Carneades mentioned by Lac- tant. Mpit. 55 {ap. Cic. Rep. iii.) seem to have been also specially directed to this work. Demetk. Floe. 28 cites a passage from it. We are not told that it was a Dialogue, but that is inferred from its position at the head of D. which begins (Bernays, p. 132) with the Dialogues arranged ac- cording to number of books. It is, however, true that in the midst of the Dialogues (as No. 12) the Protreptieus comes in, which probably was not a Dia- logue. Neither probably were Nos. 17-19. It is a question, therefore, whether the Anon, has not here preserved the original order : so that the Dialogues really include only the first thir- teen numbers of An., together with the SympoisUm which was misplaced in that list by reason of the textual error(w.p. 58, n. 1). 2 This is specially true of the All the fragments of ARISTOTLE'S WRITINGS 57 which are supposed to have been dialogues, mainly by reason of the place assigned them in the catalogues ; but some of them are only distantly connected with this dialogue prove that it was built on the lines of the Phcedo. They have in common not only their subject, the Immortality of the Soul, but also the artistic and philosophic method in which it is treated. Like the Pkcedo (60 B), the Eudemus was intro- duced (Fr. 32) by a revelation in a dream, the direct prototype of which is to be found in the other Dial, relating to the last days of Socrates (Crito, 44 A). As Plato concludes his work (108 D sq.) with an imaginative myth, so the Eudemus had also its mythic ornament (cf. Fr. 40, where the words of Silenus, ha.ip.ovos iimrovov, etc., remind us also of Sep. x. 617 D, and Fr. 37, which must be taken in a mystical sense). As the Plicedo (69 c) refers to the doctrines of the Mysteries, so Fr. 30 of the Eudemus recognises the validity of the customary honours to the dead. But the most remarkable resemblance between the two Dialogues is in their philosophi- cal contents. Aristotle in the Eudemus insisted not only on Immortality, but also on Pre- existence and Transmigration, defending in his own way the theory that the soul in its entrance into this life forgot the Ideas (Fr. 34, 35). As the Plicedo based the decisive argu- ment for immortality on the relation of the soul to the idea of life (105 c sq.), so the Eudemus also called the soul *TS6s ti (Fr. 42). As Plato worked up to this argument by a detailed refu- tation of the theory that the soul was the harmony of its body, here also Aristotle followed him (Fr. 41). Exactly on Plato's lines is likewise Fr. 36, where the misery of the soul tied to the body is imaged in a striking compari- son ; and even if Bywater (Jown. of Phil. ii. 60) and Hirzel (Hermes, x. 94) are right in refer- ring this Fr. to the Protrepticus, still this also seems to have been on the same lines as the Eudemus (cf. p. 60, n. 1, infra). Aristotle took a more inde- pendent position against Plato in the books On Philosophy. It is true that the Frs. in which he defends the belief in the gods, the unity of God, and the rational nature of the stars (Fr. 14, 13, 16, 19, 20, 21, and the Fr. ap. Cic. N.D. ii. 49, 125, de a. v. Brandts, ii. b, 1, 84; Heitz, 228, refuting EosB, Ar. Ps. 285), read like Plato, and that Fr. 15 (de g. v. Beenays, 110, and Fr. Hz. 37) is evidently modelled on Mep. ii. 380 D. Nevertheless, Aristotle decisively declared him- self in this work (Fr. 10, 11, cf. p. 55, n. 6) against the theory of the Ideas and Ideal Numbers, declared the world to be not only, as Plato said, unending, but also beginningless (v. Frs. 17, 18, with which Bywateb, 80, well compares Pltjt. Trcmqu. An. 20, p. 477) ; and gave in Book I. (v. Bywater's reconstruction thereof from PHILOP. in Nicom. Isag ; Cic. Tusc. iii. 28, 69 ; Peocl. in Etjcl. p. 28 ; cf. Ar. Fr. 2-9) a general theory of the develop- 58 ARISTOTLE the philosophic system, 1 and others are of doubtful authenticity. 2 (v. Blass, BJiein. Mus. xxx. 1875, p. 481). There must be, how- ever, much variation, and Blass' view that certain passages are taken verbally from the n. $i\oa. is improbable. 1 To this class beloDg the 3 bks. n. iroirpw (D. 2, AN. 2, Pt. 6; BERNAYS, 10 sq., 60, 139; Rose, Ar. Ps. 77; Ar. Fr. 59- 69, p. 1485; Heitz, V.S. 174 sq. ; Fr. Hz. 23). That this work was a Dialogue is doubted by Mtjller, Fr. Hist. ii. 185 ; but it is proved not only by its place in the Catalogues, but also by an express statement in V. Marc. p. 2, and by the form of Fr. 61. It was probably used as a genuine work of Aristotle by Eratosthenes and Apollodorus, but we cannot be sure that their references (Fr. 60 ap. Diog. viii. 51) may not point to another work, pos- sibly the Politeiai. Aristotle, however, himself refers at the end of Poet. 15 to a discussion in the ^/cSeSo/ieVoi \6yoi, which it is most natural to apply to the n. iroi7jT«Dv, as in the Rhetoric (which Bosb, Ar. Ps. 79, suggests) there is no corresponding pas- sage. Thefewreferenceswehave, which are mostly historical notes, show nothing that throws doubt on the genuineness of the work. Fr. 66 contains statements as to Homer, evidently from a tradition current in Ios, which (notwith- standing Nitzsch, Hist. Mom. ii. 87, Mulleb, lit supra, and Bosb, Ar. Ps. 79) do not prove the spuriousness of the book, since they might well have been introduced in the Dial, with- out being believed by the author. ment of humanity to culture and philosophy, which, although it connects with Plato by the re- mark (ap. Philop.) that the spiritual and divine principle, in spite of its own light, appears to us dark Sicfc rfyj/ iTriKetfjt.4vT]v rov trtb/iaTos ax^iv, and by the theory of periodic floods whereby humanity was thrown back into savagery (cf. Plato, Tim. 22 D, Laws, iii. 677 A, 681 e), indicates clearly an independent view of history which goes beyond Plato not only in relation to the eternity of the world (Meteor, i. 14, 352 b, 16; Polit. vii. 9, 1329 b, 25; Metaph. xii. 8, 1074 a, 38; cf. Bernays, Tkeophr. ii. A. Frbm- migJt. 42), but to the process of spiritual development (Metaph. i. 1, 981 b, 13, and 2,982 b, 11 sq.). Aristotle's interest in scholarly inquiries appears in the passages of this work on the Magi, on Orpheus, on the Seven Wise Men, and on the development of philo- sophy from their time to his own ; and his critical sense is shown in his discussion of the story of Orpheus in Fr. 9. Taking all this into consideration, the books On Philosophy show, as compared with the Midemus, a remark- able advance in independence of thought, leading to the suggestion that they were written later, per- haps at the end .of Plato's life. — Krische (Forsch. i. 265) sought to identify the 3 bks. n. iAo«rT3)s (D. 7 ; An. 8 ; PT. 2 ; Ar. Fr. 54-56, p. 1484 ; Ar. Ps. 75 ; Fr. Hz. 42), of which nothing remains except a few remarks on Empedocles, Zeno, and Prota- goras ; the MevQevos (D. 8, An. 10), of which there are no frag- ments ; the 'EpaTi/cbs (D. 9 ; An. 12; Ar. Fr. 90-93, p. 1492; Ar. Ps. 105; Heitz, V.S. 191, Fr. Hz. 43); the 2v/i.Tr6v AijfxoKpWov, 7 (? 2) books, D. 124, An. 116 (cf. Ar. Ps. 213, Ar. Fr. 202 p. 1514, Fr. Hz. 77 ;) Upbs ra MeAltrvov, D. 95, An. 86; Tip. t& Fopyiov, D. 98, An. 89 ; Tip. rk Bevotpdvovs, l-Kpdrovs in MSS.] D. 99 ; Tip. tA 1 This work is named in D. 54, and An. 45 (which give it one book only) n. rrjs iSe'as or n. ideas. We have references, however, by Aojex.. in Metaph. 564, b, 15 to the 1st book IT. iSeav, in 573, a, 12 to the 2nd, and in 566, b, 16 to the 4th (but in the last case we may well read A for A, with ROSE, Ar. Ps. 191, Ar. Fr. 1509, b, 36). Sybian, In Metaph. 901, a, 19, 942, b, 21 speaks of a work n. t&ii eiSSj/ in two books. The same is meant in Pt. 14 by the three books Be vmaginibus, utrwm, exist ant am mom; but the Arabic title 'fori 0^%!/^ indicates that their Greek text read not n. e ISav, but n. elSv Kad6\ov \6ytav, Xlpb tuv totcikuv{ot roTrwv) ; cf. Waitz, Arist. Org. i. 81, Simpl. in Cat. i, 0, and David, SoTwl. m Ar. 30, a, 3. The title Ta irpb t&v t6ttwv was known to Andronicus according to Simpl. ibid. 95 Q, Schol. 81, a, 27, and to Boethius, In Presd. iv. p. 191 (who obviously got his knowledge from the same source as Simpl., i.e. Porphyry). Herroinus, eirca 160 A.D., preferred it to the or- dinary name. David, however, {Schol. 81, b, 25), D. 59, and An. 57 name a book called Th ■uph t£>v tSttoiv, besides the Karri- yopicu, which is D. 141, An. 132, Pt. 25 b ; and do not appear to think them the same. Andro- nicus was probably right (ap. Simpl. ut supra, Schol. 81, a, 27) in identifying the title of TA irpb t. t6tto>v with the spurious appendix of the so-called ' Post- prEedicamenta ' ; and it may have been invented either, as he sup- poses, by the writer of that tract, or by some later editor who found the original name, Kcmryopi'ai, too limited for the treatise as enlarged by the spurious addi- tion. Aristotle himself refers to his theory of the Categories (De An. i. 1, 5, 402 a, 23, 410 a, 14, Anal. Pri. i. 37, cf. the quota- tions, infra, p. 189, n. 2, q. r.) as known to his readers, and he assumes this in other places also, which seems to indicate that he had dealt with it in a published work. There is a more definite reference in Eth. N. ii. 1 init. to Categ. c. 8 (cf. Tren- DELBNB. Hist. Beitr. i. 174). That in Eth. Eud. i. 8, 1217, b 27, may possibly refer not to the Categ. but to some work of Budemus, and those in Top ix (Soph. El.) 4. 22. 166, b, 14. 178, -2, 5, no doubt refer to the passage as to categories in Top. i. 9, init., ARISTOTLE'S WAITINGS 65 which, however, is itself so brief and undeveloped that it presup- poses an early and better account. Simpl. (Categ. 4 (, Sclwl. 30, b, 36) and David (Sclwl. 30, a, 24) say that Aristotle had also re- ferred to this work in another place — not now extant — under the title of Karriyopiai or Ae'na Kot. We are told also that, fol- lowing Aristotle's example, Eu- demus, Theophrastus, and Pha- nias, wrote not only ' Analytica,' and works 'II. epfiiipstas,' but also Karriyopiai (AMMON. Scltol. 28, a, 40, and in q. v. Porph. 15 m, David, Schol. 19, a, 34, 30, a, 5, Anon. ibid. 32, b, 32, 94, b, 14 ; but Brandis in the Rhein. Mus. i. 1827, p. 270, rightly denies this as to Theophrastus, and doubts it as to Eudemus). The references in Simpl. Cat. 106, a, 107, a, sq., Schol. 89, a, 37, 90, a, 12 do not prove that Strato referred to Ari- stotle's Categories. On the other hand, the ancient critics never doubted the genuineness of the extant book, although they re- jected a second recension (v. Simpl. Categ. 4 & Sclwl. 39, a, 36 ; Anon. ibid. 33, b, 30 ; Philop. ibid. 39, a, 19, 142,b, 38 ; AMMON. Cat. 13, 17, and Boeth. In Prced. 113, all following Ad- rastus,"' a noted critic circa 100 A. D. ; cf . Fr. m. 114). The only doubts suggested are by Schol. 33, a, 28 sq., and these appa- rently were not derived from Andronicus. The internal cha- racteristics of the book, how- ever, are in many ways open to criticisms, which Spengel (Miinchn. Gel. Ana. 1845, 41 sq.), Rose (Ar. Libr. Ord. 232 sq.), and Prantl (Gesch. d. Logik, i. 90, 5, 204 sq. 243) have used to combat its genuineness, the latter vot, r. saying that its compiler might be found 'in any master of a peripatetic school of the age following Chrysippus ' (p. 207). Their critical positions, however, are not all tenable. Prantl (ibid.) takes exception to the number 10 ; but in the Top. i. 9, the same ten Categories are given, and we know from Dexipp. (In Categ. 40, Schol. 48, a, 46) and Simpl. (ibid. 47, b, 40) that Aristotle named these ten in other works also. It is true that Aristotle generally uses a less number ; but that may only mean either that he here adduces all the ten because his object was logical completeness, or that he counted more Categories at an earlier time than he did later. He never assumed, as will be shown later, a fixed number of them. Again, it is objected that the K0T177. speaks of Sevrepat ovalai ; but we find as parallels to this not only irpurai oia-lai (e.g. Metaph. vii. 7, 13, 1032, b, 2, 1038, b, 10), but also rpirai ovtriai (ibid. vii. 2, 1028, b, 20, 1043, a, 18, 28). The words of Karny. c. 5, 2, b, 29: cikoWus . . . p.6va . . . Tcfc etSri Kal ra ysvn Sevrepat ohatai \eyovrai, are not to be translated ' the term SetSr. ova. is used for genera and species and rightly so,' since it was not commonly so used before Ari- stotle, but rather, ' there is reason to treat as a second class of sub- stances only genera and species.' Again, when it is remarked in Karriy. c. 7, 8, a, 31, 39, that, strictly speaking, rrp6s ti in- cludes those things only which not merely stand in a definite relation to some other thing, but have their essence in such a re- lation — oh rb elvat ravr6v io"Tt F 66 ARISTOTLE the parts and kinds of propositions, 1 those on T a'. — The theory of Spengel (Abli. d. Mimchn. A/tad. vi. 497) that our text of the Topics contains grave lacunce does not seem to be proved by the passages he quotes (Rliet. i. 2, 1356, b, 10; ii. 25, 1402, a, 34). As to the former, which refers to the Topics only for the difference between o'vWoyur/ibs andeira7<»7^ (cf. BrANDIS, ' Ue. d. Rhet. Ar.' ap. PMlologus, iv. 13), it is satisfied by Top. i. 1, 12. As to the second, which does not apply to Top. viii. 10, 161, a, 9 sq., the words xaBdTrep /cal iv toij roviKois, etc., need not be taken as referring to a particular passage, but may be taken as meaning ' of objections there are in Rhetoric, as in Topics, many kinds,' i.e. in oratorical use as opposed to disputation, — a remark that might well be made even if these distinctions were not taken in the earlier book. For similar USeS Of &1TKep iv 10LS TOTTIKOIS, etc., cf. Bonitz, Ind. Ar. 101 b, 44 sq., 52 sq., and Vahlen, ut supra, 140 (where the phrase in Rliet. ii. 25 is explained as mean- ing ' Instances are here used in the same way as in Topics, and those of four kmds,' etc.). 1 The II. ffotpiffTiKuv iX&yx&v, or (as Alex. Schol. 296, a, 12, 21, 29, and Boeth. in his transla- tion have it) 3oiot. e\eyxoi. Waitz (Ar. Org. ii. 528), followed by Bonitz (Ind. Ar. 102, a, 49), 70. ARISTOTLE number of kindred writings : treatises on Knowledge and Opinion, 1 on Definition, 2 on Classification by- Genera and Species, 3 on Opposition and Difference, 4 on Particular Kinds of Conceptions, 5 on Expression in Speech, 6 on Affirmation and Negation, 7 on Syllog- shows that Aristotle in the De Interpr. c. 11, 20, b, 26, and Anal.pri. ii. 17, 65, b, 16, refers to passages of this work (i.e. c. 17, 175, b, 39, c. 30, and c. 5, 167, b, 21), under the name h toTs TowiKois ; that he reckons knowledge of fallacies as part of 'Dialectic' (Soph. El. c. 9 fin., ch. 11 fin. ; cf. Top. i. 1, 100, b, 23) ; and that c. 34 is the epi- logue not only for these but for the whole science of ' Topics.' Again, however, Aristotle seems (in c. 2, 165 b, 8 ; cf. Rket. i. 3, 1359, b, 11 ; cf. Beandis, Gr.- ram. Phil. ii. b, 148) to distin- guish the two, in a way, however, which proves, not that the two were not meant to form a whole, but that the treatise on fallacies was composed later than the rest of the Topics. The lists of D. and An. do not name the 2o. ?A. (for that reading in An. 125 is, as Kose shows, wrong), and yet give the MefloSiita only eight books, whereas Pt. 29, separates them from the Tojiios (26 b) ; possibly, however, in D. 27, n. ipiffTLKav two books, and An. 27, n. IpitTTLKwv \6yuv two books, are the same as our 1 n. it!\.a-ri[)x.i\s, D. 40 ; n. im- STiuimv, D. 26, An. 25 ; n. 5^ijs, An. App. 162. The genuineness of the work is doubtful, because it is nowhere else referred to. 2 Totrjis subject refer several titles in Pt.: i.e. No. 60, 'OpurruA, four books (cf . DiOG. v. 50, for the same title in the list of Theophras- tus' works) ; 63, on the objects of Definition, two books ; 63 b, De Contradiciione Definitionum ; 63 c, De Arte Definiendi ; 64, Upbs robs bpiap.obs, two books (cf. the same from Theophr., Diog. v. 45), translated De Tabula Definiendi. As to the collections of defini- tions and divisions, cf. infra. 3 n. eifSwv «al 7c]/&/, D. 31 ; n. eiSSiv, An. 28, otherwise unknown. 4 As to the opposition of concepts there was a book TI. t&v avTixe ijLivmv, doubtless the same as n. ei/avrlwv (D. 30, An. 32). Simplicius, in his comment- ary on the Categ. (v. Ar. Fr. 115- 121, p. 1497, sq. ; Fr. Hz. 119), gives us some further informa- tion as to this book and its casuistical discussions. Rose (Ar. Ps. 130) refers it to the age of Theophrastus. Pt. 12 has n. Sicupopas, four books. 5 De Itelato (n. rod np6s ti), six books (Pt. 84). 8 De Significations, Pt. 78 ; its Greek title is given as ' Garam- Itun' i.e. rpafipaTiKov or -uv. As to another related title, n. Xe'lewr, cf . infra. Pt. 54, Partitio Conditionum qnce statuuntur in voce et ponuntur, four books, may also have been a grammatical treatise. ' Alex. Metaph. 286, 23, 680, a, 26, cites this simply as 4y ARISTOTLE'S WRITINGS 71 ns, 1 and on subjects belonging to the sphere of >pics and Eristics. 2 Probably, however, the most it. KaTtup&ffeas ; probably, how- 3r, it should be (like the corre- mding, or possibly identical, irk of Theophrastus, named by 06. V. 44) II. KaraipaiTKos Kal ov roirav (D. 59, AN. 57) ; >ol irpb ruv roiriKtov, 7 books . 55) ; Toitikwv vpbs Tobs Spovs /3' (D. 60, An. 59, PT. 62 as ree books named Tabula defini- num quae adhioentur in pica, i.e. Upbs '6povs tokucwi/) ; > Defniendo Topioo (i.e. ' On ignition in Topics,' Pt. 01); iSlav (D. 32) ! n. ipar^aeas '. airoKpiffews (D. 44, AN. 44). andis, however, believes (ut vra) that these names indicate ly particular parts of our pica. He takes Ta irpb rav rav (elsewhere used for the teg. ; cf . p. 64, n. 1) to be the it book, which in fact we know have been so called by some NON. Schol. in Ar. 252, a, 46) ; ; "Opos rav -riirav [as Br. reads to be books 2-8 ; Toir. irpbs )s upovs, books 6-7 ; n. iSiay, ok 5 ; and n. iptar. k. -atroKp. ak 8, as to which we learn from .EX. Schol. 292, a, 14, that many med it so, and others again, th a reference to its first words, Ts k. airoKpicreus. These jgestions seem to commend imselves : except that it is iier to suppose as to the seven books of "Opoi irpb rap rdirwv that the text of D. is wrong. The An. gives instead two titles : 51, "Opuv 0i$\'ov a'; 52, ToiriMJv ('. Here it is natural to refer the "Opoi to book 1, the first half of which (c. 1-11) consists in de- finitions and their explanation, and the seven Topica to books 2- 8. We conjecture, therefore, in view of the fact that both lists have the number seven, that in D. also the "Opoi was originally distinct from the Topica, and that his text read : "Opoi irpb tuv to- iriKwv a' : TottikZv a/-£'. D. 65 and An. 62 name also 'Eirixeipip-oTo;!' a' j8' (Pt. 55, 39, B, 83, 1, B) ; D. 33 ; An. 33, 'Yiro/iLvfifiaTa 4irtx^ipv Hutmo., 3 B j D. 70, An. 65, QeVeu taixEtfn^aTifcal ke'; cf . also TlIEON, Progymn. p. 165 W. (Rhet. ed. Hp. II, 69), who ascribes to Ari- stotle and Theophrastus itoXhh f$i[$\ia fleVewv iirtypa(p6tJ.eva, de- scribed by Alex. Top. lfi, Schol. 254, b, 10, as containing tV eij to gvt uceifiwa. Si eV5o£o>i' imxtipytTiv. (Upbs Biatv iirixeipetv means 'to develop the pro and con of a given proposition,' v. Ind. Ar. 282, b, 57, 283, a, 6: fleVeir &rixeip?)j[«iTi/ca! are therefore themes for dialectic development or dialectical exercises with an introduction to the way of work- ing them out.) — The'E7rix«p^M aTa are no doubt identical with the Aoyuca. imx^p. the second book of which is quoted by Philof. Schol. 227, a, 46, and the "Tiro/ii/V iiriX*'P- vrfth that which is cited simply as "Tirop-v^ixaTaby DEXIPP. Cat. 40, Schol. 48, a, 4, andSlMPL. Schol. 47, b, 39 following Por- 72 ARISTOTLE ancient of these tracts were in reality productions of the Peripatetic school at dates subsequent to Aristotle s death. Next to the Topics in order, of subjects come the Ehetorical Works. 1 Some of these were written before the Topics in order of time ; others only after- wards and at a long interval. Of the many books of Aristotelian or alleged Aristotelian origin which dealt with the theory of skilled speaking, 2 or treated phyry. Pt. gives three entries of 1 amusmata ' or ' ifumsmata ' ( = iiro/iviiiJ.aTa), i.e. No. 69, 2 books ; 82, 16 books ; and 82, b, 1 book. The references in Athen. iv. 173, and xiv. 654 to 'Ap. 7) @e6v faPKtov a', cf. p. 71, n. 2, supra. 2 Besides the ' Platonic Divi- sions ' mentioned p. 63, n. 2, the lists name the following of this class : D. 42, Ataipiffets i(' [AN. 41, n. Siaipeireuv] ; D. 43, An. 42, AiaiptriKwv a' [Eose leg. -nbv, as in the duplicate title D. 62] ; Pt. 52 gives the AiaipeVeis (which might extend to any length ac- cording to the subjects chosen), 26 books. Whether the work was different from or identical (as seems more probable) with the Platonic Amip«re«, it cannot be genuine. The quotation in Alex. Top. 126, Schol. 274, a, 42, from Aristotle, iv t$ twv ayaBav 5ic«- p€V« (Ar. Fr.'lW, p. 1496 ; Fr. Hz. 119), is satisfied by M. Mor. i. 2, 1183, b, 20 sq., cf. Eth. N. i. 12, 1101, b, 11, but may have found its way from that source into the AiaipeVejs also.— Aristotle himself names an 'Eic\oyfy rwv ivavrluv, in Metapli. iv. 2, 1004, a, 1, where, after the remark that all oppo- sitions finally go back to that of the %v or tv and its oppo- site, he adds : reBeup'fitrBai 5' $\\uv ravra iv t?? iK\oyrj Ttev ivavriwv : in the parallel passage, xi. 3, 1061. a, 15, it is only ia-rwoav yh.p dUrai TeOeupTjfievai : cf. 1004, b, 33, iravra 8e Hal raWa avaydfieva (paiverm els t& %v Kal rb tr\rj9os' el\Jii\oo-ocp?a, 8eo\oyla (ASCLEP. Sehol. in Ar. 519, b, 19, 31). Cf. Bonitz, v. 5, Arist. Metaph. ii. 3 sq. 2 We first find the name /icTct rcb ov, by Strato ; cf . the following: (1) Metaph. 1, 981, a, 12 sq., Eudbm. Fr. 2, Speng. ; (2) i. 3, 983, b, 20, Theophr. Fr. 40; (3) ibid. 1. 30, Eud. Fr. 117 ; (4) i. 5, 986, b, 18 ; Be Melisso, Xenoph. etc., see vol. i. 468, 484; (5) ibid. 1. 21 sq., THEOPHR. Fr. 45 ; (6) ibid,. 1. 27, Theophr. Fr. 43, 44, Eud. Fr. 11, S. 21, 7 ; (7) i, 6, Theophr. Fr. 48 ; (8) i. 6, 987, b, 32, Eud. Fr. 11, S. 22, 7, Sp. ; (9) i. 8, 989, a, 30, Theophr. Fr. 46 ; (10) iii. 2, 996, b, 26, iv. 3, 1005, a, 19, Eud. Fr. 4; (11) iii. 3, 999, a, 6, Eth. Eud. i. 8, 1218, a, 1 ; (12) iv. 2, 1009, b, 12, 21, Theophr. Fr. 42; (13) iv. 6, 1011, a, 12, c. 7, 1012, a, 20, Theophr. Fr. 12, 26 ; (14) v. 11, Strato apud Simpl. Categ. Schol. in Arist. 90, a, 12-46 ; (i5) vi. 1, 1026, a, 13-16, Theophr. Fr. 12, 1; (16) vii. .1, 1028, a, 10, 20, Eud. Fr. 5 ; (17) ix. 9, 1051, b, 24, Theophr. Fr. 12, 25; (18) xii. 7 init., cf. c. 8, 1073, a, 22, BeMotn An. 6, 700, b, 7; (19) xii. 7. 1072, a, 20, Theophr. Fr. 12,5; (20) xii. 7, 1072, b, 24, c. 9, 1074, b, 21, 33, Eth. Eud. vii. 12, 1245, b, 16, M. Mor. ii. 15, 1213, a, 1 ; (21) xii. 10, 1075, b, 34, Theophr. Fr. 12, 2; (22) xiii. 1, 1076, a, 28, Eth. End. i. 8, 1217, b, 22; (23) xiv. 3, 1090, b, 13, Theophr. Fr. 12, 2. Since, therefore, the parts of our Metaph., like book xii., which did not in fact belong to the main treatise, are in use as com- monly and at as early a date as those parts which did, it must be conjectured that the whole was put together in the period imme- diately following Aristotle's death. This theory receives re- markable confirmation from the fact that already in the n. &W Kiviiaews (c. 6, 700, b. 8), which belongs undoubtedly to the third century B.C., book xii. itself is quoted by the title reserved by Aristotle for his main treatise on Metaph. : i.e. iv rois irepl T*js irpi&Tlls (piKoi). On this book, vide Ar. Fr 27-30, p. 1479 ; Fr. Hz. 66 ; Heitz, V. S. 294, 8; Rose, Ar. Ps. 50, who con- siders it to be a Dialogue.— Of the ®eo\oyo6/j.€ya, which was as- cribed to Aristotle by Macrob. (Sat. i. 18), the ' Theogony ' men- tioned by Schol. Eur. Rhes. (28), and the TeXeral spoken of by Schol. Laur. in Apoll. Rhod. iv. 973 (v. these and other quotations VOL. I. ap. Rose, Ar. Ps. 615 ; Fr. Hz. 347) seem to have formed part. It is referred by Rose to the hand of Aristocles of Rhodes, a contemporary of Strato ; but this seems unlikely : cf . Heitz, V. S. 294. It cannot, however, have been a genuine work of Aristotle, anditseems to have contained, not philosophical inquiries as to the Godhead.but collections and pro- bably explanations of myths and religious usages. — The n. apxvs, from its position in the list of 1). 41, seems rather to have been a metaphysical or physical tract than a political one, but we know nothing of it. — As to a ' Theo- logy of Aristotle,' which ori- ginated in the Neoplatonic School and is preserved to us in an Arabic translation, v. Dieteeci, AH. d. D. morgenl. Gesellsch. 1877, 1, 117. 2 ivaudi luep6aais in 8 books (in AN. 148, leg. r)' for wj'), as its own MSS , and those of Simpl. Phys. init., An. 148, Pt. 34, &c, name the treatise. Aristotle him- self commonly calls only the first books (pvaLKo. or t& irepl s, and see Ind. ARIST. 102, b, 18 sqq. — D. 90, 45 (115) names a n. (pvcreas and a n. Kiy^ireus, but the former with three books only.and the latter with one (cf . p. 50, n. 1). Simpl. {Phys. 190, a, 216, a, 258, b, and 320, a) says that Aristotle and his eraipoi (i.e. Theophrastus and Eudemus) spoke of the first 5 books as ^vtrixk or n. apxu>v tottov . . iv rots irepl rod irotelv leal Traa-^iv Siaipiafiivois ; to the Gen. et Corr. i. 10 (not Meteor, iv.) Be Sensu c, 3, 440, b, 3, 12 (iv to'is irepi juif ems) ; to the 6en. et Corr. ii. 2, Be An. ii. 11, 423, b, 29, Be Sensai, c, 4, 441, b, 12 (iv rots wepl aroix^uiv). A work IT. ovpavov is ascribed by Slit.P.(Be Ccelo, Schol. in Ar. 468, a, 11, 498, b, 9, 42, 502, a, 43) also to Theophrastus, who is said to have followed the lines of Aristotle's book. With this exception the earliest wit- nesses to the existence of the work are Xenarchus and Nicolaus of Damascus (v. Brandis, 6r.- rom. Phil. ii. b, 952), but there is no doubt of the authenticity either of these books or of the n. yevio-tas. From StOB. Eel. i. 486, 536 we cannot, with Idblee Ar. Meteorol. i. 415, ii. 199 (nor from Cic. JV. B. ii. 15, and Pldt. Plae. v. 20) infer that the n. oipavoi was originally more com- plete or existed in a recension different from ours. '' AN. App. 150, MeTewpoAo- ytica ; Pt. 37, n. fucrtiipuv S' % /iE- TfapoffKoirid ; Pt. 76 do. with two books only. This work, as above observed, places itself, in its opening chapter, in immediate connection with the works last discussed ; and its genuineness is beyond doubt. Aristotle himself does not, name it (for Be Plant. ii. 2, 822, b, 32 is a spurious book), but he frequently recalls its doctrines; cf. Bonitz, lnd. Ar. 102, b, 49. According to Alex. Meteor. 91 and Olympiod. ap. Ideler, Ar. Meteor, i. 137, 222, 286, Theophrastus in his fiiTap(rioXoyiKa(T>lOG.v. 44)seems to have imitated it. Ideler (ibid, i. vii. sq.) shows that it was known to Aratus, Philochorus, Agathemerus, Polybius, and Posi- donius. Eratosthenes, however, seems not to have known it ; cf. Hid. i. 462. Of the four books, the last seems from its contents not to have originally belonged to the same treatise. Alex. (Meteor. 126, a) and Ammon. (ap. Olympiod. in Ideler, Ar. Meteor, i. 133) prefer to connect it with the IT. yevio-eus ; but it is not adapted to that work either. SiEce it has all the ap- pearance of being Aristotelian, and is cited by Aristotle (Part. An. ii. 2, 649, a, 33 ; cf. Meteor. 84 ARISTOTLE are a variety of other treatises on natural philosophy. 1 iv. 10, Gen. An. ii. 6, 743, a, 6 ; cf . Meteor, iv. 6, 383, b, 9, 384, a, 33), it must be taken to be an isolated section, which was not contemplated, in this form, when the Meteorology was begun (v. Meteor, i. 1 ad fin.), but which in the end took the place of the further matter that remained to be dealt with at the end of book iii., which obviously does not itself bring the treatise to a close. As Bonitz (Ind. Ar. 98, b, 53) notices in criticising Heitz, this book (c. 8, 384, b, 33) cites Meteor, iii. 677, 378, a, 15 (cf. on this subject Idelee.iJmZ. ii. 347- 360 ; Spengel, ' Ueb. d. Reihen- folge d. naturwissensch. Schriften d. Arist.,' Abhandl. d. Miinohn. Akad. v. 150 sq. ; Brandis, Gr.- rom. Phil. ii. b, 1073, 1076; Rose, Arist. Libr. Ord. 197). The doubts alluded to by Olym- piod. ibid. i. 131, as to book i. are unsupported ; the reasons given by Ideler (i. xii. sq.) for holding that two recensions of the Meteor, existed in antiquity are not convincing. The points which he supposed to have been found in another edition of this, are for the most part referable to other works, and where that is not so (Sen. Qu. Nat. vii. 28, 1 ; of. Meteor, i. 7, 344, b, 18) our informant may be in error. But it is possible that these points may have come from an edition that had been expanded by a later hand or largely added to ; cf . Bkandis, p. 1075. 1 The Physios have the fol- lowing titles : n. apx&v % (pitrem a' (An. 21), iv rols ir. toiv hpx&v Tjjs 8Aijs s (Themist. De An. ii. 71, 76), iv rols ir. tuv apx&v (ibid. 93), n. Kiv^atus (D. 45, 115 ; An. 102, I B; Pt. 17, 8 B ; the same again as Auscul- tatio physica, at No. 34 ; and perhaps also as n. apxys at D. 41). In what relation the same work stands to the titles : n. (pis (D. 90 as three books, An. 81, as one) ; bvaucbv a! (D. 91) ; or n. (pvffiK&v a' (An. 82) is not clear. An. App. 170, Pt. 85 : n. xptvov might also be only an extract including Phys. iv. 10-14, though it is preferable to think of it as a special treatise by some of the Peripatetics. Aristotle himself refers with the words iv ro?s it. (rTOLx^vv in the De An. ii. 11, 423, b, 28, and the De Sensu, 4, 441, a, 12, to the Gen. et Corr. ii. 2 sqq. Whether in D. 39, An. 35, the title n. otoixeW y' only refers to this work (possibly in connection with De Cosh iii. and iv., cf. p. 50, u. 1 ; or with Meteor, iv., cf. X*r. Hz. 156), or whether it means a special collec- tion of several Aristotelian tracts relating to the elements, or whether there was a separate treatise (which could not be con- sidered genuine) must remain an open question.— So, again, as to the book n. tov irdirxfiv % ireTrov- Bjvcu (D. 25) : Aristotle in De An. ii. 5, 417, a, 1, and in Gen. Anim. iv. 3, 768, b, 23 refers by the formula, iv to?s it. tov iroteTv Kai irdtrxeiv, to Gen. et Corr. i. 7 sq.. a reference doubted by Trende- lenburg (De An. ibid.) and by Heitz (V. S. 80), but which it seems impossible, on compari- son of the passages, to reject (cf. with Gen. An. p. 324, u, 30 sq. ; with De An. 416, b, 35, and 323, a, 10 sq. ; with De An. 417 ARISTOTLE' 8 WRITINGS aother class of writings, less directly akin, are the 1, tovto Se iras Swaraj* $ ctSiJ- •ov, tlpijKaixtiv, etc., and 325, 25, iras Se £v54x erat tovto (Tvfj.- tvtiv, tt&Kiv Keywpev, etc.). It jgests itself, therefore, either apply the title in Diog. this section only or to the tole of book i. If, however, a parate treatise is meant, then seems more likely that it was alogous to the Gen. et Corr. m that (as Trend. Gesch. Kategor., 130, supposes) it lated generally of the eate- ries of Action and Passion. — ith Physics also was connected 3 tract De qucestionibus JiyUcis, '. 50, and perhaps also Pt. 75, i aecidentibus wniversis, both thout doubt spurious. So must also An. App. 184, n. Kiapov 'eaeas, which cannot have en written by Aristotle, who decisively combats the idea a beginning of the world. e bopk n. k6o-/iov (which is not 2n known to our three lists) was itten at the earliest 50-1 B.O.t Zeller, Ph. d. Or. iii. a, 558. e so-called quotation from a irk n. ^i|eais, given by Minoides ?nas, in his edition of Genna- is against Pletho (Fr. Hz. 157), longs perhaps to the Siatpia-eis jken of p. 75, n. 2. — Many the books we hear of as re- ;ed to the subject of the Meteor. im to have been spurious, work n. kvijiav (Achill. .T. in Ar. c. 33, 158 A; Fr. ;. 350 ; ROSE, Ar. Ps. 622) was jribed to Aristotle, probably a confusion between him and eophrastus (de q. v. Diog. v. ; Alex. Meteor. 101, b, 106, a, ;.) ; and so with the 2i)M e ' a i/itbvav (D. 1 12, or ap. An. 99, 27jjuaLov6(3iP\os t. fiETtlWtov. See Simpl. Phys. 1, a; Be Cceln, Schol. in Ar. 468, b, 25 ; Damaso. Be Ccelo, ibid. 454, a, 22; Philop. Phys. a, 1, m. (who, however, on the Meteorologia,i. 135 id., speaks as if he did not know such a tract) ; Olympiod. in Meteor, i. 133 id. Some, with more reason, attribute the book to Theophras- tus (Pollux, Onomast. vii. 99, x. 149; cf. Diog. v.44; Theophr. Be Lapid. init. ; Alex. Meteor. 126, a, ii. 161 Id.; and see Rose, Arist. Ps. 254 sq., 261 sq. ; Ar. Fr. 242 sq. S. 1523; Fr. Hz. 161). Against the idea that Meteor, iii. 7, 378, b, 5 ; iv. 8, 384, b, 34, refers to the n. i^t. (on which see Heitz, p. 68), see Bonitz, Lnd. Ar. 98, b, 53. We know nothing of the Be metalli fodinis (Hadschi Khalfa, ap. Wenrich, Be Auct. Gr. Vev {Ar. Opp. ii. 968 sq.), which in our lists is only named by Pt. 10, and never cited by Aristotle himself, was also ascribed with much likelihood to Theophrastus by Simpl. Be Ccelo, Schol. in Ar. 510, b,10, and Philop. Oen.et Corr. 8 b, whereas Philop. ad Gen. et Corr. 37, a, and ad Phys. m. 8, treats it simply as by Ari- stotle. Its genuineness is doubted also by Rose (Ar.Libr. Ord.lW). The reference in Eutoc. ad Ar- chim. de Cire. Bimens. praam. does not mean that Aristotle wrote a book on squaring the circle ; the allusion is merely to Soph. El. 11, 174, b, 14 or Phys. i. 2, 185, a, 16. Without further explanation Simpl. (Categ. 1 O names Aristotle's y^a/ifrprnd t€ kuI lj.rixa.vtKa $ifr\la ; but the extant Mrixavwa (in D. 123; AN. 114, called firixavutbv [-«»], but more "correctly ap. Pt. 18, Mrix. irpo- fl\ll)x.a.Ta) are certainly not from the hand of Aristotle ; cf. Rose, Ar. Libr. Ord. 192. — D. 114. 'O-xTitibv a! [-&v, se. ■irpofiArif/.dTaiv'] ; AN. 103, 'OwTuca. Pi$\ta; cf. David in Categ Schol. 25, a, 36 ; Anon. Proleg. in Metaph. ap. Rose, Ar. Ps. 377, andi (irep! li rris rd^ews abruv etc. e/c twv irepl cunpaXoylav Sevpelrrdai ■ Ae- yerai yip Uavms) ; SlMPL. on the De Ccelo, Schol. 497, a, 8, ap- pears to have the same in his mind. The existence of the book is accepted, of modern scholars, by Bonitz (Ind. Ar. 104, a, 17 sq.) and Prantl (ad n. obp. p. 303) ; while Heitz (S. V. p. 117) thinks it probable, though in Fr. Hz. 160 he refuses to de- cide. Blass (Rhein. Mtts. xxx 504) applies the references to writings by other hands. Ideler (Ar. Metaph. i. 415) assumes a varying recension of the De Ccelo, which has no probability. It does not seem probable that this Astronomical — or as Ari- stotle would have called it (v. Heitz, ibid.) Astrological — work took the form of Problems, since Aristotle repeatedly speaks of SeapfoaTa. Not to it, but to late interpolated tracts, are the titles to be referred which are mentioned by Hadschi Khalfa (p. 159-161) : De siderum arcanis, De sideribus eorumque areanis, De stellis labentibus, and Mille verba de astrologia jiidiciaria. As to the accuracy of the other mathematical and related writ- ings, we can decide nothing. The attempt of Rose (Ar. Libr. Ord. 192) to prove that none of them can be Aristotle's does not succeed. 1 n. Tti £$a latopla (II. (ywv la-ropias i', An. App. 155 ; the same is meant by D. 102 and An. 91, n. ftW, nine books, and by Pt. 42). The Arabic writers count ten, fifteen, or nineteen books, and had no doubt ex- panded the extant text by various added tracts ; cf. Wen- rich, De Auet. Grcec. Vers. 148. Aristotle quotes it by various names : itTTopiat [_-ia] ir. ra £$a (Part. Anim. iii. 14, 674, b, 16 ; iv. 5, 680, a, 1 ; iv. 8 ad Jin. ; iv. 10, 689, a, 18 ; iv. 13, 696, b, 14 ; Gen. An. i. 4, 717, a, 33 ; i. 20, 728, b, 13; Respir. c. 16, init.) ; IffTopiai 7r. twc £$W (Part. Anim. ii. 1, init. c. 17, 660, b, 2 ; Gen. Anim. i. 3, 716, b, 31 ; Respir. c. 12, 477, a, 6), friK^lffTopiaXPart. Anim. iii. 5, Jin.), iVropfd ij>v tt. Zs. These are to be referred chiefly to Be An. ii. 8, and secondarily to c. 1, 437,a,3sq.,446,b,2sq.,andl2sq., whereas the beginning of c. 4 of the Be An. itself tells us that it was beyond the plan of that treatise to give any detailed account of voice and tone, such as we find in the extant fragment n. attovvrSiv. The last-named work is never cited by Aristotle, and contains no express references to any of his"books. In fact its own broad and sketchy methods of exposition show it to be the work not of the founder, but of a later scholar of the Peripatetic school, probably however of one of its earliest generations. (2) n. ixvi- fi-qs Kal avap.vl\aeus, Pt. 40, is quoted in the Be Motu An. c. 11, ad fin. and by the Commentators. The book of Mnemonics ncticed ARISTOTLE'S WRITINGS 91 p. 72, n. 2 fin: supra, has nothing to do with it. (3) II. Hvvov Kal i-ypTiy6ptreas cited De Longit. V., Part. An., Gen. An., Motu An., and announced as in contempla- tion ( Ind. Ar. 103, a, 16 sq) by De An. iii. 9, 432, b, 11, De Sensu, o. 1, 436, a, 12 sq. It is fre- quently connected with (2) (but clearly for external reasons only) as if they were one treatise, n. /ivii/iris Kal Birxou (Gbll. vi. 6, Alex. Top. 279, Schol 296, b, 1, copied Suid. lurf/py, Alex. De Sensu, 125, b, Michael, in Arist De Mem. 127, a, Ptol. 4). It is, however, clear from Arist. Divin. in Somn. c. 2, fin., that it was in fact bracketed with (4) n. 'Ekuit- viuiv and (5) n. rrjs kuB' "Tti/ov. fiavTtKrjs. (4) is also in the De Somnn, 2, 456, a, 27, announced as in preparation. (6) n. naxpo- /HtdTTjTOS Kal Ppaxvf3i6TT]Tos, cited, not by name, Part. An iii. 10, 673, a, 30, and by name Athen. viii. 353, a, Pt. 46, and perhaps also An. App. 141. (7) n. £ai?jr Kal davdrov : to which (8) n. avairvoijs, is in Aristotle's view so closely related that they form one whole (De Vita et M. c. I , init. 467, b, 11, De Respir. c. 21, 486, b, 21). There was a third tract , n. vi&Trrros Kal yiipais, spoken of by Aristotle (467, b, 6, 10), to which our editors ascribe the first two chapters of the n. fays Kal Bavdrov, but clearly without reason, for it seems more probable either that Aristotle never wrote the tract or that it was lost at a very early date (cf. Brandis, 1191, Bonitz, Ind. Ar. 103, a, 26 sq, Heitz, p. 68). — Inasmuch as the De Vita et Morte, c. 3, 468, b, 31 (cf. De Respir. c. 7, 473, a, 27) mentions the Essay on the Parts of Animals as already exist- ing (cf. Rose, Ar. IAlr. Ord., who wrongly refers to Hist. An. iii.. 3, 513, a, 21), and as the Essay on Life and Death is spoken of in the De Longit. V. c. 6, 467, b, 6 as the conclusion of the inquiries concerning animals, Brandis (1192 sq.) suggests that only the first half of the so-called ' Parva Naturalia' (Nos. 1-5) was composed immediately after the De Anirna; and that the rest of these (which in Ptolemy's cata- logue stand at No. 46 sq. divided from the books on Sense, Sleep, and Memory by the books on Zoology) were not written until after the works on the Parts, the Movement, and the Generation of Animals, though projected earlier. And it is true that in the De Generat. Anim. iv. 10, 777, b, 8, we hear that inquiries into the reason of the varying duration of life are projected, and these are not further dealt with in that work. But on the other hand the Part. An. iii. 6, 669. a, 4 refers to De Respir. c. 10, 16, and the same iv. 13, 696, b, 1, and 697, a, 22, to De Respir. o. 10, 13; and Gen. An. v. 2, 781, a, 20, as already observed, to De Vita et Morte, 3, 469,, a, 10, sq. (cf. Ind. Ar. 103, a, 23, 34, sq., where the other references are more problematical). If Brandis is right, these references must have been added, as does some- times happen, to works previously completed. As to the genuineness of the writings already named, it is guaranteed not only by inter- nal evidence, but by the re- ferences referred to. — Another projected tract, n. v6aov Kal Kl- eins (De Sensu c. 1, 436, a, 17, Long. Vit. c. 1, 464, b, 32, Respir. c. 21, 480, b, 22, Part. An. ii. 7, 92 ARISTOTLE gations On the Parts of Animals, 1 with the connected essays on the Generation 2 and the Movement of 653, a, 8), was probably never written (though Heitz, p. 58 and Fr.Ar. 169, thinks otherwise). It is unknown to Alexander, De Sensu, 94, and therefore it is likely that the De Sanitate et Morbo known by the Arabic writers (Hadschi Khalfa apud Wenrich, 1 60) was a forgery. Two books IT. oi^ea? (AN. App. 173) and one n. (pwpijs (ibid. 164) could hardly be genuine (cf. p. 86, n. 1). — A book n. Tpa7).v seems to be re- ferred to as existing in the Be Somno, c. 3, 456, b, 5 (the re- ference in Meteor, iv. 3, 381, b, 13 being too uncertain), and it is spoken of as a project in De An. ii. 4 fin., Gen. An. v. 4, 784, b, 2, Part. An. ii. 3, 650, b, 10, and c. 7, 653, b, 14, and c. 14, 674 a, 20, and iv. 4, 678, a, 19. The re- ference in De Motu An. 10, 703, a, 10 (cf . Michael Ephes. ad loe. p. 156, a) is not to a n. Tpot$>r)s, but to the n. irvei/iaros : for the words rls fiev oiv r) iraiTrtpla tov (rvfitpirov irveifiaros ^iprfrai 4v &\- Aoir clearly relate to the words tIstjtov ^fupfcov irj/eifiaTos Sia/xovf) ; (n. irvev. init.). (So Bonitz, Ink. Ar. 100, a, 52 ; but ROSE, Ar. Libr. Ord. 167 makes them refer to the n. &!. Kurf\tr. itself, and Heitz, JV.Xr.l68tothen.Tpo*?i.) The work is named in Pt. No. 20, where it is wrongly given three books. It dealt with food and other matters in an aphoristic style; and that it is later than Aristotle is clear from the fact that it recognised the distinction of veins and arteries, which was unknown to him (cf. Ind. Ar. 109, b, 22, sq.). In any case it is Peripatetic ; cf. further op. Rose, Ar. Libr. Ord. 167, sq., and Brandis, p. 1203, who both with Bonitz reject the book. 1 n. $wv fiopluv four books — (in An. App. 157, three books) : cited in the De Gen. An., Ingr. An., Motu An. (cf. Ind. Ar. 103, a, 55 sq), and the De Vita et M. and De Respir. (de a. r. p. 91, supra) — but the De Somno, 3, 457, b, 28 might be referred to De Sensu, 2, 438, b, 28, though De Somno, c. 2, 455, b, 34 may be better paralleled by Part. An. ■ iii. 3, 665, a, 10 sq., than by De Sensu, 2, 438, b, 25 sq. It is spoken of as projected in Meteor. i. 1, 339, a, 7, and Mist. An. ii. 17, 507, a, 25. The first book is a, kind of introduction to the zoological works, including the treatises on the Soul, and the activities and conditions of life, and it cannot well have been originally meant for this place (cf. Spengel, ' On the order of Aristotle's books on Natural Phi- losophy,' Abh. d. Munch. Altad. iv. 159, and the, others there cited). 2 n. &W 7fvEff6ci?j, five books (in An. App. 158, three books, Pt. No. 44, five books, ibid. No. 77, the same work in two books ; the errors are of no signi- ficance). It is often referred to by Aristotle, but only in the future (cf. Ind. Ar. 103, b, 8 sq.). Dioo. omits it ; but its genuine- ness is beyond doubt. Book v., however, seems not to belong to it, but to be an appendix to the works on the Parts and Genera- tion of Animals, just as the ARISTOTLE'S WRITINGS 93 Animals, 1 complete his zoological system. Later in date, but earlier in their place in his teaching, were the lost books On Plants? Other treatises touching this (Psych. d'Arist. 237) accepts it as genuine. Of the Indices, An. App. No. 156, and Pt. No. 41, have the n. (4 UV mviiaeas, and Pt. No. 45, n. fqW iropeias. 2 n. v 0' (D. 108, AN. 96, Pt. 48). Promised by Aristotle in Meteor, i. 1, 339, a, 7, Be Sensu c. 4, 442, b, 25, Long. Vitce, 6, 467, b, 4, Be Vita 2, 468, a, 31, Part. An. ii. 10, 656, a, 3, Gen. An. i. 1, 716, a, 1, v. 3, 783, b, 20, and cited in H. An. v. 1, 539, a, 20, Gen. An. i. 23, 731, a, 29 (in the last, it is wrong to change the perfect tense into the future in the words of citation). Though both these references must have been inserted after the books were complete, it is possi- ble that Aristotle may have inserted them. Alex. p. 183, on Be Sensu, I.e., remarks that a book on Plants by Theophrastus was extant, but none by Ari- stotle. So Michael Bphbs. on Be Vita et M. 175 b, Simplicius Philop. &c. (apod Rosa, Ar. Ps. 261, Hbitz, Fr. Ar. 163) say the contrary, but we need not sup- pose they spoke from personal knowledge of the n. tpvruv. Quintil. (xii. 11, 22) proves no- thing for, and Cic. {Fin. v. 4, 10) nothing against, their genuine- ness. What Athen. (xiv. 652 a, 653 d, &c.) cites from them (Ar. Fr. 250-4) may as probably be taken from ' a false as from a genuine book. The two Aristo- telian references mentioned make it, however, overwhelmingly pro- bable that Aristotle did write two books on Plants, which were ' Parva Naturalia, ' are to the Be Anima. For summaries of the contents of the Part. An. and the Generat. Anim. see Meter, Arist. Thierlt. 128 sq., and Lewes, Ar. c. 16 sq. The tract Be Coitn (Hadschi Khalfa, ap. Wenrich, p. 159) was spurious : for it cannot be referred, as Wenrich refers it, to the title n. /n.i£eas in Be Sensu, c. 3 (cf. p. 83, n. 1, supra). As to the book n. rov fii) yevvifv, v. p. 88, supra. 1 n. (tfnv iropeias, cited by that name in Part. An. iv. 11, 690, b, 15 and 692, a, 17, as the n. iropeias «al Kivftfrews tuv fypotv in Part. An. iv. 13, 696, a, 12, and as IT. t5>v £i$W Kiv^ffews in the Be Ccelo, ii. 2, 284, b, 13, cf. Ingr. An. c. 4, 5, c. 2, 704, b, 18; yet it itself cites (c. 5, 706, b, 2) the Part. An. iv. 9, 684, a, 14, 34, as an earlier work. According to its concluding words in c. 19 (which, as already suggested at p. 89, n. 2, may be spurious) it is later than the n. £4""' popiav, to which also its introductory words seem to refer back ; and yet it is frequently cited in that work, and at its close (Part. An. 697, b, 29) there is no hint of an essay on Movement as still to come. Probably it was, in fact, composed while the larger work was in progress. — The tract n. ((pay xiviiatas can hardly be authentic ; among other reasons, because it cites the II. Tn/ei/iaros (cf. p. 89, n. 3 Jin.). Rose (Ar. Zibr. Ord. 163 sq.) and Brandis (ii. b, 1, p. 1271, 482) declare it spurious : Barthelemy St. Hilaire 94 ARISTOTLE still extant in the time of Hermippus, though they were afterwards displaced by the more elaborate work of Theophrastus (so Hbitz, Ar. Fr. 250, and Verl. Schrift. 61, though Rose, Ar. Ps. 261, thinks the books by Theophrastus were ascribed to Aristotle). According to Anti- gonus (Mirabil. c. 169, cf. 129, ap. At. Fr. 253, Fr. Hz. 223) Callimachus as well as Theo- phrastus seems to have borrowed from these two books. So did the compiler of the *utikcL, as to which Pollux, x. 170 (ap. Ar. Fr. 252, Fr. Hz. 224) could not say whether they belonged to Theo- phrastus or to Aristotle, but which no doubt, like the fauKefc mentioned at p. 88, supra, were compiled by a later disciple for lexicographical purposes. In like manner, Athenseus and other similar collectors also used these books (cf. Eose and Hbitz, ibid.') ; and they sometimes dis- tinguish between the phrases used by Aristotle and by Theo- phrastrfs (Ar. Fr. 254, Fr. Hz. 225). — The two extant books n. pyiK& amongst the Pseudepigrapha. Pt. 72, on the other hand, gives 15 (or 10) books Be Agricultwa as genuine, and the statement in Geopon. iii. 3, 4 (Ar. Fr. 255 sq. p. 1525) on the manuring of almond-trees seems to have been taken from this, and not from the treatise on plants Eose (Ar. Ps. 268 sq. ; Hz. Fr. 165 sq.) mentions other things which may perhaps have come from this source. That Aristotle did not write about agriculture or similar subjects is clear from Polit. i. 11, 1258, a, 33, 39. 96 ARISTOTLE ing, 1 are,witliout exception, spurious. The Problems* are no doubt based on Aristotelian materials ; 3 but our extant collection under that name can only be described as a set of gradually gathered and unequally developed productions of the Peripatetic school, which must haye existed in many other forms parallel to our own. 4 of the 10th century. The cha- racter ascribed in the text to the collection of ' Problems ' may also explain the many varying statements as to its title and the number of books it included. In the MSS. they are sometimes called TlpofS\4itiaTa, sometimes $uv ff (D. 121, AN. 112) ; 'EyicvKKiav ff (D. 122, An. 113, UpoMfiata iyitiKK. 4 bks., Pt. 67) ; Physiea Problemata, Adspee- tiva Probl. (Ammon. Latin. p. 58); 'Atuktu iff (D. 127^ [ajtiia-rdicTuv iff An. 119). Prce- 1 In the Index of Ptolemy, No. 23, Hadschi Khalfa gives (n. t£v tyw\ev6vT(iov) : De Ani- maliwm Captii/ra, nee non de Loeis, quibus deversantw atqtie deUtescunt, i. 2 With regard to this treatise see the exhaustive article by Prantl 'Ueb. d. • Probl. d. Arist.' among the Abh. d. Miineh. Altad. vi. 341-377; Eose, Arist. XA.br. Ord. 199 sqq. ; Ar. Ps. 215 sqq. ; Hbitz, Verl. Sehr. 103 sqq., Fr. Ar. 194 sqq. 3 Aristotle refers in seven places to the Xlpoff^/nara or n/>oj8\7j/mTuc& (Prantl, ibid. 364 sq. ; Ind. Ar. 103, b, 17 sqq.), but only one of these quotations suits to a certain exte"nt the extant ' Problems ; ' and the same is true (PR. ibid. 367 sqq.) of the majority of the later references. 4 Prantl, i bid. has abundantly proved this, and he has also shown {Miineh. Gel. Anz. 1858, No. 25) that among the 262 fur- ther problems which are given by Bussemaker in vol. iv. of the Didot edition of Aristotle, and some of which were at one time erroneously ascribed to Alexander of Aphrodisias (cf. Usener, Alex. Aphr. Probl., Lib. Hi., iv., Berl. 1859, p. ix. sqq.), there is probably nothing written by Aristotle. The same is true of those which Eose {Ar. Ps. 666 sqq.) takes from a Latin MS. ARISTOTLE'S T^RITINGS 97 Turning to Ethics and Politics, we have on the former subject three comprehensive works,' of which, missa Qutestionibus (Pt. 66, says the Greek title is ' oroipiatu orua- grarva,' i.e. Tlpo$\rifidTii>v irpo- ypcupii, or Xlpoavaypatp4\) ; ISvjUjcJk- twv (jtiT7jfJ.drcov oj8' (AN. 66 with the additional clause : $s (f>t\aiv E6- naipos & ojcovffT^is aurou) ; David (Schol. in Ar. 24, b, 8) also speaks of 70 books n. ffv/iuixTav Ct T W^- ruv, and the Vita Marc. p. 2, R of vKpo$\'rHi.6.rwv( An. 1 3ft), the title of which makes us think not so much of questions with regard to meals, as of questions such as are proposed at a meal, like Plutarch's 'SvimoaiaKa irpo- fS^/iara. For the Uapay-yd^/iara cf . p. 72, n. 2 fin. 1 Aristotle puts this work in the closest connection with the Ethics, by treating the latter as auxiliary to politics (Eth. N. i. 1, 1094 a, 26 sqq., 1095, a, 2, c. 2 init. c. 13, 1102, a, 5, vii. 12 init.;Rhet. i. 2, 1356, a, 26). He expects from politics the realisation of the principles laid down by Ethics (ibid. x. 10). But he does not mean both to be merely two parts of one composi- tion (cf. Polit. vii. 1, 1323, b, 39, c. 13, 1332, a, 7, 21, ii. 1, 1261, a, 30, Hi. 9, 1280, a, 18. c. 12, 1282, b, 19). Even apart from the citation Rliet. i. 8 fin., and the mention of it in the catalogue (D. 75, An. 70), its genuineness can- not be doubted, however seldom it is named by ancient writers (see the remarks of Spengbl, ' TJeb. d. Politik d. Arist.,' Ahh. d. Miinchn. AJiad. v. 44 infra). 2 For further information, see the section on the political philo- sophy of Aristotle, ch. xiii.,m/ra. 3 Of the second book (as to the beginning of which see Eose, Arist. Zibr. Ord. 59 sq.) this has long been admitted, but Gottling (Arist. (Eoim. p. vii. xvii.) con- siders the first to be a section of a genuine Aristotelian writing ; it seems more probable that it is the work of a later writer based on Polit. i. (See end of ch. xxi., infra,.') D. 23, An. 17 name OiWo- /wc&s (or -ov) a'. Cf . p. 99 supra on another pretended second book. ARISTOTLE'S WRITINGS 101 except a few fragments. 1 Among them the loss of 1 Thepolitioal writings named, besides those quoted, are the following: (1) UoXn-eicu, a col- lection of facts with regard to 158 states (D. 145, An. 135, the text of which Beenays, S,h. Mus. vii. 289, with the approval of Rose, Ar. Ps. 394, has evidently improved), which, according to the fragments and the statements of Cic. Fin. v. 4, 11, and Piatt. JV. P. Su. V. 10, 4 (who names the work Kriireis Kal Tro\neiai) not only treated of the consti- tution, but also of the usages, customs, situation of the towns, the history of their foundation, their local traditions, &c. Pt. 81 gives the number of cities as 171 (or 191, according to the view of Hbbbblot, Bibl. Or. 971, a) : Ammon. V. Ar. 48 gives 255 : Amman. Lot. p. 56, Ps.-Porphyr. Sohol. in Ar. 9, b, 26, and David, ibid. 24, a, 34, say 250, and Philop. ibid. 35, b, 19, about 250, but the increase does not seem to be founded on any later extension of the collection, but merely on clerical mistakes (cf . Rose, Ar. Ps. 394). Simpl. ( Categ. 2,7. Sohol. 27, a, 43) seems by the words iv Tat? yvritrlais avrov iroAi- reicus to point to the existence of spurious Polities ; pvy! (158) in- stead of yvr\aicus may be the true reading (Heitz, Ar. Fr. 219), though Ideleb, Ar. Meteor, i., xii. 40 can hardly be right in sub- stituting £irioTO\cusfor iroAireiois). The numerous fragments of the large collection are found in MOller, Fragm. Hist. ii. 102 sqq. (cf . Bouenot, in Philolog. iv. 266 sqq.) ; Rose, Ar. Ps. 402 sqq. ; Ar. Fr. 343-560, p. 1535 sqq.; Fr. Hz. 218 sqq. The genuine- ness of the work, which Rose (Ar. Libr. Ord. 56 sq , Ar. Ps. 395 sq.) disputes, has no weighty arguments against it (as Heitz, p. 246 sqq. shows) ; and even if the external evidence, of which that of TiMiEUS (apud Polyb. xii. 5, 11) is the oldest produc- ible, did not utterly exclude Rose's supposition that the work was published and circulated in his name soon after Aristotle's death, nevertheless the internal improbability of that theory would be much strengthened by it. The declarations of David, ibid., and the Schol. to Porphyry's Ita- goge (md. Rose, Ar. Ps. 399, Ar. Fr. 1535) favour the supposition that the different states in the Polities are taken in alphabetical order; and this explains why the Athenians (according to Fr. 378, where, however, the reading is uncertain) are treated in the 1st book, and. the Ithacans in the 42nd (7'V. 466). The circum- stance that the numerous frag- ments all contain merely isolated notes, without reference to a uniform complete treatise, will not (as Rose, Ar. Ps. 395 holds) serve as a proof of the spuriousness of the work; but, in conjunction with the fact that the Aristotelian writings nowhere refer to the work in question (for even Eth. N. x. 10, 1181,b, 17, refers to the Politics ; cf. Heitz, 231 sq.), it supports the view (Heitz, 233 sq.) that the Poli- ties was not a literary com- pleted whole, but a collection by Aristotle, for his own use, of facts which he had gathered partly by personal observation and inquiries, and partly from 102 ARISTOTLE Aristotle's collection of forms of government in various cities, is simply irreparable. 1 Our Poetics 2 is only a fragment ; but not even so UohiTMbs cf. p. 57; on n. fiaaiteias and "Tirep oitoIkuv, p. 60, sub fin. ; on n. pfropos % ttoXitmov, p. 72, n. 2, towards the end ; on n. apxns, p. 81, n. 1, fin. ; on a bungling forgery of the Middle Ages, Se- eretum secretorum (or, Aristotelis ad Alexwndrwm regem demoribiis rege dignis), cf. Geiee, Arist. und Alex. 234 sq; ROSE, Arist. Libr. Ord. 183 sq, Ar. Ps. 583 sq. 1 Since this was written the Athenian TIoAireia has been re- covered. 2 This writing, in our editions, is entitled : n. itomjtiktjS' Aristot. himself mentions it in the Politics (viii. 7, 1341, b, 38), as a future work ; in the Rhetoric (i. 11 fin., iii. 1, 1404, a, 38, o. 2, 1404, b, 7. 28, 1405, a, 5, c. 18, 1419, b, 5, with which cf . p. 74, n. 1), as al- ready existing, with these words : iy Tois irepl ttoitjtiktjs, or (1404, b, 28) iv r. ir. iroi^creais. The Indices name : Upayfiarelas rexvtjs ttoit]- tlktjs 0' (D. 83), rexvys rroair. /3' (An. 75), Be arte poetica secun- dum discipUnam Pythagorce, Pt. Fr. (this addition is caused by the combination of two different titles: cf. Rose, Ar. Ps. 194). Ps.-Alex. Soph. Ml. Schol. in Ar. 299, b, 44, has iv r$ ir. itoiijt. ; likewise Herm. in Phcedr. Ill, and AST, iv t$ w. it. ; SlMPL. Cat. Schol. 43, a, 13, 27 : iv t$ %. it. • DAVID, ibid. 25, b, 19, to ir. ir. ; on the other hand Ammon. Be interpr. Schol. 99, a, 12, iv tois it. iroi.; Boeth. Be interpr. 290, in Hbris quos de arte poetica scripsit. The more ancient au- thorities are acquainted with two writings. If this be so, copies would only be circulated after his death. A chapter out of the IIoAiTcfo 'ABrivaiaivmay have given rise to the title n. tav ~S,i\avos h\6vav (An. App. 140 : cf . MtJL- leb, ibid., 109, 12). — A similar collection was (2) the Niijiti/no j8apj8aputeb, which are quoted under this title by Appollon. Mirabil. 11 ; Vabeo, i. 1, vii. 70 ; An. App. 186 (vofitfaaiv Qapfl. avvaywy'if); from this title also the designa- tions No>oi a' j8' y' 8' (D. 140), vo/ilfuev 5' (An. 131), seem to have been wrongly transcribed. To them the vd/u/m "Prnpalar (An. App. 185) and the rd/iiyua Tupp7j»'«i' (Athen. i. 23, d) probably be- longed. Among the few fragments (apnd Muller, ibid. 178 sqq., Rose, Ar. Ps. 537 sqq., Ar. Fr. 561-568, p. 1570, Fr. Hz. 297 sq.), Nos. 562, 563 and 564 can onlybe attributed to Aristotle under the supposition that he did not give their contents in his own name, but as traditions somewhere current. — (3) The AiKaitfyioTa tav tt6\cuv (Ammon. Biffer. Voeab., Nfjes) or Aik. 'SWrivlSmv ir6\eav (V. Marc. p. 2, R) seem to have dealt with quarrels between the Hellenic states and their settlement ; they are also named more briefly Aikoi^bto (D. 129, An. 120, Harpocbat. Apvfios). — (4) The06 ' (or -lav) which is found in No. 113. — Allied to it, it would seem, are n. TpayifSiuv a' (D. 136, An. 128) and Ku/ukoI (Beotian, Exp. Voe. Mippocr. s. v. 'HpoKA. v&aov). Miiller (JUist. Gr. ii. 82), though not rightly, takes the AiSao-KctAfai (D. 137 ; An. 129 ; EOSE, Ar. Ps. 550 sq., Ar. Fr. 575-587, p. 1572 sq. ; Heitz, 255, Fr. Hz. 302 ,sq.)i — seemingly a chronological cat a- 104 ARISTOTLE books named to us, which dealt with subjects outside the main lines of the Aristotelian system ; ' and among logue based on the existing in- scriptions of the tragedies per- formed in Athens — as a part of the book on tragedies. — Fur- ther, a series of writings relating to poets is named, which took the form of problems : ' Airopinxd- rav TtoiTiTtKav a' (An. App. 145) ; Atrial -Troir/TiKoi (ibid. 146, where afalai seems to indicate the form of treatment which is proper to the OKop-fj^iara or 7rpoj8A.^uaTa, viz. that the Sio: t£ is sought, and the reply consists in giving the Si6n or the atria) ; 'AiropTifidTaij/ 'OfiT]- pucuv C (D. 118; AN. 106 f; HEITZ, 258 sq., Fr. Hz. 129; Rose, At. Ps. 148 sq., Ar. Fr. 137-175, p. 1501 sq.) or, as the Vita Mara. p. 2. names it, '0,u. fyriinarra ; npojSArj/idra!/ 'O/nipi- kuv i (An. App. 147 ; Ptol. 91 ; Ammon. V. Ar. 44 ; Amm. Lat. 54, probably a duplication of the aKop^fiara) ; 'Airop^iurra 'H. 126); "Atob:- vhich is not found in our @avfi. to (to which irpofiKi)imTa or Airo- i/c. — Ilapoiplcu a' (D. 138; cf. An. /ivfifiara may be supplied) i/3' (D. l27), a collection of proverbs, the 127 ; cf . p. 96, foot), ixistence of which seems to be ' The ' wonderful stories ' are jroved, inter aUa, by Athen. ii. perhaps the only exceptions, but 10 d, although Heitz ( Verl. they are not Aristotelian. 106 ARISTOTLE Aristotle merely for his own use, and therefore not thrown by him into any such literary form and unity as the works designed for publication. 1 None of the extant works which are genuine is of this class, 2 but several of those which are lost seem to have belonged to it. 3 From these two classes of works, however, there is to be distinguished a third. Cicero, Quintilian, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus praise Aristotle not only for scientific greatness, but equally for the grace and rich- ness of his exposition — 'the golden stream of his speech.' 4 This must have referred to works designed 1 Simpl. (in Categ. Schol. in Ar. 24, a, 42) : iiroixvnuariKa Htra irpbs inr6p.vr\ffiv olicelav Kal ir\e(ova fi4.fTa.vov avvera^ev 6 tpi\6tTorpos : these writings cannot, however, be taken as iravTip (/itovStjs &£ia, and hence we may not draw from them any proofs for the Ari- stotelian doctrine : d /xivToi *A\c{- avSpos tc\ (nro/iviffiaTiKa, 0-vp.irerpvp- fieva (pTjfflv elvai Kal /xfy irpbs eVo ttKmbv avatpepeaBai, and for this very reason the others are dis- tinguished from them as v elffi Kal oi StdXoyot . . . airfp Sia tovto 4£aireptKa k4k\7itui Uti oil irpbs robs yvqaiovs aKpoaras ytypap.iJ.iva. 5 Cf. Ad Att. iv. 16, 2 : quo- niam in singulis libris [of the discourse on the State] utor proasmiis, ut Aristoteles m iis quce i^arepMoiis voeat. In contra- distinction to the Dialogues, the strictly scientific works are called (see preceding note ) cominentarii, continuous expositions, corre- sponding to the avToirp6- reptKa and the aKpoarucd. 'E£tuTe- pM&. dieebantnr qua ad rhetoricas meditationes facultatemque argu- tiarum civiliwnque rerwm. no- titia/m eonducebant, ok/jootiko autem. voeabantur in qiiibus phiU- sophia remotior gubtiliorque agi- tabatwr quaque ad natures eon- templatitmes disceptaiionesqw dialectioas pertinebant. In the Lyceum the morning was de- voted to the latter, the evening to the former (cf. p. 27, n. 3). Librosquoque mos, earum omnium rerwm oommentarios, seorsum di- visit, ut alii exoterini dicerentm; partim acroatici. 2 De Subst. Fac. Nat. vol. iv. 758 K : 'ApiOTOTehavs % ®eo- repiicd. ' Kal yap 4v tKelvots TrAettrra Kal 7rcpl tSc tiSikHv Kal irepX tSiv (pvaiKwv eV5fJ|a»s \4yerat.' But the example of the Topics and the MAetoric shows that this only refers to the basis of the opinions laid down in these writings, the argument from the universally acknowledged (the ft/$o|oi/), and not to the teaching as such. The later writers, as a rule, express themselves in the same sense ; thus Simpl. Pkys. 164, a: lfo>- Tepuca Se ioTi ra xou/a Kal Si' 4v56£av irepaiv6fi€Pa aAAa [xt] airo- SeiKTLKa fitjSh aKpoafmriicd. As to Ammon. and David, see follow- ing note ; and cf. Philop. Phys. p. 4. On the other hand David, Schol. in Ar. 24, b, 33, changes the statement of Alexander (which he quotes in order to re- fute it) into : 8ti iv fiiv roh ixpoa- fiariKois to BoKovyra a&T$ \eyei Kal ra oAtjOtj, iv Si toij SiaKoyucoh to aWois tioicovirra, to i^cuSt}. 3 Besides the testimony al- ready adduced, the statements found in the Neoplatonic com- 114 ARISTOTLE The theory just mentioned can be traced as far back as Andronicus, perhaps even farther ; ' but this does not put its correctness beyond question. It is, however, confirmed in the main, even if it requires correction in one point or another, by the utterances of Aristotle himself as to the ' Exoteric Discourses.' It is true that in a general sense he may describe as ' exoteric ' any topic which does not belong to the inquiry immediately mentators go to establish this point. Thus the so-called Ammon. in Categ. 6, b sqq. (see also Stahr, AristoteMa, ii. 255 sqq.), who, after some other divisions of the the Aristotelian writings, among ' syntagmatic ' ones distinguishes aiiTOirp6ff(i)ira nal aKpoaparticb. and 8ia\oyiKh kuI i |aiTfpiica. The for- mer are written irpbs yvi\aiovs aKpoaras, the latter irpbs riiv tusv isoKKaiv ntyiXtiav; in the former Aristotle expresses his own opinion with a strictly scientific argument, in the latter rcfc So- Kovvra aoT<£, aKK' ov St' airoSetK- riKay £irixeipyp>6Taij/ l Kal oh olol re elo'tv ol iroWol iiraicoKovdeiv. Simi- larly, only at greater length, David, Schol. 24, a, 20 sqq., who likewise divides the trvprayp-aTindi into avTowpdo'ctnra or a/cpOajuccn/cct and SiaXoyuch, & koX ^atrepiKa Ae- yovrtu and considers the former to have been written itpbs robs £iriT7]deiovs rf tptKotroQlq, the latter irpbs cLveiriTT)Seiovs irpbs <1>l\o- ffotpiav, and hence the former Si' avayicaffTLK&v \6ycov, the latter Sik iriBavav. Cf. p. 1 11, n. 4. 1 In proof of this statement we cannot attach so much im- portance to the passage just given from David as Heitz does (Verl. Selir. 25 sq.). The fact that David (24, b, 5) expressly appeals to Ammonius (n. epA"7" veias) and to the commentary on the Categories passing under Am- monius' name (which, although in its present form it does not come from Ammonius, yet seems to have originated in one written by him), indicates that Ammonius was David's proximate authority ; and though he (Ammonius) cer- tainly made use of earlier writers (and principally Alexander, whom David at 24, b, 33 attacks, and from whom his quotation of the Aristotelian Evdemus is probably taken, like that in Philop. De An. 'E, 2 sq.; Ar. Fr. p. 3481, No. 41), still we do not know how much has been added to their testimony. On the other hand we must trace the state- ments in Cicero, Strabo, and Gellius(rat. \6yoi here mean the discussion which fok lows immediately, and which is called exoteric (in the same way as Aristotle, in other places, puts the logical in opposition to the physical, vid. infra, p. 174, u. 2), because it does not aim at a strict and adequate notion of time (the rl itrriv 6 xP^ yos '^^< a > 31), but only takes into consider- ation certain preliminary proper- ties of it. The question is not here of exoteric writings ; but Prantl is none the less wrong (Arist. PhysiJi, 601, 32) in main- taining that by the exoteric dis- courses we are to understand, not only in the present instance, but everywhere, only those conversa- tions on interesting subjects which at that time were everywhere in vogue even at social gatherings. That this does not fit other pas- sages will be shown immediately ; as for the passage in question, such a rendering is forbidden by the strictly dialectical and ge- nuinely Aristotelian style of the discussions from p. 217, b, 32 to p. 218, a, 30. 8 Thus, besides the passage given in the preceding note from the Physios, the Eudemian Eth. ii. 1, 1218, b, 33, introduces the division of possessions into the external and the spiritual with the remark : Kuddirep Simpov^eBa Kai kv rois i£a>T€piKo'is \6yois. In the parallel passage, Eth. N. i. 8, 1098, b, 10, Aristotle says : he wishes to speak about happiness KoX Ik to>v Xeyo/jLzvaiv irepl avTTJs, by which, according to the con- text, only the prevailing views concerning happiness can be meant. It is to these, therefore, that the efoiT. \6yoi of Eudemus must also refer. 4 This is true especially of Polit. vii. i. 1323, a, 21 : vo/ila-av- tcls olv InavSis icoWa \4yetr8ai rcal tuv iv Tois el-ay.y jj), etc. {Phys. iii. 1) ; Be Casio, i. 7, 275, b, 21 ; \6yos 8' iv rois irepl Kivfitreais (iariv) ; AfetapA. v. 30 fin.; \6yos 8e roirov iv irepois ; Eth. vi. 3, 1139, b, 26; tbairep ml iv rois b.vaXvriKois Xiyoptv ; ibid. 32 : 6Vo &\\a jrpotrSiopi(6^8a iv rois &va\vTucois. And, on the other hand, the vvv xPV^tcov airois is adverse to this explanation. That is meant to designate what fol- lows as something extracted from the exoteric discourses ; but Ari- stotle would be far more likely to use such a formula if he was quot- ingsomething from a former work than if he was merely repeating in writing what he had already orally delivered. This latter, from the nature/ of the case, he must have had occasion to do as often as a modern university teacher does it. The fact, then, that he expressly mentions that he is ' making an extract from the 4£w- reptKol \6yoi,' points, as in the Be Ccelo, ii. 13, 295, a, 2, and Meteor, iii. 2, 372, b, 10 (where some of the writings which we possess are quoted with the same Xprtariov) to an existing written work. And an Aristotelian writ- ing must be meant, since that which follows out of the i^artp- moixiyoi sounds perfectly Aristo- telian, and forms a. whole with what Aristotle gives in his own name (Tjjteij 8e ipov/aev, 1. 38). Lastly, although something si- milar to that which is here quoted from the i^ur. \6yoi is found in some passages of the Ethics (i. 6 sqq. x. 6 sqq.), which Zeller, in his second edition, brought into connection with this quo- tation, yet he now concedes to Bernays (ibid. 71 sq. ; cf. Oncken, ibid. 43, 5; Vahlen, Arist. Aufs. ii. 6) that Aristotle would not by the designation ARISTOTLE'S WHITINGS 117 both by the express distinction that is drawn between O-urepiKol \6yoL have mentioned the Mhics, which in the Politics he repeatedly quotes as r)6iKa, and puts in the closest connection with them (vid. p. 127, n. 2, of Zeller's 2nd ed.). Bernays' the- ory (73 sqq.), that the first chapter of the seventh book of the Politic! strikingly diverges from the usual style of his scientific works, and bears distinct traces of having been extracted from a dialogue can scarcely be supposed after Vahlen's forcible objections ( Arist. Aufs. ii.) to be established ; Zeller, however, feels bound to agree with Bernays that by the '■ exoteric discourses ' in this pas- sage is meant a written work of the philosopher's which is lost to us, and which Aristotle here seems to follow pretty closely, for which very reason he refers to it, and not to the Mhics, though the parallel passages in the latter were closely connected with it in meaning. — Less convincing with regard to this, in spite of what Bernays says to the con- trary (ibid. 38, 51 sqq.), appears to be Polit. iii. 6, 1278, b, 30 : aAAa fityv Kal rrjs apxys T0 ^ s \eyoftevovs rpSvovs [the Setrirorela, the oUovofitKi), and the toAitikj) apxh] f)4^ l0v SteAeTi/ • Kal yap 4v rots S^ayrepiKois \6yois $topt£6fie6a irepl airiiv woWdicis. These words, looked at in themselves, might refer not only (as Onckbn, ibid., suggests) to oral disquisitions, but also (by taking the Siopifif/tefla as the collective ' we ') to conver- sations not connected with the School or even with scjentific philosophy. That Aristotle here ' refers to the i^ar. Xiyoi, not for the existence' (more correctly ' distinction ') ' of different kinds of dominion, but for the exact limitation of their difference ' (as Bernays, p. 38 asserts), can- not be inferred from the $iopt(6- lieBa, since this expression desig- nates not only the exact distinc- tion, the ' carefully- weighed logi- cal antithesis,' but any kind of distinction whatever. If we compare with it the perfectly analogous use of \4yo/i.ev, Siopif- T. \6yoi, but also the koX (/cal vich t. ef. ^.), vhich the e|wt. h&yot are dis- ;uished from other not exo- a \6yoi. Still more clearly 3 this appear from Eudemus, :n the latter, probably remem- ng this passage, in Eth. i. 8, 7, b, 22 says likewise of the is : hriaKeirrai 5e ttoWoIs irepl tv Tp6lTOlS KCfX iv TOLS 4£(IITeptlCO?S jis Kal ev toIs KaTot i\o(ro(plav. Since the er are scientific inquiries, former can only be popular ourses ; and, since (as we have i) writings are meant by n, they can only be popu- writings. Now it might in- 1 appear that the criticism he doctrine of Ideas, to which . Eud. i. 8, and Metaph. xiii. oo. tit. refer, would of all igs have been least suited for alar writings ; but we have ady seen on p. 76, n. 3, 56, ! med. that he opposed this ;rine, with the greatest re- solution, in the Dialogue on Phi- losophy. 2 : E|o>TepiK&s in Aristotlemeans (1) that which exists outside, the external ; and (2) that which goes out, refers to the external. The word has the former meaning when for in- stance a foreign province is called an e{ajT6/)»c^ a-pxh (Polit. ii. 10, 1272, b, 19), or when hand and foot are styled i^ureptKa pipri (Gen. An. v. 6, 786, a, 26); to these uses cf. the e|eoTepi/£& ayaBa, Pol. vii. 1, 1323, a, 25. In the second meaning the expression is used in the combination : QurepucaX irpd^is (Pol. vii. 3, 1325, b, 22, 29). If now, in the phrase e'loii-. \iyoi, we propose to give it ihefirst meaning, we can- not, by exoteric discourses, in those passages where Aristotelian writings of a particular class or the inquiries contained in them are meant, understand such dis- . courses as lie outside the dis- cussion in which they are referred to as ' other discourses ' (like the 4l-UTepucurr4pa (rictyis and the ejw- Bev \6yoi, p. 115, n. 1 and 3) ; nor yet (as Bernays thinks in Dial. d. Ar. 92 sq.) such as do not enter into the essence of a thing, but are external to it (as p. 115, n. 2). The latter meaning would not suit, partly because this would be a strange way of speaking of ' popular treatises,' partly because it would not fit those cases in which Aristotle again takes up in later works, as being suitable and adequate, what he had said in the i^areptKol \6yoi (as in the passages of the Polities, Ethias, 120 ARISTOTLE inferred either from the words sfjaTepiicol Xoyoi them- selves, or from the surrounding facts, that Aristotle's Dialogues alone were meant. There may have been, and in fact there appear to have been, other works also which were adapted to the understanding of the general public. 1 As to the later theories, the idea that the Master did not intend his strictly scientific work for publication at all is refuted by the contemporary record of the complaints that were made because he published them : 2 and the idea that he designedly chose for them a style obscure and unintelligible to the lay mind is disproved by the visible characteristics of the texts themselves. The truth is that, except in cases where we ought to con- sider them as mere sets of notes for his own use, he takes all manner of trouble to aid the reader, by the use of a strictly devised scientific terminology, by clear defini- tions, by explanations and illustrations, by methodical processes of thought, and by warnings against possible obscurities, ambiguities or misconceptions. If it be true nevertheless that there occur many particular points of and Metaphysics given on p. 115, popular character was implied in n. 4). Such writings could only the designation, but not directly be called exoteric, in this use expressed in the adjective i^ure- of the word, in the sense that pixhs as such. When Eudemus they were known and in use even puts the \6yoi i^ar. in opposi- outside the Aristotelian school, tion to those kot& Tepucol \6yot, I could suppose that they were forbidden everywhere translate that phrase to communicate them to others. as meaning such discussions as 2 ' In this sense', says Prof, do not belong to the sphere of Zeller, ' I had already expressed the inquiry actually under in- myself in the second edition, vestigation. (Thus also Schweg- p. 98, as to the probable state of leb, Gesch. d.griech. Phil. 194.) facts with regard to the distinc- I have now rejected this opi- tion between exoteric and eso- nion, and think that the general teric writings. On the other meaning of Qarepticbs, to de- hand, I then believed that, in the signate something external, or re- Aristotelian passages which men- lating to the external, is more 122 ARISTOTLE such a theory there may have been a great difference in form between the ' exoteric ' and the ' acroatic ' texts, appropriate. It follows that even in the combination i^arepiKol \6- yot this expression will apply not only to such discussions as lie outside a specified subject (as p. 115, n. 1), or are concerned only with what is external to it (p. 115, n. 2), but also to such as are current outside a particular circle (p. 115, n. 3), or such as. are intended for outsiders (p. 115, n. 4). According as we begin from this or that passage in Aristotle, and extend the mean- ing of the expression in that particular passage to all the other cases, we get this or that render- ing of the 4£a>r. \6yoi. This is the explanation of the fact that even now there are the most diverse opinions on the matter. Of these, the farthest removed from the explanation which has prevailed since the .time of An- dronicus, which understands by this expression a particular class of Aristotelian writings, is the supposition of Madvig (Exc. vii. on CiC. Be Fin.), Prantl (Arist. Phyiih, p. 501, 32), Spbngbl (' Arist. Studien,' Abh. d. bayr. Aliad. x. 181 sq.), Forchhamm'er (Arist. und die exoter. Reden, cf. particularly pp. 15, 64), and Susbmihl (PMlol. Am. v. 674 sq.), that only the conversations of non-philosophical circles are designated by the Qan. \6yoi. Bather nearer to it are Bavais- son (Metaph. d' Arist. i. 209 sq.) and Thttrot (Etudes sw Aristote, 209 sq.), who understand by them such dialectic discussions (in con- tradistinction to the strictly scien- tific), as proceed by arguments irpbs 561-a.v, occurring either in Aristotelian writings, or in the oral disputations of the school. These, in their view, may be called exoteric, either because they always have to deal with something foreign to the matter (cf. the £|o> and %aa \6yos, Anal. i. 10, 76, b, 24), or because they always treat the subject exter- nally. Gkote (Aristotle, 63 sqq.) agrees with them, except that, besides the Aristotelian Dia- logues and some extracts from the acroamatic works, he thinks conversations outside the school are referred to. In like manner (though with the exclusion of conversations outside the school) Ueberweg (ffeseh. d. Phil. i. 143, 5th ed.). Oncken (Staatsl. d. Arist. i. 43 sq.) refers the term to oral discussions, allied to the scientific lectures in which the 4^ut. \6yoi are mentioned, but of a different class from them. On the other hand Bitter ( Gesch. d. Phil. iii. 21 sqq.) holds more closely to the statements of the ancient writers about the two classes of Aristotelian pupils and writings, in assuming (p. 29) that all the strictly scientific works were only 'written by Ari- stotle as a help to his lectures and were only published, at a later period, by himself or his pupils, and perhaps at first only for the latter ; whereas the re- maining writings (which are lost to us), were designed for the use of cultured persons and might, to- gether with any corresponding lee tures, be called exoteric. A like position is held, in the main, by Bbrnats {Dial. d. Arist.), who by the exoteric discourses under- ARISTOTLE'S WRITINGS 123 and it may be very true that the matter of the former was less advanced than the systematic doctrine of the Master, as we have it from his riper years ; but it is entirely beside the mark to suggest that he sought in either the one case or the other to conceal his opinions or to with- draw them from the reader's eye. It is not only, however, the distinction noted between these ' published ' or 'exoteric' books and the others, which points to the conclusion that the extant, closely reasoned writings of Aristotle were written primarily for his scholars, as classbooks only. In the texts them- selves there are many indications which it is hard to reconcile with the idea that they were really published, in the full sense of the word, during Aristotle's lifetime. In the first place there is the remarkable circum- stance 1 that a book which is cited in another nevertheless stands such lectures chiefly, the philosophical writings, such Heitz (Verl. Selvr. d. Ar. 122 as the Dialogues, partly a special sqq.), though agreeing with him manner of philosophising ; the in substance, prefers to give the latter broadly identifying the expression (with reference to exoteric writings with the popu- Phys. iv. 10 init.') the broader lar ones, but abstaining from meaning, and to make it imply a further definition of tiem or point of view farther removed of the expression " exoteric from true science. Bonitz (Ind. discourses." Thomas (De Arist. Arist. 104, b, 44 sqq. ; Zeitsehrif- ^ot. \6yois) stands quite isolated ten fur ostr. Gyrnn. 1866, 776 with his strange whim of looking sq.) takes a similar view. Stahe for Aristotle's exoteric discourses (AristoteHa, ii. 239 sqq., cf . in the greater Ethics. Space does especially.275 sq.), and Brandis not permit me a more searching (Gr.-rom. Phil. ii. b, 101 sqq.) examination of these various express themselves less decidedly suppositions ; the principles on — the former believing that by which it would be based are the exoteric writings are meant contained in what has been said partly those in which something above. Stahe, Hid., gives all was treated merely in passing, the earlier references which bear partly and principally those upon the question.' which did not essentially belong ' Ritter (iii. 29) and Bran- to the systematic connection of dis (ii. b, 113) have already 124 ARISTOTLE cites that other book itself: or that an earlier treatise speaks of an inquiry as already completed, and yet a later treatise says it is in contemplation only. These cases are not rare. The Topics is frequently cited in the Analytics, 1 and yet cites the latter four times. 2 All four may belong to a later- written portion of the Topics, but at any rate they cannot be later than the Analytics, in which these same books are cited as well as the earlier ones. 3 "When the Physics refers us back to discussions which, as we know them, exist only in the Metaphysics, it might be said that the reference is to a section which existed as a separate treatise before the Metaphysics was compiled ; 4 but it cannot be doubted that the zoological noted this and explained in a similar way. 1 Cf . p. 67, n. 1 . Bonitz {Ind. Arist. 102 sq.) gives the passages on which the following explanation is based, so far as they have not been expressly cited here. 2 VII. 3, 153, a, 24 : U rtvav Se Sei icaTiuricevdfciv [sc. irvWoyur- fxhv bpov~\ SiwpuTTai fxiv iv eripois &Kpi$4irrepov (cf. Anal. Post. ii. 13), viii. 11, 162, a, 11: ipavephv 5' eK t5>v ava\vrtKuv (Anal. Pr. ii. 2), viii. 13, 162, b, 32 : t!> 8' iv apxjl . . . trfe atreirai b kpaTuv, lear' a\ii6etav fihv iv rots ava\vrtKo7s [Anal. Pr. ii. 16] rfpjjToi, Kara S6£av 8e vvv Xenriov, ix. 2 (Soph. EL), 165, b, 8 : irspl pitv oZv rav airoHeiKT iku>v [sc. tTv\\oyio , /xwv~\ iv Tots ava\vrtKOis tlprrrai. 3 Anal. Pr. ii. 15, 64, a, 36 (!v Kivfiacts (Ingr. An. 2, 704, b, 18, sqq., ibid, c, 4 sq.) Sm -rb rrjs tptiffeas oiKeta rqs ineiva>v elvat. - This is proved not only from Meteorol. i. 1 fin. but also because the History of Animals and n. %4 av p-optuv are quoted ; see I ml. Arist. 100, a, 55 sq. 3 III. 2 fin. : € oiv (pvr&v, aiirb. /cofl' aira x a P^ s iirio-KtTTeov, and p. 93, n. 1). 6 C. 3, 456, b, 5 : elpyrat 8e irepl to6toiv iv tois irepi rpos rwv £i)Bt)- eiprjrat 4v rots nepl rrjs reopetas ray aerat, and of denying the ftW (c. 8, 708, a, 9 sqq.) Stapur- reference to the future in expres- fnivots. Ibid. 692, a, 16 : irepl Be sions like els Ikuvov rbv Kaipbv rrjs rwv Kafiirv\a>v tcdfityews iv rots aTTOKeiffda. irepl iropefoj (c. 7, 707, b, 7, sqq.) * Besides the passages given irpSrepov eVeVKeirrai koixjj irepl in the preceding note, this irdvrav. With reference to the suggestion seems especially ob- same passage, iv. 13, 696, a, 11 : jectionable in De Ccclo, ii. 2 (vid. ARISTOTLE'S WAITINGS 127 simpler explanation, if it be true that he did not at once publish those books in which we find references to later texts as already written, but used them for a time only among his scholars and in connection with his oral lectures. In such manuscripts addenda would be in- troduced — and among them references to works written later would come in from time to time. If the author was never able to give to such a work any final revision for the purpose of publication, it might well happen that in one place a reference would stand in its origin- ally correct form, as to a future work, though in another passage of the same or an earlier text a note might have been incorporated which spoke of the same work as already written. The same theory will explain the fact that the Politics — which we have every reason to consider as a book never finished by Aristotle, and published in its unfinished form after his death ' — is cited in the Rhetoric, along with the Poetics, 2 which is itself spoken of by the Politics in the future tense. 3 The fact is that Aristotle had written a part of the Politics before he wrote the Rhetoric and Poetics. Therefore he could call the Poetics a future book in the Politics, and yet quote a passage of the Politics in the Rhetoric. If he supra, p. 125, n. 1) since the ei /tois Trepl tovtuv), the Poetics fre- 8e S« Kal tif ovpavcp, &c. (line 18) quently, vid. swjrra p. 102, n. 1. corresponds with the BuipioTai 3 VIII. 7, 1341, b, 39 : on the jj.\v olv (line 13). The whole pas- ' catharsis ' vvr \i\v imAus, ir&Kiv &' sage from SiiipuTTcu to fi\oyov h rois vepl 7roiijTi/rijj ipoifitv ivipxiiv iv o.vt$ (line 20), could V /ue'floBos « Ind. Arist. 102, a, 40 sqq. ARISTOTLE'S WMITINGS 129 as a memorial of the contents of his lectures or as an auxiliary to them. 1 That this was true of some of his books, must be inferred from other passages also. The synopsis of varying meanings of words, which now forms the fifth book of the Metaphysics, could never have been published by Aristotle in its present form as a glossary without beginning or end. It can only have been placed in th e hands of his scholars simply as an aid to his teaching. Yet he often refers to it, and that even in texts earlier than the Metaphysics. 2 The same argument applies to the often-cited anatomical texts, 3 which must have been limited to a narrow circle because of the drawings which were an essential part of them. If it be true, however, that writings which Aristotle cites were published only to his scholars, it follows that the same must be true of those in which these citations occur ; for no one could in a published book refer to an unpublished one, or say that a subject not gone into was fully explained in an inaccessible tract. The same theory by which we explain the group of peculiarities already noticed, will explain others also. The trick of carelessness in style which is so often re- marked, the repetitions which surprise us in an expo- sition otherwise compact, the insertions which upset a naturally well-ordered movement of thought are all explained most easily if we suppose that the author never put the finishing touches to the writings in ques- tion, and that various matters were at the time of the 1 As Stahr, ibid., has sup- 3 About which see p. 89, posed. n. 1. 2 Cf. pp. 76, n. 3, 124, n. 4. VOL. I. K 130 ARISTOTLE posthumous publication added to the original text either from parallel copies or from the author's notes. 1 This theory becomes extremely probable when, as in the books On the Soul, 2 we find throughout considerable sections clear traces of a double recension, without any reason to say that either recension is not Aristotle's. 3 The same kind of argument would apply also to the Tolitics and Metaphysics, but as to • these we have independent grounds for the belief that they remained unfinished, and were only published after his death. 4 If this be so, a further inference is forced on us ; for we must conclude that if a certain book was a posthumous publication only, all which refer to it in such a way as to show that they follow it in the series cannot have been issued in Aristotle's life. This line of argument, even if we could apply it with high probability to nothing more than the Be Anima, would take us a long way ; for that work is cited in many of the books on natural philosophy. 8 The scope and the modifications of this theory as to the way in which the Aristotelian books were produced, can only be settled by a detailed examination of the indi- 1 A supposition which anumber 2 Cf. p. 89, n. 2. It may be of scholars have been led to adopt, otherwise with the repetitions with various particular modifioa- and disarrangements of the con- tions : thus Kitteb, iii. 29 {rid. nection in the Ethics, especially supra, p. 121, n. 2 mid.) ; Bean- bks. 5-7. Cf. p. 97, n. 1. Dis, ii. b, 113 ; Uebekweg, Qeseh. 3 As in Bk. vii. of the Physics, d. Phil. i. 174, eighth ed., Suse- on which Spengel has written in mihl, Arist. Poet. p. 1 sq., Bee- Abh. d. Munch. Akad. iii. 2, 305 NAYS, Arist. Politik, 212. It is also sqq. Cf. Prantl, Arist. Phys. 337. probable that Aristotle, instead of 4 Cf. p. 76, n. 3, and infra, Ch. writing, usually dictated: which xiii., init. would account for many of the ir- s Vid. supra, p. 93, n. 2 ; Ind. regularities of style, such as the Ar. 102, b, 60 sqq. lengthy and involved anacolutha. ARISTOTLE'S WAITINGS 131 vidual texts. But the peculiarities above referred to, the reference to a class of published or ' exoteric ' works, the habit of citing later books in earlier ones, the tricks of repetition and disorder which indicate the absence of the author's final revision — all these extend through almost the whole of the extant Corpus. From this and from the fact that, though the Topics and the De Anima were apparently written only for Aristotle's pupils, yet they are frequently cited by later treatises, 1 it seems very probable that the whole of our Corpus, so far as it is genuine, consists of books which were produced in connection with the teaching in the Lyceum, were intended at first for Aristotle's pupils only, and were made generally accessible by formal publication only after the master's death. Of the great majority of them it may also be assumed, not only from their contents, but also from their express internal correlation that Aristotle is in them working up in writing what he had already given his pupils by way of oral lectures, 2 though it is also likely that when they came to be published by third parties explanations were added and whole passages interpolated from Aristotle's papers or his other lectures. 3 A few of the texts may have served him as aids in his teaching, without being themselves matter of lecturing. 4 One of the books of the Metaphysics 5 1 Cf. p. 129 and 130. in the Metaphysics and the De 2 Cf. what has been remarked Anima. on p. 128 sq. with regard * Like the composition riepl to the closing words of the rod iroaax&s (cf . p. 76, n. 3, at p. Topics. 77). One is inclined to think 3 As, from what has been the same of the 'Avaro/ial. said on pp. 76 and 130, 5 The twelfth, ef. same note, seems to have been the case at p. 78. K2 132 ARISTOTLE seems to have been a plan for a lecture course, though not intended, in its present shape, for communication to his pupils. This, however, cannot well be true of any great portion of the extant writings. That theory- is excluded in the first place by the all-pervading system of cross references, which both in number and in manner go far beyond anything that Aristotle . could have wanted for himself. 1 Again it is negatived by the fact that, in spite of all the defects already referred to, these works are from a literary point of view far more carefully worked up than they would have been if they were merely sketches for the lecturer's own use. Then again, the unusual recurrence of formulae of introduction, transition and conclusion, shows that the author is writing, not for himself, but for others. 2 1 Bk. xii. of the Metaphysics {Soph. El. c. 2, fin. ; Metaph. vii. has in the first half none at all, 12, init., xiii. 10, 1086, b, 16 and and in the second, which is supra), ficnrep \4yop.ev, Hiairep worked out much more fully i\iyop.ev (Mh. N. vi. 3, 1139, b, (since the SiSeucrai, c. 7, 1073, 26, Metaph. iv. 5, 1010, a, 4, Rhet. a, 5, relates to c. 6, 1071, b, 20), a i. 1, 1055, a, 28 and supra), single reference (c. 8, 1073, a, 32 : KaS&iap iirli\Bop.ev {Metaph. x. 2, SeBeiKTai 8' iv rols (pvaucols irepl init., xiii. 2, 1076, b, 39), Ka0<£irep roirav). It is otherwise in most 8i6iAajueK mentioned in p. 115, n. 4, or 9, 1357, a, 29), redetipiiTai fip.1v circumstantial formulas, like £k ikclvus irep! avTuv {Metaph. i. 3, re ttjs lo-Toplas ttjs vzpl t& ($a 983, a, 33) ; cf. also those sen- u' oS tcc fiiflKia TtivTa irpo7J\8ey, &fieivov fikv ItLsivtav tyiXorroiptiv nal &piffrore\l£eiv, cwayKd£etr$ai fievroi t& iroAAo einSra Keyeiy 5(i rb irKTJdos tuv a/iaprmv. But we can only sup- pose this to have been taken from Andronicus, if we limit the ' younger Peripatetics ' (tojs 5' iarepov, &c.) to those pre- decessors of Andronicus who were able to use the editions of Apellico and Tyrannio, and it is very questionable whether anyone could attribute to these men, who are quite unknown to us, an improvement of the Peri- patetic doctrine, and a closer insight into Aristotle, such as might with reason be ascribed to Andronicus. As little can we assume Tyrannio or Boethus (to whom Grote ascribes it, Ari- stotle, i. 64) as Strabo's source of information, since the former would have taken a different view of his own edition, and the latter of the younger Peripatetics. 2 Thus Btjhle, Allg. lihcyhl. Sect. i. vol. v. 278 sq., and lately Heitz; see next page, n. 2. ARISTOTLE'S WAITINGS 139 works that the only source of our extant text was to be found in these MSS., which rotted for a century and more in the cellar of Scepsis, till Apellico found them worm-eaten, ruined by damp, and tossed into a dis- ordered heap — if it be true that he, as Strabo says, supplied unskilfully the missing portions, and that Tyrannio and Andronicus also had no further manu- scripts they could collate — who then could guarantee that in any number of cases there would not have been foreign matter, found among Neleus' MSS., adopted into Aristotle's text, or connected parts of his own works separated, and other portions blunderingly bound together, or lacunas great and small filled up by the editor's fancy ? Modern criticism has, however, raised doubts about Strabo's story ' which even its defenders cannot alto- gether silence. 2 That Theophrastus bequeathed his library to Neleus is beyond doubt. 3 That the MSS. of 1 After the isolated and dis- cularity (A rist.otelia, ii. 1-166, of. regarded voice of a learned 294 sq.). Later scholars have Frenchman, about the beginning mostly followed them, of the eighteenth century, had 2 Hkitz, Verl. Schr. d. Ar. raised doubts as to this narration 9 sqq., 20, 29 sqq. ; GKOTE, Ari- (see what Stahr gives in Arist. stotle, i. 50 sqq. ; Geant, JSthics ii. 163 sq. from the Journal den of At. i. 5 sqq., Aristotle, 3 sqq. Scavans of the year 1717, p. 655 Certain errors in Strabo's and. sqq., as to the anonymous com- Plutarch's representation are in- position Les Amcnitez de la deed admitted by these scholars, Critique), Brandis (' Ueb. die but in the main it is said to be Schicksale d. arist. Bucher.' correct. It is impossible here to Rhein. Mus. v. Niebuhr and examine in detail the reasons Brandis, i. 236 sqq, 259 sqq. ; cf. given for this opinion, but the Or.-rom. Phil. ii. b, 66 sqq.) was grounds for its rejection are the first to deal with it seriously, fully dealt with in the text. Kopp {Rliein. Mm. iii. 93 sqq.) 3 Theophrastus' will, aqrud supplemented his criticism, and Diog. v. 52 ; cf. Athbn. i. 3, finally Stahb has discussed the where it is added that Ptolemy question with exhaustive parti- Philadelphns bought the whole 140 ARISTOTLE Aristotle and Theophrastus belonging to that library passed to the heirs of Neleus and were by them hidden in a canal or cellar to escape a royal book-collector and were afterwards found by Apellico in a desperate condition, there is no need to doubt. 1 All the facts which Strabo relates as to the matter may therefore be correct enough. And it is also beyond question that Andronicus' edition of the Aristotelian text-books was of epoch-making importance both for the study of the system and for the preservation of the text. If, how- ever, it be maintained that these writings were nowhere to be found outside the Scepsis cellar and were unknown therefore to the Peripatetic School after the death of Theophrastus, there are the strongest arguments against any such theory. In the first place, it is almost incredible that an event so singularly notable as the discovery of the lost masterpieces of Aristotle should never have been even alluded to by any of those who, since that time, have concerned themselves with Aristotle, as critics or as philosophers. Cicero says not 'a word, though he had abundant occasion, for he lived at Eome at the very time when Tyrannio was working among the literary booty of Sulla, and was, in fact, in active intercourse with Tyrannio himself. Alexander, ' the Exegete,' says nothing ; nor does any one of the Greek critics who used the very works of Andronicus, either at first or at second collection of Neleus and had it Alexandria, this may easily be brought to Alexandria. an inexact expression, just as 1 For when Athenteus, or it is inexact, in the opposite the epitomiser of his introduc- way, when, in v 214, he makes tion, ibid., asserts that the whole Apellico possess not the works, library of Neleus was taken to but the library of Aristotle. ARISTOTLE'S WAITINGS 141 hand. Andronicus himself seems to have ascribed to Apellico's discovery so little importance that he based neither the inquiry into the genuineness of a tract nor the discussion of a various reading upon any reference to the MSS. of Neleus. 1 Later editors did not in any way feel themselves bound by his text, 2 though if Strabo were right, it could be the only authentic one. On the other hand, the theory that by the loss of the works of Aristotle, the followers of Theophrastus strayed from the original teachings of their school and lost themselves in mere rhetorical developments, is an obvious contradiction of the facts. It may be true that the Peripatetics of the third century strayed away as time went on from the study of natural philosophy and metaphysics, but this change took place not on the death of Theophrastus, but at the earliest on the death of his successor Strato. So far was he from confining himself to ethics and rhetoric, that he devoted himself, on the contrary, with a one-sided preference to physics, though he by no means neglected logic and meta- physics. He frequently contradicted Aristotle ; but that could not be by ignorance of the Aristotelian system, because he attacked it expressly. 3 It does not appear 1 With regard to the first, pute by means of Sulla's MSS. cf. the account given on p. 66, n. 1. (or, if he had not access to the as to his doubts about the latter, at least by means of the n. 'Ep/wjxefas : with respect to copies of Tyrannio, which, ac- the second point, cf. Dexipp. cording to Plutarch, he used). It In Arist. Categ. p. 25, Speng. seems, therefore, that these MSS. (Sehol. in Ar. 42, a, 30) : lrpa-rov were not the only copies nor /liv ouk hi Siraffi rots ami- even the original ones of the ypds nal Borjflir /ivrifio- Shein. Mm. i. 241. vciei teal 'kvSpiviKos — it is not 2 Cf. Simpl. Phys. 101, a. said that he has settled the dis- 3 The proofs will be given, 142 ARISTOTLE that the scientific activity of the School came at once to an end, even after Strata's death. 1 The theory that the falling away of the later Peripatetics from Aristotle was due to the loss of his writings from Athens is in every way unnatural. It is much more reasonable to correlate it to the parallel movement in the Academy, which nevertheless was at no loss for texts of Plato. But who can believe that the most important works of the great philosopher were not extant at the date of his successor's death in any other MSS. than those which Neleus inherited ? or that not only in Aristotle's lifetime, but also in the nine Olympiads between his death and that of Theophrastus, not one of his many followers had ever been willing and able to possess himself of the most important sources of the Peripatetic teaching ? Who can think that Eudemus, the most loyal of the Aristotelian circle, or Strato, the shrewdest of the Peripatetics, would have done without the Master's books — or that Demetrius of Phalerus did not include them in his zeal for collecting learned works — or that Ptolemy Philadelphus bought other books of Aristotle and Theophrastus for his Library of Alexandria, but omitted to obtain copies of their essential texts ? The story also supposes that the possessors of the manuscripts objected to such uses of them : that Ari- stotle kept his writings closely under lock and key, and that Theophrastus, for no apparent reason, kept up this in part, in the following pages. ' See, at end of vol. ii., the They will also be found in section on the Pseudo-Aristote- the section on Strato, infra, lian texts (infra, Ch. xxi.). Ch. xx., and notes thereon. ARISTOTLE'S WAITINGS 143 secrecy, and laid it as a duty on his heirs. All this is too absurd to need serious refutation. We are not left, however, wholly to conjecture. The materials are very scanty for the history of a time whose philosophic literature by an unhappy accident we have almost wholly lost ; but we can still prove, as to a great part of Aristotle's books, that they were not unknown to the learned men of the two centuries that elapsed between Theophrastus' death and the occupation of Athens by Sulla. Whether Aristotle did or did not himself publish his strictly scientific treatises, they were in any case destined to be the text-books of the School, and to be used by its members. Even those numerous passages in which they refer one to the other offer us a palpable proof that, in the view of the writer, they were not only to be read by his scholars, but closely studied and compared, and, by consequence, that copies were to be kept and multiplied. That this was done is clear, not only from the notices which we find of particular books, but from certain general considerations also. If it is true that the Peripatetics lost the genuine Aristotelianism when the library of Theophrastus disappeared, it must be because the sources of that teaching were nowhere else to be found. But we hear not only of Theophrastus but of Eudemus also, that he imitated Aristotle l not only in the titles but also in the contents of his books; and how close was the imitation both in wording and in the line of thought, we can see for ourselves in the Mhics and Physics of Eudemus. 2 1 For references see pp. 65 2 Cf. p. 148, n. 4, and in the sec- and 68. tion on Eudemus at Ch. xix., inf. 144 ARISTOTLE To do this, Eudemus must have possessed Aristotle's texts ; especially if, as a reliable story tells us, 1 he used them at a time when he was not living at Athens. 2 Again, it is beyond doubt that the Alexandrian Library included a large number of Aristotle's works. 3 The compilers of the Alexandrine Canon, who place Aristotle among the model writers of philosophy, may have had chiefly in view the more careful style of his exoteric writings ; 4 but in the foundation of that great collection it is not possible that the scientific, works of Aristotle can have been left out of account. If the Catalogue of Diogenes 5 comes from the Alexandrine Library, it is proof positive that they, were there : but even if that conjecture (in itself extremely probable) were erroneous, the Catalogue still proves in any case that the compiler of 1 Vide supra, p. 136, n. 3. 2 Heitz {Verl. Sclir. 13) in- deed thinks that if the Aristo- telian works had been univer- sally known and published, it would be incomprehensible that Eudemus in his Physics (and Ethics) should have imitated the words of Aristotle so exactly. It seems, however, that if Eudemus had hesitated to do this with regard to published works, a plagiarism on unpub- lished ones must have seemed much more unlawful to him. It is impossible, however, to re- gard his conduct in this light at all, and he himself probably never so regarded it. His Ethics and Physics were never in- tended to be anything but elabo- rations of the Aristotelian works universally known in the Peri- patetic School, adapted to the needs of his own tuition. s Besides what has been remarked on p. 142, we have the fact that Ptolemy Philadelphus busied himself zealously about Aristotelian books, paid high prices for them, and thus gave occasion to the forgery of such texts (Ammon. Scliol. in Arist. 28, a, 43 ; David, ibid., 1. 14 ; Simpl. Categ. 2, e). And such account's as those noticed at p. 64, n. 1 and 67, n. 1, about the two books of the Categories and the forty of the Analytics which Adrastus found in old libraries, must refer especially to the Alexandrian Library. But it is not to be supposed that the latter obtained only substituted works, and did not possess the genuine ones, by reference to which the forgeries were proved. 4 See Stahe, ibid. 65 sq. on this point. 5 For which see p. 48 sqq. ARISTOTLE'S WRITINGS 145 it, who lived later than Theophrastus and earlier than Andronicus, had before him a great part of our extant Corpus Aristotelicum. 1 Its probable author, Herm- ippus, was acquainted with the works of Theophrastus (which according to Strabo and Plutarch were buried in Scepsis along with those of Aristotle), as is clear from his catalogue of them, preserved, apparently, by Dio- genes. 2 That he at all events knew nothing of the disappearance of the Aristotelian writings, may probably be inferred from the silence of Diogenes on that subject. 3 Another strong evidence of the use of the Aristotelian books in the third century B.C. is to be found in the Stoic teaching, which in its most systematic exposition by Chrysippus follows both in logic and in physics more closely on the Aristotelian than could be possible if the Aristotelian text-books were unknown. There is, indeed, some express evidence that Chrysippus had in fact these texts in view. 4 1 Cf. p. 50, n. 1. originated with Hermippus, is 2 Cf.thescholionattheendof the more probable since that the Metaphysics of Theophrastus : writer is mentioned immediately tuvto to &L0\iov y AvBp6vtKos fiey before in v. 45. koI "Zpfitmros ayvoovaiv • ouSe yelp s For, on the one hand, it is liviiav airov S\us 7reTroi7)Toi iv Ttj not to be supposed that Herm- i,vaypa(p7J tuv ®eotppdoTov flifixiwv. ippus in his copious work on From the same list evidently is Aristotle (mentioned on p. 51, n.2) taken the soholion at the begin- would not have mentioned this cir- ning of the seventh book of the cumstance, if he had been aware History of Plants (wpud Usbnbb, of it; and, on the other hand, it Anal. Theophr. 23) : @eos " oifrats ctKot/etv, us b EtiftTjfios iv(yfj(TG t&tov KaBityefiivos, &o. ; so 121, b : %v riat 8e [sc. kvTiypdtpois~] avrl tov " koivt) " " ltp&Tl\. " Kal ovtw ypdrpti Kal 6 ESStjmoi ; 128, b : EiSBn/ios Se roi- tois irapaKoXovBuv, &c. ; 178, b : Eudemus writes, in Phy*. iv. 13, 222, b, 18, not Tlapav but iraptiv ; 201, b : ESS. ev toij kavrov (pvaiKols irapcuppdfav t& tov 'ApiirTOTi\ovs ; 216, a: Eude- mus immediately connects with what is found in Aristotle at the end of the fifth book, the be- ginning of the sixth ; 223, a : in Aristotle an M rASe re- peated in a different context (Phys. vi. 3, 234, a, 1) gives an ambiguity in expression, and so Eudemus puts " hreiceim " instead of the second iirl rdSe; 242, a (beginning of the seventh book) : ESS. /i^xpt rovSe 8a.t)j v &s irtpirrby 4ir\ rh. Simplicius remarks that it is hi t£ retevraiip Pi$\li/i Ked\aia based on Aristotle {Phys. ii. 2). HCTTJ\8e; 279, a: koi 8 ?e ES5. 4 Vide supra, p. 83, n. 1. Trapatppafaii (rx^Sbv xal avrbs -rb. 5 That is, if No. 39, n. 'ApurrtniKavs Tl6r)ai ko! toCto (rroixeiuv a' j8' y', refers to it; rh Tju^/iara avvrifias ; 294, b : about which see p. 50, u. 1 . Aristotle shows that the first 6 Vide supra, p. 83, n. 1. motor must be immovable — to ' Simpl. Be Ccelo, Scliol. in which Eudemus adds : t!> irparus Ar. 517, a, 31. Kaiauv Kaff kK&ar-ov Kim\aai. For 8 Simpl. ibid. 486, a, 5. further details see ch. xix. infra, 9 The former No. 123, the and p. 136, n 2. latter 113 : vide supra, p. 86, n. 1. 1 Damasus : vide supra, p. 82. 10 Dioe. v. 49 names as his 2 Cf . SIMPL. Phys. 153, a 'E^iTO/iSp 'ApurToriXovs n". ZaW s-'. (155, b), 154, b, 168, a, 187, a, " According to Hieeocl. sqq., 189, b (cf. Phys. iv. 10), Hippiatr. Prof. p. 4, this gram- 214, a. marian had written an 'E«to^ of 3 In the fragment apud it, which Aetbmidor. Onevro- SlMPL. Phys. 64, b : of which crit. ii. 14 calls {nro/uiifutra eij 150 ARISTOTLE unknown during the Alexandrine period is also shown by the Catalogue of Diogenes (No. 102), and by the existence of a popular compilation from it which was much in use. 1 The Be Anima was used, after Theo- phrastus, 2 by the author of the book on the ' Movement of Living Creatures,' who used also the spurious treatise TLepl Trvev/jLaros. 3 As to the Problems, 4 it is more than improbable that the working up of that book for the Peripatetic School began later. than the time of Andronicus. The Metaphysics was used, as we have seen, 5 not only by Theophrastus and Eudemus, but after them by Strabo and other Peripatetics. It was pro- bably published by Eudemus ; though some sections of it do seem to have been first introduced by Andronicus into the then extant Aristotelian treatise on the First Philosophy. Of the Ethics, it is obvious that it could not have existed only in Theophrastus's MS. so as to be lost with it, for if so it could not have been worked over either by Eudemus or at a later date by the author of Magna Moralia. The Politics, if we are to judge by the list of Diogenes, was to be found in the Library of Alexandria, 6 along with the first book of our Economics, 'Apiop/ibv Sois. time after the battle of Arbela, Ibid. iii. 2, 1404, b, 22, PoUt. vii. in which the Macedonians saw 17, 1336, b, 27 : the actor Theo- elephants for the first time, and dorus. Very frequent mention probably not before the Indian is also made of Athens and the expedition. The fact that even Athenians (Ind. Ar. 12, b, 34 much earlier events are intro- sqq.). Again the observation on duced with a vvv — as inMeteor. iii. the corona borealis (Meteor, ii, 5. 1,371, a, 30, the burning of the 362, b, 9) suits the latitude of temple of Ephesus (01. 106, 1, ■ Athens, as Ideler (i. 567), on this B.C. 356), and in Polit. v. 10, 1312, passage, shows, b, 19, Dion's expedition (01. 105, 2 P. 108 sqq. : especially p. 4 sq.) — proves nothing, by rea- 123 sq. and p. 138 sq. 156 ARISTOTLE follows that all of them must have been composed during his final sojourn in Athens. Equally decisive, on this head, is the observation that throughout the whole of so comprehensive a collection, there is hardly to be found a single notable alteration of teaching or terminology. All is ripe and ready. All is in exact correspondence. All the important writings are woven closely together, not only by express cross reference, but also by their whole character. There are no scattered products of the different periods of a life. We can only look upon them as the ordered execution of a work planned when the author, having come to a full understanding with himself, had gathered together the philosophic fruit of a lifetime. Even the earlier works which he proposed to connect with his later writing, he revised on a comprehensive plan. Therefore, for our use of these texts, it is no great matter whether a particular book was written sooner or later than any other. The problem, however, must be dealt with nevertheless. A certain difficulty is caused by the use of cross re- ferences already noticed. 1 As such cases are, after all, only exceptions in the general run of the citations, the value of these as an indication of sequence is not so slight as has been supposed. There are, in fact, but few instances in which our judgment as to the order of the writings is placed in doubt by the occurrence of references both ways. Of the extant books, so far as they are open to this classification, 2 the logical treatises, excepting the tract on 1 Cf. p. 124 sqq. opposed on other grounds. Not 2 This, however, is always only are none of these quoted the case except with writings in the genuine works, and only the genuineness of which can be a single one in a spurious compo- ARISTOTLE'S WAITINGS 167 Propositions, 1 may be considered to come first. It is in itself natural and accords with. Aristotle's methodical plan of exposition, that he should preface the material development of his system by the formal inquiries which were designed to establish the rules and conditions of all scientific thinking. But it is also made evident by his own citations that the Logic did precede the Natural Philosophy, the Metaphysics, the Ethics and Rhetoric. 2 Of the logical tracts themselves, the Categories seems to be the first. The Topics, including the book on Falla- cies, came next, and then the two Analytics : the treatise sition, but only very few of them refer to other writings. On the other hand, there is not one among the works which we con- sider as genuine, which does not quote the others, or is not quoted by them, or, at lease, implied, whilst in most of them examples of all three connections occur. To explain more fully : I. Of the decidedly spurious works : (a) the following are neither quoted nor do they quote others : n. k6p.ovtKa, n. v aKovtTfia.Ttoi', MT7xafiKa, II. ar6fitov ypapjiuv, 'Avefiuv Qeeeis, XI. Uevo- (pavovs &c, 'H0i«a fieyti\a, IT. hperuv teal kclkimv, OtKOvofiuca., 'PTjropiKij wpbs 'AKe^avSpov. (b) n. Tireu/iOTos quotes no other, but is quoted in the spurious treatise n. ftiaii' Kivijaeus. (c) On the contrary, the latter itself is never quoted. But it names some other writings ; as does also the Eu- demicm Ethics, supposing that its quotations refer to Aristotelian works. II. Among the remaining writings, the Categories is the only work which quotes no other, and neither is it directly quoted (but cf . p.64). The n. ipumveias. XI. t. «a0' iiirvov /laj/TiKTJs and the Rhetoric quote others, but are not quoted ; n. £<;W yevttreus has many quotations, but is only once cited, as a book planned for the future ; of the Metaphysics only bk. v. is quoted or used (cf. pp. 76, n.3, and 79, n.l) in genuine works, bks. i., xii., and xiii. in spurious ones : and the Metaph. itself quotes the Analytics, the Physics, De Ccelo, and the Ethics. 1 On which see p. 66, n. 1. 2 Besides the arguments given on p. 67, n. 1, p. 68, n. 1, we have the decisive passage in Anal. Post. ii. 12, 95, b, 10 : fiaWov 8e tpavepus £v rots Ka66\ov irepl Kwf]ffeus Sei Ae^fl^pcu irepl avrav. The Physics, however, is the earliest of the works on Natural Science. A negative line of proof also is found in the fact that in the Categories, the Ana- lytics, and the Topics, none of the other writings are quoted. 158 ARISTOTLE on Propositions was added afterwards. 1 Later than the Analytics but earlier than the Physics may be placed the treatise which now forms the fifth book of the Metaphysics? The Natural Philosophy came next. In that section the Physics comes first. It is projected in the Analytics and is referred to in the fifth book of the Metaphysics ; but the latter is cited or presup- posed not only in the metaphysical and ethical works but also in the majority of the other tracts concerning Natural Philosophy, while it on the other hand neither cites nor presupposes any one of them. 3 That the Be Goelo, i the treatise on Growth and Decay, and the Meteorology, follow the Physics in the order given, is very expressly stated in the Meteorology itself. 5 Whether the Natural History or the Be Anima came next is not settled. It is very possible that the former work, extensive as it is, was begun before the other but completed after it. 6 With the Be Anima we must connect those lesser tracts which point back to it some- ' See pp. 64, n. l,p. 67, n. l,p. 4 Which we cannot, like 68 sq., and the treatise of Brandis Blass (Rhein. Mus. xxx. 498, quoted, in the first-cited note, 506), consider a ' hypomnemati- which (p. 256 sqq.), by a compa- cal ' writing, not merely because rison of the Analytics with the of the references made to it, but Topics, establishes the earlier on other grounds also, date of the latter. 5 Meteor, i. 1, whereon cf. 2 For, on the one hand, it further p. 83, n. 1, Ind. Arist. is mentioned in the Physics and 98, a, 44 sqq., and the quotation De Gen. et Corr. (vide supra, p. of the tract n. (tfiav iroptlas in 76, n. 1, p. 124, n. 4); and, on the the Be Ccelo, ii. 2, given p. other, it seems in c. 30 fin. to re- 126. ferto^.?iaZ.i 3 osi.i.6,75,a,18sqq., 6 That the completion of the 28 sqq. ; though the latter point History of Animals should not is not certain. be put too early is clear from 9 Vide supra, p. 81 sqq., Ind. what has been said on p. 154, Arist. 102, a, 53 sqq., 98, a, 27 n, 4. sqq. ARISTOTLE S WAITINGS 159 times expressly ' and always by the nature of their contents. Some of these were no doubt composed after or with the writings on the Parts, the Movement, and the Genesis of Animals. 2 That group of tracts is undoubtedly later than the Natural History, the Be Anima, and the treatises which followed upon it. 3 On the other hand, it is probably earlier than the Ethics and Politics, inasmuch as it can hardly be sup- posed that Aristotle would have broken in upon his studies in Natural Philosophy by undertaking extended works lying in a wholly different direction. 4 It would be less difficult to suppose that the ethical writings as a whole came before the physical. 5 This view is not excluded by any express internal references, excepting the reference to the Physics in the Ethics. 6 We must, nevertheless, decide in favour of the earlier construc- tion of the Natural Philosophy texts, for a thinker who was so clearly convinced as Aristotle was that the student of ethics must have a knowledge of the human soul, 7 must be supposed to have put his inquiry into the soul before his researches into the moral activities and relations. There are, indeed, in the Ethics very unmistakable traces of his theory of the soul and of the treatise thereon. 8 Immediately after the Ethics. 1 Thus n. alcrBfaeais, n. iiirvov, 5 Thus ROSE, Arist. Libr. Ord. n. iwirvluv, n. avaTvorjs (Ind.Ar. 122 sqq. 102, b, 60 sqq.). " Mh. x. 3, 1174, b, 2. CI 2 Vide supra, p. 89 sqq. Phys. vi.-viii. 3 See pp. 89, n. 2, 89, n. 3,87, ' Eth. i. 13, 1102, a, 23. n. 1 : Ind. Arist. 99, b, 30 sqq. » Though Aristotle in Mh. 4 The further question of i. 13, 1102, a, 26 sqq. refers, not the relative order of the three to De An. iii. 9, 432, a, 22 sqq. writings named has been already ii. 3, but to the l%unep\.Ko\ \6yoi, discussed on p. 91 sq. yet ii. 2 init. seems to presuppose 160 ARISTOTLE comes the Politics. 1 Judging by the internal refer- ences, the Rhetoric should be later than both, and the Poetics should be later than the Politics but before the Rhetoric. This, however, is probably true only of a part of the Politics — or rather only of those parts which Aristotle himself published, for his death seems to have intervened before he had completed that text as a whole. 2 So, again, in our so-called Meta- physics, we have in all probability a work which Aristotle left incomplete, and with which several other fragments, some genuine, some spurious, have been amalgamated since. 3 the bulk of the theoretical writ- ings. But that there are not many more of such traces may perhaps be explained by the fact that Aristotle did not wish to interfere with the practical aim of an ethical work (Eth. i. 1, 1096, a, i, ii. 2, init.) by any dis- cussions which were not indis- pensable to its purpose ; cf. i. 13, 1102, a, 23. 1 See p. 100, ii. 1. 2 See p. 127 swpra, and infra, ch. xiii. And if this supposition is correct, it would also go to make it improbable that the Ethics, so closely allied with the Politics, should have been written before the works on natural science. 3 Cf. p. 76 sqq., and with regard to citations of the Meta- physics, see p. 156, n. 2. Eose's supposition (Arist. Libr. Ord. 135 sqq. 186 sq.) that the Meta- physics preceded all the writings on natural science, or at any rate the zoological ones, makes the actual condition of that work an inexplicable puzzle. But there is also the fact that the Physics, as well as the Be Casio, are quoted in numerous passages of the Metaphysics (Ind. Ar. 101, a, 7 sqq.) as already existing, while the Metaphysics are referred to in Phys.i. 9, 192, a, 35, as merely in the future. THE PHILOSOPHY OF % ARISTOTLB 161 CHAPTER IV . THE STANDPOINT, METHOD, AND DIVISIONS OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF AEISTOTLE As Plato connects directly with Socrates, so Aristotle' with Plato. Yet he made a comprehensive use of the earlier philosophies as well. He was tetter versed than any of the earlier teachers in the theories and writings of his forerunners, and it is with him a favourite method to preface his own inquiries with a retrospect of earlier opinions. He is wont to let them designate the problems to be dealt with. He is eager to refute their errors, to resolve their doubts, to bring out the truth which underlay their views. But the influence of the pre-Socratic~~systems upon Aristotle is far less apparent m the general structure of his system than it is in the treatment of special points. In prin- ciple, Plato had refuted them all. Aristotle is not under the same necessity to distinguish his position accurately from theirs. 1 He does not, at least in any of the extant writings, devote any space to such pro- paideutic efforts as those by which Plato established the claims of philosophy and the true meaning of know- 1 Even in Metapli. i. 8 their Heraclitus, about whom Plato principles are merely criticised busied himself so much, are briefly from an Aristotelian point passed over altogether, of view, and the Eleatics and VOL. I. M 102 ARISTOTLE ledge, as against ' the ordinary consciousness ' on the one hand, and the Sophists on the other. Aristotle presupposes throughout that general point of view which characterised the Socratico-Platonic Philosophy of Ideas. His task is to work out, on these general lines, a more perfect system of knowledge, by a more exact definition of the leading principles, by a stricter accuracy ot method, and by an extension and improvement of all the scientific data ? It is true that in his own writings the rare expressions of agreement with his teacher are almost lost sight of by comparison with his keen and constant polemic against Platonic views. 1 Yet in reality and in the whole his agreement with Plato is far greater than his divergence, 2 and his whole system cannot truly be understood until we treat it as a develop- ment and evolution of that of Plato and as the com- pletion of that very Philosophy of Ideas which Socrates founded and Plato carried on. In the first place, he agrees for the most part with Plato in his general views as to the meaning and office of Philosophy itself. To him, as to Plato, the object of ' We shall deal later on with stotle, as we have shown on p. this polemic, especially as it was 14, n. 3, not unfrequently includes directed against the doctrine of himself in the first person along Ideas in Metaph. i. 9, xiii., xiv. with the rest of the Platonic &c. Only a few passages are school. But his way of treating found inwh,ich Aristotle expressly such a relation is the opposite declares his agreement with Plato, to that of Plato. Whilst Plato Besides the passages noted on puts his own view, even where p. 12, and p. f4, n. 4, see Eth. it contradicts the original one IV. i. 2, 1095, a, 32*; ii. 2, 1104, b, of Socrates, into the mouth of 11 ; De An. iii. 4, 429, a, 27 ; his teacher, Aristotle not un- Polit. ii. 6, 1265, a, 10. frequently attacks his teacher 2 Cf. also the valuable re- even where they agree in the marks of Steumpbll, Gfesck. d. main point, and only differ in theor. Phil. d. Qr. 177. Ari- opinion as to secondary matters. THE PHILOSOPHY OF ARISTOTLE 163 Philosophy can be only Being as such, 1 i.e. Essence, or, to speak more accurately, the universal Essence of that which is actual. 2 Philosophy treats solely of the causes and basis of things, 3 and in fact of their highest and most universal basis, or, in the last resort, of that which presupposes nothing. 4 For the like reasons he ascribes to the philosopher in a certain sense a knowledge of everything, thinking, of course, of the point of unity where all knowledge converges. 5 As Plato had distinguished ' knowledge,' as the cognition of that which is Eternal and Necessary, 1 Anal. Post. ii. 19, 100, a, 6 : etc 5" {/nreipias . . . rexvris fyxb Kal &r*0T^U7js, iav jiiep irepl yevefftv, Metaph. iv. 2, 1004, b, 15 : t£ ovrt p ov IfffTi riva ISia, Kal tout' itrrl irepl §>v rod ir6s tpauev trdvra iroteiy irpbs rb £rjv Kara -rb eKsvBepos 6 aiirov cfpeKa Kal fii) KpaWiffrov rwv iv axnip . . . rb otKewv &\Aov $sv, o&tu Kal aiirr) p.6vt\ tKuffrtp rtf tpicret KpdriiTTOv Kal eAevBepa olaa ruv iirurrnfiuv • SjoVtoV iorw Ikooti)) • Kal t$ av- ix6vi] yap avrri atnris eveKev 4' Scrov Si) Sia- elvai, . . . oiire rrjs TOia{nt]s &AAr)v relvei r) deovpla, Kal r) evSaiuovla. Xph vopifav TtuuTtpav r) yap Cf. c. 9, 1179, a, 22, Eth. End. Beiordrr) Kal tijuiojtotij . . . avay- vii. 15 fin. See further in chapter Kaidrepai ftev olv naaai rairns, xii., infra, 166 ARISTOTLE hand, he brings it into a closer relation with the experimental sciences. His view is that Philosophy is exclusively an*affair of the theoretic faculty. He dis- tinguishes from it very sharply the practical activities (■n-pagisr), which hav.e their end in that which they produce (not, like Philosophy, in the activity itself), and which belong not purely to thought but also to opinion and the ' unreasoning part of the soul.' He distinguishes also the artistic creative effort Qiroin^a-is) which is likewise directed to something outside itself. 1 With Experience, on the other hand, he connects Philosophy more closely. Plato had banished all dealings with the sphere of change and becoming out of the realm of ' Knowledge ' into that of ' Opinion.' Even as to the -passage from the former to the latter, he had only the negative doctrine that the contradictions of opinion and 'fancy ought to lead us to go further and to pass to the pure treatment of Ideas. Aristotle, as we shall presently see, allows to Experience a more positive relation to Thought. The latter, with him, proceeds out of the former by an affirmative movement — that, namely, in which the data given in Experience are brought together into a unity. Furthermore, we find that Plato was but little interested in the descent from the treatment of the Idea to the individual things of the world of appearance — the phenomena. To him, the pure Ideas are the one 1 Besides the passage just Be Ccelo, iii. 7, 306, a, 16. The given, see Eth. N. vi. 2, o. 5, same is repeated by Eudemus 1140, a, 28, b, 25; x. 8, 1178, b, Eth. i 5 fin., and by the author 20 ; vi. 1, 1025, b, 18 sqq. ; xi. 7 ; of Metaph. ii. 1, 993, b, 20. De An. iii. 10, 433, a, 14 ; and THE PHILOSOPHY *0F ARISTOTLE 167 essential object of philosophic knowledge. Aristotle concedes that scientific knowledge has to do only with the universal essence of things ; yet he does not stop at that point, for he regards it as the peculiar task of Philosophy to deduce the Individual from the Universal (as in airoSec^i^ vide infra). Science has to begin with the Universal, the Indeterminate ; but it must pass on to the Determinate. 1 It has to explain the data, the phenomena. 2 It must not, therefore, think little of anything, however insignificant, for even there inexhaust- ible treasures of possible knowledge must lie. 3 It is for a like reason that Aristotle makes for scientific thought itself rules less strict than Plato's. He takes 1 Metaph. xiii. 10, 1087, a, 10 : rb Be rfyv eirurr'fjfA'qv elvai KaB6\ov iraffav . . . ex €l fxev fidMor' airoptav ruv Kex^vruVj oi/ fJ-hv a\\' etrri fiev us a\j)Bes rb \ey6fievov, £i5trei vfftKois eveffri rt Bav/xaarov, &c. Be Ceelo, ii. 12, 291, b, 25. 168 ARISTOTLE the content of 'Knowledge,' and of scientific proof, to include not only the Necessary, but also the Usual (to a>s iirl to ttoXv). 1 He deems it a sign of philosophic crudity that a man should demand the same logical strictness of all kinds of investigation, 2 when in fact it depends on the nature of the subject matter what amount of exactitude can be attained in each of the sciences. 3 Where coercive proof fails him, he is content 1 Anal. Post. i. 30, iii. 12 fin. Part. An. iii. 2, 663, b, 27. Me- taph. vi. 2, 1027, a, 20, xi. 8, 1064, b, sqq. Eth. N. i. 1, 1094, b,19. 1 Mil. N. i. 1, 1094, b, 11-27, o. 7, 1098, a, 26, ii. 2, 1104, a, 1, vii. 1 fin. ix. 1, 1166, a, 12 (Polit. vii. 7 fin. is not in point here). It is chiefly as regards the ethical discussions that Aristotle here de- nies the claim they have to a tho- rough accuracy, because the na- ture of the subject does not allow of any such result ; for in judging of men and the issues of human action, much rests on estimates which are correct only 'in the main ' and ' as a rule.' 3 According to Anal. Post. i. 27, that science is more exact (cucpt/Sarrcpa), which besides the 8ti settles the Si6ti ; that which has to deal with purely scientific ques- tions, not with their application to some given case (y /iii ku9' xnToK.tip.4vov [tucpi/ieiTTipa] ttjs nad' inroKei/icvov, olov opifyHjTUt)) apjxo- vtKrjs), and lastly that which deduces its results from a smaller number of assumptions (e.g. Arithmetic as compared with Geometry), or in other words the more abstract (f\ i£ 1\o.tt&v<»v rijs ix irpo&Oetreas, as is also said in Metaph. i. 2, 982, a, 26, the same example being adduced). The latter is thus expressed (Metaph. xiii. 3, 1078, a, 9) : Utp 5% to, repl Ttpo-ripwv t$ \6ytp (that which, according to its notion or na- ture, is earlier, or stands nearer to the first principles ; cf. p. 330 sqq.) Kal bntKovtrrspuv roa- ofay puXXov ^x €l TOKptjSes. From this it naturally follows, that the first philosophy, according to Aristotle, is capable of the greatest accuracy (cf . Metaph. i. 2, 982, a, 25 : iucpifjeo-TaTai Si twv itrtffTijfjiwv at /idKitTra iuv irpanuy eW), and that every other science is capable of so much the less according as it descends more and more to the world of sensible things (cf. ibid. 1078, a, 11 sq.); for in the latter 7roAA.^ t\ tov aopi- otov (piffis ivvirdpx*i {Metaph. iv. 5, 1010, a, 3 ; further infra, in ch. vii. sec. 2). Therefore the na- tural sciences are necessarily less accurate than those which are con-' cerned with what is constant, like the first Philosophy, pure Mathe- matics, and the doctrine of souls (of which Be An. i. 1 init. extols the aicpi$eut); and those which have the transient as their object are less exact than Astronomy( Me- taph. 1078, a, 11 sqq.). Kampe (ErJtenntnisstheorie d. Ar. 254) says, that in the scale of knpipeut, THE PHILOSOPHY v rets neyttrras ?x°M 6 " avopias. irepX t£v lupavav tjj aiaBiicru Cf. ibid. 292, a, 14, c. 5, 287, b, 31 vofii^opev iKav&s 07rpSeSeij(8ni Kara Part. An. i. 5, 644, b, 31. 170 ARISTOTLE off the theoretic from the practical activities. 1 That distinction is undeniably justified to the full ; but the note of unity is expressly preserved in Aristotle's treat- ment by the fact that while he presents ®sa>put as the completion of the true human life, he also represents the practical activity as an indispensable element therein, as a moral upbringing is an indispensable condition precedent of ethical knowledge. 2 If it be true that this shutting back of ' Theory ' upon itself, this exclusion from the notion of Philosophy of all practical need and effort (as it becomes apparent, for example, in the Aristotelian sketch of the Divine Life) did in fact pre- pare the way for the later withdrawal of the Wise Man from practical usefulness, nevertheless we should not overlook the fact that even here Aristotle only followed in the direction indicated before by Plato ; for Plato's 'Philosopher' would also, if left to himself, live for ' theory ' alone, and only take part in the life of the Republic on compulsion. Least of all can one agree with those who criticise Aristotle because he conceived the office of Philosophy, not from the point of view of an ideal humanly unattainable, but in a way that could be carried out in the actual world, 3 or with those who attack him by praising Plato for distinguishing between the ideal of knowledge and the scientific attainment of men. 4 If such a view of the relation of the ideal to actuality were in itself and in Aristotle's view well founded, it would only follow that he had sought, as ' HlTTivo-ikws and Ka6i\ov, De Casio, i. 10 fin. c. 12, 283, b, 17). But here he takes the logical to be so much the more imperfect, the further re- moved it is from the concrete definiteness of the object. Cf. Phys. viii. 8, 264, a, 7 : ots fikv oZv ay TiF its oineloLS TTLffreiffeie \6yois, ovroi Kal TOtovrol Ttpes elo~iv ' \oyiKas 5" &rHT7co7roG£eie rep rainb tovto cvpfiaivzu'. Gen. An. ii. 8, 747, b, 28 : AeV" 5e \oyiK^v [air6Bei£iv~\ 5ta tovto oti bcrrp KaQoKov p.aA\ou iroppcitrepu tuv oiksIuv 4.i\ . . . Sr/Kov fin oSre irpuKTUeli iariv oifre 7ron}Tiicff .... ibffTe el iracra Stdyota t) irpaKTHcii ^ itohjtik)) f) BewpifTiK^, r) p6vn]cns and t£X"1 (Walter, Lehre v. d. prakt. Venn. 540 sq.). QiKotrocpla never has this meaning, and even &ri ttoi- ouj/ti t) apx^t r) vovs r) rexvT] r) 5i5ya/*i's ris, ray Be irpaKTiKay 4y rep Trpdr- tovtl 7] Trpoaipetris. Hence Eth. vi. 5, 1 1 40, b, 22 : in the province of art it is better to err voluntarily ; in that of morals involuntarily. 1 JStll. vi. 4 init. : ertpov S' eVrl iro'ni °- ^ init. '• rov 5' eVBe- XO/J-eyov SAAws *x elv * ffTl Ti Ka ^ Troirirbv Kal irpaKrdv, &c. Of. c. 2, 1139, a, 2 sqq. Be Gcelo, iii. 7, 306, a : vid.svpr. p 167, n. 2 ; Part. An. i. 1, 640, a, 3 : t\ yap hpxh ro7s ptv [the theorists] rb tv, rots 5c [the technicists] rb io-6/i.evov. 1 Metaph. vi. 1 (xi. 7) where among other things 1026, a, 13 : tj fiev yap (pvaiKT) nepl ax^ptcra fiev a\\' oi/K 4k(h)to, ttjs 8e fiaSTi^a- tiktjs ivia irepl aKivTira pev oli Xapurra b" has, AW as iv $K7). 7) Be irp&rTi [sc. t/uAotro^a] Kal irepl Xapiffra Kal aKlyTjra . . . affre rpets av elev tyiKoffotp'-ai deupTjrlKal, /A067J- juoTi/ci), (pvtriKTi, 6fo\oyiKt). Simi- larly xii. 1, 1096, a, 30, c, 6 init. ; De An. i. 1, 403, b, 7 sqq. About the name of the first philosophy, cf . also p. 76, mipra. As to Mathe- matics as the science of numbers and quantity, and the abstraction peculiar to it, whereby it does not consider a body according to its physical properties, but only from tbe point of view of magnitude in space, and, in determining num- ber and quantity, disregards the intrinsic condition of that in which they occur, see Phys. ii. 2, 193, b, 31 sqq. ; Anal. Post. i. 10, 76, b, 3, c. 13, 79 a", 7 ; Anal. Pri. i. 41, 49, b, 35 ; Metaph. xi. 4, c. 3, 1061, a, 28, vii. 10, 1036, a, 9, xiii. 2, 1077, a, 9 to c. 3 Jin., iii. 2, 997, b, 20, ibid.. 996, a, 29 ; Be An. iii. 7 fin. Detached state- ments on Mathematics are found in many places, e.g. Metaph. i. 2, 982, a, 26 ; Be Coelo, iii. 1, 299, a, 15, c. 7, 306, a, 26; De An. i. 1, 402, b, 16. Cf. BRANDISj p. 135 184 ARISTOTLE he names also Theology, and treats as the pinnacle of all knowledge. 1 If, however, we attempt to apply the suggested division to the contents of the Aristotelian books, 2 we sqq. The contradiction which Rittbk, iii. 73 sq., finds, in Ari- stotle,' viz. that a sensible sub- tratum is first denied and after- wards attributed to Mathematics, and that its object is now de- signated as removed, now as not removed, from what is sensible, is partly solved by the distinction of the purely mathematical from the applied sciences, and partly and chiefly by the remark that Aristotle nowhere says that the object of Mathematics is a x m P'- mbv, but only that it is considered as such , i.e . by abstracting from its sensible nature ; in Metaph. xii. 8, 1073, b, 3, moreover, Astronomy according to the common reading is not called ' the truest philo- sophy,' but the oi/ccioT^Tr), the most important of the mathe- matical sciences for the discus- sion in hand ; still Bonitz is right in reading : rrjs oifte iotcJttjs cpiAo- (ro'a 8' eWl theories are also called rexvai, tA piy rii SioXeKTucp rcb 8c -rots cf. supra, p. 72, 2, 73, 1), a-otpurriKois \6yois. JSth. i. 1, 1094, still he does not seem to give b, 2 : dpHfify Si xa\ rets iyri/ioTdras Rhetoric an independent place in ■rav tivvdfiewv mb to.vti\v [tV to- the system, as Brandis does (ii. Ai\o(ro- Peripatetics. .aTa .... Tphs juev oZv Le6a (ro0epj rb 6par6v etc. atriop 5* fri rap Ka$ eKacrov i) /cot' ivepyeiav aXo , 87]0'ts, r\ S' iiriar'hfj.r) rap Kad6\ov ' ravra 8* eV ai/rfj iras sffTL rfj ^XV- $ t0 voijaai fxep iir' ai/Tcp '6rav fHovhyrat, ato'Oaveo'dat 5' ovk iir 7 auTy • avayxatop yap virdp- X* tv T0 oXq*&i\t6v, '■ 3 Be An.iM. at 430, a, 2 (fol- lowing the passage to be cited presently on p. 199, n. 2), he says : 192, 3 : Kal avrbs 5e [6 povs] pot}t6s iffriv affirep ra porjrd. 4irl fxhv yap rap &V€v $A7}s rb avr6 effrt rb voovp koll rb poo^/xevov * y yap iirio'r'fifj.7) r) deupjiTtfc^} leal rb oUra's hrio'Tijrbp rb avr6 eartp. Ibid. iii. 7 i/nit. : rb 5* avr6 larip 7} /car' ipepyetap iiriffr'fifn} r$ irpdyixari. Metap/i. xii. 7, 1074, b, 38 : r) eV iviav r\ iirio-r^fiT} rb 7rpayfj.a; evlfiep rap TroirjriKoap &pev VKys t) ovffta Koi rb rl %p elpai, iirl 5e rap deapyriKap 6 \6yos r6 irpayfia leal v\ p6t]ffts. 4 Anal. Post. ii. 19, 100, b, 8 : eirel Se . . , . ovSep ivurr^fii^s anpi- $4ffrepov &\\o yepos t) vovs, at 5' apx^l rap airoSeii-eap ypaptfit&repai, eirto'T^fiT} 5' cwrcwra fierk \6yov e'er!, rap apx&v eTTto-rfifiT} fiep oite Uv eftj, iirel 8' ovfiev akyB e'tpre pop ivZ^x*™ eipat iirio~T , f}tiris ^ povp } povs av efrj ruv apxoop . , . ei oZp fi7]5ep &\\o irap' iirurr7)fi7}p yipos fyafiep aKrjdhs, pods tLPtXi) iiriar-fffxris apx'h- JVth.vi. 6: rrjsapxvsrov iiriffrTirov out' av 4irio , rr)fir} rfij oftre riypri otfre p6v7]0'ts .... helirsrai povp ejpat rmv apx&P- C. 7, 1141, a, 17, b, 2, c. 9, 1142, a, 25 : 6 ph yap povs rap opaiv, Sip ovk cffri \6yos. c. 12, 1143, a, 35 (with which cf. Teendelenbubg, Histor. Beitr. ii. 375 sqq. ; Walter, Bie Lehre v. d. praM. Vernimft, etc., 38 sqq.) : 6 povs rap kaxdrtap eV afMf>6r€pa' teal yap rap irp&rap b'prov Kal rap eVx^TWj/ povs eo'ri Kai ov \6yos, Kal 6 fitp Kara ras airoSf (Jew rap atcivfyrav b'pap Kal wpd>rup t 6 5' 4p rals TrpdKTiKots rod €o*^<£tou Kal ipdexofiepov etc. (More will be 198 ARISTOTLE scribed as the ' place of the Ideas,' ' and it may be said of the faculty of Thought that it is in itself all that is said as to the latter, in ch. xi. and xii. infra.') This recogni- tion of principles is an imme- diate knowledge (dinetrov), for the root principles of all argument cannot, in their turn, be proved : (cf. Anal. Post. i. 2, 3, 72, a, 7, b, 18 sqq. c, 22, 84, a, 30; ii. 9 wiit. c. 10, 94, a, 9 ; and Metaph. iv. 4, 1006, a, 6, 1011, », 13 ; more fully later). But on this very account it is always true. For error only consists in a false con- junction of perceptions, andhence arises only in the Proposition by reason of the conjunction of the Predicate with a Subject (Oateg. 4 fin. ; Be Interpr. i. 16, a, 12 ; Be An. iii. 8, 432, a, 11) ; im- mediate knowledge, on the other hand, is concerned with pure conceptions relating to no subject distinct from themselves, which we can only know or not know, but as to which we cannot be deceived ; Be An. iii. 6 init. : 7] fiev odv ray aSiaiperav ySTtffis ev roinois irepl a ovk eari rb tyevSos ' £v ots Se kal rb tyevSos Kal rb a\T]8es, aivQeffis tis r)Sri voTtpArtcv &s ev ivTuiv ; and ibid, at the end : tffri 8' 7) p.ev (pdais rl Kard twos, &o"jrep 7] KaTdtpadvai i.\ri6es . . . rd $' ayvoetv /J.ri Biyydveiv ' airarriBTJvai yap Ttepl rd rl iariv ovk eariv a\K' 7) Kara av\Pt^7)K6s . . . Siro 8^ eariv Swep elvai ri Kal ivepyela, trepl ravra ovk eariv aTvarr)8r]vai aAV 7) voelv 7) fit) . . . rd Se a\7i6es rb voeiv avrd ' rb Se tyevSos ovk %ariv, oi/S* cnrdrTi, iU' ayvoia. According to these passages we should understand by the Trpordaeis ti.p.eo'oi, which ex- press the ultimate principles (An. Post. i. 2, 23, 33, 72, a, 7, 84, b, 39, 88, b, 36), only those propositions in which the predicate is already contained in the subject, not those in which it attaches to a subject different from itself : or in other words, only analytical u. priori judgments. In like manner the Spia/ibs rav ap-eaav (ibid. ii. 10, 94, a, 9) is a e4 &(rirep rb aio-9-qTiicbv irpbs rh aiffBijr^, oStoj t6v vovv irpis to. voryrd . . . 6 apa KaXovftevos T7js tyvxiis vovs. . . ovQiv iffrtv evepyettp rav uvtcuv irplv voziv . . . kclL ed Sij etc. (vid. supr. p. 198, n. 1). Ibid. b, 30 : Svvd/iei irds tan to vaifrh 6 vovs, a\\' evTeAe^efot ovdev, irplv ttv vorj. 8e? 5' ojItws Sxrirep zv ypafipareltp @ fijjBev imdpx*i evT€- Ae^efa yeypafifievoy. Sirep trvpfialvei eirl toB vov. "Here (b, 5) and in ii. 5, 417, a, 21 sqq. a still more accurate distinction is made between two meanings of the Svvd/iei : we can call a man Svvd/iet iiruTTr)fuov not only when he has as yet learned nothing, but possesses the capacity for learning some- thing, but also when he knows something, but -has not at a given moment this knowledge actually present to his mind. It was in the latter sense that Plato conceived of innate know- ledge,whereas Aristotle conceived of it under the former analogy. This is the meaning of his com- parison of the soul with the book that is not yet written on : and it was a misapprehension when this comparison was understood in the sense of the later Sensa- tion-theory of knowledge. (Cf. Hegel, Gesch. d. Phil. ii. 342 sq.; Tbendelenbukg, on this passage, p. 485 sq.) Aristotle only wants to illustrate by it the difference between the Swdpai and ivepyeiq. He does not here go on to inform us in what way potential knowledge becomes actual. But, according to what has gone before (429, a, 15), it is not the aiV9i)T& but the voriri, by whose action the tablet of the vovs, blank in itself, is written upon, so that we have to deal in fact with a theory far re- moved from the Sensation- philosophy. 200 ARISTOTLE Throughout his whole treatment of this question, there runs a certain obscurity, the grounds of which we can of course indicate, but which we cannot altogether remove without doing violence to the statements of the Master himself. On the one hand, Aristotle contests the possibility of any innate knowledge, and insists that all our notions arise out of perception. 1 On the other hand, he speaks of an immediate knowledge of those truths on which all others depend, 2 and allows that all the knowledge which in the course of our lives we gain lay in our soul from the beginning in germ. 3 Of course, this last view is not to be taken to imply that the soul, prior to all experience, carried in itself the said knowledge in so far as the content thereof is con- cerned, or that the function of such experience was merely to cause it to be brought out into consciousness. 4 1 Cf. pp. 195 sq., 205 sq. than the thought that the soul is * P. 197, n. 4. everything inasmuch as it is * Cf. pp. 196, n. 1, 197, n. 2, capable of having the forms (or 198, n. 1, and 199, n. 1. images) of all things within 4 There is no necessity to in- itself. That it produces them out terpret in that sense the passages of itself is not stated. Onthecon- given above. On the contrary, trary, as the power of perception when he says in Be An. iii. 8 is called cTSos aiaBi)Tuv, because {supra, p. 199, n. 1) that ' the soul it receives into itself the forms is in a certain sense everything,' of the uaBifrA, so the vovs may, he immediately explains this in the same sense, be called elSos phrase by adding (431, b, 28): eitiuv, inasmuch as it is the faculty av&yKri b" if avra i) ra e¥5t7 elvai. to receive the insensible forms ; aira fiev yap BJ) oS • ov yap 6 KlBos and t6ttos e tSav (p. 198, n. 1) may h Tjj tyvxy , a\\a r6 elSos • Sore f) be taken in the same sense. The tyvxh & (p. 417, theorie d. Arist. p. 192) objects, b, 5 : Oeupovv ■yh.p ylyverat rb %x ov no * without reason, though his v\v tiri.arljii.iiv}. Finally, in Anal, citation of MetapA. i. 9, 993, a, Post. ii. 19 (cited at p. 197,n. 4, su- 7 sqq. is not in point. pro) Aristotle says it is impos- 2 So Kampe, ibid. ; but it is sible to believe that we should hard to reconcile with this ex- come to the knowledge of the position his attempt in the next highest principles.without posses- following pages to reduce that sing previous knowledge ; but he true perception which is, for Ari- looks for that previous knowledge stotle, the basis of all knowledge not in any ideas innate in the to some kind of Intuitive Thought, soul prior to all experience, but essentially differing both from simply in the inductive process. Knowledge and Opinion. Of. infra, ch. v. ad fin. 3 Onthisseep. 197, n.i,supra. 202 ARISTOTLE ralisations upon a matter given in experience. Each of these generalisations consists in an induction, 1 the result of which can only be expressed as a judgment and a conclusion, and which therefore is, like all judgments, either false or true. But, on the other hand, the activity of the Nous in knowledge is by him distinguished from all mediate cognition, and what we attain by it is not judgments but ideas — not that which may be either false or true, but that which is always true — that which we may either have or not have, but as to which, if we have it, we cannot be deceived. 2 So, again, as all induction starts from perception, which has relation to that which is compounded of Form and Matter and is sensible, and as the quality of con- tingency, the possibility of being and not-being, is inseparable from all that is Matter, 3 therefore by induc- tion alone we can never attain to anything which is unconditionally necessary. For those ideas which rest entirely on experience can have no higher certainty than that on which they rest. But of the knowledge of the principia, Aristotle holds that it is of all know- ledge the most certain, 4 and he will allow nothing to rank among the principia except what is necessarily true. 5 It follows, then, that the immediate knowledge referred to can only be an intuition — and that it can only be a spiritual intuition, as contrasted with all sensible perception. But the spirit of man has nob these ideas innate in itself. Therefore, the intuition by 1 About which see oh. v. infra. * Anal. Post. i. 2, 71, b, 19, 2 Cf. p. 197, n. i. 72, a, 25 sqq. ; ii. 19, 100, b, 3 Cf . infra in the second part 9. of ch. vii., and the notes there 5 Anal. Post. i. 6 init. on these points. LOGIC • 203 which it finds them cannot consist in any self-intuition or act of introspection, making us conscious of the principia as of a truth already within us. 1 It must be something whereby certain thoughts and ideas arise through an action of that which is thought upon the spirit thinking it, in some way analogous to that in which perception arises through an action of that which is perceived upon the percipient. And Aristotle does, in fact, base himself on this very analogy when he says that the Nous is related to the thinkable as sense is to the perceivable ; 2 or that it knows the thinkable because it ' touches ' it ; 3 or that as perception in itself must be always true, so must thought be, in so far as it relates to ideas as such. 4 In this way we get a theory which is for the moment intelligible and consistent. But the further questions remain wholly unanswered — What is this, by the intuition of which we get the principia of all mediate knowledge and the most universal of all ideas and axioms ? What kind of being belongs to it ? In what way does it act upon our spirit ? Of what sort are these principia which we so attain ? Do all of 1 This was Zeller's view in doubtless, the first of these his second edition. passages, Theophrastus also says 2 Be An. iii. 4, 429, a, 15 ; in Fr, 12 (Metaph. - ) 25 : 'If we • see p. . begin with observation we can, 3 Metaph. ix. 10, 1051, b, 24 up to a certain point, explain (vid. supr. p. 197,n.4): inpercep- things from their causes : '6to.v Be tion of the aavvBera is to /lev eV aira t£ &Kpa peTaBaivw/iLfv ovk- Btyelv Kal Se irpbs iifias fiev irpoWepa Kal in Phys. i. 1 : etrrf 5' Tj^iiv irpu- yvwptfit&repa rd 4yy6repov tt)s roj/Srjha Kal ffatpri rd trvyKexvfieifa aitrBijo'eas, aTr\$s 5e irpdrepa Kal fxaWof • Sffrepoy 5' 4k rovrtov yiv- yvwpifitjorepa ra iroppcbrepov ' ecri erai yvdspiixa ra trT0i%e7a Kal ai Se iropptwrdTO) fiev tcL Ka96\ov fidKi- apxal Biaipovn ravra. Sid 4k tuv ffra, iyyvrdru 5e ra Kab" eKatrra. Kad6\ov iirl ra ko6' e/cacTTa 5el Phys. i. 1, 184, a, 16 : ite^ukc Be irpoUvm. rb ydp S\ov Kara tV 4k r&v yvapifiareptay 7]fuv tj 68ds atffQ^ffiv yj/apifit&Tepoi/, rb 5e ica.6- Kal ffatpeffrepav iirl r& (ratpeffrepa 6\ov b'Xov t/ 4o~tiv ' troWh yap rfj tip.s ylverai u.vf\p.ri, avSpiitrois .... yiverai Be Tex^i), Siffirep \eyofiev, £k Be fivfiuris tto\- Srav e« ttoWuv ttjs efnretplas eWorj- \dicis too airov ywof>.evT\s Ifarsipla. p&T T °v ^ y Ta/>& t& iroAAi, ^ojKpdret Kal KaQeKacrrov oStoj & av eV atraaiv ev ivij itcetvots t& iroWois, ifj.iretpias Iffrly rb 5' 8Vi av-rb, Tex vr l s &PX^ Ka ' iirurrJyiris, vaai roh roio7aSe kot' eTBos %v lav per irepl y4veE/ieiK, he follows up the striking remark (254, a, 30) that such a view could not explain B, he says, tovtov fareTv \6yov av ovk etrri \6yos' airobei^eais yap apxn ovk cwr. (About these koivb. see also De Sensu, c. i. 137, a, 8.) De Sensu, iv. 442, b, 8 : irepl jiiv roiruv [the Kowa just mentioned] airarSivrai, irepl Se rav ISlwi/ ovk Snfarwvrai, otov b\j/is irepl xp&}i.aros kjI h.K.0^1 nepl \f/6 b av Kara Travr6s cirri rb Kara ir\si&vuv Kal Sia, Hffa Part. An. i. 4, 644, a, 24 : ra Si hpiidrrei (broSoiW ipurvBevra rl KaB6\ov Koivd ■ ra yap ir\eloinv iirri rb irpoKelpievov (e.g. in a man : \)Trapxovra KaB6\ov Xeyoptv. (Like- r( iffri ; £$ov). Metaph. v. 28, LOGIC • 215 qualities included in the notion of the Genus are added other marks which are again essential with reference to a certain part of the whole class, and by which such part is distinguished from the rest of the same Genus, then we arrive at the Species, which, accordingly, is made up of the Genus and the specific differences. ] If, 1024, a, 36 sqq., where, among different meanings of yhos, the following are given : -rb viroiceliie- vov reus SiiMpopais, rb irpwrov iv- woipxoy ft \4yerat 4v r$ rl itrrt . . . ov Staipopal \4yovrai al itol6t7i- T6j (that these two descriptions apply to the same meaning of y4vos is shown by Bonitz on this passage). Ibid. x. 3, 1054, b, 30: \4yerat Se yivos t> afjupco ravrb \£yOVTM Kara t)jv ovtriav TCt Hid- (popa ; X. 8, 1057, b, 37 : rb yap toiovtov yevos Ka\a*, $ a^tpw %v ravrb Aeyerai, /x-^ Kara ffvfi^e^tjKbs ix ov Siaf- a SicwcpiTiK&z/, black is the xP®H- a v e/caiTToe jxev hr\ irXtiov vwdp^ei [is accidental also to other things], airavra Si jiii; eitI irX46v. ravrriv yap avdyicT} ovffiav elvai rov irpdyfiaros — which will be further illustrated below. Ibid. 97, a, 18 : we get the concept {\6yos Tijs ova-las) of a given object by dividing the genus into its species, and then the species to which our object belongs into its sub-species, and thus proceeding till we arrive at a group Sv/aiiciri eVrl SiaQopa, i.e. that which is indivisible into any farther sets of opposed species, to one or other of which the object in question would belong (but about the actual tenableness of this LOGIC 217 Substance, or more accurately the determinate Substance or pp.p.nliar T f!gEjanf»B^ ficirep ou8' &triar4\p.i\v ore /xhv eVi- ariip.7iv ore b" ayvoiav elvai, aAAa 8o'|a to toioutoV eariv (vid. supra p. 163), OUTftJS ouS' airSSet^Ly ou8' dpifffibv, aWa 8 87)\oi/ Sti ovk av eftj ahr&v ofrre cHro'5ei|ts. As soon as we perceive it no longer, we do not know whether it is now the same as we think it to be. (Cf . Top. v. 3, 131, b, 21 ; Anal. PH. ii. 21, 67, a, 39.) And in ch. 10, 1035, b, 34 : rov \6yov fiepri ra rov eltiovs p6vov cffrlv, 6 Be \6yos iarl tou koS6\ov • to yap kvkXcji elvai Kai kuk\os Kai i//uxp *!"«" ^al ^vxh ravTa ' tou Se , ei fify o~tb*7]- pods, tan yap Kal eV rtfi \6yu IVia l+opia us ii\r] tov \6yov. Cf. Me- taph. vii. 10, 1035, a, 1, b, 14, and ch. 11, 1037, a, 29. 2 If on the one hand we deny that matter belongs to the concept of a thing, and on the other are obliged to admit that numberless things cannot be defined without giving their matter, this seems, at first sight, a contradiction. In the passage referred to (Metaph. vii. 10) Aristotle seeks to escape this contradiction by saying that in such cases, not this individual object, formed by the combina- tion of a specific concept with this definite matter, is defined, but only its form ; it is not this circle, but the circle, or the k{ik\w elvai, not this soul, but the soul, the tyvxfi ehai. But the difficulty is, indeed, by no means removed in this way. If, for instance, the soul is the ' Ente- lechy ' of an organic body (Be An. ii. 1), the vl 9jv elvai tQ roupSe aipaTi (Metaph. ibid. 1035, b, 16), then a matter consti- tuted in a stated way belongs to the concept of the soul. 3 Metaph. vii. 15, 1039, b, 27, as at p. 220, n. 2, supra. 1 Vid. supra, p. 163, n. 2. 5 Metaph. ibid. 1040, a, 8: not only are sensible things in- capable of definition, but also ideas : t&v yap jtafl' eKaffTov t\ i8e'a, ws 0cc(j), Kal xtu/wrtj. ava.yit.alov 8' e| oyofidrav elvai rby X6yov • ovo/xa S' ov iroffiffGi & dpt£6/xevos, &yvu>o-TOv 222 ARISTOTLE embraces several individuals, or at least can embrace several ; l and even if we descend to the lowest species we are still always met by universal determinations only. Within these, the individual entities are dis- tinguished no longer by anything relating to species, but only by accidental marks of difference. 2 Between •yap eirrcu. Ta Se nd/ieva xotva iraffiv. avdyKT} apa inrt&pxew Kal a\\(p ravTa ' otnv e¥ rts v ovdfiaTa irXeito Tb 8e trpayfrn IV. This last kind of identity may be expressed in various ways : Kvpiwrara fiev Kal irpdrtos flrav 6v6fiaTL $i '6ptp Tb raiirbv diroSoflp, Kaddnep lp,aTLov Xumicp Kal £§ov Tre£bv Slirouv avdpdmcp, Sevrepov 8* orav T(p IS'lcj}, fco.6d.iTtp rb 4irto'T , fi l wris 224 ARISTOTLE one concept is different. 1 Complete Identity, however, implies unity of matter also, for individuals between which there is no difference of a species are yet different numerically, because in each of them the same concept presents itself in a different matter. 2 Con- ceptual distinction in the highest degree gives us Contrary Opposition; whereas simple difference pro- duces Contradictory Opposition. For Contraries (kvav- ria) are such as, within the same Genus, lie as far as possible asunder. 3 Contrary opposition, in fact, is ZeRriKbv ai'Opunroi, . . . rpirov 8' Hrav airb tov cryjUjSejSsj/ccVos, otov rb KaBiifievov ^ rb fiovtrixby 'ZcuKparei. There is a somewhat different division in Metapli. v. 9. Ari- stotle there distinguishes, first, the toutci Kara trvfifeliriitbs and ravTa ttofl' aura; then the rairbv e?5ei and apt.Bi.u2, both of which are affirmed partly of that which has a Matter, partly of that which has an Essence (fulleratx. 3,1054, a, 32 : that is identical in number which both in Matter and in Form is one). As a general explana- tion he gives us a formula which is easily reducible to the one cited above : tj ravrSTTis &p6ttjs rls iariv fj ir\ei6vu>v rod elvai ^ Srav xprJTtu &s irKeloinv (as in avrb avT$TavT6v). Since, however (according to ch. 10, 1018, a, 35), Unity and Being can be used in different senses, the meaning of the -rairbv, erepov, &c. must vary accordingly. 1 Metapli. v. 9, 1018, a, 9: €T6/3o Sh \iyerai Ssv % ra efSij irAffej f/ ri S\T) if) d \6yos rijs oialas' Kal cfAwr ayriKsifievas Ttf ravrtp AeyeTcu rb erepov. On efSer and 7cVei erepoi/, cf. ibid. x. 8, v. 10, 1018, a, 38 sqq. and ch. 28, 1024, b, 9. 2 See preceding note and p . 222, n. 2. That the individual dif- ferences of things must be based on Matter will be further shown later on, in the second part of ch. vii. infra. 3 Aristotle states this defini- tion, Categ. c. 6, 6, a, 17; Eth.N. ii. 8, 1108, b, 33, as one already in use (6pi£ovTui) ; but in Metapli. x. 4 init., he puts it forward in his own name, and he there establishes the proposition that opposites must belong to the same genus, by observing ex- pressly: rb. fi.lv yap yevei b~ia(pi- povra oiic ex el *W» e '* KAAjjAa, aAA' a7re'x« irhiov Kal ae'poi/Ta rwv ec rabrip SeKriKcp (that the ivavria are LOGIC 225 nothing but specific difference made absolute. 1 Con- tradictory opposition, on the other hand, is the relation accidental to one and the same Sacrutov is confirmed by Metaph. x. 4, 1055, a, 29; De Somn. No. 1, 453, b, 27), Ka\ ra ir\eiaTov diap6v7iffis and atppoaivri) were to be called air\as ivavria, not the beings to which these concepts apply (such as the oatris (vid. n. 6, &c, infra) ; and in Phys. v. 3, 227, a, 8 and Metaph. iv. 7 init., v. 10 init., the opposition of concepts is included under the same word. 2 Metaph. iv. 7, xi. 6, 1063, b, 19 ; Phys. loc. cit., and cf. what will be said presently about con- tradictory judgment. The kind of opposition is the same there as here : see Categ. c. 10, 12, b, 10. 3 Categ. u. 10, 11, b, 16 sqq., 13, a, 37 sqq. ; and Metajih. x. 1057, a, 33. 4 An 6vofia or pvf-ta aopiarov ; vid. infra, p. 232, n. 2. 5 "E|« and orepjjiris, e.g. ' see- ing ' and ' blind.' For what fol- lows, cf. Trendelenburg, Hist. Beitr. i. 103 sqq. 6 In Metapli. v. 22 ("and, refer- ring to this, x. 4, 1055, b, 3) Ari- stotle distinguishes three mean- ings of the or4pT\ ^ ov ^ a " T & ^ T & yivos, /u;; %XV- (3) ft" ire T ^ Te % TV(p\bv $ S\fiiv t%ov p7i%trf.-M. It is, how- ever, to be observed that (1) so long as the thing in question is not ire i* ^ s n °t SeicTiicbv Styeus either, and there- fore the instance adduced is not to the point ; and (2), on the other hand, there is much that is intermediate between ' posses- sion ' and ' privation,' for there are all the degrees of partial possession : there are not only ' seeing ' things and ' blind ' things, but also things 'half blind.' — A further distinction of the havr'ia from the opposites Kara aripiiinv ko.1 'Qui is said to lie in the fact (Categ. c. 10, 13, a, 18), that in the former the trans- ition from one to the other is mutual (white can become black and black white), but in the latter only one-sided, from pos- session to privation, and not con- versely. But this is likewise in- correct: not only can things which see become blind or the rich poor, but blind things may become seeing and the poor rich ; and even if this is not possible in every actual case, the same is just as true of the ivavrla them- selves ; neither can every sick man get well, nor every black thing become white. For the logical relation of concepts, such a distinction would in any case be of no importance. — Lastly, in Metosph- x. i, 1055, b, 3, 7, 14, it is said that the v ; the active and the passive ; the measurable and the measure; the knowable and knowledge. Though in Metaph. v. 10, two further forms of opposi- tion are named, yet Bonitz, on this passage, and Waitz, Arut. Org. i. 308, have demonstrated that these latter come under the four already given. Conversely, Phys. v. 3, 227, a, 7 only mentions two (avr'upcuns and ivavr i6r t/s). 2 See n. on p. 225, and as to the extension of the above principle to all avruceifieva,cf. Metaph.iv. 2, 1004, a, 9 ; Top. i. 14, 105, b, 33, ii. 2, 109, b, 17, viii. 1, 155, b, 30, c. 13, 163, a, 2. The founda- tion of this proposition lies mainly in the fact that, of opposites, one cannot be known without the other. This has different causes in different cases : in con- tradictory opposition, it arises from the negative concept Non-A immediately presupposing and containing the positive one A; in correlative concepts it arises Logic # 229 But concepts taken by themselves cannot, so far, produce Discourse of any kind ; they are neither true nor false. Definite expression, and therewith truth and falsehood likewise, are first found in the Propo- sition. 1 The coupling of the Noun or Name-word with the Verb or Time-word, of the Subject with the Predicate, 2 presents us with a unit of discourse (or spoken thought, Xoyos) ; 3 and if this discourse takes the form of Assertion, if anything is affirmed or denied in it, we get, as distinguished from other modes of thought expressed in words, 4 the Proposition 5 or Judg- ment (aTTotftava-isf — for which Aristotle regards the simple Categorical Judgment as the type. 7 A judg- ment is true, when the thought whose inner process is from their mutually presupposing Arigt. Org. i. 352). Interrogation one another; in contrary oppo- is put under the concept of sition, and in trrepijiris and e|is irpiraais, but it is distinguished (so far as that applies here) it as irp6Tairis SiaAe/cTi/cJ) from vp. arises because the knowledge of cwroSeucrari), in that the latter is the opposed specific differences \i)-fyis darepov popiov rrjs ai/ri- presupposes that of the common cm\rj air6aa is), in such wise that one or the other of them must be true and no third is possible. 4 On the other hand, certain affirm- ative propositions are related to certain negatives (as, for instance, universal affirmatives to the corresponding 1 On the definition of speech as v ev tt) i|/uxi? 1ra ^" ■nuaTiav, see Be Interpr. c. 1, 16, a, 3, c. 2 init. c. 4, 17, a, 1 ; Soph. Ml. c. 1, 165, a, 6; Be Sensu, c. 1, 437, a, 14 ; Rhet. iii. 1, 1404, a, 20. The events in the soul which words express are, according to these passages, the same in all men ; their designa- tion in speech, on the other hand, is (like written signs) a matter of convention, and thus differs in different persons. 2 Metaph. vi. 4, ix. 1 init. 3 Be Interpr. c. 6 init. : e Kafl' out^c fi6piov 5' &.i/TL 'so'tlv ovk ayadbv, have a o~XTJpui KaratpaTiKov. 4 Still, this is only the case in De Interpr. c. 7. Universal judgments, which are also called eirl tSiv KaQ6\ov awotpaivoj/Tcu ku66\ov, and particulars, which are also called iv ftepet or kot& fj.4pos (Anal. Pr. i. 1, 24, a, 17, c. 2, 25, a, i, 10, 20, &c), are also designated as those which iirl rS)V KaQ6\ov fiey fi^j koB6\ov Se airocpali/oi/rat, i.e. in both the sub- ject is a kb.86Kov, M ir\ei6vuv •xe iin- are without meaning for the atfarpi, t^v ydoviiv p)i ehai ayaB6v, main object of that treatise, — belong, logically considered, to which is the doctrine of the the class of universal propositions; syllogism, yet we should expect others which might be adduced, that, if Aristotle at the time he such as iariv &vffpuiiros Sticaios, wrote it had already had his are particular. Aristotle himself attention called to this form makes no further use in the Ana- of judgment, he would have ex- lytics of the Trpordaeis aSiSpurrot. pressly stated why he passed it. Theophrastus designated under over. We may infer, if the com- this name the particular negative position n. tyfiriveias be really his, (Alex. Analyt. 21, b), or perhaps that the peculiar notes of indivi- as Ammon. De Interpr. 73, a, dual judgments must have struck states, particular propositions in hiraafterhehaAvrnttenAnalytics. general. 1 In the Be Interpr. he adds z Anal. Pr. i. 2 init. : irStro nothing as to indefinite judg- irpSrao-ls ia-nv % tov im&px*iv $ tou ments. In Anal. Pr. i. 1, 24, a, ej i.vi.jK.^s inrdpx^v ^ tou ivtiexe- 16 (cf. c. 2, 25, a, 4, c. 4, 26, b, 3, aBat tm&px* lv - etc.) he says : irpiraois. . . % ko.B&- 3 Anal. Pi: i. 13, 32, a, 18 \ov % iv pepei % aSiSpurros ; but the \4ya> 5' eVSe'xetrflai ko! ri> eVSeje<'/«- 234 ARISTOTLE corollaries which he deduced from his definitions were partly confuted by critics as old as Theophrastus and Eudemus. 1 To what is called the ' Eelation of Judg- vov, ov pA} &vtos avajKaiov, redevros 5' inrdpxeiv, ovSev etrrai bla tout* ativvarov ; 1. 28 : iffrai &pa rb £ir- 8ex6[ievov ovk avayKaiov «a Xrb fiij avayKaiov 4vSex6/isvov. Metaph. ix. 3, 1047, a, 24 : itrri Se Swarbv rovro, § iav virdpl-ri 77 ivepyeia, ov Keyerat ex elJ/ T V bvvap.iv, oiidhv carat aSivarov. Likewise c. 4, 1047, b, 9, C. 8, 1050, b, 8 : ira36 ARISTOTLE says of contradictory opposition ' do we find the kernel of the late doctrine of disjunctive judgments. On the other hand, he is copious in his treatment of the Con- version of Propositions, 2 laying down the well-known rules, 3 but he treats it solely in connection with his theory of the Syllogism. This theory of the Syllogism was expounded by Aristotle at full length, and it may truly be called his most original discovery. 4 As he was the first to intro- duce the name of the Syllogism into the scientific vocabulary, 5 so he was also the first to remark that all connections and all advances in our thought depend upon the syllogistic combination of judgments. A ' Syllogism ' is a chain of thoughts, in which, from certain matters assumed, and by virtue of these alone, there issues of necessity some further matter different from them. 6 thing contained in B and A, by the same necessity, there is,, or is not, a connection (if all living beings, by reason of a necessity of nature, are mortal, the same is also true of every kind of living beings, e.g. of men), as Aristotle, loo. tit. 30, a, 21 sqq. shows quite clearly. If, on the other hand, these propositions are meant to state that we are obliged to think A connected or not connected with B, the pro- position, ' C must (or cannot) be A ' can only be deduced from the proposition ' B must (or cannot) be A,' when we are obliged to consider C implied in B. If, however, we only know as a fact (assertorially) that C is B, then we only know as a fact, likewise, that C is or is not that which we are obliged to think connected or not connected with B. 1 Vid. supr. p. 230. ' Anal. Pr. i. 2, 3, cf. c. 13, 32, a, 29 sqq. c. 17, 36, b, 15 sqq. ii. 1, 53, a, 3 sqq. 3 Simple conversion of uni- versal negative and particular affirmative judgments, particular conversion (later so-called con- rersio per aecidens) of universal affirmative, and no conversion at all of particular negative judg- ments — for the nonversio per oontrapontionem was not as yet known to him. 4 As he himself says, Soph. M. c. 34, 183, b, 34, 184, b, 1. 6 Cf. Pbantl, Gescli. d. Log. i. 264. 6 Anal. Pr. i. 24. b, 18 : o-vWoyi&fibs 8e eori \6yos iv § Ts84vTQ)V TLVWV fET€p6v Tl TUV KCl- LOGIC 237 The principle that this process in its simplest form in- volves no more than two assumptions; or more accurately two judgments, from which a third is derived, and that therefore no syllogistic conclusion can have more than two premisses, is nowhere expressly proved by Aristotle in the beginning of his treatise, though he refers to it later. 1 Now the deduction of a third judgment from two" given judgments can only arise out of some bringing into connection of the concepts, which in these given judgments were as yet unconnected. 2 This is impossi-_ ble, except a mediation be effected between them by another concept connected with both of them. 3 Every syllogism must therefore necessarily contain three con- cepts, no more and no less, 4 and of these the intermediate is connected in the one premiss with the first and in the other with the third, in such a way as to bring out the connection between the first and third in the con- fxevaiv Q avdyfcrjs trvfifiaivet Tip tclvtcl eivtu. (Likewise Top. i. 1, 100, a, 25, cf. Soph. El. c. 1, 165, a, 1.) \eyco 8e l T

0ej/ opov irpoffSely irpbs rb yev4(T0ai rb avayndiov. 1 Anal. Pr. i. 25, 42, a, 32. As regards terminology, the pre- misses are generally called irpo- i-io-cu (Metaph. v. 2, 1013, b, 20 : viroBeireis tov ffvfjLTrepda'fj.a.Tos') ; the minor proposition in Eth. ]V. vi. 12, 1143, b, 3, vii. 5, 1147, b, 9 = i] Irepa (or reKevrala) Trp6ra the Scholastic designations) the (rvMoyuriibi/ rbv firiSzvbs &\\ov moods: Barbara, Da/rii, Cclare/it, irpoavrjvcu rb avaynaiov, ars\ri second: Cesare, Oamestres, Fes- Sf -rbv Ttpo(r8s6fi.zvov ?) kvbs ?) bino, Baroco (ibid. c. 5) ; for the irKzidvwv, & tart piv avayicaia 5m third : Darapti, Felapton, Disa- twv inroK€ifi4voitt 8pav «u pd)v mis, Datisi, Bocardo, Fresison flAriTrrai 5m irpoTdv. It is not (c. 6). necessary here to defend Ari- 3 Anal. Pr. i. c. 8-23 ; cf . the stotle's view. discussion in n. 1 to p. 234, swpra. 5 Ibid. c. 23, 41, a, 21 sqq. ; 4 See the sections cited, espe- cf. supra, p. 238, n. 1. ciallyc. ifin.,o. 5fin.,c. 6Jin.,u. LOGIC 241 • With equal fulness does Aristotle set forth rules for the proper treatment of these forms in scientific use, and the errors to be avoided. He shows in the first instance what kind of propositions are more difficult to prove but more easy to confute, and vice versa. 1 Next he provides rules for the discovery of the fitting premisses, having regard to the quality and quantity of the conclusion to be proved, 2 and in doing so he takes occasion to censure 3 in passing the Platonic method of division. 4 On this head he treats minutely of the rules and methods which must be observed in order to reduce the materials of proof so discovered to the exact syllogistic form. 5 Furthermore he discusses the capacity of syllogisms in relation to the compre- hension of their contents ; 6 the syllogisms giving true conclusions from false premisses ; 7 the circulus in a/rgu- 1 Ibid. o. 26. the Platonic method is blamed 2 Ibid. o. 27-29, here also because (contrary to the rule (c. 29) with express application given at p. 216, n. 1) it multiplies to apagogic and supposition- unnecessarily the intermediate syllogisms. divisions, introduces the same 3 To seek to define concepts thing under different genera, by means of continuous divisions, gives negative qualities, divides he says (c. 31), is of no use ; from all kinds of opposite points we have then to suppose the of view, &c. Cf. Mbyeb, Arist. chief point that is to be proved. Thierltunde, 71 sqq. When it is a question of the * See Zell. Ph. d. Or. pt. i. concept of man as a (tpov Bvnrbv, 523 sqq. then, he says, from the proposi- 5 Loc. cit. c. 32-46. tions ' All living beings are 6 Anal. Pr. ii. 1. either mortal or immortal ; man ' Ibid. t. 2 init. (cf. Top. viii. is a living being,' it would only 11 sq., 162, a, 9, b, 13) : e| aKyBiiv follow that man is either mortal niv oiv ovk %gti tf^SSos crvWoyitr- or immortal: that he is a £ij3oc aa0a.i, ex tyevti&v S' ianv aAyBes, Bvnrbv is a mere postulate. Hence irAV ov 5i6ti &W' '6ti • tov ykp Sio'ti Aristotle says of division, that ovk etrrtv e/c tyevBav trvWoyMTfids it is oTov aa6eir))s [not valid] (because false premisses give the . 173,n.2). Underwhat VOL. I. K 242 ARISTOTLE endo ; ' the ' conversion ' of the syllogism ; 2 the Eeduotio ad absurdum ; 3 syllogisms which result from the conversion of premisses into their opposites, 4 together with the various syllogistic fallacies and the means of meeting them. 5 Lastly he inquires into those kinds of proof which do not arise by demonstration, in the strict sense of the word, 6 and establishes the method of argu- ment peculiar to each. 7 We cannot at this point conditions this is possible in the different figures, is discussed in c. 2-4. 1 Ti) KvK\a< Ka\ €| ahXijKav SetKvvffSai. This consists in the conclusion of a syllogism (which, however, must of course be shown to be true from other sources) being used in conjunction with the converse of one premiss to prove the other. For the cases where this is possible, see loc. cit. c. 5-7. Against ' the vicious circle ' in argument, see Anal. Post. i. 3, 72, b, 25. 2 The destruction of one pre- miss by the other in conjunction with the contradictory or contrary of the conclusion ; loc. tit. c. 8-10. 3 The Iieduetio ad aosurdxwi, & 8ia tov afivj/drov (rvWoyifffiSs, c. 11-1 4, cf.To^. viii. 2,157, b, 34, c. 12, lG2,b,B,a.ud Anal. Post. i. 26, where it is remarked that direct proof is of greater scientific value. 4 Loc. cit. c. xv. 5 The petitio principii (rd iv dpXP aiTEiVflai), c. 16, cf. Top. viii. 13 ; the [ify irapa rodro trv/j.fialveu' t6 tyevbos, c. 17 ; the TrpwTov iJzeOSoj, c. 18, cf. Top. viii. 10; rules for disputation deduced from this, c. 19, sq. ; on decep- tion by too hasty suppositions, c. 21 ; on proving certain supposi- tions by the transposition of the propositions in a syllogism, c. 22. 6 Induction, c. 23 ; example, c. 24 (cf. Anal. Post. i. 1, 71, a, 9 ; JfUiet. i. 2, 1356, b, 2, 1357, b, 25, ii. 20) ; airajay 1 )) (reduction of one problem to another more easy to solve), c. 25 ; objection (tvarairis), u. 26 ; the syllogism from the probable (eucbs) or cer- tain marks (oTj/iteTa), which Ari- stotle calls the ' Enthymeme,' c. 27. The most important of these is ' Induction,' which we shall discuss later on. It consists in the major proposition being proved by the minor and the conclusion. E.g., we may prove apodictically ' All animals which have little gall are long-lived ; man, the horse &c. have little gall, and are therefore long-lived ; ' but the inductive proof will go thus : ' Man, the horse &c.,- are long- lived ; man &c. have little gall ; therefore animals which have little gall are long-lived.' This, however, only applies when the minor concept (' animals which have little gall ') has an equal ex- tension with the middle concept (' manic.'), and when the minor proposition (' man &c. have little gall') can be simply transposed, so that in its place ' the animals which have little gall are man &c.' can be put (loc. cit. c. 23). ' See for a fuller discussion of these points, Peantl, p. 299- LOGIC m 243 follow him into these researches, although we un- doubtedly owe much to them in the application of the syllogistic method, and though they prove most clearly the care with which the great logician worked out its many-sided detail. The syllogistic system forms the foundation upon which Aristotle built the theory of Scientific Proof, which he set out in the second Analytics. All proof is syllogistic, but not every syllogism is proof. It is only the Scientific Syllogism which deserves this name. 1 Science consists in the cognition of causes, and the cause of a phenomenon is that from which it of necessity arises. 2 Proof, therefore, and apprehension by means of proof are only possible when something is explained from its original causes. 3 Nothing can be the subject of proof except that which is necessary. Proof is a conclusion from necessary premisses. 4 That which is ordinarily (though not without exception) true can be 321. — In the selection and se- aWta icrl, /tal p)i evSexeo-Bai tout' quence of the different sections no S\X«s exeiv. Further references in strict order is observed, although support of this, mipra,T>. 163, n. 3. related subjects are put together. 3 Ibid. 71, b, 19 : el toIvw On the division of the Prior Ana- iffrl rb brlaraaBai olov ede/iev, lytics as a whole, see Beandis, p. av&yici) Kal tV airoSeiKTM^v eVi- 204 sq., 219 sq. ffT4ip.i\v QaKrtB&VT'etvaiKalTrptbTav 1 Anal. Post. i. 2, 71, b, 18 : Kal apeouv [about this below] Kal air6Sei^tv Se Xeyu ffvKXoyifffjhv yvwplv.tiiTepwv Kal TtpoTepwv tov eTTtffTTj/wviKdv. And after giving irvfj.-nepdffp.aTOS' ovtu yap taovrai the requisites for such an argu- «al at apxal olxeuu tov SeMvv/j.ivov. ment, he adds : ffvWoyur/ibs fnev Ibid, line 29 : afrid re . . . Set elvai yap €s eirl rb iro\b, rb Se vir&px*i irepl eKaarov yivos Sera Ka9' cri/^/3i-/37)it!)y iv ovSereptp roirav aira virdpxei Kal p tKairrov, (pavepbv iariv. Anal. Post. i. 30 : ttSs yap tin ireol rav Kad' auTck inrapx^yrav trvWoyur/ibs t) St' avayxalvv % Bia ai hnari]novma\ airo5e£|eiy «al eVc ruv &>s eiri rb iroKb irpordffewv ' ratv roiovrwv sltrlv. ra fikv yap Kal ei /uey at irpordaeis avayKalai, o-i//t/3e/97)KoVa ovk ai/ay/caia, SoV Kal to crvnirepafffna avayxatov, ei S' ovk hvdyKi) rb o-ipirepacriUL eiiivai us iirl rb TTo\i), ko! to irviimipaaiia 810V1 inrdpxe', ovb" ei ael efrf, p}) rotovrov. Cf. p 168, n. 1/ Kaff avrb 8e, olov ol ftia a"t]fielcov 2 Altai. Post. i. 6, 75, a, 18, avKKoyia/jLol. rb yap /cafl' airb ob c. 30 ; of. c. 8, c. 33, &c. ; via", mff airb eVio-T^avepfo> 8ti %xaffTov diro- supposes a limit to the number of 5e?|ai oIk tffTiv «U' 3) ix t&v concepts above as well as below. eKaarov apx&v, &c. We return 3 Ch. 22, 84, a, 30; andsoJ/e- to this later on. tapli. iii. 2, 997, a, 7 : irepl Trdvrav 1 For he says at 83, b, 6,84, yap aSivarov ht6Sei^o' ehai- ai/dyicri a, 3 : ret &TT€ipa ovk %v fffi effri irp&ra, opOws \4yovres, oZvvarov yap ra aireipa SieAdeiv. eX Te Xaravrai Kal eifflv apxal, ravras ayv&orovs elvai cwro- fieli-eu's ye fit] otfaTjs avrccv, 'direp ipatrlv elvai rb eiriaraaQai \l6vov ei Se /J.}} eari ret irpSna eiSevai, oiibe ra £k rovrccv elvai eTr'iGraaQai cmKws ouSe KvpUos, aA.\' e£ inroOtceus, ei eKelva ionv. He admits that what is deduced would not be lmown if the principles (a/>x«l) are not known, and that if me- diate knowledge, by way of proof, is the only knowledge, then there can be no knowledge of apxal. Yet he himself in the same trea- tise denies this very thing at p. 72, b, 18 ; cf. MetapJi. iv. 4, 1006, a, 6 : effri yap cnraiSevo-ia rb /x^ yiyv&GKeiv, rivuv Be? £rjre?v atr6- Sei^iv Kal rivwv ov Se?" SXtcs fiev yap avavrtov ab'o'varov air68ei£tv elvai ■ eis aveipov yap av /SotSffoi, ware [17]$' oSrats eival airdBei^iv. .is to the second of the above pro- positions, Aristotle states it at p. 72, b, 16, in other words — w&vrw elvai a7ro5a£tf ovBev KwAveiv ' ej/8ex_ev t' elvai Kal irpioriov Kal afietrtav Kal yvupifjiwre- pwv Kal irporepaiv Kal airlcov rod ffvirfiepdcrfj.aros. . . . e/c Trpdrav b' avaTToBelKrwi/, Hri ovk diriffTfoerat /xi; exa>" aw68ei£iv airav [because otherwise if they were not avair6- SetKroi we could, likewise, only know them by proof] ; rh yap eirio'TaffQat av airdBeigis etrri ^tj Kara a-VfJL/SeBTJKOS, rb exeiv air6- Seitfv eariv. c. 3, 72, b, 18 : fouls Se (pafiev otire iraffav eiriffrf]fit]v airoSeiKriK^jV elvai, a\\a rf\v rwv apeaiav avair68eiKrov. . . . Kal ov Il6vov etTLO'r'fiflTjv aWa Kal apjtfiv e'TTLtrr-fi/J.Tls elvai rivd afj.ev, $ robs Spovs yvupifynev. Of. swpra,p. 197, n. 6, and 210, n. 2, 179, n. 4, and 210, n.2fin. On the other hand, the circumstance that a thing is always so is no reason for reject- ing proof by causes, for even the eternal may have its causes on which it is conditional ; see Gen. An. ii. 6, 742, b, 17 sqq. 2 'Apxal, apxal airo$el£ews, apxai ffvKKoyiffriKal, a. BLixeo'oi, irporaffeis a/ieaoi, Anal.. Post. 72, a, 7, 14, c. 10 init. (Aiyo> V apyhs ev eK&ara yevet raiiras, as 6rt effrt /.lt] ev- Se X erai Se7£ai) ; ii. 19, 99, b, 21, cf. p. 197, n. i ; Gen. An. ii. 6, 742, b, 29 sqq.; Metaph. v. 1, 1013, a, 14, Hi. 1, 2, 995, b, 28, 996, b, 27, iv. 3, and also cf. Ind, 248 ARISTOTLE even a higher certainty than anything deduced from them. 1 Consequently, the soul must contain a faculty of immediate knowledge higher and more sure than any mediate cognition. And, in fact, Aristotle finds in the Nous — the pure reason — just such a faculty; and he maintains that it never deceives itself, that in every case it either has its object or has it not, but never has it in a false or illusive way. 2 Yet it must be admitted that he has neither proved the possibility nor the infallibility of any such know- ledge. This immediate certainty, he says, is of two kinds. There are three elements in every process of demonstration : that which is proved, the principles from which it is proved, 3 and the object of which it is proved. The first of these is not matter of immediate knowledge, for it is deduced from the other two. These, again, are themselves distinguished in this way, that the axioms are common to different fields of knowledge, but the postulates relating to the special Arist. Ill, b, 58 sqq. In Anal, also used in a wider sense, see Post. i. 2, 72, a, 14, Aristotle Anal. Post. i. 7, 75, a, 41, c. 10, proposes to call the unproved 76, b, 14, and Metaph. iii. 2, 997, premiss of a syllogism Bias, if a, 5, 12. — Airy/ia. is distinguished it refers to a particular fact, from Air69e»<2. ch.10, 66, a, 2, and Anal. Post. i. 3, 73, 76, b, 10: iriwa yhp a7roSeiKTiK^ iwi- a, 9 ; in a narrower one in Top. i. «"rtj|inj irepl rpta iarlv, 8 iri(rrT)iL7i r) eKeivav Kvpla irdvrav. Gf. ch. 10, cited p. 248, n. 3 supra. 4 Anal. Pr. i. 30, 46, a, 17 : iStat Se Kaff eKdffrijv \_iirto'r , fifii]v'] at ir\ettrrat [dpxal rav trvWo- yttTfiuv]. Sib rets fiev apxas rds irepl eKatrrov ifiiretpias eo-rl irapa- Sovvat. \4yte 5' olov rfyv dffrpoKo- ytK7}V fj.ev ep/ireiplav rr)s ao'TpoAo- ytlcijs eirtffTr)firis. KycpdivTav yap tKavas tuv (patvofievwv ov'tws evpe- Bfitrav at atrTpoAo7treal a-jroSei^ets. So in Hist. An. i. 7 init. : we have first to describe, the peculiar pro- perties of animals, and then to discuss their causes : oSrw yap koto tpvtrtv earl irot^trBat ttiv fi48- olSov, iirapxov'o'ris tt)s Itnoplas ttjs irepl ereaiTToy irepl Srv re yap real e| &v elvat Set ri\v air6Setl-iv, in rovrav ylverat (pavepdv. 5 Cf . preceding note, and the remark in Mil. vi. 9, 1142, a, 11 sqq., that young people can make advances in the knowledge of Mathematics, but not in Natural History or the wisdom of life, '6rt rd jiev [Mathematics] 8«' cupai- pecreds eertv [is an abstract 250 ARISTOTLE pass, he does not further inquire. Sense-perception he treats as a simple datum, whose elements he does not try to analyse. He even includes cases which are to us merely judgments upon given materials, among what he calls immediate certainties. 1 It is therefore im- possible to give a clear and sufficient account of the faculties to which, according to him, we are indebted for the immediate truths in question. 2 To enumerate the special presuppositions of all the various sciences is also obviously impossible. Even a general view of the universal axioms is not to be found science], t&v b" at opx a ' ^1 ^ur«- pias. 1 It is said in Eth. iii. 5, 1112, b, 33, that practical reflection (/SouAeuffir) is concerned with ra Ka6' eKotTTa, oXov ei &pros tovto •/) 7re7re7prai 5>s Set • aitr^cews jkp ravra. Ibid. vi. 9, 1142, a, 23 sqq., Aristotle explains that, in contradiction to hrurHuai, s, (pavepbv '6ti otivvo/rov o.jj.0. imoKo.iJ.fid- veiv tov aiiTOV elvat Kal ju^ eivat to avrd • ap.a yhp av %x 0L ™ s ^vavTias 86%as 6 8t6i|/€!/(r/ieyos irepl to'utov. Ibid. u. 6, 1011, b, 15: &rel S' aSiivaTOV t$\v avTtyaffiv a\7idei/eff9ai djxa KaTa tov avrov [for which at line 20 he substitutes afia KaTcupd- vai Kal airow, % daTepov [lev irrj Bdrepov Se aTr\5)S. 3 ' In this sense Aristotle in Metaph. iv. i sq. confutes the statement (which, however, he only ascribes to certain of the older schools as being in his view an inference from their tenets ; cf. Zei/leb, Ph. d. Gr. part i. 600 sq., 910, 4), that ' an object can both be and not be the same thing at the same time,' by proving that in every statement the principle of non-contradic- 252 ARISTOTLE sophistical misuse .of it to deny the connection of different properties in one subject, or the possibility of becoming and of change, by that detailed exposition of it in which he shows that it is not absolutely impossible that contradictions should be predicated of the same subject, but only that they should be so predicated together and in the same relation. 1 By similar arguments to these with which he esta- blished the Law of Contradiction, he lays down that of the Excluded Middle z as an incontestable Axiom . 3 But he does not expressly deduce the one from the other. Though Aristotle maintains so decidedly that every kind of knowledge brought about by demonstration is doubly conditioned by an immediate and undemon- strable conviction of the mind, yet he is far from repre- senting this conviction as itself incapable of scientific verification. The starting-point of all demonstration is undemonsfrable — it is incapable of being deduced from any other principle as from its cause. Yet it can be shown from the given facts to be the condition which underlies them, and which their existence presup- tion is presupposed. In c. 5 aiv6iisvov, the dictum would init., c. 6 (cf. c. 4, 1007, b, 22, make everything a vp6s ti, xi. 6 init.'), he reduces to the ' See preceding note, same principle the dictum (de 2 OuSe /teralii avriQAveas cvSe- quo v. ZELLEB, PA. d. Or. part i. x eTC " e ^"" o«S«' ; cf . p. 230, supra. 982, 1, 988, 2) that ' that is true 3 Metaph. iv. 7 ; in applying for each one which appears so to his argument, Aristotle has him ' ; and to this, amongst other adopted here those reasons arguments — coinciding broadly which are borrowed from the con- with the Platonic Tlieretetus — he sideration of Change in Nature, especially opposes the objection evidently wishing to prove his (1011, a, 17 sqq. b, 4) that since theory not only as a logical, but every tpawifievov must be a tiv\ also as a metaphysical principle. LOGIC 253 poses. So in the place of Demonstration, comes in Induction. 1 There are thus two lines of scientific thinking which require to be distinguished : the one which leads up to principles, the other which leads down from principles 2 — the movement from the uni- versal to the particular, from that which is in itself the more certain to that which is so for us ; and the reverse movement from the individual, as that which is best known to us, to the universal, which is in its own nature the more sure. In the former direction goes syllogism and scientific demonstration : in the latter goes induction. 3 And by one or other of these ways all knowledge comes to be. That which by virtue of its 1 Of. with what follows the references on p. 242, n. 6 supra. The name ' inayaiyh ' refers either to the adducing of particular instances, from which a universal proposition or concept is ab- stracted (Tkbndelbnbueg,^otj. Log. Arist. 84 : Hbydee, Vergl. d. arist. und hegel. Dialelctilt, p. 212 sq.), or to the introduction to these instances of the person to be instructed (Waitz, Arist. Org. ii. 300). In favour of the latter explanation there are cer- tain passages, in which ' iirdyeiv ' has as its object the person knowing ; as Top. viii. 1, 156, a, 4 : entbyovTa fiky curb rStv Kad- ixaarov eV! to ko.06\ov, but espe- cially Anal. Post. i. 1, 71, », 19 : Sti fiev y&p irav Tpiywvoy %%ei Svtrlv opdats ftras, irpoffiei, Sti 5e rcJSe . . . rpiyavdv co'tip, oifia ivayofievos eyvcbpLirev . . . irpiv 8' Vax^Tjvai ^ \a&eiv {rvWoyLff/xbv, TphirQV fiev riva Xfftos tpareov etriffrafrBat, &c; c. 18, 81, b, 5 : v 6 ffv\Aoyiff/j.bs, &v ovk zffri (fv\\oyifffi6s ' eiraywyij &pa. (Tbendelbnbueg, Hist. Beitr. ii. 366 sq., and Beandis, ii. b, 2, 1443, would like to cut out the last two words, on the ground that all unproved knowledge does not rest on induction; but the form of statement is not more universal than in the other parts of this passage, and the explana- tion of the whole will be gathered from what is said in the text.) Similarly Anal. Post. i. 1 init. Anal. Post. i. 18: /navBdvofi.ev ?) iirayaiyfj % airo8e/£ei. eirri 8' r/ lih cWSeiJir 4k tuv Ka86\ov, ^ 8' iTrayuyi] 4k 7w /caret fxspos ' &8tW- rov 8e ra KaOoAou Bettiprjffai fi^j Si' tirayayrjs. Hid. ii. 19, 100, b, 3 : 8t}\ov Si] Sri yfuv ra irpSna iitayayri yvapifriy avayxaiov. Top. i. 12 : Ioti Se rb p.iv [cfSoj \6yaiv Sm\€KTiKwy] ^07107^), rb Se eruA- \oyur/i6s . . . 4irayuyii Se n curb tuv KaBzKaa-rov 4tt\ rb, koB6\ov etpotios . . . igri 8' ri fiey ewayaiyii iriBavdmpop ko! aatyimepov Ka\ Kara tV at TrapdSeiy/xa] Siaipepei ttjs era- still we could never know that yuyrjs, 8ti y n'ev e{ hmainuv tuv the future would not bring other aT6fiwv rb aicpov iSeiKw^v virdpxeu' experiences differing from them. Tip /i.4v of the ' dialectical ' in Aristotle, Ka.9iKa.arov ffvyicelfievov • y yap see WAITZ, Arist. Org. ii. 435 iTmyaiyii Sia irdyrinv. sqq. ; cf . following note. 3 Even if we supposed we 256 ARISTOTLE aspects under which an object can be contemplated. It is specially useful in establishing the scientific prin- ciples ; for as these cannot be deduced by demonstration from anything more certain than themselves, there is nothing left for us but to get at them from the side of probability. 1 Such an attempt must start from the prevailing tenets of humanity. What all the world, or at least the experienced and intelligent part of it, believes, is always worthy of consideration, since it carries with it a presumption that it rests upon a real experience/ 1 Top. i. 1 : 'H (lev irp60eV) 8' o« t( ye irdp.irav air6\\vrai, H\v two. Aool toWo! . . . and Synes. Calv. Enc. c. 22 (Ar. Ft. No. 2) quotes as Aristotelian : oVi [sc. al irapoi/ilai.'] ira\aias elo-i 5ei«- Polit. ii. 5, 1264, a, 1 ; Eth. End. vvvcu p&Kurra iiiv irdvTa ret ey5o{a i.6imi£.,and,as to the belief in the irepl ravra t& vd6i), ei 5e /lb, rk ai8)ip,De Cwlo,270,b, 19, Metaph. ir\e<as, Cf. De Ccelo, i. 10 into. ' gnomes,' about which cf. p. 104, Anal. Post. ii. 3 init., and Waitz n. 1 (on the napoifaiat). on this passage ; also Phys. iv. 10 1 Metaph. iii. 1 init. . eon Se init.,Meteorol. i. 13 init., DeAn.i. rots eiiropTJ(rai f}ovKop.4yots irpoSp- 2 init., Longit. Vit. c. 1, 464, b, 21, 70U rb Sia-Kopfitrat Ka\ws' % yhp &c. InTop. viii. 11, 162, a, 17, the iffrepov eliiropla \iats riiv irpfaipov anip^fia is denned as v . nal Si' Smotieii-eais • Siar' general is of such and such a kind, oifa' &vev airotiei^eas ei> rpiav Set o-TOx<££«r0ai, cf. 97, a, 23 sqq. rod Aa/3eu> ra KariiyopoAueira cv 4 Ti if r$ rt io-ri Karriyop- r$ rl iari, Ka\ radra Tcijot ri otifiwa, at tov yevovs Statpopal. It vp&rov ^ Stiirepov, koI St* Taura Is obvious that only such things Trdvra. LOGIC 271 • progressive division is our surest method, while a corre- spondingly gradual building up of concepts is equally- proper to the upward process towards the universal. 1 And thus Plato's method, though Aristotle could not accept it as a satisfactory process for deducing definitions, was yet recognised and further worked out by him as a means to their discovery. 2 Supposing, then, that we have defined and surveyed the whole field of the knowledge of concepts on this method, we shall obtain a system of ideas such as Plato looked for, 3 carrying us in an unbroken line from the Summa Genera through all the intermediate members down to the lowest species. And since scientific deduction must consist in the specification of causes, and since each specific difference in the upward scale implies the introduction of a new cause, and every added cause creates a corresponding differentia, it results that our logical structure must exactly corre- spond with the actual sequence and concatenation of causes. Plato never undertook actually to set forth that derivation of everything knowable out of unity, which he saw ahead as the end and goal of science. Aristotle 1 Aristotle includes both, with- the object to be divided; and out further separating them, in lastly (to which Plato devoted the concept of Division. For less attention), that it should this he gives full rules in Anal, not proceed by means of deduced Pott. ii. 13, 96, b, 15-97, b, or contingent differences, but by 25 ; Top. vi. 5, 6 ; Part. Anvm. the essential ones. Cf. preceding i. 2, 3. Like Plato (Zellbb, note. Ph. d. Gr. pt. i. p. 524 sq.), 2 Two further rules, contained he also considers that the most especially in the sixth book of important thing is that the di- the Topic) — wherehe enumerates vision should be continuous, at length the mistakes made in should omit no intermediate denning — are omitted here, grade, and should totally exhaust 3 See Zell. ibid. p. 525, 588. 272 ARISTOTLE considers such a demonstration to be quite impracticable. The highest genera, according to him, are no more capable of being derived from any one higher principle than are the special postulates of each science, 1 They are connected, not by any complete community of nature, but only by a kind of analogy, 2 and the reason 1 Anal. Post. i. 32, 88, a, 31 sqq., &c. ; vid. supra p. 246. sqq. Aristotle says, in Metaph. xii. 4, 1070, b, 1 {irapa yap t)\v ovtrlav Kal TaAAa refc Karyyopovfieva ovBev %trri koiv&v), that the categories especi- ally can be deduced neither from one another nor from a higher common genus: v. 28, 1024, b, 9 (where the same is said of Form and Matter) ; xi. 9, 1065, b, 8 ; Phys. iii. 1, 200, b, 34 ; De An. i. 6, 410, a, 13 ; Mh. N. i. 4, 1096, a, 19, 23 sqq. ; of. TRENDE- LENBURG, Hist. Beitr. i. 149 sq. The concepts, which one would be most inclined to consider the highest genera, ' Being ' and ' One,' are no ydvri : Metaph. iii. 3, 998, b, 22 ; viii. 6, 1045, b, 5 ; x. 2, 1053, b, 21 ; xi. 1, 1059, b, 27 sq. ; xii. 4, 1070, b. 7 ; Eth. JST. ibid. ; Anal. Post. ii. 7, 92, b, 14 ; Top. iv. 1, 121, a, 16, c. 6, 127, a, 26 sqq. Cf. Trendelenburg, loo. cit. 67 ; Bonitz and Schweg- ler on Metaph. iii. 3 (more on p. 276 infra'). Therefore the principle ' that eventually every- thing is contained in a single highest concept as in a common genus,' which Strumpell, Gesch. d. theor. Phil. d. Gr. p. 193, gives as an assertion of Aristotle, is not really Aristotelian. 2 In Metaph. v. 6, 1016, b, 31, four kinds of Unity are dis- tinguished (somewhat different is the other fourfold enumera- tion in Metaph. x. 1, in which the unity of analogy does not occur) : the unity of number, of species, of genus, and of analogy. Each of these unities includes in it the subsequent unities (i.e. that which in number is one is also one in species, &c.) ; but not vive versa. Hence the unity of Analogy can occur even in those things which belong to no common genus (cf. Part. An. i. 5, 645, b, 26 : t& ficv yap ex avat to Kotvbv Kar avahoylav, ra Se Kara yevos, Ta Sh /car' elSos). It occurs in everything Sera £%« us fiAAo vpbs SAAo. It consists in identity of relation (io-oV»js \6yav~), and hence supposes at least four members {Eth. N. v. 6, 1131, a, 31). Its formula is : &s touto iv tovtu % irpbs touto, to*8' ev T<£8e ^ irpds TiiSe {Metaph. ix. 6, 1048, b, 7 ; cf. Poet. 21, 1457, b, 16). It is found not only in quantitative identity, such as arithmetical and geometrical {Eth. N. v. 7, 1131, b, 12, 1132, a, 1), but also in qualitative identity, such as similarity {Gen. et Corr. ii. 6, 333, a, 26 sqq.), or in identity of operation (cf . Part. An. i. 5, 645, b, 9 : to avd\oyoi> tV abri]v %x ov 5vvaii.iv, ibid. i. 4, 644, b, 11 ; ii. 6, 652, a, 3), and in fact in all categories {Metaph. xiv. 6, 1093, b, 18). Besi8es those in the passages just mentioned, other instances are given in De Part. LOGIC 273 why the sciences are not all one, is just because each class of actual existences has its own peculiar sort of knowledge which applies to it. 1 If it be true that among the sciences we find one which is a science of first principles — the ' First Philosophy ' — we must not expect it to develop its subject-matter out of any single principle of being. On the contrary, we shall find it necessary, before proceeding to any further researches, that we should inquire into all the most general points of view from which the world of actual existence can be considered, or, in other words, enumerate the highest generic concepts themselves. This it is with which the doctrine of the Categories is concerned, and these form accordingly the true con- necting link, in Aristotle's philosophic system, between Logic and Metaphysics. Anvrn., Anal. Pri. i. 46, 61, b, 22, and Bliet. iii. 6 fin. That which cannot be deduced from any other thing (the highest prin- ciples), must be explained by ana- logy, as, for example, the concepts of Matter, of T?orm, &c. ; cf . Me- taph. ix. 6 (vid. sup. p. 269, n. 1); xii. 4, 1070, b, 16 sqq., and Phys. i. 7, 1 91 , a, 7. This is the account given by Trendelenburg in his Hist, lieitr. i. 151 sqq. ' Ana- logy ' is of special importance to Aristotle in his study of Natural History; see thereon infra, and cf. Meter, Arist. Thierhunde, 334 sqq. 1 Anal. Post. i. 28 init. : p-la ft eiriar'tjfjir] effrlv t) lv6s yevovs . . . eTe'pct 8' imffT^liri tffr\v irepas, 'iff tap at apxal fifo' e/c ruf aiiruv pA\& erepai etc tuv erepav. Metaph. iii. 2, 997, a, 21 : irep* oSv t v ' 3lu Kal at fwiffrrifiai 6.ko\ovQt\, tcoiov, vp6s ti Gleimitz, 1866) ; cf . BRENTANO's ttoS, mire, Kuaiai, ix* lv < voith essay Von der mannigfachen vda-x^v. Bedeutung des Seienderi nach * Aristotle uses various ex Ar., published in 1862. pressions to designate them (cf 2 Categ. o.2 init.'.ruv Tieyo- Trendelenburg, loc. cit. at p liivav t& /tec kotA avfutXoK^v 6 sqq., and Bonitz, ut supra, a hiyerai, t& 8' S«u o-u/inAo/rijj. p. 23 sqq., and in the Ind. Arisl METAPHYSICS 275 press is rather the different forms of the Actual. 1 Not all forms of the Actual, however, are categories or divi- sions of categories ; but only those which represent the different formal points of view under which the Actual may be treated. Therefore he does not reckon among the 378, a, 5 sqq.)- He calls them rcb. yhr\ (scilicet, toS Svtos, cf. Be An. i. 1, 402, a, 22), toi irpara Metaph. vii. 9, 1034, b, 7), also Staipeffets (Top. iv. 1, 120, b, 36, 121, a, 6), and irrdaeis (Metaph. xiv. 2, 1089, a, 26, with which cf. Eth. Hud. i. 8, 1217, b, 29), rh noma irpara (Anal. Post. ii. 13, 96, b, 20, and Metaph. vii. 9, 1034, b, 9) ; but most frequently K %v Kal rh iv (Metaph. x. 2, 1054, a, 9 sqq.), the -rb %v Kal rb %v rairrbv Kal fiia tptiffis tQ clko\- ovdetv a\\4}\ois . . . a\\' ob% ® s kvl \6y that the categories are 'real concepts,' if by this we are to understand such concepts as designate the common object-matter of a series of experiences, such as are the concepts of weight, extension, thought, &c. For those very categories which are most fre- quently and universally applied — substance, quantity, quality, re- lation, action, and passion- designate merelyformal relations, and hence are adapted to cover and apply to a content of the most diverse character ; and though this is not so absolutely true of others — such as ttoE, irore , or Kei), TTOibv, iroffbv, iroiovVy irdffxov, Sta- nei^evov (really only a kind of iroiic, the $td6etrts : see Categ. c. 8, 10, a, 35 sqq. Metaph. v. 20), he refers back with the words : ical rS,\\a 5' ois SiTJprjrai lrpirepor. De An. i. 1, 402, a, 24: irArtpov r6Se ri Kal ovcria fy irotbv fj iroffbv ^ Kai ris &\\t] ruv StaipeBeiffuv Koriiyopiav. Ibid. c. 5, 410, a, 14: ffij/iaivei yap to fi^v r6Se rt rb Be iroffbv $} irotbv 4} Kai riva &Wi]v ruv StatpeOeiffuv Kariyyoptuv. Anal. PH. i. 37 : rb S' {nripxetv r6Se T$5e . . . Toffavrax&s \ijirr4ov dffax&s 01 tcarriyopiai Strfpijvrai. Metaph. xii. 1 , 1069, a, 20 : irpurov 7j oitffla, e?ro rb irotbv, etrd. rb nooiv; vi. 2, 1026, a, 36: ra trx'hpwB' T ? s Karriyoplas, otoy rb fthv rl, rb 8e irotbv, rb Be voffbu, rb Be irov, rb Be irore, Kal e¥ rt &K\o ffijfiaivet rbv rp6irov rovrov j vii. 4, 1030, a, 18: «al yap rb rl itrrtv eva /iev rp6irov ffrifiaivei rfyv ovaiav , Kal rb r6Se ti, &\\ov Be eKaffrov ruv Kariiyopovfievuv, iroffbv, irotbv Kal Sera &\\a rotavra ; xii. 4, 1070, a, 33 : it is a question of, irdVepon erepat % at avral apxal ffrotx^a ruv ohatuv Kal ruv irpis rt, Kal Kuff eK&ffrnv Be ruv Kariyyoptuv ifioius. Likewise in Metaph. vii. 9, 1034, b, 9, xiv. 2, 1089, a, 7; Phys. iii. 1, 200, b, 26, after mentioning some of the categories, he refers to the rest with a mere ' eu aAAat Karrryopiai,' as to something well known, and in Anal. Post. i. 22, 83, b, 12, a, 21, the impossi- bility of an infinitely extended argument is proved by the asser- tion that the number of categories is limited to those there named. The completeness of Aristotle's list of categories is also sup- posed by the proof referred to at the end of p. 276, n. 2, that : 280 ARISTOTLE put. these categories and no others; 1 and among the categories themselves there is so little indication of any fixed principles for their evolution 2 that we are there are only three kinds of motion (in the narrower sense), qualitative, quantitative, and local (Pkys. v. 1 sq.), inasmuch as that theorem is proved hy the process of exclusion. ' Motion,' Aristotle argues, ' does not occur in the categories of substance, &c. . therefore only those three categories remain.' 1 Even in the lost writings no such demonstration seems to have occurred; otherwise the early commentators would have appealed to it. Whereas, on the contrary, Simpl. ScJiol. in Ar. 79, a, 44, says : 'A\us oiSa/iov irepl Tjjs *Tc££ews tuv yevuv ovSefilay alriav b 'ApiffToreXys awetp-fjvaTO. 2 To Trendelenburg (in his dissertation Be Arist. Categoriis [Berl. 1833] and the EUmenta Logiees Arvstotellcce, p. 54) be- longs the credit of having first endeavoured to find one. But even his repeated explanation in Hist. Beitr. i. 23 sqq.,194 sq. has not persuaded us that he has really succeeded in doing so. It seems rather that the objections which Ritter, iii. 80, and still more exhaustively Bonitz, loo. eit. 35 sqq., have brought against his opinion, are well justified. Trendelenburg (and after him BlESE, Phil, d, Arist. i. 54 sq.) believes that in setting out these ten genera Aristotle was proxi- mately influenced by gramma- tical distinctions He suggests that ovaia corresponds to the substantive, troabv and irotbv, to the adjective ; with vp6s ti cor- respond such forms of expres- sion as those referred to in Categ. c. 7 ; ir«5 and wore are re- presented by the adverbs of place and time; the last four cate- gories are to be looked for in the verb, for iroieiv and Traax* 1 * trans- late into a general concept the force of the active and passive voices, as ttuodcu renders one side of the intransitive, and ex e " / * ne special force of the Greek per- fect. — But, in the first place, as Bonitz, p. 41 sqq., fully proves, Aristotle himself nowhere gives any indication of his having arrived at his categories in this way. On the contrary, he does not distinguish the parts of speech on any such method as that which Trendelenburg's theory of the categories would presuppose, for he nowhere ex- pressly distinguishes the adverbs, he treats the adjective (as prjua) along with the verb, and in fact the only ' parts of speech ' which he names (apart from the article and conjunction) are the uvofia and the /5il,ua. It is therefore not probable that grammatical forms to which, as ' parts of speech' he paid no attention, should nevertheless have guided him in distinguishing the classes of concepts. And, again, the two series do not in .fact corre- spond to any such extent as we should have expected if Trende- lenburg's supposition were correct. For 'quantity' and ' quality ' may just as well be ex- pressed by substantives (e.g. Kev- Kiriris, Bepfiirns, &c, Categ. c. 8, 9, a, 29) or verbs (\e\tAKarrai, METAPHYSICS 281 reduced to supposing that he obtained them empirically, by putting together the main points of view from which the data of experience can be practically treated. It is true that a certain logical progress is to be found among them. We begin with the Substantial — the Thing. Next in order to this, he deals with Quali- &c.) as by adjectives; 'action and passion ' as well by substan- tives (irp£|is, viSoi, &c.) as by verbs ; ' time ' not only by adverbs but also by adjectives (x0i$s, 8euTepai') ; (3) external circumstances (iroS and iroi-e, and, for a time, xeiaBai). The question is not, however, whether it is possible to bring the ten categories into some logical scheme (for that could be done with any series, unless it were merely put to- gether at haphazard), but whe- ther Aristotle arrived at them by means of a logical deduction. And against any such supposition there are two facts : first, that Aristotle in speaking of the cate- gories, never indicates such a deduction, and next, that none can be found into which they naturally fit. Even in Bren- tano's ingenious scheme, this is not the case. If the ten cate- gories ' had come about in the way he suggests, they would have been enumerated by Ari- stotle in. a corresponding order. Instead of that, the itp6s ti, which, according to Brentano, should come last, stands in the middle in every enumeration (see p.274, n. 1 and p. 282, n.3),andits regular place (the only exception being Phys. v. 1) is immediately after the 'inherences.' After it, again, .the ' affections ' do not follow (as they should according to Brentano's order), but the ' external circumstances' Nor is the distinction of inherences and affections itself Aristotelian.— So far as a logical disposition of the categories ex post facto is con- cerned, Zbllbe gives on p. 288 infra, that which he prefers, although he does not believe that Aristotle arrived at his list of categories by any method in which he had in his mind before- hand either that or any other logical scheme into which they were to fit. 282 ARISTOTLE ties : first (in the troaov and iroiov), those qualities which belong to a thing in itself, and then (in the irpos ti), those which belong to a thing in its delation to other things. From these he passes to the external conditions of sensible existence — Space, and Time.. And he ends the list with the concepts which express changes and the conditions thereby produced. This cannot be called a deduction in the strict sense ; for that, according to Aristotelian principles, was not possible in the case of the highest general conceptions at all. 1 In fact, the order of the categories is not always the same. 2 It even seems that ten is somewhat ar- bitrarily fixed as their number. Aristotle himself so far recognises this, that in his later writings he passes over the categories of Possession and Situation, in places where he apparently intends to give a complete enumeration. 3 It is possible that it may have been the example of the Pythagoreans, 4 and the predilection 1 Vide supra, pp. 246 and 272. fj 8ti iroibv tj iroabv fi np6s ti tj iroi- 1 Examples will be found in ovy fj irdirxov ^ irov % ttote, Srav ev what follows, and also at p. 279, naff evbs KarrtyopriSp. Ibid, b, 15 : n. 1. The most striking thing rhyivi] rav Karrtyopiuv Tten4pavTar with regard to this is that in 1) yi.p irotbv % iroabv ti 'irp6s ti ^ Cat. a. 7, contrary to the other- noiovv % iriaxov 1) irov % iroTe (the wise constant rule, and even to oltria to which the latter are op- the order given in c. 4, irp6s ti posed as aviifiefi^To. has been precedes ttoi6v. No satisfactory already mentioned). Phys. v. 1 reason can be found for this, but fin. : ei oZv ai Karrjyopiat Si^o^i/rai it would be rash to conclude any- oixria ku) ttoi6ttiti «al t£ irov koX thing from it against the genuine- t$ trork not t$ Trpds ti Kal r$ iroan ness of the work, since a later koX t$ irote7v ft irdtrxew, avdymt writer would probably be less rptis ilvai Kii/^o-eis (cf . p. 279, u. 1 likely to permit a divergence fin.). Metaph. v. 8, 1017, », 24 : from the order given than would tSui KaTtiyopou/iivoiv t& fiiv t\ lari Aristotle himself, for whom it aimalvei, rk Se irotbv, t& Si iroabv, was not firmly established. Tct Se rp6s ti, t& Sh vov t& SJ itot4. 5 Anal. Post. i. 22, 83, a, 21 : * See Zkll. Ph. d. Gr. pt. lj Sore ^ Iv Ty tI iffTiv \Kwnfyoptircu] 325, METAPHYSIQS 283 for a decimal system inherited from them by the Platonists, 1 which made it at first seem to Aristotle natural that he should find a round number of cate- gories. But we cannot well suppose any further con- nection between his doctrine and the Pythagorean ; a nor iS the conjecture 3 much more probable, that he borrowed his categories from the school of Plato. 4 It is true that almost all of them appear in' Plato's writ- ings; 5 but we cannot attribute any great weight to this coincidence, for the reason that in Plato they are merely used as occasion arises, without any attempt to arrive at a full enumeration of all the categories in one scheme. Among the categories themselves, much the most 1 ZELLER, ibid. p. 857 sqq. 2 As Petersen supposed in PMlos. Chrygipp. Fundamenta, p. 12. s Eose, Arigt. Libr. Ord. 238 sqq. * In the first place, there is no trace whatever of the ten categories among the Platonists ; and it is not likely that informa- tion about so notable a. point would neither have been trans- mitted through their writings nor through Chrysippns and other scholars of the Alexandrian pe- riod to the later Peripatetics, and through them to us. And again, the theory of the catego- ries is so closely connected with the other opinions of Aristotle that it is not likely to have sprung up on other ground. Take, for example, merely the fundamental statements as to the oitr'a and its relation to pro- perties, on which the whole division of the categories in Aristotle is based. These are certainly not Platonic ; in fact it is one chief point of dispute be- tween Aristotle and his master that the latter conceded to ideas of quality the position of sub- stances and made the iroibv an oh Staipe7rai [sc. t1] ivvwdpxov [Ace] us Batji/. Similarly in viii. 2, 1043, a, 19, cf. Gen. An. i. 21,729,b. 3 : ushwrdp- X°v kcl\ fidptou'hf evBvs Tovyivofievov ffufiaros fiiyvtifievov tt) #Ap. Tbid. c. 18, 724, a, 24 : S) belongs to the iroibv (Cat. c. 8, 11, a, 20 ; Top. iv. 124, b, 18 ; whereas in Metaph. v. 15, 1021, b, 3, iarpuri; is counted under irp6s ti, that it may follow its generic concept, kitusTi\ja\). * That the category of Rela- tivity, in Cat. c. 7, precedes that of Quality (vide supra) is contrary to the natural relation of both, as is clear, not only in all other enumerations and in the express explanation in Metaph. xiv. 1, 1088, a, 22, but indirectly also (in Cat. c. 7 itself) from the fact that the 8/j.oiov and laov (qualitative and quantitative equality) is in 6, b, 21 counted as Ttp&s ti ; cf. Top. i. 17 ; Tren- delenburg, ibid. p. 117. 5 Thus Cat. c. 7, 8, a, 31 : £<7Ti t« irp6s ti ols rh etvai ravrdv 4, according to Metaph. v. terms, and we shall have to men- 15, 1020, b, 28, 1021, », 21, are tion it later on. "E|is is discussed relative concepts; the parts of etymologically in Metaph. v. 15, a whole (ir^BiiXiov, Kev eiprifieuwu eVi t^v ence to prevailing news as to aurV cTrtaTJiprii' viitrn rb £titov- wisdom, it is shown (981, b, 30) nevov ivojm [aoe$- BeapTyrucliv. Cf. iii. 2, 996, b, 8 rcpos, i Se rexvirris rwv ipnreipwv, sqq. Mh. N. vi. 7. Metapli. vi. 1, Xeiporexvov 8k &pxiTeKTo»>,jit 5e 1026, a, 21 : t^v tiiuoto.ti\v Bewprirucal twv ir(H7)TUCuv piaWov. [&n)TeiTOi tZv Svtuv, Si\Xov Se Sti y ovra. Every science has to do wi". h certain principles and causes. aWa iroffoi avrai [iarpuch, ^oflrj^oTDfJj, &c] irepl 'iv ti Kal yivos ti Trepiypaif/d/ievai irepl tovtov irpaytiareiovTai, o\V ofcx* irepl Svtos airAwi oASe $ iv, oASe too tI iat*v—mSiva klr/ov iroiowrai- a\\' 4k Tdyrov at pev aiaB4\ to KaB' a'jra VKapxoVTQ. t<£ 7eVei irepl '6 elatv airoSetKvvQvffiv % avayKaidTepov <) HaKaKt&Tepov. , . , dfiolus 5e oi/b" el iGTiv ty \vi\ effTt to yevos irepl o Trpayfj.aTevovTai ovSey Xeyovffi Sta to Trjs aitTrjs elvai Siavolas t6 tc ti lo-rt SrjKov iroielv Kal el eortv. So it is with Physics and Mathe- matics, the former being con- cerned with that which is moved and in which the Form is not separated from the Matter, the latter being at the best concerned with that which is abstracted from Matter and Movement, but which does not exist of itself as immaterial and unmoved (cF. p. 183, n. 3) : el Se ti itrrw atSiov Kal okIvi\tov Kal x ca P t0 '' rov , tpavepbv on OecoprjTtKrjs to yvavai . o\t fiej/Tot v wpbs T^jvoi/fflav Keyofi4vwv,tiTovTwv Ttvbs K7ro(/>aVeis % ovoias • Sib Kal to iiH/u" thai fj.T)"ov %Kaarov vpStrov (xi. 1, 1059, METAPHYSICS 299 On the like considerations rests the other difficulty, to which Aristotle rightly gives special prominence 1 — the question whether it is only individual things that are ac- tual, or whether the universal of thegenera be actual also. 2 The former theory seems untenable because the sphere of individual existences is unlimited and of that which is unlimited no knowledge is possible, and since all knowledge in any case is of universals. The latter is operi to all the objections which lie against tbe theory of a universal existing independently, or the Ideal Theory of Plato. 3 An application of this question to a particular case is contained in the further inquiry, whether the conceptions of the One and of Being denote anything substantial or are only predicates for some subject of a different nature. Those who accept universals at' all (e.g. Number) as in any way sub- stantial, must affirm the first proposition ; but the opposite opinion is not only supported by the analogy of the whole world of concrete things, but also by the argument that you cannot treat the One as substance without denying, as did Parmenides, the existence of 1 Metajj/i. iii. 4 init. o. 6 fin. Metapli. iii. 4, 999, b, 1 : «' /xiv (cf. vii. 13 sq.), xiii. 6, xi. 2 init., odv f*.T]dev £otl irapa ra icad' eKaora, ibid. 1060, b, 19. In the first obdev ttv eirj vot\tov bXKb. tt6.vto. passage this Apory is called the 'xoA€7ro)T(iTr)/fald>'a7KaioToTij adduces the reasons, which were 6eafnjx a - » r e doei diction involved in the founda- %v or apiBnQ £j/ : to yip apiBp.-f %y tions of his own system. % to KaSixaoTov \iysw $ia4pzi 2 That this Apory coincides oWiv (999, b, 33 cf. c. 6, 1002, b, with that adduced on p. 298, 30). Aristotle himself asserts in 300 ARISTOTLE the Many, as such. 1 To the same head belongs the question whether Numbers and Figures are Substances or no, and to this also opposite answers are possible. For as the qualities of bodies are mere predicates from which we distinguish the bodies themselves as their substrata, and as these bodies presuppose, as their elements, the surface, the line, the point, and unity, it would seem that surface and unity must be as sub- stantial as body is ; while on the other hand these have not any existence for themselves but only in corporeal things, and they do not come to be and cease to be, as Substances do. 2 Yet auother difficulty which leads back to the relation of the individual to the Universal is this. The principia must on the one hand, as it seems, be of a potential character, since possibility precedes actuality : on the other hand, they must be actual, since otherwise Being would be merely accidental. 3 Individual things, indeed, do actually exist : whereas the universal concept, except in so far as it has found for itself a place in individual entities, exists only potentially. And finally, if there be besides the corporeal, an uncorporeal, and beside the changing, an eternal, the final question must be whether both ot these have the same principia* or not. If we say Yes, it seems impossible to explain the difference between them. If we say No, then we must 1 Hfetaph. iii. 4, 1001, a, 3 of the Pythagorean and Platonic sqq., and, referring to this, x. 2, doctrines. xi 1, 1059, b, 27, c. 2, 1060, s Ibid. iii. 6, 1002, b, 32 cf. a, 36. Bonitz and Schwegleb on this 2 Metaph. iii. 5 (cf . xi. 2, 1060, passage. b, 12 sqq., and on p. 1002, b, 32 : * As Plato supposed, in full viii. 6 init. c. 3, 1043, b, 15). We accordance with Aristotle's view, shall meet with further objec- Cf . Zhller, Ph. d. Gr. pt. i. p. 628 tions to this view in the criticism sq. 805 sq. METAPHYSICS 301 decide whether the priTicipid of the changeable are themselves changeable or unchangeable. If they be changing, then we must go back to deeper principia, with which the same dilemma will recur. If they be unchangeable, then we have to explain how it can be that out of the unchanging, in one case the changeable, in another the unchangeable, arises. 1 The like dif- ficulty, in truth, applies to all the different classes of Being. How, for example, is it possible that things which fall under wholly different categories, such as those of Substance and Relation, can lead back to principles that are one and the same ? 2 The other questions stated above— those relating to the unity of the manifold, and the possibility of change — were clearly present to Aristotle's mind, and he sought in the first principles of his Metaphysics to find a solu- tion for them. The combination of the manifold into unity, concerns him chiefly as leading up to the inquiry how the genus and the differentia can be one in con- ception ; 3 though he recognises that the same question may be raised in all cases where things of a different nature are combined. 4 Aristotle's answer, in all such 1 Metaph. iii. 4, 1000, a, 5 1044, a, 5, and settled in the sqq. (xi. 2, 1060, a, 27). manner stated in the text by viii. i Ibid. xii. 4. Aristotle 6. answers (ibid. 1070, b, 17) that 4 Thus with regard to num- ' the final grounds of things are bers (Metaph. viii. 3, 1044, a, 2, only analogically the same for c. 6 init.), and to the relation all. between soul and body (c. G, 3 This question also occurs in 1045, b, 11 ; Be An. ii. 1, 412, b, Anal. Post. ii. 6, 92, a, 29. In 6 sqq.) ; but also in many other Be Interpr. u. 5, 17, », 13, it is cases: cf. Metaph. viii. 6, 1045, proposed, discussed more fully b, 12 : kuWoi 6 airbs \iyos «r! in Metaph. vii. 12, again touched ■mhrruy, &c. upon in viii. 3, 1043, b, 4 sqq., 302 ARISTOTLE cases, as will be seen, is in its essence one and the same. It is based upon the 'relation of the possible and the actual — of Matter and Form. 1 The problems of Becoming and Change are of still greater importance for the Aristotelian system. If a thing comes to be, does it arise out of being or out of not-being ? If a thing ceases to be, does it become something, or nothing ? Does change mean the becoming of opposite out of opposite, or of the same out of the same ? The one seems to be impossible — because nothing can come out of nothing, nor can anything return to nothing, nor take on it the qualities of its opposite (e.g. warmth the qualities of cold). The other alternative is equally impossible, because it is absurd that anything should at a definite time come to be that which it already is. 2 A similar case is the analogous problem whether those things which act upon each other are likes or opposites. 3 In all these questions, difficulties are brought to light which are soluble only by a careful inquiry into the first principles of philosophy. 1 Cf. Phys. i. 2 fin, where this question coincides with the Lycophron and others are blamed other, as to Change, since that for running into difficulties by which acts rnirrr-nnTnli will! •* the inference that one must at that which suffers : Sxrr' avaynrfb. the same time be many: Sxnrep rb irda-xoi' fh rb iroiovi/fierafidWeiv ovk hSexif-fvov ravrbv 'iv re Kal ((fen. et Corr. i. 7, 324, a P 9). 7roAA.a ilvai, p.^ ravTiKelfieya 8e ■ Hence it is true that, on the one ecri-i yap rb tv Kal Swdfiei ical hand, things which are not op- ivT€\ex^f- posed cannot act upon one 2 CI Phys. i. 6, 189, a, 22, c. another: o'jk ££i52 sq.), and in Eth. Sic. x. 1, 17 sqq. 1 172, a, 27 sqq. Aristotle attacks s Metaph, ix. 3 (cf. Zelleb, the exaggerations of the moral ibid. 220, 1). Aristotle here con- doctrine of the Cynics, f utes the Megarian principle, that i Supra, pp. 14, 56 sq., 162, the merely possible is actual, by &c. 314 ARISTOTLE in no spirit of jealousy or detraction that Aristotle comes back again and again to discuss the Platonic doctrines, and to set out their defects from all points of view with untiring patience; for such a criticism of his master was unavoidable if he was to defend his own philosophic individuality, and his right to found a new school, against the fame of his predecessor and the prestige of the nourishing Academy. His main cri- ticism, leaving out of account incidental objections, is directed against three leading points : first, against the Ideal Theory, as such; secondly, against the later ' Pythagorising statement of the Theory;' and, thirdly, against the principles laid down concerning the ulti- mate basis of things, Matter and the One. 1 The Ideal Theory of Plato rested upon his convic- tion that it is only the universal essence of things that can be an object of knowledge. This conviction was shared by Aristotle. 2 So likewise did Aristotle accept without criticism Plato's doctrine as to the mutability of all sensible . things (which for Plato was the second buttress of the Ideal Theory), and the necessity to pass beyond these to something stable and essential. 3 But when Plato draws from this the conclusion that it • is only the Universal, as such, which can be actual, and that it must exist for itself as something substantial beyond phenomena, Aristotle parts company with him. This, therefore, is the central point about which revolves "the whole Aristotelian attack on Plato's Metaphysics. For Aristotle holds as to this assumption that it is 1 Of. Zbllbe, Platon. Studien, 2 Vide supra, pp. 163,300, &c. p. 197 sqq. 3 Vide tujpra, p. 300 sqq. METAPHYSICS 315 devoid of all scientific basis in itself ; that it leads in its results to difficulties and contradictions absolutely in- soluble, and that instead of explaining the world of phenomena, it makes them impossible. He holds that the hypothesis of the Ideas is not established ; of the Platonic arguments for it, there is not one that is not open to decisive objections. 1 The ends that Plato sought thereby to attain are and must be attainable otherwise. The content of each of these Ideas is, indeed, exactly the same as the corresponding thing of which it is said to be ' the Idea ; ' for in the conception of the ideal man, of man as such, exactly the same marks are included as in the conception of man in the ordinary sense, there being no difference between the two beyond the addition of the word ' ideal ' (to avro). 2 In this view, the Ideas appear as nothing more than a needless reduplication of the world of things, and the introduction of the Ideas to explain things is to Aristotle as if a man who could not count in small numbers should attempt to count in large ones. 3 But even apart from the failure of proof, the Ideal Theory is in his view in itself untenable ; for Substance cannot 1 Cf. Metaph. i. 9, 990, b, 8 yap eKeivoi ovdev &\\o ino'ovv, % sqq. xiii. 4, 1079, a. avBpdirovs aibiovs, oS6' ovroi to tlSii 2 Metaph. iii. 2, 997, b, 5 : a.x\' % aitrdirra aiSia. Similarly iroWaxv s ' 1x6''™'-' Sv(TKo\lav, Metapli. vii. 16, 1040, b, 32: ovBevbs ?ittov &tottov rb tpdvat fiev ttoiovo'li' oZv [ras ideas] txs avras eival Ttvas (pfoeis irapa ras eV tm t$ eXSei tois (pdapro'is, a : jTodv8punrov oupavu>, Tavras 5e ras auras (pdi/aL Kal aiirdiinrov, irpocrrtdevrts to?s Tins alffBijTo'is irXfy in to. fiev aicrdTjTo7s rb pf/^ta rb avrb. Ibid. aiSia. to 5i (pBaprd • abrb yap av- xiii. 9, 1086, b, 10 of. Eth. N. i. 8p i. 587, 2. obo-lav koI ot i\ oio-ia; xiii. 9, 1085, 3 Metaph. i. 9, 991, a, 29, xiii. a, 23, cf . vii. 6, 1031, a, 31, c. 14, 5, 1079, b, 34. In the first of 1039, b, 15. these passages we should read : 2 Metaph. i. 9, 990, b, 11 sqq. oTov t6 yivos, Sis yzyos, dSSiv (so. 22, 991, b, 6, xiii. 4, 1079, a, 19, vapAteiyiia e'ffTcu). c. 8, 1084, a, 27 ; Anal. Post. i. * Metaph. i. 9, 991, a, 26. METAPHYSICS 317 and these sometimes of opposite kinds. 1 Or again, if the Idea is to be Substance, it cannot at the same time be a general concept ; 2 for it is not the unity of many individual things, but an individual itself among other individuals. 3 Conversely, the things of which it is predicated could not be true subjects. 4 Of Ideas of this kind any defiuition would be as impossible as it is of other individuals, 5 and since the Idea, like the individual, is numerically one, it follows that one or other of the contradictory predicates by which we sub- divide the genus must always be predicable of it, in which case it clearly cannot be itself the genus also. Aristotle considers the assertion that the Ideas con- tain the essence of things to be inconsistent with the view that they are at the same time incorporeal. He represents Plato as speaking sometimes of a ' matter of the Ideas ' (that being inconsistent with the notion that they are not in space 7 ), and as holding at other times that in the case of all natural objects matter and the process of becoming belongs to the essence and concep- tion of them, in which case the conception of them cannot exist by itself separately. 8 Similarly, he argues that the ethical conceptions cannot be separated from 1 Metaph. vii. 13, 103!), a, 3, p. 215, svpra, from Categ. c. 2. c. 14; cf. c. 8, 1033, b, 19, i. 9, 5 Metaph. vii. 15, 1040, a, 8- 991, a, 29, xiii. 9, 1085 a, 23. 27. •' Metaph. xiii. 9, 108G, a, 32, ' Top. vi. 6, 143, b, 23. Length vii. 16, 1040, a, 26 sqq. cf. iii. 6, in itself must be either airfares 1003, a, 5. or irhdros Ix ", and then thagenus 3 Metapli. i. P, 992, b, 9, xiii. must be at once a species also. $,nt supra. ' Phys. iv. 1, 209, b, 33; cf * Metaph. vii. 6, 103l,b,15 ;cf. Zell. ibid. 556 sq., 628 sq. Eonitz and Schweglbb on th*s " Pfffs. ii. 2, 193 b, 35 i passage, and the citation at «qq. 318 ARISTOTLE their objects. There can be no ' Idea of the Good ' standing by itself, for the conception of the Good appears under all possible categories, and determines itself dif- ferently according to the different circumstances ; aad as there are different sciences that deal with the Good, so there are different kinds of good, among which there is, in fact, an ascending scale — a fact which of itself ex- cludes the possibility of a commonldea existing by itself. 1 A further objection is that the theory of Ideas logically carried out would be a process ad infinitum : for if an Idea is always to be posited in every case where more things than one meet in a common definition, the common essence of the Idea and its phenomenon must always come in as a third term different from either of them. 2 Even if the Ideal Theory were better founded and 1 Eth. N. i. 4 (Eud. i. 8) ; of. pre- in a relation of Before and After, ceding notes. As to the principle and can consequently be included that what is Trp6repov and vtrrepon in no common generic concept, cannot be reduced to a common and therefore in no idea, but generic concept, see Polit. iii. 1, (1096, b, 25 sqq.) only in a rela- 1 275, a, 34 sqq. (Zell., i bid, 571 tion of analogy. (Vide supra, p. sq.). On the same principle in 276 sqq.) Eth. Nie. he. ait. Aristotle remarks ''MetaphA. 9, 991, a, 2, vii. in criticising the 'Idea of the 13,1039, a, cf. vii. 6, 2, 1031, b, 28. Good,' that the upholders of the Aristotle expresses this objection doctrine of Ideas themselves say here by sayingthat the doctrine of that there is no Idea of that Ideas leads to the rplros ii/Spawos. which stands in the relation of Cf. Zell., Plat. Stud. p. 257, and Before and After; but this is Ph. d. Gr.pt. i. p. 623, 5. He actually the case with the Good, finds the parallel of the ' rp'ros for it is found in all the cate- &vBpanros (which, however, is gories: e.g., a substantial good equally true of the ideas them- is the Divinity and Reason, a selves, cf. Soph. El,, c. 22, 178, b, qualitative good is Virtue, a 36) in the change of the uni- quantitive good is Measure, a versal into an individual of the relative good is the Useful, &c. same name. Thus, these different Goods stand METAPHYSICS 319 • less untenable, Aristotle would still say that it could by no means fulfil the task of a true Philosophy, which is to exhibit the basis and principles of the world of appearances. As the Ideas are not in things, they cannot make up the essence of things, and they cannot contribute anything to the being of things. 1 Even the relation of the one to the other cannot be stated clearly, for Plato's own references to some kind of copying and participation are always unintelligible metaphors. 2 The principle of motive power, without which no process of becoming and no explanation of nature is conceivable, is wholly wanting. 3 So also is the principle of final cause. 4 Even in regard to the theory of Knowledge, the Ideas cannot render us that service which Plato expected from them, for if they are outside of things, then they are not truly the essence of things, and there- fore the knowledge of the Idea leads to no sure con- clusion as to the thing itself. 5 And how, on the other hand, could we arrive, asks Aristotle, at any know- ledge of the Ideal, since innate Ideas are not to be assumed ? s All these difficulties will be vastly in- creased if we are to follow Plato and his school in translating the Ideas into Numbers, and so interposing 1 Metaph. i. 9, 991, a, 12 (xiii. 335, b, 7 sqq. of. Eth. End. i 8, 5, init.). 1217, b, 23. 2 Metaph. i. 9, 991, a, 20, 992, 4 Metaph. i. 7, 988, b, 6, o. 9, a, 28 (xiii. 5, 1079, b. 24), i. 6, 992, a, 29 (where, instead of 5A, 987, b, 13, viii. 6, 1045, b. 7, xii. Si' 8 should be read). 10, 1075, b, 34. 5 Metaph. i. 9, 991, a, 12 (xiii. 3 Metaph. i. 9, 991, a, 8. 19 sqq. 5, 10 79, b, 15), vii. 6, 1031, a, 30 b, 3 sqq. (xiii. 5) 992, a, 24 sqq. sqq. cf. Anal. Post. i. 22, 83, a, b, 7, O. 7, 988, b, 3, vii. 8, 1033, 32: -ret yap etSri x^pera- reperl- b, 26, xii. 6, 1071, b, 14, u. 10, opivrA. re yap eVti, ice. : 1075, b, 16, 27 ; Gen. et Curr. ii. 9, ■ Vide supra, p. 202, &c. 320 ARISTOTLE between the Ideas and the things of sense the whole science of Mathematics. The difficulties which would thus arise were set out by Aristotle with a painstaking thoroughness most tiresome to the modern mind, though in his day it may possibly have been needful in order to cut off all ways of escape for the Pythagorising school, led by such men as Xenocrates and Speusippus. He asks how we are to think to ourselves the causality of numbers, 1 or how they can contribute to the existence of things. 2 He shows how capricious and contra- dictory is the application of these numbers to natural objects. 3 He points out the difference in character between conceptual determinations, which are quali- tative, and numerical determinations, which are quanti- tative, remarking that two numbers make up one number, but two Ideas do not make one Idea, and that among the numbers which make up numbers no quali- tative differences can be posited, whereas there must be units qualitatively different if there were Ideal Numbers. 4 With minute and careful thoroughness, 5 he controverts the various suggestions as to the relations of mathematics to the Ideal Numbers which were thrown out by Plato and his school and the devices they resorted to in order to maintain a conceivable difference 1 Metaph. i. 9, 991, b, 9, with apii/iois nyiv (tiiroiceifi.ciiziv). the answer : if things are likewise 2 Metaph. xiv. 6 init., ibid. numbers, one does not see of what 1093, b, 21 cf. c. 2, 1090, a, 7 sqq use the ideal numbers are to them; 3 Loo. cit. from 1092, b, 29; cf if, on the other hand, things are the commentaries on this passage only arranged according to num- * Cf. Zbll. Ph. d. Gr. pt. i. p. ber, the same would be true of 568 sq. 854, 867 sq. 884. the ideas of them, which would 5 Loc. cit. i. 9, 991, b, 21 sqq. not be numbers, but \6~)Oi iv 992, a, 2. METAPHYSICS 321 between the Numbers and the units which compose them: 1 But in this, as in other branches of the argu- ment, his main point is always that there is a funda- mental contradiction between the notion of a unit of number and the fact of differences of kind. It is not, of course, necessary here to recapitulate those of his objections to Ideal Numbers which apply also to the Ideal Theory in general. 2 But it is to be noticed that, in Aristotle's view, if once we assumed the existence of Ideas and Ideal Numbers, the ordinary mathematical numbers would lose their status, for they could only have the same component parts and therefore the same nature as the Ideal Numbers themselves. 3 The position of magnitudes would be equally dubious ; for qud ideal they must go by ideal numbers, and qud mathe- matical they must go by mathematical number ; 4 and from the way in which the theory of magnitudes is deduced, be considers that the further dilemma arises that either it must be possible for a surface to exist without line, and a solid without surface, or else all three must be one and the same. 5 Finally, as concerns the ultimate principles of things, in which Plato and the Platonists had sought to find the ultimate basis and constituents of their Numbers and Ideas, 6 Aristotle asserts that it is impossible to know the constituent parts of all being, since that 1 MetajfJi. xiii. 6-8. * Mctaph. i. 9, 992, b, 13 ; xiv. ■' As in Metaplh. xiii. 9, 1085, a, 3, 1C90, b, 20. 23, and in xiv. 2, 1090, a, 7 sqq. 5 Ibid, i, 9, 992, a, 10 ; xiii. 9, c. 3, 1090, a,25-b, 5, they are used 1085, a, 7, 31. against Speusippns. 6 Cf. Zelleb,PA. d, Gr. pi. i. 3 Metajjli. i. 9, 991, b, 27 ; xiv, 628 sq., 805. 3, 1090, b, 32 sqq. VOL. I. y 322 ARISTOTLE knowledge cannot be derived from any prior knowledge. 1 He doubts whether all being can have the same con- stituent parts, 2 or whether out of the combination of the same elements, at one time a number and at another time a magnitude could arise. 3 He remarks that such constituent parts can only be ascribed to substances, and only to those substances which have some admixture of materiality. 4 He further demonstrates that such con- stituent parts could neither be thought as individual nor as universal : not as individual, because they would not then be cognisable and could not be the con- stituents of more things or Ideas than one ; not as universal, because in that case they would not be of the nature of substance. 5 In another connection, he takes exception to the variance of the Platonic suggestions as to the 'material element,' 6 and rejects altogether the assumption of Speusippus that there are more than one original but different frindfia? A closer inquiry into the two Platonic ultimate principles, ' the One,' and ' the Great and Little,' leads Aristotle to declare that they are both misconceived. He asks how the One can be a thing existing by itself, when no universal is a substance. The notion of unity expresses only a 1 Metwph. i. 9, 992, b, 24 ; 5 Metajih. xiii. 10, 1086, b, 19, against which, indeed, his own 1087, a. 4. distinction of demonstrative and 6 Metapli. xiv. 1, 1087, b, 4, inductive knowledge might be 12,26, c. 2,1089,b,ll; cIZellee, used. Ph.. d. Gr. pt. i. p. 628, 3. 2 This is suggested, without ' Of it the remark in Metapli. mention of Plato,in Metapli. xii. 4, xiv. 3, 1090, b, 13 sqq. is true, that 1070, a, 33 sqq. ; cf. what was ad- Nature is not Eireis a, 24 : cfAws 8e faroiKnris rijs ipiKo- oijre fieTafiuKrjs ouSejums 4(mv atrta ffoiplas wepl twv tyavepoiv rd alrtov auToIs; and at 1. 20: rb Se \eyety tovto /iev eXaKafJLey (ouSev yap •KapaSeiy/jLara aiira. eivat Kal jU€T- Keyofiev trepl tt)s airlas '66iu i) apxh c^eic avTuv T&Wa Kei/oKoyeiv iarri tt)s fieTa/3o\v)s'), &c. 328 ARISTOTLE -£ CHAPTER VII. CONTINUATION. The Main Inquiry of Metaphysics. There are three main questions which now fall to be discussed. In so far as the First Philosophy has to do with Actuality in general, with Being as such, it follows that the question of the original essence of the actual, which is the inquiry into the conception of Substance, must precede all other investigations. To this question Plato in his Ideal Theory had answered that that which in a true and original sense is actual was to be sought for only in the common essence of things or iu their classes, which are expressed by general conceptions. Aristotle, as has been seen, was not content with the answer : but for that very reason he attributed the more importance to the relation between the individual and the universal. It was in the inaccurate statement of this relation that he found the fundamental error of Plato's view, and he felt that it was from the true con- ception of the same relation that any revision of Platonism must start. The first question for Philcr- sophy, therefore, must be an inquiry into the conception of ' substance,' which is an inquiry into the relation of the individual to the universal. But inasmuch as Aristotle defines that relation in such a way as to throw 1 See p. 290 sqq. supra. METAPHYSICS 329 essential actuality to tbe side of the individual, it follows that the Form, or the ethos, which Plato had made identical with the universal, becomes detached from the universal in Aristotle and takes on an altered meaning. To him Form is essence determinate and developed into full actuality : undetermined universality, which is the possibility of Being, not yet determined this way or that, is considered as Matber in opposition to Form. The relation of Form and Matter accord- — y-i ingly furnishes the second main object of Metaphysics. Form, in fine, is essentially related to Matter, and Matter to Form ; and this relation consists in the fact that Matter becomes definite through Form. This process is Movement. All movement, however, presupposes a first cause of movement, and in this way movement and '/T the first motor constitute the third pair of concepts with which Metaphysics is concerned. In the following pages Aristotle's theory will be set forth under these Jhree heads. £ ^ ; ^ f.^UH ^ T" P*§0 (1) The Individual and the Universal. Plato had taken as the essential element in things ' the universal as it is thought in conception,' and had ascribed Being, in its fullest and original sense, to that only. It was by a limitation of this Being, by a com- bination of Being with Not-Being, that individual entities could arise. These, therefore, had, outside and above them, as something other than themselves, the universal essences, which were the Ideas. Aristotle denies this, for he finds the fundamental error of the Ideal Theory in this separation of the conceptual essence from 330 ARISTOTLE the thing itself. 1 A universal is that which belongs to many things in common, 2 or, more accurately, that which belongs to them by reason of their nature, and therefore, necessarily and always. 3 It follows that all universal concepts denote only certain of the properties of things ; or, in other words, are predicates and not subjects. Even when a number of these properties are combined to make the conception of a genus, we get thereby something which belongs to all the things pertaining to the genus in question, but by no means a universal subsisting beside them as distinct. For Plato's %v Trapa to. voXXa is substituted Aristotle's %v tcara, ttoWwv.* If, then, the universal is not any- thing subsisting by itself, it cannot be Substance. It is true that the name of Substance 6 is used in various 1 Seep.316,n.l,s«y;ra. Mislaph. xiii. 9, 1086, b, 2 : rovro 8' [the doctrine of Ideas] . . . fic'ivr/cre /jt,kv 2w/cpanjs 5m tovs dpifffzobs, oil fifyv eX^/Htre ye twv «a0' etcaffTov ' KoX tovto 6p9ais lv6t\dev oil xapiffas . . avev fiev yap rod tca96\ov ovic effTtv eirlffT'fjfiTjy \afietv, to Sk X a P~ l£eiv oXtiov tw Gvn$aiv6vT03v hva- X^piv irepl ras ideas eGTiv . Cf. C. 4, 1073, b, 30 sq. 2 Metaph. vii. 13, 1038, b, 11 ; to 8e Ka96\ov icoivSv • tovto yap Aeyerai Ka96\ov o irXeioo'lv inrdpxelv iritpiiKtv ; iii. 4, 909, b, 34 : ovtu yap Xt'yoy.ev to Ka9eicaffTOv to api8fA$ %v, Ka66\ov Se to iirl tovtwv. De Interpr. 7, 17, a, 89 ; Part. An. i. 4, 644, a 27, and supra. 3 Anal. Post. i. 4, 73, b, 26 : Ka86\ov 5e Keyw o av _ Kara iravT6s Te iirdpxy «al Ko8' avrb Kal $ ouni, (pavepbv apa oti oaa aalhjAov ^| aviyKris vrdpxei tois Ttp6.yji.aaai ; c. 31, 87, b, 32: rb yap ae\ /col •wavTaxov Ka96\ov tpafieu elvai. Metaph. v. 9, 1017, b, 35 : ret yap Ka96\ov Kaff aiira inrdpxei. See also BONITZ, Ind. Arist. 356, b, 4 sqq. Kampe, Erkeimtnissth. d. Aritt. 160 sq. ■' Anal. Post.i. 11 init. : eiSr) p-ey otv elyat '/) ev ti Trapa to. TvoWa oiiK avdynri, el an65ei^LS ecrrai " elvai p.ivTOi ev KaTa iroAAwf a\y)9es elireiv avayKT}. JJe All. iii. 8 (see p. 195, n. J, snpra). 5 Aristotle's oio-'a is of course here and elsewhere translated by ' substance.' It is strange to find this translation attacked (by Strtjmpell, Gesch.d.theor. Phil. b. d. Gr. 213 sq. ; cf. Zbllee, Ph. d. Gr. pt. i. 555, 1) on the ground that Aristotle nowhere understands by -oiov\4yeTai, else; cf. Anal. Post. i. 4, and aAAa /caret, tovtuv ra &AAa ; vii. 3, the remarks which follow] aAA' 1028, b, 36 : rb 5' {nronelfievdv ov anXais t\ ovtriu av etri ; o. 7, eVti ko8' ov ra aXXa Xeyerai, 1030, a, 22 : Ti ri Ictiv airXus ttj iKttvo Sk avrb /cmjke'ti kot' SaAou. oualq birdpxei. See further on Bid Ttpwrov irep\ roirov fiiopiffTtov • p. 289. 332 ARISTOTLE other being. 1 Only in a derivative sense can the genera be called substances : in so far, that is to say, as they set forth the common essence of a certain number of substances ; 2 and they claim a kind of koX 8ia tovto wavTuv airia ravra ; iii. 6, 1003, a, 8 : oZQiv yap tiros Ka\ airav rd Kotvbv ov tcSSe ti, a\\b, toi:Ji/8e ti t) irp6s ti r) ttc3s* t) tojj/ toiovtwv ti o-t)y.ati>ei. (This holds even of the sensible qualities of things ; see p. 206, supra.) Gen. An. iv. 3, 767, b, 33: to Ka9iKatrTov tovto yap r) ovtria. All other categories indicate mere acci- dents (o-v/ifiefiriKiTa') of sub- stance ; cf . p. 289 supra. Aristotle finds it therefore quite natural {Metaph. vii. 16, 1040, b, 26 sq.) that the ideas should be made into a ^aipim-oV if they iire taken for substances. The error of the doctrine of ideas consisted only in regarding the universal as such a substantial idea. (Hert- ling, Mat. und Form, 44, 1, has misunderstood this statement.) 2 Cat . c. 5, 2, a, 15: Seirepai 5c ovtriat \iyovTai cV oTs ttb'ttru/ at irpdjTws ovtriat \eydfisyat virdpxovtrt, Tavrd T€ Ka\ Ta tuv eiSwv tovtoiv yivi\ . . . olov '6 te aVflpwTros Kai to (yon. And so further on. Otherwise the expression Seute'^o ovo-ia does not occur in Aristotle. As, however, he elsewhere uses irp'im) ovo-ia for ' substance in the primary sense,' and tp'.tt) ovo-ia for 'third class of substances,' no objection can be taken, as we have already remarked (in n. 1 to p. 64). 1 Oat. c. 5, 2, a, 34 : to. 5' tiAAa irdi/Ta iJTOl Kad' viroKGifievwy \4yerai TWV TvpiiTttiir OVffttVV r) eV VKQKElfJ.4va'.S a°/Ta?s itrriv . . . [i$i ovtruy ovy txv rtp-jirtav ovtrmv aZvyarov tQv dWwv Ti elj/ai. Anal. Post. i. 4, 73, b, 5, where Aristotle calls k»9' a'no that t fi)) leaf inroKSLfiivov \4yerat &K\ov Tivhs, oTov to PaV^ov e 4rep6v TiOv j8a5'£by earl koX Ksvkov, 7} 5 ovtr'.a, Kal oo~a t6Ss ti, ojx erep6v ti uyra cVtIi/ owep itrriv ' Ta fiev Sri fi$i «a9' {nroKeifizvov [sc. KeySpGva] Kal?' a'jra Keyw, Ta oe Ka0' vTroKEitieyov 0*uuj9e#7jk JTa. Metaph. vii. 1, 1028, a, 27: that which supports all qualities is said to be r) obtria Kal to Ka9' eKaa-Toy . . . twit fj.hv yz.p aWwv KaTrjyop-qfjtdTwv o : j$ev ^woio'toz', a'irr\ 8e ,udVij; c. 3, 1029, a, 27: to xtopiffTtiv Kal t6 T(S5e ti vwdpxeu/ Soke? p.d\LffTa t|) ovaia ; c. 4, 1030, a, 1 9 : t)]v ovtriav /cat t^ tiJSe ti ; c. 10, 1035, b, 28 : KaWAou S' ouk iajui ovtria; c. 12, 1037, a, 27: r) ovtria eV ti /cat to'Se ti trrifiaivet &s v T(J5e ti, aWa ToidvSe ; c. 16, 1040, b, 23 : Kotvbv fj.7]6*i/ ovff a ' obtievl yap im&pxti r) oi/trla a\y j) o6t^ te Kal tQ %x 0VTl avri\v o% c'oriy ova' a. Ibid. fin. : t&v Ka66Aov \eyo/ji{va)v ovBeu ovtria ; xii. 5 init. : ^irel S' ^crrl ret iiiv x a 'P- icrra.Ta 8e ou xcpiora, oitriat iKeTva, METAPHYSICS 333 substantial character with, the more right the nearer they approach to individual substances, so that the species deserves to be called substantial in a higher degree than the genus.' According to the strict con- ception of substance, however, that term cannot be applied to them at all, because they are predicated of individuals, 2 and because it is true of them, as of every universal, that they are not a ' This,' but a ' Such ' — not substantive, but adjective — and that they express, not substance, but a condition of substance. 3 The further marks of substance which Aristotle gives us, likewise refer, in so far as they are really characteristic of that conception, to individual sub- stances only. 4 The so-called secondary substance of 1 Cat. c. 5,2,b, 7sq. Aristotle, indeed, stems to say the opposite in JUetaph. viii. ], 1042, a, 13: en &\Aus [5e ti ffTifiziveu/. Of. irpwTat ovtrtcu this holds unconditionally : lirl 5e twv SeuTe'pri/ ovtriatv (paiverai jttev dfioicas T§ o*x^M aTl T ^ s npoff- Tiyopias To5e ti ffiyLalveiv . . ov fi},v a\7j0ds ye, dAAa /j.aX\ov iroi6v ti arifj.aiv€t ■ oit yap hv irrri to" inrotceifjLtvov tlxrirep tj irpiT?; olkticc, aXha. Kara iroWuv o avBpotiros \eyerai Kal to £i$ov. 4 The first characteristic of substance was rd jiir) /caff irnoicei- fiii'au \4yetrSai. That this is true only of individual substance has been shown. A second [Cat. 5, 3, a, 6 sq., and p. 331 , u. 2, supra) is to fx^i €i/ uTroKiifievtp e7vai. But this characteristic belongs also to the class, and not to it alone, but likewise [Cat. c. 5, 3, a, 21 &c.) to the specific differ- ence, since this is likewise contained in the conception of the thing to which it applies ; while (according to Aristotle, ibid.) only that is £v vtroKeifiGt/tp which does not belong to the conception of that of which it is predicated, but which is a quality in a substance quite in- dependent of it : e.g. in the sentence ' the body is white,' AevKov is eV viro/ceijUeVgj ; on the other hand, in the sentence ' man is two-legged,' Siiroup is not iv xnroKiiiicvif. A further peculiarity of substance is [Cat. c. 5, 3, b, 24) t<) fir)$fv avTtus ivawr'av elj/ai. And yet Aristotle himself remarks that the same 331 ARISTOTLE Aristotle cannot be treated as exactly identical with quality, but neither can it properly be considered sub- stance. It denotes substance on the side of its qualities only. For it is the combination of the essential pro- perties of a definite class of substances. 1 In contrast with it, it is the individual substances alone which are of that self-sufficient and independently subsisting nature to which the name of substance, in its original sense, belongs. This view, however, is not without its difficulties. If all knowledge is concerned with the actual, 2 then it is only the actual, in the highest and truly original sense of the word, which can furnish the original and ultimate object of knowledge. If knowledge is the recognition of reality, 3 it must relate, in the first place, to real Being, which is the substance of things. 4 If this substance is individual substance, it follows that, ia the case with determinations ble. The statement, moreover, of quantity and many other con- contains a questionable identirt- ceptions. And the same reply cation of substance with matter, may be made if {ibid. 1. 33) it to which we shall have again to be said that substance is sus- refer. ceptible of no difference of ' Cat. u. 5, 3, b, 18 : (after the degree, no greater or less. For passage quoted inn. 3 on p. 333) : while, perhaps, we might say ow inrX&s Be iroi6v ti (ritnaivei, Sirirep that one is more or less of a rh \evn6v. oiiBev yap &\\o e?5os eii) vonirhv aAAi irivra oiV8i)Ta Ka.1 airavrx yiyvatrico/iLei/, METAPHYSICS 341 of Becoming as the aim and end thereof; and even supposing that in any particular case the Form could itself originate in the process of Becoming, yet in any case such a supposition could not be carried ad infinitum, for if it could, we should never arrive at a true instance of actual Becoming. The fact of Becom- ing, in other words, is inexplicable unless it be true that before anything came to be ! there was a Form 3 which itself had not come to be. For the same reason there must also be Matter as the correlative of Form. The relation of these two should not be defined, as Plato defined it, merely as one 1 El$os,/J.op. The form, again, could only come from another form, and so on ad infinitum, since all coming to be is the em- bodiment of form in matter, tpavepbv Spa ort ouSe t6 elfios . . . ov yiyperat . . . ou5e rd ri r)p elvat . . . St i rb fi£v ws eldos t) ovata \ey6fievov ou yiyveTat, r) he (Tvvo^os ayepvTjTou etirep 'iffTarai Te Kal 4k tj koto), TavTt\v \eyofievrj yiyveTat, fify uvtos yeveffdat aSvvarov en 5' etirep i] ifA.^ iffrl Sid rb ayevvf]TOS elvat, Tro\b in fiaXKov elXoyov elvat t\v obclav o irore iKeivri yiyveTat. [oyV TTp&TttiV KOll'bs S tovto effTcu fxi\Te eKeivy, ovQep \6yos, oJov iroaov ttoiov, &c. It is IffTat Tb irapairav. ei de tovto aHvporov, avdyKt) Tt elvat irapa Tb avvo\ov tV fJ>op yap yiveaBai ££ &\Xov &\Xo say ' the uncultured man becomes K«l e£ Irrpou crepoy ^ t« onrAS a cultured man ']. t«c Be yivoji- METAPHYSICS 343 becomes that which it comes to be out of its opposite- What becomes warm must before have been cold. He who becomes a man of knowledge must before have been without knowledge. 1 Opposites as such, however, can- evwv &s ra ajrA.ii Xeyopev ylveadai, rk fiev virofievov Keyofxev yiveffOat, rb 5' ovx vtrofievov. b /j.hv yap &udpwiros virofievei fiovs ovre ffvvriQifievov virofj.4vet. Sioipiff- jxivtav 5e to6to>v e£ airdvTivv twv ytyvofievav tovto €0~ti \afiew 4dv tis eTri/3\e'^j;, &ffirzp \4yofxev, fin Se? rt aei viroKtlaQai t6 ytv6fievov, Ka\ tovto el Kal aptdfirp io~Tiv ev, aAA.' etSei 76 ovx '4v . . . O'j yap tovtov rd avdp&TCtp koX to dfxovaw etvai. ical t6 fiev viro/x4v€t, Tb 8' ovx vTrofttvei " t6 ftev fj.fy afTi/eefyte- vov vvofidvei (o yap a\v6pwiros inro- fxevei) t6 fiovffiitdv 5e icaX t6 S/toutroy ovx virofievei. Ibid. 190, a, 31 : in the case of all else that be- comes the oiiffla is the substratum of the change ; fin 8e teal ai ovcriat koI oo~a aAAa airXas oura e*£ vko- Ktifxivov Ttvbs yivtTai, (tcivkqitovvti y4voiT t av tfiavepdv. This hegoeson to prove by the examples of plants, animals, products of art and chemical changes(aAAo/ Be avTLKe7adj.i fihu tJ> &fiovo~ov, vttokgl- adai 8e t6v frvOpaiTov, Kal rfyv /j.ev ao-xn^oo-vvriv Kal ti\v afioptpiav 7) t^\v h.Ta\iav to dvTtKe{/j.evov } t6v 8£ XaXttdv $) fbv \itiov t) t6v X9 vff ^ v tA viroK€tfxevou. s £k /J.ty tvTOSy ojliws fx4vToi ytyv€0~6ai Ik jU$j &VTOS, o!ov Kara airXas ytveTat, Tpoirov 5e &\\ov 4£ ovtos dei. t<5 yap Svvdfiet av 4vtz- Ae^ei'tj 5e ^u^ %v dvdyKt] irpovTrdpx^iv \ey6fievov d/j. : Plato errs /lovtrucbv kc\ t!i aiiovaov ■!) t<5 Btpfidy in identifyingthe material simply koI t6 iJ/uxP^" ^ ^ r\pi"> vt]TOP avdyKTi avrfyv elvai. etre yap iyiyvero, vir6K€tadai t( Sei irpwrov, rd e| ol> ipvirdpxovTOs . . . etre rpOeiperat, els rovro hfp't^erai ?tr^;o- rov. - T6 VTTOKti/XevOV, TO SeKTiKOJ/, p. 342, n. 2, besides followirg rotes and Gen. et Con: i. 10, 328, b, 1 : ddrcpw fiev Scktikov Qdrepov 5' elSos. Be An. ii. 2, 414, a, 9: fioptyfy Kal el56s rt Kal \6yos Kal olov evipyeta rod Sgktikov. Ibid. 1. 13 : 3>ffre \6yos tis av eit\ \j\ i^ux^] Ka * e *8oy, aAA' oi>x vKt] Kal to inroKeltieyov. 3 Phys. ibid. 1. 31 : Xeyw yap &\r)v to" irpwTOv vwoKeifievov eKdiTTcp, e£ oZ yiverai rt ivvirdpxovTOS ft'i) Kara (rvftfiefiyKos. Gen. ei Covr. i. 4 fin. : tffri 8e vKtj fiaAiara fxh Kal Kvpius rd vtroKeifievov yev4o~ews Kal )]V Kal elftos, «a9' Sji/ iJ5t? Keyerai r6de ri ical rpirov to 4k rovrwv. eari S' f) fiev vKtj Bvva/xis, rb S' dBos evreKexeia. So c. 2, 414, a, 14 sq. ; Gen. et Covr. ii. 9, 335, a, 32 : us- fiev odv S\t) rols yevvtirois so~tw a'faiov to fivva- 346 ARISTOTLE conceptions have been obtained entirely out of the con- sideration of the distinction between the two poles rbv elvai Kal ^ elvai. Metapk. vii. 7, 1032, a, 20 : airavra Se to. yiyvdfjieva $ ), eg, of the statue is the stone or brass; the tVxaTrj iiAri of man is to Kara/ifo"*- Metaj/Ji. v. 4, 1015, a, 7, c. 24 hut., viii. 6, 1045, b, 17, c. 4, 1044, a, 15, 34, b, 1, ix. 7, 1049, a, 24. Some verbal confusion is caused by the fact that the expression TrptiSTT) u'Ai) is applied equally to matter which is absolutely, and to matter which is only rela- tivelj', first (to the oAws Ttp&rq and to the irp&s avTd irpi&rti SA77) ; see Metapli. v. 4, viii. 4, 1044, a, 18, 23; Pliys. ii. 1, 193, a, 28, and cf. Metajj/i. \. 4, 1014, b, 26. Cf. Bonitz, Irul. Arist., 786, b, 10. 2 'Evepyeia or fVreAe'xe'a (in the concrete rb ivepyeiq ov, rb ej/TcAEx*'? "i"), expressions which properly differ as activity or actualisation differs from com- pleteness or actuality, but which are commonly used by Aristolle without distinction. Cf. infia, p. 379 sq. METAPHYSICS .349 stands by Potentiality in general Being as mere sus- ceptibility — indeterminate, undeveloped self-existence, capable, indeed, of becoming a definite reality, but not yet made into one. By Actuality, on the other hand, he means the same being considered as a developed totality or Being which has wrought out all that it contains into full existence. When accordingly he identifies Form with actual, Matter with potential, being, he means to say that the former is the totality of the qualities which the latter does not possess but is capable of acquiring. 1 Matter as such, the so-called wpmrr) #A.?7, 2 is without form or definite character, being j ust that which precedes all Becoming and all formation ; the centre of indifference to all opposites and defi- nite qualities ; the substratum which as yet possesses none of the qualities that make the Form of things. 3 ' Metapk. is. G, 1048, a. 30 : &>i yap irpbs aySpiayra xoAkjs ?) eari 8' rj tvepyeia rb virapxeiv rb irpbs KX'wt\y £iAov % irpbs ray &XXa>v TTpayfjia fxi] o'jrws ftffirep Xeyop.tv n rav ^x^vruy fiopip^v i) 8Xr] Kal oovtip.ei. Xlyop.zv 5e Suydpei oXoy rb ttpoptpov e^ei irply XafStiv rijv kv rtp \\iXy 'EpfiTJv Kal 4v Tjj oXrf fj.opv, ical forty [Adyos], aoptrrrov ydp; ix. 7, rb dpav irpbs rb p.iov pXv tyiv Se 104'.), a, 24 : ci 8e ri icrri irpa,rov, iX "* Ka ^ T0 atrOKeKpifievov 4k rrjs o puiKert Kar 1 &X\ou Aeyerat 4k*1- v\i)s irpbs tV iXt]v, kA rb airetp- vivov [of such and such a nature], yaap.ivov irpbs rb avepyarrrov. rxii- rovroTrpc&Tiiv'Xii ; viii. l,see p. 315, this 8e rrjs Suupopas Bdrepoy p.6ptov n. 5, supra, iv. 4, 1007, b, 28 : eoTto T) ivzpyeta a etrrl, tout' OTmpdV lanv . . . izTreLpov [lev oZv & Hirtipoy rfjs tov fieycQovs TeXe ot- tos li\ri Kal to hvvap.ii o\o eVTeAe^e'a 5' oii , . . Kal ov trepiex aKXct 7repte'xeTat, rj &TT£ipov . Sid k ixyvoxTTOv fj airetpoy ' eiSos yap o\ e^ei tj Shrj . . . &Toirov Se K aSiivaTOv, rd bvyvwo'TOV Kal • a6piaTov TC£pUx* lv Ka ^ bp'ifcw, c. 207, b, 35: (pavepby 'oti us S\tj • iireipdv iaTiy alriov, Kal Sti • juej/ elvai avTu o-Tepyo'ts, rb Se ko outo inroKtlpevov to* (rui/e^es K alo-6r)T6v. iv. 2, see previous not 2 Phys. iii. 6 ; see previoi note ; ibid. i. 7, AfetapA. ix. 6 ; si p. 349, n. 1, supra, Metaph. vii. 1 1036, a, 8 : tj 8' iiXri &yvw(TTOs kd atijiy. Cf. also p. 220, n. 2, tupn for parallels from Plato, cf . Z k: leu, Ph. d. Gr. pt. i. p. 621, 2. METAPHYSICS 351 • and Matter, therefore, require nothing further to medi- ate between them in order to produce a whole, but are immediately united : Form is the definiteness of Matter in itself indefinite ; Matter receives into itself directly tl , lacking definiteness of Form. When the Potential passes into the Actual, these elements do not stand opposed to one another as two separate things, but one and the same thing looked at as Matter is the Potentiality of that of which the Actuality is its Form. 1 But just as we may not regard Form and Matter in their mutual relation as two heterogeneous substances, so neither may we regard either of them in any case as a single substance, so as to imply that one Matter and one Form constitute the fundamental elements which in various combinations produce the aggregate of things. Aristotle recognises, indeed, in the Divine Spirit a being which is pure Form without Matter. Yet he does not treat this as the intelligible idea of all Forms, the universal, spiritual substance of all things, but as an individual being, beside which all other individual beings exist as so many substances. In like manner Aristotle recognises a fundamental matter, which, while in the elements and generally in all particular kinds of matter it assumes different forms and qualities, yet is in itself one and the same in all bodies. Yet this primitive , ' Metaph. viii. 6, 1045, b, 17: elfpijTai koX % io-xarn KAtj [of. p. to the question how the elements 348, n. 1] ho! t\ /j.op/"OT jji/, a\\' ae! ,uei-' remarks also in Gen. et Corr. i. 4, ivavTubatus. 41; r)s ytverai to 320, a, 2,thatweareto understand Ka\oip,ei/a aToix*ia. Ibid. i. 5, by it inihuna Kal xvpias rb iroicei- 320, b, 12 sq. fievov yeveaeas Kal (pBopas ScktikSv. 2 Metaph. viii. 6, 1046, a, 33 : 4 Metaph. xii. 4 : to 8' ofrio eon Se tt)s S\r)S t) fiXv voifTr] r) 8' Kal at apxal &A\a aWaiv co-tip as, aiV0r)T^, Kal aelrov \6yov -rb p.evS\n %ffri 8' as av Ka66\ov \4yy tis Kal rb 8' ivepyita ianv ; vii. 11, 1036, kot' ava\oyiav, touto irdvTwv . . . b, 35 : lEffTat yap ii\tj 4viav Kal pA] olov Xaas ruv alo-QriTav cafidrav ala6r\TUV Kal iravrbs yap SAt; tIs as p.ev elSos rb Bepfibv Kal &\\ov 4< METAPHYSICS 353 two elements, Aristotle attributes to the genus tlie same significance as Matter, while he identifies the specific difference with the Form. 1 Similarly in the scheme of the universe, in physiology, in zoology, in psychology, the upper and the lower spheres and ele- ments, 2 the soul and the body, 3 the male and the female, 4 the Active and the Passive Reason, 5 stand to one another in the same relation as the Form and the Matter. The same is true, it need hardly be remarked, of Potentiality and Actuality. These also express a definite relation which may subsist between all possible kinds of objects, and which can best be explained by analogy. 6 Aristotle applies them in precisely the same way as Matter and Form. He uses them, for instance, to elucidate the con- nection between the genus and the specific differences, and in general to show the possibility of several proper- ties belonging to one and the same thing. 7 By them he explains the relation between the passive and the active ovk %vtw, tQ av&Xoyov Se, uerirep 312, a, 12, Gen. et Curr. i. 3, 318, et Tts eiicot otl apxai ettri Tpus, t5 b, 32, ii. 8, 335, a, 18. elSos teal t\ (TTepycris Kaif]fi\n. aXX' 3 De An. ii. 1, 412, b, 9 sq c. e/catrTov tovtuv ertpov irspl e/eaoTop 2, 414, a, 13 sq. and often. yivos iarlv ; c. 5, 1071, a, 3 : «ti * Gen. An. i. 2 init., ii. 1, 732, 5' aXXov rpiirov t s T0 " avtipiivTos, &c. aWov i. 5, 188, a, 27, viii. 1 fin., Gen. An. tie rb ettos Kal rb irapitieiyfia • tovto V. 7, 788, a, 14; also Poet. 0. 7,1450, ti' iarlv d \6yos 6 rov ri i/v ehai b,27; Waitz, Arist. Org i.457 sq., Kal ra toiitou ylvi\ [i.e. the classes the Ind. Arist. under apxb, and above it] ... m oBev ri apxh ttjs p. 247, n, 2, svpra. 'Apxh indicates neTaf3o\rjs v irpiuTjj % rrjs ^pe^aeas the iirst in every series, and in ... en dts rb re\os • tovto 5' iorl this sense it is used for all kinds t6 ov evexa (= Metaph. v. 2); of causes, but more especially of 195, a, 15 : one class of causes is first causes, i.e. such as are de- as rb i£ ov afr-m, and of these ri. ducible from no higher. Cf. p.ev as rb xnroKeipevov, ra 5c us t6 AA 2 856 ARISTOTLE inspection, are found to be resolvable into the two first mentioned. The concept of a thing is not different from its end, since to realise an end is to actualise a concept. But it is likewise possible to identify the concept with the efficient cause, whether it sets the thing in motion from within as its soul, or whether the motion comes from without. Even in the latter case it is the conception of the thing which produces motion, alike in works of nature and of art. Only man can beget man. Only the conception of health can determine tbe physician to labour in producing health. 1 In like ri i)v elvui; next we have causes o9ev r) &pxb T ?) s fiera$o\TJs % (Trdfreus Kal Kivi)o-ews ; lastly rb re\os KaX raya86v. Metaph. i. 3 init. : rb. 8' aXrta Xeyerai rerpax<*>s, ay fi ! av fiev airiav (pa/l€v elyai ri]V outrlay Kal rb ri y)v elvai . . . irepav 5e ry\v v\t\v Kal rb inroKeifie/jiov, rptrrjv 5e o'9ey 7) apxi) Tr ) s Kivrifftws, rerdprrji/ 8e avriKeifievrjy airiav ravrri, rb oZ eveKa Kal raya$6v. Ibid, viii. 4, 1044, a, 32, Anal. Post. ii. 11 init., De Somno, 2, 455, b, 14, Gen. An. i. 1 init , v. 1, 778, b, 7, and elsewhere ; cf. 2nd. Arist. 22, b, 29. On the different terms used for the four causes, i bid. and Waitz, Arist. Org. ii. 407; on what follows, Eittee, iii. 1G6 sqq. The further modifica- tions of the doctrine of the four causes in Phys. ii. 3, 195, a, 26 sq. (cf. Metaph. v. 2, 1013, b, 2S), are unimportant, as is also the distinction of the ou eVe/cn into person and thing, on which cf . De An. ii. 4, 415, b, 2 : rb 8' ov eVe/ca Strrbv, rb flee ou rb Se . See also Phys. ii. 2, 194, a, 35, and Metaph. xii. 7, 1072, b, 2 (where we must read SVti yap rivl rb 08 cVekci koI nv6s — the end is in the one case to heal the sicli, and in the other to establish health"). 1 Phys. ii. 7, 198, a, 24 : %PX*rai 8e tb rpia eis rb %v lreWaKis ■ rb fiiy yap ri iffrt Kal rb ov iv&Ka 'iv eVti [cf. 198, b, 3], rb 8' '68ey t\ kivthtis irpurov t$ eXSei ravrb rovrois ' afdpunros yap &pBpanrov yivya. Cf. i. 7, 190, b, 17 sq. I)e An. ii. 4, 415, b, 7 : etrri 8e r) tyvx^l T °v C® VT0S o-up.aros alria Kal apx'h- ravra 8e TroWax&s \4yerat. 6/jlo'iojs 5' ?; tyuxb Kara robs StajpLCfievous rpoirous rpets atria ' Kal yap oBev r) kIvtjo-is airri, Kal ou eVe/ca, Kal us 7) ovffia rav efi\f/ix rd avrd. Gen. An. i. 1 init. : vn&Kilvrai yap atrial rerrapes, ri te o5 tVe«n is r4\os, Kal 6 \6yos rr)s ovffias ■ touto pilv METAPHYSICS 357 manner we shall in the highest cause, which is God, find the pure Form, the ultimate end_of the world and the source of its movement united in one. Nor does Aristotle in his physics distinguish more than two kinds ovv us eV ti irxeSAr inroKafietv Set, Tp'.Tov Se Kal riraprov 7) v\tj Kal '69ev 7} apx^l ttjs Kiv7)ffeus. Hid. ii. 1, 732, a 3, where the female is called the fiAjj, the male the atria Kivovtra TrpuTT], $ 6 \6yos virdpx^i ical t6 elSos, and c. 6, 742, a, 28 ; where, as in i. 1 , the formal and the final cause are identified, and only three prin- ciples are enumerated : the reKos or ou eVe/co, the apxTi kivt\tikti Kal ycvirrrriKri and the XP^'M " $ Xpyrai to reAos. Part. A%. i. 1, 641, a, 25 : ttjs afreTat Se TrpuTT] [alrta] t)v \eyap.ev eVeKa rivos ' \6yos yap oZtos. De An. i. 1, 403, b, 6: tos Kal ti. Of the ■itp' ov it is said farther on : Kal v(p' oS, r) Kara to elSos \tyop.evn 7j tuv yivop.ivuv if a\tep. Part. An. i. 1, 6i0, a, 31: 7) Se t^xvti Kdyos tov tpyov & &vev ttjs Sxtis io-Tlv; so in Gen. et Corr. ii. 9, 335, b, 33, 35, p-oprpi) corresponds to Te'x»"i; the art, however, is elsewhere treated as the true efficient cause, the artist only as a secondary cause ; e.g. Gen. et Corr. i. 7, 324, a, 34.) Metaph. xii. 4 fin. : eVe! 8e to Ktvovv 4y [lev toIs fyvffiKots avSpuwois (read avQpdmu, approved by ScHWBttLEK and Bonitz) avOpuTros, eV Se Tots a7rb fiiavolas to eJSos 7) to ivavTlov, Tp&Trov Tiva Tpia aXrta av eftj, uSl 8e TeVTapa • vyUia ydp nus 7) ImpiKT), Kal oltttas elSos 7] oikoSojuik'/j, Kal HvBpuiros ivipuirov 7ecj'a ; c. 3 fin. : 7) yap UtTptKTi t^xvti S \6yos ttjs vyielas io-riv. Speaking of health again, 358 ARISTOTLE ) I of Cause, necessary and final,! in the operation of Matter and that of Form o r co neept. 2 This is the only dis- must regard as funda- tinction, therefore, which w2 mental ; that between formal, efficient and final causes is merely a secondary subdivision. For though the three are not "always combined in the individual, 3 yet in themselves and in their essence they are one, and jt is only in the phenomena of sense that, they are found separate. 4 The created universe has several causes £ the eternal has only one — the essential concept itself, 5 Again, as the Form is at once the efficient and the final force, so Matter as formless and indeterminate it is said in Gen. et Corr. i. 7, 324, b, 1 5, that as the ou % « kci it is not iroitiTiKdj/. 1 For a fuller discussion on this, see pp. 349, &c. supra. At this point, it will be enough to refer the reader to Part. An. i. 1. Cf. p. 642, a, 1 : eifflv &pa Svo atrial aZrai, r6 & 1 oZ eVeva Kal rb £1- aviyxris. The opposition is indi- cated in 1. 17 in the words : apxh yap rj tpvffis fiaWov ryjs #Atjs, with which cf. further the passages quoted in the foregoing note from Phys. ii. 8, and Part. An. i. 1. - For although in Gen. An. v. 1, 778, a, 34, the moving cause is classed along with the necessary and efficient, yet as Ritteb, appealing to Phys. ii. 9, 200, a, 30, rightly remarks, the moving cause is not here con- sidered by itself, but only as united with matter. Cf. also ihid. 1. 14 : iv yap rij V\rj rb avayKaiov, rb 5' oZ 4veKa Iv rtp \6ytp. 3 So that, as is remarked Phys. ii. 3, 195, », 8, of two things each may be the cause of the other, but in a different sense ; physical exercise, e.g., may be the efficient cause of health, health the final cause of exercise. This is the meaning of iroWaKts in Phys. ii. 7 (p. 356, n. 1). 4 Cf. Metaph. ix. 8, 1049, b, 17 : T Sk XP^"¥ tpirepov [sc. 4v4p- yeta Bvi/dpeus'] $8e • rb rQ elbzi rb aiirb frepyovv irp6repov [i.e. every potentiality presupposes a similar actuality], apiBuy 5' oti— for, as this is explained, the seed indeed precedes the plant which springs from it, but this seed itself comes from another plant, so that it is still the plant that produces the plant. Ibid. vii. 9, 1034, b, 16 : XZiov rrjs oucr/os . . . 8ti avdyxri Trpovirtipxeur erepav overlay ivre- Xe^efqt ovffav fy irotei, oXov ££op, el ylyverai ffiov. 5 Gen. An. ii. 6, 742, b, 33: fyxb '' *" P* v T0 ' s aKivifrois rb rl iariv, iv Se roh yivofiivois ^Sr) irXelovs, rpiirov 5' aAAoi' Kal ob 7rSffot rbv avr6v • utv /xia rbv apiB/xbv, '66ev r, Klvrjirls iirriv. See p. 318 sg. mj)ra. METAPHYSICS 359 • is at once the passive subject of all impressions and the cause of all blind operations unregulated by any purpose. Matter alone can receive impressions, for all irdOos is a process of determination, and nothing is susceptible of such a process but that which is not yet determined : nothing, that is, but the indeterminate and therefore determinable — in other words, nothing but Matter, which can exhibit every activity and every quality, for the simple reason that, taken in itself, it has no quality or operative force. 1 But though Matter is wholly devoid of any such active and positive force, Aristotle nevertheless attributes to it every obstruction to the plastic energy exercised by Form. To what, other source, indeed, could this be traced ? And so, since Form always works with a purpose, it is in Matter that we must seek the ground of all phenomena that are independent of this final purpose and antagonistic to it, the principle of blind natural necessity and chance. C The first of these obstructive forces is to be explained by Nature's need of certain materials and the consequent de- pendence of her creatures upon the same. Though this material element is in no sense efficient cause, yet it is an indispensable condition of the realisation of Nature's ends. Though it is not necessary in itself, it is so con- ditionally : for if a certain particular being has to be pro- 1 Gen., et Corr. i. 7, 324, b, 4 : to TrA.ax* iv *< rT ' Ka ' T0 KiviTirBai, to iffa fiev odv jtt^ 4v 0A.7? e^ei t))V 5e KLvelu /cat Troietv eTepas Suj/a/iews. jUop^Vj touto fniv cWaflij tojj/ toitj- Of Matter as moved and Form as Tutuf, iaa 8' iv v\tj, TraBniTiicd. tV mover we shall have more to say liiv yctp t/AJ!» Kiyoptv dfioiws us immediately. How exclusively eltreiv tV avr^v elvcu t&v avTixei- passivity was limited by Aristotle fievav Sirorepovovy, Scrircp yevos oV. to Matter, appears especially in ibid. 1. 18: riS'Vkri fj Stoj iraflrjri- his anthropology. ttiv ; ii. 9, 335, b, 29 : t5j s fihyltp vAiis 360 ARISTOTLE duced certain particular materials must be ready to hand. 1 For the same reason, the extent to which Nature 1 Plato had already sharply distinguished the atria from the avvahia, the efficient causes (81' Si/ ytyverai ti) from the indis- pensable conditions (&Veu Sv ov yiyveTai) ; cf. Div. i. 642 sqq. Aristotle also adopts this dis- tinction. His whole view of nature turns on the opposition between design and natural ne- cessity, between what is required by the conception or form of a thing and what proceeds from the nature of its material : the former is the Si' o, the latter the oZ ovk avev ; the former is indepen- dent and unconditioned, the latter is for a purpose and con- ditionally necessary. To these two there is added a third kind of necessity, viz. compulsion, which, however, does not further concern us here (upon this as distinguished from the necessity of the conception, cf. Phi/s. viii. 4, 254, b, 13; An. Post.ii.' \\M, b, 37; Metapk. v. 5, 1015, a, 26 sqq., vi. 2, 1026, b, 27, xi. 8, 1064, b, 33). Cf. Mtstaph. xii. 7, 1072, b, 11: to yap avayKaiov Too'avTax&s , to jxev fiia tin irapa t^v bp[x))V, to Se ov ovk dvev to ei5, to Se p.^ eVBe- xtipevov aAAws dAA' curKios. Part. An. i. 1, 639, b, 21 : rb 8' e£ avdy- ktjs ov Traffic virdpxet tois Kara (pvo'iv u/xolws .... vndpxei 8e to fi'ev airAtSs to?s di'Sfois, to 8' e'| virodeev ovk cVSexetoi (rjv, Sec. ; as avvairiov, to that which is f}iaiov and to that which is avayKaiov in the proper sense to awKovv ( = cltt\us avay- koIov') viz. the fiii hSexipevov &K\as %X* lv - Quite in conformity with this is the statement of Eudemus ajivd Sim pl. Phys. 63, a, that matter and aim are the two causes of motion. Within the sphere of conditional necessity there is again ((?6'«. An. ii. 6, 742, a, ] 9 sq. ; where, however, 1. 22, we must read, not ov evena but with Cod. PS. and Wimmer toItov 6c) a twofold distinction made between that which as efficient cause conditions the production of anything and that which is necessary to it as the instrument of its activity : the former must precede in origin the thing which it aims at pro- ducing ; the latter must follow it. Cf. on the whole subject Waitz, Arist. Org. ii. 409 sq. 1 Part. An. iv. 2, 677, -a, 15 : KaraxprJTai fiev oZv iyioTe 7] tpvo~Ls els to w(f)e\ifloy tois irtpiTTtlifjLao'iv, OV flfy 5itt TOVTO S€i (tfTZLV TTOLVTa evena t(vos, dWd tivwv uvtmv Totovroiv erepa e£ avdyKTjs ffvfifialvei Sia toSto iroAAo. So according to Gen. An. v. 1, 778, a, 30, only that has an end to serve which appears universally in all nature's productions or in certain classes of them ; individual varieties on the other hand have none : the eye has an end to serve ; the fact that it is blue has none : ibid. c. 8 Jin., mention is made of phenomena baa yiveaBai avfifiaivEi fill eveicd tov aAA' eg avdyicris Kal Sta t)\v aiTiav tV kivt\tikj\v. Accord- ing to Metwph. viii. 4, 1044, b, 12, the eclipses of the moon appear to serve no end; Set 6 Zevs oix birws tov uItov av^ari, aAA* e£ dvdyKrjs ' to yap avax^ev ^vx^vat Set Kal to i^u^flej/ SSwp 362 ARISTOTLE We shall hereafter have occasion to observe how deeply this view is rooted in Aristotle's whole theory of Nature, and how many phenomena he accounts for by the resis- tance of Matter to Form. Again the same property of Matter is also the source of all contingency in Nature. 1 By ' the contingent,' 2 Aristotle, who was the first carefully to examine this conception, 3 under- stands in general all that can equally well belong or not belong to a thing : that which is neither contained in its essence nor supported by the necessity of its being, 4 and which accordingly is neither necessary nor normal. 8 That we must assume the existence of yevd/ievoy KariKBuv rb $' nu|<£- viffdat tovtov ysvojxeyov rbv ffiTov aufifiaive t. dpolas 5e koL elf rtp &7T<$AAl/Tai 6 (TITOS iv T7? a/W, OV tovtov eveica 3ei itirus airSkriTai, aWarovro o~vfifie07iKey(Phys. ii. 8, 198, b, 18) ; individual organs of animals are without purpose : the bile is a irrplrTtafia kclI oi>x tvexd vivos (Part. An. ibid. 1. 13), the stag has no use for its antlers (ibid, iii. 2, 663, a, 6, 664, a, 7). The same is true of all super- fluous materials which are un- employed ; such materials are &XPVo-tov or even tSsv irapci (piaiv ti (Gen. An. i. 18, 725, a, 1, 4) ; we must therefore decide even in reference to one and the same material whether it serves a pur- pose or not: lymph (i'x^p), eg., which consists partly of half-as- similated and partly of corrupted blood, is in the former aspect a'lfiaTos xfyw, in the latter *■{ avdyxris (Part. An. ii. 4 fin."). Necessity of this latter kind, as is indicated in the passage quoted above from Phys. ii. 8, coincides with contingency. 1 Whether also of all freedom of choice in man, from which alone contingent effects really spring (to it alone at least these are referred in Be Interpr. c. 9, 18, b, 31, 19, a, 7), Aristotle does nottellus. InP/iys.i.5,196,b,17, sq., he expressly excludes free purpose, as such, from the domain of tvxv- '* 'Sv/j.$i$iiKbs in the narrower sense, rb arrb tvxt\s. 3 As he says himself, Pliys. ii. 4. 1 An. Post. i. 4, 73, a, 34, b, 10 : Arist otle calls /cofl' aui-cfc, 8 yevtmis ras Kara. 1 Phys. ibid. 196, b, 13. tpvoiv Kal to? tpOopas ip.Troh't&vo-ai 2 Be Interpr. c. 9, 18, b, 31, ttoXX&'kis atrial tuv irapa tpvaiv 19, a, 7. avp.Ttnrr6vro>v elfflv. See further 3 Be Interpr. c. 9, 19, a, 9 : p. 341 sqq. there must be contingency, 8ti s See n. 3, supra. Phys. ii. 364 ARISTOTLE " caused by the diversion of free or compulsory purposeful action to results alien from its purpose through the in- fluence of external circumstances. 1 Now, since these disturbing circumstances are always found in the nature of the material means by which ends are realised, and in the system of nature to which these means belong, Contingency, in Aristotle's sense of the word, may be defined as the^istu-rbaoee-by intermediate causes of an activity directed to a purpose. 2 But activity in obedience to a purpose is that by which the essence or conception of an object is realised. 3 That which does not proceed from it is unessential ; and there- 5, 196, b, 17 : tuv 5e yivofiemv to juev wettd tov yiyveTat, to 5' otf . . . KtrTi 5' eveicd tov 8tra re a-nb titxvo'as av TTpaydeiti Kal '6(ra avb (pvtreats. to 5J) roiavra '6rav Kara 0"U/xj3ej3ij/cbs yeviyral, ctirb ri^ys tpafiev elvai . . . ru fiev oZv read' ajrb aX.ri.av wpiap.ivov y to 5e Ka/ra iKbs adptffTOV ' affetpa yap av t$ kv\ trvfiflalii. It is chance, for instance, if one comes to a place, for another purpose and is rewarded in a way he had not thought of ; or if he (ifetaplt. v. 30) digs a hole and finds a trea- sure ; or if he desires to sail to one place and is carried to another ; or, generally, if from action directed to a definite end something else results, by reason of the intervention of external circumstances, than that which was intended (oVa? /lit toD (rvfi^avTOs eVe/ca yevriTai, ov e£« to alrtov, Phys. ii. 6, 197, b, 19). If the action is one of voluntary choice (irpooiperdv) such a chance (according to the passage just quoted from Phys. ii.) must be called Tiixi, otherwise avri/iaTov, so that the latter is the wider conception. Both, however, stand equally opposed to purposed ac- tion"; #(Tt' ^Jrel53) aopicTTa TO. ovtws cfiTia, Kal 7) Thyy\ a.6piffT0v (Phys. ii. 5, 197, a, 20). ' Akin to this, but unimpor- tant for our present investigation, is the coincidence in time of two circumstances between which no causal relation of any kind ex- ists, e.g. a walk and an eclipse of the moon. Such a coincidence (which is the purest and simplest case of contingency) Aristotle calls ffvfnrTwfm, Divin. p. S. i. 462, b, 26 sqq. 2 See p. 356 sqq. snpra. 3 Metaph. vi. 2, 1026, b, 13 : Sxrnep yap 6v6/j.aTi y.6vav t» avp.^t- 0tik6s 4oti. 5ib TlKdruv Tpdirov Tiva oi/ KO.KWS t))V ffOtplffTlKty Trepl to fib ov <:Ta£ev. eitrl yap of ratv (roii avSpbs ovk £?5ei Siatpepa ... in Metaph. X. 9, was rightly ovtie (<}oi> BrjKv nal appiv frepoit r

\t\ Arist., Rhein. aurq ri Siatpopa koX 011% us Acwcottjs Mus. N.F. vii. 410. ko! fieAavia, aAA' fi (v con- tains the possibility alike of being and not-being {Gen. et Corr. ii. 9 ; Metaph. vii. 7, and other passages. Cf. p. 345, n. 5), as Aristotle himself distinctly says. Cf. Metaph. vii. 15 (see p. 220, n. 2, supra), ix. 8, 1050, b, 7 : effrt 5' ovfiev Sui'auei aiStov. [Or as this is expressed Phys. iii. 4, 203, b, 30: 4vB4xev 2 On this, more infra, (pwitcwv fj.ev aiSlcay Se ovcriuv aWos 3 The solution which the \6yos. Xatas yap evia ovk e^et fi\t\v. Schoolmen in their doctrine of 1) oil roiairriv (as the (pvaiKaX ko1 angels devised, to the effect that ■yevvt\Tal oiffiat) a.\\a pSvov Kara, each of these pure spirits, as t6ttov Kwnriv. Similarly xii. 2, specilically different from every 1069, b, 24. The ether, for in- other and itself the only member stance, of which the heavens and of the species, is therefore at the heavenly bodies consist, is once specifically and numerically said to have no ivuvTiwais and single, is nowhere suggested by therefore to be subject to no Aristotle, change in its substance. It has METAPHYSICS 369 Form is never present in it except under certain limiting conditions and with certain definite properties, which are not contained in the Form as such — that is, in the pure Concept of the thing. The Form or Concept is always a Universal, 1 denoting not a thing but a kind, 2 - and capable of being thought, but not of existing, by itself apart from things. 3 Between the Individualsifito which the infimce species resolve themselves no difference of kind or Form any longer exists, 4 arid consequently they must be distin- guished from one another by their Matter. 5 Aristotle is unable to apply this principle unwaveringly 6 through - 1 See p. 219, n. 4, and p. 221, supra ; and upon eTBoj as the ob- ject of the conception see notes on pp. 216 and 341, &c, and cf. p. 173, n. 2. 2 Metaph. viii. 8, 1033, b, 21 : the form is not something apart from definite material things, h\hh rb roibvtie tnytafa'ti, r6Se Kal upifffJLtvov ovk %ffriv, aAAa irute? Kal yevvoi e« rovde rot6vde. But this is itself the distinctive mark of uni versalit y ; see pp. 333, kcsupra. ' Phys. ii. 1, 193, b, 1 : v p.opJ) here to the form of the individual thing qua individual. But from the further explanation, c. 8, it appears that this /j-optph iv t$ al(T0riT$ (1033, b, 5), this is e?Sos t) obtrla \ey6pevov, is only the un- realised form which first makes this definite thing into a thing which is defined in this or that way (r65e into a roidvfie, 1. 23) in the actual Ihing, i.e. in the matter, but which on the other hand itself stands related to individual things as man is to Callias or Socrates. The only ground of individuality lies in the matter : iv iravrl r$ yevofievcp S\ri iveari, Kal eari [and there- fore is] rb fiev r6fie rb fie r6fie (1. 18). Exactly the same is true of Metaph. viii. 1, 1042, a, 26 (eart 5' ovffiarb {iiroKeifievov, &\\ws /xev 7} v\tj . . . aWtos 5' & \6yos Kal i) fiopipv, & r6fie n iv r$ \6ytp Xl yap rb ica8' 'iKaarov tuv Kaff eicaff- tov * ayQpanros yap hv&p&irov Ka66- Aoy aAV tiffTiv oi/Sels, a.X\a Tlti\ebs 'Ax'AAe'ojs, &c.) itis(asHERTLlNG says at p. 57), stated 'in plain words that the form, like all first principles, must be individual.' Peleus, however, is not the mere form of an individual but a real individual ; and he has become so by the union of the form man with this particular human body. Moreover, ISiov elSos (Meta/ph. xii. 5, 1071, a, 14) refers, not to the individual form of this or that man, but to the form man in general. So also the remark (JDe An. i. 3, 407, b, 23) that any soul may not enter any body, since all have their IStov e/Bos ko.1 noptfiiv, must be taken to refer to bodies and souls of different kinds, and to mean that the soul of a man may not wander into the body of a beast. And when Gen. An. iv. 1, 766, a, G6 sqq. explains the origin of the female sex on the ground that the male prin- ciple cannot transform the material into its ISiov eTSos, it is not dealing with the individual type, butwith the form of the male sex. It does not alter the case here that difference of sex accord- ing to Metapli. x. 9 (see p. 365, n. 2, supra) resides not in the ovtrla ( = e?8os) of the (fiov but only in the CArj and the aufia : for even although it be true that to Aris- totle this difference concerns, not the essence of man or animal as such, but only the form of the body, yet it is not on that account. a mere question of individuality. 1 Hbrtling (Form u. Mat. 48 sq.) believes that the form in Aristotle mui-t necessarily be an individual thing, since it gives to the individual its peculiar na- ture, and is thus distinguished from the essence (jb r\ fjv efoai), which is always, at least in sen- sible things, a universal. He ad- mits, however, that these two conceptions, which in certain passages Aristotle undoubtedly recognises as distinct, are as a rule usedinterchangeablybyhim. It seems more correct to say, on the contrary, that it was Aristotle's conscious intention to identify the two, and to treat the form as well as the essence as a universal. If we rind individual expressions in him which do not wholly har- monise with this view, this is an inconsistency which the actual facts of the case forced upon him. It is not the expression of the view with which he started and which was only afterwards obscured. That the essence of each thing lies in its form is to Aristotle an incontrovertible po- sition, and is stated by him with the greatest definiteness. The opposite he never stated in ex- press words ; it can only be deduced from casual expressions to which we cannot certainly prove that Aristotle himself con- sciously attached this signifi- cance. As a matter of fact the boundary line between the essen- tial marks which constitute the class conception, and the unes- sential which constitute mere individual difference, is very im- palpable. In every attempt to define it and to explain certain differences among things as class differences, others as individual varieties within the same class, we shall come upon cases in which a certain indefiniteness is is 2 872 ARISTOTLE therefore implies a material element, 1 and everything that has a body is an Individual. 2 Aristotle uses the two terms ' object of sense ' and ' individual ' indiffer- ently . 3 If Matter is the cause of all this, it is impos- sible to suppose that it is distinguished from Form only by privation and non-existence : rather must it contri- bute something of its own to Form. Matter, viewed in this light, must be rated at even inevitable. That Aristotle ex- perienced this difficulty is unde- niable : but it does not therefore follow that he did not make the attempt, and that he intended from those elSri which coincide with class conceptions 1o distin- guish a second kind of eYS?j which represent, not what is common to the class, but what is peculiar to the individual. The truth is that there is no place in his scheme for such individual forms. For since according to the well- known view that the form has neither origin nor end (see p. 342 —and this must hold also of the form which as r65e ti is in an individual existence — see preced- ing note) the individual forms of sensible things, if there are such, must be in aclual fact separable from the things whose form they are ; but this in Aristotle's view is wholly inadmissible. 1 Metaph. vii. 11, 1037, n, 1: Kal iravrbs yap #A.7j rls itrriv t fi-fj ItrrL ri fy sIvcll icul e?5os aino Ka& avrb &Wa TP" rT '»' $ " [where, however, as a, 1, cf. viii. 3, 1043, b, 2) the Schweglek and Bonitz rightly niic\

, Kal toD e£ a/itpoiv b, 2, ii. 1, 412, b, 11. iletaph. j,p6repov iffTai ; line 29 : rb elSos vii. 5, c. 10, 1035, a, 1 sqq. b, &vev tov ffomc. lOcitedatp. 366,n.l; ibid. 0panr6s u. 5 init. : «te! 8' ivia &i/eu effri to Cv oy K *d tiitrovv, a\\6. ti yeyetreots Kal Kcvk6i>. Cf, pp. 341 sqq., [so Bonitz], toCto outV av t)\v and notes there. 378 ARISTOTLE certainty goes on, until we cease to wonder that Aristotle's doctrine of Matter and Form, Particular and Universal, received the most various interpretations and supported the most contradictory assertions not only among the Greek Peripatetics but also and to a far greater extent among the logicians of the Middle Ages. . Yet the doctrine is of vital importance to the System. Aristotle finds the best solution of the difficulties which perplexed earlier philosophers in his distinction between Form and Matter, Potential and Actual. By means of this distinction he explains how Unity can also be Multiplicity ; how the Genus and Differences form one Concept; how the many Individuals constitute one Species ; how Soul and Body make one Being. 1 It is this alone which enables him to solve the problem of Becoming, over which Pla£o as well as all others had stumbled. Indeed, the dis- tinction of which we are speaking serves especially, as has been seen, for the elucidation of this problem. Form and Matter being related to each other as Actual and Potential, they are in a position of essential correla- tion ; tbe notion of the Potential implies the possibility of its becoming Actual ; the notion of the Actual implies that it is the Actuality of the Potential. Everything that is to become actual must be potential ; and con- versely everything that is potential must at some time or other become actual, since what is never to be actual cannot be called potential. 2 Nor does Aristotle mean 1 Of. pp.219, n. 2, 351, n. 1, assertion that a thing is potential and 369, n. 5. De An. ii. 1, 412, only so long as it is actual ; but b, 6, c. 2, 414, a, 19 sqq. he forbids us also to say (ibid. 1 Aristotle, indeed (Metaph. c. 4 init.) 8ti Swarbv /xlv toSI ix. 3) controverts the Megarian ouk iarai Se, since this could only METAPHYSIQS 379 by Potentiality any mere logical or formal but also real Potentiality. Matter is in itself or in its capacity that whereof the Actuality is Form ; and consequently Matter of itself implies Form, requires Form, owns a natural inclination or longing (as Aristotle expresses it) for it, is provoked by it to move and develop itself. 1 On the other hand Form is that which gives complete- ness to Matter by realising its potential capacities ; it is the Energy or Entelechy of Matter. 2 But the be said of that which by its very nature could not be ; but this could not be potential, and he therefore denies (as was pointed outatp. 366,n. 1-) that in things of eternal duration there can be any potentiality without actuality. 1 Cf. the passage, Phys. 1, 9, quoted p. 344, n. 1. Matter is said by nature ti/u'eo-flai na\ opeyetrOal tov Oelov Kal ayadou koI ifiTov, and this is the prin- ciple upon which we must explain the movement of the world by God and of the body by the soul. Cf. such expressions as Metaph. xii. 7, 1072, b, 3: ki><€» lis ipd- ixivov ; ibid, a, 26 : -ri opexrhr Kal rb voTyrhv Kivei ou Kivoi^ievov. The longing referred to is no cjnscious desire, but a mere natural impulse, and is frequenl ly referred to by Aristotle as the cause of the natural movements of bodies. Thus (Phys. ii. 1, 192, b, 18) we are told: a work of art ouSe/aiav Spufy ?xfi ficra- $o\tjs efiv uvtcov o&re els ivepyetav tffTi Betvai avTTjp atrXass " otfre yap rd Svvarbv iroabv drat Kiveerat e£ avdyicys ovre t& evepyeia iroffhjr, t) re K^yrjo'ts evepyeia jxev tis. elvat done?, areX7)s 5e- aXriov 8' 2ti arehes rb Svvarbv t oh early t) ivepyeta. It is there- fore neither a ffrepTfo-ts, nor a Svvafxts. nor an ivepyeia ottXt). (So Metaph. xi. 9, 10K6, a, 17.) VIII. 5, 257, b, 6: Ktveirai rb kivt)t6v rovro 8' itrrl Suvdfiet Ktvovfievov ovk ivre\ex^ia • rb Se Svvdfxet ets iyreXexeiav fiah't^et. effrt 5' t) kIvijo'is ivreXex^ta kivtjtov areXi]s' rb Se Ktpovv fjtiii evepyeia icr'v. Metaoh. ix. 6, 1048, b, 17 : eW Se rwv vpd^eav fi>v icrl irepas ovSe/xia reXos aA\a rS>y irepl to reXos, oToy rov laxvaiveiv t) io-Xvaffia 3 avra Se Srav io-xvalvy auras iffrly iv KtVT]0'€i J fii) inrdpxovra WV %VeKO. 7} KlvTJfftS, OVK €/ai, &\\o Sel etval ael evepyovv aWws Kal &\\ais. Gen. An. ii. 1, 734, b, 21 : $s Svvavrat iroielv Kal irdffxeiv ; and the general reasons of this have already been stated at p. 378-9. C 38G ARISTOTLE opposite directions in each : ' the motive power excites the latent activity in the thing moved, while the thing moved realises it for itself. 2 Aristotle conceives of th< operation of the motive principle upon the thing movec as conditioned by continuous contact between them. 1 Phys. iii. 3, where this is discussed at length. V. 1.224, b, 4, ibid. 1. 25 : i) Kivr) yap iviore 29 sqq. top Xvwovvra cMrreo*0ai v/jlwv, a\\' 3 Gen. et Corr. i. 6, 322, b, 21 : oxik airol e/celvov. That this, nothing can affect another with- however, is no more than a play out being in contact with it, and upon words is obvious. in the case of things which at ' See p. 341, n. 2, 345, n. 1. the same time move and are 5 With what follows, cf. Sib- moved, this contact must be BECK, Die Ze Jure d.Ar. v. d. Ewig^ mutual (323. a, 20 sqq.); eori 5' keit d. Welt (Untersueh z. Phil. ms iviore (pa/iev Tti k vobv awrecrOat d. Griechetl Halle, 1873, pp fj.6vov tov Ktvoufiivou, to 5' awrSut- 137 18'J). vov /i^ anTeo"0ai airro/Aeifou [that CC 2 388 ARISTOTLE with the property of motion, and thus we should in thii case also arrive at a movement before motion. It ii equally impossible to conceive of motion as destructible The cessation of a movement is always conditioned bj another movement which puts an end to the first. Ai in the former argument we were forced to admit t process of change antecedent to the first, so here w( cannot escape one subsequent to the last. 1 Motion is therefore without beginning or end; the world was never created and it will never perish. 2 Yet, although Motion from this point of view is in- finite, there is another aspect in which it has its limita- tion. Since every motion presupposes a motive principle it follows that the idea of motion in general involves the assumption of a first motive force which is nol moved by anything else. Without this assumption we should be involved in an infinite series of moving causes, which could never produce actual motion, because they would never bring us to a first cause — and without 1 The above account contains on avdyKi) ehai ical k\vt\o~iv, €?irep t the essence of the discussion in xP^ vm t&Bos tl Kiviio-eais. With Phys. viii. 1. That motion must reference apparently to this pas- be eternal is also asserted in Me- sage, Metaph. xii. 6 proceeds: oiSi taph. xii. 6, 1071, b, 6: aK\' xp6i'ov ou yap oT6v re rh itpi-npov ab'&vaTOV KivT\8aprjvat • ad yap ii. (a), 2, where it is agreed that fiv. c. 7, 1072, a, 21 : eori ti del neither efficient nor formal nor nivovp.evov Kivqaiv &wavi\o(ToB6Kovyap iv oTs icrrl ri v6i)ffav ot &vBpairoi elvai ti Bebv rb $4\rtov, iv rovrots iirrt ti Kal api- kuB' iavrbv [-b] iombs rij i//«x5 ««' arov. eirel oiv iv tois ovaiv iarlv irdvruv iirumnfiOviKararov. aWa &\\o &\\ov fiiKriov, iativ &pa ri Kal 8!) Kal airb rav fieredpuv • Securd- aoioToi/, SVep ejjj av rb Bttov." /jlsvoi yap fiefl' Tipipav piv fjAtoj- s Fr. 13, b, SBXT. Math. ix. irepnroA.oB»'Ta, vixrup Be tV « Urate- 2Q:'ApurTore\risSeaTrbSvo7vapx£iv rov rav &\\wv aaripuv Kivriv Kal a?ro rav utriov. Itertt&pav. a\\' otto /t'ev rav vepl * In the brilliant Fr. 14 (prob. tV tyvx*)v irvuPaivivTuv dia robs iv also from the n. las in METAPHYSICS 891: • cation in his system, although there are, no doubt, certain points of them which must be interpreted in the light of a less rigid logic, or perhaps referred to an earlier form of his teaching more akin to Platonism. Presentiments which exhibit themselves in prophetic dreams and inspired states of feeling are only an obscure manifestation of the force which under the form of the Active Understanding unites the human and the divine intelligence. 1 The beauty of the world, the harmonious connection of its parts, the purpose observable in their arrangement, the splendour of the stars, and the inviolable order of their motions, point not only to astral spirits (in whom we shall have hereafter to recog- nise the guiding forces of the heavenly spheres), but also to a Being placed far above them, from whom alone the simple movement of the universe and the harmony between the whole and all the parts proceed. 2 Conse- Cic. N. D. ii. 37, 95, which re- cum autem terras nox opacasset, minds us at the beginning, of turn ccelum totum cernerent Plato's picture of the dwellers in astiis distinctum et ornatum the cave (Hep. vii. init.') : ' si lunaeque luminum varietatem essent, qui sub terra semper turn cresoentis turn senescentis habitavissent . . . accepissent eorumque omnium ortus et autem fama et auditione, esse occasus atque inomni seternitate quoddam numen et vim Deorum : ratos immutabilesque cursus : deinde aliquo tempore, patefactis haec cum viderent proTecto et terrse faucibus, ex illis abditis esse Deos et haec tanta opera sedibus evadere in hajc loca, quaa Deorum esse arbitrarentur.' Ac- nosincolimus, atque exirepotuis- cording to ClC. A r . D. ii. 49, 1L'5, sent : cum repente terrain et Aristotle seems to have pointed maria coelumque vidissent, nu- to the instinct of animals as a bium magnitudinem ventorum- teleological argument for the que vim cognovissent adspexis- being of God. sentque solem ejusque turn ' For the fuller discussion of magnitudinem pulchritudinem- this see infra. que turn etiam efficientiam 2 Besides the passage from Be cognovissent, quod is diem Ccelu, i. 9 quoted ra/ra, inn..6at p. efficeret toto ccelo luce diffusa : 395, cf, Metajili, xii. 7, 10(2, a, 392 ARISTOTLB quently the arguments which Aristotle puts forward, in the passages indicated, to prove the existence of God, though based, like those of Socrates and Plato, 1 upon teleological principles — as well as the identification which he elsewhere establishes between the force of nature working to fixed ends and God 2 — are not a mere adaptation of his views to unscientific notions, but are in harmony with the spirit of his whole system. The 35 sqq., where God is described as the apiarov or ov evcua, and as thus the efficient cause of motion in the world ; but especially c. 10, where the question is discussed : TTOTeptOS «?X ei ^ T0 " #Aou (pVffiS t2> ayaBbv Kal rb frpurrov, .Trorepov Kex^ptff^evoy ti Kal avrb lead' avrb, % t))V Tt££ip, t) afjuporepais, Sitrirep ffTpdrevfia. In the case of an army the good resides as well in the general as in the order of the whole : in the former, however, in a still more primary sense than in the latter. The universe is com- pared to an army : Ttavra. Se Stcrre fi7j eTvai Barepcp irpbs Bdrepov fiilBej/, aAA' ia-rC ti. trpbs p-ev yap ey airavra avvTeraKrat, except that each creature is more fully subject to this order just in proportion to the nobility of its nature, even as in a. household the freeborn are subjected to a stricter discipline than the slaves. roiavTT] yap eKdffTov apxh avruv 7] (pilaris eo-riv. A67W 5' oTov els ye rb StaKptOTJvai avayKT) airaow eKBetv, Kal aAAa oiirus einlv av KotvaveT airavra els rb &'Aov. All other systems are founded of necessity upon the opposite prin- ciple : Aristotle's is the only ex- ception, ov ydp iffTty kvavriov Tip vpfay obBev (1075, b, 21, 24). If, like Speusippus, we accept a whole series of primary principles we destroy the unity of all being (see the passage, Div. I. p. 854, 1) ; ra Se tfvTa ov fSo&Xerai iroXi- reveffBai KaKus. " ovk ayaBbv iro- \vK01pavi7] ' els Kolpavos etrTcu." Cf. xiv. 3, 1090, b, 19, where he is again attacking Speusippus : ovk eoiKe 8' 7] aris 47reiBev rivbs alrias ; but even in the former case exovai TI Kotvbv rb ffwdirrov aitras KaKeTvo r) apxt. The comparison of the order of the world with that of an army is further developed in Sext. Math. ix. 26 sq., which perhaps follows Aristotle riepl (piAoiroipias. 1 See Div. i. p. 143 sq. 786 (Zbllee's Plato, Eng. Tr. p. 281 sqq. 485)." 2 De Ccelo, i. ifin. : & Bebs Kal r) (piffis ovSev fidTTjv •koiovo'iv. METAPHYSICS 393 • unity of the world and its adaptation to fixed ends can only be explained by the unity of the Supreme Cause. It is not without good reason, also, that Aristotle in his most important treatises connected the proof of the reality of the Supreme Being with his theory of motion : for this is the point at which the Changeable is seen most directly to lean upon an Unchangeable, as itself the condition of all change. The further characteristics of the Supreme Being may be determined from what has gone before. Motion being eternal, it must be continuous (crvvexrjs), and"so it must be one and the same throughout. But such a single motion is the product of a single mobile and a single motum. Hence the primum mobile is single and is as eternal as motion itself. 1 In the next place what has been said about the continuity and uniformity of motion implies that this motive principle is absolutely unmoved ; since that which is moved, being itself subject to change, cannot impart an unbroken and uniform movement, 2 and consequently it is of the essence of the primum mobile to exclude the possibility of change. 3 It is unchangeable and absolutely neces- sary ; and this unconditional necessity is the law by 1 Phys. viii. 6, 259, a, 13 ; 3 In Fr. 15 (preserved to us by Metaph. xii. 8, 1073, a, 23 sqq., SlMPL. Be. Cceh, 130, 45, K., where in connection with the Schol. in Ar. 487, a, 6), from nptUrn atStos /to! pla Kiry/ris, that of the treatise n. s [i.e. in so far as it is necessary it is good, since, as is immediately explained, its necessity is neither external nor merely relative, but absolute — /ify ivSex^^ov &\\ais, oAA 1 airKws a.va,yKa2ov~\ , . . 4k roiavTTjs dpa apxv s ^pnjTat 6 ovpavos Kal t\ tpilffis. 2 After showing that the luipyeia precedes the 5iW/«r in all the three respects of \6ytp, Xpfof and ova-la, Aristotle goes on, Metaph. ix. 8, 1050, b, 6 (follow- ing immediately on the passage quoted at p. 385, n. 1) : ctAA.a jity icaX Kvpuorepas [actuality has a higher reality than the Sim/us]. Tci fixv yap ai'5ia irpWcpa rij oiiffio rS)V (pQaprSov, etrri 5' oiidev Swdpei di'Sioi/. This he then goes on to prove. That which is merely potential can both be and not be. to 8' iv^ex^^voy/j.}} elvai tpBaprbv, -7) atrXcos, fy tovto o,vt6 [relatively to that], b \iycTat 4vS4x e °"^ al M e ^"" [the former, if I say, ' it is possible for A not to be ; ' the latter, if I say, ' it is possible for A not to be in this place, or not to be so great, or not to have this quality '] . . . an\us 8e to kot' obfflav [but that is absolutely perishable whose substance can cease to be], olden a\pa twv cupddprwv air\as Svvd/j.eL 4ot\v ov a.Tr\ias . . . ouSe tw e£ avdyKr\s tiiiriav. 3 Metaph. xii. 6, 1071, b, 12 : if there were a kiv^tikov which did not realise itself in action there would be no eternal unin- terrupted motion ; di/Scxerat ya.p to Svi/apLiv %xov fify ivepyew. But this would be equally true, ei evepyhffti t] 5' ovtria aiiTTJs ovva/j.is' ob ya.p IffTOi kIvtjo'is d'/'Sios ■ ivde- X*t at y ap rb Svvdfj.e iov fiA dvai. Sei dpa elvai apx^v ToiavTTjv ris y\ ovffia ivtpyeta. The leading thought of this proof (eVSe'xeo-flai J) e?i9ev ' Si6nep o&t' eV rdirp Tcwce? lriv, Aristotle proceeds : rb tov iravrbs ovpavov re\os Kal rb rbv 7raWa y_p6vov Kal t^v airsipiav irepU-xpi 1 tcAos aldtv itTTtv, airb rod del elvai ei\TjS SpiCTTB rarov voei zeal oi nera/ldWei ■ b, 28 : we cannot think of the els x^P " 7"P V p-eraPohT) real divine thought either as resting xlvriois ris ^897 rb roiovrov. or as in a state of mere poten- 3 Metaph. xii. 7, 1072, b, 28 : tiality, for e< /tj) vivais [actual TGpov r) 6 vovs, rb voovfievov ' teal yap rb voetv Kal t) v6tjo~is inrdpl-ei Kal rb x^P lffrov voovvtl ' uitrr' el P ia ' T0 ' v ' 3 See preceding note and Me- taplb. xii. 9 : (paiverai b" ael aAAou r) i7riffT7)firi, . . . t) eV e'nW r) eirlo'Tt)fJ.ri rb irpayfia ; eirl fiev Twv ■jruirtTiKwv avev $Kt\s t) ovffia «ai rb ti i)v eTvai, eirl 8e tG>v deuprjTLKuiv 6 \6yos rb irpayfia Kal i] v6i}o~is. obx erepov oZv ovtos tov voovfievov Kal tov vov, offa fi7) v"\t\v ex el T0 aitrb eVrai, Kal t) v6t\o'is tov voov/ievov /j.la. De An. iii. 4 Jin. (cf. c. 5 and c. 7 init.) : eirl pey yap tuv &vev H\riS rb avr6 etrri rb voovv Kal Tb voovfievov. 1 Metaph. xii. 9: 1075, b, 7: aSialperov Trav rb [ify exov S\riP t &c, see p. 397, n. 1, supra. 5 This view is set forth in the passage immediately follow- ing that quoted p. 394, n. 1 : Sia- 7u>y!) 8' e&Tlv [sc. t$ irpiircp klvovvtC\ o'la r) aplo-TTj fiiKpbv XP^ V0V ri/iir. oStio yap ael exewo ^stoi • rifuy fiev yap aZivaTOV. tlrel Kal ■qiovT] i) evepyeia [so BONITZ, rightly following Alexander, instead of r) r)5. evepy.'] tovtov Kal 8m tovto [i.e. because not God's activity alone, but activity in general, is pleasant, for in this passage, as often in this book, lucidity is sacrificed to an exces- sive brevity of style] iypi\yoptris alo-flrjo-is v6t)Bis fySurrov 4\irloes Se Kal j.tv?i/iai 8ia ravTa. i] Ser6ricns r) METAPHYSICS 399 • These propositions of Aristotle concerning the Divine Spirit contain the first attempt to find a scientific basis for Theism. Here first the idea of God as self-conscious intelligence was logically deduced from the principles of a philosophical system instead ox being borrowed from religious notions. And on the very threshold we are confronted with the difficulty the solution of which is the final problem of all systems of theistic speculation : how are we to define the idea of God so that while maintaining his essential difference from all finite reality, we may yet preserve his per- sonality, and vice versa ? Aristotle represents God as self-conscious Spirit ; on the other hand, he deprives Him of body and senses, and, not content with this, declares not only action and creation, but the direction of the will itself towards an object, to be incompatible kh&' avr^v rov ko.9' aurb apitrrov passage is quite general, referring koI i) /udAioTa toS p.a\i & s w«is tote, S 6ehs ael, abrbv Se voei 6 vovs Kara. fieraXr$iv Bavjiao-r6v ' el Se fiaWov erl rov vorjrov • votjtos yap yiyverat BavfiaindtTepov. exei Se wSi, Kal Btyy&voiv Kal voaiv, oStrre ravrbv £(ti$\ Se ye virdpxet. tj ytip vov vovs Kal vot\t6v. rb yap SeKrtKbv evepyeta fa}}, 4Ke?vos Se 7] ivepyeia ' rov vorjTOv Kal ttjs ovffias vovs, 4vepyeia Se tj KaB' avrijv ine'ivov fai] evepyel Se e^aiv. iliffr* eKeivo apitrrf] Kal alSios. Tepuca\, actions which elsewhere are called simply irpSJis in the narrower sense of the word— from tos airoTeAeTr, Kal t&? airrwv eyeKa Becapias Kal titavofoeis, and attributes only the latter to God, in opposing the view that the practical life is superior to the theoretic ; ffx»\f •yap av d Bebs ?x oi koKus Kal iras 6 kut[ios, cits oiiK elalv QurepiKal irpd£eis irapi ras oiKelas ras avratv. Still less is jt a pertinent objec- tion that . in using popular lan- guage Aristotle ascribes iroieiv to God, as in De Ccelo, i. 4 fin. (o Bebs Kal 7j (puiris ou8ei> fi&Trjv iroiovtrtv'), Gen. et Corr. ii. 10, 336, b, 31 (oweirA^pmh.), 8 : et 5J? etyeais, aWws re teat rod aplffrov, jUetce tyvxys, . . . %P$VX av elrj rck Ktvoiftcva. Similarly l J BOCLTJS, in Tim. 82, A (of. Scheader, Arist. de Volunt. Doctr. Brandenh. 1847, p. IS, A, 42) asks : ei yhp Ipif 6 niaixos, &S tpTJfft Kal 'ApitTTOTeKTJS, TOV VOV kjX Ktvelrat irpbs avrhv, ir68ep e\ei T&{yrn\v t%v etpeffiv ; 3 We are not, of course, there- fore justified in denying that Aristotle held this notion in the face of his own plain and re- peated statements and the inter- pretations of them in this sense by the most faithful of his disci- ples ; all the less as it is hard indeed (as the discussion in Theophrastus, -fV. 12, 5, clearly proves) to say in what other way motion can, on Aristotle's prin- ciples, be conceived of as proceed- ing from the absolutely Unmoved. Beentano (as above, 239 sq.) thinks, indeed, that there is no- thing so totally in contradiction to the Aristotelian doctrine as the view that ' matter is the efficient principle because it moves of itself to meet God, who is its end.' As little, he says, can ' the end produce anything of itself without an efficient principle.' But nobody has asserted either the one or the other. When it is said that God causes motion by causing the desire for his own perfection, it is not meant that the matter in which this desire is produced causes the motion ; as little can it mean that the end produces it by itself alone, apart from any efficient principle. The fact is that the efficient cause is not here re- garded as different from the final. Though mis should perhaps in such a case conceive of two independent causes at work, the attractive force and the thing that permits itself to be attracted, Aristotle represents the relationship otherwise. He ascribes to the mover a $bvap.is Troirjri/cj), to the motion merely a Simpis iraflrjTiK^ (MetapJi. v. 15, 1021, a, 15, ix. 1, 1046, a, 16 sqq.). It is impossible, therefore, for him to attribute to that which owesits motion to something else, any independent efficiency of its own. On the contrary, the efficient and the final cause, as has been shown at p. 356 sq., he conceives of as in essence one. Their apparent severance under certain circumstances is only a phenomenon of the sensible world, where form realises itself in matter, and therefore (cf . pp, 368 sq.) in a plurality of indi- viduals. In the intelligible world, however, efficient and final cause are always one and the same, and accordingly it is impossible to speak of an end producing anything apart from a principle 408 ARISTOTLE Aristotle supposes, the motum must be in contact 1 with the mobile, it follows that the Universe must be in contact with the prim-urn mobile, as, indeed, Aristotle explicitly states. 2 It is true that he endeavours to exclude the notion of contiguity in space from this idea ; for he often employs the expression ' contact ' when the context clearly proves that he does not allude to juxtaposition in space, but only to an immediate connection between two things. 3 Moreover, he asserts 4 that the motum is in contact with the pimum mobile, but not vice versa. But even though we overlook the contradiction that is here involved, we find the notion of efficiency.— Similar to the action of God Himself is that of the spheral spirits, which produce motion in their respective spheres as being themselves the end of the motion ; cf . p. 405, n. 3. — It is still more strange that BeentaNo goes beyond the view which he combats, in saying, p. 210, that according to Metaph. xii. 7, 1072, a, 26: 'God moves as known;' for since matter, as he himself adds, cannot know God, it would follow from this that God does not move matter at all. The- assertion, however, rests upon a misunderstanding. Aristotle says (cf . p. 404) : rb opem-bv icai rb voTjrbv Kivei ov Ktvovtxtvov . . . vovs Se virb rod j/otjtov KiveiTat Kivei 8e &s 4pdifievov. As votfrbv God moves only Nous (to which, however, motion can he as- cribed only in an improper sense ; cf. Ch. XI. at the commencement and at the end,i»/ra); the world, on the other hand, He moves as epeSjUe- vov by means of the Spejtr which He causes. We, indeed, should not think of ascribing any such quality to matter, and we should hesitate scarcely less to attribute to plants and animals a ' longing after the divine ' as Aristotle does in De An. ii. 4, 416, a, 26 sqq. (see Ch. X. pt. 2, infra). Even the doctrine of a plant and animal soul would scarcely justify such a view in our eyes, as from such a soul the thought of God is neces- sarily excluded. But just as Aristotle here attributes to non- rational existence an unconscious yearning after rd Beiov, so the conception of a world animate throughout, so natural to the Greek and yet resting ultimately on an untenable anthropological analogy, enables him to view the astral spheres, which he holds to be of a far higher nature than any earthly existence (see Ch. IX. on the Universe), in the same light. 1 Cf. supra, p. 386. 2 Gen. et Corr. i. 6, 323, a, 20. 3 Cf. supra, p. 203, n. 3. 4 Gen. et Corr. ibid. ; see p. 387, n. 3, bvpra. METAPHYSICS 409 • of existence in space forced upon us still more remark- ably by the further assertion that God in setting the world in motion starts from its circumference. For since generally the primordial motion is taken to be motion in space, 1 and of the original motions in space none is absolutely continuous and uniform except circular motion, 2 the operation of the first mover upon the world must consist in the production of circular motion. 3 According to Aristotle, this might be effected either from the centre or the circumference of the world, for both of these places are apyal, and command the whole movement. He prefers the latter, however, because it is clear that the circumference moves faster than the centre, and that which is nearest to the cause of motion ought to move at the quickest rate. 4 In defending this position he might hope to evade the objection that he places God in a particular locality by his peculiar theory of space, which excluded from the notion every- thing that lay beyond the limits of the world. 5 It is obvious, however, that we cannot accept this defence. Again as the Deity, relatively to Himself, is confined to the unvarying exercise of uniform self-contemplation, so, in his relation to the world, He has no other func- tion but that of monotonously causing circular motion. To explain the rich variety of finite existence with the 1 Phys., viii. 7, 9 ; see p. 421 Ccelo, i. 9, 279, a,, 16 sqq. (see p. sq. 395, n. 6, supra). Hence the " Ibid. c. 8 sq. ; Be Ccelo, i. 2 ; assertion (Sext. Math. x. 23 ; Metaph. xii. 6, 1071, b, 10. Sypotyp. iii. 218) that God is 3 Phys. viii. 6 Jin., c. 8fin.; to Aristotle rb irepas toS oipavov. Metaph. xii. 6 pi.; c. 8, ]073, a, 5 CI. De Ccelo, i. 9 (cited as 23 sqq. above, at p. 395, n. 6) and p. 432, * Phys. viii. 10, 267, b, 6 ; Be n. 5. 410 ARISTOTLE infinite diversities and subdivisions of its motion, by means of this simple and uniform activity, would be im- possible. Aristotle himself admits as much with refer- ence to the heavenly bodies ; and accordingly he adds to the first mover a number of subordinate but equally eternal substances, whose business it is to cause the special motions of the planets. 1 The same provision must, however, be made to account for special motion of all kinds and for every separate property of things. As the First Cause of motion cannot have produced them, seeing that it exercises one general function in the world and nothing more, we are driven to assume some special cause for them. 2 Only it will not do to point merely to something which is equally general in its operation : for example, to the inclination of the orbit of the sun and planets, from which Aristotle deduces the phenomena of growth and destruction. 3 The special character of everything must be ascribed to its own particular nature and Form. 4 Here a new question rises : what position do these particular Forms, which operate as creative forces in finite things and constitute their peculiar essence, occupy with respect to the highest form, the primordial motive force, or God ? Or what are we to say of those beings which, belonging as they do to the supernatural world, are unaffected by 1 Metaph. xii. 8, 1073, a, 26. pc'Wei yevetris ical tpdopa elvcu, &\\o For fuller explanation see Ch. Set flvai evepyovv &\Aois ko! iiUw. IX. infra. ' Gen. et Corr. ii. 10, 336, a, * Metajjh. xii. C, 1072, a, 9 : 23 ; see the section of Ch. IX. to secure the uniformity of the infra, which deals with the motion of the world (ireptSStp earthly world. 1. 10 isprob. corrupt), SeT ti dtl « Cf., besides p. 350 sq., the Htveiv iiaavTcos ivepyoiv. si Se passagesquoted i?ifra,y. 432,n. 5. METAPHYSICS 411 the changes of birth and destruction — the heavenly spheres with the spirits that move and animate them, and the immortal part of the human soul P 1 What explanation does Aristotle offer us of the existence and peculiar nature of these beings ? We cannot suppose them to be God's creatures ; 2 for not only does such a notion obtain no support from his system and writings, 3 1 That these three classes of being are uncreated and inde- structible not only follows from the eternity of the world and its motion, but is also expressly stated by Aristotle ; cf. p. 474 sq. and Ch. IX. infra. 2 As Bkentano holds them to be, Psych, d. Arist. 198, 234 sqq. Bullingbr goes even further, Des Arist. Erhabenheit iiber alien, Dualismus etc. (1878), p. 2 sq. According to his view, Aristotle supposed not only the whole world, but even the material of which it is made, to originate in a divine act of creation. Thus 'the material out of which God creates the world ' would, accord- ing to Aristotle, be nothing else ' than the power and might etern- ally actual in God, whereby the world is actualised,' &c. (p. 15). It will be sufficiently evident from the account already given in the text that speculations are here attributed to Aristotle which are as foreign to the range of his thought as they are in conflict with his definite declarations. 3 That God is called irpiirr\ dpxh (see p. 403, svpra), proves nothing ; for this may mean, not only that He has produced every - thins 1 , but also that He is the condition of the eternal order and activity of the world : dpxh, indeed (Mtitaph. v. I, 1013, a, 16, 20 sq.), is used in as many senses as oXtiov, and includes especially the conception of final cause. Since it is God who, as the most- perfect being in the universe, gives unity of aim to the whole, and who causes the all-governing motion of the first sphere, He is also the irpdrTj Kal KupiwrdrTj dpx^i, on Him the whole order of the universe may be said to depend (p. 394, n. 1, and 395, n. 6), and to Him we are justified in apply- ing " eh Kolpavos eVrw " (p. 391, n. 2). The commander, however, is not therefore the creator of his subordinates. And as little does it follow from Metaplh. ix. 8, 1050, b,3 (seep. 385,n.l,»?y?ra)that the creative activity of God precedes all being in time; for the del kivovv irptiiTus does not (as ,Ps. Alex, in loc. certainly thought) refer to God as the first cause of motion in the universe. On the contrary (as is obvious from the explanation upon p. 1049, b, 17 sqq. which the &tnrep eiirofiey recalls), the reference is here to the fact that every individual thing presupposes as the condi- tion of its production another similar already existing thing, and this likewise another, ewj toO del KtvovvTos irpt&Tcos : i.e. until we come to the first member of the 412 ARISTOTLE but it would involve us in the contradiction of sup- posing the uncreated to be at the same time created, that which has been declared to be eternal to have had a beginning in time. 1 The same question arises with series in question which has given the first impulse to the whole series, the pri/mum movens in each case (not the irparov wi/oBy); and this is the reason why the ael kiv. irp. is repeated from p. 1049, b, 26, where (as Phys. viii. 10, 267, a, 1, 3) this is un- doubtedly its meaning. Ari- stotle was precluded from hold- ing any theory of creation by his view of the eternity of the world. Such a theory, moreover, is incompatible, not only with the assertion that to God belongs neither trp&TTtiv nor itoieiv (see p. 400, n. 1), but also with the principle ex nihilo nihil Jit {Phys. i. 4, 187. a, 34, c. 7, 190, a, 14;' Gen. An. ii. 1, 733, b, 24 ; Metaph. iii. 4, 999, b, 6, vii. 7, 1032, a, J 3, 20, b, 30, c. 8 init., ix. 8, 1049, b, 28, xi. 6, 1062, b, 24), from which we have not the smallest right to make an excep- tion in favour of the Deity, as Brentano, 249, does. 1 Bkentano, p. 210, indeed, believes that the eternity in time of immaterial substances as little dispenses with the necessity of an efficient principle for them as the eternity of motion dispenses with the necessity of a, mover ; in other words, he endeavours to reconcile the eternity of the world with the theory of its creation by means of the con- ception of an eternal creative activity in God. But upon the principles of the Aristotelian as of every subsequent theism this is impossible. One who con- ceives of God as the substance of the world, and of finite things as mere manifestations of the divine force immanent in them, may, and even must, in conse- quence, declare that the one is as eternal as the other. One, on the other hand, who treats God as a personal being outside the world, distinguishing other be- ings from Him as so many inde- pendent substances, would in- volve himself in a palpable con- tradiction were he to hold that the latter are eternally created by the former. Creation as an act proceeding from a personal will must necessarily be in time, and an individual being in order to produce other beings must necessarily exist before them. For only eansce irnmanentes have contemporaneous effects ; eausce trameuntes always precede their effects : the father precedes the son, the artist the work of art, the creator the creature. Such a contradiction we should be justi- fied in attributing to Aristotle, only if we could show that he held alike to the eternity of the world and to a creative activity of God. The opposite, however, is the case. Aristotle holds, in- deed, quite definitely the doctrine of the eternity of the world, but of a creative activity in God we not only find no word in his writings, but he expressly de- METAPHYSICS 413 • respect to the Forms of sensible things, and to the order of nature which results from their union with Matter : they also are uncreated. 1 It is equally impossible upon Aristotle's showing to explain the adaptations of nature as the result of any personal interference on the part of God. 2 If, finally, the ancient Greek view of the universe as interpenetrated by divine forces is in open disagreement with Aristotle's dualistic theism, 3 this does not, where the question is one of his scientific views, justify us in setting aside or explaining away his own definite and well-considered statements, on the ground that he has neglected to bring them into har- mony with views that were pressed upon him from another side. Brandis adopts another method of solving the above difficulties. He believes that Aristotle ' regarded the Forms as the eternal thoughts of God, whose self- development produces alteration in individual things, and the harmony of whose transmutations is guaranteed by the fundamental unity which underlies them. 4 But, clares that no Troieiv belongs to physics, we must supply certain Him at all. Cf. also infra, Ch. important conceptions, and goes XI. near the end. on : ' Indeed, that all existences 1 As is shown in reference to must be traced back to, referred the forms p. 341, n. 2 ; in reference ultimat ely to, living thoughts of to the universe as a whole, p. 387. God, and that these must be 8 Such interference is ex- treated as the simple substrata pressly denied of God (see p. upon which concrete existences i(68, n. 1), nor on the theory that and their mutations ultimately the world is eternal can we rest, hardly requires to be ex- understand when it could have pressly stated, and is indicated taken place ; cf. p. 412. by the question (Metaph. xii. 9, > Cf. infra, p. 420 sq. see p. 298, n. 2, supra) : If nothing 4 Gr.-rom. Phil. ii. b, 575, is attained by the thought of the where he says that in order to divine spirit, wherein consists its i ully understand Aristotle's meta- worth? We may, moreover, as- 414 AR1ST0 TLB in the first place, this statement can apply only to the Forms as such, and leaves the existence of the eternal substances (the spheral spirits, &c.) wholly unex- plained. In the second place, it is untenable even with respect to the Forms. It finds no support in Aristotle's own utterances, 1 and in more than one point it contradicts what he indisputably taught. The object of Divine Thought, according to Aristotle's definite statement, cannot be other than God Himself: not only are finite existences, as these particular things, ex- cluded, but even the specific concepts or forms, which constitute their internal essence, must remain remote from Him, since they are always something different from Himself, and stand far below that which alone can be matter of his thought — viz. divine and perfect sume that Aristotle— anticipating Leibnitz's doctrine of monads — more or less consciously intended to refer the changes in the quali- ties or essence of individual ex- istences to the self-development of the divine thought on which they rest, and the obstructions and disturbances in this. self- development to its connection with matter or potentiality ; and the harmonious variations in the de- velopments of different individual existences, by an anticipation of the conception of a Itarmonia prrpstahilit"; to the unity and perfection of the ultimate reality, the unconditioned spirit of God, which is their common substra- tum.' Cf. further his p. 578, where the central point of the Aristote- lian theology is sought for in the doctrine ' that all determination in the world is referable to dy- namic activities, and these again to the eternal thought of God : ' and p. 577 n. : ' That dynamic ac- tivities which have gone out from God, and therefore also finite being which is animated by these, should seek to return to Him, is quite comprehensible.' So also Hid. iii. a, 113 sq. 1 Even Metaph. xii. 9 contains nothing to support Brandis's view (cf. also Kyji, Metaph. Uhters. 258). Aristotle there asks how we are to conceive of the thought of the divine spirit : if nothing is thought of by him (not : if ' nothing is attained by his thought ') his power of thought must be as worthless as that ex- ercised in sleep ; if something other than Himself is thought of, then is the worth of his thought to be measured by the worthiness of its objecfj But this does not mean that the Divine thoughts constitute the essence of things. METAPHYSICS 415 • being. 1 nnrryftrsely ; the .Forms of t hin gs onnnnt h e thougQta^fjhe^DeJi^sijnc^^cording to Aristotle, the Form is the substa nce of the th ings andSubstance can neith er be predicated of n or.JielQng to anvthjng. 2 Thoughts cannot be substances, since they exist in the soul as their substratum. 3 Again, we find no analogy in Aristotle for the notion of a self-development of the divine thoughts : indeed, it is directly contradicted by the proposition 4 that there is no change in the thought of God, no transition from one thing to another. Finally, while Brandis maintains that all things strive towards Deity, because the active forces which emanate from Him struggle to return to Him again, Aristotle him- self rather ascribes this striving, like all motion, to Matter, which desires to complement and complete it- self by means of the foraes. 5 Nor is it the least im- portant- objection to this view that it clashes with the whole character of Aristotle's system. For supposing the thoughts of Deity to be the supporters of concrete existences and of their mutations, the relation of finite reality to God would be one of immanence : the Deity would by virtue of his thoughts be inherent in things, and the latter would have in. God the permanent ground of their shifting properties. Instead of Aristotle's dualistic theism, we should arrive at a system of dynamic pantheism. 6 But not only is it impossible to 1 See p. 398, n. 1, and p. £97, stratum; seep. 214, nAfin. supra. n. 2, supra. * P. 397, D. 2, supra. ■' See p. 330 sq., and p. 373 sq. s Uf. p. 404 sq., p. 344, n. 1, supra. and p. 379, n. J, and on the s 'Eirurr^/Mj is the very ex- doctrine that motion resides in ample which Aristotle mentions the motum and therefore in the ot that which is at once predicate material, 386, n. 1. and inherent attribute of a sub- « This is made still more 41 C ARISTOTLE discover such a system in the works of the Philosopher, but even his school were unacquainted with anything of the sort, until the influence of Stoic opinions intro- duced that fusion of things diverse and fundamentally distinct which meets us in the spurious book upon the World and still more in Neoplatonism. Aristotle leaves it quite uncertain how we are to define the relation of the particular and individual Forms to the Deity. From his utterances upon the subject we can only say that he placed them side by side, without explaining satisfactorily the existence and the special motions of finite things by the operation of the Deity, or even attempting such an explanation. They are given factors, just as Matter is a given factor which he does not attempt to deduce from Form or Deity. It is true that the unity of his system, the ovk ayaObv vroXv- Koopavit), is thus rendered more than doubtful. 1 This brings us to the conclusion of the Metaphysics. God being defined as the First Cause of Motion, phi- losophy passes from the Unmoved to the Moved — or, in other words, to Nature. obvious by Kym ; cf. ibid. p. 242 tajrii.), 7 : rb tie ^rh tout' fjS-n 246sq.,256,258sq.,andp.402,n.l, Xdyov Se7rai irKeiovos irepl rrjs fin. supra. According to Kym, e^eVecus, iroia xal rivav, eVeiS^ God is said to be, not only the irKelu to Kvit\Ma [the heaveDly creative conception, but also the spheres] k«! at avep6i>. Pir¥sics ill CHAPTER VIII i PHYSICS A. — The Idea of Nature and the most General Conditions of Natural Existence First Philosophy, according to the view of Aristotle, has to deal, as we have seen, with unmoved and in- corporeal reality : though, in treating of this its proper subject, we were in fact obliged to include some notice of the opposite principle. Natural Philosophy is occupied with the aggregate of corporeal existence which is subject to Motion. 1 All natural substances are bodies, or united to bodies ; and under the name of natural existence we include bodies and masses — everything, in fact, which possesses them or is related to them. Hence the whole domain of corporeal existence belongs to Natural Science. 2 But it regards form only in its connection with matter, 3 and the soul in its con- 1 Cf. p. 183, n. 3. 1, 298, b, 27 • eVel Sf rav (piaei 2 De Casio, i. 1 init. : r/ irepi \eyon4vav t& pev ia-ra ovaicu to rpvaews eirio-Tf)fJi.ri ff\^ov T) 7rAe»TT7| 5' epya Kal traBri roirwv [by outn'at, ipaiVerai irepi re ad/iara Kal peycBr) however, he here means both Kai to ToiiTtav elvat 1:6.671 Ka ^ Ta * simple and composite bodies] . . . Kivf)ffeis, ct( 5e Trepl ras apx&s, tpavepbv 'on rr/tf irXeiariiv ffvfifialpei otrai ttjs rota{ni}S ovtrias elffiv ' tt}s irepl (pvatus iffroplas irepi Ttav yap tpvffei o-vvcirr&rajv to fiev fftop.&Tuiv elvai • vaffai yap at iffTl aci/iara Kal fieyedri [as the QvaiKal ovtriai tl (niftara % jii-ra human body], Ttt 8' e^" <™m" Ka ' ow/iaVav ytyvomai ko! fieyeBwv. fieyeSos [as man], to 8' apxal tuv 3 Mttaph. vi. 1, 1025, b, 26 sq. Ixivruv t'ur'.v [as the soul] ; iii. (xi, 7) and elsewhere ; see infra. VOL. I. .E E ii8 AnistbtLS nection with the body. 1 It must, however, be remem- bered that material existence pertains to Nature and to Natural Philosophy only in so far as it is subject to motion and repose. Mathematical bodies are not natural bodies ; indeed, Mathematics may be distin- guished from Physics by the fact that the former deals with immovable, the latter with movable, substances. 2 Furthermore, movable existence can only be regarded as ' natural ' when it contains within itself the principle of motion ; and this is the point of difference between natural things and the productions of art. 3 The dis- tinction, on the other haDd, which is drawn between rational and irrational forces, on the ground that the former may act in either of two opposite directions, the latter only in one, and that the former, therefore, are free, the latter necessary — is only a subdivision within the realm of Nature. 4 Yet since in all substance Form and Matter are distinguishable, we are met by this question : Does the essential reality of nature consist in the Form 1 Metaph. vi. 1, 1026, a, 5 : * Pliys. ii. 1, 192, b, 13 : to irepl tyvxrjs 4vtas OeuprJGcu rov tiev yap tpvffei tjyra irdyra uix$i$i)K.tv . Tex"V opx^ e ' y 8**9> [similarly ix. Sib koI x w pK ii ' X a P l " T ^ 7ty T V 2, 1046, b, 4] t\ Se tpitris apxh lv vofati Kivtitreds iart . . . . rb pev auTc±>. yap Trepirrbti Io-toi i«xl rb apriov, * Metaph. ix. 2 init. c. 6, c. etc. &vev Kivii(reus, cropf Sk Ka\ 8, 1060, a, 30 sqq. De Inierpr, harovv ko\ Mpwiros oviceri. Cf. c. 13, 22, b, 39. what follows and 183, u. 3, supra. PHYSICS 419 • or in the Matter ? In support of the second alternative it might be asserted that everything requires some material in order to be what it is. 1 Yet Aristotle is forced to maintain the first alternative. The essence of things invariably resides in the Form ; it is only by its Form and purpose that a natural object becomes what it is. 2 The true causes are the final causes ; the material causes are only the indispensable conditions of natural existence. 3 If, therefore, we wish to determine the ge- neral definition of Nature, we must not consider what in it is material, so much as the moving and informing ' force. 4 Nature is the cause of motion and rest in every- thing which possesses these conditions of being originally and not merely in some derivative fashion. A natural thing is one that has such a motive force within itself. 5 But Aristotle does not help . us greatly in defining 1 Pliys. ii. 1, 193, a, 9-30. v.ifoi.: T\irpim\ ipvais Kal Kvpias Metaph. v. 4, 1014, b, 26. Xeyopivt) icrrlv r) ovaia f) took 2 Phys. ii. 1, 193, a, 28 sqq. o. ixivruv "PXV "iviifftas iv avrois fj 2, 194, a, 12. Metaph. as above, airi. vi. 1, 1025, b, 19 [xi. 7, 1. 35 sqq. Part. An. i. 1, 640, b, 1064, a, 16, 30] : irepl yip tt)x 28, 641, a, 29, b, 23 sqq. roiairnv iarlv qialav [ij 4>u(n/ri)] 3 For a fuller discussion of iv ri ij apxh T vs Kivfiacws ical this point see infra and p. 357-8. ariireas iv airy (or 1. 26 : irepl 4 Part. An. i. 640, b, 28 : t\ toioutoj/ tv 8 itrri Svrarbv Kivei- yapKarariiviioptpiivQiirtsKvpLaTepa. irfloi). It is indifferent whether ■7-7JJ 6\iktjs ipiaeus. 641, a, 30 : the nature is described as the sub- scientific investigator has to deal stratum of motion merely, or of with the soul still more than with rest as well, since, accord- the body, '6aif paWov t\ 'i\i\ SC ing to Aristotle, rest (^pe/tfe, ixiivriv i\4o~TaTOS apa. It is obvious 8e£w yiverai, ti>a*ep Sofcei, Kal eifij av that Aristotle is here arguing t&Koyov xalpstv re aiiToiis t§ apiffrtp from popular conceptions ; he «al t$ avyyevetrr&Ttp (toDto 5' av himself ascribes to God no ex- €?7) i vovs) Kal robs ayair&vras ternal operation. Cf. pp. 389 sqq. /tuUirrra rovro Kal rk/iavras co/Te«- supra. PHYSICS 423 guishes three kinds : quantitative motion, or increase and decrease; qualitative motion, or alteration; and motion in space, or locomotion — to which may be added as a fourth kind, birth and destruction. 1 Now all these kinds of movement may be ultimately resolved into the third kind — Motion in Space. For, if we examine them more closely, we find that increase or growth, to begin with, consists in the addition of fresh material to matter which has already received a certain form : the increment is potentially but not actually identical with that which it augments, and assumes its form ; in other 1 Phys. v. 1, 225, a, o. 2, 226, a, 23 (Metaph. xi. 11, 12), cf. Metaph. viii. 1, 1042, a,. 32, xii. 2 imit.. Phys. viii. 7, 260, a, 26, 261 , a, 32 sqq., vii. 2 i/nit. Gen. et Corr. i. 4, 319, b, 31; Be An. i. 3. 406, a, 12, ; Long. v. 3, 465, b, 30; Be Coelo, iv. 3, 310, a, 25. Cat. u. 14 init. Aristotle here distinguishes generally three kinds of change (/lerajBoAifr) : transition from being to being, from being to not-being, and from not-being to being. The first is motion in the stricter sense, the second destruction,, the third origination. Motion he then divides into the kinds mentioned in the text (/cfvjjim Karh /leytBos, icara irdOos and Kara rbtov, as he calls them Phys. viii. 7, 260, b, 26) , and, taking birth and destruc- tion again together, thus enume- rates four kinds of i^ra^oKr) : r) Kara rb ri (yevetris Kal (pOopa), r] Kurd, rb noaov (atityiffis teal - and condensation, which involve ens fiev yty r\ rod aWoioirov, fj change of place. Gen. et Corr. aWoiuiTbv, £vTt\4x ela ' ""' '^ 7*»- i- "> 322, b, 21 sqq. c. 9, 327, a, ptp.vb'iaTOVTO,o'Tiy€v4(r8ai b, 10: aWoiaxris fi4v iffTtv, Hrav 5e? to irpa.yp.a irpurov. rb 5 1 4 "M-' erepov avayKcuov Tra&effiv .... hrav 5' 8\ov fiera- ■jrpdrepSv ri Kiveitr8ai twc yivofievav fiaWri fiij iiirofievovros aia^Tyrov ov avrb teal ^ yivdfievov, zeal tov- tivos as vwoK€ifj.4vov tov avTov . . . tov eTepov irp6repov. Cf . p. 38 1-7. yeveffis ^877 to toiovtov, tov Be * Gen. et Corr. i. 3, 318, a, QBopa.. 23 : Sia to t^v roSSe (pBopav &\\ov 4 Cf. Meteor, iv. 1, 378, b, 31 Aval y4veaiv. /col tV toBSe yivzaiv sqq., where he argues that ge- aWov elvai o-is is produced by change 5 Cf . Phys. viii. 7, 260, b, 8 : 426 ARISTOTLE produced. Since this, as we saw in tbe case of altera- tion, cannot operate without movement in space, such movement must precede all generation. 1 Again, if movement in space precedes generation, it must of ne- cessity precede growth, change, decrease, and destruc- tion ; since these processes can only be carried on in that which has previously been generated. 2 Therefore this species of motion is the first in the order of causality, as well as in the order of time and in the logical order also. 3 Notwithstanding what has just been said, Aristotle is far from explaining natural phenomena by the merely mechanical principle of motion in space, as the Atomists had done. Even purely physical occurrences cannot, in his opinion, be satisfactorily accounted for by this method, seeing that many of them are only to be conceived as modes of qualitative alteration, or the transmutation of materials. 4 Physics do not by any means exhaust the conception of Nature. Final Causes Trdvrav tZv itaii\j>ATav apxri Trite- dent of these conceptions, and vwtris leal fidvaxrts . . TvKvaicris 5e none of them are applicable to the /col fidvcocrts criyKpicns /col Stdnpurts, heavens (260, b, 19 sqq. Gen. et Ha8' as yevecris Kal a dvdyKi) Kara -rivov these conceptions which has to do pcrqS&Aeu'. with the eternal, and is of infinite 1 Phys. ibid. 261, a, 1 sqq. duration (260, b, 29, 261, a, 27 Gen. et Corr. ii. 10 init. sqq.). Aristotle also argues that 2 Phys. ibid, b, 7. It is here because it is the last in time in re- further pointed out in proof of the spect to individual existences, it priority of ' movement in space,' must be the first in nature (260, that, while it is presupposed by b,30,261,a, 13);andheholdsthat the others, it does not presup- it causes the least change in the pose them. Without the move- nature of the thing moved, and is ment of the heavens, neither the motion which the self-moving generation nor destruction, nei- produces in preference to every ther growth normaterial change, other (261, a, 20). could take place. Movement it- 3 Ibid. 260, b, 16 sqq. self, on the other hand, is indepen- 4 Seep. 304,n.3,andp.306,n.5. PHYSICS 427 • rise above the material causes which, subserve them ; and these are not provided for in the philosophy of a Democritus. 1 Lastly, if it be true that ' becoming' is a transition from potentiality to actuality, or a process of development, and that the importance of Aristotle's na- tural philosophy consists, to a great extent, in having first made this notion of development possible and consciously given it the foremost place, it is clear that Aristotle could not favour opinions which started with an express denial of any ' becoming ' or qualitative alter- ation, and left us nothing but a movement in space of un- alterable materials. Therefore qualitative alterationmust be added to locomotion, even in the domain of matter, as a second source of natural occurrences : but over against both, Aristotle sets the teleology of nature, which uses as means to its end all that is corporeal and determined by natural necessity. Next to Motion in Space, and not without direct relation to it, come investigations by which Aristotle further illustrates the idea of motion in his Physics : and these include discussions upon the Infinite, Space, Time, the Unity and Continuity of Motion, 2 &c. The Infinite 3 had played an important part in pre- 1 See p. 307, n. 4, and cf. p. 3 The discussion of thisconcep- 359, sq. supra. tion Aristotle introduces vaPhyt. - He describes those concep- iii. 1, 200, b, 15, -with the words : tions, indeed, generally, iii. 1, Soxet 8' r> itfojjo-is eivai rav avv^xav, 200, b, 15 sqq. c. 4 vnit., as be- rb 5 1 Jxtrfipov ifitfta'tverai irpwrov iu longing to the discussion upon raj auvex**; c. 4 init. be remarks motion, and deals with the first that natural science deals with three in bks. iii. and iv. before the masses, motion, and time, each ■*»-• ■, i-«^UvX< section upon the kinds of motion ; of which is either finite or infinite, but the way in which he treats On what follows see Zbllee,P/<. them shows that he is thinking d. Gr. pt. i. 186. chiefly of locomotion. 428 ARISTOTLE Aristotelian philosophy . Plato and the Pythagoreans went so far as to make it an element of all things, and therefore a substance. Aristotle begins by proving this to be impossible : ' infinity ' does not belong to the order of substances but of qualities. 1 Then he shows that an 'infinite magnitude* is inconceivable. For sup- pose it to be a body, body is • that which is limited by superficies ; or if it be a number, numbers are capable of being counted, and that which can be counted is not - infinite. 2 Lastly, and more especially, an infinite body could neither be composite nor simple. It could not be composite, since, the elements being limited in number, an infinite body could not be made up of them unless one of them were infinite in magnitude, and such an element would leave no room for the rest. 3 And to think of it as simple is equally impossible. In the first place, as far as this world is concerned, no bodies exist except the four elementary ones, nor can there be any out of which alone everything could come, since all becoming moves between two opposites ; and if there be several primitive bodies, it is quite impossible that one should be infinite. 4 Again, every body has its natural place, in which it abid? , and to which it tends ; and this law determines the difference in weight be- tween bodies ; every body without exception must exist in a definite space, in a locality; but in the infinite there is no definite locality, no distinction of up and down, centre and circumference, before and after, right -8*£~~^ and left. 5 Moreover, whereas it is manifest that bodies 1 Phys. iii. 5, 204, a ; see p. 312, i. 7 init. n. 2, and p. 325, n. 2, supra. * Phys. ibid. 204, b, 22. 2 Phys. ibi.d. 204, b, 4. 5 Ibid. 205, a, 8 to end of chap., 3 Ibid. 204, b, 11, of. Be Casio, iv. 8, 215, a, 8. Be Casio, i. 6 PHYSICS 429 either move in a circle like the celestial spheres or in straight lines up and down like the elemental bodies, infinity admits of neither of these movements. The former is impossible, because circles are by their nature circumscribed, and circular movement is rotation round a centre, whereas in the infinite there is no centre ; ' the latter, because lineal motion has a starting point and end. 2 Indeed, ' infinity ' could not move at all, since it would take infinite time to traverse the smallest con- ceivable space. 3 Finally, Aristotle uses an argument conclusive with Greeks, who could not imagine formless being : the infinite, as such, is incomplete and without shape — we call that infinite the magnitude of which is indeterminable, which is never finished and complete, which cannot be limited in such a way as not to leave some portion of it outside. 4 The infinite first becomes a whole and complete when it is enclosed by means of form. But the world cannot be conceived except as complete and a whole. 5 It is therefore impossible that init. u. 7, 274, b, 8, 29. 276, b, 6 sqq. In c. 6, 273, a, 21 sqq., the same conclusion is reached by showing that infinite bodif "tup t be infinitely heavy or light," *>ut an infinitely heavy or an infi- nitely light body is an impossi- bility, since it must either ex- hibit infinite speed or be abso- lutely immovable. 1 As is shown, at unnecessary length, De Coelo, i. 5, 271, b, 2ri sqq. 272, b, 17 sqq. c. 7, 275, b, 12. 2 De Coelo, i. 6 mit. Also c. 7, 275, b, 15 sqq. 3 Tbid. c. 6, 272, », 21 sqq. Phyt. vi. 7, 238, a, 36. 4 Aristotle's words are : oi yap o5 juTjSez/ c|w, a\?C ot aei rt e£« cotI, tout' foreipoV iaTtv, where, however, the antithesis is merely verbal, uv liriSiv e|to meaning ' that beyond which nothing exists,' ov ael ri e£u, on the other hand, 'that of which a part always remains beyond.' 5 P/iys.iii. 6 : see at p. 350, sup. Gen. An. i. 715, b, 14 : ri Si i ■ . . 8) that the river is stationary, Siaipet tie Bvvdncf xal rj /ikv rotovro, ad that only the individual ie! ertpov rb vvv, y Se avvtiei, del rb 'aves move. avr6 . . eon Se ravrb Kal Kara 1 Phys. iv. 10, 11. touto % Sialpeais Kal ri evutris, t4 5' 2 'AptO/ibs Kivfiffeus Kara to ttvai ov tovt6. pdrepov Kal Sarepov, c. 11/*. ; De 4 Cf. p. 428 sqq., and 387, Iwlo, i. 9, 279, a, 14. supra. Aristotle, however, here VOL. I. F R 14 ARISTOTLE on of Space implies the impossibility of a vacuum. If pace is the limit of the enclosing body in relation to ie enclosed, we cannot but conclude that there is no >ace where there is no body : empty space would be 1 enclosure that encloses nothing. Aristotle tries on lis point, with minute and patient arguments, to con- ic the widely-received assumption of a vacuum, which, ving mainly to the teaching of the Atomists, had icome part of the current Natural Philosophy. The reasons with which they had supported it appear i him inconclusive. Movement does not need to be ex- lained by such an hypothesis, since we can imagine that lother body quits the space which the object in motion iters. Condensation may be referred to the exit of r or other matter from the bodies in question ; rare- ction to its entrance into them. The expansion which ater, for example, experiences when passing into air hat is, into steam) may be explained by the alteration ' materials, which necessitates another degree of rarity : ■ the phenomena of gravity by the tendency of the ements to reach their natural place. 1 The vacuum ould rather put a stop to the possibility of motion, nee emptiness yields equally on all sides, one cannot lagine anything capable of determining a body to How one direction rather than another. It would ford no distinction of natural localities. No special otion could take place in it. On the other hand, it stinguishes, as Plato bad done the immutable. Pliys. iv. 12, Hm. 37, D, 38, b), between the 221, b, 3. De Coilo, i. 9, 279, b^ dless time in which mutable 11-28; seep. 395, n. 6, supra. istenoe moves, and eternity " Phys. iv. 7, 214, a, 24 sqq., \hv) or the timeless being of c. 8 init. c. 9, WYSICS 435 would be equally impossible, on the hypothesis of infinite vacuity, to assign any reason for rest in Nature. Again, if bodies fall or rise with a rapidity proportioned to the rarity of the medium through which they are moving, everything would have to fall or rise with infinite rapidity through the infinite rarity. - of the void. On the other hand, if, ceteris paribus, greater masses fall or rise quicker than smaller ones because they more easily overcome the withstanding medium, then in the void, where there is no resistance to overcome, the smallest would move as quickly as the greatest. Lastly, how are we to conceive that an empty space exists beyond the space occupied by bodies, since, if a body entered that space, there would then be two spaces, an empty and a full, the one within the other ? And what is the use of such a void space, since every body has its own extension ? l Besides, by maintaining that there is empty space or any space at all beyond the world, one would end in the contradiction of asserting that a body could be where no body can. 2 If empty Space is impossible, empty Time, filled with no movement, is equally inconceivable, since Time is nothing but the number of motion. 3 Aristotle, in fact, maintains the eternity of motion as having neither be- 1 Phys. iv. 8 ; cf . De CceVi, iv. icevbv ovSe xp6vos zotIv £|o) tou 2. In estimating the force of ovpavov' iv airavrtykp rfatp Svva- these arguments we must, of t6v virdp^at au/ia- icsvbv $' ehai course, take account of the state (paaiv iv $ f.^1 ivvwdpx^ (ra>fia, of scientific knowledge at the tiwarbv 5' ian\ yevfodai ££« time, and of the presuppositions Be tou oipavov Sc'Seiktou oti o6t' which were shared by Aristotle iarui oSt' iviix*™ yevctrBai trafia. and the Atomists alike. 8ee 3 Phys. viii. 1, 251, b, 10: rb p. 442, infra. irp6Tepov leal 'ia-rtpov iris IVtoi 2 De Ccelo, i. 9, 279, a, 11 : XP^ V0V M Hvtos; f) i xp^vos fi.ii SjUa Se BtjKov 8ti oitSe r6iros oi/de o$ffi\s Ktvfoetos; ei S-fj itrriv 6 FF 2 43C ARISTOTLE ginning nor end. 1 On this point he suggests the remark- able question : whether there could be Time without a soul ? And ho answers it by saying that Time in its essence is implicit in motion, but that in reality it cannot be without the soul, because number does not exist without a calculator, and reason is the only calculator. 2 But we should make a mistake if we sought to discover in this remark any inclination to the idealist theory of Time which has obtained so vast a.n importance in modern philosophy. Its apparent bias towards Idealism pro- ceeds from Aristotle's not conceiving the ideas of Time and Space in as pure and abstract a sense as is familiar to us. Although he does not go so far as Plato, who identified Space with extended substance, and Time with the motion of the stars, 3 yet he never attempts to make an accurate distinction between Space and Time Xpivos Kiv},treus apiS/ibs % nirnir's of its existence; v. TOBSTKIK in •ns, elnep del xP^ vos ^tIi/, avar/Ki] S,h. Mm. xii. 1857, p. ltil sqq.], Kal KivTjfftv a'tbuv elva.1. Ibid. 1. olotf ei evSexercu KlvTjffiv eli/at &vev 26 : avir/Ki] . . eivat oe! xP& vov - ^ V X^ S - Aristotle is not quite a\\a fity elye xp^ vov i avepbv Sri consistent in his answers to the avdyxri etvai Kal Kirqaiv, eiirep & question, what faculty of the soul Xpivos irddos ti Kivfoeus. De Ccolo, it is that perceives time. Accord- i. 9. 279, a, 14 : outside the ing to the above passage and Dr. world there is no lime, for XP^ V0S An.iii. 10, 433, b, 5 sqq., we must apiS/ibs Kii/^o-eais- Kivqcrts 5' avtv suppose that it is the reason, and (pviriKov ffdtfiaros ovk %ffnv. Cf. p. that the sense of time is limited 395, n. fi, supra. to rational beings. In the De 1 See p. 387, swprn. Mem. i. 450, a. 9-23, on the other 2 Pliys. iv. 14, 223, a, lfi sqq. hand, he assigns it to the TpuTow esp.l. 25: « Si ,u?j5ej/ &\\o mtyvxev aiVflTjTiKiv.andattributes memory, apidfuXv ti world as a whole is not in space, but only its arts. 3 In the same way the homogeneous parts b.erent body, as parts of the whole, are only lly in space ; they are not actually so until d from the whole. 4 It is the same with Time, eing the number of motion, presupposes an noved on the one hand, and on the other a I subject. He remarks expressly, however, that me is called the number of motion, we must not md by the word number that by which one counts, t is counted. 5 Number, that is, must be taken is subjective but its objective sense. Par from ing Time as a mere form of our perception, he it rather as something pertaining to motion, leed, to the body moved. Outside the world, }dies cease, Time also ceases to exist. 6 le further discussion of Motion which is found otle's Physics, our attention is chiefly drawn to ts which bear more directly upon his doctrine of vim movens and the structure of the universe. He 8, swpra. real significance). lys, therefore, Phys. iv. 8 ^ee p. 429, n. 5, supra. 8 : the movements of 4 Phys. iv. 5, 212, b, 4. dies (fire, earth, &c.) 5 Phys. iv. 11, 219, b, 5. ivov on itrri ti i t6tos, ° De Ccelo, i. 9 ; see p. 436, il ex ei T '"" : Sii/cfuv (a ri. 3, nvjird, and p. 3&.", u. 6. 438 ARISTOTLE defines the meaning of coexistence in space, of contact, of intermediate space, of succession, of continuity, &c.' He distinguishes the different relations in which the unity of motion can be spoken of, 2 finding the absolute unity of motion in continuous or unbroken movement — that is, in such as belongs to one and the same object in the same relation at one and the same time. 3 He asks what constitutes uniformity of motion and its opposite : 4 in what cases two movements, or movement and repose, may be said to be opposed to each other ; how far the natural or unnatural character of a move- ment has to be considered in either instance. 5 After proving further that all continuous magnitudes are divisible ad infinitum? that time and space in this respect correspond, and that in reality it is only with 1 Phys. v. 3 : S,uo ixkv olv \4yerai tout' eivtu Hark t6ttov, bffa eV epl r6irtp tffTi irp&T(p, x u P^ s Be off a 4v erepy, airreffQat Se 6tv Ta afcpa aua, fl€Ta£b 0€ ei's a iretpvKe Trpurov oupiKUe'iffdat ro fiera[3d\\ov . . £(pe£TJs 8e oZ jUetcc rfy apxfa fi6vov 6vros . . . fjiTiSky fiera£6 iffri tuv iv TauT^J yevet ical [join with TauT^J] ou itpe^rjs iffriv. . . . 4xA/>-cvov Be [immediately suc- cessive] t> av £ lt only as contained potentially in the divisible, and not ever known except as a negation. PHYSICS 439 inite spaces traversed in a finite time that motion has do — whereas infinite spaces are only said to be raversed in the same sense in which the time of motion 3 infinite ' — he establishes the indivisibility of the iresent moment, and concludes that in this unit neither lotion nor rest are possible. 2 He discusses the divisi- ility of motion and of the body moved, 3 remarking that very alteration attains completion in an indivisible loment, but that the moment of its beginning is never apable of being accurately determined. 4 He shows that ; is equally impossible to measure a merely finite space 1 infinite time or an infinite space in finite time, and ansequently that an infinite magnitude cannot move ay distance at all in a finite time. 5 These conclusions ipply him with the means of refuting Zeno's argu- lents against motion, 6 and enable him to prove that le indivisible can neither move nor change in any way. 7 inally, he prepares the way for investigating tho lovement of the universe and its cause, by asking 8 hether there can be a single movement of infinite iration. After establishing the eternity of motion and 1 Phys. vi. 2, 233, a, 13 sqq. m. and Thehlst. Phys. 55, a, m., 2 Ibid. c. 3, and again c. 8, that difficulties had already sug- lere he adds : in the transition gested themselves to Theophras- jm motion to rest, the motion tus and Eudemus in connection its as long as the transition with this view. its j while, therefore, a thing is 5 Phys. vi. 7 ; cf . p. 429, n. 3, ming to rest, it is moving still, supra. Aristotle shows, PhysMii. 3 Ibid. c. 4 (cf. also p. 430,n. 2). 9, 265, b, in, that his predecessors rtion according to this passage also treated motion in space as divisible in a double sense : the most primary, st in respect of the time occu- 6 Phys. vi. 9, cf. c. 2, 233, a, id, and secondly in respect of 21, viii. 8, 263, a, 4, and p. 311, i object moved. supra. * Ibid. c. 5, 6. We see from 7 Phys. viii. 10. mpl. Phys. 230, a, m. 231, b, " At the end of this chapter. ARISTOTLE e necessity of a primum movens, he gives this answer : ' there is a continuous and single movement without iginning or end, it must be movement in space, for )t only does this precede every other, 2 but every other a transition between opposites ; 3 and where this is the se the first motion ceases at a certain point, at which new movement may begin in another direction, but te and the same cannot continue without a break. 4 le same argument proves that only circular motion iswers all the necessary requirements. If all move- ent in space must be either in a straight line, or rcular, or mixed, 5 a mixed movement could only be of Ldless duration and continuous if both the others uld. Movement in a straight line cannot have is character, since every finite rectilinear movement G ts terminal points at which it ceases, and though >tween these terminal points it may be infinitely often peated, yet these repeated movements do not con- itute one continuous motion. Circular motion is, erefore, the only kind of movement which, continuing te and the same in unbroken sequence, can be without jginning and end. 7 It unites the repose of the uni- srse with unceasing motion, since it enables it to move 1 Phjs. viii. 1-6 ; see p. 387 ' IMd. 261, a, 31 sqq. , supra. 5 Among mixed forms of mo- 2 Phys. viii. 7 ; see p. 423 sq. tion we must in this division !»'«. reckon all curvesexceptthecircle. 3 Generation from not-being e An infinite one is impossible, being ; destruction from being not only in itself (see p. 430, n. 2, not-being ; increase from less supra) but also because the world greater ; decrease from greater is not infinite. less ; alteration from one state ' All this is explained at another, e.g. from water to length, Phys. viii. 8, 261, a, 27- >am. 263. b, 3, 264, a, 7 sqq. c. 9 init. PHYSICS 441 without changing its place as a whole. 1 It is the mea- sure for all other movement. It alone is entirely uniform, whereas in rectilinear 2 movement rapidity increases in proportion to the distance from the starting-point. 3 How this eternal rotation is brought about by the operation of the primum mouens 4 we have already shown. Important though movement in space is, as the most primitive kind of change on which all others are dependent, Aristotle cannot agree with the mechanical theory of physics in merging all forms of change in this one,andiu assuming only the combination and separation, while rejecting the transmutation, of materials. Three questions arise upon this point. Is there a qualitative distinction between sorts of matter ? Is there a quali- tative alteration of materials ? Is there such a com- bination of materials as to cause the change of their 1 Phys. viii. 9, 265, b, 1 ; of. p. 398, i. - Those, namely, which Aris- totle treats as the natural motions of elementary bodies: in other words, the downward motion of heavy, and the upward motion, of light bodies. With forcible move- ments the opposite is the case. 3 Physs. viii. 9, 265, b, 8 sqq. * The seventh book of the Physics is passed over in the above account, because it was not originally a part of the work (see p. 8 L, n. 2, mprd). Its contents are as follows. After it has been explained in c. 1 that every move- ment must have its source in a primum mm;ens, and in c. 2 (see p. 386, n. 3, and p. 423, n.\,adfin.) that the latter must move along with the motion, c. 3 goes on to show that dWoiwtris concerns only the sensible qualities of things; c. i inquires in what case two movements are commensurable, and c. 5 finally proves that the same force moves half the mass in the same time twice as far, in half the time the same distance as the whole ; likewise that the same mass is moved, by the same force, in the same time, the same dis- tance, in half the time half the distance, while half the mass is moved by half the force the same distance ; on the other hand, it does not follow that twice the mass is moved by the same force half as far as half the mass, or the same mass by half the force half as far as by the whole force ; for the force may not perhaps be able to move it at all. The same is true of the other kinds of change. ARISTOTLE ties ? The Atomists answered all three of these bions, Anaxagoras and Empedocles at least the id and the third, in the negative. Aristotle feels elf obliged to answer all affirmatively, combating nechanical theory of his predecessors, and seeking olution of their difficulties in the peculiar tenets of >wn system. That he wholly succeeded in this lpt the natural science of our day will certainly e to admit, and will even be frequently inclined, Bacon, 1 to take the part of Democritus against Yet this is just a case in which we have to guard LSt a too hasty criticism of a man who occupies one e first places among the scientific investigators as is the philosophers of antiquity. In order to form ripartial judgment of Aristotle in his contest with lechanical theory of physics, and to appreciate his riews, we must never forget that we have not here ' with the atomistic philosophy of our days, but that of Democritus, which differed from it tota Aristotle, like his opponents, possessed nothing be scantiest rudiments of the methods and pro- i of observation which we have to so boundless :tent at our command. He had to define the ntary physical conceptions of an age whose obser- is did not extend beyond the reach of the naked tnd whose experiments were confined to a few 3 and for the most part very unreliable empirical ises. Of all 2 our mathematical, optical, and :. Kuno Fischbe, Franz ences (Arist. ThierJtunde, 410 262 sqq. (Eng. tr.). sq.) to Aristotle's method in test- '. also JBeandis, ii. b, 1213 ing heat. sq., and Meyer's refer- EHFSICS 443 • physical instruments, he possessed only the rule and compasses, together with the most imperfect substitutes for some few others. Chemical analysis, correct mea- surements and weights, and a thorough application of mathematics to physics, were unknown. The attractive force of matter, the law of gravitation, electrical phe- nomena, the conditions of chemical combination, pres- sure of air and its effects, the nature of light, heat, combustion, &c. — in short, all the facts on which the physical theories of modern science are based, were wholly, or almost wholly, undiscovered. It would have been more than a miracle, if under such circumstances Aristotle had developed views in natural philosophy of which we could have availed ourselves without altera- tion at the present time. It is the business of a history to show how he explained phenomena consistently with the position of knowledge in his own day. 1 None of the ancient systems presents so pure a form of mechanical physics as the atomic, to which the theory of the elements adopted by Plato from Philolaus is closely allied. Both deny qualitative variety in matter, and consider differences of shape and magnitude as the only original and real distinction. Aristotle opposes this view, not merely because it maintains the existence of infinitely small bodies or superficies, but also because it denies specific difference in matter. In both re- spects, according to his judgment, the weaknesses of the Platonic theory are most striking. 2 It contradicts mathematics, because it regards bodies as composed of superficies, which brings us logically to the assumption 1 Cf. supra, p. 262 sq. 2 Cf. ZelleS, Platon. Stud. . 270 sq. i ARISTOTLE ' indivisible lines , ' nay, further, to the resolution of agnitudes into points. 2 Again it destroys the divisi- lity of bodies. 3 Moreover, the figures of the elements isumed by Plato do not fill the space within the world, id yet he allows no vacuum. 4 Lastly, it is impossible form any coherent bodies out of them. 6 Nor are the fficulties which beset this theory from the point of ew of physics less important. For how can bodies hich have weight consist of surfaces which have me ? 6 And how, according to this hypothesis, could Le specific gravity or levity of the single elements be ■oduced ? Fire would have to become heavier and cend more slowly in proportion to its bulk ; much r would be heavier than a little water. 7 Again, while jperience shows that all the elements are mutually ansmutable, Plato only admits this with respect to .e three just mentioned; 8 even in their case diffi- ilties arise from the circumstance that superfluous 1 Plato, indeed, and Xenocra- are not balls or pyramids. 5 actually adopted this assump- l Ibid. c. 8 init. ; cf . Zell. in ; cf. Zell. Ph. d. Gr. pt. i. Ph. d. Gr. pt. i. 679, 3. i. 807, 2 ad fin. 868. 5 Ibid. 306, b, 22 sqq. 2 Be Ccelo, iii. 1, 299, a, 6, 300, 6 Be Casio, iii. 1, 299, a, 25 sqq. 7, c. 7, 306, a, 23. Cf. Gen. et b, 31 sqq. (where, however, we water, steam might be extruded sqq. from water, but water could not - Be Ccelo, iii. 6. be wholly resolved into steam. 3 This objection is first brought 4 Be Ccelo, iii. 4, 303, a 24, against Anaxagoras in the Phyg, where the words vvo\ei\fiet y&p i. 4, 187, b, 22 sqq. : iaBe Ccelo,iii. ciei, Sec, must mean 'since the 7, 305, b, 20 sqq. it is used against larger atoms would fail to obtain all who explain material change as release,' so that in water, for ex- an extrusion — in the latter case ample, a residuum would be left with justice, since if steam, for which could not be turned into air. ARISTOTLE 3d with, since bodies only require to be divisible, aeed not be actually divided in order to experience rocal influences ; but it really serves no purpose, for, o bodies cannot affect each other by contact, those i of them which interpenetrate by means of pores not do so either. 1 Therefore while the mechanical •y of nature confined itself to a movement of the entary ingredients in space, Aristotle maintained qualitative alteration. Where the former had lined apparent metamorphosis as a mere process of »sion, Aristotle assumed the operation of real ges under certain conditions. His predecessors re- ;ed the reciprocal operation of bodies to pressure and ilse : he extended it to the internal nature of bodies, eby they transform their primitive qualities, t is precisely this process which he understands action and passion ' in their stricter sense. 2 The itions of such transformation, as of all movement, contained in the correlation of potentiality and ility. When two things meet, of which one is illy what the other is potentially, then, so far as is the case, the latter is patient, the former agent : 3 i change is produced in the one, which proceeds from Gen. et Corr. i. 8, 326, b, 6- rat {l6vov, oFo^ rb Aevicbv Kal rb 9ep- 9, 327, a, 7 sqq. /i.6v • aWb. rb Kiveiv «rl irKeov rod Gen. et Corr. i. 6, 323, a, voie'iv iariv. £ the movens is likewise s Tbid. c. 9 init. : riva 8e rp6irov 7 motum, partly iijwnobile, inrdpxet rots ouo~t yevvyv Kal iroietv must be true also of the /col irlaxeiv, Xeyw)j.ev \a06vres > : Kal yap rb kivovv iroietv ri apxh" r)]V iroWdtcis i\fr\jxhi\v . ei Kal rb iroiovv Kivetv. oil pAjv ydp eon rb /lev Suva/let t(pu ye Kal Set Siopifeiv ■ \exea TomuToy, iretpvKev oil ry fiiv i otiv re itav rb klvovv iroietv, rrj b" oil irdaxeiv, iA\i navrji Ka8' rb iroiovv avri&ifffofiev rep 'oaov itrrl roiovrov, ijrrov 5e Kal wri. rovro 8' oh j) KiVrjtris /iaWov $ roiovrov p.a\\6i> iari ical , irdQos Se Kaff 8s el-new tJ;x n. 454, n. 3, suj)ra). Ibid. 327, r $iv eivai twv favTiKeifievav dtrore- a, 6 sqq. iovv, &airep y4vos iv. The yevos 5 According to Gen. et Corr. nds to the eitios generally in i. 10. ; relation of matter; see p. 219, e Aristotle shows, ibid. 327, b, PHYSICS 457 either the one is merged in the other, 1 nor both exist )gether unchanged, but a third is formed which is self ofjLooo/jjSpss. 2 In other words, it consists neither 1 the absorption of one sort of matter into another, nor 1 a merely mechanical junction or interminglement of oth, 3 but in a chemical combination. When two laterials are mixed, neither of them remains the same, reserving its original qualities. They are not merely [ended in invisibly minute particles, 4 but both have holly passed into a new material, wherein they ;main only potentially, inasmuch as they can be again ctracted from it. 5 Such a relation, however, only ! sqq. 328, a, 19 sqq., that only le union of substances(x<<'pia'Ta), )t that of qualities or of the rm with the matter or of the imaterial efficient cause with 3 passive object, can be called a ixture (pi£is). To us this seems iperiiuous ; but according to 'etaph. i. 9, 991, a, 14 (cf. ELL. Ph. d. Gr. i. 890, n. 4, id ibid. i. 881 sqq.) he had me occasion to make this re- rvation. That the substances, oreover, which are mixed can ily be of a material nature is If -evident : for the incorporeal airafles. 1 As happens in the case burning (Gen. et Corr. i. 9, 7, b, 10), where it is not a ixture that takes place, but the odaction of fire and the de- ruction of wood, or, in other >rds, the change of wood into e. The same is true of nutri- >n, and generally of all cases in lich one material is transformed to another (ibid. 1. 13, 328, a, sqq.). This is not a case of ;« but a\\olam toiouto oTa ruv fiiKTWv aWoiwOh'Tuv evaxris. PHYSICS 459 • above material necessity, the design of the universe ; above the physical explanations of nature, the teleological. Our researches up to this point have already led to the conclusion that everything in nature has its End. If Nature is the inner cause of motion, every motion has its goal by which its measure and direction are determined.' If the essence of things consists in their form, the form is not to be distinguished from their End. 2 If everything which moves must of necessity be moved by something else, it follows that the ultimate cause of movement resides in that which moves the universe as its Final Cause, 3 and movement in general can only be conceived as the action of form upon matter, in which the former is the ' object of desire,' and so the goal towards which the latter strives. 4 Ari- stotle cannot conceive of regulated and orderly events except under the analogy of human action directed towards an end. Hence while combating the theory of an anima mundi in the form in which it had been held by Plato, he adopts himself a similar view. 5 He 1 See p. 341, n. 2, supra. consists of circular motion, or of 2 See p. 356 sqq., p. 418, and any motion at all. It would be p. 462, n. 2. inconsistent with its perfect 3 See p. 404, and p. 396, n. 3. happiness that it should be inter- 4 See p. 383, and p. 379, n. 1. mixed with the body of the 5 Be An. i. 3, 406, b, 25 world and, burdened with the sqq. ; Be Ccclo, ii. 1, 284, a, 27 latter, should have unintermit- sqq. ; Metapk. xii. 6, 1071, b, 37. tently to produce, like an Ixion Aristotle rejects this theory in with bis wheel, a, motion which the first place because he cannot had no affinity with its nature regard the soul as in any sense a and which therefore involved iiigtum and therefore not even as exertion. Nor, indeed, is it shown tavrb kuiovv (see the beginning of bow it produces it. Lastly, the Ch. X. infra). He further objects soul cannot be apxh as asserted that Plato conceives of the soul of in the Pluedrus, if, according to the world as something extended the Timieus, it comes into exist- in space. But it would be impos- ence only with the world. sible to suppose that its thought 460 ARISTOTLE refers not only the movement of the outermost sphere, which communicates itself to all others, but also that of the stars, like Plato, to the action of spirits, which are related to the spheres moved by them as the human soul is to the body. 1 He even treats the forces of nature in general, to a certain extent, from the same point of view : in the eternity of motion he recognises the immortal life of nature, 2 and he even ascribes a sort of animation to the elements. 3 Every vital activity is also, as we shall see, 4 an activity guided by a purpose, for everything in living beings is related to the soul as the incorporeal unity of the corporeal existence. Hence it follows that by regarding nature as a living whole, 1 Cf. p. 373 sq. and see the sec- tion in tlie next chapter concern- ing the Spheres. Aristotle is so far justified from his own point of view in treating both the world as a whole, and its individual parts as animated with life, as he does also Be Cmlo, ii. 12 followed by Eudemus (Fr. 76 b, Simpl. Phys. 283 m. : cf. Siebeck, D. Lelne d Ar. v. d. Leben d. Unirer- mtm, in Fiehte s Ztschr f. Phil. lx. 3 1 ). God is a part of the universe in the same sense in which reason is a part of the man ; and of the same nature is the relation of the spheral spirits to their spheres. Each of these spirits, however, animates only the sphere which it moves and the primvm movens only the irparos oipav6s. While the movement of the latter, in- deed, extends to all the other spheres, yet in their case it is something 1 communicated from without like the motion of the driver on a carriage ; their own proper motion, on the other hand, is due, not to-the pnmu?n inovens, but to particular motors. Al- though the whole world is thus animated, yet Aristotle refuses to. call it with Plato i'lpoy, because its life springs from nn single principle of motion. / z Phys. viii. 1 init. : ridVepoi' 5e yeyoj/e irore kIvtj(Tis ouk nficru Trp6repov, Kal s %rv\*v .... oifdep &s cru^e iroiei rj dpufiey 4v iraffiv 4k ruv Suvaruv trotovaav rb KahKt- o-rov. Gen. An. ii. 6, 744, b, 36 : ovBev Troiet ireptepyov ovSe pArt\v r) tpiai-s. Likewise o. 4, 739, b, 19. Ingr. An. c. 2, 704. b, 15 : r) tyiais ovBev iroiet \i.6.rt\v aAA.' ael 4k ruv ej/Sexop.ei/wi' rfj oiiaio. irepl eKaffrov yevos £<$ov rb fapurrov * SioVep ei f}4\rtov w5I, ourws Kal e^ei Kara tphaiv. Even in the most insigni- ficant prod acts of nature we may perceive the effort after perfec- tion ; of. foil. n. and Mh. JV. x. 2, 1173, a, i : taws Se Kal 4v rots s iv tkiraaiv os Tivbs (pvffiKov Kal Ka\ov. rd i [it) tvx^vtus &AA' eVe/ca rivos rots tt}s (ptiffeas epyois icrl Kal iiffTa • o5 5' eVe/ca o-vveffTTjKev yiyove TeAous t^v tov KaKov lav elK-qcpcv. (Of. 0. 1, cited previous- n.) 1 Cf . also Meteor, iv. 12, 300, 10 : $.Travra 5' itnlv upto'fj.iva epytp ■ to p.\v yap bvvafxtva uv tT7]v alriav ft-aWov t) ra ftpa to Qvyrd ' rb yovv reray- fxevov Kal rb foptajievov tro\v fiaWov (paiverai if rots ovpaviots ^ wepl yfias, rb 5' a\\or' &Wus Kal ws 6TUX e T*?^ T ^ ^vt]ra fiaWov. ol 5e ruv [lev C4 av tKaffrov (pvtret (patrlv eivai Kal yeveffBat, rbv 5' ovpavbv airb riffls Kal rov avrofidrov roiov- rov ffvffrrivai, ev § airb rv%Ti5 Kal ara£tas ov5' drtovv. (palverat. Cf . also Zell. Ph. d. Gr. i. 650, 579, 1. 3 Phys. ii. 9, 200, a, 32 (after the passage quoted p. 360, n. 1) : Kal &/itpw fiev Tcp tpvotKqi KeKreai at atrial, /*a\Kov Se T) rivos eveKa' atriov yap rovro rrjs HKtjs [inas- much as Nature chooses her materials with a view to the thing that is to be produced] dAA' ovx aSrri rov re\ovs. Gen. et Con: ii. 9, 335, b, 29 : it is not sufficient to give the material causes of a thing. Matter is merely the motum, the rnovens in the province both of nature and art is something quite different ; the Kvpioirepa airia is the form. Materialistic physics, instead of giving us the real causes, can tell us only of imple- ments of production : as if one in answer to the question ' ,Who saws the wood 1 ' were to reply, 464 ARISTOTLE order to pursue definite ends, Nature must be capable of conscious deliberation, Aristotle considers this un- reasonable Even Art, he remarks, does not reflect, but works in the artist unconsciously. 1 Moreover, it is just this which, as we already know, forms to Aristotle's mind the distinction between Art and Nature, that the productions of the former have their motive principle outside themselves, and those of the latter within. 2 We thus arrive for the first time at the important concep- tion of immanent design, a point so essential to Aristotle's system that we might define Nature, accord- ing to his view, as the realm of internal activity toward a fixed end. ' The saw.' Cf. p. 360, n. 1, and the passages quoted p. 303, n. 3, and p. 307, n. 4, and Zbll. Ph. d. Gr. pt. i. 788, 1, 3, 893, 2, on the neglect of final causes in ancient physics. Part. An. i. 1, 039, b, 14 : tpaiverai Se Trpdrrj [sc. airia] %\v Kiyofiev iveicd twos ' \6yos yap oZtos, apxb 5' b \6yos dfio'us iv Te rots /caret t4xvv v teal iv rots "j itself ; cf. the passages quoted from Metaph. vii. 7, Gen. An. ii. 4, Part. An. i. 1, in n. 1, p. 356, and Gen. et Corr. i. 7, 324, a, 34 : oca yap /ii) %xa t)]v airiiv ii\T)V, 7roie? airadrj tivTa, olov tj laTptlcl] ' avT^j yap iroiovca vyieiav oi/Sev irdo~xei virb tov vyta£ofievou. - See p. 418, n. 3, svpra. In this sense Nature, as the internal operative principle in living things, is also expressly opposed to the human understanding, which operates upon them /rem without (8ipaBev vovs) ; cf. Gen. An. ii. G, 744, b, 21. PHYSICS 465 lis action in obedience to purpose cannot obtain e mastery in nature : for, along with the free of form, we have the necessary element of matter mot be entirely overcome by form. We have al- vn (p. 359 sqq.) that Aristotle finds in matter the rk of chance and blind natural necessity. Both , timately coincide, since chance is precisely that es not happen as the fulfiment of some design, raduced by the way, in consequence of the of intervening causes which are indispensable ainment of a further end. This characteristic existence renders it impossible to assign a pur- rerything in the world. Nature, indeed, works lefinite ends, but, in the realisation of her produces many things parenthetically, by the l mere necessity ; ' yet she still endeavours as rible to make use of such chance products, em- ier superfluities for purposes of her own, and, )d housewife, taking care that nothing be lost. 2 that natural science, in like manner, cannot :oceed with the same rigour, but must take )unt the disturbances 'introduced into the F nature by necessity and chance, admitting s to rules, and feeling satisfied when her itions hold in the majority of instances. 3 361, n. 1, supra. and nutrition of animal orgar- An. ii. 6, 744, b, 16 : isms ; Gen. An. ii. 4, 738, a, 3r i/ios aya8bs, xa\ f) itrts ri roiavrij (i.e. to &vb*ex^f l * vov Ka ^ fiAAws as i s clear from the context) is taken as =t\ (piais roia&ri) — and Nature is so also (i.e. o/3e/3aios). 1 Gen. An. iv. 3, 759, b,\Q sqq. Aristotle is here speaking of abor- tions which want essential parts of the human body as well as those which have more than the proper number, and applies the above explanation to both : r4\os yap ra>v fiiv Kivhatav (form-giving motion) \vofi4viap, rris 8' tSktis ov Kparovueviis, /uevei to icaBoKov li&XuTTa • touto 8' eor! fJMw . . . to repas apamjpia ris 4aTty. Cf. also 767, b, 13 : to Sh ripas ovk apayKa'op irpbs tV tutna rov ko! rty rov re\ovs alriav, aAAa koto trvn&cliriKbs i.payKaiop. 2 Phys. ii. 8, 199, b, 1 : ei 5)) tirriv %via Kara rexPVP 4p ots to opBtos eveicd too, 4p Se rots ctfiap- ravo/j.4pots eVe/ca fl4p rivos iirix^l- pe'irat aAA' airoTU-yxaVeTai, dfio'us av %x ot Ka ^ ^ v T0 * s 5 4-irl to iroAu • irepi yap r^p ael Kal r^jp 41; apdyKTjs oiiQep ytperat iraph Qio-tp (a proposition which was afterwards applied by theo- logians to the miracles, and in this application has become famous, although it is not gener- ally known that it comes from Aristotle). Even a Te'pos, there- fore, is' in a certain sense koto (piaiv, irav /x^i Kpar^ffr) r}]V Kara tV v\iip % koto to e?Bos wris 0ov\erai pev toOto « Gen. An. ii. 1, 732, a, 16. 7roi6ij/ iroAAetais, oi iievroi Sivarai. ' Polit. i. 5, 1254, b, 10 : tS 1 Polit. i. 5, 1254, b, 27 : jSoii- /j.h %/i.epa [&>a] tup aypiav fe\-riu Aerai p.ev olv r) . . tu /xev oiv 'xpivf nature, like art, is only able to irpojipav tV SAtjv avayncuov elvat create the better after long prac- ko.1 tV yAvtaiv, t$ \6ytp tie tV tioe. This, however, is an ex- ittio-Tov ixoptp4\v. Metapli. ix. 8, aggeration of the Aristotelian 1 050, a, 7 : airav eV apxbv jSaBi'fei doctrine of nature's weakness. rb yiyv6^vov kxI t4\os • aox^l y&P 1 Cf. Gen. An. iii, 7, 767, b, ™. 2 Phys. ii. 8, 199, b, 9 : na\ h 5 Part. An. 646, b, 4. Meteor. toTv (pvTots ivtari rh.fveKi tov, iv. 12, 389, b, 29 : oel Se, n&Moir fjTrov Si Si^pSparai. SrjKov [ri e/caoToc] eV! -rSav iaripav 3 See p. 460, n. 3, supra ; and «a! S\a>s $aa ofoi; opyava ki\ %v(kS. PHYSICS 469 R IX W. — ThAMi'' Elements TruxiNG now fro^M ^^fcviierii.i inquiries into nature to the consic^H^Hmthe actual constitution of the world, AristotlerojPK upon a question which had occupied a leading place in previous metaphysical dis- cussions—the question, namely, of Creation. His pre- decessors had without exception assigned to the world in which we live a definite beginning in time — some, such as Anaxagoras, Plato, and the Pythagoreans, 1 holding that this world is the only one ; others that the world we see is only one among an infinite series of other worlds both past and present. 2 Aristotle was the first to declare that our world is eternal and un- begotten. 3 This conviction seems to have early forced itself upon him. 4 Although in his system it is not tov. "We have a clearer idea of the true nature of man than of flesh, bones, &c, and a better idea of the nature of the latter than of the elements. T6 yap ov cVekh jjkktto 4vrav8a SrjXov bnov irKiiarov tt)s vKr\s ' Sitrirep yap €i tci %tas (see p. 56 sq. supra), at any rate from one of the dialogues, as Aristotle's view : ' Neque enim ortum esse unquam mundum, quod nulla fuerit novo consilio inito tam praeclari operis inceptio, et ita esse eum undique aptum ut nulla vis tantos queat motus mutation- emque moliri, nulla seneotus diuturnitate temporum existere ut hie ornatus unquarn dilapsus occidat.' (Cf. Plato, Tim. 34, B, 68, E, and elsewhere.) So Ps. Philo, JEtem. M. ii. 489 (Ar. Fr. 17), where it is declared to be Seicr; aBedrris to regard the 6parbs Bebs as no better than any human product. 1 See p. 387, supra. The latter is even quite compatible with the doctrine of the birth and destruction of the world. " On this, cf. p. 468, n. 3. 3 Phys. viii. 1, 251, a, 20 sqq. where, in opposing the view that motion had ever a beginning, he says : had the movent and the mobile existed without producing any motion, the transition from rest to motion could only have been effected by a previous change eitBlr in one or both of them, and we should have to suppose a irporepa /xera^o\i] TTfS irpciiTTrjs. Similarly we should have to con- clude that as a preliminary to the transition from creation to destruction of the world or rice rersa a change must take place in the creative force or in the material upon which it works. If both remain unchanged their mutual relation must also re- main unchanged, and therefore also the resultant effect. But according to Aristotle, God is eternal, and unchangeable ; matter, on the other hand (set- ting aside the doctrine of the immutability of the material of which the heavens are made), we know can only suffer change through the operation of the moving cause. If, therefore, the latter is unchangeable, its rela- tion to the matter and the uni- verse which is its product must be unchangeable. This is the argument indicated by Cicero in the passage quoted above, where Aristotle declares it to be inconceivable that so perfect a product as the world could PHYSICS 471 his investigations into the origin of the world, with proving that motion is eternal, and refuting the doctrine that the world has a beginning but no end. 1 The doc- trine, however, is For if the prim, which it produ same. It cannot' as a destructive from Aristotle's s' of the material of stars are made. Notre ^involved in his metaphysics. unchangeable, the effect vsprld must always be the ,as a creative, at another conclusion follows also of the immutability eavenly spheres and the therefore, does the doctrine of a beginning; and end of the world in the sense of an absolute birth and destruction find no place in Ari- have had a beginning novo consilio inito ; whence it may be concluded that the creative force must have produced the best from all eternity in virtue of its own unchangeable perfec- tion. 1 Aristotle devotes De C/rlo, i. 10-12, to the proof that the heavens are without beginning and end, confining himself, how- ever, almost exclusively to the at- tack on the Platonic view, that, while they will endure forever, ihey yet had a beginning in time. His chief argument against it is that beginning and endlessness, end and beginninglessness, are mutually exclusive. That which exists for an endless period can neither begin nor cease to be ; in either case there must be a time in which it is not (see c, 12, 281, b, 18 sqq. where, however, it is proved in too formal a way). Why, moreover, should that which has not existed for all 3ternity begin to be at this par- ticular moment? or why should that which has been from all eternity cease at this particular moment to exist? (283, a, 11) It is its own nature which con- stitutes athing without beginning or end, and this in such a case excludes the possibility of not- being ; the nature of that which has had a beginning and is liable to perish must, on the other hand, include it. The latter, therefore, cannot last for ever any more than the former can begin or end(l. 29sqq.;Cf. p. 366, n. 1,/w. and the passage quoted, ibid, init. from Metaph. ix. 8). The views, on the other hand, of those who hold that the world has both beginning and end are here only lightly touched upon. The atomic view Aristotle con- sidered that he had disposed of by his doctrine of the unity of the world, while in reference to the view of Heraclitus and Em- pedocles he contents himself with remarking (c. 10, 280, a, 472 ARISTOTLE stotle's system, but even such a fundamental change in the constitution of the world as is presupposed by Heraclitus and Empedocles is wholly inconsistent both with his cosmology and his metaphysics. The question arjnysics ill <*£lhe for Aristotle is not of any origin The world in time, but only of its actual characAeMjttd constitution. The universe is dividedJJtpcdaljfag to Aristotle, into two halves of opposite chara^jfc*Jhtfie one terrestrial , and the other celestial. This op^feition is at once revealed by the testimony of our senses : and Aristotle can hardly have come to it in any other way. The un- alterable nature of the stars and the changeless regu- larity of their movements form, in his opinion, so strong a contrast ' to terrestrial corruptibility and change, that we #re forced to recognise two essentially different realms, subject to different laws. The more im- portant this opposition seems to him to be, the more he strives to demonstrate its necessity. All natural bodies, he argues, are capable of movement in space. But movement in space is either rectilineal or circular or a compound of both. The third of these being derived from the first two, it follows that the latter alone are simple and original — rectilineal motion proceeding from the centre to the circumference, or vice versa, and circular motion revolving round the centre. If these are the first natural motions, there must be certain bodies which by reason of their nature are the subjects of such movement, and which are consequently the ] 1 sqq. ; cf. Zbll. Ph. d. Or. pt. and destruction, i. (529, 1 ad fin.) that it attributes ' That it was the observation to the world a mere change of of this which led Aristotle in form and not a veritable birth the first instance to make his PHYSICS 473 * most primitive and ancient bodies. Those, on the contrary, which exhibit a composite movement, must be formed by combination from them, and receive their particular bias from the constituent which prepon- derates in their composition. That which is natural is always earlier than that which is opposed to nature and violent. It follows that circular, and also rectilineal, movement must be naturally fitted for some body or other, the more so that rotation is the only unbroken and interminable movement, and nothing that is contrary to nature fulfils these conditions. Accordingly there must exist two sorts of simple bodies — the one origin- ally destined for rectilineal, the other for circular, move- ment. 1 Eectilineal movement has opposite directions : it is either upwards or downwards, passing from centre to circumference, or «ice versa. Consequent!}', the bodies which exhibit it must be of opposite natures, destined for the one or the other kind of motion : that is, they must be either light or heavy. Circular motion, on the other hand, exhibits no such contraries. It starts from any point towards any point in the circumference. So the body which is naturally qualified for it must likewise be with- out contrariety. It can neither be heavy nor light, since it does not rise or fall, and in fact it cannot exhibit any kind of rectilineal motion. It is even impossible to com- municate either upward or downward motion to it by force, since if the one were unnatural to it the other must 2 be distinction between two realms already laid down (c. 2, 269, a, of being is obvious from his 10, 14) as the basis of the dis- whole treatment of the subject, cussion (see p. 224, n. 3), %v hi Cf. also p. 366, n. 1. ivarriov, which, when thus uni- 1 Be Calo, i. 2, 268, b, 14 sqq. versally expressed, is certainly ' According to the principle open to dispute. 474 ARISTOTLE its natural motion. 1 The body that is destined for circular motion is also without beginning or ending, subject to neither increase nor diminution, neither impression nor change. 2 His argument for this is that everything that comes into being springs from its opposite, and every- thing that perishes is resolved into the same ; 3 all in- crease and decrease depend upon addition or subtraction of the matter out of which a thing has grown, and there- fore that which, being without beginning, possesses no such matter, cannot increase or decrease ; all bodies, finally, which alter, either increase or decrease, and where there is no such process neither is there any alteration. 4 1 Ibid. c. 3, 269, b, 18-270, a, ] 2 ; nor can the position $(a /j.iv yap ev84x*Tat ttjv &Wov ko! irepov I sc. Kti'rjtriif KivuixOai] (c. 2, 269, a, 7) be accepted except provision- ally as of universal validity. As is shown in the sequel, it is inapplicable to the SEther. The position upon which the latter conclusion rests, (viz. that move- ment in a circle has no opposite). Aristotle, indeed, endeavours (c. 4) further to establish by special proofs. But he cannot prove that the motion may not be crooked or oblique ; for if we have two opposite motions on the same or on parallel lines which deviate in opposite direc- tions, it does not make the slightest difference whether the lines are straight or circular. Moreover, the courses of the fixed stars and of the planets are actually in opposite direc- tions ; why may these bodies not, then, consist of different jetherial substance ? We are not warranted, however, with Meyer (Aristot. Thierhtnde, 393) in casting a doubt upon Aristotle's clearly expressed meaning, mere- ly on the ground of the actual difficulties that beset the theory. 2 He says, De Orlo, i. 3, 270, a, 13, b, 1 : ayevTjTOf teal citpQaprov Kal avavl-es real ai/aKKoiayroi/, aiSioy teal out' avfy}aiv %x ov °^ Te fpOlfTtv, d\A' ayhparov «al dvaXkoianov teal awaBis. Cf. Metaph. viii. 4, 1044, b, 7, xii. 1, 2, 1069, a, 30, b, 25. 3 On this point, cf. also p. 341 sq. 4 Be Ccelo, i. 3, 270, a, 13-35. The immutability of the body which has no opposite might have been proved more simply and conclusively from the proposi- tion (p. 341, and p. 353 sq. above) that all change means transition from one state into its opposite, and that a thing can only be operated upon by its opposite. Aristotle, however, does not here adopt this method, as his investi- gation into the conception of change and affection was not published until later — in his PHYSICS 475 This position draws further support from experience. For he contends that if the spaces of the heavens, as well as the intermediate space between heaven and earth, were full of air or fire, then the bulk of these elements, considering the magnitude of the stars and their distance from each other, would be so hugely disproportioned to that of the remaining elements that the latter could not preserve their equilibrium, but would be swallowed up by them. A proper proportion between the elements ' can therefore only be maintained on the hypothesis that the celestial space is filled with a body different from the matter of the elements. 2 We are also led to believe that this body is superior to all change, by the fact that antiquity, so far as tradition reaches, furnishes us with no evidence of the least alteration in the fabric of the heaven or its parts. 3 Finally, the unthinking belief of humanity harmonises with this conviction, and such a belief deserves respect as the inheritance of unnumbered generations. 4 All nations have placed the residence of the gods in heaven, because they were convinced of its immortal and divine nature. The name ' aether ' may be traced to the same source, for Aristotle, like Plato, 5 derives it from del dsiv, from the restless rotation of treatise on birth and destruc- 3 De Ccelo, i. 3, 270, b, 11. tion. 4 ov yap aira| ou5e Sis a\A* 1 Such a proportion involves airetpdicis Se? voiiifeiv t&s uvtzs that there is as much air and as atpiKveiaBai S6^as els ri/ias. De, much fire as will be produced by Ccelo, 270, b, 19. See Meteor. the transformation of all water 339, b, 27, where the same reason into air and all air into fire on is given in almost the same the basis of the existing quanti- words, and Metapli. xii. 8 ad fin. tative extent of these bodies. See infra, the section of Ch. IX. 2 Meteor, i. 3, 339, b, 13-340, on the Heavens, and Ch.XII.pt. 2. a, 18. s Plato, Crat. 410, b. 470 ARISTOTLE the celestial globes, and not from aWsiv. 1 The conclu- sion is that the asther must be distinguished from all elementary matter. 2 Without opposition and without 1 De Casio, i. 3, 270, b, 4-25 ; Meteor, i. 3, 339, b, 19 sqq. ; and following these passages De Mundo, c. 2, 392, a, 5. On the name ' aether,' cf. Zell. Ph. d. Or. i. 897, 4 ad fin. 2 Although it is called mparov ittoix«ov, Dp Cado, iii. 1, 298, b, 6 ; Meteor, i. 1, 338, b, 21 ; c. 3, 339, b, 16, 340, b, 11, rb ruv acrrptav (TTOix^ov; Gen. An. iii. 3, 737, a, 1, it is yet expressly distinguished in these passages from the four o-TDixeta. Gen. An. ii. 3, 736, b, 29, it is called Urepov (Tu/xa Kal 8et6repov t£>v Ka\ovfi4vtav o-toix*'""' ; Meteor, i. 3, 340, b, 7 (cf . p. 488, n. 3, infra), erepov o-Sjua irvpds T€ Kal aepos ; and De Cosh, i. 2, 269, a, 30 : oiicia ctefiaros &\hri irapa ras ivravda ffvffra'fftis 6etor4pa Kal Trporepa rofrruv andv- tuv ; cf. ibid. o. 3 (following n.). If, therefore, we understand by oToixeia only such simple bodies as stand to one another in the relation of opposites, and pass into one another, we cannot reckon the aather among these. Only when we extend the mean- ing of the word to embrace all simple bodies can we call it a aroix&ov. On the other hand, it is, to say the least of it, in- accurate and misleading to say that according to Aristotle the celestial spheres have ' no ma- terial substratum ' (Bbkntano, Psyclwl. d. Arist. 198 ; Hebtling, Mat. und Form, 22), that 'the a3th er consists of a material which is 'no material, of an immaterial material ' (Kampe, Erliennt- nissth. d. Arist. 30 sq.) that all that is meant by the BAij of the stars is the potentiality they possess of motion and change in space, and that in this sense we might even attribute SAtj to vovs (Heetling, Hid. 23). Ari- stotle certainly says, Metaph. viii. 4, 1044, b, 7 : in the case of ytwtrral ovaiai, we have to deal both with their matter and form ; it is otherwise with (pvaucaX piv atbioL 8e ovaiai. ( iaws yap tvta ovk 6X €I faviv, ff oil roiavTfjv aWa. fx6vov KaTard-rrov K<.VT\rl\v? Matter, however, is denied of the hea- venly bodies only in the sense in which it belongs to temporal things. Aristotle means that if we understand by S\ri that of which a thing is made, the inroKetfievov ■yeveVecos Kal / l^ei tOttik^v, toZto Kal ■ yevvvr^v Kal (pedpriiv lx e '"; u. 8, 1050, b, 20: ouS' elf ti KLva6fievov aifiiov, ovk tan Kara Zvva.fi.tv Kivoi/ievov a\\' ?) ■n68iv ttoi ■ [only in respect of PHYSICS 477 mutation, it stands above the strife of the elements: these belong to the terrestrial, it to the celestial, world : of it are formed the heavenly spheres and stars ; it is the god-like in the realm of matter. 1 The four elements are different in all respects. If circular movement is peculiar to the ffither, their move- ment is rectilineal. But, as we have remarked, recti- lineal motionfollows two opposite directions, upand down, toward the circumference and toward the centre. That which tends naturally downwards is heavy ; that which rises is light. Accordingly the elements exhibit the opposites of heavy and light. 2 This opposition cannot, he holds, be reduced to quantitative differences of magni- tude, of mathematical figure, or density ; it is original and qualitative. The peculiarities of the elementary materials we cannot explain either, with Plato and Demo- critus, by the mathematical qualities of atoms, or, with the elder physicists, by the rarefaction and condensation locality can it be said to move i!a.ij is denied of them in the merely Suvi/iet and not ivepyelq, same sense as it is denied of the inasmuch as it is not yet in the immaterial Nous, or that it can place to which it is moving] be attributed to the latter in the toutou S' [i.b. toS irSBev iroi /civet- same sense as to the former. aSai] S\riv aiiSh KoiXiet virapx^tv. ' It is called Beibs, Meteor, i. Be Cmlo, i. 9, 278, a, 10 sqq. 3, 339, b, 25 ; also, similarly, Be Aristotle expressly says : 6 oipavbs Cmlo, i. 3, 270, b, 11, 20 : f) vptirri as a universal conception is ovata ray crati&Twv, rb irpdrov different from 85e 6 ovpa.v6s ; the /ia, 'irepdy rihv irapa. yyv Kal irvp former is elSos Kal popQii, the ku\ aipa Kal SSap. Ibid. ii. 1, 284, latter rij SAp ^fuy^vov. Still a, 4 Later philosophers, such as less can we 'infer from Metajrfi. Cicero's Epicurean (TV. Be. i. 13, viii 4, that the 'celestial globes 33, cf. Krische, Ibrsch., 306 are incorporeal beings (like the sqq.) and the pseudo-Justin sether, they are frequently called Cohort, c. 5, 36, identify on this Beta, a-diiara, &c. : see Ind. Ar. ground God and the jether. 742, a, 43-60) ; we cannot, there- 2 See p. 473 sq. fore, suppose for a moment that 478 ARISTOTLE of one and the same primitive material. We have already proved this point with regard to the first hypothesis. 1 But those who deduce the differences of matter from a condensation and rarefaction of some one original element are, besides other arguments, met by the objection that they do not explain the distinction between light and heavy substance. They confine the difference between the elements to a mere relation of magnitudes, and accordingly represent it as some- thing merely relative. 2 To Aristotle's mind, the oppo- sition of rectilineal movements and natural localities at once demands a qualitative difference between the ele- ments. Eectilineal motion being just as primitive as circular motion, there must be certain bodies which are especially designed for it. 3 Again, since it includes two tendencies, upward and downward, we must in the first place assume two bodies, of which one naturally sinks, the other rises, the one tending to the centre, the other to the circumference of the world. In the second place, we must imagine an intermediate element, or rather a pair of elements, the one approximating to the former, and the other to the latter. Of these four bodies, the first two are earth and fire, the other two water and air. Earth is absolutely heavy and entirely devoid of lightness ; fire is absolutely light and entirely devoid of heaviness. The one moves straight to the centre, and therefore sinks below all other bodies ; the other moves straight to the circumference, and therefore 1 See p. 443 sqq. 20 ; Metaph. i. 8, 988, b, 29 sqq. 2 Aristotle discusses this view s See p. 473. De Ceelo, iii. 5, of. iv. 5, 312, b, PHYSICS 479 rises above all other bodies. Water and air, on the other hand, are only relatively heavy, and therefore also relatively light. Water is heavier than air and fire, but lighter than earth ; air heavier than fire, but lighter than water and earth. Under no possible circumstances, unless compelled by forcible movement, does fire sink of itself into the place of air ; nor, again, does earth rise into that of water. Air and water, on the contrary, sink into the lower regions when the matter which fills them is withdrawn. 1 Earth is everywhere heavy; water, everywhere except in earth ; air, everywhere except in earth and water ; 2 fire, nowhere. 3 Therefore of two bodies the one which holds the more air may be heavier in air but lighter in water than the other — a hundred- weight of wood, for instance, than a pound of lead. 4 We may arrive at these four elements even more definitely by another process of reasoning. 5 All 1 Properly, indeed, they ought world cannot consist of sether to rise into the higher ; Aristotle alone, for it must have an immov- admits himself, Be CceU, iv. 5, able centre. There must there- 312, b, sqq., that this does happen fore be a body whose nature it is unless external force be applied, to rest at the centre and move — without, however, explaining a towards it, and therefore also one circumstance which has so im- of an opposite nature. We thus portant a bearing upon his have earth and fire, which in theory. turn require water and air as 2 That even air has weight is intermediate elements, obvious from the fact that a 5 For what follows, see Gen. bladder full of airis heavierthan et Corr. ii. 2, 3. The true author an empty one ; ibid. c. 4, 311, b, 9. of this theory of the elements is 3 Aristotle, in the passage said to be Hippocrates (according just referred to, finds in this to IDELEK, Arist. Meteor, ii. 389, theory an explanation of the who appeals to Galen, De Mem. difference between absolute and sec. Sippocr. i. 9, Opp. ed. Kiihn, specific gravity. i. 481 sq.). This, however, is un- 4 Be Ccelo, iv. 3-5. The same certain for several reasons. In ideas occur, in a somewhat the first place, neither of the different application, ii. 3, 286, a, works here referred to, n. Qicrios 12 sqq. It is there said that the hpBp&irov and n. aapicuv, can be 480 ARISTOTLE bodies capable of being perceived by the senses are prehensible ; but all qualities perceptible by the sense of touch, with the exception of gravity and levity, 1 are reducible to four — warmth, cold, dryness, moisture. 2 Aristotle regards the first two of these properties as active, the others as passive. 3 Now, by joining these attributed to Hippocrates. The former is without doubt the work, or an extract from a work, of Polybus, his son-in-law : the latter is of post-Aristotelian origin, cf . Kuhn, Hippoer. Opp. I. cxlvii., olv. ; Littre, (Euwes d' Hippocrate, i. 345 sqq. 384. Again, while the treatise n. Kal rb iyp6v • 7j Be irtffris rofrruv ex rijs eVaywy^s. a!i/6Tai yap iv irSs iv vXqs eiSei Key6p.eva atoixela], Part. An. ii. 1, 646, a, 13 even to Ka\o6fieya vir6 Tivtav v yiyyerat Kai oi rpecperai [with which that which is improperly called rpotpii. Long. Tit. 3, 465, b, 24, Vita et M. c. 5, 470, a, 2, does not con- flict] ' oh yhp 7} alrij odea Biapevei ovBeva xpdpov &s eltretv. Ibid. c. 3, 357, b, 31 : KaBdirep to tuv pt6vTav vSdrtov Kal to ttjs (pKoybs peB/ia. Vita et M. c. 5, 470, a, 2. 2 Gen. et Corr. ii. 3, 331, a-, 3 : ov fi^jv oAV ottAcSs 76 TeTTopo 01/ra [t& (TToix^ta] epos e'/caoTfJy eoTi, yri juec \i\pov fiaWov $1 tyvypov, iiSaip Se tyv%pov fj.a\\ov if vypov, oAfp S' vypov fiaWov ^ Bepfiov, irvp Se Bepfiov fiaWoy ^ |7)po5. Meteor, iv. 4, 382, a, 3. In the latter passage Aristotle says, among other things, that earth and water alone are in- habited by living beings (on which vide below), because they alone are Sxrj tuv tro>fi.6.Tu>v. For although cold is held by Aristotle 1 1 2 484 ARISTOTLE opposite to opposite ; but the elements are all opposed to eacli other just in the same way as their distinctive properties (warmth, cold, dryness, and moisture) are opposed. The more complete this opposition is, the more difficult and the slower is the process of transition from one to the other ; the less complete, the easier. Therefore, when two elements exhibit respectively a conflict of both their essential properties, the process is slower and more difficult than when they have one property in common and conflict only in respect of the other. In the latter case the alteration of one property in one of them occasions a complete transmutation into the other ; while in the former case we only gain one step by such a change — for only the element interme- diate between the two that are opposed is produced, and it requires a second transmutation before the meta- morphosis is complete. For instance, by removing the cold of water, we obtain air ; but it is only when the humidity common to water and air has been removed that we obtain fire. If the humidity of water dis- appears, earth is produced; but in order to generate fire, the coldness common to earth and water must be withdrawn. Hence it follows that the elements which are wholly opposed to one another are metamorphosed by an indirect process ; those which are but partially opposed are transformed directly. Fire passes directly into air or earth, indirectly into water ; air directly into fire or water, indirectly into earth; water directly into air or earth, indirectly into fire ; earth directly into water or fire, indirectly into air. 1 Thus all the 1 Gen. et Corr. ii. 4. PHYSICS 485 elements, as Heraclitus and Plato had already demon- strated, 1 form together one complete whole, a self- contained circle of generation and destruction, 2 the parts of which are incessantly undergoing transformation, but steadfastly maintaining the law of their metamorphosis, preserving the same forms and proportions in the midst of the ceaseless transmutation of their matter. 3 These propositions concerning the nature of the elementary bodies are enough to prove that there is only one world. For if each body has its natural place, and if its very essence consists in its having it, then all bodies, unless hindered by force, must move to these their natural localities — earth to the centre, aether to circumference, and the other elements to the inter- mediate spaces. Hence it is impossible that there should be more than one region of earth, water, air, fire, and eether, and consequently that there should be another world besides the one in which we live. We cannot suppose that a body is forcibly retained in a locality beyond the world, since such a locality must be 1 Cf. ZELL. Ph. d. Gr. i. tovto Kal iriGaybv, is aSitvaroi/ fiij 619, and ibid. ii. 680. rbv ainbv elvat irepl irdvTwv tovtuv 2 Gen. et Corr. ibid. 331, b, 2: \6yov, Kal 5iav re Kal tpSopav elvai Kal yiveaiv, 3 Meteor, ii. 3, 357, b, 27 : it toutjjj/ p.4vtoi rerayp-evcos trvuPa'- is asked, irorepov Kal t\ BdAarra yeip irainv avTOts. 358, b, 29 : ael Stap.di'zi twv alr&v oicra p.opiai> oUre ael tJ aura pepy Siap.4vet, aire a.pi9p.evp.a. (pavepbv 5J) Ph. d. Gr. i. 2, 576, 620. 486 ARISTOTLE the natural place of some other body ; and if all bodies in this one world have their place, there can be no body outside it, and consequently no space, since space is only that in which a body is or can be. 1 The same conclusion is arrived at also from another side. Several worlds would presuppose several first causes of motion, which would be specifically similar, and consequently only different in their matter. But the primum movens has no matter : it is single and complete in itself. It follows that the world which derives its continuous and eternal motion from the first cause must be so too. 2 If, however, we are told that the concept of the world, like all concepts, must manifest itself in several indivi- duals, Aristotle bids us answer that this argument would be only conclusive if there were an extra-mundane matter in which this concept could incorporate itself, but since our world embraces the whole of matter, it is of necessity single in its kind, although we ought always to distinguish between its concept and the phenomenal manifestation of the same which is present to our senses. 3 If there are not several worlds now in existence, no more can there be such in the future, or have been at any past period. This world of ours is one, and single, and complete. 4 1 De Ccelo, i. 8, C. 9, 278, b, eiirl irAefouj obpavol oSt' iyivovro 21 sqq. 279, a, 11. o8t' eVSe'xerai yevtodai irXtiovs ' 2 This metaphysical proof, oX\' eh ko.1 fidvos ndi TeAeios oStos held in prospect De Ccelo, i. 8, ovpavSs iariv. Ibid. i. 1 fin. : 277, b, 9, is given Metaph. xii. 8, particular bodies are infinite in 1074, a, 31 sqq. ; cf. also p. 388 number ; to Si iroc ov toSto p6pui sq., and on matter as the source Te'Aeiov avayxatov elvcu koi KaBdiref of multiplicity, p. 368 sq. ToSvofia (rrinalvfi, irdvry, real /u}j tj 3 Be Casio, i. 9 ; cf. p. 222. ph tj7 5' oS. '' Ibid. 279, a, 9 : Sot' o«tc vvv PHYSICS 487 • Furthermore, the shape of the universe is deter- mined by the nature of the five simple bodies. Since circular motion is proper to one of them, and rectilinear motion to the rest, we obtain in the first place the distinction, touched upon above, between the two chief regions of the world — that in which circular motion rules, and that in which the opposite movements up and down hold sway : i.e. that which is full of asther, and that which contains the four elements. In both of them the materials lie in spherical layers one above the other. For since similar materials uniformly strive to reach their natural localities, which in turn are deter- mined by their distance from the centre of the world, it follows that the materials of each sort are conglobated in spheres which are at all points equidistant from the centre. In the middle of the whole lies the earth — a solid sphere, 1 but in extent a relatively small portion of the world. 2 Its fixture in this locality proceeds partly 1 Besides theargumentquoted 2 In proof of this statement in the text, Aristotle proves the Aristotle, Meteor, i. 3, 339, b, 6, rotundity of the earth (De Casio, 340, a, 6, refers generally to the ii. 14, 297, a, 6 sqq.) from the a.aaipO£L0-i]S ilTTLV 6 KOtTflOS StjXov iK Toirtev, Kal 8ti kot' aKpi$eiav evropvos otSras & Kal Me'xP' treX^djs Urepov etvat cufiA aiv6/ieva. To take only a few in- stances : cf. the quotations from and about Heraclides, in Zbll. Ph. d. Gr. i. 881, 1, and in Bockh, D. Itosm. Syst. d. Platon, 134 sqq. ; Aristotle's statements about Callippus, Metaph. xii. 8, 1073, b, 35 : t$ 8' ijAi'ou real rq> (re\T}v7is Svo tjjero en izpoffQe- reas elvai trtpaipas, to, aivofj.tvli. -xfL 8, 1073, b, 38, 1074, a, 14, after declaring (1073, a, 11) that the investigation is not yet con- cluded, he says : avayxaiov Si el /xtWovo'L ffvyredeltrat irairat ra epcsuch beings. More- over, it' "is only the spheres, and not the stars, which are said by him to be moved. It is only these, then, that have ' souls ' of their own, or, to speak more strictly, it is only these which are ixnited severally to spiritual beings which stand in the same relation to them as the humaE soul does to the body which it moves without being itself moved (see infra, vol. ii., mit.). De Oaela. ii. 2, 285, a, 29: 6 8' ohpavbs efi\fivxos KaX %x el Kiviia^as apxhv. So 284, b, 32 ; cf. Part. An. i. 1, 641, b, 15 sqq. As, however, the mover of the highest sphere lies outside the world and is un- moved, Plato's conception of the ' world-soul ' (which, indeed, Ari- stotle expressly rejects, see p.459, n. 5) is as inapplicable to it in its relation to its sphere as it is to the other spheral spirits in then relation to theirs. 1 Aristotle denies that there is any ' void ' (see p 433, sq. supra), and accordingly conceives not only of the astral spheres but oi all the others, even the lowest, as in immediate contact with one another. Meteor, i. 3, 340 b, 10 sqq. 341, a, 2 sqq. ; Be Casio ii. 4, 287, a, 5 sqq. 2 Cf . pp. 473 and 478, supra Phys. iii. 5, 205, b, 30 sqq. ; Dt Cash, i. 6 init. ii. 4, 287, a, 8 and elsewhere. PHYSICS 497 spheres, that the terms above and beneath are applied to opposite points in the circumference, and conse- quently that we come to speak of right and left, front and back, in the world. In this case, reckoning from the sphere of the fixed stars, we call the southern half of the globe the upper, reckoning from the planetary sphere, the northern. 1 Bach sphere has its own peculiar 1 See Be Oelo, ii. 2 (cf. Phys. passage just referred to) and the lucid explanation in Bockh, I). kosm. Syst. d. Platon, p. 112 sqq. The differences here spoken of apply only to motion, and there- fore properly only to that which is living and self-moved ; to such the upper is (285, a, 23) rb oBev i] idvr\' o5, the front rb i' t y KivnaLs. (Of. Ingr. An. c. 4, 705, b, 13 sqq.) If we apply this to the world, that is the right side of the xpoJTOs oipavbs from which its motion proceeds — in other words, the east. This motion is conceived of (285, b, 19), as it was by Plato (see Zell. Ph. d. Gr. i. 684, 1), as proceeding in a circle towards the right, as when in a circle of men anything (as, for instance, the cup or the talk at table, Plato, Symp. 177, d, 214, B, C, 222, E, 223, C) is passed along by each to his neighbour on the right. The Trparos ovpavbs is therefore represented (285, a, 31 sqq.) as standing inside the circle of the heavens in the line of its axis, touching one of the poles with its head, the other with its feet, and as giving the ball at some point upon its equator the push with its right hand which sets it spinning. The natural direction of such VOL. I. motion will be that which carries the point in the periphery which has received the push past one who stands in the line of the axis in front of him : in other words, that which proceeds from the right in a forward direction and thence to the left. This, however, will be the case with the motion of the sphere of the fixed stars only if the head of one standing inside of it be upon the south pole ; with that of the spheres of the planets which move from west to east, on the other hand, only on the opposite supposition. According to Aristotle, therefore, our an- tipodes are in the upper hemi- sphere, which he also calls (obviously from a different point of view than that just indicated) the right side of the world ; we in the lower hemisphere and on the left side. On the other hand, reckoning from the courses of the planets, ours is the upper and right-hand, theirs the lower and left-hand, side. He points out, indeed, that we cannot pro- perly speak of a right and a left at all in connection with the world as a whole (284, b, 6-18 : e7reiS^Se rives eiffiv dl (paffiv elvai n 8e£ibv Kal apiarepby tov ovpavov . . . efrrep 8ei irpoffdirretv t$ tov iravrbs trepan rafcas rets dpxa-s K K 498 ARISTOTLE motion, communicated by the presiding incorporeal being : but in all cases the motion is uniform, without beginning or ending, round an axis ; but the direction and the rapidity of this rotation vary in the several spheres. At the same time the spheres are connected with each other in such a way that the inner, or lower, are carried round by the outer, just as if the axis of each sphere were inserted at its poles into the next above. 1 Consequently, the problem arises how we are, under the . . el Sk $6? Kal tw ovpuvw irpoa- dirreiy ti ray Toiointnv). Never- theless, Phys. iii. 5, 205, b, 33, he says that the distinctions above and below, before and behind, right and left, exist ou \xovov vpbs r/fias (to! Be&ei, olAAa Kal iv avr$ i-p o\

8e|i2»j/ tov dpiffrepov rifiicii- Tepov (though it might be said with equal truth, &>s Sia rb -ras dpxas iy Totirois tivai ravra Tt/jicvreoa tup di'TUca/xfi'wv pLopiojv icn-iv). So in Be Ca-lo, iii. 5, to the question why the heavens move from east to west and not in the contrary direction, he gives the answer that since nature orders everything in the most perfect possible way, and forward mo- tion is superior to backward, the heavens have received that motion which, according to the description of right and left in u. 2, is to be regarded as a for- ward one. The allusion, Meteor. ii. 5, 362, a, 32 sqq., to the north pole as the upper, the south pole as the lower, is an unimportant use of ordinary language. 1 A similar connection of the inner with the surrounding spheres Plato had conceived of as existing between the spheres of the planets and of the fixed stars, when in Tim. 36, c, 39, A (cf. Ph. d. Gr, i. 683), he represents the axis of the former as inserted in the latter, and accordingly attri- butes to the planets a spiral motion compounded of the motions of both circles. One would suppose from Arist. Metapk. xii. 8, 1073, b, 18, 26, Simpl. De Cain, Sclwl. in Arist. 498, b, 36, that Budoxus and Callippus also conceived of the stars collectively as carried round by the sphere of the fixed stars, and the planets collectively by a sphere moving in the line of the ecliptic. It is clear, however, from the further explanations of Simplicius and from Aristotle's enumeration of the spheres(which differed from that of Callippus only in the addition of the (Tcpcupai aveXiTTovtrai) that this was not the case. Plato's proof that the spheres of the planets are carried round by the sphere of the fixed stars appeared to them fantastic. Only those spheres they conceived of as connected with one another which belonged PHYSICS * 409 specified circumstances, to determine both the number of the spheres and also the direction and rapidity of their rotation, so as to explain the motions of the stars revealed to us by observation. 1 For this purpose Eudoxus, the famous astronomer of Cnidos, who may be regarded as the first founder of a complete theory of the spheres based upon accurate observation, 2 sketched out a system of twenty-seven spheres, twenty-six of which belong to the planets. Considering the simple nature of its motion, he thought one sphere enough for the heaven of the fixed stars, and in this sphere the whole assemblage of the stars was fastened. On the other hand, he assigned four spheres to each of the five upper planets, and three apiece to the sun and moon, which, in agreement with Plato, he placed lowest in the planetary scale. The first sphere of each planet was intended to explain its daily revolu- tion in concert with the heaven of the fixed stars, since it accomplished every day a rotation from east to to the same planet. Aristotle, on immediate contact with one an - the contrary, extended Plato's other (see p. 496, n.l.swpra), each doctrine to the relation of all the can communicate its motion to the upper spheres to those that are one next below it. This relation contained within them, as is need not apply with equal strict - clear from his hypothesis of ness to the elementary spheres as retrogressive spheres (see infra), to the heavenly, seeing that they (Cf. also De Casio, ii. 12, 293, a, do not, like the latter, consist of 5 : troWa ffibnara Kivovtriv at irpb a body whose nature it is to ri)S re\evra'as /col ttjs %v &v, partly upon the account of Sosigenes, but has not alto- gether avoided falling into mis- takes, and Theo. Astronom. p. 276 sqq. ed. Martin, in whom, however, his editor (p. 55 sq.) points out serious errors. In ex- planation, cf . IDELER, ibid. 73 sqq. KRISCHE, Forschungen, p. 288 sq., who are followed by Bonitz, Arist. Metaph. ii. 507 sq., and Schwegler, Arist. Metaph. iv. 274 sq. ; PRANTL, 'Apiar. ir. oip. 303 sqq. 2 According to Simpl. ibid. 498, b, 28, 500, a, 23, this astro- nomer was a pupil of Eudoxus (or perhaps only of his pupil Polemarchus) who on the death of the latter betook himself to Aristotle at Athens. Simplicius knows of no work by him, but gives some account, taken from Eudemus's History of Astronomy, of the reasons which led him to dissent from Eudoxus. a AKIST. ibid. 1073, b, 32 ; Simpl. ibid. 600, a, 15 sqq. ; Theo, ibid. 278 sq. ; IDBLBB, 81 sq. ; KRISCHB, 294 sq. 4 It is obvious from the pas- sage quoted p.490, n. i,supra, that he did not attribute complete cer- tainty to it. According to Simpl. 503, a, 3, he even brought forward several objections to it in the Problems. The passage, however, does not occur in this treatise as we have it, which makes it all the more difficult to decide upon its genuineness. PHYSICS m 501 that his own doctrine of the connection of the spheres in one coherent whole renders the first sphere assigned by Eudoxus and Callippus to each planet superfluous. 1 At the same time he judges an important rectification of the theory to be needful, on account of this very coherence of the heavenly system. For if each sphere carries round in its Course all those which are contained in it, the motions of the lower planets must be greatly disturbed by those of their superiors, and the whole result of the assumed spheral system would be altered unless precautions be taken to neutralise the communi- cation of movement from the spheres of one planet to those of another. To meet this difficulty Aristotle, accordingly, inserts some other spheres between the lowest of each planet and the highest of that which comes next beneath, meaning them to obviate the action of the first upon the second. But the premises of the whole theory require that these fresh spheres should move at the same rate as those which they are destined to neutralise, but in an exactly opposite direction ; 2 and again that there should be as many 1 For, as Simplicius also re- one is fixed to the outer by the poles marks, 603, a, 38 sqq. (where, of its axis, spin round the common however, 1. 41, we must read aipo.i ave\tTTOV(rai (sup- ply Tas twv viroKdra (pepofievaif aa- rptnv aipaipas, not as Sosigenes does.SlMPL. ib. 502,a,43,T&s •rav vTreo&vu Kivficreis, 1074, a, 2-12), i.«. 'spheres which serve to turn those beneath them backwards,' to communicate to them a motion opposite to that of the next above them," and in this way to keep them in the same position relatively to the fixed stars as they would ha'e held had the planetary spheres above them produced no effect upon them at all ("t&s dveMrroiaas Kal els rh alirb ajtoKa.BiaTi.aas ttj Beast tV Trp^TTiv aipaipav del tov vroKdrw reraynevov &arpov ") ; Mtttaph. ibid. 1074, a, 1 sqq Theophrastus called these spheres dvTavtupepov- o-oi, because they carry those that are beneath them back, and Svcurrpoi, because not only some, but all of them are star- less (Simpl ibid. 498, b, 41, where, however, the retrogres- sive spheres appear to be con- founded with the starless spheres of individual constellations) ; cf. ibid. 502, a, 40. 2 This supposition is as erroneous as the view, discussed p. 501, siopra, that the- theory of a special sphere for each of the planets with daily rotation from east to 'west is compatible with Aristotle's system of the spheres. For since, according to his view, the sphere of the fixed stars in its revolution carries round with it all that is contained in it, each further sphere which revolved in the same direction and at the same velocity would only add one more to the number of the daily rotations of the spheres contained in it, unless this result were ob- viated by a special arrangement of retrogressive spheres. Ari- stotle has obviously overlooked this. If he had remarked it, he would not have neutralised the action of the primeval spheres of each planet which run parallel with the heaven of fixed stars, but would have abolished them altogether. PHYSICS tAM Mara, Venus, Mercury, and the sun ; giving in all fifty-five or, if we add in the sphere of fixed stars, fifty-six spheres, together with as many eternal incor- poreal unmoved entities from whom the motions of the spheres proceed. 1 The progress of observation could not fail to show that the theory of spheres, even as thus conceived, was inadequate to explain the phenomena : accordingly, as early as the middle of the third century before Christ, Apollonius of Perga advanced his theory of ' epicycles ' triumphantly against it. 2 Yet even the ant- agonists of Aristotle's system admitted that his theory of retrogressive spheres was an ingenious attempt to rectify and supplement the hypothesis of Eudoxus. 3 1 Metaph. ibid. cf. Simpl. ibid. 500, a, 34 sqq. ; Krische, i Md. 206 sqq. ; Idblee, ibid. 82 ; BONlTzand Schwegler on the passage in the Metaphysics. There Ariototle expressly says, 1. 17 sqq., that more spheres are not required, for, since every motion exists for the sake of that which is moved, there can be no motion and therefore no sphere in the heavens which is not there for the sake of a star. 6( 5e fj.rjdGfj.ia.i' o16v t' elvai (popap firi o-vvTeivovGav icpbs &triyevris ey- Ktofiidffas t}]v ayxivotav aiirov &c. Simpl. proceeds, 502, b, 5 sqq., to give the arguments which he broughtagainstAristotle'stheory. 1 Be CaHo, ii. 12, Aristotle asks how it is that the number of motions belonging to each planet does not increase with their distance from the primurn movens, but the three middle planets have one motion more than the two above and below them ; and, further, why the first sphere contains so many stars while the converse is the case with the others, several spheres being assigned to each star. In reply to the former question (292, a, 22) he says that whereas the Most Perfect needs no action (see p. 396, n. 2, 3, and p. 397, n. 1), of all that is be- neath Him one thing attains its end by a few actions, another requires many, others still make no effort to attain their end at all, but content themselves with a distant approach to perfection. The earth does not move at all, that which lies nearest to it has PHYSICS 505 force. 1 Its motion embraces all and generates all motion. Unbegotten and indestructible, affected by no earthly distress, comprehending in itself all time and space, it rejoices in the most complete existence that has been allowed to any bodily thing. 2 Less perfect is the region of the planetary spheres. Instead of one sphere bearing countless heavenly bodies, we here perceive a multiplicity of spheres, several of which are required to bear one star on its course. Their motion proceeds from the left side of the world, and though, considering each sphere by itself, it is a pure and uniform rotation, yet the general result is not so, since the lower spheres are carried round by the upper, and as a consequence motions composite and deviating 1 See p. 459, n. 5. 2 Be Casio, ii. 1 init. : ia-riv ets Kai aiStos [<5 iras ovpavbs: Ari- stotle, however, has principally in view the TrpOros ovpavbs, which, in i. 9, 278, b, 11, is called by preference simply obpav6s] dpxh" fi€P Kal TeAeuT^y ovk %x a>v r °v reavrbs aiuvos, exuiv b*e Kal irepiexoiv eV ai/rtp 70v JxireLpov ytptivov . . . St6irep ica\us e^ei arvfncelOeiv eavrbv robs dpxaiovs Kal /idhia'Ta irarpiovs rjfj.oJf a\Tj6eis elvai \6yovs, us tariv addvarSv ti Kal Beiov rwv 4x°' VTCav ftev kIvtiviv ix^ VTUV ®* roiairrjv Hate /niSkv efaai iripas ciuttjs, a\ka paWov rairriv tuv &Wcav irepas. t6 t€ yap irepas rwv 7repiex6vrwv 4o~rl, Kal aSrri t) KVK\otpopia r4\sios ovtra irepiex et T & s af eAeis Kal ras ixoiaas irepas Kal irav\av, avrri fiev ovSeiiiav oSt' tipxV %x ovaa oiSre Te\evrriv, a\\' a^Kavffros odffa rbv &tretpov XP& V0V > rwv ^' &^ al/ tZv /lev al-ria ttjs apxvs f£i/ Be SeX ^"''! T ^ v vavKav. The ancients were right when they assigned the heavens, as alone indestructible, to the gods, for i b is &tp6apros Kal ay£vi\Tos, IVi 8' aira8ris irdfTt\s OvrjTTJs Svo'xzpzias io-rlv, irpbs Be rofrrois forovos Sia rb nySe/tias ■Kpoab'eiaBai (Sialas avdyKqs, t) Karex^t KaiKvovca Qepeffdai TrecpvKdra avrbv &\K(as • irav yap rb toiovtov hr'ntovov, Scrqyxep av afiiu&Tepov fi, Kal Bia- Betreas ttjs apiffTqs &/J.otpov. I. 9, 279, a, 10 : e?s Kal fi6vos ' Kal teKslos ovros oiipav6s 4aTiv. The passage which follows (quoted p. 396, n. 6), refers partly to the same subject, even although the description contained in it refers primarily to God and not to the heavens. All that was said of the aether, p. 473 sq., is equally applicable to the wpwros ovpavbs, which, according to the account p. 490, n. 3, is formed of the purest aether. 506 ARISTOTLE from the circle are produced. 1 Moreover the rate of these motions is affected by the relation of the lower to the upper spheres, 2 which in itself is a further proof of their less complete self-sufficingness. Nevertheless, these spheres belong to the most divine part of the visible universe, to that which is removed from muta- bility and impression from without, and which partakes of perfection. 3 As the aether is superior to the four elements, so the stars without exception occupy a posi- tion of superiority to the earth. They form the celestial world, in comparison with which the terrestrial seems but an unimportant and transient portion of the whole. 4 1 Cf. p. 494 sqq. supra. 2 De Ccelo, ii. 10: the Telocity of the planets (by which, how- ever, Aristotle, as Plato, Tim. 39, A sq., Rep. x. 617, A, Lams, vii. 822, A sq., here means, not their absolute velocity, but merely the time of their revolutions, and accordingly calls those swifter which take a shorter time ; on the other hand, see c. 7, 289, b, 15 sqq., Meteor, i. 3, 341, a, 21 sqq.) is in inverse ratio to their distance from the earth. The further each is the longer it takes to complete a revolution, inas- much as the motion of the stellar heavens from east to west has a stronger counteractive influence upon that of the planets from west to east the nearer it is to it. As Aristotle expressly appeals to mathematical proofs for the truth of the latter proposition, we must understand it to mean that of concentric circles or spheres which revolve round their axes in the same time, the outer ones move swifter than the inner, and that therefore the velocity of their motion (in the present case that of the daily motion round the earth) constantly decreases towards the centre. s Cf . pp. 474 and 505, n 2, su- pra, and Phys. ii. 4, 196, a, 33 : rbv obpavbv Kal ra 8et6raTa twv v and tvravBa are opposed ; Meteor, ii. 3, 358, a, 25 : tout' del yiveadai Kard riva rd^tv, fas ev$e- Xerai /jLere^ety ra tvravBa rd£ews. In ordinary language 4vravBa and ^«€i indicate respectively the upper and the under world (e.g. Soph. Ajax, 1372 ; Plato, Mnp. i. 330, D, v. 451, b; Apol. 40, B, 41, B sq., and elsewhere), in Plato also the sensible and ideal world (Thecet. 176, A, Phredr. 250, a), as also in Aristotle, where be is describing the Platonic doctrine, Metaph. i. 9, 990, b, 34, 991, b, 13, iii. 6, 1002, b, 15, 17, 22, 467. 1 Mh. N. vi. 7, 1141, a, 34: avBpc&Trov iro\b Beidr'epa t^v tpvfftv, oToy (pavepdrard ye e£ Sv b xoafxos avviarttKev. De Ccelo, i. 2 ; see preceding note. 2 Part. An. i. 5 mit. -. the beings in the world are either unbegotten and imperishable, or begotten and perishable : o-u/ijSe- f}i]Ke 5e irepl per 4xelvas rifiias oijffas Kal Betas iAdrrovs rijxiv -vir- dpxetv Betcpias . . . irepl Se rav tpBap- rav (pvray Te real fflav eviropovfiev fjiaWov irpbs rty yvwffw Sta to ffyvrpoipov. ^x €i ^' exdrepa ydpw. rav fiev yap el Kal Kara fiiKpbv e'e Ccelo, ii. 12 (supra, p. 169, n. 3). 608 ARISTOTLE thought which lay at the root of the natural religion of the Greeks, and which stamped themselves in similar notions upon the philosophy of Plato. 1 Aristotle him- self, indeed, is perfectly conscious of this connection between his theories and the ancient faith of his nation. 2 The relation between the terrestrial world and the celestial spheres gives rise .to the motions and change of earthly things. The laws that govern the earth are necessarily different from those of heaven, 3 because of the difference of materials, if for no other reason*, The nature of the elements forces them to move in opposite directions and to exhibit opposite qualities, to act and be acted upon, to pass into and to inter- mingle with one another. 4 But since everything that is moved must be moved by something else, it follows that the reciprocal interaction of the elements receives 1 Zbll. Ph. d. Gr. i. p. 686 sq. tpBeipoixevwv Kal ravras ras 5o'{as 2 See p. 505, n. 2, supra, eKeivuv otov Aeityava irepuretruaiai and p. 475, swpra. Meta/ph. p-expi T0 " v ^ v - ^ P*** °^ v ^arpios xii. 8, 1 074, a, 38 : rrapaSeio- 8v and does not extend to the earth, elf tis xvp'"" 1 * a " T & * tpopah, (bffre iraffav aifTov T?jf bvvap.iv Kvfiepvatrdai eKcldev. .... Sxrre rwv trvfj.@aiv6vTaiv irzpl avrbv mip fj.hv Kal yyv Kal to trvyyevri to6tois ais iv ii\7js eibet w yiyvofiivuv atria xph vorffc 1 "* . . . rb 5' ofrrus aXnov ws '66ev 7] ttjs Kiv^ffecas apxb rty rwv del kivov- fievoiv aiTiareov bitvap.iv ; c. 3, 340, a, 14. '* See p. 480, n. 3, supra. 3 It is impossible that they should be, seeing that the tether, of which they consist, admits none of the opposites which constitute the qualities of the elements. Some further reasons against the view that they are of a fiery nature are given, Meteor. i. 3 fin. ■» DeCmlo, ii. 7, 289,a, 19 : the stars do not consist of fire, rj Se 6spp6Tris air' avrwv Kal rb tpas yiveral TrapeKrpi&Ofjievov tov aepos virb rfjs ixeiywv (popas. Motion causes wood, stone, and iron to burn, and the lead of arrows and bullets to melt (on this widely spread error of the ancients, cf. Ideler, Arist. Meteor, i. 359 sq.) ; it must therefore heat the air that surrounds them. toSto p.iv oiv aura iKdepfiaiverai bid rb eV de'pt tpepeaOai, hs bid t^v ttAt^Jji' tj) KtvfitTGi yiyverai irOp' ruv 5e avu) %Kaffrov iv rrj avr6s t« avrov koI aviffx°vros Kal virep 7j/xas ovtos yiyvtrai tj deppdTris. That the sun has this effect is ex- plained, Meteor, i. 3, 341, a, 19, in the course of an exposition which agrees with the passage just quoted, in terms similar to the above. See further Meteor, i. 3, 340, b, 10, i. 7, 344, a, 8. The whole account, however, would suggest many difficulties even to an Aristotelian. For how can light and heat proceed from a 510 ARISTOTLE so slow of motion as the rnoon. Again the solar move- ment frequently causes the fire which baa jjii.mil the air, to burst and rush violently downward. 1 If the motion of the sun were uniformly the same in relation to the earth it would produce a simple and unvarying effect either of generation or of destruction. But the inclination of the sun's path makes it unequal. The sun is sometimes nearer and sometimes further from the different parts of the earth, and the alternation of birth and death is a result of this circumstance. 2 Whether one connects the former with the proximity and the latter with the remoteness of the sun, the one with the approach of warmer and the other with that of colder seasons of the year, 3 or whether one regards generation as the consequence of a proportionate mixture of heat and cold, and destruction as produced by a prepon- single celestial body like this, Be? Be iv\e : ovs elvai ras Kivf/acis Kal when it is the motion of the ivavrias, ^ rjj (popf fi rjj ava>p.ah(q • whole sphere that produces them? rasv yap havrluv rhvavrla airia. We should require in that case to Sib Kal oix V irpibrv °P" air la, rod Be the solar sphere by the lunar 1 npoaievai ko! airierai t\ iyKhiais • 1 Meteor, i. 3, 341 a, 28. p.a\os %urai *6ri a'ISios, avayKT} rovrotv ovrwv ical T) k'ivt\o-is ' (liar" 1 et Tip irpoirievai Kal yeveiriv elvai ffuvexws • 7] yap ylyeirBai tpdelpei . rb Trpotrdyew Kal dirdyeiv rb yevvr\ri- Kal el rip iroWaKis irpotrievai yevvfy k6v. . . . But as both birth and Kal rip voWdKis dire\9e7t> dirtlpy XP^Vtp °v SieffTaffl Ttt acifji.ara. atriov yap roirov 4ffr\v rj els aWyjAa uerdfio.fru ' el yap eKCUTTW €/J.€P€V 4v T?? ttVTUU X^PH' KaX pJi] nere^aWev virb rov irKtifrlov, tfSl] av StecTT^Keo'ay. /.ieT a{3d\\ei oZv Sta t)}v (popay dnrKrjv oZffav ' 5ict Be rh fj.era^dWeiv ovk ivBex eTal fj.4veiv ovtiev avruv ev vvBep.1% X^P a Teray/ievri. Here also it is only by variations of temperature that the sun effects the constant transmutation of the elements, as is placed beyond a doubt by the arguments in the Meteorology which are discussed below. 3 Gen. et Coir. ii. 10, 336, b, 26: toOto 8' eiKiyws not elfSei. Cf. also Zbll. Ph. d. Gr. i. p. 612. 1 Ibid, at 336, b, 9 : iv Xa v Xpovif Kai ri v frcofidroiv, Trepl rov yeirviuvra fxdXiffra r6irov rfj )i6rqs, water in a vessel. ixiiXvais, aT&Ttvais as effects of 4 Ibid. c. 5 init. cold. Cf. Meteor, iv. 2 sq. 5 Ihid. u. 5-7. 1 Ibid. u. 4 : eio-1 8' al per e Ibid. c. 8 init. c. 10, 388, a,, dpx itrr\ rb the narrower sense as those com- &>pur\x.kvov awna. Aeyfrai Be run posed of the latter. Opposed to ffToix^W ISiairara |jjpoB fitv 77), the homogeneous is the hetero- iypovfihSfiap [seep. 483, n. 2, swp.~\. geneous (duofioto/xipis), or that fita ravra airavra to upifffieva which is composed of different tr&iuvra ivravBa [added because materials mechanically held the statement does not apply to together, as is the case especially setherial regions] ovk avev yrjs u.a\ with organic bodies. See, besides BSotos. the passages referred to above, 2 Ibid. 382, a, 8 sqq. c. 5 init. Meteor, iv. 10, 388, a, 13. c. 12 3 rb &pifffievov irafia oliceicp 8pa init. ; De An. i. 5, 411, a, 16-21, (cf . p. 480, n. 2), as distinguished cf . b, 24 sqq , where besides from that which has its form Sfioiofiep^s we have d/wieifiiis, imposed on it from without, as which is further expanded into -rb 518 ARISTOTLm to describe their qualities and composition, 1 passing to the detailed discussion of living beings with the remark that homogeneous bodies serve as the matter of heterd- geneous ones, and that the designs of nature are more clearly exhibited in the latter than in the former. 2 In fact, however, everything which we find scattered over the later writings about the objects of sense-perception, light, colour, sound, smell, &c, belongs to that portion of physics which is treated of in the Meteorology. We cannot therefore here do more than refer to these suggestions, 3 'oKov rots fxopiois 6/ji.oet$es, Part. An. ii. 9, 655, b, 21, where S/ioiofiepfi is explained by o-vy&vvfia toTs S\ois Ttfc /i4p7i ; cf . the Ind. Arist. under the word. According to Philop. Aristotle distinguished in his Eudemvs between elementary homogeneous and organic bodies. In a quotation from this dialogue occur the words (Ar. I'r. 1482, a, 10, cf. p. 482, supra) : do-v/i- fierpia eot! tuv piai>.iv!f Tipas: White and black correspond on the surface of bodies to light and darkness (439, b, 16), and from these two primary colours come all the others, not merely by the me- chanical confusion of their atomic elements, nor by the shining of one through the other, but also by a real process of mixture, such as is described at p. 420. If they are mixed in simple numerical proportion, we have pure colours ; if otherwise, impure. Inclusive of black and white, Aristotle enu- merates in all seven primary colours (ibid. 439, b, 18 to the end of the chapter, and also c. 6, 445, b, 20 sqq., and c. 4, 442, a, 19 sqq. Cf . De An. ii. 7 vnit. \ ibid. 419, a, 1 sqq. ; Meteor, iii. 4, 373, b, 32 sqq., i. 5, 342, b, 4). The treatise upon colour starts from some- what different premisses ; vide Peantl, who treats Aristotle's doctrine of colour from different points of view in the most exhaustive manner, pp. 86-159, as also Baumkbe, Arist. Lehre v. d. Sinnesvermogen (1877), p. 21 sqq. — Sound is said to be motion caused by the concussion of hard bodies and transmitting itself through the medium of the air. It was to describe this idea of the sound-medium that Theo- phrastus and other Peripatetics invented the word Sti/xts, formed upon the analogy of Suupai/^s, just as in like manner they invented Slofffios to describe the medium by which smell is transmitted, Phi lop. De An. L, 4 ; cf. ibid. M, 8, u. 10, o. Those notes are high which make a forcible im- pression on the ear in a brief time, i.e. quick notes ; those on the other hand are deep which take a longer time to produce a weak impression, i.e. slow ones (De An. ii. 8, 419, b, 4-420, b, 5). Bodies which are fastened into others and carried round by them as the stars are, produce no sound by their motion (De Casio, ii. 9, 291, a, 9 sqq.) — Smell is held to be caused by dry materials which are dissolved in moisture, i.e. in water or air (eyxv/ios {tjp<(t7)j, 443, a, 1 , b, 4 ; note that the earlier and provisional description of dtrpii as KaiwiiSns avaBv/ttains, De Sensu, 2, 438, b, 24, is rejected, ibid. c. 5, 443, a, 21). This is how they become objects to the sense (De Sensu, c. 5, 442, b, 27-443, b, 16 ; De An. ii. 9, 421, a, 26 sqq., 422, a, 6 ; cf. Baumkbe, 28 sq.)— In the same way Taste is the effect of the union of dry or earthy material 520 ARISTOTLE with moisture, which, however, in this case is not that of water and air, as in the case of smell, but of water alone. The object of the sense of taste is x"M ^ : X"M^ S again is defined as to yiyvifuvov virb tov elpyfievov ^Tjpov [viz. tov Tpo(plfiov l^pou] irt&Bos iv Ttp tiypy, ttjs yeitreais tt)s Kara hvvap.iv aWouoTUcbv els ivepyeiav [i.e. which causes our sense or faculty of taste actually to feel a sensa- tion, 441, b, 19], tov TpoQlpov |i)/)oB ir&Bos % (Triplets (ibid. 1. 24). As all colours are a mixture of white and black, so all tastes (Anrapbv and a\fivpbv, b°pi/Mv and aio-TTipbv, arpv0- Be i^ensu, 4, 442,a, 19 sqq. c. 7, 448, a, 15. Aristotle compares seven principal tastes to the seven primary colours. Further investigations into the nature of %viu>\ he reserves (De Sensu, c. 4 Jin.) for the see P- 84, n. 1. — The sense of Touch has for its object all those general qualities of bodies (Be An. ii. 11, 422, b, 25, 423, b, 26), which are ultimately resolvable into terms of the elementary oppositions referred to on p. 479, supra, and do not, therefore, call for further special notice here. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. PKINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE LONDON