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 Oliver Cromwell 
 
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OLIVER CROMWELL 
 
WORKS 
 
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 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, from the Accession of 
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//„ 
 
 Oliver Cromwell 
 
OLIVER CROMWELL 
 
 BY 
 
 SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, M.A. 
 
 HON. D.C.L. OXFORD : LITT.D. CAMBRIDGE : LL.D. EDINBURGH : PH.D. GOTTINGEN 
 
 FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE : HONORARY STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH 
 
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 WITH FRONTISPIECE 
 
 NEIV IMPRESSION 
 
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 1 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Kino and Parliament i 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 The New Model Army and the Presbyterians . 56 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 The New Model Army and the Kinq . . 101 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Last Years of the Long Parliament . . 166 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 The Nominated Parliament and the Protectorate 213 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 A Parliamentary Constitution ..... 264 
 
OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 KING AND PARLIAMENT. 
 
 Oliver Cromwell, the future Lord Protector of the 
 Commonwealth of England, was born at Huntingdon 
 on April 25, 1599, receiving his baptismal name from 
 his uncle, Sir Oliver Cromwell of Hinchingbrooke, a 
 mansion hard by the little town. It was at Hunting- 
 don that the father of the infant, Robert Cromwell, 
 had established himself, farming lands and perhaps 
 also adding to his income by the profits of a brewhouse 
 managed by his wife, Elizabeth — a descendant of a 
 middle-class Norfolk family of Steward — originally 
 Stj^ward — which, whatever writers of authority may 
 say, was not in any way connected with the Royal 
 House of Scotland. 
 
 " I was," said Cromwell in one of his later speeches, 
 " by birth a gentleman, living neither in any consider- 
 able height nor yet in obscurity. I have been called 
 to several employments in the nation, and — not to be 
 
2 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 overtedious — I did endeavour to discharge the duty 
 of an honest man in those services to God and His 
 people's interest, and to the Commonwealth." The! 
 open secret of Cromwell's public life is set forth in 
 these words : — his aim being : first, to be himself an 
 honest man ; secondly, to serve God and the people 
 of God ; and thirdly, to fulfil his duty to the Common- \ 
 wealth. In this orde r, and in no other didJhis_o bliga - 
 tioos-te-h ia. fellow-creatures present themselves to hi s 
 eye s. For the work before him it could not be other- 
 wise than helpful that his position in life brought him 
 into contact with all classes of socie ty. 
 
 What powers and capacities this infant — or indeed 
 any other infant — may have derived from this or the 
 other ancestor, is a mystery too deep for human 
 knowledge; but at least it may be noted that the! de- 
 scent of the Cromwells from Sir Richard Williams,'the 
 nephew of Thomas Cromwell, the despotic Minister of 
 Henry VHI., brought into the family a^Welsh strain. 
 which may have shown itself in the^e rvid idealism 
 lighting up thestern_pr fictiral sen.se o f t-l-ip ^»^ai-rini- anH 
 st atesma n. 
 
 Of Oliver's father little is known ; but his portrait 
 testifies that he was a man of sober Puritanism, not 
 much given to any form of spiritual enthusiasm — very 
 unlike his elder brother. Sir Oliver, who had inherited 
 not only the estate, but the splendid ways of his father, 
 Sir Henry Cromwell — the Golden Knight— and who, 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT., 3 
 
 after running through his property, was compelled to 
 sell his land and to retire into a more obscure position. 
 As the little Oliver grew up, he had before his eyes 
 the types of the future Cavalier and Roundhead in his I 
 own family. So far as parental influence could decide I 
 the question, there could be no doubt on which side 
 the young Oliver would take his stand. His educa- 
 tion was carried on in the free school of the town, under 
 Dr. Beard, the author of Tke Theatre of God's Judg- 
 ments Displayed, in which a belief in the c onstant inter - 
 vention o f Providej ice in the punishrnerit of offenders 
 was set forth by numerous examples of the calamities 
 of the wicked. Though Oliver afterwards learned to 
 modify the crudeness of this teaching, the doctr ine that 
 suc cess or failure was an indication of Divi nf: favour or 
 d isfavour never left h im, and he was able, in the days of 
 his greatness, to point unhesitatingly to the results of 
 I Naseby and Worcester as evidence that God Himself 
 approved of the victorious cause. 
 
 In 1616 Cromwell matriculated at Sidney Sussex 
 College, Cambridge , where his portrait now adorns the 
 walls of the College hall. After a sojourn of no more 
 than a year, he left the University, probably — as his 
 father died in that year — to care for his widowed 
 mother and his five sisters, he himself being now the 
 onl y surviving son . It is said that not long afterwards 
 he settled in London to study law, and though there 
 is no adequate authority for this statement, it dei^i^es 
 
4 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 support from the fact that he found a wife in London, 
 marrying in 1620, at the early age of twenty-one, 
 Ehzabeth Bourchier, the daughter of a City merchant. 
 The silence of contemporaries shows that, in an age 
 when many women took an active part in politics, she 
 confined herself to the sphere of domestic influence. 
 The one letter of hers that is preserved displays not 
 merely her affectionate disposition, but also her help- 
 
 1 
 
 fulness in reminding her great husband of the necessity 
 of performing those little acts of courtesy which men 
 engaged in large affairs are sometimes prone to neglect. 
 
 / She was undoubtedly a model of female perfection 
 
 Vafter the Periclean standard. 
 
 Of Cromwell's early life for some years after his 
 marriage we have little positive information. His 
 public car eer was opened by his e lection in 1628 to sit 
 for Huntingdon jn the Parliament which insist ed on 
 th e Petition of Rig ht. Though his uncle had by this 
 
 r ~ 
 
 time left Hinchingbrooke, and could therefore have 
 had no direct influence on the electors, it is quite likely 
 that the choice of his fellow-townsmen was, to a great 
 extent, influenced by their desire to show their attach- 
 ment to a family with which they had long been in 
 friendly relation. 
 
 Even so, however, it is in the highest degree im- 
 probable that Cromwell would have been selected by 
 his neighbours, to whom every action of his life had 
 been laid open, unless they had had reason to confide 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 5 
 
 in his moral worth as well as in his aptitude for public 
 business. Yet it is in this period of his life that, if 
 Royalist pamphleteers are to be credited, Cromwell was 
 wallowing in revolting profligacy, and the charge may 
 seem to find some support from his own language in a 
 subsequent letter to his cousin, Mrs. St. John: "You 
 know," he wrote, " what my manner of life hath been. 
 Oh ! I lived in and loved darkness, and hated light. 
 I was a chief — the chie f of sinners.. This is true, I 
 hated godliness, yet God had mercy upon me." It 
 has however never been wise to take the expressions 
 of a converted penitent literally, and it is enough to 
 suppose that Cromwell had been, at least whilst an 
 undergraduate at Cambridge, a buoyant, unthinking 
 youth, fond of outdoor exercise ; though, on the other 
 hand, whilst he never attained to proficiency as a 
 scholar, he by no means neglected the authorised 
 studies of the place. Much as opinion has differed on 
 every other point in his character,^here was never any 
 doubt as to his love of horses and to his desire to 
 encourage men of learning^ It may fairly be argued 
 that his tastes in either direction must have been 
 acquired in youth. 
 
 One piece of evidence has indeed been put forward 
 against Cromwell. On the register of St. John's parish 
 at Huntingdon are two entries — one dated 162 1, and 
 the other 1628 — ^stating that Cromwell submitted in 
 those years to some form of Church censure. The 
 
6 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 formation of the letters, however, the absence of any 
 date of month or day, and also the state of the 
 parchment on which the entries occur, leave no reason- 
 able doubt that they were the work of a forger. It 
 does not follow that the forger had not a recollection 
 that something of the kind had happened within local 
 memory, and if we take it as possible that Cromwell 
 was censured for ' his deeds,' whatever they may have 
 been, in 1621, and that in 1628 he voluntarily ac- 
 knowledged some offence — the wording of the forged 
 entry gives some countenance to this deduction — may 
 we not note a coincidence of date between the second 
 entry and one in the diary of Sir Theodore Mayerne 
 — the fashionable physician of the day — who notes 
 that Oliver Cromwell, who visited him in September 
 of that year, was valde melancholicus . Even if no 
 heed whatever is to be paid to the St. John's register, 
 Mayerne's statement enables us approximately to 
 date that time of mental struggle which he passed 
 through at some time in these years, and which was 
 at last brought to an end when, the contemplation of 
 his own unworthiness yielded to the assurance of his 
 Saviour's love. " Whoever yet," he wrote long after- 
 wards to his daughter Bridget, " tasted that the Lord 
 is gracious, without some sense of self, vanity and 
 badness ? " It was a crisis in his life which, if he had 
 been born in the Roman communion, would probably 
 have sent him — as it sent Luther — into a monastery. 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 7 
 
 Being what he was, a Puritan Englishman, it left him 
 with strong resolution to do his work in this world 
 strenuously, and to help others in things temporal, as 
 he himself had been helped in things spiritual. 
 
 English Puritanism, like other widely spread in- 
 fluences, was complex in its nature, leading to different 
 results in different men. Intellectually it was based 
 on the Calvinistic theology, and many were led on by 
 it to the fiercest intolerance of all systems of thought 
 and practice which were unconformable thereto. 
 Cromwell's nature was too large, and his character too 
 stro ng, to allow him long to associate himself with t;li e 
 bigots of his age. His ^ p,uritanism^^if not as univer- 
 sally sympathetic as a modern philosopher might wish 
 — w as mdfarfather than intellectua l. No doubt it 
 rendered him impatient of the outward forms in which 
 the religious devotion of such contemporaries as George 
 Herbert and Crashaw found appropriate sustenance, 
 but at the same time it held him back from bowing 
 down to the idol of the men of his own pnrfj' the 
 rprjiiirement nf acri^rafe- ronfnrmity tO the Calvinist ic 
 standard of beli ef It was sufficient for him, if he 
 and his associates found inspiration in a sense of 
 personal dependence on God, issuing forth in good 
 and beneficent deeds. 
 
 When, in 1628, Cromwell took his seat in the 
 House of Commons he would be sure of a good re- 
 ception as a cousin of Hampden. There is, however. 
 
8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 nothing to surprise us in his silence during the event- 
 ful debates on the Petition of Right. He w as n o 
 orator by nature, thoui^h he r ^nlrl "^p'-os'i hlmSf'^ 
 forcibly when he felt deeply, and at this time, and 
 indeed during the whole of his life, he jglm ior e deepl y 
 o n religious than on political questions. The House, 
 in its second session held in 1629 , was occupied during 
 the greater portion of its time with religious questions, 
 and it was then that Cromwell made his first spee ch, 
 if so short an utterance can be dignified by that name. 
 " Dr. Beard," he informed the House, " told him that 
 one Dr. Alablaster did at the Spital preach in a sermon 
 tenets of Popery, and Beard being to repeat the same, 
 the now Bishop of Winton, then Bishop of Lincoln 
 did send for Dr. Beard, and charged him as his 
 diocesan, not to preach any doctrine contrary to that 
 which Alablaster had delivered, and when Beard did, 
 by the advice of Bishop Felton, preach against Dr. 
 Alablaster's sermon and person, Dr. Neile, now Bishop 
 of Winton, did reprehend him, the said Beard, for it." 
 The circumstances of the time give special bio- 
 graphical importance to the opening of this window 
 into Cromwell's mind. The strife between the Puritan 
 clergy and the Court prelates was waxing high. The 
 latter, TTJiil2t_2Jl^ririn r f 1 - "nrn i v di n ri p h'ne ^ and the 
 external_jisaggs_,which, though enjoined in the Prayer 
 Book, had been neglected in many parts of the 
 country, were at the same time contending for a 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. g 
 
 br oader religious teachi ng than that presented by 
 Calvin's lo gic ; but knowing that they were in a com- 
 paratively small minority they, perhaps not un- 
 naturally, fell back on the protection of the King, 
 who was in ecclesiastical matters completely under 
 the influence of Laud. The result of Charles's con- 
 sultations with such Bishops as were at hand had 
 been the issue of a Declaration which was prefixed to 
 a new edition of the articles, and is to be found in 
 Prayer Books at the present day. The King's remedy 
 for disputes in the Church on predestination ^nd 
 such matters was to impose silence on both parties, 
 and it was in view of this policy that Cromwell raked 
 up an old story to show how at least twelve years 
 before, his old schoolmaster. Dr. Beard, had been for- 
 bidden to preach any doctrine but that which the 
 member for Huntingdon stigmatised as Popish, and 
 this too by a prelate who was now seeking, in a less 
 direct way, to impose silence on Puritan ministers. 
 Other members of Parliament had striven to oppose 
 the ecclesiasticism of the Court by the intolerant 
 assertion that Calvinism alone was to be preached 
 Cromwell did nothing of the kind. He did not even 
 say that those who upheld what he calls 'tenets of 
 Popery ' were to be silenced. He rnerely_askedthat 
 those wh o objected to them might be fre r to delivpt 
 fiWr j-^gHfnnny in p ublic. There is the germ here of 
 his future ]ib'^;^prf''"^y ='S Lord Protec tor — the germ 
 
 e 
 
ro OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 too of a wide difference of opinion from those with 
 whom he was at this time acting in concert.* 
 
 Little as we know of Cromwell's proceedings during 
 the eleven years in which no Parliament sat, that lit tle 
 is significant. His interference jn_te mporal a ffairs 
 was invariably on the side of the poor. In 1630 a 
 new charter was granted toTTuntingdon, conferring 
 the government of the town on a mayor and twelve 
 aldermen appointed for life. To this Cromwell raised 
 no objection, taking no special delight in representa- 
 tive institutions, but he protested against so much of 
 the charter as, by allowing the new corporation to deal 
 at its pleasure with the common property of the 
 borough, left the holders of rights of pasture at their 
 mercy ; and, heated by a sense of injustice to his 
 poorer neighbours, he spoke angrily on the matter to 
 Barnard, the new mayor. Cromwell was summoned 
 before the council, with the result that the Earl of 
 Manchester, appointed to arbitrate, sustained his ob- 
 jections, whilst Cromwell, having gained his point, 
 apologised for the roughness of his speech. It is not 
 unlikely that it was in consequence of this difference 
 with the new governors of the town that he shortly 
 afterwards sold his property there, and removed to 
 St. I\:£ s. where he established himself as a grazing 
 
 * My argument would obviously not stand If the remainder of 
 the speech printed in Rushworth were held to be genuine. There is, 
 however, good reason to know that it is not (Hist, of Eng., 1603-1642, 
 vii., 56, note). 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. ii 
 
 farmer. Nor was he less solicitous for the spiritual\ 
 than for the temporal welfare of his neighbours. I 
 Many Puritans were at this time attempting to lessen 
 the influence of the beneficed clergy, who were, in 
 many places, opposed to them, by raising sums for 
 the payment of lecturers, who would preach Puritan 
 sermons without being bound to read prayers before 
 them. The earliest extant letter of Cromwell's was 
 written in 1636 to a City merchant, asking him to 
 continue his subscription to the maintenance of a 
 certain Dr. Wells, ' a man of goodness and industry 
 and ability to do good every way '. " You know, Mr. 
 Story," he adds, " to withdraw the pay is to let fall the 
 lecture, and who goeth to warfare at his own cost ? " 
 In 1636 Cromwell removed t o Ely , where he farmed 
 the Cathedral tithes in succession to his maternal 
 uncle, Sir Th omas Steward. Soon after he was 
 settled in his new home, there were disturbances in 
 the fen country which the Earl of Bedford and his 
 associates were endeavouring to drain. On the plea 
 that the work was already accomplished, the new 
 proprietors ordered the expulsion of cattle from the 
 pastures scattered amongst the waters. The owners, 
 egged on by one at least of the neighbouring gentry, 
 tumultuously resisted the attempt to exclude them 
 from their rights of commonage. We are told, too, 
 that ' it is commonly reported by the commoners in 
 the said fens and the fens adjoining, that Mr. Cromwell, 
 
12 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 of Ely, hath undertaken — they paying him a groat for 
 every cow they have upon the common — to hold the 
 drainers in writ of law for five years, and that in the 
 mean time they should enjoy every foot of their com- 
 mons '. That Cromwell should have taken up the 
 cause of the weak, and at the same time should have 
 attempted to serve them by legal proceedings, whilst 
 keeping aloof from their riotous action, is a fair indica- 
 tion of the character of the man. No wonder he grew 
 in popularity, or that in 1 640 he was elect ed bythe 
 borough of Cambridge to b oth the Parliaments wh ich 
 met in that yea r. - 
 
 In the Short Parliament C romwell sat, so far as we 
 know, as a silent member. Of his appearance in the 
 Long Parliament we have the often-quoted description 
 of his personal appearance from a young courtier. " I 
 came into the House," wrote Sir Philip Warwick, 
 " one morning well clad, and perceived a gentleman 
 speaking whom I knew not, very ordinarily apparelled, 
 for it was a plain cloth suit which seemed to be made 
 by an ill country tailor ; his linen was plain, and not 
 very clean ; and I remember a speck or two of blood 
 upon his little band, which was not larger than his 
 collar. His hat was without a hat-band. His stature 
 was of a good size ; his sword stuck close to his side ; 
 his countenance swollen and reddish, his voice sharp 
 and untuneable, and his eloquence full of fervour, for 
 the subject matter would not bear much of reason, it 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 13 
 
 being on behalf of a servant of Mr Prynne's who had 
 dispersed libels against the Queen for her dancing and 
 such like innocent and courtly sports ; and he aggra- 
 vated the imprisonment of this man by the council- 
 table unto that height that one would have believed 
 the very Government itself had been in great danger 
 by it. I sincerely profess it lessened much my rever- 
 ence unto that great council, for he was very much 
 hearkened unto ; and yet I lived to see this very 
 gentleman whom, by multiplied good escapes, and by 
 real but usurped power, having had a better tailor, 
 and more converse among good company, appear of 
 great and majestic deportment and comely presence." 
 Curiously enough the so-called servant of Prynne — 
 he was never actually in Prynne's service at all — was 
 no other than Tohn Lilburne . who was such a thorn 
 in the flesh to Cr omwell in later y ears. In under- 
 taking the defence of the man who had been sentenced 
 to scourge and imprisonment for disseminating books 
 held to be libels by Charles and his ministers, Crom- 
 well announced to his fellow-members his own politicall 
 position. In life — and aboye all in political Ijfgir^it is 
 not possible to s atisfy those who expect the action s 
 of an y man to be absolu tely consistent. Later gener- 
 ations may be convinced not only that Charles was 
 sincere in following a course which he believed to be 
 the right one, but that this course commended itself 
 to certain elements of human nature, and was, there- 
 
H OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 fore, no mere emanation of his own personal character. 
 It nevertheless remains that he was far from being 
 strong enough for the place which he had inherited 
 from his predecessors, and that in wearing the garments 
 of the Elizabethan monarchy, he was all too un con- 
 scious of the work which the new generation require d 
 of him — all too ready to claim the rights of Elizabeth, 
 without a particle of the skill in the art of government 
 which she derived from her intimate familiarity with 
 the people over which she had been called to rule. 
 Charle s' s unskilfu lness was the more disastrous, as 
 he came to the throne during a crisis when few men 
 would have been able to maintain the prestige of the 
 monarchy. On the _nii £ hand t he i pf icin l p _njvrT"' 
 en trusted _ to__^i&_ Iudor sovcr ni gn f ; wp''p nc? lnncf;r 
 
 , ri^dfd Rft"r thr HnmpgtiV anr\ ff^yflrrj^ r\c-n^^r= iirVuVVi 
 ncrnpjf ^d their rpignil hnd b"^n ciK-rpggfnlly mfft- (^p 
 t he other J 'atid, a gt-rrfp Ketween rej iginiifi pnrtie'i hnd 
 a risen which caIled-i hi;- aetion on linen very diffbrowt 
 fr pm those wh i ^h had rnm mended themselves tn 
 gliVahpt-Vi. In throwing off the authority of the Roman 
 See, Elizabeth had the national spirit of England at 
 her back, whilst in resisting the claims of the Pres- 
 byterian clergy, she had the support of the great 
 majority of the laity. By the end of her reign she 
 had succeeded in establishing that special form of 
 ecclesiastical government which she favoured. Yet 
 though the clergy had ceased to cry out for the super- 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 15 
 
 session of episcopacy by the Presbyterian discipline, 
 the bulk of the clergy and of the religious laity were 
 Puritan to the core. So much had been effected by 
 the long struggle against Rome and Spain and the 
 resulting detestation of any form of belief which 
 savoured of Rome and Spain. During the twenty-two 
 years of the peace-loving Tame s, religious thought 
 ceased to be influenced by a sense of national dang er. 
 First one, and then another — a Bancroft, an An- 
 drewes, or a Laud, men of the college or the cathedral — 
 began to think their own thoughts, to welcome a wider 
 interpretation of religious truths than that of Calvin's 
 Institute, and, above all, to distrust the inward con- 
 viction as likely to be warped by passion or self- inte rest 
 an d to dwell upon the value of the external influ ences 
 of ritu al and organis atio,n. To do justice to both 
 these schools of thought and practice at the time of 
 Charles's accession would have taxed the strength of 
 any man, seeing how unprepared wa.s thp Fnn-lnn^-nf 
 that day to admit the possibility of jrilpratinn. The 
 pity of it was that Charles, with all his fine feelings 
 and conscientious rectitude, was unfitted for the task. 
 Abandoning himself heart and soul to the newly 
 risen tide of religious thought, his imagination was 
 too weak to enable him to realise the strength of Puri- 
 tanism, so that he bent his energies, not to securing 
 for his friends free scope for the exercise of what 
 persuasion was in them, b^^gr^the repression of those 
 
i6 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 whom he looked upon as the enemies of the Church 
 and the Crown. With the assistance of Laud he did 
 everything in his power to crush Puritanism, with 
 the result of making Puritanism stronger than it had 
 been before. Every man of independent mind who 
 revolted against the petty interference exercised by 
 Laud placed himself by sympathy, if not by perfect 
 conviction, in the Puritan ranks. 
 
 Neither in Elizabeth 's nor in Ch arles's reign wa s 
 it possibl e to dissociate politics from relig ion Parlia- 
 ment, dissatisfied with Charles's ineffectual guidance 
 of the State, was still more dissatisfied with his attempt 
 to use his authority over the Church to the profit of an 
 unpopular party. The House of Commons represent- 
 ing mainly that section of the population in which 
 Puritanism was the strongest — the country gentlemen 
 in touch with the middle-class in the towns — was eager 
 to pull down Laud's system in the Church, and to 
 hinder the extension of Royal authority in the State. 
 To do this it was necessary not only to diminish the 
 power of the Crown, but to transfer much of it to 
 Parliament, which, at least in the eyes of its members, 
 was far more capable of governing England wisely. 
 
 That Cromwell heartily accepted this view of the 
 situation is evident from his being selected to move 
 the second reading of the Bill for the revival of annual 
 Parliaments, which, by a subsequent compromise, was 
 ultimately converted into a Triennial Act ordaining 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 17 
 
 that there should never again be an intermission of 
 Parliament for more than three years. The fact that 
 he was placed on no less than eighteen committees 
 in the early part of the sittings of the Parliaments 
 shows that he had acquired a position which he could 
 never have reached merely through his cousinship with 
 Hampden and St. Jo hn. That he concurred in the 
 d estruction of the special courts vvh iVti Vi^H fnrfifipH 
 the Crown in the Tudor period, and in the prosecutio n 
 o f Strafford, needs no evidence to pmv e. These were 
 the acts of the House as a whole. I t was the pa rt he 
 t ook on those ecclesiastical questions which divide d 
 the House into two antagon istic parties w hich is mos t 
 significant of his position at th is tim e. 
 
 However much members of the House of Commons 
 might differ on the future government of the Church, 
 they were still of one mind as to the necessity of 
 changing the system under which it had been of late 
 controlled. There may have been much to be said 
 on behalf of an episcopacy exercising a moderating 
 influence over the clergy, and guarding the rights of 
 minorities against the oppressive instincts of a clerical 
 majority. As a matter of fact this had not been the 
 attitude of Charles's Bishops. Appointed by the 
 Crown, and chosen out of one party only — and that 
 the party of the minority amongst the clergy and the 
 religious laity — they had seized the opportunity of 
 o-iving free scope to their own practices and of hamper- 
 
i8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 ing in every possible way the practices of those opposed 
 to them. It was no Puritan, but Jeremy Taylor, the 
 staunch defender of monarchy and episcopacy, who 
 hit the nail on the head. " The interest of the bishops," 
 he wrote, " is conjunct with the prosperity of the King, 
 besides the interest of their own security, by the 
 obligation of secular advantages. For they who have 
 their livelihood from the King, and are in expectance 
 of their fortune from him, are more likely to pay 
 a tribute of exacted duty than others whose fortunes 
 are not in such immediate dependency on His 
 Majesty. It is but the common expectation of grati- 
 tude that a patron paramount shall be more assisted 
 by his beneficiaries in cases of necessity than by those 
 who receive nothing from him but the common in- 
 fluences of government." 
 
 As usual, it was easier to mark the evil than to pro- 
 vide an adequate remedy. The party which numbered 
 fTyde and Falklan d in its ranks, and which afterwards 
 developed into that of the F,ar Hamentary Royalists, was 
 alarmed lest a tyrannical episcopacy should be followed 
 by a still more tyrannical Presbyterian discipline, and 
 therefore strove to substitute for the existing system 
 some scheme of modified episcopacy by which bishops 
 should be in some way responsible to clerical councils. 1 
 
 Cr omwell was work 'np;' hanH in hanr| with mpn wVir. 
 strove tnrnppt thf rliffirii1t-y in annthpr ^^ray The SO.. 
 
 r3llpH_Rr)nt--nnrl-Tir-.inrVi TiiU- said to have been drawn 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 19 
 
 up by St. Joh n, was brought to the House of Commons 
 by himself and Vane . By them it was passed on to 
 Hazlerigg, who in his turn passed it on to Sir Edward 
 Bering, by whom it was actually moved in the House. 
 As it was finally shaped in Committee, this bill, whilst 
 absolutely abolishing archbishops, bishops, deans and 
 chapters, transferred their ecclesiastical jurisdiction to 
 bodies of Commissioners to be named by Parliament 
 itself. ' Cromwe ll evidently had no more desire than 
 Falkland to establish the Church Courtso£t|ie_Six±tisli 
 Presbyterian s ystem in England . 
 
 This bill never passed beyond the Committee stage. 
 It was soon overshadowed by the question whether 
 Charles could be trusted or not. The discovery of 
 the plots by which he had attempted to save Strafford's 
 life, and the knowledge that he was now visiting Scot- 
 land with the intention of bringing up a Scottish army 
 to his support against the Parliament at Westminster 
 strengthened the hands of the party of Parliamentary 
 supremacy, and left its leaders disinclined to pursue 
 their ecclesiastical policy till they had settled the 
 political question in their own favour. Important as 
 Charles's own character — with its love of shifts and 
 evasions — was in deciding the issue, it must not be 
 forgotten that the crisis arose from a circumstance 
 common to all revolutions. When a considerable 
 change is made in the government of a nation, it is 
 absolutely necessary, if orderly progress is to result 
 
20 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 from it, that the persons in authority shall be changed. 
 The man or men by whom the condemned practices 
 have been maintained cannot be trusted to carry out 
 the new scheme, because they must of necessity regard 
 it as disastrous to the nation. The success of the 
 Revolution of i688-8g was mainly owing to the fact 
 that James was replaced by William ; in 1641 
 neither was Charles inclined to fly to the Continent, 
 nor were the sentiments of either party in the House 
 such as to suggest his replacement by another prince, 
 even if such a prince were to be found. All that his 
 most pronounced adversaries — amongst whom Crom- 
 well was to be counted — could suggest was to leave 
 him the show and pomp of royalty, whilst placing 
 him under Parliamentary control and doing in his 
 name everything that he least desired to do himself. 
 It was a hopeless position to be driven into, and yet, 
 the feeling of the time being what it was, it is hard 
 to see that any remedy could be found. 
 
 Before Charles returned from Scotland, which he 
 had visited in the vain expectation of bringing back 
 with him an army which might give him the control 
 over the English Parliament, an event occurred which 
 brought to light the disastrous impolicy of his op- 
 ponents in leaving upon the throne the man who was 
 most hostile to their ideas. The Irish Roman Catholic 
 gentry and nobility, having been driven into Royal- 
 ism by fear of Puritan domination, had agreed with 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 21 
 
 Charles to seize Dublin and to use it as a basis from 
 which to send him military aid in his struggle against 
 the Parliament of England. In October 1641, before 
 they could make up their minds to act, an agrarian 
 outbreak occurred in Ulster, where the native popula- 
 tion rose against the English and Scottish colonists 
 who had usurped their lands. The rising took the 
 form of outrage and massacre, calculated to arouse a 
 spirit of vengeance in England, even if report had not 
 outrun the truth — much more when the horrible tale 
 was grossly exaggerated in its passage across the sea. 
 Before long both classes of Roman Catholic Irishmen, 
 the Celtic peasants of the North and the Anglo-Irish 
 gentry of the South, were united in armed resistance 
 to the English Government. 
 
 It was a foregone conclusion that an attempt to 
 reconquer Ireland would be made from England. 
 Incidentally the purpose of doing this brought to a 
 point the struggle for the mastery at Westminster. 
 If an_ army jKere-despatched„to Ireland it wouldj^as 
 soon as its immediate task had been_ accomplished, 
 be available to strike a decisive blow on one side 
 oT the^ other. I ^ iHhpr gfpi?~l7e cam e^l-important for 
 each side to secure the appointment of officers who 
 mi'ght be relied . 'on— in 6n«' case' fo^. stiik'e,jfor Jhe 
 Crown, in the other, xas& to strike^for the Commons. 
 Pym, who was leading his party in the House with 
 consummate dexterity, seized the opportunity of ask- 
 
22 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 ing, not merely that military appointments should be 
 subject to Parliamentary control, but that the King 
 should be asked to take only such councillors as 
 Parliament could approve of. Cromwell was even 
 more decided than Pym. The King having named 
 five new bishops, in defiance of the majority of the 
 Commons, it was Cromwell who moved for a con- 
 ference with the Lords on the subject, and who, a few 
 days later, asked for another conference, in which the 
 Lords should be asked to join in a vote giving to the 
 Earl of Essex power to command the trained bands 
 south of the Trent for the defence of the kingdom, 
 a power which was not to determine at the King's 
 pleasure, but to continue till Parliament should take 
 further order. 
 
 Cromwell was evidently for strong measures. Yet 
 there are signs that now, as at other times in his life, 
 heu nderestimated the fnr res opp osed tn him His I 
 allies in the Commons, Pym and Hampd en at their 
 head, were now bent on obtaining the assent of the 
 House to the Grand Remonstrance , less as an appeal 
 to the King than as a manifesto to the nation. The 
 long and detailed catalogue of the King's misdeeds 
 in the past raised no opposition. Hyde was as ready 
 to accept it as Pym and Hampden. The main 
 demands made in it were two : first, that the King 
 would employ such councillors and ministers as the 
 Parliament might have cause to confide in ; and 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 
 
 © 
 
 secondly, that care should be taken ' to reduce within 
 bounds that exorbitant power which the prelates have 
 assumed to themselves,' whilst maintaining ' the golden 
 reins of discipline,' and demanding ' a general synod 
 of the most grave, pious, learned and judicious divines 
 to consider all things necessary for the peace and 
 good government of the Church ' So convinced was 
 Cromwell that the Remonstrance would be generally 
 acceptable to the House, that he expressed surprise 
 when Falkland gave his opinion that it would give 
 rise to some debate. It was perhaps because the 
 Remonstrance had abandoned the position of the 
 Root-and- Branch Bill and talked of limiting episco- 
 pacy, instead of abolishing it, that Cromwell fancied 
 that it would gain adherents from both sides. He 
 forgot how far controversy had extended since the 
 summer months in which the Root-and-Branch Bill 
 had been discussed, and how men who believed that, 
 if only Charles could be induced to make more 
 prudent appointments, intellectual liberty was safer 
 under bishops than under any system likely to ap- 
 prove itself to a synod of devout ministers, had now 
 rallied to the King. 
 
 It was, by this time, more than ever, a question 
 whether Charles could be trusted, and Cromwell and 
 his allies had far stronger grounds in denying than 
 their opponents had in affirming that he could. After 
 all, the ecclesiastical quarrel could never be finally 
 
24 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 settled without mutual toleratio n, and neither party 
 was ready even parti ally to accept such a solution as 
 that. As for Cromwell himself, he regarded those 
 decent forms which were significant of deeper realities 
 even to many who had rebelled against the peda- 
 gogic harshness of Laud, as mere rags of popery and 
 superstition to be swept away without compunction. 
 With this conviction pressing on his mind, it is no 
 wonder that, when the great debate was over late in 
 the night, after the division had been taken which 
 gave a majority of eleven to the supporters of the 
 Remonstrance, he replied to Falkland's question 
 whether there had been a debate with : " I will 
 take your word for it another time. If the Re- 
 monstrance had been rejected, I would have sold 
 all I had the next morning, and never have seen 
 England any more ; and I know there are many 
 other honest men of the same resolution." 
 
 There was in Cromwell's mind a capacity for 
 recognising the strength of adverse facts which had 
 led him — there is some reason to believe * — to think 
 of emigrating to America in 1636 when Charles's tri- 
 umph appeared most assured, and which now led him 
 to think of the same mode of escape to a purer atmos- 
 phere if Charles, supported by Parliament, should 
 
 * See the argument for the probability of the traditional story, 
 though the details usually given cannot be true, in Mr. Firth's Oliver 
 Cromwell^ 37. 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 25 
 
 be once more in the ascendant. On neither of the two 
 occasions did his half-formed resolution develop into 
 a settled purpose, the first time because, for some 
 unknown reason, he hardened his heart to hold out 
 till better times arrived ; the second time because 
 the danger anticipated never actually occurred. 
 
 In the constitutional by-play which followed — the 
 question of the Bishops' protest and the resistance to 
 the attempt on the five members— Cromwell took no 
 prominent part, though his motion for an address to 
 the King, asking him to remove the Earl of Bristol 
 from his counsels on the ground that he had formerly 
 recommended Charles to bring up the Northern army 
 to his support, shows in what direction his thoughts 
 were moving. The dispute between Parliament and 
 King had so deepened that each side deprecated the 
 employment of force by the other, whilst each side felt 
 itself justified in arming itself ostensibly for its own 
 defence. It was no longer a question of conformit y 
 to the rnn'ititTiH^II--''^ ^^^ "^^P" '^1 V 'hich the Tudo rs 
 had han ded it down to the S tuarts — That ronstitiitipn, 
 resting as i<-HiH_rmiL" implied harmony between King 
 ari d people, h aH 1ir.pelpss)y broken down when Charles 
 had for eleven years ru j f i yrjthniil- a Parliame nt. The 
 only que stion was h ow, it was t o be reco nstructed. 
 C ro mwell was _not the m an_ to indulge in constitu tional 
 speculations, but he sa w_distin£tljg. th a t if religi og— 
 such as he conceived it— w as to be _protectgd,-it-must 
 
26 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 be by armed force. A King to whom religion in that 
 form was detestable, and who was eager to stifle it by 
 calling in troops from any foreign country which could 
 be induced to come to his aid, was no longer to be 
 trusted with power. 
 
 So far as we know, Cromwell did not intervene in 
 the debates on the control of the militia. He was 
 mainly concerned with seeing that the militia was in a 
 state of efficiency for the defence of Parliament. As 
 early as January 14, 1642, soon after the attempt 
 on the five members had openly revealed Charles's 
 hostility, it was on Cromwell's motion that a com- 
 mittee was named to put the kingdom in a posture of 
 defence, and this motion he followed up by others, 
 with the practical object of forwarding repression in 
 Ireland or protection to the Houses at Westminster. 
 Though he was far from being a wealthy man, he con- 
 tributed ;^6oo to the projected campafgn in Ireland, 
 and another iJ'500 to the raising of forces in England. 
 Mainly through his efforts, Cambridge was placed in a 
 state to defend itself against attack. Without waitine 
 for a Parliamentary vote, he sent down arms valued at 
 ;£'ioo. On July 15 he moved for an order 'to allow 
 the townsmen of Cambridge to raise two companies of 
 volunteers, and to appoint captains over them '. A 
 month later the House was informed that ' Mr. Crom- 
 well, in Cambridgeshire, hath seized the magazine in 
 the castle at Cambridge,' that is to say, the store of 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 27 
 
 arms — the property of the County — ready to be served 
 out to the militia when called upon for service or 
 training, ' and hath hindered the carrying of the plate 
 from that University ; which, as was reported, was to 
 the value of ;£"20,ooo or thereabouts'. Evidently there 
 was one member of Parliament prompt of decision 
 and determined in will, who had what so few — if 
 any — of his colleagues had — the makings of a_gr£^t 
 soldier in him . 
 
 W hen at last Essex received jthe command to 
 create a Parliamentary army, Cromwell accepted „a. 
 commission to raiseji^tr-^gJ^Fi^gjBgliysiErs — t he lifh t 
 horse of the day — in his own county. He can have 
 had no difficulty in finding recruits, especially as his 
 popularity in the fen-land had been, if possible, in- 
 creased by his conduct in a committee held in the 
 preceding summer, where he bitterly resented an at- 
 tempt of the Earl of Manchester to enclose lan ds in 
 defiance of the rights of the commoners. He was, 
 however, resolved to pick the sixty men he needed. 
 We can well understand that in choosing his sub- 
 ordinates he would be inspired by an instinctive desire 
 to prize those qualities in his soldiers which were 
 strongly developed in his own character, in which 
 strenuous activity was upheld by unswerving convic- 
 tion and perfervid spiritual emotion. He could choose 
 the better because he had neighbours, friends and 
 kinsmen from whom to select. The Quarter-master 
 
28 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 of his troop was John Desborough, his brother-in- 
 law, whilst another brother-in-law, Valentine Wauton, 
 though not actually serving under Cromwell, rallied 
 to his side, and became the captain of another troop 
 in the Parliamentary army. /To the end of his career 
 iCromwell never forwarded the prospects of a kinsman 
 or friend unless he was persuaded of his efficiency, 
 though he never shrank from the promotion of kins- 
 men whom he believed himself able to trust in order 
 to shake off the charge of nepotism from himself ' 
 
 Thf snhripty of Cro mwell's judgment was as full y 
 vindicated by h is choice of th e cavalry arm for himself, 
 as by the selection of his subordinates. If the result 
 of the coming war was to be decided by superiority in 
 cavalry, as woul d ce rtainly be the case , the chances -7 
 were all in favour of the Royalist gentry, whose very 
 nickname of ' cavaliers ' was a presage of victory, and 
 who were not only themselves familiar with horseman- 
 ship from their youth up, but had at their disposal the 
 grooms and the huntsmen who were attached to their 
 service. " Your troops," he said some weeks later to 
 his cousin Hampden, after the failure of the Parlia- 
 mentary horse had become manifest, " are most of 
 them old decayed serving men and tapsters, and such 
 kind of fellows ; and their troops are gentlemen's sons 
 and persons of qualit}^ Do you think the spirits off 
 such base and mean fellows will ever be able to en- 
 counter gentlemen that have honour and courage and 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 29 
 
 resolution in them ? . . . You must get men of spirit, 
 and, take it not ill what I say — I know you will not — 
 of a spirit that is likely to go on as far as gentlemen 
 will go, or else you will be beaten still." The im- 
 portance of a good cavalry was in those days relatively! 
 much greater than it is now. A body of infantry] 
 composed in about equal proportions of pikemen and 
 musketeers, the latter armed with a heavy and un- 
 wieldy weapon, only to be fired at considerable inter- 
 vals, and requiring the support of a rest to steady it, 
 needed to be placed behind hedges to resist a cavalry 
 charge. It was a recognised axiom of war that a 
 foot regiment marching across open country required 
 cavalry as a convoy to ward off destructive attacks 
 by the enemy's horse. So uoq uestioned was th e 
 (nffWorJty nf {nfan-^.v, that unless the horsemen who 
 gathered round Charles's standar d when it was dis- 
 played on the Castle Hill at N ni-finp-ham could 
 be overpowered, the resistance of the Parliamentary 
 army could hardly be prolonged for many months. 
 That they were overpowered was the achievement of 
 Cromwell, and of Cromwell alone. '■ 
 
 It was something that CrQnai4ielLiiad__gathered 
 rqund-hiin his sixty God-fearing men. It was more, 
 that he did not confi de, as a mere fanatic wou ld 
 have done, in their untried z eal. His recruits were 
 gnV.ip7??"H t-n an jmndi.sci pliijie . The hot fire of en- 
 thusiasm for the cause in which they had been enlisted 
 
30 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 burnt strongly within them. They had drawn their 
 swords not for constitutional safeguards, but in the 
 service of God Himself, and God Himself, they de- 
 voutly trusted, would shelter His servants in the day 
 of battle against the impious men who were less their 
 enemies than His. It was no reason — so they learnt 
 from their captain — that they should remit any single 
 precaution recommended by the most worldly of 
 military experts. Cromwell almost certainly never 
 told his soldiers — in so many words — to trust in God 
 and keep their powder dry. Yet, apocryphal as is 
 the anecdote, it well represents the spirit in which 
 Cromwell's commands were issued. ffThe very vivid-1 
 ness of his apprehension of the supernatural enabledV 
 him to pass rapidly without any sense of incongruity \ 
 from religious exhortations to the practical satisfaction 1 
 of the demands of the material world. I J 
 
 When on October 2,s, 1642 , the first battle of the 
 war was fought at Edp-ehilj . Cromwell's troop was 
 one of the few not swept away by Rupert's headlong 
 charge, probably because coming late upon the field 
 he did not join the main army till the Royalist horse 
 had ceased to trouble it. At all events, he took his 
 share in the indispensable service rendered by the little 
 force of cavalry remaining at Essex's disposal, when 
 in the opposing ranks there was no cavalry at all. It 
 was the co-operation of this force which, by assailing 
 in flank and rear the King's foot regiments, whilst the 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 31 
 
 infantry broke them up in front, enabled the ParHa- 
 mentary army to claim at least a doubtful victory inl 
 the place of the rout which would have befallen it) 
 if Rupert, on his late return, had found his master's 
 foot in a condition to carry on the struggle. What- 
 ever else Cromwell learnt from his first experience 
 of actual warfare, he had learnt from Rupert's failure 
 after early success never to forget that headlong valour 
 alone will accomplish little, and that a good cavalry 
 officer requires to know when to draw rein, as well 
 as when to charge, and to subordinate the conduct, 
 of the attack in which he is personally engaged tol 
 the needs of the army as a whole. • 
 
 Many months were to pass away before Cromwell 
 was to measure swords with Rupert. He remained 
 under Essex almost to the end of the year, and was 
 present at Turnham Green, when Essex saw Charles, 
 after taking up a position at Brentford in the hope of 
 forcing a passage to London, march off to Reading 
 and Oxford without attempting to strike a blow. 
 Towards the end of 1642, or in the early part of 1643, 
 Cromwell had work found for him which was eventu- 
 ally to breathe a new spirit into the Parliamentary 
 army. Enormo us as was the advantage whic h the 
 dev otion of London conferred upon Parliament , Lon- 
 don by no means exerci sed that supreme influence 
 which was exercised by Paris in the times of t he 
 French Revolution. Both parties, therefore, put forth 
 
32 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 their efforts in organising local forces, but of all the 
 local organisations which were brought into existence, 
 the only one entirely successful was the Eastern 
 Associatio n, comprising Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, 
 Cambridge and Herts, and that mainly because 
 Cromwell was at hand to keep it up to the mark. 
 There was to be a general fund at the service of the 
 association, whilst the forces raised in the several 
 shires of which it was composed were to be at the 
 disposal of a common committee. 
 
 In England generally the first half of 1643 was a 
 rime of desultory fighting, alternating with efforts to 
 I make peace without the conditions which might have 
 brought peace within sight. It was not to be expected 
 either that Parliament would accept Charles on his 
 own terms, or that Charles would bow down to any 
 terms which Parliament was likely to offer. Cromwell, 
 at least, took no part in these futile negotiations, and 
 did all that in him lay to clear the counties of the 
 Eastern Association from Royalists, and to put them 
 in a state of defence against Royalist incursions. At 
 some time later than January 23, and before the end 
 of February, he was promoted to a colonelcy. In 
 March he was fortifying Cambridge, and urgently 
 pleading for contributions to enable him to complete 
 the work. Again we find him sending to arrest a 
 Royalist sheriff who attempted to collect soldiers at 
 St. Alban's, and then hurrying to Lowestoft to crush 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 33 
 
 a Royalist movement in the town. After this no more 
 is heard of Royalism holding up its head in any corner 
 of the association, and to the end of the war no 
 Royalist in arms again set foot within it. By the end 
 of May it was joined by Huntingdonshire, the county 
 of Cromwell's birth. 
 
 Cromwell's superabundant energy was employed 
 in other ways thaji in contending against armed men. 
 Laud's enforcement of at least external signs of respect 
 to objects consecrated to religious usage had pro- 
 voked a reaction which influenced Puritanism on its 
 least noble side. A certain Dowsing has left a diary, 
 showing how he visited the Suffolk churches, pulling 
 down crosses, destroying pictures and tearing up 
 brasses inscribed with Oraie pro anima, the usual 
 expression of mediaeval piety towards the dead. At 
 Cambridge, Cromwell himself, finding opposition 
 amongst those in authority in the University, sent up 
 three of the Heads of Houses in custody to West- 
 minster, and on a cold night in March shut up the 
 Vice-Chancellor and other dignitaries in the public 
 schools till midnight without food or firing, because 
 they refused to pay taxes imposed by Parliament. 
 
 Nor was it only with open enemies that Cromwell 
 and those who sympathised with him had to deal. 
 Of all forms of war civil strife is the most hideous, 
 and it is no wonder that the hands of many who had 
 entered upon it with the expectation that a few months 
 
34 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 or even weeks would suffice to crush the King were 
 now slackened. Was it not better, they asked, to 
 come to terms with Charles than to continue a struggle 
 which promised to drag out for years ? Negotiations 
 opened at Oxford in the spring failed, indeed, to lead 
 to peace, because neither party had the spirit of com- 
 promise, but they were accompanied or followed by 
 j.the defection from the Parliamentary ranks of men 
 [who, at the outset, had stood up manfully against 
 Ithe King, such as Sir Hugh Cholmley, who hoisted 
 the royal colours over Scarborough Castle, which 
 had been enti'usted to him by the Houses ; and the 
 Hoth ams, father and son, who, whilst nominally con- 
 tinuing to serve the Parliament, were watching for an 
 opportunity of profitable desertion. Such tendencies 
 were encouraged by the vigour with which the King's 
 armies were handled, and the successes they gained 
 in the early summer. On May i6 the Parliamentary 
 General, the Earl of Stamford, was defeated at .Strat tnn, 
 with the result that Sir Ralph Hopton was able to 
 overrun the Western counties at the head of the 
 Royalist troops, and though defeated on Lansdown by 
 Sir Williarti Waller, was succoured by a Royalist army 
 which, on July 13, crushed Waller's army on Round- 
 way Down ; whilst on July 26 Bristol was taken by 
 Rupert, and the whole of the Southern counties thrown 
 open to the assaults of the King's partisans. Farther 
 east, though Essex succeeded in capturing Reading, 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 35 
 
 his army melted away before disease and mismanage- 
 ment. On June 18 Hampden was mortally wounded \ 
 at Chalgrove Field. Lord Fairfax and his son, Sir ) 
 Thomas Fairfax, were with difficulty holding their own 
 in the West Riding of Yorkshire against a Royalist 
 force under the command of the Earl of Newcastle. 
 By the middle of the year, the Parliam entary armie s 
 
 were threaten ed with ruin on al most every sid e. 
 
 The one conspicuous exception to these tales of 
 disaster was found in the news from the Eastern 
 Association, where Cromwell's vigour upheld the fight. 
 Yet Cromwell had no slight difficulties against which 
 to contend. When, by the end of April, he had cleared 
 the shires of the association from hostile forces, he 
 made his way into Lincolnshire, and called on the 
 neighbouring military commanders of his own party 
 to join him in an attack on the Royalist garrison at 
 Newark, from which parties issued forth to overawe 
 and despoil the Parliamentarians of the neighbourhood 
 Those upon whom he called — Sir John Cell at Notting- 
 ham, the Lincolnshire gentry, and Stamford's son, 
 Lord Grey of Groby, in Leicestershire, were in com- 
 mand of local forces, and placed the interests of their 
 own localities above the common good. Stamford's 
 mansion at Broadgates, hard by Leicester, -was exposed 
 to attack from the Royalist garrison at Ashby-de-la- 
 Zouch, and consequently Lord Grey hung back from 
 joining in an enterprise which would leave Leicester 
 
36 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 at the mercy of the enemy, and his example was 
 followed in other quarters. " Believe it," wrote Crom- 
 well wrathfully, " it were better, in my poor opinion 
 Leicester were not, than that there should not be found 
 an immediate taking of the field by our forces to 
 accomplish the common ends." To subordinate local 
 interests to the ' common ends ' was as much the con-l 
 dition of Cromwell's success as the discipline unde: 
 which he had brought the fiery troops under his com 
 mand. 
 
 The result of that discipline was soon to appear 
 On May 13 he fell in near Grantham with a cavalry 
 force from Newark far outnumbering his own. Taking 
 a lesson from Rupert, who had taught him at Edge- 
 hill that the horse, and not the pistol, was the true 
 weapon of the mounted horseman, he dashed upon 
 the enemy, who weakly halted to receive the charge, 
 and was thoroughly beaten in consequence. Crom- 
 well, as usual, piously attributed his success to the 
 Di vine intervention . "With this handful," he wrote 
 " it pleased God to cast the scale." 
 
 The success of Cromwell's horse was all the more 
 reason why financial support should be accorded to its 
 commander. Vplwrtaiiy ^contributio ns were still the 
 backbone of the resources of Parliament, though a 
 system of forced payments was being gradually estab- 
 lished. " Lay not," wrote Cromwell to the Mayor of 
 Colchester, " too much on the back of a poor gentle- 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 37 
 
 man who desires, without much noise, to lay down his 
 life and bleed the last drop to serve the cause and 
 God. I ask not money for myself ; I desire to deny 
 myself, but others will not be satisfied." 
 
 Cromwell once more called on the local com- 
 manders to gather their forces, not for an attack on 
 Newark, but for a march into Yorkshire to the relief 
 of the Fairfaxes. Early in June some 6,000 men were 
 gathered at Nottingham. Once more the effort came 
 to nothing. The commanders excused themselves 
 from moving, on the plea that the Fairfaxes did not 
 need their help. One of their number, the younger 
 Hotham, was detected in an intrigue with the enemy. 
 Mainly by Cromwell's energy he was seized, and ulti- 
 mately, together with his father, was sent to London, 
 where they were both executed as traitors. In York- 
 shire the tide was running against the Fairfaxes. On 
 June 30 they were defeated at Adwalton Moor. The 
 whole of the West Riding was lost, and the com- 
 manders forced to take refuge in Hull. Newcastle, 
 with his victorious army, would soon be heard of in 
 Lincolnshire, where Lord Willoughby of Parham had 
 lately seized Gainsborough for Parliament. Among 
 the troops ordered to maintain this advanced position 
 was Cromwell's regiment, and on July 28 that regi- 
 ment defeated a strong body of Royalist horse near 
 Gainsborough. Later in the day news was brought 
 that a force of the enemy was approaching from the 
 
38 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 North. Cromwell, whose cavalry was supported by 
 a body of foot, went out to meet it, only to find 
 himself face to face with Newcastle's whole army. 
 Though the Parliamentary infantry took flight at 
 once, the horse retired by sections, showing a bold 
 front, and regaining the town with the loss of only 
 two men. This cavalry, which combined the dash of 
 Grantham with the discipline of Gainsborough, spelt 
 victory for the Parliamentary side. 
 
 Yet, at the moment, the prospect was gloomy 
 enough. On July 30 Gainsborough surrendered, and 
 unless Cromwell's forces could be augmented, there 
 was little to intervene between Newcastle's army and 
 London. " It's no longer disputing,'' wrote Cromwell 
 to the Committee at Cambridge, " but out instantly 
 all you can. Almost all our foot have quitted Stam- 
 ford ; there is nothing to interrupt an enemy but our 
 horse that is considerable. You must act lively. Do 
 it without distraction. Neglect no means." 
 
 Cromwell knew that more than his own name was 
 required to rally the force needed at this desperate 
 conjuncture. At his instance Parliament appointed the 
 new Earl of Manchester — who, as Lord Kimbolton, 
 had been the one member of the House of Lords 
 marked out by the King for impeachment together 
 with the five members of the House of Commons — as 
 Commander of the Eastern Association, and ordered 
 an army of 10,000 men to be rai.sed within its limits. 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. jAcTN 
 
 Whilst in the South, Essex raised the siege of Glou- 
 cester, and was successful enough at Newbury to 
 make good his retreat to London, Manchester's new 
 army, in which Cromwell commanded the horse, de- 
 feated a party of Royalists at Winceby, compelled 
 Newcastle to raise the siege of Hull, and retook 
 Lincoln, which had fallen into the hands of the enemy. 
 Lincolnshire was now added to the Eastern Associa- 
 tion, the one part of England on which the eyes of the 
 Parliamentary chiefs could rest with complete satis- 
 faction. 
 
 Sooner or later Cromwell would have to face other 
 questions than those of military efficiency. When 
 Pym and his supporters drew up the Grand Remon- 
 strance, they did not contemplate the introduction of 
 any principle of religious liberty. The Church was to 
 be exclusively Puritan, on some plan to be settled by 
 Parliament upon the advice of an Assembly of Divines. 
 That Assembly met on July i, 1643, and if it had been 
 left to itself, would probably have recommended the 
 adoption of some non-episcopalian system of Church- 
 government ; whilst Parliament, faithful to the tradi- 
 tions of English governments, would have taken care 
 that the clergy should be placed under some form of 
 lay government emanating from Parliament itself. In 
 the summer of 1643 it was impossible to separate 
 questions of ecclesiastical organisation from those aris- 
 ing out of the political necessities of the hour. It was 
 
4° OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 known that Charles was angling for the support of 
 Ireland and Scotland, and if Parliament was not to be 
 overborne, it was necessary to meet him on the same 
 ground. In Ireland Charles was fairly successful. 
 On September 15 his Lord Lieutenant obtained from 
 the Confederate Catholics, who were in arms against 
 his Government, a cessation of hostilities, which would 
 enable him to divert a portion of his own troops to the 
 defence of the King's cause in England ; ultimately, 
 as he hoped, to be followed by an army levied amongst 
 the Irish Catholics. Charles's attempt to win Scot- 
 land to his side was less successful. The predominant 
 party at Edinburgh was that led by the Marquis of 
 Argyle, who had climbed to power with the help of 
 the Presbyterian organisation of the Church, and who 
 justly calculated that, if Charles gained his ends in 
 England, the weight of his victorious sword would be 
 thrown into the balance of the party led by the Duke 
 of Hamilton. That party however, embracing as it 
 did the bulk of the Scottish nobility, would not only 
 have made short work of Argyle's political dictatorship, 
 but would have taken good care that the Presbyterian 
 clergy should, in some way or other, be reduced to 
 dependence on the laity. When, therefore, English 
 Parliamentary Commissioners arrived in Edinburgh to 
 treat for military assistance, they were confronted by 
 a demand that they should accept a document knowi;i 
 as the Solemn League and Cove nant, binding Eng- 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. /JiN 
 
 land to accept the full Scottish Presbyterian system i 
 with its Church Courts, claiming as by Divine right to I 
 settle all ecclesiastical matters without the interference I 
 of the lay government. It is true that this demand ' 
 was somewhat veiled in the engagement to reform 
 religion in the Church of England, ' according to the ex- 
 ample of the best reformed Churches,' so as to bring 
 the Churches in both nations to the nearest conjunc- 
 tion and uniformity. The leading English Commis- 
 sioner, however, the younger Sir Hen ry Vane, was one 
 I of the few Englishmen who at this time championed 
 la system of religious liberty, and he now succeeded 
 [in keeping a door open by proposing the addition 
 of a few words, declaring that religion was to be re- 
 formed in England according to the Word of God, as 
 well as by the example of the best reformed Churches 
 In this form the Covenant was brought back to West- 
 minster, and in this form it was sworn to by the 
 members of Parliament, and required to be sworn to 
 by all Englishmen above the age of eighteen. Few 
 indeed amongst the members of Parliament willingly 
 placed their necks under the yoke. It_was_the_price 
 paid for Scottish armed^ assistance, simply bej awse 
 that assistance could be had on no other terms . The 
 alliance with the Scots was the last work of Pym, who 
 died before the Scottish army, the aid of which he had 
 Iso dearly purchased, crossed the Borders into England. 
 There were two ways of opposing the Scottish 
 
42 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 system of Divine-right Presbyterianism/ the old one 
 of the Tudor and Stuart Kings, placing the Church 
 under lay control ; and the new one, proclaiming the 
 right of individuals to religious liberty ,_ which was 
 advocated by Vane, and was in the course of the next 
 few months advocated by a handful of Independent 
 ministers in the Assembly of divines, and . by writers 
 like Roger Williams and Henry Robinson in the press. 
 Like all new doctrines, it made its way slowly, and 
 for long appeared to the great majority of Englishmen 
 to be redolent of anarchy. The freedom from restraint 
 which every revolution brings, together with the habit 
 of looking to the Bible as verbally inspired, had led to 
 the growth of sects upholding doctrines, some of 
 which gave rational offence to men of cultivated in- 
 telligence and encouraged them to look for a remedy 
 to the repressive action of the State. On the other 
 hand, a small number of men, most of them attached I 
 to the Independent or Baptist bodies, fully accepted I 
 the principle of religious liberty, at least within the 
 bounds of Puritanism. For the present the question 
 was merely Parliamentary ; but it might easily be 
 brought within the sphere of military influence, and it 
 was not without significance that, though Essex and 
 Waller, who had comparatively failed as gene rals, 
 wg re on the sirie of Presbyterian r ep^gs sion, Cromwel l, 
 wh^-fead sliuwH—himsplf to he the-ja ost succe ssful 
 s oldier in England, dec lared himself on the side 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. ^ 
 
 of liberty. In the sectarian sense indeed, Cromwell 
 ne ver~attached himself tr> the TndeppnHf^pf n^ t o arij^ 
 other religious body. Inj rm adheren ce Jto the great 
 d octrin e of tolerationj^ which spread abroad from the ' 
 Independents or from the Baptists, who were but 
 Independents with a special doctrine added to their 
 
 f tenets, Cromwell was the foremost Independent of 
 the day. 
 
 Not that Cromwell indeed reached his conclusions 
 as did Roger Williams, by the light of pure reason. 
 The rites prescribed in the Prayer Book were to him 
 a mockery of God. On January lo, 1644, he ordered 
 a clergyman, who persisted in using the old service in 
 Ely Cathedral, to leave off his fooling and come down 
 from his place. But he had no liking for the Covenant, J 
 and avoided committing himself to it till the beginning/ 
 of February, 1644, when he swore to it on his appoint- 
 ment as Lieutenant- General in Manchester's army, 
 doubtless laying special stress in his own mind on 
 the loop-hole offered by Vane's amendment. The^ 
 ' range of reli gious Ji bcfXv ap p ea t ee hte-feiia-eH-pneetteal 
 grounds. jj[ow_was_heJp_figlrtjthe_ener^^ 
 
 could choose his , officers lac-ihek^miiltMiL, 
 and not for their Presbyterian japiHioHST"-^ The Major- 
 General of Manchester's army — Crawford, a Scot of 
 the narrowest Presbyterian type — had objected to the 
 promotion of an officer named Packer, who was an 
 Anabaptist. " Admit he be," wrote Cromwell in reply, 
 
44 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 " shall that render him incapable to serve the public ? 
 . . . Sir, the State in choosing men to serve it takes 
 no notice of their opinions. If they be willing faith-' 
 fully to serve it — that satisfies. Take heed of being 
 sharp, or too easily sharpened by others, against those 
 to whom you can object little but that they square 
 not with you in every opinion concerning matters of 
 religion." 
 
 It might be that religious liberty would in the 
 long run suffer more than it would gain from military 
 support, just as the principles of Andrewes and Laud 
 suffered more than they gained by the support of 
 Charles. Already the regiments under Cromwell's 
 command swarmed with enthusiasts who spent their 
 leisure in preaching and arguing on the most abstruse 
 points of divinity, agreeing in nothing except that 
 argument was to be met by argument alone. Their 
 iron discipline and their devotion to the cause per- 
 mitted a freedom which would have been a mere 
 dissolvent of armies enlisted after a more worldly 
 system. As Cromwell stepped more pronouncedly 
 to the front, his advocacy of religious liberty would 
 become well-nigh irresistible. 
 
 On January 19, 1644, the Scottish army, under 
 the Earl of Leven, crossed the Tweed. Newcastle 
 was pushed back into York, where he was besieged 
 by the combined forces of Leven and the Fairfaxes. 
 On May 6 Lincoln, which had been regained by the 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 45 
 
 Royalists, was retaken by Manchester, who together 
 with Cromwell pushed on to join in the siege of 
 York. Rupert, however, having been sent northward 
 by Charles, succeeded in raising the siege ; and on July 
 2 a battle was fought on Marston Moor, in which the 
 Royalist army, successful at first, was utterly crushed 
 by Cromwell's skill. Having routed Rupert's horse,/ 
 he drew bridle and hurried back to the assistance of 
 the Scottish infantry, which was holding its own 
 against overwhelming numbers of the enemy. The 
 King's regiments of foot were routed or destroyed by 
 his impetuous charge. Cromwell had redeemed the 
 day after the three generals, Leven, Manchester and 
 the elder Fairfax, had fled from that which they 
 deemed to be a complete disaster. Before long the 
 whole of the North of England, save a few outlying 
 fortresses, was lost to the King. 
 
 In the South, matters were going badly for Parlia- 
 ment. Waller's army, checked at Cropredy Bridge, 
 melted away by desertion ; whilst Essex, attempting 
 an inroad into Cornwall, was followed by the King. 
 Essex himself and his cavalry succeeded in making 
 their escape, but on September 2 the whole of his in- 
 fantry surrendered to Charles at Lostwithiel. Unless 
 Manchester came to the rescue, it would be impos- 
 sible to avert disaster. Manchester, however, was 
 hard to move. Between him and his Lieutenant- 
 General there was no longer that good understanding 
 
46 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 which was essential to successful action. Manchester, 
 longing for peace on the basis of a Presbyterian 
 settlement of the Church, could not be brought to 
 understand that, whether such an ending to the war; 
 were desirable or not, it could never be obtained from] 
 Charles. Cromwell, on the other hand, aimed atj ^e-' 
 ligious toleratio n for the sects, and that security whic h, 
 as his practical "^t-nrP <-^"g^'<- l^''"i^ a^as only attaina ble 
 
 by the destruct io n of the ^mjlil-ary Hffpnrp<; in whjrVi 
 
 Chgxlss_t£usted^ That those defences were the ram- 
 parts of the city of destruction, he never doubted for 
 an instant. Writing in his most serious mood im- 
 mediately after the victory of Marston Moor, to the 
 father of a youth who had there met his death-wound, 
 his own losses rose before his mind. Of his four sons, 
 two had already passed away : — Robert, leaving behind 
 him a memory of unusual piety, had died in his school- 
 boy days ; whilst Oliver, who had charged and fled at 
 Edgehill had lately succumbed to small-pox in the 
 garrison at Newport Pagnell. Yet it was not only to 
 the example of his own sorrow that Cromwell mainly 
 looked as a balm for a father's bereavement. " Sir," 
 he wrote, "you know my own trials this way, but the 
 Lord supported me with this that the Lord took him 
 into the happiness we all pant for and live for. There 
 is your precious child full of glory, never to know sin 
 or sorrow any more. Before his death he was so full 
 of comfort that to Frank Russell and myself he could 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 47 
 
 not express it, ' it was so great above his pain '. This 
 he said to us — indeed it was admirable. A little after, 
 he said one thing lay upon his spirit. I asked him 
 what that was ? He told me it was that ' God had not 
 suffered him to be any more the executioner of his 
 enemies'." Between a Cromwell eager to destroy"^ 
 the enemies of God and a Manchester eager to make! 
 peace with those enemies no good understanding was \ 
 possible, especially as in the eyes of Manchester the I 
 prolongation of the war meant the strengthening of 
 that sectarian fanaticism to which Cromwell looked 
 as the evidence of a vigorous spiritual life. 
 
 Tn Manrhpster the de sire fnr p eace _showed itself 
 in s heer reluctance to make w ar. Cromwell fumed in 
 vain against the Scots and their resolution to force 
 their Presbyterianism upon England. " In the way 
 they now carry themselves," he told Manchester, 
 "pressing for their discipline, I could as soon draw 
 my sword against them as against any in the King's 
 army.'' " He would have," he added at another time, 
 " none in his army who were not of the Independent 
 judgment, in order that if terms were offered for a 
 peace such as might not stand with the ends that 
 honest men should aim at, this army might prevent 
 such a mischief." This attack on the Scots led to an 
 attack on the English nobility, amongst whom the 
 sects found scant favour. He hoped, he said in words 
 long afterwards remembered against him, to ' live to 
 
+8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 see never a nobleman in England '. He is even 
 reported to have assured Manchester that it would 
 never be well till he was known as plain Mr. 
 Montague. Manchester persisted in doing nothing 
 till a distinct order was given him to march to the 
 defence of London, now laid open by Essex's mishap. 
 Manchester's reluctance to engage in military 
 operations was probably strengthened by the know- 
 ledge that Vane, who, since Pym's death in the winter 
 of 1643, was the most prominent personage amongst 
 the war party at Westminster, had come down to 
 York, at the time of the siege, to urge the generals, 
 though in vain, to consent to the deposition of the 
 King, and he could not but suspect that the arrival of 
 Charles Louis, Elector Palatine, the eldest surviving 
 son of Charles's sister Elizabeth, on August 30, had 
 something to do with a design for placing him on his 
 uncle's throne. The design, if it really existed, came 
 to nothing, probably because it was hopeless to carry 
 it out in the teeth of the generals. It was only with 
 the utmost difficulty that Manchester's hesitation was 
 overcome, and that he was induced to face Charles's 
 army at Newbury. The battle fought there on 
 October 27 was a drawn one. That it did not end 
 in a Parliamentary victory was mainly owing to 
 Manchester's indecision. When, a few days later, 
 the King reappeared on the scene, he was allowed to 
 relieve Donnington Castle, in the immediate neigh- 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 49 
 
 bourhood of Newbury, no attempt whatever being 
 made to hinder his operations. In the controversy 
 which followed, Manchester went to the root of the 
 matter when he said . " If we beat the King ninetyi 
 and nine times, yet he is King still, and so will hisi 
 posterity be after him ; but if the King beat us oncej 
 we shall all be hanged, and our posterity made slaves "I 
 " My Lord," answered Cromwell, " if this be so why did 
 we take up arms at first? This is against fighting 
 ever hereafter. If so, let us make peace, be it never 
 so base." Each of the two men had fixed upon one 
 side of the problem which England was called upon 
 to solve. Manchester was appalled by the political 
 difficulty. There stood the Kingship accepted by 
 generation after generation, fenced about with safe- 
 guards of law and custom, and likely to be accepted 
 in one form or another by generations to come. A 
 single decisive victory gained by Charles would not 
 only expose those who had dared to make war on 
 him to the hideous penalties of the law of treason — 
 but would enable him to measure the terms of sub- 
 mission by his own resolves. If Manchester had had 
 the power of looking into futurity, he would have argued 
 ; that no military success — not even the abolition of 
 I monarchy, and the execution of the monarch — would 
 \ avail to postpone the restoration of Charles's heir for 
 1 more than a little while. 
 
 Cromwell's reply did not even pretend to meet the 
 4 
 
50 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 difficulty. It was not in him to forecast the prospects 
 of kingship in England, or to vex his mind with the 
 consequences of a problematical Royalist victory. Iti 
 was enough for him to grasp the actual situation. It| 
 is true that, at this time, he had not got beyond the 
 position from which the whole of the Parliamentary 
 party had started at the beginning of the war — the 
 position that the war must be ended by a compact 
 between King and Parliament. To Cromwell, there- 
 fore, whose heart was set upon the liberation of those 
 who in his eyes were the people of God, and the 
 overthrow of ceremonial observances, the immediate 
 duty of the moment was to secure that, when the 
 time of negotiation arrived, the right side should be 
 in possession of sufficient military force to enable it 
 to dictate the terms of peace. It was his part not 
 to consider what the King might do if he proved 
 victorious, but to take good care that he was signally 
 defeated. Strange to say, the folly of the Presby- 
 terian party — strong in the two Houses, and in the 
 support of the Scottish army — was playing into 
 Cromwell's hands. On November 20, ten days after 
 Cromwell's altercations with Manchester, ParHament 
 sent to Oxford terms of peace so harsh as to place 
 their acceptance outside the bounds of possibility. 
 The royal power was to be reduced to a cipher, whilst 
 such a form of religion as might be agreed upon by 
 the Houses in accordance with the Covenant was to 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. (5X 
 
 be imposed on all Englishmen, without toleration I 
 either for the sects favoured by Cromwell, or for the J 
 Church of Andrewes and Laud which found one of/ 
 its warmest and most conscientious supporters in 
 Charles. Every man in the three kingdoms, including 
 the King himself, was to be bound to swear to the 
 observance of the Covenant. Such a demand natur- 
 ally met with stern resistance. " There are three 
 things," replied Charles, " I will not part with — the 
 Church, my crown, and my friends ; and you will have 
 much ado to get them from me." It needed no 
 action on the part of Cromwell to secure the failure 
 of such a negotiation, and, so far as we are aware, no 
 word passed his lips in public on the subject. 
 
 QB—November 2j-Xr-&m^welLaB£eared in_Parlia^ 
 ,_ment-4o- urgcTDrt the one thiri^initTiediateiy necessafy,~" 
 the^fbrging of^ a.n jo^a?ument by Tvhich the King 
 rnight be ruined in the -field. The existing military 
 system by which separate a rmies. to _ a great ex- 
 tent composed ot localforces, and therefore unable 
 to subordinate local to national objects, had been 
 placed under commanders selected for their political 
 or social eminence, had completely broken down. So 
 well was this recognised that, two days before Crom- 
 well's arrival at Westminster, a committee had been 
 appointed without opposition to ' consider of a frame 
 or model of the whole militia'. It was perhaps to 
 assist the committee to come to a right conclusion 
 
(^ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 that, upon his arrival at Westminster, Cromwell in- 
 dignantly assailed Manchester as guilty of all the 
 errors which had led to the deplorable result at 
 Newbury. Manchester was not slow in throwing all 
 the blame on Cromwell, and it seemed as if the gravest 
 political questions were to be thrust aside by a personal 
 altercation. So angry were the Scottish members of 
 the Committee of both kingdoms, a body which had 
 recently been appointed to direct the movements of 
 the armies, that they won over the Presbyterian 
 leaders, Essex and Holies, to look favourably on a 
 scheme for bringing an accusation against Cromwell 
 as an incendiary who was doing his best to divide the 
 King from his people, and one of the kingdoms from 
 the other. At a meeting held at Essex House the 
 Scottish Earl of Loudoun asked the Engli.sh lawyers 
 present whether an incendiary who was punishable 
 by the law of Scotland was also punishable by the 
 law of England. The English lawyers threw cold 
 water on the scheme, Whitelocke asking to see the 
 evidence on which the charge was founded, whilst 
 Maynard declared that ' Lieutenant-General Cromwell 
 is a person of great favour and interest with the House 
 of Commons, and with some of the Peers likewise, and 
 therefore there must be proofs, and the most clear 
 and evident against him, to prevail with the Parlia- 
 ment to adjudge him to be an incendiary'. Neither 
 Whitelocke nor Maynard was eager to bell the cat. 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 53 
 
 Cromwell replied by a renewed attack on Man- 
 chester's inefficient generalship. Yet it was not in 1 
 accordance with the character of the man who had 
 stopped the headlong_ru^iof_bJs-squad£Qns at Mar- 
 sjon Moor to allow a great public cause to be wrecked 
 by personal recrimination s. On December 9 Zouch 
 Tate, himself a strong Presbyterian, reported from a 
 committee which had been appointed to consider the 
 questions at issue between the two generals, ' that the 
 chief causes of our division are pride and covetousness'. 
 It is immaterial whether Tate had or had not come to 
 a previous understanding with Cromwell to damp down 
 the fires of controversy which threatened to rend the 
 Parliamentary party into warring factions. What 
 was of real importance is that Cromwell followed with 
 an admission that, unless the war was brought to a 
 speedy conclusion, the kingdom would become weary 
 of Parliament. " For what," he added, " do the enemy 
 say? Nay, what do many say that were friends at 
 the beginning of the Parliament ? Even this, that 
 the members of both Houses have got great places 
 and commands and a sword into their hands, and, 
 what by interest of Parliament, and what by power in 
 the army, will perpetually continue themselves in 
 grandeur, and not permit the war speedily to end, 
 lest their own power should determine with it. This 
 I speak here to our faces is but what others do utter 
 behind our backs." Then, after calling for the more 
 
54) OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 vigorous prosecution of the war, and advising that all 
 charges against individual commanders should be 
 dropped, he proceeded to express a hope that no 
 member of either House would scruple to abandon 
 his private interests for the public good. Later in the 
 day, Tate gave point to Cromwell's suggestion by^ 
 moving that so long as the war lasted, no member of 
 either House should hold any command, military or 
 civil, conferred on him by Parliament. The idea 
 struck root. It satisfied those who misdoubted Essex 
 and Manchester, as well as those who misdoubted 
 Cromwell. That Cromwell was in earnest in pro pos- 
 ing to e xclude himself is evident. The majority in 
 both Houses was Presbyterian, and if the so-called 
 Self-Denying Ordinance brought in to give effect to 
 Tate's proposal by refusing to members of either 
 House the right of holding commands in the army or 
 offices in the State had been passed in the form in 
 which it was drawn up, nothing short of a repeal of 
 that ordinance could have enabled him to command 
 even a single troop. 
 
 That a door was left open was entirely the fault? 
 of the House of Lords in rejecting this ordinance on 1 
 January 13, 1645. By this time both parties in the' 
 Commons were of one mind in pushing on an ordin- 
 ance for a new model of the army, from which it would 
 be easy to exclude peers, whether the Self-Denying 
 Ordinance were passed or no. On January 21 the 
 
KING AND PARLIAMENT. 55 
 
 Commons named Fairfax as General and Skippon as 
 Major-General of the new army. The post of Lieu- 
 tenant-General, which carried with it the command of 
 the Horse, was significantly left open. No legislation 
 now barred the way to Cromwell's appointment, but 
 the House thought it desirable to make their action 
 in the matter dependent on the line finally taken 
 by the Lords. On February 15 the Lords passed 
 the New Model Ordinance. A few days later, the 
 negotiation with the King which is known as the 
 Treaty of Uxbridg e, came to an end, and Parliament 
 was now committed to the design of meeting Charles 
 in the field with an army commanded by professional 
 soldiers, and withdrawn from local and political 
 influences. In such an army nothing more would be/ 
 heard of the dangers of success which had loomed sol 
 large before the eye of Manchester. Apparently tcj 
 save the Parliamentary officers from the indignity of 
 tendering the resignation of their commissions, a new 
 S elf-D enying Ordinance was passed on April 3, by 
 which members of either House were discharged from 
 their military or civil posts within forty days after- 
 wards. There was nothing to prevent the reappoint- 
 ment of Cromwell on the one hand, or of Essex or 
 Manchester on the other, if the two Houses should 
 combine in doing so. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 
 
 The New Model Army had been accepted by both 
 Houses and by both parties in either House, because 
 in no other way could the difficulties of the situation 
 be met. The failure of the negotiations at Uxbridge 
 had convinced the Presbyterians — at least for the 
 moment — that Charles would give no help towards 
 the settlement of the nation on any basis that their 
 narrow minds could recognise as acceptable, and if 
 the war was to be continued, what prospect was there 
 of success under the old conditions ? Nevertheless, 
 the creation of the New Model was, in the main, 
 Cromwell's work. Men are led by their passions 
 more than by their reason, and if Cromwell had 
 continued his invectives against Manchester, he would 
 have roused an opposition which would have left little 
 chance of the realisation of thehopes which he cherished 
 most deeply in his heart. All through the discussion , 
 he had shown not only a readiness to sacrifice his own 
 personal interests, but a determination to avoid even 
 criticism of the actions of his opponents in all matters 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 57 ' 
 
 of less importance, provided that he had his way in / 
 the one thing most important of all. Without a word ; 
 of censure he had left the Presbyterians not only to 
 negotiate with Charles, but to pass votes for the es- 
 tablishment of intolerant Presbyterianism in England. 
 The skill with which he avoided friction by keeping 
 himself in the background, whilst he allowed others j 
 to work for him, doubtless contributed much to his i 
 success. It revealed the highest qualities of states- 
 manship on the hypothesis that he was acting with 
 a single eye to the public good. It revealed the 
 lowest arts of the trickster, on the hypothesis that he \ 
 was scheming for his own ultimate advantage. As 1 
 human nature is constituted, there would be many/ 
 who would convince themselves that the lower inter-' 
 pretation of his conduct was the true one. 
 
 At all events, the New Model Army was being 
 brought into shape in the spring of 1645. It was 
 composed partly of men pressed into the service, 
 partly of soldiers who had served in former armies. 
 That the Puritan, and even the Independent element, 
 was well represented amongst the cavalry of which 
 Cromwell's troops formed the nucleus, there can be 
 little doubt ; and even amongst the infantry, the fact 
 that it could only be recruited from those parts of 
 England which at that time acknowledged the autho- 
 rity of the Houses.and that in those counties Puritanism 
 was especially rife, would naturally introduce into the 
 
58 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 ranks a considerable number of Puritans, whether In- 
 dependent or not. The army, however, was certainly 
 not formed on the principles which had guided Crom- 
 well in the selection of his first troopers, and indeed it 
 was impossible to select 30,000 men on the exclusive 
 plan which had been found possible in the enlist- 
 ment of a single troop or a single regiment. What 
 chiefly — so far as the rank and file were concerned — 
 distinguished the New Model from preceding armies 
 was that it was regularly paid. Hitherto the soldiers 
 had been dependent on intermittent Parliamentary 
 grants, or still more intermittent efforts of local com- 
 mittees. All this was now to be changed. A regular 
 taxation was assessed on the counties for the support 
 of the new army, and the constant pay thus secured 
 was likely to put an end to the desertions on a large 
 scale which had afflicted former commanders, thus 
 rendering it possible to bring the new force under 
 rigorous discipline, a discipline which punished even 
 more severely offences against morality than those 
 directed against military efficiency. 
 
 The higher the state of discipline the more 
 important is the selection of officers ; and here at 
 least Cromwell's views had full scope. On the mere 
 ground that it was desirable to place command in the 
 hands of those who were most strenuous in the prose- 
 cution of the war, the preference was certain to bej 
 given to men who were least hampered by a desire 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 59 
 
 to make terms with an unbeaten King — in otherj 
 words, to Independents rather than to Presbyterians.! 
 In another way Cromwell's ideas were carried out. 
 " I had rather," he had once said, " have a plain russet- 
 coated captain that knows what he fights for, and 
 loves what he Icnows, than that which you call a 
 gentleman and nothing else. I honour a gentleman 
 that is so indeed." There was no distinction of social 
 rank amongst the officers of the New Model. Amongst 
 them were men of old families such as Fairfax and 
 Montague, side by side with Hewson, the cobbler, 
 and Pride, the drayman. If ever the army should be 
 drawn within the circle of politics, much would follow 
 from the adoption of a system of promotion which 
 grounded itself on military efficiency alone. 
 
 For the present the services of the new army were 
 required solely in the field. On April 20 Cromwell, 
 who was permitted to retain his commission forty 
 days after the ordinance had passed, and whose allotted 
 term had not yet expired, was sent with his cavalry 
 to sweep round the King's head-quarters at Oxford 
 in order to break up his arrangements for sending out 
 the artillery needed by Rupert if he was again to take 
 the field. Cromwell's movement was completely suc- 
 cessful. He not only scattered a Royalist force at 
 Islip, and captured Blechington House by sheer bluff, 
 but he swept up all the draught horses on which 
 Charles had counted for the removal of the guns, and 
 
6o OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 thus incapacitated the enemy from immediate action. 
 Rupert had to wait patiently for some time before he 
 could leave his quarters. 
 
 It is seldom that men realise at first the necessary 
 consequences of an important change, and, on this 
 occasion, the Committee of Both Kingdoms and the 
 Parliament itself were slow to discover that, if the 
 new army was to achieve victory, its movements must 
 be guided, not by politicians at Westminster, but by 
 the general in the field. The first act of the Com- 
 mittee was to send Fairfax with eleven thousand men 
 to the relief of Taunton, where Blake, who not long 
 before had defended Lyme against all the efforts of 
 the Royalists to take it, was now holding out to the 
 last with scanty protection from the fortifications he 
 had improvised. The Committee's orders, necessary 
 perhaps at first, were persisted in even after it was 
 known that Charles had been joined at Oxford by 
 the field army which had hitherto protected the 
 besiegers of Taunton in the West, and that, whilst a 
 much smaller force than eleven thousand men would 
 be now sufficient to raise the siege, every soldier that 
 could be spared was needed farther east. The next 
 blunder of the Committee was even worse. Charles 
 had marched to the North with all the force he could 
 gather, in the hope of undoing the consequences of 
 Marston Moor. If there was one lesson which the 
 Committee ought to have learnt from the campaign 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND TH& PRESBYTERIANS. 61 
 
 of the preceding year it was that it is useless to 
 besiege towns whilst the enemy's army remains un- 
 beaten in the field. Yet when every military con- 
 sideration spoke with no uncertain voice for the policy 
 of following up Charles's army without remission till 
 it had been defeated, the sage Committee-men at 
 Westminster ordered Fairfax to besiege Oxford. 
 Charles, at liberty to direct his movements where he 
 would, had been deflected from his course, and on 
 May 31 had stormed Leicester. The news shook the 
 Committee's resolution to keep the direction of the 
 army in its own feeble hands. On June 2 it directed 
 Fairfax to break up the siege of Oxford. On the 4th 
 a petition from the London Common Council asked 
 that, though the forty days during which Cromwell 
 kept his appointment under the Self-Denying Ordi- 
 nance had now elapsed, he might be placed at the 
 head of a new army to be raised in the Eastern As- 
 sociation. Another petition from Fairfax's officers 
 asked that he might be placed in the vacant lieuten- 
 ant-generalship. The Commons agreed, but, for the 
 present at least, the Lords withheld their consent. At 
 a later time, when events had rendered refusal impos- 
 sible, the Lords gave their consent to an appointment 
 for which Cromwell was certainly not disqualified by 
 anything in the Self-Denying Ordinance in the form 
 in which they had allowed it to pass ; considering 
 that that Ordinance merely demanded the surrender 
 
6a OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Iof his commission, without imposing any bar to his 
 reappointment. 
 
 When on June 14 the army under Fairfax found 
 itself in presence of the King at Naseby, Cromwell 
 was once more in command of the horse. As usual 
 in those days the infantry was in the centre. On the 
 two wings were the cavalry, that on the right under 
 Cromwell in person, that on the left under Ireton. 
 Ireton was driven back by Rupert, who, having learned 
 nothing since his headlong charge at Edgehill, dashed 
 in pursuit without a moment's thought for the fortunes 
 of the remainder of the King's army. Cromwell, after 
 driving off the horse opposed to him, drew rein, as 
 he had done at Marston Moor, to watch the sway of 
 the battle he had left behind him. Seeing his duty 
 clear, he left three regiments to continue the pursuit, 
 and with the remainder fell upon the Royalist infantry, 
 and with the help of Fairfax's own foot destroyed or 
 captured the whole body. Rupert returned too late 
 to do anything but join Charles in his flight. Five 
 thousand prisoners had been taken, of whom no less 
 than five hundred were officers, while Charles's whole 
 train of artillery remained in the hands of the victors. 
 That Cromwell had contributed more than any other 
 man to this crushing victory was beyond dispute. 
 
 Cjom welL_aa— waa Jua-usual-fattbity ascribed this 
 success to J3ivinfi_aid. " I can say this of Naseby," 
 he wrote, " that when I saw the enemy draw up and 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 63 
 
 march in gallant order towards us, and we a company 
 of poor ignorant men to seek to order our battle, the 
 General having commanded me to order all the horse, 
 I could not — riding alone about my business — but 
 smile out to God praises in assurance of victory, be- 
 cause God would, by things that are not, bring to 
 naught things that are, of which I had great assurance 
 — and God did it." No doubt, as has been said, 
 Cromwell omitted to mention that the Parliamentary 
 army had numbers on its side— not much less than 
 14,000, opposed to 7,500. But it was not the numerical 
 superiority of the Parliamentarians which won the day. 
 It did not enable Ireton to withstand Rupert, and the 
 infantry in the centre was already giving way when 
 Cromwell returned to assist it. It was the discipline 
 rather than the numbers of Cromwell's horse aided by 
 the superb generalship of their commander that gained 
 the day. Cromwell, when he wrote of his soldiers as ' 
 ' poor ignorant men,' was doubtless glancing back in 
 thought at his own early criticism of the fugitives at 
 Edgehill. The yeomen and peasants whom he had 
 gathered round him owed much to discipline and 
 leadership ; but they owed much also to the belief 
 embedded in their hearts that they were fighting in 
 the cause of God. 
 
 After the victory at Naseby the issue of the struggle 
 was practically decided. There was another fight at 
 Langport, where Fairfax defeated a force with which 
 
64 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Goring attempted to guard the western counties ; but 
 after this the war resolved itself into a succession of 
 sieges which could end but in one way, as Charles 
 had no longer a field army to bring to the relief 
 of Royalist garrisons. For some months Cromwell, 
 sometimes in combination with Fairfax, sometimes in 
 temporary command of a separate force, was untiring 
 in the energy which he threw into his work. Charles 
 was full of combinations which never resulted in 
 practical advantage to his cause. At one time his , 
 hopes were set upon Montrose, who, after his brilliant 
 victories, expected to bring an army of Highlanders to 
 aid of the royal cause. At another time he looked with ' 
 equal hopefulness to Glamorgan, who was to conduct 
 an Irish army to England. Montrose's scheme was 
 wrecked at Philiphaugh, and Glamorgan's concessions 
 to the Irish Catholics were divulged and had to be dis- 
 avowed. On March 31, 1646, Sir Jacob Astley, bring- 
 ing 3,000 men, the last Royalist force in existence, to 
 the relief of Charles at Oxford, was forced to surrender 
 at Stow-on-the-Wold. " You have done your work," 
 said the veteran to his captors, "and may go play, 
 unless you will fall out among yourselves." Though 
 Oxford and Newark were still untaken, the end of 
 the war was now a mere question of days. 
 
 "Honest men," wrote Cromwell to Speaker 
 Lenthall soon after the victory of Naseby "served 
 you faithfully in this action. Sir, they are trusty — I 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 65 
 
 beseech you in the name of God, not to discourage 
 them — I wish this action may beget thankfulness and 
 humility in all that are concerned in it. He that 
 ventures his life for the liberty of his country, I wish 
 he trust God for the liberty of his conscience, and you 
 for the liberty he fights for." " All this," he continued 
 three months later, in the same strain, after the storm 
 of Bristol, " is none other than the work of God ; he 
 must be a very atheist that doth not acknowledge it. 
 It may be thought that some praises are due to those 
 gallant men of whose valour so much mention is 
 made : — Their humble suit to you and all that have 
 an interest in this blessing is that, in the remembrance 
 of God's praises, they may be forgotten. It's their 
 joy that they are instruments of God's glory and their 
 country's good. It's their honour that God vouchsafes 
 to use them. . .Sir, they that have been employed 
 in this service know that faith and prayer obtained 
 this city for you : I do not say ours only, but of the 
 people ofGod with you and all England over, who 
 have wrestled with God for a blessing in this very 
 thing. Our desires are that God may be glorified by 
 the same spirit of faith by which we ask all our suffi- 
 ciency and have received it. It is meet that He have 
 all the praise. Presbyterians, Independents, all had 
 here the same spirit of faith and prayer, the same 
 presence and answer ; they agree here, know no names 
 of difference ; pity it is it should be otherwise any- 
 
 S 
 
66 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 j where ! All that believe have the real unity which 
 is most glorious because inward and spiritual in the 
 Body and to the Head As for being united in forms, 
 commonly called uniformity, every Christian will, for 
 peace sake, study and do as far as conscience will 
 permit. And from brethren, in things of the mind, 
 we look for no compulsion but that of light and reason. 
 In other things, God hath put the sword in the Parlia- 
 ment's hands for the terror of evil-doers and the praises 
 of them that do well. If any plead exemption from 
 that, he knows not the Gospel ; if any would wring 
 that out of your hands, or steal it from you, under 
 what pretence soever, I hope they shall do it without 
 effect." 
 
 No words can better depict the state of Cromwell's 
 mind at this time. Of the religion to which the King 
 and his followers clung there is no question in his 
 thoughts. He would be unwilling to listen to the 
 suggestion that it was to be counted as religion in any 
 worthy sense. Parliament, mutilated as it was, is the 
 authority ordained by God to keep order in the land. 
 For that very reason Parliament was bound to allow 
 full liberty to God's children, whatever might be their 
 differences on matters of discipline or practice. Within 
 the limits of Puritanism, no intolerance might be ad- 
 mitted. A common spiritual emotion — not external 
 di.scipline or intellectual agreement — was the test of 
 brotherhood. So resolved was the House of Commons 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS.(0 f 
 
 to discountenance this view of the case, that in order-i 
 ing the publication of Cromwell's two despatches, it I 
 mutilated both of them by the omission of the passages I 
 advocati ng liberty of c(^science ^ 
 
 At the present day we are inclined to blame Crom- 
 well, not for going too far in the direction oftoleratian.l 
 but for not going far enough. In the middle of the 
 sev^teenth century the very idea of toleration in; 
 any shape was peculiar to a chosen few. That the/i 
 majority of the Puritan clergy were bitterly opposed 
 to it affords no matter for surprise. As men of some 
 education and learning, and with a professional con- 
 fidence in the certainty of their own opinions, they 
 looked with contempt not merely on views different 
 from their own, but also on the persons who, often 
 without the slightest mental culture, ventured to pro- 
 duce out of the Bible schemes of doctrine sometimes 
 immoral, and very often — at least in the opinions of 
 the Presbyterian divines — blasphemous and profane. 
 Even where this was not the case, there remained the 
 danger of seeing the Church of England — which was 
 held to have been purified by the abolition of episco- 
 pacy and the banishment of the ceremonies favoured 
 by the bishops — degenerate into a chaos in which a 
 thousand sects battled for their respective creeds, 
 instead of meekly accepting the gospel dealt out to 
 them by their well-instructed pastors. Richard Baxter 
 was a favourable specimen of the Presbyterian clergy. 
 
68 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Conciliatory in temper, he was yet an ardent contro- 
 versialist, and, for a few months after the battle of 
 Naseby, he accepted the position of chaplain to 
 Whalley's regiment, with the avowed intention of 
 persuading the sectaries to abandon their evil ways. 
 He soon discovered that the greater part of the infantry 
 of the New Model Army was by no means sectarian 
 or even Puritan in its opinions. " The greatest part 
 of the common soldiers," he wrote, " especially of the 
 foot, were ignorant men of little religion, abundance 
 of them such as had been taken prisoners or turned 
 out of garrisons under the King, and had been soldiers 
 in his army ; and these would do anything to please 
 their officers," In other words, the sectarian officers 
 could command the services of the army as a whole, 
 backed as they would be by the most energetic of the 
 private soldiers. Nor was Baxter longer in discovering 
 that the military preachers were ready to question 
 received doctrine in politics as well as in religion. 
 " I perceived," he declared, " they took the King for a 
 tyrant and an enemy, and really intended to master 
 him, and they thought if they might fight against him 
 they might kill or conquer him, and if they might 
 conquer they were never more to trust him further 
 than he was in their power ; and that they thought it 
 folly to irritate him either by wars or contradictions 
 in Parliament, if so be they must needs take him for 
 their King, and trust him with their lives when they 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 69 
 
 had thus displeased him." These audacious reasoners 
 went further still . " What," they asked, " were the Lords 
 of England but William the Conqueror's colonels, or 
 the Barons but his majors, or the Knights but his 
 captains ? " " They plainly showed me," complained 
 Baxter, "that they thought God's providence would 
 cast the trust of religion and the Kingdom upon them 
 as conquerors ; they made nothing of all the most 
 wise and godly in the armies and garrisons that were 
 not of their way. Per fas aut nefas, by law or without 
 it, they were resolved to take down not only Bishops 
 and liturgy and ceremonies, but all that did withstand 
 their way. They . . . most honoured the Separatists, 
 Anabaptists and Antinomians ; but Cromwell and his 
 council took on them to join themselves to no party, i 
 but to be for the liberty of all." 
 
 'To be for the liberty of all' was recognis ed as 
 being Cromwell's position. There is every reason to 
 suppose that he had at this time little sympathy with 
 the aspirations of those who would have made the 
 army the lever wherewith to obtain political results 
 otherwise unobtainable. In his Bristol despatch he 
 had pointedly adhered to the doctrine that the sword 
 had been placed by God in the hands of Parliament, 
 and for the present he was inclined to look to Parlia- 
 ment alone for the boon he asked of it. What 
 makes Cromwell's^ lbiogj£hy..sg^., interesting is his 
 perpetual effort J:o walk jn the paths of legality— 
 
^Q OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 I an effort always frustrated by the necessities of the 
 
 I situation. 
 
 It is difficult for us, nursled as we are under a 
 regime of religious liberty, to understand how hateful 
 Cromwell's proposal was in the eyes of the vast 
 majority of his contemporaries. Not only did it shock 
 those who looked down with scorn on the vagaries of 
 the tub-preacher, but it aroused fears lest religious 
 sectarianism should, by splitting up the nation into 
 hostile parties, lead the way to political weakness. 
 To every nation it is needful that there be some bond 
 of common emotion which shall enable it to present 
 an undivided front against its enemies, and such a 
 bond was more than ever needful at a time when 
 loyalty to the throne had been suspended. It was'N 
 Cromwell's merit to have seen that this bond would/ 
 be strengthened, not weakened, by the permission > 
 of divergencies in teaching and practice, so long as( 
 there was agreement on the main grounds of spiritual 
 Puritanism. If on the one hand he was behind Roger 
 Williams in theoretical conception, he was in advance 
 of him in his attempt to fit in his doctrines with the 
 practical needs of his time. 
 
 Some assistance Cromwell had from men with 
 whom, on other grounds, he had little sympathy. The 
 Westminster Assembly of divines, which had been 
 
 sitting since 1643, had done its best to impose the 
 Presbyterian system on England, but in the House of 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS, jt 
 
 Commons there was a small group of Erastian lawyers, 
 with the learned Selden at their head, which was strong 
 enough to carry Parliament with it in resistance to 
 the imposition upon England of a Scottish Presby- 
 terianism — that is to say, of an ecclesiastical system in 
 which matters of religion were to be disposed of in the 
 Church Courts without any appeal to the lay element 
 in the State ; though, on the other hand, it must not 
 be forgotten that in those very Church Courts the lay 
 element found its place. The Erastians, however, pre- 
 ferred to uphold the supreme authority of the laity 
 represented in Parliament — as the lawyers of the pre- 
 ceding century had upheld the authority of the laity 
 represented in the King — probably because they knew 
 that the lay members of the Presbyterian assemblies 
 were pretty sure to fall under the influence of the 
 clergy. Selden indeed was no admirer of the enthusi- 
 asms of the sects ; but his cool, dispassionate way of 
 treating their claims would, in the end, make for liberty 
 even more certainly than the burning zeal of a Williams 
 or a Cromwell. 
 
 With the surrender of Astley at Stow-on-the-Wold 
 a new situation was created. The time had arrived 
 to which Cromwell had looked forward after the second 
 battle of Newbury, the time when Charles — no longer 
 having any hope of dictating terms to his enemies — 
 would probably be ready to accept some compromise 
 which might give to Cromwell and the Independent 
 
72. OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 party that religious freedom which the Presbyterians 
 at Westminster found it so hard to concede. It did 
 not need a tithe of Cromwell's sagacity to convince 
 him that a settlement would have a far greater chance 
 of proving durable if it were honestly accepted by the 
 King than if it were not. Yet it did not augur well 
 for a settlement that Charles, knowing that if he re- 
 mained at Oxford a few weeks would see him a 
 prisoner in the hands of the army, rode off towards 
 Newark, which was at that time besieged by the Scots, 
 and on May 5, 1646, gave himself up to the Scottish 
 commander at Southwell. The Scots having extracted 
 from him an order to the Governor of Newark to sur- 
 render the place, marched off, with him in their 
 train, to Newcastle, where they would be the better 
 able to maintain their position against any attack by 
 the army of the English Parliament. If Charles 
 expected to make the Scots his tools, he was soon 
 undeceived. He was treated virtually as a prisoner 
 under honourable restraint, and given to understand 
 that he was expected to establish Presbyterianism in 
 England. 
 
 A few days before Charles left Oxford, Cromwell 
 had come up to Westminster to take part in the dis- 
 cussions on a settlement which were certain to follow 
 on the close of the war. He saw his views better 
 supported in the House of Commons than they had 
 been when he was last within its walls. A series of 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 73, 
 
 elections had taken place to fill the seats vacated by 
 the expulsion of Royalists, and the majority of the 
 recruiters — as the new members were called — were 
 determined Independents, that is to say, favourers of 
 religious liberty within the bounds of Puritanism. 
 Amongst them were Ireton, who had commanded the 
 left wing at Naseby, and who was soon to become 
 Cromwell's son-in-law ; Fleetwood, now a colonel in 
 the New Model Army , Blake, the defender of Taunton, 
 hereafter to be the great admiral of the Commonwealth 
 and Protectorate, together with other notables of the 
 army. Yet the Presbyterians still kept a majority 
 in the House. They had already, on March 14, 
 secured the passing of an ordinance establishing Pres- 
 byterianism in England, though it was to differ from the 
 Scottish system in that the Church was placed, in the 
 last resort, under the supreme authority of Parliament. 
 An English Presbyterian could not, even when we 
 needed Scottish help, conform himself entirely to the 
 Scottish model. It is true that the ordinance was 
 only very partially carried out, but there can be little 
 doubt that it would have been more generally obeyed 
 if the negotiations, which the Parliamentary majority 
 in accordance with the Scots were conducting with 
 the King at Newcastle, had been attended with success. 
 That Cromwell watched these negotiations with 
 the keenest interest may be taken for granted ; but he 
 does not seem to have had any opportunity, as a 
 
74^' OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 simple member of the House, for doing more. We 
 can in deed only conjecture, though with tolerable 
 
 of the_hr£ach. J3e.tweeii_the-^«;sby LCTrans-aHd-thejCing, 
 caused by the determination of Charles to make no 
 stipulation which would lead to the abolition of episco- 
 pacy. Nor can he have been otherwise than well 
 pleased when, on January 30, 1647, the Scottish 
 soldiers, having received part of the sum due to them 
 for their services in England with promise of the 
 remainder, marched for Scotland, having first delivered 
 Charles over to commissioners appointed by the 
 English Parliament, who conducted him to Holmby 
 House in Northamptonshire, which had been assigned 
 to him by Parliament as a residence. 
 
 At last the time had arrived when a peaceful settle- 
 ment of the distracted country appeared to have come 
 in sight and, for the time at least, the Presbyterians 
 seemed to have the strongest cards in their hands. 
 They had a majority in Parliament, and it was for 
 them, therefore, to formulate the principles on which 
 the future institutions of the country were to be built. 
 That the country was with them in wishing, on the 
 one hand, for an arrangement in which the King 
 could reappear as a constitutional factor in the Govern- 
 ment, and, on the other hand, for a total or partial 
 disbandment of the army and a consequent relief from 
 taxation, can hardly be denied. The great weakness, 
 
THE NEIV MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 75 
 
 and, as it proved, the insuperable weakness of the 
 Presbyterians lay in the incapacity of their leaders 
 to understand the characters of the men with whom 
 they had to deal. Right as they were in their opinion i 
 that the nation would readily accept a constitutional] 
 monarchy, it was impossible to persuade them, as ; 
 was really the case, that Charles would never willinglyJ 
 submit to be bound by the limitations of constitutional! 
 monarchy, and still less to allow, longer than he couldl 
 possibly help, the Church to be modelled after any) 
 kind of Presbyterian system. That he had the strong- 
 est possible conviction on religions.,, grounds tha,t 
 episcopacy was of Divine ordinance is beyond doubt, 
 and on this point his tenacious, though irresolute, mind 
 was strengthened by an assurance that in fighting in 
 the cause of the bishops he was really fighting in the 
 cause of God. Yet the controversy had a political 
 as well as a religious side. In Scotland Presbyteri- 
 anism meant the predominance of the clergy. In 
 England it would mean the predominance of the 
 country nobility and gentry, who, either in their 
 private capacity or collectively in Parliament, presented 
 to benefices, and in Parliament kept the final control 
 over the Church in their own hands. Episcopacy, 
 on the other hand, meant that the control over the 
 Church was in the hands of men appointed by the 
 King. 
 
 The folly of the Presbyterians appeared, not in 
 
76 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 their maintenance of their own views, but in their 
 fancying that if they could only persuade Charles to 
 agree to give them their way temporarily, they would 
 have done sufficient to gain their cause. Early in 
 1647 they proposed that Presbyterianism should be 
 established in England for three years, and that the 
 militia should remain in the power of Parliament for 
 ten. They could not see that at the end of the periods 
 fixed Charles would have the immense advantage ot 
 finding himself face to face with a system which had 
 ceased to have any legal sanction. Common prudence 
 suggested that whatever settlement was arrived at 
 it should, at least, have in favour of its continuance 
 the presumption of permanency accorded to every 
 established institution which is expected to remain 
 in possession of the field till definite steps are taken 
 for its abolition. 
 
 It is possible indeed that the Presbyterians calcu- 
 lated on the unpopularity of episcopacy and of all 
 that episcopacy was likely to bring with it. It is 
 true that not even an approximate estimate can be 
 given of the numerical strength of ecclesiastical parties 
 No religious census was taken, and there is every 
 reason to believe that, if it had been taken, it would 
 have failed to convey any accurate information 
 There is little doubt that very considerable numbers 
 probably much more than a bare majority of the 
 population, either did not care for ecclesiastical dis- 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 77 
 
 putes at all, or at least did not care for them sufficiently 
 to offer armed resistance to any form of Church- 
 Government or Church-teaching likely to be established 
 either by Parliament or by King. Yet all the evidence 
 we possess shows the entire absence of any popular 
 desire amongst the laity outside the families of the 
 Royalist gentry and their immediate dependants to 
 bring back either episcopacy or the Prayer Book. 
 Riots there occasionally were, but these were riots 
 because amusements had been stopped, and especially 
 because the jollity of Christmas was forbidden ; not 
 because the service in church was conducted in one 
 way or another. It is sometimes forgotten that the 
 Puritan or semi-Puritan clergy had a strong hold 
 upon the Church down to the days of Laud, and that 
 the Calvinistic teaching which had been in favour 
 even with the bishops towards the close of the reign 
 of Elizabeth had been widely spread down to the 
 same time, so that the episcopalians could not count 
 on that resistance to organic change which would 
 certainly have sprung up if the Laudian enforcement 
 of discipline had continued for seventy years instead 
 of seven. 
 
 Whilst episcopacy found its main support in the 
 King, the sects found their main support in the army, 
 and Pariiament.aLjQnceJeIUnJiwkh4he-pj34)ular.demand 
 for weakening the^army^ Before February was over, 
 itliaS^esolved that 6,600 horse and ^dragoons should 
 
78 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 be retained in England, but that, except the men 
 needed for a few garrisons, none of the infantry 
 of the New Model Army should be kept in the 
 service. Their place was to be supplied by a militia 
 which, consisting as it did of civilians pursuing their 
 usual avocations for the greater part of the year, and, 
 except in times of invasion or rebellion, only called 
 out for a few days' drill, would be most unlikely to 
 join in any attempt to cross the wishes of Parliament, 
 Cavalry, moreover, being, in the long run, unable to 
 act without the support of infantry, the 6,600 horse 
 kept on foot would be powerless to impose a policy 
 by force on the Parliament. As more than half of 
 the infantry, whose services in England were no longer 
 required, would be needed to carry on the war in 
 Ireland, now almost entirely in the hands of the so- 
 called rebels, it was thought that the number necessary 
 for this purpose would volunteer for service in that 
 country, and the rest be readily induced to return 
 amongst the civilian population out of which they had 
 sprung. 
 
 Having thus, in imagination, weakened the army as 
 a whole, the Presbyterian majority proceeded to deal 
 with the officers of the cavalry destined for service in 
 England. Retaining Fairfax as Commander-in-Chief ' 
 they voted that no officer should serve under him who 
 refused to take the Covenant, and to conform to the 
 Church-government established by Parliament. They 
 
THE NE W MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 79 
 
 also voted that, with the exception of Fairfax, no officer 
 should hold a higher rank than that of colonel ; in 
 other words, they pronounced the dismissal of Lieu- 
 tenant-General Cromwell from the service. It was 
 characteristic of Cromwell that in a letter written by 
 him to Fairfax his personal grievance finds no place. 
 "Never," he writes, "were the spirits of men more 
 embittered than now. Surely the Devil hath but a 
 short time. Upon the Fast-day," he adds in a post- 
 script, " divers soldiers were raised, as I heard, both 
 horse and foot — near two hundred in Covent Garden 
 — to prevent us soldiers* from cutting the Presby- 
 terians' throats ! These are fine tricks to mock God 
 with." Yet, irritated as he was, he gave no sign of 
 any thought of resistance. " In the presence of 
 Almighty God, before whom I stand," he declared to 
 the House, " I know the army will disband and lay 
 down their arms at your door whenever you will 
 command them." His own dismissal he took calmly. 
 Towards the end of March he was in frequent con- 
 ference with the Elector Palatine who had offered 
 him a command in Germany, where the miserable 
 Thirty Years' War was still dragging on, and where 
 the cause of toleration, apparently lost in England, 
 might possibly be served. 
 
 * This is Carlyle's reading, but the original manuscript is torn, 
 and what indications there are show that the words cannot be ' us 
 soldiers '. But I have no emendation to suggest. 
 
8o OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 The Presbyterian leaders, Holies, Stapleton, 
 Maynard, and the rest of them, must have flattered 
 themselves that they were at last in the full career 
 of success. To have Cromwell's word for it that the 
 army would accept disbandment, and to see the back 
 of the man whom they most feared, was a double 
 stroke of fortune on which they could hardly have 
 calculated. In their delight at the good fortune which 
 had fallen into their laps, they forgot, in the first 
 place, that there were many officers, besides Crom- 
 well, who mistrusted their policy ; and in the second 
 place that, if these officers were to be deprived of their 
 influence over the private soldiers, care must be taken 
 to leave no material grievance of the latter unrelieved. 
 On March 21 and 22 a deputation from Parliament 
 which met forty-three officers in Saffi-on Walden 
 Church was told that no one present would volunteer 
 for Ireland unless a satisfactory answer were given to 
 four questions : What regiments were to be kept up in 
 England ? Who was to command in Ireland ? What 
 was to be the assurance for the pay and maintenance 
 of the troops going to Ireland? Finally, what was 
 to be done to secure the arrears due to the men and 
 indemnity for military actions in the past war which 
 a civil court might construe into robbery and murder ? 
 In addition to these demands, a petition was drawn 
 up in the name of the soldiers, asking for various 
 concessions, of which the principal ones concerned 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 8i 
 
 the arrears and the indemnity. If the Presbyterian 
 leaders had been possessed of a grain of common 
 sense, they would have seen that they could not 
 retain the submission of an army and be oblivious 
 of its material interests. As it was, they treated 
 the action of the soldiers as mere mutiny, sum- 
 moned the leading officers to the bar, and declared 
 all who supported the petition to be enemies of the 
 State and disturbers of the peace. 
 
 Cromwell's position was one of great difficulty. 
 As a soldier and a man of order, he abhorred any 
 semblance of mutiny, and he had shown by his readi- 
 ness to accept a command in Germany that he had 
 no wish to redress the balance of political forces by 
 throwing his sword into the scale ; but it did not 
 need his distrust of the political capacity of the 
 Presbyterian leaders to help him to the conclusion 
 that they were wholly in the wrong in their method 
 of dealing with the army. It was not a case in which 
 soldiers refused to obey the commands of their 
 superiors in accordance with the terms of their en- 
 listment. They were asked to undertake new duties, 
 and in the case of those who were expected to betake 
 themselves to Ireland, actually to volunteer for a 
 new service, and yet, forsooth, they were to be treated 
 as mutineers, because they asked for satisfaction in 
 their righteous claims. 
 
 Cromwell, even if he had wished to oppose the 
 
82 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 army to the Parliament, would have had nothing to 
 do but to sit still, whilst his opponents accumulated 
 blunder after blunder. The House of Commons being 
 unable to extract any signs of yielding from the officers 
 whom it had summoned to the bar, sent them back to 
 their posts. It then appointed Skippon, a good dis- 
 ciplinarian, of no special repute as a general, to com- 
 mand in Ireland ; after which, without offering in any 
 way to meet the soldiers' demands, it sent a new body 
 of commissioners, amongst whom was Sir William 
 Waller, a stout adherent of the Presbyterian cause, 
 to urge on the formation of a new army for Ireland. 
 The commissioners, on their arrival at Saffron Walden, 
 were not slow in discovering that the officers did 
 not take kindly to the idea of Skippon's command. 
 " Fairfax and Cromwell," they shouted, " and we all 
 go." The commissioners gained the promise of a 
 certain number of officers and soldiers to go to Ire- 
 land ; but, on the whole, their mission was a failure. 
 They had not been empowered to offer payment of 
 arrears, and, as they ought to have foreseen, the 
 indignation of the large number of soldiers who com- 
 plained that they were being cheated of their pay, 
 threw power into the hands of the minority, known 
 as the " Godly party," which held forth the doctrine 
 that, now that Parliament was shrinking from the 
 fulfilment of its duty, it was time for the army to step 
 forward as a political power, and to secure the settle- 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 83 
 
 ment of the nation on the basis of civil and religious 
 liberty. The idea was also entertained that it would 
 be easier for the army than it had been for Parliament 
 to come to terms with the King, and that it was for 
 the soldiers to fetch him from Holmby and to replace 
 him, on fair conditions, on the throne. 
 
 Of Cromwell's feelings during these weeks we have 
 little evidence. From the house which, since the pre- 
 ceding year, he had occupied with his family in Drury 
 Lane, he watched events, without attempting to modify 
 them. In the latter part of April both he and Yane, 
 who was now his fast friend, with a tie cemented by a 
 common interest in religious liberty, absented them- 
 selves, save on a few rare occasions, from the sittings 
 of Parliament. The incalculable stupidity of the 
 Presbyterian leaders must have made Cromwell more 
 than ever doubtful of the possibility of getting from 
 them a remedy for the evils of the nation. By the 
 end of April it was known that only 2,320 soldiers 
 had volunteered for Ireland. Then, and not till then, 
 Parliament came to the conclusion that something 
 ought to be done about the arrears, and ordered that 
 six weeks' pay should be offered to every disbanded 
 soldier. It was a mere fraction of what was due, and 
 a soldier need not be abnormally suspicious to come 
 to the conclusion that, when once he had left the 
 ranks, his prospect of getting satisfaction for the 
 remainder of his claim was exceedingly slight. Thus 
 
84 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 driven to the wall, eight of the cavalry regiments 
 chose, each of them, t\ ^o Agitat ors, or, as in modern 
 speech they would be styled, Agents, to represent 
 them in the impending negotiation for their rights, 
 and the sixteen thus chosen drew up letters to the 
 Generals, Fairfax, Cromwell, Ireton and Skippon. 
 As the cavalry was the most distinctively political 
 portion of the army, the writers of these letters for 
 the first time stepped beyond the bounds of material 
 grievance, complaining of a design to break and ruin 
 the army, and of the intention of 'some who had 
 lately tasted of sovereignty to become masters and 
 degenerate into tyrants '. The House, beyond measure 
 indignant, summoned to the bar three of the Agitators 
 who brought the letters to Westminster ; but on their 
 refusal to answer questions put to them without order 
 from their military constituents, sent Cromwell, Ireton 
 and Skippon to assure the soldiers that they should 
 have the indemnity they craved, together with a con- 
 siderable part of their arrears and debentures for the 
 rest. 
 
 There is no reason to doubt that Cromwell sym- 
 pathised with the soldiers in their desire for a just 
 settlement of their claims, whilst he was still disinclined 
 to support them in their design of gaining influence 
 over the Government. When he reached Saffron 
 Walden he found that the infantry regiments had 
 followed the example of the cavalry, and that a body 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 85 
 
 of Agitators had been chosen to represent the whole 
 army. The result of their conferences with the officers 
 was the production of ^,.-3eekMiaiisn of the_^d£lUJ', 
 drawn up on May 16, with which Cromwell appears 
 to have been entirely satisfied, as, while it insisted on 
 a redress of practical grievances, it contained no claim 
 to political influence. If the Houses had frankly 
 accepted the situation, Cromwell and his colleagues 
 would have succeeded in averting, at least for a time, 
 the danger of investing the army with political power. 
 On his return Cromwell found signs that the Parlia- 
 mentary majority was even less inclined to do justice 
 to the soldiers than when he had left Westminster. 
 During his absence, Parliamentary authority to dis- 
 cipline and train the militia of the City had been 
 given to a committee named by the Common Council 
 of London. The Common Council was a Presbyterian 
 body, and its committee proceeded to eject every 
 officer tainted with Independency. The city militia 
 numbered 18,000 men, and it looked as if the majority 
 in Parliament was preparing a force which might be 
 the nucleus of an army to be opposed to the soldiers 
 of Fairfax and Cromwell. In Scotland, too, there was 
 an army of more than 6,000 men, under the command 
 of David Leslie — no inconsiderable general — which 
 might perhaps be brought to the help of the Parliament 
 against its own soldiers, as Leven's army had, three 
 years before, been brought to its assistance against 
 
86 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 the King. Charles, too, on May 1 2 — Cromwell being 
 still absent from Westminster — had at last replied to 
 the proposals made to him early in the year, and had 
 offered to concede the militia for ten years, and a 
 Presbyterian establishment for three, the clergy being 
 allowed to discuss in the meanwhile the terms of a 
 oermanent settlement. In the very probable event 
 of their disagreeing, it would be easy for Charles, at 
 the end of the three years, to contend that episcopacy 
 was again the legal government of the Church — 
 especially as he was at once to return to Westminster, 
 where he would be able to exercise all the influence 
 which would again be at his command. On May 18 
 this offer was however accepted by the English Pres- 
 byterians, as well as by the Scottish Commissioners, 
 as a fair basis of an understanding with the King. 
 No wonder that the soldiers took alarm, or that on 
 the 19th the Agitators issued an appeal to the whole 
 army to hang together in resistance. 
 
 Nevertheless, when Cromwell reappeared in the 
 House on May 21, and read out the joint report of 
 the deputation, he was able to declare his belief that 
 the army would disband, though it would refuse to 
 volunteer for Ireland. At first the House seemed 
 ready to take the reasonable course, approving of an 
 ordinance granting the required indemnity, and favour- 
 ably considering another to provide a real and visible 
 security for so much of the arrears as was left unpaid. 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 87 
 
 At the same time the arrears to be given in hand were 
 raised from the pay of six weeks to that of eight. 
 Yet whatever the Presbyterians might offer, they were 
 unable to trust the army, and on the 23rd they dis- 
 cussed with Lauderdale, who was in England as a 
 Scottish member of the Committee of Both Kingdoms, 
 and Bellievre, who was the Ambassador of the King 
 of France, a scheme for bringing a Scottish army into 
 England. Talk about securing the King's person, 
 which had prevailed in some regiments a short time 
 before, had come to their ears, and furnished them 
 with the excuse that they were but anticipating their 
 opponents. They accordingly proposed to counteract 
 this design by removing Charles either to some English 
 town, or even to Scotland. Their hopes of being able 
 to carry out this daring project were the higher as 
 Colonel Graves, who commanded the guard at Holmby, 
 was himself a Presbyterian on whom they could depend 
 to carry out their instructions. 
 
 Though nothing was absolutely settled, the conduct 
 of the House of Commons reflected the policy of its 
 leaders. It dropped its consideration of the oi'dinance 
 assigning security for the soldiers' arrears and resolved 
 to proceed at once to disband the army, beginning on 
 June I. The announcement of this resolution brought 
 consternation to those who were doing their best to 
 keep the soldiers within the bounds of obedience. 
 " I doubt," wrote the author of a letter which was 
 
88 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 probably addressed by Ireton to his father-in-law, 
 " the disobliging of so faithful an army will be repented 
 of; provocation and exasperation make men think of 
 what they never intended. They are possessed, as far 
 as I can discern, with this opinion that if they be thus 
 scornfully dealt with for their faithful services whilst 
 the sword is in their hands, what shall their usage be 
 when they are dissolved ? " Two days later, another 
 writer, speaking of the commissioners appointed by 
 Parliament to disband the regiments, added the pro- 
 phetic words : " They may as well send them among 
 so many bears to take away their whelps". It 
 was perfectly true. When on June i the commis- 
 sioners attempted to disband Fairfax's regiment at 
 Chelmsford, it broke into mutiny and marched for 
 Newmarket, where Fairfax had appointed a rendez- 
 vous to consider the situation. It was not that the 
 mass of the army had any inclination to interfere in 
 politics. " Many of the soldiers," wrote the commis- 
 sioners, "being dealt with, profess that money is the 
 only thing they insist upon, and that four months' pay 
 would have given satisfaction." 
 
 Such an event could not but drive Cromwell to 
 reconsider his position. Whether he liked it or not, 
 the army had, through the bungling of the Presbyterian 
 leaders, broken loose from the authority of Parliament. 
 It was impossible for him to give his support to 
 Parliament when it was about, with the aid of the 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 8g 
 
 Scottish army, to restore the King on terntis which, \ 
 whether the King or the Presbyterians gained the 
 upper hand in the game of intrigue which was sure 
 to follow, could only end in the destruction of that 
 religious liberty for the sects which, though without 
 legal sanction, had been gained as a matter of fact. ' 
 Yetthe3ltefBati^:e-.S£ein£d-.lQ._bejdieabandoi^^ 
 the country to mil itary anar chy, or if that were averted 
 toTHe sway^o^the army over the Stat e. Only one 
 way of escape from the dilemma presented itself, and\ 
 that way Cromwell seized. ' 
 
 Cromwell, it must once more be said, was no 
 Republican or Parliamentary theorist. Parliament 
 was to him mainly an authority under which he had 
 fought for the great ends he had in view. Now that 
 it had sunk to be no more than a tool in the hands 
 of politicians who, aiming at the establishment of 
 an ecclesiastical despotism, could think of no better 
 means wherewith to compass their evil ends than the 
 rekindling of the conflagration of civil war with the 
 aid of a Scottish army and of French diplomacy, and 
 who had proved themselves bunglers in their own 
 noxious work, it was necessary to look about for 
 some fresh basis of authority, which would save 
 England from the danger of falling under the sway 
 of a Praetorian guard. Nor was that basis far to seek, i 
 Cromwell had fought the King unsparingly— not to 
 destroy him, but to reduce him to the acceptance o( I 
 

 go OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 I honourable terms. The terms which the Presbyterians 
 had offered to Charles had not been honourable. They 
 had demanded that he should proscribe his own religion 
 and impose upon his subjects an ecclesiastical system 
 which he believed to be hateful to God and man. 
 Was this to be the result of all the blood and treasure 
 that had been expended ? What if the King could be 
 won to bring back peace and good government to the 
 land by fairer treatment and by the restoration of his 
 beneficent authority? The call for a restoration of 
 the King to power did not arise merely from the 
 monarchical theories of a few enthusiasts. It was 
 deeply rooted in the consciousness of generations. A 
 few years before it had been inconceivable to English- 
 men that order could be maintained without a king, 
 and with the great mass of Englishmen this view was 
 still prevalent. We can hardly go wrong if we suppose 
 that Cromwell shared the hope that Charles, by more 
 generous treatment than that which Parliament had 
 accorded to him, would allow the chiefs of the army 
 to mediate between him and Parliament, and consent 
 to accept the restitution of so much of his authority 
 as would safeguard the religious and political develop- 
 ment of the country on the lines of reform rather than 
 on those of revolution. If this, or anything like this, 
 was to be accomplished, the conjuncture would admit 
 of no delay. In a few days — perhaps in a few hours 
 — the plans of the Presbyterian leaders would be 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS, gl 
 
 matured, and Charles would be spirited away from 
 Holmby, either to be hurried off to Scotland, or to 
 be placed under the care of the new Presbyterian 
 militia in London. The commander of the guard 
 at Holmby, Colonel Graves, was prepared to carry 
 out any instructions which might reach him from his 
 leaders at Westminster. Not only this, but on May 
 31, the day before the meeting at Chelmsford, a 
 Parliamentary committee had issued orders to seize 
 the artillery of the army at Oxford, and thus to 
 weaken its powers of action as a military force. The 
 situation was one which, by the necessity of the case, 
 must have occupied the attention of the Agitators, 
 and though no certainty is to be reached, it is probable 
 that it was with them that the plan adopted originated 
 rather than with Cromwell. Again and again in the 
 course of his career he will be foujnd hanging back 
 from decisive action involving a change of front in 
 hisjjplitical action, and there is every indication^ that, 
 onJhJLs. occasion, too, he accepted^^-rand^that not with- 
 out considerable hesitation^ — a design which had been 
 formed by others. 
 
 Such hesitation, however, was with him perfectly 
 consistent with the promptest and most determined 
 action when the time for hesitation was at an end. On 
 May 31, the day on which the order for seizing the 
 artillery at Oxford was despatched from London, a 
 meeting was held at Cromwell's house in Drury Lane, 
 
92 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 at which was present a certain Cornet Joyce, who 
 had apparently been authorised by the Agitators to 
 secure the artillery at Oxford, and then to proceed to 
 Holmby to hinder the removal of the King by the 
 Presbyterians, if not to carry him off to safer quarters 
 For such an action as this the Agitators, as they 
 well knew, had no military authority to give, and for 
 that authority it was useless to apply to Fairfax, who 
 much as he sympathised with the soldiers in their 
 grievances, had none of the revolutionary decision 
 required by the situation. Cromwell, whose general 
 approbation had probably been secured beforehand, 
 now gave the required instructions, and Joyce was 
 able to set out with the assurance that he was about 
 to act under the orders of the Lieutenant-General. 
 There is reason to believe that Cromwell's instruc- 
 • tions only gave authority for the removal of the King 
 from Holmby conditionally on its appearing that he 
 could in no other way be preserved from abduction 
 by the Presbyterians. When on June i Joyce arrived 
 at Oxford, he found that the garrison had resolved to 
 refuse the delivery of the guns, and on the following 
 day he marched on to Holmby with some 500 horse- 
 men at his back. On his arrival Graves took to flight, 
 and the garrison of the place at once fraternised with 
 the new-comers. In the early morning of the 3rd 
 Joyce, followed by his men, was let in by a back door 
 asserting that he had come to hinder a plot ' to convey 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 93 
 
 the King to London without directions of the Parlia- 
 ment'. "His mission," he further stated, was "to 
 prevent a second war discovered by the design of some 
 men privately to take away the King, to the end he 
 might side with that intended army to be raised ; 
 which, if effected, would be the utter undoing of the 
 kingdom." To this profession his actions were suit- 
 able. During the whole of the day he remained quiet, 
 never hinting for an instant that he had any intention 
 of doing more than preserve the King's person against 
 violence. In the course of the day, however, he took 
 alarm at some rumours of an impending attack, and 
 made up his mind, probably nothing loth, that the 
 danger could only be met by removing the King to 
 safer quarters. About half-past ten at night he roused 
 Charles from his slumbers, invited him to follow him 
 on the following morning, and on giving assurances 
 that no harm would follow received the promise he 
 required. On the morning of the 4th, as Charles 
 stepped from the door of the house, he was confronted 
 by Joyce and his 500 troopers. The King at once 
 asked whether Joyce had any commission for what 
 he was doing. " Here," replied Joyce, turning in the 
 saddle as he spoke, and pointing to the soldiers he 
 headed, " is my commission. It is behind me." " It 
 is a fair commission," replied Charles, "and as well 
 written as I have seen a commission in my life : a 
 company of handsome, proper gentlemen, as I have 
 
94 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 seen a great while." Having selected Newmarket as 
 his place of residence, Charles not unwillingly, as it 
 seemed, set out in this strange companionship. On 
 that very morning, or on the previous evening, 
 Cromwell, feeling himself no longer safe at West- 
 minster, slipped away and rode off to join the army 
 at Newmarket. Both Fairfax and Cromwell declared 
 for the King's return to Holmby, no doubt considering 
 Joyce's removal of the King to be unnecessary, and, 
 under the circumstances, unauthorised. It was only! 
 on Charles's positive refusal to return that he was 
 allowed to continue his journey. 
 
 It would not be long before the army would have 
 to experience the difficulties which beset a negotiation 
 with Charles. It had first to come to an understand- 
 ing with Parliament. Before Cromwell's arrival, the 
 Agitators had presented to Fairfax a representation 
 of their old complaints, accompanied with a reminder 
 to Parliament that some particular persons — the Pres- 
 byterian leaders were evidently aimed at — had been 
 to blame. In another declaration, known as A Solemn 
 Engagement of the Army, these complaints were more 
 forcibly reiterated, with the addition, first of a demand 
 for the erection of a Council of the army, composed 
 partly of officers and partly of Agitators; and secondly, 
 of a vindication of the army from harbouring wild 
 schemes, ' such as to the overthrow of magistracy, the 
 suppression or hindering of Presbytery, the establish- 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 95 
 
 ment of Independent government, or the upholding 
 of a general licentiousness in religion under pretence of 
 liberty of conscience '. That these two clauses were 
 added under Cromwell's influence — if not by his own 
 pen — can hardly be doubted. On the one hand, if 
 the army v/as to intervene in politics, it must speak 
 through some organ, having, as far as possible, the 
 character of a political assembly ; and, on the other 
 hand, it must be made clear to all that its aims were 
 as little subversive as possible. If the Presbyterians 
 would acknowledge that their designs had met with 
 an insuperable obstacle, and would resign power into 
 hands more likely to use it with prudence, the crisis 
 might be tided over without leaving behind it more 
 evil consequences than were necessarily connected 
 with the intervention of an armed force. 
 
 Unhappily the Presbyterians were the most un- 
 likely persons in the world to grasp the realities of 
 the situation. They firmly believed, not only that 
 their cause was just, but that the army — without a 
 shadow of excuse — had deliberately, even before the 
 London militia had been reorganised, plotted the 
 seizure of the King's person, with the object of estab- 
 lishing anarchy in the Church and mihtary despotism 
 in the State. Each party, in short, was convinced 
 that it was acting on the defensive ; and, in politics, 
 as in all other spheres of life, results are to be traced I 
 less to facts which actually exist than to the as- 
 
96 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 sumptions relating to those facts in the minds of the 
 actors. Parliament actively pursued its preparations 
 for resistance, planning the formation of the nucleus 
 of a fresh army at Worcester, and granting permis- 
 sion to the City to raise cavalry as well as infantry. 
 The soldiers were undoubtedly right in holding that 
 nothing less than the outbreak of another civil war 
 was impending. 
 
 Before the irrevocable step was taken, Parliament 
 sent commissioners to persuade the army to disband 
 on the payment of an additional ;^ 10,000. On the 
 lOth, the commissioners finding the soldiers at a 
 rendezvous on Triploe Heath were received by a 
 general refusal to accept the terms till they had been 
 examined by the new Army Council. The army then 
 significantly marched to Royston, several miles on 
 the road to London. In the evening a letter was sent 
 off to the magistrates of the City, the chief supporters 
 of the new Presbyterian military organisation. It can 
 hardly be questioned that this letter represented the 
 ideas at that time entertained by Cromwell, or that 
 in great part, if not entirely, it was written by him. 
 Striving to blind himself to the fact that he was 
 heading military resistance to the civil power, he 
 announced that those in whose name he spoke were 
 acting, not as soldiers, but as Englishmen. " We 
 desire," he proceeded, " a settlement of the kingdom 
 and of the liberties of the subject according to the 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 97 
 
 votes and declarations of Parliament which, before we 
 took up arms, were by Parliament used as arguments 
 and inducements to invite us and divers of our dear 
 friends out — some of whom have lost their lives in 
 this war, which being by God's blessing finished, we 
 think we have as much right to demand and see a 
 happy settlement, as we have to our money, or the 
 other common interest of soldiers that we have insisted 
 upon." Then followed a renewal of the protest that 
 the army had no wish to introduce licentious liberty, 
 or to subvert the Civil Government. " We profess," 
 continued Cromwell, " as ever in these things, when 
 the State has once made a settlement, we have nothing 
 to say, but submit or suffer. Only we could wish 
 that every good citizen and every man that walks 
 peacefully in a blameless conversation, may have 
 liberties and encouragements, it being according to the 
 just policy of all States, even to justice itself." Then 
 followed the practical conclusion. " These things are 
 our desires — beyond which we shall not go, and for 
 the obtaining these things we are drawing near your 
 city — declaring with all confidence and assurance that, 
 if you appear not against us in these our just desires, 
 to assist that wicked party that would embroil us and 
 the kingdom, neither we nor our soldiers shall give 
 you the least offence." Should things proceed other- 
 wise, it would not be the army that would give way. 
 "If after all this," continued Cromwell, "you, or a 
 
g8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 considerable number of you, be seduced to take up 
 arms in opposition to, or hindrance of these our just 
 undertakings, we hope, by this brotherly premonition, 
 we have freed ourselves from all that ruin which may 
 befall that great and populous city; having hereby 
 washed our hands thereof" 
 
 The army marched, and the City at once made 
 its submission. The bare facts of the case told 
 heavily against Cromwell in the eyes of those whose 
 schemes he had frustrated. In May he had protested 
 that the army would disband at a word from Parlia- 
 ment, and had renounced all thought of bringing 
 military force to control affairs of State. In June he 
 had made himself the leader of the army to disperse 
 a force which was being raised by the orders of 
 Parliament. The very words in which he, writing 
 in the army's name, had announced his decision must 
 also have told against him. It would have been far 
 better if he had simply announced that the new 
 circumstances which had arisen had forced upon him 
 the conviction that he had gone too far and had 
 driven him to acknowledge to himself and others that 
 obedience to a Parliament might have its limits, and 
 that those limits had now been reached. The line, it 
 would have been easy to say, must be drawn when 
 Parliament was preparing civil war, not in defence of 
 the rights of Englishmen, but to impose upon the 
 country a system alien to its habits with the assist- 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 
 
 & 
 
 ther I 
 
 ance of a Scottish army. Unhappily it was 
 Cromwell's nature to meet the difficulty in another 
 way. When most inconsistent he loved to persuade 
 himself that he had always been consistent, and in 
 taking refuge in the statement that the army put for- 
 ward its claim to be heard as Englishmen rather than 
 as soldiers, he committed himself to a doctrine so 
 manifestly absurd that it could only be received with 
 a smile of contemptuous disbelief. Cromwell, in fact, 
 stood at the parting of the ways. For him there was 1 
 but one choice — the choice between entire submission I 
 to Parliamentary authority and the establishment of | 
 military control. No wonder that he instinctively i 
 shrunk from acknowledging, even to himself, thd 
 enormous importance of the step he was taking : still 
 less wonder that he did not recognise in advance the 
 unavoidable consequences of the choice — the tempor- 
 ary success which follows in the wake of superior force,* 
 and the ultimate downfall of the cause which owes its 
 acceptance to such means. / 
 
 The immediate results developed themselves with- 
 out long delay. The army, doing its best to carry on 
 the work of\afll£iice under legal iorms,.pmceeded„ to 
 charge eleven QLJ:h£-Leading Presbyteria nL..naem^bejs 
 with attempting to throw the kingdom into fresh war, 
 as well as with other misdemeanours. The accused 
 persons retaliated by pressing forward their scheme 
 for gaining the assistance of a Scottish army, and for 
 
loo OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 bringing up English forces devoted to their cause 
 against the army under Fairfax and Cromwell. Fair- 
 fax and Cromwell were too near the centre of affairs 
 to be so easily baffled by specious words. On June 
 26 a menacing letter from the army made the eleven 
 members feel that their position was untenable, and 
 voluntarily — so at least they asserted — they withdrew 
 from their seats in Parliament. Who could now doubt 
 that — under the thinnest of veils— the army had taken 
 the supreme control of the government into its hands ? 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 
 
 In his desire to escape from the undoubted evils of 
 military government, Cromwell had the best part of 
 the army behind him. Nor did it, at the moment, 
 appear very difficult to attain this object by coming 
 to terms with the King, especially as the army leaders 
 were prepared to make concessions to Charles's re- 
 ligious scruples. Claiming freedom for themselves in 
 matters of conscience, they were ready to concede it 
 in return, and, for the first time since he had ridden 
 out of Oxford, Charles was allowed to receive the 
 ministrations of his own chaplains, and to join in 
 offering prayer and praise in the familiar language of 
 the Prayer Book of the Church. It was a long step 
 towards the settlement of that religious question which 
 had created so impassable a gulf between the King 
 and the Presbyterians. 
 
 The constitutional question remained to be dis- 
 icussed, and the burden of framing terms to bind the 
 [King fell upon Cromwell's son-in-law, Ireton, rather 
 Ithan upon Cromwell himself Cromwell indeed would 
 
I02 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 never have consented to see Charles replaced in the 
 old position, but he was unskilled in constitutional 
 niceties, and he left such details to others. The main 
 difficulty of the situation was not long in revealing 
 itself. Charles, who had been removed to Windsor, 
 talked as if the dispute between the Houses and the 
 soldiers might be referred to his decision. " Sir,'' 
 replied Ireton, " you have an intention to be the 
 arbitrator between Parliament and us ; and we mean 
 to be it between your Majesty and Parliament." It 
 was not that there was any definite constitutional 
 idea in Charles's mind. With him it was rather a 
 matter of feeling than of reason that he could occupy 
 no other place in the State than that which tradition 
 confirmed by his own experience had assigned to the 
 man who wore the crown. For him as for another as 
 weak for all purposes of government, as richly endowed 
 with the artistic temperament as himself. 
 
 Not all the waters of the salt, salt sea 
 Could wash the balm from an anointed King. 
 
 Under whatever forms. Parliamentary or constitu- 
 tional, he and no other was to be the supreme arbiter, 
 empowered to speak in due season the decisive word 
 — always just, always in the right. What was passing 
 before his eyes did but confirm him in his delusion. 
 There had been a quarrel between army and Parlia- 
 ment. Where was it to end unless he sat in judgment 
 to dispense equity to both ? Against that will — call 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. jQ^ 
 
 it firm or obstinate, as we please — so inaccessible to 
 the teaching of facts, so clinging to the ideas which 
 had inspired his life, the pleadings of Cromwell and 
 Ireton would be vain. 
 
 Of this Cromwell had no suspicion. He had never 
 had personal dealings with the King, and had little 
 insight into his peculiar character. On July 4 he saw 
 him at Caversham, where Charles had been established, 
 in order that he might be near Reading, now the head- 
 quarters of the army. He fell at once under the charm 
 of Charles's gracious manner, and fancied that a few 
 days would bring about an agreement. In full accord I 
 with Fairfax, he hoped to establish the throne on I 
 a constitutional and Parliamentary basis Neither! 
 Charles nor any of those who were under his influence 
 could understand the sincerity of this purpose. The 
 French Ambassador, Bellievre, seems to have sounded 
 Cromwell on the object of his ambition, and to have 
 received the memorable reply : " No one rises so high 
 as he who knows not whither he is going ". To Sir 
 John Berkeley, an ardent Royalist, Cromwell explained 
 that the army asked onlj_' to have _leave to live as 
 subjects ought fo-doTand to preserve their conscigafifiS,' 
 tirirnang"Siat no man couTd enjoy"fiIsestates unless 
 the King had his rights. Probably Cromwell, in his 
 conversation, had emphasised the points which the 
 army was willing to concede, and had minimised 
 those on which it expected Charles to yield. Charles, 
 
104 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 at all events, was so convinced that the officers were 
 prepared, almost unconditionally, to restore him to 
 his former power, that he gave it as a reason for dis- 
 trusting them, that they had not asked him for personal 
 favours in return. There can be no doubt that Crom- 
 well refrained at this time from pressing the King 
 hardly. He was present at the meeting of Charles 
 with his children, now permitted to visit him for the 
 first time since the beginning of the civil war. Him- 
 seli a devoted father, he was touched by the affecting 
 scene. The King, he told Berkeley, was the ' uprightest 
 and most conscientious man of his three kingdoms '. 
 Yet he was too keen-sighted to be blind to the other 
 side of his character. He wished, he said, that his 
 Majesty would be more frank and not so strictly tied 
 to narrow maxims. 
 
 Already Cromwell's apparent devotion -to the 
 King's person was not unnaturally drawing forth 
 harsh criticisms from those who failed to understand 
 J ^e essential unity und^ rlyin^ .Hij£grg encies in h is 
 action. Some at least amongst the Agitators were 
 joining the Presbyterians in sarcasias_directed_aga[nst 
 the-manwho was everythijng^_ by turns ; who had at 
 one time taken the Covenant — at another time ac- 
 cepted the disbandment of the army ; at another time 
 again had made himself the instrument of the army 
 in its resistance of disbandment. Cromwell took no 
 notice of such calumnies. He was more concerned with 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. kg^^ 
 
 the eagerness of the Agitators to march upon West- 
 minster with the object of forcing the Houses to con- 
 demn the eleven members who were again stirring, 
 and of crushing the discontent which was simmering 
 amongst the City population. Happily the mere threat 
 of force had been sufficient, and Parliament virtually 
 abandoned its hostile attitude by naming Fairfax 
 Commander-in-chief of all the forces in the country. 
 Would it be so easy to deal with Charles ? ^ y^ Jul y 
 2X^_The Heads of the Proposals , probably drawn up 
 by- Ireton — who, of all the officers, was the most 
 versed m constitutional lore — with the assistance of 
 Colonel Lambert, having been adopted by the Army 
 Council, were submitted to the King. So far as 
 religion was concerned, they anticipated the settle- 
 ment of the Revolution of 1688, leaving all forms of 
 worship — including that of the condemned Prayer 
 Book — to the voluntary choice of the worshipper*,^ 
 So far as politics were concerned, provision was to be 
 made, not merely for making the King responsible to 
 Parliament, but for making Parliament responsible to 
 the people. There were to be biennial Parliaments, 
 elected by enlarged constituencies, and a Council of 
 State was to be for med, to whose consent in important 
 matters the King was to bow. The first Council was 
 to remain in office for at least seven years. How it 
 was to be nominated after that was left uncertain, 
 probably till the question had been threshed out in 
 
io6 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 discussion with the King. The army leaders had yet 
 to discover how Httle profit such a discussion would 
 bring. Charles was not prepared to abandon his old 
 position for that of constitutional King, limited, as 
 he had never been limited before, by opposing forces. 
 If he had spoken his objections clearly out it would 
 have been easy to criticise him as one who was ^lindl 
 to the forces which were governing events : it would! 
 have been impossible to hold him morally at fault. 
 The course which he took could not but lead to 
 disaster. Listening to the army leaders, he yet con- 
 spired against them, still placing his hopes on the 
 assistance of a Scottish army, and speculating on the 
 chances of a breach between the army on the one 
 side and the Parliament and the City on the other, 
 which would enable him to grasp the reins of power 
 under the old conditions. " I shall see them glad ere 
 long," he told Berkeley, " to accept more equal terms." 
 He even went so far as to imagine that Fairfax and 
 Cromwell were to be bribed by offers of personal 
 advantage to re-establish his fallen throne on other 
 terms than those now offered to him. "You can- 
 not," he told them, "do without me. You will fall 
 into ruin if I do not sustain you." He was partly 
 supported by his knowledge that though the City 
 authorities had yielded to the sway of the army, the 
 City apprentices were in a state of disquiet and had 
 broken into the House of Commons, compelling the 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 107 
 
 members to vote a series of Presbyterian resolutions 
 in defiance of the army. In misplaced confidence in 
 this movement in the City, Charles entered into com- 
 munication wit h T.auderdale. t'^" ^^^l^^*- m.^rnh>.r pf a 
 body of Sc ottish Commissio ng rs who had recently 
 arrived nominally to urge the King to accept the 
 Parliamentary terms, but in reality to negotiate a 
 separate agreement between the Scots and the King. 
 Charles eagerly closed with their proposals and allowed 
 Lauderdale to send a message to Edinburgh urging 
 the equipment of a Scottish army for the invasion of 
 England. Unluckily for him, mob-violence was a 
 feeble reed on which to lean. The Speaker of the 
 two Houses, together with the Independent members, 
 took refuge with the army, and the army treating them 
 as the genuine Parliament reconducted them to West- 
 minster. On August 6 Fairfax was named by the 
 reconstituted Parliament Constable of the Tower, 
 which though it had hitherto been guarded by the 
 citizens was from henceforward to be garrisoned by a 
 detachment of the army, whilst another detachment 
 was left at Westminster as a guard to the Houses. 
 The remainder of the soldiers, to show their power, 
 tramped through the City, passing out by London 
 Bridge on the march to Croydon— Cromwell riding 
 at the head of the cavalry. 
 
 What could be the possible end of such demon- 
 strations? Every time they were employed, the 
 
io8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 appeal toJ r,rrp was placed more clearly in evidence, 
 in spite of all efforts to minimise it. Scarcely had 
 the regiments filed out of the City when the Presby- 
 terian majority reasserted itself in Parliament. On 
 the other hand, the Agitators raised their voices for 
 a purge of Parliament which would thrust out those 
 members who had sat and voted under the influence 
 of the mob. Cromwell was growing impatient. 
 '' These men," he said of the eleven members, some 
 of whom had returned to their seats when the House 
 was under the dominion of the mob, " will never leave 
 till the army pull them out by the ears." " I know 
 nothing to the contrary," he said on another occasion, 
 speaking of Holies and Stapleton, " but that I am 
 as well able to govern the kingdom as either of them." 
 On this, the eleven members left their seats for good 
 and all, six of them taking refuge on the Continent. 
 Yet the majority in the Commons was Presbyterian 
 still, and refused to vote at the dictation of the army. 
 Cromwell's patience was exhausted. On August 20 
 he brought a cavalry regiment into Hyde Park in order 
 to obtain a vote that the proceedings of the House, in 
 the absence of the Speaker, had been null and void. 
 Under this threat, the majority gave way, and Crom- 
 well, who had the whole army behind him, gained his 
 immediate end. Once more he was drifting forwards 1 ' 
 in the direction of that military despotism which! 
 neither__he. jiQi--his---Gomrade&- desiced_tG^ «staiDHsh./ 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 109 
 
 The one way of escape still lay in an understanding 
 with the King. With the King, however, no agree- 
 ment was possible. Charles, hopelessly at fault in 
 his judgment of passing events, stood aloof in the 
 assurance that the strife amongst the opponents 
 would serve but to weaken both. In the negotiations 
 carried on with the army simultaneously with the 
 latest Parliamentary struggle, he fought every point 
 stubbornly. To extricate themselves from this diffi- 
 culty, Cromwell and Ireton joined in a vote for 
 resuscitating the Newcastle propositions, and allowed 
 Charles to be formally requested to give his consent 
 to those extravagant Presbyterian demands. Charles, 
 driven to the wall, expressed his preference for Tke 
 Heads of the Proposals. Cromwell and Ireton con- 
 trived to persuade themselves that he was in earnest, 
 and gave their support to the King's demand for a 
 personal negotiation with Parliament on that basis. 
 
 Under these '; irnirr"=*-^r'^p'' thp Ttid ependent party 
 and the arm y split in two. The greater number of 
 the superior officers, together with the Parliamentary 
 leaders of the party, Vane, St. John and Fiennesj 
 supported Cromwell and Ireton in an attempt t< 
 persuade Parliament to open the negotiations asked^ 
 for by the King. As was not unnatural, there were 
 others, Rainsborough in the army, and Marten in the 
 House of Commons, who gathered round them a new 
 Re publican party , declaring it useless to enter into a 
 
 \ 
 
no OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 fresh discussion with Charles, and even talking of 
 imprisoning him in some fortress. Coalescing with 
 the Presbyterians, who wished merely to summon 
 Charles to accept a selection from the Newcastle 
 Propositions, they beat Cromwell on the vote, in 
 spite of his warning that by disowning the King they 
 were playing into the hands of men who ' were en- 
 deavouring to have no other power to rule but the 
 sword '. Inside and outside the House Cromwell was 
 denounced as a mere time-server, who had no other 
 end in view but his own interests. Cromwell's only 
 answer was to urge Charles more pressingly than 
 before to make the concessions without which his 
 restoration to any kind of authority was out of the 
 question. Conscious of his own integrity, he still 
 hoped for the best, even from Charles. " Though it 
 may be for the present," he wrote to a friend, " a cloud 
 may be over our actions to those who are not acquainted 
 with the grounds of them, yet we doubt not God will 
 clear our integrity and innocence from any other ends 
 we aim at but His glory and the public good." Yet 
 September passed away, and Charles had made no 
 sign. 
 
 Charles's silence did but strengthen the party 
 amongst the soldiers which aimed at cutting the 
 political knot with the sword. In the Army Council 
 indeed Cromwell was still predominant, and on 
 October 6 it agreed to meet on the 14th, to formu- 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. iii 
 
 late terms which the King might be able to accept. 
 In the interval everything was done to come to a 
 private understanding with Charles. Charles, how- 
 ever, was trusting to the probable Scottish invasion, 
 and saw in the events taking place more closely under 
 his eyes no more than a chance of discrediting Crom- 
 well and his associates. When the Army Council met 
 on the 14th, the subject of continuing the negotiations 
 had to be dropped. The position was well explained 
 in a letter from a Royalist. " The secret disposition," 
 he wrote, "is that there is no manner of agreement 
 between the King and the army ; all this negotiation 
 having produced no other effect but to incline some 
 of the chief officers not to consent to his destruction, 
 which I believe they will not, unless they be over- 
 swayed ; but cannot observe that they are so truly 
 the King's as that they will pass the Rubicon for 
 him, which if they could do, considering the inclination 
 of the common soldiers, and generally of the people 
 they might do what they would ; but they are cold, 
 and there is another faction of desperate fellows as 
 hot as fire." 
 
 Almost, if not altogether, in despair, Cromwell 
 sought a compromise with the Presbyterians on the 
 basis of the temporary establishment of Presbyterian- 
 ism as the national religion, with as large a toleration 
 as he could persuade them to grant. / When the 
 House of Commons refused to extend toleration to 
 
Os 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 the worship authorised by the Prayer Book, it was i 
 obvious that the scheme was not one which had a I 
 chance of obtaining the assent of Charles. Croni M:^'sr 
 hope of un iting Parhanig flL„and -Jiriny-Jn_fcringing 
 pressure upo n the Ki ng was as completely .JuiSJlEated 11 
 as his former hope^oj' bringmg^abqutjji^i^^ ! 
 
 betwee n the King and the army. /His impotence A 
 
 could not but give encouragement to the other 
 ' faction of desperate fellows as hot as fire ' to demand 
 a settlement on quite another basis from that on 
 which Cromwell and the other army leaders had 
 vainly attempted to found a Government. 
 
 In all his efibrts, Cromwell 's aim had_ been to 
 streng then the chaj ices in favour of th£_new_toleration 
 bj ^ intertwinin g it with the old con stitutional pil lars 
 of King and Parliament. His schemes, based as 
 they were on a thoroughly political instinct which 
 warned him against the danger of cutting the State 
 adrift from its moorings, had broken down mainly 
 in consequence of the resistance of the King. It was 
 but natural that earnest men should seek new modes 
 of gaining their ends when the old ones proved in- 
 effective. As the years of revolution passed swiftly 
 on, new and more drastic schemes appeared upon the 
 surface, not, as is often said, because in some un- 
 explained way revolutions tend in themselves to 
 strengthen the hands of extreme men, but because 
 the force of conservative resistance calls forth more 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 113 
 
 violent remedies. The misgovernment of Bucking- 
 1 ham and Laud had fostered the Parliamentary idea. 
 The resistance of Parliament to toleration had led to 
 the conception by the army leaders of the idea of 
 Parliamentary reform, and now the failure of those 
 leaders produced the plan of founding a government 
 not on institutions sanctified by old use and wont, 
 but on a totally new democratic system. Outside 
 the army, the main supporter of the new principles was 
 John Lilburne, who had been a lieutenant-colonel in 
 Manchester's army before the formation of the New 
 Model, a man litigious and impracticable, but public- 
 spirited and prepared to accept the consequences of 
 his actions on behalf of his fellow-citizens or of himself. 
 During the ti'oubles he spent a great part of his life in 
 prison, and at the present time he had been more than 
 a year in the Tower. He had a large following in the 
 army, and early in October five regiments deposed 
 their Agitators, and choosing new ones, set them to 
 draw up a political manifesto which, under the name 
 of T/ie Case of the Army Truly Stated, was laid before 
 Fairfax on the i8th. 
 
 The new thing in this scheme of the recently 
 elected Agitators was not that they proposed to fix 
 the institutions of the State by means of written 
 terms. That had been done again and again by Par- 
 liament in various propositions submitted to Charles 
 since the commencement of the Civil War, and more 
 
IH\ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 recently by the army leaders in Tke Heads of the Pro- 
 posals. What was new was that they proposed in the 
 first place to secure religious freedom and other rights 
 by the erection of a paramount law unalterable by 
 Parliament ; and in the second place to establish a 
 single House of Parliament — all mention of King or 
 House of Lords was avoided — with full powers to call 
 executive ministers to account — a House which was 
 to be elected by manhood suffrage — an innovation 
 which they justified on the ground that ' aU power is 
 originally and essentially in the whole body of the 
 people of this nation '. It was a complete transition 
 from the principles of thie English Revolution to those 
 of the French. 
 
 Against the foundation of a government on abstract 
 principles, Cromwell's whole nature — consonant in this 
 with that of the vast majority of the English people — 
 rose in revolt. On the 20th he poured out his soul 
 in the House of Commons in a three-hours' speechi 
 in praise of monarchy, urging the House to build up 
 the shattered throne, disclaiming on behalf of the 
 whole body of officers any part in the scheme of the 
 party of the new Agitators, who were now beginning* 
 to be known as Lev ellers . It was to no purpose. 
 Monarchy without a King was itself but an abstract 
 principle, and Charles would accept no conditions 
 which would not leave him free to shake off any con- 
 stitutional shackles imposed upon him. Only four 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 115 
 
 days before the delivery of Cromwell's speech, Charles 
 had assured the French Ambassador that he trusted 
 in the divisions in the army, which would be sure to 
 drive one or other of the disputants to his side. 
 
 The immediate result of Charles's resolution to 
 play with the great questions at issue was an attempt 
 
 Iby Cromwell and the officers to come to terms with 
 the Levellers. On October 28 a meeting of the 
 Army Council was held in Putney Church, to which 
 several civilian Levellers were admitted, the most 
 prominent of whom was Wildman, formerly a major 
 in a now-disbanded regiment. Fairfax being out of 
 health, Cromwell took the chair. The Agitators put 
 the question in a common -sense form. " We sought," 
 one of them said, " to satisfy all men, and it was well ; 
 but, in going to do it, we have dissatisfied all men. 
 We have laboured to please the King; and, I think, 
 except we go about to cut all our throats, we shall 
 not please him ; and we have gone to support a House 
 which will prove rotten studs.* I mean the Parlia- 
 ment, which consists of a company of rotten members." 
 Cromwell and Ireton — they continued — had attempted 
 to settle the kingdom on the foundations of King and 
 Parliament, but it was to be hoped that they would 
 no longer persist in this course. Ireton could but 
 answer that he would never join those who refused to 
 
 *J.e. props. 
 
63- 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 ' attempt all ways that are possible to preserve both, 
 and to make good use, and the best use that can be 
 of both, for the kingdom '. The practical men had 
 become dreamers, whilst the dreamers had become 
 practical men. The Levellers, at least, had a definite 
 proposal to make, whilst CramffidLaadJtetonJiad-. 
 noH©-.--^Since the appearance of Tke Case of the Arm y. 
 the Agitators had reduced its chief requirements into 
 a short constitution of four articles, which they called 
 The Agreement of the People intending, it would seem, 
 to send it round the country for subscription, thus 
 submitting it to what, in modern days, would be called 
 a plebiscite, though apparently it was to be a ple- 
 biscite in which only affirmative votes were to be 
 recorded. Nothing could be more logical than this 
 \ attempt to find a basis of authority in the popular 
 l\will, if the other basis of authority, the tradition of 
 enerations, was to be of necessity abandoned. 
 
 Cromwell, of all men in the world, was reduced to 
 mere negative criticism. The proposal of the Agita- 
 tors, he admitted, was plausible enough. " If," he 
 said, " we could leap out of one condition into another 
 that had so precious things in it as this hath, I suppose 
 there would not be much dispute ; though perhaps 
 some of these things may be well disputed ; and how 
 do we know if, whilst we are disputing these things, 
 another company of men shall gather together, and 
 they shall put out a paper as plausible as this } I do 
 
 \F 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 117 
 
 not know why it may not be done by that time you 
 have agreed upon this, or got hands to it, if that be 
 the way ; and not only another and another, but many 
 of this kind ; and if so, what do you think the conse- 
 quence would be ? Would it not b e c^rfiisip" ^ . . . 
 But truly I think we are not only to consider what 
 the consequences are . . . but we are to consider the 
 probability of the ways and means to accomplish it, 
 that is to say that, according to reason and judgment, 
 the spirits and temper of this nation are prepared to 
 receive and go along with it, and that those great 
 difficulties which lie in our way are in a likelihood to 
 be either overcome or removed. Truly to anything 
 that's good, there's no doubt on it, objections may be 
 made and framed, but let every honest man consider 
 whether or no these be not very reasonable objections 
 in point of difficulty ; and I know a man may answer 
 all difficulties with faith, and faith will answer all 
 difficulties really where it is, as we are very apt all 
 of us to call faith that perhaps may be but carnal 
 imagination and carnal reasoning." 
 
 Not a word had Cromwell to say on behalf of any 
 possible understanding with the King. All that he 
 could do was to stave off a declaration in favour of 
 the establishment of a democratic Republic, by pro- 
 posing that the Army Council should reduce into 
 formal shape the engagements entered upon at New- 
 market and Triploe Heath. As those engagements 
 
ii8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 had been put forward as demands to Parliament — 
 not to the King, this suggestion at least thrust aside 
 for the time being the thorny question of the possibility 
 of coming to an understanding with Charles. Crom- 
 well's proposal, however, was not likely to secure 
 unanimity. Wildman, on behalf of the Levellers, 
 refused to be bound by engagements which he per- 
 sonally held to be unjust. On this Cromwell asked 
 for the appointment of a committee to examine this 
 question, as well as any others upon which there was 
 a difference of opinion. He pleaded with his audience 
 not to approach the matters in controversy ' as two 
 contrary parties ' His hearers were in no temper to 
 profit by the suggestion. Wildman threw out a hint 
 that if Parliament were to patch up an arrangement 
 with the King, it would detract from natural right. 
 The expression at once divided the assembly into two 
 camps. Ireton declared that there was no such thing 
 as natural right. Cromwell asked for the appointment 
 of a committee to discuss the questions that had been 
 raised about the engagements of the army. A Captain 
 Audley sensibly urged the controversialists to remem- 
 ber that it was no time for empty disputation. " If 
 we tarry long," he said, " the King will come and say 
 who will be hanged first." Neither Audley's judicious 
 remark, nor Cromwell's words thrown in from time 
 to time in favour of peace, could stop the wrangle, 
 which at least served to draw from Cromwell the 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. iig 
 
 ^ nearest approach he ever made to the enunciation of 
 a constitutional principle. Though the Council of the 
 Army, he declared, was not 'wedded and glued to 
 forms of government,' it was prepared to maintain 
 the doctrine that ' the foundation and the supremacy 
 is in the people — radically in them — and to be set 
 down by them in their representations,' in other words 
 by their representatives in Parliament. To conciliate 
 this doctrine with the upholding of the ancient consti- 
 tution, reformed indeed, but unaltered in its main 
 features, was the problem which the nation solved for 
 itself in 1689, but which neither the nation nor Crom- 
 well could contrive to solve so long as Charles I. 
 refused to face the teaching of events. 
 
 On the following day, after a prayer-meeting held 
 in compliance with a suggestion from the pious 
 Colonel Goffe, the Army Council met again, to resolve, 
 after long debate, to lay aside the consideration of the 
 engagements of the army and to proceed at once to 
 the examination of Tke Agreement of the People. This 
 determination was a check to Cromwell, who had 
 proposed the committee. It was not long before his 
 prudence was justified. A debate sprang up on the 
 question of manhood suffrage, claimed by the Levellers 
 as being in accordance with natural right, and rejected 
 by their opponents, to whom natural right was a mere 
 absurdity. After a fierce dispute, Cromwell did his 
 best to persuade the meeting to avoid abstract con- 
 
OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 siderations, and to content itself with the discussion 
 of such questions as whether the existing franchise 
 could be in any way improved. His characteristic 
 tendency to look to the preservation of ancient rights 
 finding no scope in any possible scheme for the 
 retention of the monarchy, fixed itself on the question 
 of the constitution of Parliament Colonel Rains- 
 borough, who, on questions relating to Parliamentary 
 elections, was the chief speaker on the side of the 
 Levellers, proposed an appeal from the Army Council 
 to the Army at large. His proposal found no support 
 and the Council broke up without coming to a decision. 
 
 After this Cromwell had his way. On the 30th 
 the committee which he suggested, and on which 
 both parties were represented, met to consider the 
 points at issue. The constitutional scheme to which 
 its assent was given followed the lines of Tke Heads ' 
 of the Proposals more than those of The Agreement of \ 
 the People. It proposed reforms, not an entire shifting ' 
 of the basis of government. Above all, it adhered tn,. 
 the view that- the aew^CQnstitujtion ^should come into! 
 existence by an agjeement between King and Parlia- 1 
 ment-^ot by an ajjpeal to the natural rights of man.l 
 In the long run Cromwell was justified by the event. 
 On no other basis would the distressed nation find 
 rest. His wisdom so far as present results were con- 
 cerned was less conspicuous. 
 
 The next meeting of the Army Council was held 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 121 
 
 under discouraging circumstances. Charles, who had 
 for some time been established at Hampton Court, 
 had refused to renew the parole which he had given, 
 and it had been found necessary to strengthen his 
 guards. Though there was no accurate knowledge 
 at Putney of his intrigue with the Scots, enough had 
 leaked out to raise grave suspicion, and when, on 
 November i , Cromwell again took the chair, he called 
 on those present to ' speak their experiences as the 
 issue of what God had given in answer to their prayers '. 
 The result was distinctly unfavourable to the King. 
 One said that the negative voice of the King and 
 Lords must be taken away ; another that he could 
 no longer pray for the King ; a third that their 
 liberties must be recovered by the sword. Cromwell 
 did his best to s tem the tid e. Pointing out, just as a 
 modern historian might do, that there had been faults 
 on both sides, he called on ' him that was without sin 
 amongst them to cast the first stone '. He then turned 
 to the more practical question of the difficulty of 
 maintaining discipline in the army, if the authority 
 of Parliament were shut off. " If there be no Parlia- 
 ment," he argued, "they are nothing, and we are 
 nothing likewise." Though Cromwell was not yet 
 prepared to strike at the King, he no longer regarded 
 his comprehension in the new constitution as abso- 
 lutely essential. He was even ready to accept the 
 new democratic basis of The~Sgreemmt vf tks Peoptr, 
 
122- OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 if, there sh oulH hf. a, vfj^f^. r\em^pr\ (nr it. He must 
 look, he said, for 'a visible presence of the people, 
 either by subscriptions or numbers — for in the govern- 
 ment of nations that which is to be looked after is the 
 affections of the people '. For the present, however, 
 he seemed most inclined to trust in Parliament as the 
 source of authority. On one thing he was clear, that 
 the discipline of the army must not be ruined by such 
 an appeal to the general body of the soldiers in sup- 
 port of the Agreement as Rainsborough had con- 
 templated. " I must confess," he said, " that I have 
 a commission from the General, and I understand 
 what I am to do by it. I shall conform to him 
 according to the rules and discipline of war . . . and 
 therefore I conceive it is not in the power of any 
 particular men, or any particular man in the army, to 
 call a rendezvous of a troop, or regiment, or in the 
 least to disoblige the army from the commands of 
 the General. . . . Therefore I shall move what we 
 shall centre upon. If it have but the face of authority, 
 if it be but a hare swimming over the Thames I will 
 take hold of it rather than let it go." 
 
 It was hard, indeed, in those days, to say where 
 the face of authority was to be found, and Cromwell 
 was far from being able to solve the question. The 
 most innocent suggestion made by his opponents was 
 that the army must purge Parliament and declare the 
 King responsible for the ruin of the country. Goffe 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 
 
 declared that it had been revealed to him that the sin 
 of the army lay in its tampering with God's enemies, 
 in other words, with Charles. Cromwell struck in 
 with an expression of distrust in personal revelations. 
 He himself, he explained, was guided by God's dis- 
 pensations, that is to say, in more modern phrase, by 
 the requirements of the situation. He acknowledged 
 that danger was to be apprehended from the King 
 and House of Lords, and that it was not his intention 
 ' to preserve the one or the other with a visible 
 danger and destruction to the people and the public 
 interest'. On the other hand, he refused to accept it 
 as certain that God had determined to destroy King 
 and Lords, though he thought it probable that it was 
 so. In the end, the constitutional discussion was 
 transferred to a committee. 
 
 For a right judgment of Cromwell's character and 
 habits of procedure no evidence exists of such import- 
 ance as that which has been thus summarised. Here 
 at least is laid bare before us his reluctarice to^abandoiij| 
 an untenable position, long, after it has become clear! 
 to more impatient spirits that it has become untenable.! 
 Yet his hesitation is not based on any timorous 
 reluctance to act. I t arises from his^Jkeen.^en&e -^_of-. 
 the danger of any„,alternati5ie-.-palicy, a sense which 
 wHTbe overmastered as soon as action in one direc- 
 tion or the other becomes a manifest necessity. On 
 November 8, seeing that the Levellers were bent on 
 
124 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 pushing forward their proposal of manhood suffrage, 
 he obtained a vote from the Army Council directing 
 that both officers and Agitators should be sent back 
 to their regiments. There can be little doubt that 
 the danger was greater than was thus indicated, and 
 that there was truth in a story which charged the 
 Levellers with intending, at this time, to purge the 
 Parliament and to bring the King to trial. On the 
 nth, at all events, the brave but fanatical Colonel 
 Harrison was calling for the prosecution of the King, 
 and on the same day Cromwell sent to Whalley, who 
 commanded the guard at Hampton Court, to provide 
 against any attempt on Charles's person. Similar 
 warnings had reached Charles himself, and on thei 
 evening of the same day he quietly made his escape.! 
 On the 14th, after the failure of a scheme for the pro-l 
 vision of a vessel from Southampton to carry him to 
 France, he reached Carisbrooke, where the Governor 
 of the Castle was Robert Hammond, Cromwell'sn 
 cousin. Cromwell's first task was to ensure the dis-l| 
 cipline of the army. His persistent efforts to keep up 
 negotiation with the King had exposed him to the 
 distrust of the Levellers, and it is said that some of 
 them had resolved to murder him in his bed. There 
 was no time to be lost. On the 15th a rendezvous of 
 a third part of the army was to be held on Corkbush 
 Field, not far from Ware, and there could be no doubt 
 that the Levellers would make desperate attempts to 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THF. KING. 125 
 
 seduce the regiments from their military obedience. 
 To meet the danger, a manifesto was issued in the 
 name of Fairfax and the Army Council, in which 
 Fairfax offered to give his support to the early dis- 
 solution of Parliament and to a plan for making the 
 House of Commons 'as near as may be, an equal 
 representative of the people that are to elect '. For 
 the rest, every soldier would be expected to sign a 
 form of adhesion to the General and the Council. 
 Speaking broadly, the conflict was between the men 
 who knew the importance of maintaining the discipline 
 of the army, and those who would reduce it to an 
 armed mob eager to compel Parliament to adopt the 
 democratic system of Tke Agreement of the People. 
 On the 15 th the soldiers gathered to the appointed 
 rendezvous on Corkbush Field, where most of the 
 regiments, with more or less reluctance, submitted to 
 their officers. Two, those of Harrison and Robert 
 Lilburne, both of which had been ordered elsewhere, 
 mutinously made their appearance with copies of The 
 Agreement of the People in their hats, as well as the 
 motto " England's Freedom ! Soldiers' Rights ! " A 
 few words from Fairfax reduced Harrison's regiment 
 to obedience. Cromwell, finding that Lilburne's men 
 defied his order to remove the papers from their hats, 
 rode into the ranks with his sword drawn, on which 
 the regiment, with one accord, did as it was bidden. 
 Three of the ringleaders were condemned to death 
 
126 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 by a court-martial held on the spot, and then ordered 
 to throw dice for their lives. He who threw lowest 
 was shot in the presence of the whole force, and the 
 mutiny was brought to an end. 
 
 By this time the weary round of negotiation was 
 beginning afresh. Charles sent up new proposals to 
 the Parliament, proposals which, if he were in earnest, 
 might possibly serve as a foundation for an agreement. 
 It concerned Parliament and army alike to discover 
 whether Charles, who for many months had shown 
 no sign of eagerness for settlement, was now aiming 
 at anything more than an excuse to enable him to 
 gain time for an arrangement with the Scots. So 
 suspicious had the officers grown that Ireton was 
 heard to say that if peace were to be made between 
 King and Parliament, he hoped it would be such as 
 that the army ' might, with a safe conscience, fight 
 against both '. If we are to believe a story, told indeed 
 only after the Restoration, but which has inherent 
 probability in it, Cromwell and Ireton, having reason 
 to suppose that a letter from Charles to the Queen 
 would be carried by a man who was to stay the night 
 at the Blue Boar in Holborn, disguised themselves as 
 troopers, and waited in the inn drinking beer till the 
 messenger arrived. Then, ripping up his saddle, they 
 found the expected letter, from which they learnt that 
 ' the King had acquainted the Queen that he was now 
 courted by both the factions, the Scotch Presbyterians 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 127 
 
 and the army, and which bid fairest for him should 
 have him, but he thought he should close with the 
 Scots sooner than the other ' According to another 
 account, the letter also assured Henrietta Maria that 
 she need not concern herself about any concessions 
 he might make, as ' he should not look upon himself 
 as obliged to keep any promises made so much on 
 compulsion whenever he had power enough to break 
 them '. 
 
 Whatever may be the exact truth about the in- 
 tercepted letter, it is exceedingly likely that Cromwell, 
 in some way or other, received intelligence whicJ 
 confirmed his growing belief in Charles's untrust- 
 worthiness. This view of the case is confirmed by 
 the fact that, not long after, the Parliament prepared 
 four Bills, not as a basis of a settlement, but as a test 
 to show whether Charles was in earnest or not, prin- 
 cipally by asking him to abandon his control over the 
 militia. On the other hand Charles so misconceived 
 his position as to send Berkeley to Fairfax with a 
 request that he would support him in asking for 
 a personal treaty unfettered by any conditions what- 
 soever. When, on November 28, Berkeley arrived at 
 head-quarters, Fairfax briefly referred him to Parlia- 
 ment, whilst neither Cromwell nor Ireton would enter 
 into conversation with him. To the soldiers who had 
 mistrusted him Cromwell professed 'that the glories 
 of this world had so dazzled his eyes that he could 
 
128 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 not discern clearly the great works the Lord was 
 doing ; that he was resolved to humble himself, and 
 desired the prayers of the saints, that God would be 
 pleased to forgive his self-seeking '. On the following 
 morning he sent a message to Berkeley in a more 
 worldly strain, bidding him ' be assured he would 
 serve His Majesty as long as he could do it without 
 his own ruin, but desired that he would not expect 
 that he should perish for his sake '. Such at least 
 was the form given to the message by Berkeley when 
 he wrote his Memoirs at a later date, and we may at 
 least take it as established that Cromwell made it, 
 clear to Charles that, after what had happened, it was! 
 perfectly hopeless to expect the army to bring pressure! 
 on Parliament in his favour. I 
 
 Charles turned to the Scots. There were two parties 
 in Scotland — the party of the ministers of the Kirk, 
 headed by the Marquis of Argyle, and the party of 
 the nobility, headed by the Duke of Hamilton, of 
 which the leading members were the Duke's brother, 
 the Earl of Lanark, and the Earl of Lauderdale, both 
 of whom, like many other Scottish nobles, had thrown 
 themselves into the Presbyterian movement so long as 
 it was directed against Bishops, but had rallied to thel 
 Crown as soon as the Ministers strove to make them- 
 selves independent of the nobility. It was this latter 
 party that was represented by the Scottish Commis- 
 sioners in England, and on December 26 Charles 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 129 
 
 signed an agreement with them — Tke Engagement, 
 as it was called — which gave him his own way in 
 England, allowing him to put an end to all toleration 
 of the sects, and to grant a dominant position to 
 Presbyterians for three years only. Against the 
 English Parliament and the army the Scots were to 
 claim for the Crown the power over the militia, the 
 control over the Great Seal, the bestowal of honours 
 and offices, the choice of Privy Councillors, and the 
 negative voice in Parliament. In support of this set- 
 tlement, which included a disbandment of the army and 
 a dissolution of Parliament, a Scottish army was to 
 march into England. Of all the Scotsmen embarked 
 in this scheme, the only man of marked ability was 
 Lauderdale, and though no direct evidence exists on 
 the subject, it seems likely enough that the Engage- 
 ment was mainly, if not altogether, his work. If the 
 suggestion be accepted that the picture by Janssen 
 in the possession of the present Duke, in which a 
 paper is being handed by Lauderdale to Lanark, 
 represents the transference of the Engagement from 
 the former to the latter, it would lend additional 
 strength to the supposition founded on the relative 
 intellectual powers of the two men. However this 
 may be, it is certain that two days after the signature 
 
 Iof The Engagement, Charles rejected the Four Bills 
 which had been laid before him by the English 
 Parliament, thus showing his own belief that it was 
 
 9 
 
I30 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 no longer needful for him to keep up even the 
 semblance of an understanding with the Houses at 
 Westminster. 
 
 That the result of a successful Scottish invasion 
 would be to restore Charles to the throne on the old 
 conditions, and to sweep away everything for which 
 any English party had struggled, can hardly be 
 doubted. It is true that TAe Engagement was buried 
 in the garden of Carisbrooke Castle, and that not a 
 word of its contents reached any English ears. Yet 
 from the rejection of the Four Bills, following on the 
 visit of the Scottish Commissioners to Carisbrooke, 
 it was evident that some dangerous project was on 
 foot, and even those who had welcomed a Scottish 
 army in 1643, when it invaded England at their 
 bidding, were likely to be scandalised at the inter- 
 vention of another Scottish army in opposition to 
 themselves. To Cromwell and to the soldiers of every 
 grade, the prospect of seeing those objects for which 
 they had shed their blood wrenched from them 
 by a Scottish invasion, was peculiarly offensive. In 
 the army all quarrels were hushed and all offences 
 pardoned in face of the obvious danger. What was 
 more, the leading officers assured Parliament that the 
 army might be relied upon against the invaders. The 
 extreme Levellers indeed continued to regard Crom- 
 well as a time-server and a hypocrite, and some even 
 of those who were ready to accept his co-operation 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 131 
 
 were somewhat suspicious. " If you prove not an 
 honest man," said Hazlerigg to him, " I ^ will never 
 tru st a j ellow with a great nose for your sake." 
 
 Under the circumstances Charles's Royalist friends 
 were sent away from Carisbrooke, and he himself, 
 after a futile attempt to escape, treated as a prisoner 
 under lock and key. A vote that no further addressegV 
 should be made to the King passed the Commons. 
 For some time the Lords refused their concurrence, 
 and it was only on a threat of the intervention of the 
 army that they gave way. After the struggle was at 
 an end, two regiments occupied Whitehall and the 
 Mews. The supremacy of the army in the State was 
 growing more pronounced as each political difficulty 
 arose. There are good reasons for believing that 
 before the end of January^j[6j|^8,,^iamwell) -te-whem 
 the interference o f thearmy in politics was alnio st^ 
 ob|ecdonablejisJtbejestahlishaaent'€)-f-*.democ):acy^. 
 
 ah^«-rart^jj4nrJ2lp^^_Jt£J)nsp transfer th^ Craarn 
 
 from Charles to the JPri'^r'' "^ Walpg ; preserving the 
 office whilst changing the persons. No proposal could 
 have been more statesmanlike ; but, unhappily, it was 
 not possible to carry it into effect. The whole of the 
 Royal family was too exasperated against the enemies 
 of its head to lend itself to such a transaction. There 
 can be no doubt that Cromwell had, by this time, 
 abandoned all thought of looking to Charles as the 
 basis of the political settlement he desired. About 
 
132 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 the end of February a letter from Charles to the 
 Queen was intercepted which convinced those into 
 whose hands it fell that the writer was preparing to 
 take the aggressive against his opponents. Early in 
 February Cromwell was found amongst the supporters 
 of a Parliamentary declaration intended to uphold the 
 vote of No Addresses, in which Charles's misdemean- 
 ours were set forth at length, somewhat in the fashion 
 of the Grand Remonstrance. His attempt to bring 
 into England Germans, Spaniards, Frenchmen, Lor- 
 rainers, and Danes as well as Irishmen was one of the 
 principal counts against him. Cromwell is even said 
 to have ' made a severe invective against monarchical 
 government,' though it is probable that his argument 
 was directed less against a hereditary chief-magistracy 
 bound by constitutional limitations than against a 
 system under which the King retained the ultimate 
 decision of all questions in his own hands. At all 
 events, he refused to commit himself absolutely to 
 Republicanism, thereby exasperating those who, like 
 Marten, and even his own bosom friend — the younger 
 Vane — had come to the conclusion that, in the Eng- 
 land of that day, a Republic was the only alternative 
 to an absolute monarchy. 
 
 It was about this time that a meeting took place, 
 the proceedings at which were recorded by Edmund 
 Ludlow, himself a Republican or Commonwealth's- 
 man — to use the term in use amongst contemporaries. 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. ,133^ 
 
 Anxious to bring men of different opinions into line \ 
 against Charles, Cromwell gave a dinner to the leaders 1 
 of the various parties, after which a conference was 
 held in which, according to Ludlow, Cromwell and i 
 his friends ' kept themselves in the clouds, and would ( 
 not declare their judgments either for a monarchical, ) 
 aristocratical or democratical government, maintaining I 
 that any of them might be good in themselves, or for } 
 us according as Providence should direct us '. The 
 old difference of opinion between the men of practice 
 and the men of theory was, on this occasion, aggra- 
 vated by the fact that many theoretical upholders of 
 a Commonwealth drew the very practical conclusion 
 that not only were Charles's subjects absolved from 
 their allegiance, but that it was the duty of Parliament 
 to call the King to account for the blood that had 
 been shed in England in consequence of his misdeeds. 
 The conference begun in the interests of peace bade 
 fair to lead to open division, and Cromwell, to silence 
 angry vituperation, flung a cushion at Ludlow's head 
 and ran downstairs. Ludlow in his turn threw the 
 cushion back at Cromwell, and, as he proudly boasted, 
 ' made him hasten down faster than he desired '. A 
 rough piece of horseplay, it at all events served its 
 purpose in quieting a strife which, every minute that 
 it lasted, was doing injury to the cause which Crom- 
 well desired to serve. 
 
 At no time did Cromwell fix beforehand the I 
 
134 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 methods by which he intended to work, though he 
 never had any doubt of the object against which his 
 energies were to be directed. He had contended first" 
 against irresponsible monarchical power, then in turn 
 against military anarchy, Presbyterian tyranny, the 
 political supremacy of the army, and abstract theories 
 of government. He was ready to meet each danger 
 as it arose, with the help of all who, whatever their 
 opinions on other points might be, were ready to join 
 him in attacking the abuse which he wished at the 
 time to abate. If, like Ludlow, they persisted in 
 looking too far ahead, there was nothing for it but 
 to silence them, if it were but by flinging cushions 
 at their heads. 
 
 In the Spring of 1648 Cromwell and his political 
 allies had thus to deal with a very complicated situa- 
 tion. They had to face not merely Charles's intrigue 
 with the Scots, but also the widely spread discontent 
 in England. Especially in the towns, men were weary 
 of military dictation, and of the increased taxation by 
 which the army was supported. Parliament too was 
 as unpopular as the army. Englishmen were no less 
 weary of the prolonged uncertainty which neither 
 army nor Parliament seemed capable of bringing to 
 an end. In their longing for a settled government, a 
 considerable part of the population turned their eyes 
 to the throne, as the ancient basis of authority and 
 order. If England had been polled, there would prob- 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 135^ 
 
 ably have been a large majority in favour of Charles's 
 restoration to power, and yet, it was precisely amongst 
 those whose system was most democratic that the 
 most intense opposition to a restoration was to be 
 found. 
 
 To rrnmwpll man of^p rder and discipl ine_asji£. 
 was, a restoration unaccompanied with security against 
 ttaToId mischief was intolerable. Of his own dis-_ 
 interestedness-he-gave~aT'tRts~time--UHdeniahlfe_ proof. 
 Parliament having granted him lands valued at £1,680 
 a year, proceeded to reduce his pay at the same time 
 that it reduced that of other officers, by the large sum 
 of ;£^i,825. Far from taking umbrage at this diminution 
 of his income, he presented not less than .^5,000 to 
 the public cause, and also abandoned the arrears due 
 to him, which at that time amounted to ;^i,50O. 
 Certainly dangers were gathering thickly. An inter- 
 cepted letter from the King's agent at the Hague 
 disclosed Charles's expectation to be succoured not 
 only by an Irish army but by a Dutch one. Common 
 prudence taught Cromwell to do everything in his 
 power to conciliate any party that might stand by 
 his side against so extensive a combination. When 
 his scheme for placing the Prince of Wales on the 
 throne was revived about the middle of March, some 
 of the Episcopal clergy preferred an understanding 
 with the army to an understanding with the Scots. 
 Towards the end of the month, Cromwell was still in 
 
136 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 negotiation with members of the Royalist party, the 
 purport of which it is impossible to define, but which 
 probably had its rise in his persistent desire to main-l 
 tain royalty in some shape or form as a basis of order.l 
 It is at least certain that he gained much obloquy from 
 his own party. " I know," he wrote to a friend, " God 
 has been above all ill reports, and will in His own 
 time vindicate me. I have no cause to complain." 
 It_w as never Crom acell's w-aytn an.'aaL er calumny by 
 a_ public^£a;jdanatLQa_Q£_ hjs conduc t. 
 
 At last, however, Cromwell came to the conclusion 
 that nothing was to be hoped from an understanding 
 with the Royalists ; and it therefore became more 
 necessary to secure the co-operation of the English 
 Presbyterians. An attempt to win the City Magis- 
 trates by concessions was, however, promptly repulsed. 
 On April 6 it became known in London that Charles 
 had all but succeeded in effecting his escape, and on 
 the 9th a City mob was rushing westwards along the 
 Strand with the intention of overpowering the soldiers 
 at Whitehall and the Mews. A charge of cavalry 
 ordered by Cromwell drove them back, but it was 
 not till the following day that the tumult was sup- 
 pressed. All this while the Hamilton party, which 
 was keen for an invasion of England, was gaining 
 strength in Scotland. So black did the outlook be- 
 come that one more appeal was made to the King, 
 and there are strong reasons for believing that he was 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 137 
 
 warned that, if he persisted in refusing compliance to 
 the demands made upon him — whatever they may 
 have been — Parhament would proceed, on April 24, 
 to depose him, and to crown the Duke of York, who 
 was still in their hands, as James II. Charles replied 
 by sanctioning a plan for his son's escape, and before 
 the appointed day arrived the boy was well on his way 
 to the Continent. 
 
 The first resistance to Parliament came from an 
 unexpected quarter. As early as on February 22, 
 Colonel Poyer, the Governor of Pembroke Castle, 
 had refused to deliver up his charge till his arrears 
 had been paid, and on March 23 he had proceeded 
 to seize the town. At first no more than a local 
 difficulty was apprehended, and Colonel Horton was 
 despatched to suppress the rising. On his arrival he 
 wrote that he was likely to have the whole of South 
 Wales on his hands. Almost at the same time it 
 was known at Westminster that a Scottish army 
 was actually to be raised. Presbyterian as was the 
 majority of the English Parliament, it had no mind 
 to have even its favourite religion established by an 
 invading army of Scots, especially as that army 
 would be the army of the Scottish nobility, who 
 were supposed not to feel any warm attachment to 
 the Presbyterian cause except so far as their own 
 linterests were connected with it. It was the hesitation 
 tof the English Presbyterians between their political 
 
138 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 and their ecclesiastical aims which alone could have 
 given a free hand to Fairfax and Cromwell. It was 
 Cromwell who, seconded by Vane, carried a vote in 
 the House for granting concessions which the City 
 under the pressure of the recent intelligence, was now 
 prepared to accept as satisfactory. A further vote 
 that the House would not alter the fundamental 
 government of the kingdom by King, Lords and 
 Commons, was supported by the leading Indepen- 
 dents. The House then proceeded to declare itself 
 ready to concur in a settlement on the ground of the 
 propositions laid before the King at Hampton Court, 
 that is to say, on the ground of the establishment of 
 Presbyterianism without any liberty of conscience 
 whatsoever. Whether Cromwell was in his place 
 when the last two votes were taken is uncertain. At 
 all events we can hardly be wrong in supposing that 
 he had no objection to the Presbyterians amusing 
 themselves with another hopeless negotiation whilst 
 the army took the field. He had had too much 
 experience of Charles's character as a diplomatist 
 to imagine that he was likely to aim at anything 
 more than hoodwinking his opponents till the time 
 came when he might deem it advisable to hoodwink 
 his allies. 
 
 Cromwell's presence was imperatively needed at 
 head -quarters, which were now established at Windsor. 
 He found the army in an agitated condition, and we 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 139 
 
 may well believe that his own feelings were no less 
 agitated. The peaceful settlement which he had so 
 long pursued seemed farther off than ever, and he can 
 have brought with him no friendly thoughts of a King 
 who would neither accept reasonable terms for himself, 
 nor abdicate in favour of those who would. On April 
 29 the chief men of the army held a prayer-meeting 
 to inquire ' into the causes of that sad dispensation,' 
 and in a discussion which followed on the 30th Crom- 
 well urged those present thoroughly to consider their 
 actions as an army and their conduct as private 
 Christians, that they might discover the cause of 
 ' such sad rebukes ' as were upon them by reason of 
 their iniquities. That day no definite result was 
 arrived at, but on the next, news having arrived that 
 the forces in Wales had suffered a check, Fairfax 
 ordered Cromwell to take the command in those 
 parts. Before Cromwell set out for his new command 
 one more meeting was held. " Presently," we are 
 told by one who was present, "' we were led and helped 
 to a clear agreement amongst ourselves, not any 
 dissenting, that it was the duty of our day, with the 
 forces we had, to go out and fight against those potent 
 enemies which that year in all places appeared against 
 us, with humble confidence, in the name of the Lord 
 only, that we should destroy them ; also enabling us 
 then, after serious seeking His face, to come to a very 
 clear and joint resolution on many grounds at large 
 
I40 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 then debated amongst us, that it was our duty, if ever 
 the Lord brought us back again in peace, to call 
 Charles Stuart, that man of blood, to an account for 
 the blood he had shed and mischief he had done to 
 his utmost against the Lord's cause and people in these 
 poor nations." 
 
 To what other conclusion could these men possibly 
 come ? How were they likely to recognise the deeply 
 seated belief in the justice of his Church and cause 
 which lay behind the slippery trickiness of Charles ? 
 and how, even if they had recognised it, could they 
 have counted it to him for righteousness ? For many 
 a month Cromwell had staved off this decision. Now, 
 he could not reconcile it to his conscience to stave it 
 off any longer ; his conscience in this, no doubt, con- 
 curring with his interests. He left the Presbyterians 
 at Westminster to their own devices — to pass an 
 ordinance which imposed the bitterest penalties on 
 heresy, and to toy with the idea of a fresh negotia- 
 tion with Charles, content that they had been brought 
 into line with the army in opposition to a Cavalier 
 insurrection at home and a Scottish invasion from 
 abroad. Every indication served to convince the 
 Houses of the Royalist character of the insurrection. 
 There were tumults either actually breaking out or 
 threatened in Suffolk, in Essex and in Surrey, and in 
 every case a resolution to support the King was either 
 declared or implied. Such a development was no 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 141 
 
 more to the taste of the Presbyterians than to that of 
 the soldiers, and the army was therefore able to cal- 
 culate on the support of a Parliament which, though 
 it might detest the principles of the soldiers, was 
 unable to dispense with their services. 
 
 That army was not one to be easily defeated. 
 Before Cromwell reached his appointed station, he 
 heard that Horton had overcome the Welshmen at 
 St. Fagans. The political effect of the victory was 
 immense. " To observe the strange alteration," wrote 
 a London Independent to a friend in the army, " the 
 defeating of the Welsh hath made in all sorts is 
 admirable. The disaffected to the army of the religious 
 Presbyterians now fawn upon them — partly for fear 
 of you, and partly in that they think you will keep 
 down the Royal party which threatened them, in their 
 doors, in the streets, to their faces with destruction, and 
 put no difference between Presbyterian and Indepen- 
 dent." On May 19 the Common Council of the 
 City declared its readiness to live and die with the 
 Parliament, at the same time requesting that a fresh 
 negotiation should be opened with the King — a pro- 
 posal which was at once accepted. The Royalists 
 were bitterly disappointed. " How long," jibed one 
 of them, " halt ye between two opinions ? If Mammon 
 be God, serve him ; if the Lord be God, serve Him. 
 If Fairfax be King, serve him ; if Charles be King, 
 restore him." To Fairfax and Cromwell the decision 
 
142 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 of the City must have come as a great relief. The 
 work before them was hard enough, but there was no 
 longer reason to despair. 
 
 So far as Fairfax was concerned, it had been 
 intended that he should march against the Scots 
 whilst Cromwell marched into Wales. A rising in 
 Kent, followed by the defection of part of the navy, 
 frustrated this design. On June i Fairfax defeated 
 the Kentish Royalists at Maidstone, but a part of 
 their forces crossing the Thames threw themselves 
 into Essex in the hope of rallying the Royalists of 
 the eastern counties to their side. Fairfax after a 
 magnificently rapid march penned them into Col- 
 chester, where they could only be reduced by a long 
 and tedious blockade. At the same time Cromwell, 
 having pushed on through South Wales, was occupied 
 with the siege of Pembroke Castle, which did not 
 surrender till July ii, thus leaving full time for the 
 completion of the Scottish preparations. " I pray 
 God," he had written to Fairfax whilst as yet the issue 
 was undecided, " teach this nation and those that are 
 over us, and your Excellency and all us that are under 
 you, what the mind of God may be in all this, and what 
 our duty is. Surely it is not that the poor godly people 
 of this kingdom should still be made the object of 
 wrath and anger, nor that our God would have our 
 necks under a yoke of bondage ; for these things that, 
 have lately come to pass have been the wonderful 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 143 
 
 works of God breaking the rod of the oppressor as in 
 the day of Midian, not with garments much rolled in 
 blood, but by the terror of the Lord, who will yet save 
 His people and confound His enemies." 
 
 What a light is thrown upon Cromwell's thoughts 
 by these words ! No Parliamentary supremacy or 
 rule of the majority — not even a general toleration 
 after the fashion of Roger Williams or Milton was 
 uppermost in his mind. Security for those whom he 
 styled ' the poor godly people ' was the main object of 
 his striving, though he was too large-minded not to 
 assign an important, if but a secondary place, to 
 questions relating to the fall or preservation of Kings 
 and Parliaments, as the institutional framework of 
 political order without which even ' the poor godly 
 people ' could not enter the haven of safety. 
 
 Three days before Cromwell was released from 
 Pembroke the Scottish army under the Duke ofj 
 Hamilton had crossed the Border, sending before it\ 
 a declaration against toleration either for the Common j 
 Prayer Book or for the worship of the sects. It was | 
 unlikely that if Charles were restored by Hamilton's 
 means he would be required to fulfil more than that 
 portion of the declaration which related to the repres- 
 sion of the sects. The Hamilton party, as the secular 
 party in Scotland, was devoid of enthusiasm, and 
 anxious to throw off theyokejofjheclexgy. — Hamilton, 
 however, was a most incompetent general. He and 
 
144 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 his army, in short, had no advantage but that of 
 numbers over the well-disciplined and fiery enthusiasts 
 who followed Cromwell. They neither trusted God 
 nor kept their powder dry. 
 
 Though the invading army entered England by 
 way of Carlisle, Cromwell marched against them not 
 through Lancashire but through Yorkshire. He had 
 to supply his men with shoes and stockings from 
 Northampton and Coventry, and to halt at Doncaster 
 to pick up the artillery which was forwarded him from 
 Hull, as well as to rejoin Lambert, who was in com- 
 mand of the small force which it had been possible to 
 despatch to the North whilst Cromwell was detained 
 at Pembroke, and who had been doing his best to de- 
 lay the progress of the Scots till Cromwell was ready 
 to strike home. On its march through Lancashire, 
 Hamilton's army, some 21,000 strong, pushed slowly 
 forward in a long straggling column, the van and the 
 rear at too great distance from each other to be able 
 to concentrate in case of an attack. On August 17, 
 when Cromwell had crossed the hills into Ribblesdale 
 and was close at hand upon his left flank, Hamilton, 
 who had pushed on his cavalry to Wigan sixteen miles 
 in advance, sent the bulk of his infantry across the 
 Ribble at Preston, leaving Sir Marmaduke Langdale 
 with 3,600 English Royalists on the north bank, whilst 
 another detachment was some miles in the rear. It 
 did not need much generalship to overwhelm an 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 145 
 
 army under such leadership as this. Cromwell fell 
 upon Langdale, who had posted his small force to the 
 greatest advantage behind hedges, and after a hard 
 tussle, carried the position and captured the greater 
 part of the division. Then lining the steep northern 
 bank of the Ribble with musketeers, he drove Hamil- 
 ton from the flat southern bank and, later on, across 
 the Darwen which, near this point, flows into the 
 Ribble. What followed was little more than mere 
 pursuit The Scots, half starved and discouraged, 
 were beaten wherever they attempted to make a 
 stand, and Hamilton at last surrendered at Uttoxeter, 
 eight days after the battle. 
 
 It was Cromwell's first victory in an independent 
 command, and if the Scottish leader had played into 
 his hands, he had been wanting in no part of an 
 efficient general to profit by his folly. Once more, 
 in the despatch in which he announced his success to 
 the Speaker, he harped upon the old stringy the duty I 
 of the X^lliamentary Government to give .protection | 
 to the ' people of God '. " Surely, Sir," he wrote, " this ' 
 is nothing but the hand of God, and wherever any- 
 thing in this world is exalted or exalts itself, God 
 will put it down ; for this is the day wherein He alone 
 will be exalted. It is not fit for me to give advice, 
 nor to say a word what use you should make of this ; 
 more than to pray you and all that acknowledge God, 
 
 that they would take courage to do the work of the 
 
 10 
 
146 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Lord in fulfilling the end of your magistracy in seeking 
 the peace and welfare of this land ; that all that will 
 live peaceably may have countenance from you, and 
 they that are incapable and will not leave troubling 
 the land may speedily be destroyed out of the land." 
 On August 27, ten days after the victory at Preston , 
 Colchester capitulated, and as far as England was 
 concerned, the second civil war was brought to an 
 end, only a few fortresses in the North — incapable of 
 prolonged resistance without succour from any army 
 in the field — still holding out It remained to be , 
 considered what policy should be adopted towards the 
 defeated Scots, and first of all towards the thousands 
 of prisoners captured at Preston and in the pursuit 
 which followed. Of these a division was made — those 
 who had been pressed into the service being set at 
 liberty under an engagement never again to bear arms 
 against the Parliament of England. Those who had 
 voluntarily taken service under Hamilton were trans- 
 ported to Barbados or Virginia, not, as is commonly 
 said, as slaves, but as servants subjected for a term 
 of years to a master who, though he usually dealt with 
 them far more harshly than with his negro slaves, 
 was at least bound to set them at liberty at the end 
 of the appointed time. 
 
 The decision in this matter rested with Parliament 
 — not with Cromwell. It was for Cromwell to follow 
 up the relics of the Scottish army left behind to the 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 147 
 
 north of Preston, and which, after the defeat of their 
 comrades, had retreated to Scotland. Nor could it 
 be doubted that the word of the victorious general 
 would have great weight with Parliament in that 
 settlement of the outstanding complaints against Scot- 
 land which was now impending. It was fortunate 
 that this was so, as Cromwell was just the man to turn 
 to the best advantage the dispute between the Scottish 
 parties now bursting into a flame. The defeat of 
 Hamilton left the way open to Argyle and that party 
 of the more fanatical clergy whose followers in the 
 strongly Presbyterian West were known as Whigga- 
 mores, an appellation from which the later appellation 
 of Whig was derived. The West rose in arms, and 
 the Whiggamore Raid — as it was called — swept from 
 power those few partisans of Hamilton who were still 
 at liberty, and placed Scotland once more in the 
 hands of Argyle and the_clergy. On September 21, 
 wKUst the conflict was yet undecided, Cromwell en- 
 tered Scotland, demanding the surrender of Berwick 
 and Carlisle, still occupied by Scottish garrisons. 
 Argyle, glad of English support to strengthen his 
 nascent authority, gave a hearty consent ; and, to 
 display the overwhelming strength of the English 
 army to the Scottish people, Lambert was sent for- 
 ward in advance, Cromwell following with the bulk 
 of the army and arriving in Edinburgh on October 4. 
 On the 7th Cromwell returned to England, leaving 
 
148 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Argyle under the protection of Lambert at the head 
 of two regiments of horse. In the meanwhile Crom- 
 well had come to an understanding with Argyle that 
 no Scotsman who had supported the Engagement 
 with Charles should be allowed to retain office, a stipu- 
 lation as much in accordance with Argyle's wishes as 
 with his own. A fanatic might have objected that it 
 was unfitting that a tolerationist should give his sup- 
 port to the most intolerant clergy in Protestant Eu- 
 rope. As a statesman, Cromwell could but remember 
 that unless England were to assume the direct control 
 over the Government of Scotland, it must leave such 
 matters to local decision, especially as there were 
 few or no Independents in Scotland to be wronged 
 by any action which the new Government at Edin- 
 burgh might take. Yet there was undoubtedly a 
 danger for the future in the divergency of aim between 
 the followers of Argyle in Scotland and those of 
 Cromwell in England. 
 
 Cromwell transferred his forces into Yorkshire to 
 hasten the surrender of Pontefract and Scarborough, 
 which still held out. The political interest of the day 
 had shifted to the South. Parliament, as soon as it 
 was relieved from danger, had determined to reopen 
 the negotiation with the King, and the conference — 
 known as The Treaty of Newport — commenced in the 
 Isle of Wight on September 18. In the regiments 
 under Cromwell's command, as well as in Fairfax's 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 149 
 
 army, the disgust was intense, and Ireton now took 
 the lead in calling for a purge of the House which 
 would get rid of such members as supported this piece 
 of misplaced diplomacy. To complete the dissatis- 
 faction of the army, the demands of Parliament 
 included the establishment of Presbyterianism without 
 a shadow of toleration on either hand. It is unneces- 
 sary here to follow up this negotiation in detail. The 
 objection taken to Charles's counter-proposals was 
 less that they were themselves unjust, than that it 
 was impossible to hinder him from slipping out of 
 his promise whenever he felt strong enough to do 
 so. Of this objection Ireton was the mouth-piece 
 in Fairfax's army, and on or about November 10, 
 he laid before the Council of officers the draft of a 
 Remonst rance of the _Army. It touched on many con- 
 stitutional proposals, but the clause of the greatest 
 practical interest asked 'that the capital and grand 
 author of all our troubles, the person of the King, 
 may be speedily brought to justice for the treason, 
 blood and mischief he is therein guilty of. The 
 suggestion was too much for Fairfax, and he carried 
 his officers with him in favour of a proposal that the 
 army should ask the King to assent to the heads of 
 a constitutional plan which would have reduced the 
 functions of the Crown to that influence which is so 
 beneficially exercised at the present day. 
 
 This proposal made to the King on the i6th was, 
 
ISO OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 however, rejected at once. The feeling of the army- 
 being what it was, Charles virtually signed his own 
 death-warrant by this action, and it might seem to a 
 superficial observer, as if his sufferings were due to 
 his refusal to anticipate two centuries of history, and 
 to abandon all the claims which had been handed 
 down to him by his predecessors. To the careful 
 inquirer, it is evident that the causes of the army's 
 demand lay far deeper. The men who made it were 
 no constitutional pedants. It was the deep distrust 
 with which Charles had inspired them that led to this 
 drastic mode of setting him aside from the exercise of 
 that authority which he had so constantly abused. 
 It was his avoidance of open and honourable speech 
 which brought Charles to the block. Those who 
 imagine that he was brought to the scaffold because 
 of his refusal to submit to the abolition of episcopacy, 
 forget that it had been in his power to secure the 
 retention of episcopacy when it was offered him in 
 Tke Heads of the Proposals, if only he had consented 
 to its being accompanied by a complete toleration. 
 The effect of the news which Cromwell from time 
 to time received from the army in England may be 
 traced in the letters written by him at this time. In 
 one which he sent to Hammond on November 6 he 
 justified his dealings with Argyle, suggesting that the 
 example of Scotland, where one Parliament had been 
 dissolved and another had been elected, might be 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 151 
 
 followed in England. In a second letter, written 
 on the 20th, after he had had time to consider the 
 rejection by Charles of the proposal of the army, 
 he replied bitterly to an order of the House to send 
 up Sir John Owen, a prisoner taken in Wales, that 
 he might be banished. Cromwell angrily wrote that 
 those who brought in the Scots had been adjudged 
 traitors by Parliament, 'this being a more prodigious 
 treason than any that had been perfected before ; 
 because the former quarrel was that Englishmen 
 might rule over one another, this to vassalise us to 
 a foreign nation, and their fault who have appeared 
 in this summer's business is certainly double theirs 
 who were in the first, because it is the repetition of 
 the same offence against all the witnesses that God 
 has borne, by making and abetting a second war '. 
 " To vassalise us to a foreign nation." Here, in 
 political matters at least, was the head and front of 
 Charles's offending. It was this that finally broke 
 down Cromwell's reluctance to shake himself loose 
 from constituted authority. " God," Hammond had 
 written, "hath appointed authorities among the nations, 
 to which active or passive obedience is to be yielded. 
 This resides in England in the Parliament. Therefore 
 active or passive resistance is forbidden." To this 
 reasoning Cromwell replied, on the 25 th, by various 
 arguments, closing with the daring suggestion that 
 the army might, after all, be ' a lawful power called 
 
152 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 by God to oppose and fight against the King upon 
 some stated grounds ; and, being in power to such 
 ends,' might not they oppose ' one name of authority 
 for these ends as well as another name ' ? Whatevc. 
 might be the worth of these considerations, no good 
 was to be expected from Charles. " Good," he pro- 
 tested, " by this man against whom the Lord hath 
 witnessed, and whom thou knowest!" 
 
 Surely we have here laid bare before us Crom- 
 wellian opinion in the making. As in other men, the 
 wish was father to the thought. The desire, whether 
 for private or for public ends, shapes the thoughts, and 
 in Cromwell's case, as the desires swept a wider com- 
 pass than with most men, the thoughts took a larger 
 scope and, to some extent, jostled with one another. 
 The cloudy mixture would clear itself soon enough. 
 
 Meanwhile events followed quickly on one another 
 in the south. Hammond, as too soft-hearted, was 
 removed from Carisbrooke, and on December i emis- 
 saries from the army removed Charles to Hurst Castle, 
 where he could be more easily isolated. The foremost 
 men in the army talked openly of putting the King to 
 death, and adopted Cromwell's suggestion that Parlia- 
 ment should be forcibly dissolved, and a new one 
 elected in its place. In this sense a Declaration was 
 issued on November 30, and on December 2 the army 
 marched into London. The Commons showed them- 
 selves to be unaffected by threats of violence, and 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 153 
 
 voted on the 5th that the King's offers were ' a ground 
 for the House to proceed upon for the settlement of 
 the peace of the kingdom '. The scheme of a dissolu- 
 tion favoured by the army was wrecked on the resist- 
 ance of the Independent members of the House. 
 There was to be a purge, not a dissolution followed 
 by a general election. The plan thus agreed on was 
 carried into practice on the morning of the 6th^when 
 Colonel Pride stoo d with a military.. gnard-aL.the door 
 of the House, turning back or arresting the members 
 who had voted for a continuance of the negotiation 
 with the King. When Cromwell returned to West- 
 minster, on the evening of the same day, he declared 
 that he had not ' been acquainted with the design ; 
 yet, since it was done, he was glad of it, and would 
 endeavour to maintain it '. As ' Pride's pwrge ' had 
 not been resolved on before the previous night it was 
 physically impossible that he should have been in- 
 formed of the resolution taken. There can be little 
 doubt that he had given his sanction to the other plan 
 of a dissolution, and had also concurred in the language 
 ascribed to Ireton and Harrison on the previous even- 
 ing. " Where," they had said of the House, " have we 
 either law, warrant, or commission to purge it, or can 
 anything justify us in doing it but the height of neces- 
 sity to save the kingdom from a new war that they, 
 with the conjunction of the King, will presently vote 
 and declare for, and to procure a new and free repre- 
 
154 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 sentative, and so successive and free representatives, 
 which this present Parh'ament will never suffer, and 
 without which the freedoms of the nation are lost and 
 gone ! " It will be worth while to remember these 
 words, when the continuance of the now truncated 
 Parliament was at last brought to an end. 
 
 It was Cromwell's habit to accept the second best, 
 when the best proved unattainable. As to subjecting 
 the King to a traitor's death, Cromwell, as on so many 
 other occasions, exercised a moderating influence. 
 Ireton, it seems, would have been satisfied if Charles 
 were tried and sentenced, after which he might be left 
 in prison till he consented ' to abandon his negative 
 voice, to part from Church lands' and 'to abjure the 
 Scots ' Cromwell even wanted the trial itself to be 
 deferred. By a small majority the Army Council 
 resolved that Charles's life should be spared. As 
 a last effort in this direction, Lord Denbigh was 
 despatched to Windsor — to which place Charles had 
 been removed — to lay before him conditions on which 
 he might yet be permitted to live. Charles, who can- 
 not but have known the nature of the overtures now 
 brought, refused even to see the messenger. Though 
 no direct evidence has reached us, it can hardly be 
 doubted that the terms offered included the renuncia- 
 tion of the negative voice and the abandonment of the 
 Church, that is to say, of Bishops' lands ; in other 
 words, the abandonment of control over legislation 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 155 
 
 and of episcopacy. Here at last Charles found no 
 possibility of evasion, and driven as he was to the wall, 
 the true gold which was in him overlaid by so much 
 ignorance and wrong-headedness revealed itself in all 
 its purity. For him the only question was whether 
 he should betray the ordinance of God in Church 
 and State. The incapable ruler — the shifty intriguer 
 — was at once revealed as the sufferer for conscience' 
 sake. 
 
 Neither Cromwell nor his brother-officers had an 
 inkling of this. To them Charles, in refusing this 
 final overture, had asserted his right to be the perse- 
 jcutor of the godly and the obstructor of all beneficent 
 legislation. Their patience was at length exhausted. 
 On January i, 1649, an ordinance was sent up to the 
 Lords creating a High Court of Justice for the trial of 
 the King, accompanied by a resolution that ' by the 
 fundamental laws of this kingdom it is treason in the 
 King of England for the time being to levy war against 
 the Parliament and Kingdom of England '. ' If any 
 man whatsoever,' said Cromwell when this ordinance 
 was under debate, ' hath carried on the design of depos- 
 ing the King, and disinheriting his posterity ; or, if any 
 man hath yet such a design, he should be the greatest 
 traitor and rebel in the world ; but since the Pro- 
 I vidence of God hath cast this upon us, I cannot but 
 I submit to Providence, though I am not yet provided 
 i to give you advice'. In the last words were the last 
 
156 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 symptoms of hesitation on Cromwell's part. Somehow 
 or other all his efforts to save Charles from destruc- 
 tion had failed, and it was as much in Cromwell's 
 nature to attribute the failure to Providence as it was 
 in Charles's nature to regard himself as the earthly 
 champion of the laws of God. 
 
 The House of Lords having refused to pass the 
 ordinance, the House of Commons declared ' the people 
 to be, under God, the original of all just power,' and 
 in consequence, ' the Commons of England in Parlia- 
 ment assembled ' to be capable of giving the force of 
 law to their enactments. From this time forth the 
 name of an Act was given to the laws passed by a 
 single House. On January 6, such an Act erected a 
 High Court of Justice for the trial of the King, on the 
 ground that he had had a wicked design to subvert 
 his people's rights, and with this object had levied war 
 against them, and also, having been spared, had con- 
 tinued to raise new commotions. Therefore, that no 
 chief officer or magistrate might hereafter presume to 
 contrive the enslaving or destroying of the nation, 
 certain persons were appointed by whom Charles 
 Stuart was to be tried. 
 
 Having once given his consent to the trial, Crom- 
 well threw himself into the support of the resolution 
 with all his vigour. " I tell you," he replied to some 
 scruples of young Algernon Sidney on the score of 
 legality, " we will cut off his head with the crown 
 
 \ 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 157 
 
 Upon it." When a majority of the members of the 
 Court refused to sit ; when divisions of opinion arose 
 amongst those who did sit ; when difficulties, in short, 
 of any kind arose, it was Cromwell who was ready 
 with exhortation and persuasion to complete the work 
 which they had taken in hand. His arguments appear 
 to have been directed not to the technical point whether 
 Charles had levied war against the nation or not, but 
 to convince all who would listen that there had been a 
 breach of trust in his refusal to do his utmost for the 
 preservation of the people. Charles, on the other hand, 
 maintained, as he was well entitled to do, that he was 
 not being tried by any known law, and that the violence 
 used against him would lead to the establishment of a 
 military despotism over the land Nothing he could 
 say availed to change the determination of the grim 
 masters of the hour. On January 27 sentence of 
 death was pronounced by Bradshaw, the President of 
 the Court, and on the 30th this sentence was carried into 
 execution on a scaffold erected in front of the Banquet- 
 ing House of his own palace of Whitehall. 
 
 That Cromwell, once his mind made up, had con- 
 tributed more than any other to this result can hardly 
 be doubted. If we are to accept a traditional story 
 which has much to recommend it, we have something 
 of a key to his state of mind. " The night after King 
 Charles was beheaded," we are told, " my Lord South- 
 hampton and a friend of his got leave to sit up by the 
 
158 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 body in the Banqueting House at Whitehall. As they 
 were sitting very melancholy there, about two o'clock 
 in the morning, they heard the tread of somebody 
 coming very slowly upstairs. By-and-by the door 
 opened, and a man entered very much muffled up in 
 his cloak, and his face quite hid in it. He approached 
 the body, considered it very attentively for some time, 
 and then shook his head — sighed out the words, ' Cruel 
 necessity ! ' He therTdeparted in the same slow and 
 concealed manner as he had come. Lord South- 
 hampton used to say that he could not distinguish 
 anything of his face, but that by his voice and gait he 
 took him to be Oliver Cromwell." 
 
 Whether there was indeed any such necessity may 
 be disputed for ever, as well as that other question 
 whether the army had a right to force on the trial and 
 execution in the teeth of the positive law of the land. 
 The main issue was whether, whatever positive law 
 might say, a king was not bound by the necessities off 
 his position to be th £. representative of the_ jiation,l 
 acting on its behalf, merging his own interests in those I 
 of his people, refusing to coerce them by foreign armies, 
 and owing to them, whenever it became prudent to 
 speak at all, the duty of uttering words of simple truth. 
 So Elizabeth had acted : so Bacon had taught. That 
 Charles's own conduct was moulded on far different 
 principles it is impossible to deny. Confidence in his 
 own wisdom was inherent in his nature, and there is 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 159 
 
 no reason to doubt that he soberly believed his critics 
 and antagonists to be so heated by faction that he 
 was actually unable to do his best for the nation as 
 well as for himself unless he called foreign armies to 
 his aid, and raised false expectations in the hope of 
 throwing off each party with whom he was treating, 
 as soon as a convenient opportunity arrived. Such 
 an attitude could not but engender resistance, and 
 when long persisted in, necessarily called forth an 
 attitude equally unbending. That which to Cromwell 
 was at one time a cruel necessity — at another time a 
 decree of Providence — was but the natural result of 
 the offence given by Charles to men who required 
 plain dealing in a ruler from whom nothing but ill- 
 concealed deceitfulness was to be had. The final 
 struggle had come to be mainly one over the King's 
 retention of the Negative Voice, which, if he had been 
 permitted to retain it, would enable him to hinder all 
 new legislation which did not conform to his personal 
 wishes. No doubt he had both law and tradition on 
 his side, but, on the other hand, his antagonists could 
 plead that the law of the land must depend on the 
 resolution, not of a single person, but of the nation 
 itself 
 
 " Fortunately or unfortunately," I can but repeat 
 here what I have already said elsewhere, "such abstract 
 considerations seldom admit of direct application to 
 politics. It is at all times hard to discover what the 
 
i6o OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 wishes of a nation really are, and least of all can this 
 be done amidst the fears and passions of a revolutionary 
 struggle. Only after long years does a nation make 
 clear its definite resolves, and, for this reason, wise 
 statesmen — whether monarchical or republican — watch 
 the currents of opinion, and submit to compromises 
 which will enable the national sentiment to make its 
 way without a succession of violent shocks. Charles's 
 fault lay not so much in his claim to retain the Nega- 
 tive Voice, as in his absolute disregard of the conditions 
 of the time, and of the feelings and opinions of every 
 class of his subjects with which he happened to disagree. 
 Even if those who opposed Charles in the later stages, 
 of his career failed to rally the majority of the people' 
 to their side, they were undoubtedly acting in ac-, l^j? 
 cordance with a permanent national demand for thatl ''■ * 
 government by compromise which slowly, but irresist-| 
 ibly, developed itself in the course of the century. I 
 " Nor can it be doubted that, if Charles had, under 
 any conditions, been permitted to reseat himself on 
 the throne, he would quickly have provoked a new 
 resistance. As long as he remained a factor in Englishl 
 politics, government by compromise was impossible. | 
 His own conception of government was that of a wise 
 prince, constantly interfering to check the madness of 
 the people. In the Isle of Wight he wrote down with 
 approval the lines in which Claudian, the servile poet 
 of the Court of Honorius, declared it to be an error to 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. i6i 
 
 give the name of slavery to the service of the best of 
 princes, and asserted that liberty never had a greater 
 charm than under a pious king. Even on the scaffold 
 he reminded his subjects that a share in government 
 was nothing appertaining to the people. It was the 
 tragedy of Charles's life that he was utterly unable to 
 satisfy the cravings of those who inarticulately hoped 
 for the establishment of a monarchy which, while it 
 kept up the old traditions of the country, and thus 
 saved England from a blind plunge into an unknown 
 future, would yet allow the people of the country to 
 be to some extent masters of their own destiny. 
 
 " Yet if Charles persistently alienated this large 
 and important section of his subjects, so also did his 
 most determined opponents. The very merits of the 
 Independents — their love of toleration and of legal 
 and political reform, together with their advocacy of 
 democratic change — raised opposition in a nation 
 which was prepared for none of these things, and 
 drove them step by step to rely on armed strength 
 rather than upon the free play of constitutional action. 
 But for this, it is probable that the Vote of No Ad- 
 dresses would have received a practically unanimous 
 support in the Parliament and the nation, and that 
 in the beginning of 1648 Charles would have been 
 dethroned, and a new government of some kind or 
 other established with some hope of success. As it 
 
 was, in their despair of constitutional support, the 
 
 II 
 
i62 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Independents were led, in spite of their better feelings, 
 
 I to the employment of the army as an instrument of 
 government. 
 
 '• The situation, complicated enough already, had 
 been still further complicated by Charles's duplicity. 
 Men who would have been willing to come to terms 
 with him despaired of any constitutional arrangement 
 in which he was to be a factor, and men who had been 
 long alienated from him were irritated into active 
 hostility. By these he was regarded with increasing 
 intensity as the one disturbing force with which no 
 understanding was possible and no settled order con- 
 sistent. To remove him out of the way appeared, 
 even to those who had no thought of punishing him 
 for past offences, to be the only possible road to peace 
 for the troubled nation. It seemed that, so long as 
 Charles lived, deluded nations and deluded parties 
 would be stirred up by promises never intended to be 
 fulfilled, to fling themselves, as they had flung them- 
 selves in the Second Civil War, against the new order 
 of things which was struggling to establish itself in 
 England. 
 
 " Of this latter class Cromwell made himself the 
 mouthpiece. Himself a man of compromises, he had 
 been thrust, sorely against his will, into direct an- 
 tagonism with the uncompromising King. He had 
 striven long to mediate between the old order and tha 
 new, first by restoring Charles as a constitutional 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 163 
 
 King, and afterwards by substituting one of his 
 children for him. Failing in this, and angered by the 
 persistence with which Charles stirred up Scottish 
 armies and Irish armies against England, Cromwell 
 finally associated himself with those who cried out 
 most loudly for the King's blood. No one knew 
 better than Cromwell that it was folly to cover the 
 execution of the King with the semblance of constitu- 
 tional propriety, and he may well have thought that, 
 though law and constitution had both broken down, 
 the first step to be taken towards their reconstruction 
 was the infliction of the penalty of death upon the 
 man who had shown himself so wanting in the ele- 
 mentary quality of veracity upon which laws and 
 constitutions are built up. All that is known ofi 
 Cromwell's conduct at the trial points to his contempt 
 for the legal forms with which others were attempting 
 to cover an action essentially illegal." 
 
 A further question which has been often mooted 
 is whether Cromwell — whatever may be said on the 
 purity of his motives — did not commit a blunder in 
 respect of the interests of himself and his cause. If 
 those who have discussed this problem mean that 
 the attempt to establish a free government during 
 Cromwell's lifetime was rendered' more difficult by 
 the execution of the King, it is hard to gainsay their 
 opinion, though the estrangement of the bulk of the 
 population from the new order, in conseqence of the 
 
i64 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 execution, is probably very much exaggerated. Those 
 who, like the Cavaliers, had been mulcted of a portion 
 of their estates had an additional reason for detesting 
 a government which had used them so ill, and there 
 must have been a certain number amongst the crowds 
 who read the Eikon Basilike — the Httle_ book i^n^which 
 Charles's vindication of his life_ was supposed to^ have 
 b~een written by his own hand^ — who -woxe. permanently 
 affected by that sentimental production of Dr. Gauden. 
 If, however, it is argued that Cromwell and his aUies 
 might possibly have succeeded in establishing a govern- 
 ment to their taste if they had abstained from inflicting 
 the last penalty on the King, it can only bei answered 
 that other causes made their success in the highest 
 degree improbable. Their plans for the benefit of 
 the people were on the one hand too far advanced to | 
 secure popular support ; and, on the other hand, too 
 defective in fair-play to their opponents to deserve it. 
 Puritanism was not, and never could be the national 
 religion, and though it made more enemies through 
 its virtues than through its defects, those who strove 
 to enforce its moral and social precepts needed a strong 
 military force at their backs. The irritation caused 
 by the interference of the army in religion and politics, 
 and by the demands on the tax-payer which the 
 maintenance of the army rendered necessary, would 
 surely have been fatal to any government . resting 
 on such a basis, even if Charles had been suffered to 
 
THE NEW MODEL ARMY AND THE KING. 165 
 
 prolong his days. If there remains any interest in 
 Cromwell's career after the execution of the King it 
 arises from his constantly renewed efforts to throw off 
 this incubus, and his repeated failures to achieve his 
 purpose. 
 
iC6 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 
 
 During the last weeks of Charles's life, the army, in 
 co-operation with some of the Levellers, had drawn 
 up an enlarged edition of Tke Agnement_of_the People, 
 a task which was completed on January 15. In 
 accordance with Cromwell's wish, this _proposed con- 
 stitution was laid before Parliament on the 20th for 
 its approval, instead of being imposed on Parliament 
 by a previous vote amongst the so-called well affected. 
 Parliament being sufficiently busy at the time, laid 
 the proposal aside with a few well-chosen compli- 
 ments. The members had no wish to engage, at 
 such a moRient, in the uncertainties of a general 
 election. ' " ■_ ! -'iX."' 
 
 There can be little doubt that in this matter 
 Parliament was instinctively in the right. That 
 mutilated Assembly to which modern writers give 
 the name of 'the Rump,' though no such word was 
 employed by contemporaries till its reappearance oni 
 the scene some time after Cromwell's death, was in 
 possession of the field. It now contented itself with' 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 167^ 
 
 7 proclaiming England to_b g a Commo nwealth without 
 King or House of Lords, and with electing^an annually \ 
 renewable Council of State -_to_ perform __gjtgcutiye 
 
 functions under its own_conixpl. The first political 
 act of the sovereign Parliament was to order the 
 execution of the Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of 
 Holland, and Lord Capel, who, having taken the 
 King's part in the last war, had been condemned by 
 a High Court of Justice, similar to the one that had 
 sent Charles to the block. For the moment the most 
 serious danger to the young Commonwealth arose 
 from the opposition of Lilburne and the Levellers, 
 who, not content with asking, on the ground of 
 abstract principles, for the immediate foundation of 
 a democratic Republic in the place of the existing 
 makeshift arrangement, extended their propaganda 
 to the army itself, appealing to the private soldiers 
 against the officers. Lilburne and three of his sup- 
 porters were summoned before the Council. Lilburne, 
 having threatened to burn down any place in which 
 he might be imprisoned, was directed to retire. 
 From the outer room he listened to the voices in 
 the Council chamber. " I tell you, sir,'' said Cromwell, 
 " you have no other way of dealing with these men 
 but to break them, or they will break you ; yea, and 
 bring all the guilt of the blood and treasure shed and 
 spent in this kingdom upon your heads and shoulders ; 
 and frustrate and make void all that work that, with 
 
168 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 SO many years' industry, toil and pains you have 
 done, and so render you to all rational men in the 
 world as the most contemptiblest generation of silly, 
 low-spirited men in the earth, to be broken and 
 routed by such a despicable, contemptible generation 
 of men as they are, and therefore. Sir, I tell you 
 again, you are necessitated to break them." We 
 can sympathise with Lilburne now in his desire 
 to establish government by the people, to confirm 
 individual right, and to restrain the commanders of the 
 army from political power Yet, after all, the prac- 
 tical necessities of the hour were on Cromwell's side. 
 
 It was not long before the mutinous spirit to 
 which Lilburne appealed showed itself in the army. 
 A regiment quartered at Salisbury refused obedience 
 to its officers, and roamed about the country seeking 
 for other bodies of troops with which to combine. 
 Fairfax set out from London in chase, and on the 
 night of May 14 Cromwell, by a forced march with 
 his cavalry, overtook the mutineers at Burford. Three 
 were executed, and the remainder submitted to the 
 inevitable. 
 
 It was the more necessary to keep the army in 
 hand, as there was renewed fighting in prospect. 
 The eldest son of the late King, now claiming the 
 title of Charles II., was about to make an effort to 
 seat himself on his father's throne, and hoped, as his 
 father had hoped before him, to have on his side the 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 169 
 
 forces of Scotland and Ireland. For many years the 
 problem of the relations between the three countries 
 had been inviting a solution. Both Scotland and 
 Ireland had social and political interests of their 
 own, and the natural reluctance of the inhabitants 
 of either country to see these merged in those of the 
 wealthier and more numerous people of England 
 would in any case have called for delicate handling. 
 The rise for the first time of a powerful army in 
 England made her relations with the two other 
 countries even more difficult than before, and had 
 contributed fully as much as zeal for Presbyterianism 
 to the ridiculous scheme of re-establishing Charles I. 
 as a covenanting King. After the defeat of Hamilton, 
 indeed, Argyle and the Scottish clergy had welcomed 
 Cromwell's support in the overthrow of the power 
 of the nobility, but the dread of English predomin- 
 ance had not been entirely dispelled, and the King's 
 execution added a sentimental grievance to other 
 causes of alarm. In refusing to allow any English 
 government to dispose of Scotland, the Scots were 
 undoubtedly within their rights ; but when on Feb- 
 ruary S they proclaimed Charles II. not merely as 
 King of Scotland, but as King of Great Britain, 
 France and Ireland, they took up a position which 
 no English government could allow to remain un- 
 challenged, whilst in adding a condition that Charles 
 was to be admitted to power only on his engagement 
 
I70 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 to rule according to the National Covenant and the 
 Solemn League and Covenant, they put forward the 
 monstrous claim to control the religious development 
 of England and Ireland, as well as of their own 
 country. 
 
 The necessity — according to these conditions — of 
 coming to an understanding with Charles, made Scot- 
 land little dangerous for the moment, and enabled the 
 English Parliament to turn its attention to Ireland, 
 to which Charles I. had looked hopefully after the 
 failure of the Hamilton invasion. Ormond, who had 
 formerly headed Charles's partisans in Ireland, now 
 returned to that country as the King's Lord Lieutenant, 
 and brought under his leadership, not only his old 
 followers, but the army of the Confederate Catholics. 
 Though Owen O'Neill, at the head of an army raised 
 amongst the Celts of Ulster, kept aloof, the way 
 seemed open for Ormond to attack Dublin, which 
 was now guarded by a Parliamentary garrison under 
 Michael Jones, and was almost the only place in 
 Ireland still holding out for England. As in Scotland, 
 so in Ireland, the question was not so much whether 
 England was to win forcible mastery over those 
 portions of the British Isles outside her borders, as 
 whether they were to be used to determine the 
 political institutions of England herself The attacks 
 on Ireland and Scotland, which were now to follow, 
 were in a certain sense acts of defensive warfare. 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 171 
 
 To no man more than Cromwell was this thought 
 present. A n Englishman of Englishmen — his hine|-e qf 
 complaint agaiast tW. .lateJCin^ had bgfn thaihpj^ar\ 
 attempted ^'Tj^^'if'^''^''' Englptir l t" n f" '-ftign nation. 
 
 and when on March 15 he was named to the com- 
 mand, he explained to his brother officers the reasons 
 which inclined him to accept the post. " Truly," he 
 said, " this is really believed : — If we do not endeavour 
 to make good our interest there, and that timely, we 
 shall not only have our interest rooted out there, but 
 they will, in a very short time, be able to land forces 
 in England and put us to trouble here ; and I confess 
 I have these thoughts with myself that perhaps may 
 be carnal and foolish : I had rather be overrun with 
 a Cavalierish interest than a Scottish interest ; had 
 rather be overrun by a Scottish interest than an Irish 
 interest, and I think of all this is most dangerous ; 
 and, if they shall be able to carry on their work, they 
 will make this the most miserable people in the earth ; 
 for all the world knows their barbarism — not of any 
 religion almost any of them, but, in a manner, as bad 
 as Papists — and truly it is thus far that the quarrel 
 is brought to this State that we can hardly return into 
 that tyranny that formerly we were under the yoke 
 of . . . but we must at the same time be subject to 
 the kingdom of Scotland and the kingdom of Ireland 
 for the bringing in of the King. Now it should awaken 
 all Englishmen who perhaps are willing enough he 
 
172 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 should have come in upon an accommodation ; but 
 now he must come in from Ireland or Scotland." 
 
 In these words are revealed the convictions that 
 dominated Cromwell's action at this period of his life. 
 So far as it lay in him, he would never admit that 
 Scotland, still less that Ireland, should impose a 
 government upon England. On July 12 he set out 
 for Ireland. Before he could embark he received the 
 welcome news that Michael Jones had defeated 
 Ormond at Rathmines, and that Dublin was con- 
 sequently out of danger. When he landed at Dublin, 
 his intention was, as soon as possible, to make his 
 way into Munster and rally round him the Protestant 
 colonists who formed a considerable part of the popu- 
 lation of the towns on the coast. It was, however, 
 necessary first to protect Dublin from an attack from 
 the north, from which quarter Owen O'Neill, who, 
 after long hesitation, had thrown in his lot with 
 Ormond, was expected to advance. Accordingly, 
 on September i, Cromwell marched upon Drogheda, 
 which was held for the King by a garrison of about 
 2,800 men, mainly composed of Irishmen, under Sir 
 Arthur Aston. On the loth Cromwell summoned 
 the place, and on the refusal of the governor to 
 surrender opened a cannonade on the south-eastern 
 angle. It was impossible for the garrison — short of 
 ammunition as it was — to hold out long, and on the 
 second day, when a breach had been effected, Crom- 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 173 
 
 well gave the word to storm. The assailants, though 
 twice driven back, were, on the third attempt, successful. 
 Aston, with about three hundred men, took refuge on 
 a huge artificial mound, known as the Mill Mount. 
 Angry at the prolonged resistance, Cromwell gave 
 the word to put to the sword all who were in arms. 
 The hasty word was ruthlessly obeyed, and some two 
 thousand men were slaughtered in cold blood. There 
 lis no doubt that in what he did, Cromwell was covered 
 I by the strict law of war, which placed a garrison refusing 
 j surrender outside the pale of mercy; but the law had 
 seldom been acted on in the English war, and it is 
 permissible to doubt whether Cromwell would have 
 acted on it on this occasion, if the defenders had been 
 others than ' Irish Papists,' as he scornfully called 
 them. The memory of the Ulster massacre of 1641, 
 not merely as it really was, but accompanied by all 
 the exaggerations to which it had been subjected by 
 English rumour, was ever present to his mind, and he 
 regarded every Irishman in arms, not as an honourable 
 antagonist, but as either a murderer or a supporter of 
 murderers. 
 
 Yet even Cromwell seems to have thought the 
 deed deserving of excuse. " Truly," he wrote to 
 Bradshaw, the President of the Council, " I believe 
 this bitterness will save much effusion of blood 
 through the goodness of God. I wish that all honest 
 hearts may give the glory of this to God alone, to 
 
174 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 whom indeed the praise of this mercy belongs." " I 
 am persuaded," he assured Lenthall, " that this is a 
 righteous judgment of God upon those barbarous 
 wretches who have imbrued their hands in so much 
 innocent blood, and it will tend to prevent the effusion 
 of blood for the future, which are the satisfactory 
 grounds for such actions, which otherwise cannot but 
 work remorse or regret." 
 
 Leaving a garrison behind him in Drogheda, 
 Cromwell marched to the south by way of Wexford. 
 There too a slaughter took place, though this time 
 it was brought on by the act of the townsmen, who 
 continued their resistance after the walls had been 
 scaled. The story often repeated of the two or three 
 hundred women killed in the market place is pure 
 fiction, of which nothing is heard till after the middle 
 of the eighteenth century. On the other hand, both 
 at Drogheda and Wexford priests were put to death 
 without mercy. Whether these cruelties, in the long 
 run, rendered Irishmen more ready to submit to the 
 invaders may be doubted, but they certainly made 
 Cromwell's path easier whilst the terror spread by 
 them was recent. Wexford fell on October ii. On 
 the 17th Cromwell summoned New Ross. " I have 
 this witness for myself," he wrote to the Governor, 
 " that I have endeavoured to avoid effusion of blood 
 — this being my principle that the people and the 
 places where I come may not suffer except through 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 175 
 
 their own wilfulness.'' Two days later he was asked 
 whether he would grant liberty of conscience. " I 
 meddle not," he answered, " with any man's conscience, 
 \ but if by liberty of conscience, you mean liberty to 
 exercise the mass, I judge it best to use plain dealing, 
 and to let you know that where the Parliament of 
 England have power that will not be allowed of." 
 Cromwell's principle in Ireland ^waajlLf 3/ rnnch what 
 Elizabeth's hadbeeninEngland. Men might hold 
 what religious o pinions they pleased, but_^lerjttion 
 was not to be extended to_theJB.oaianL.£atholicjvor- 
 ship. The distinction may appear unjustifiable in 
 the eyes of the present generation. It was per- 
 fectly familiar to the statesmen of the seventeenth 
 century. 
 
 Before long Cromwell's hope of support from the 
 Protestants in the south was amply justified. Cork 
 was the first of the coast towns in Munster to rise in 
 his favour, and others soon followed the example. 
 Waterford, on the other hand, held out, being assisted 
 by the winter rains. The first months of 1650 were 
 employed in the reduction of towns further inland, 
 such as Kilkenny and Clonmel, though the garrison 
 of the latter place succeeded in making its escape. 
 After the surrender of Clonmel Cromwell left Ireland, 
 his services being required at home. Ireton, who 
 remained behind as Lord Deputy, had nearly com- 
 pleted the conquest when he died in November. i6j; i 
 
176 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 of a disease caused by his devotion to the calls of 
 duty, though the last fortified post did not surrender 
 till April 1653. 
 
 Cromwell's reason for treating the Irish Roman 
 Catholics with peculiar harshness may be gathered 
 from a controversy in which he took part some 
 time before he left the country. In December 164 
 the Irish Prelates assembled at Clonmacnoise issue 
 a Declaration in which they warned their flocks 
 that Cromwell was bent on extirpating the Catholic 
 religion, and could not effect his purpose "without the 
 massacring or banishment of the Catholic inhabitants '. 
 They proceeded to point out that those who were 
 spared by the sword were doomed to impoverishment, 
 as by English Acts of Parliament already passed, 'the 
 estates of the inhabitants of this kingdom are sold, so 
 there remaineth now no more but to put the purchasers 
 in possession by the power of forces drawn out of 
 England, and for the common sort of people, to whom 
 they show any more moderate usage at present, it is 
 to no other end but for their private advantage, and 
 for the better support of their army, intending at the 
 close of their conquest, if they can effect the same — 
 as God forbid — to root out the commons also, and 
 plant this land with colonies to be brought hither out 
 of England — as witness the number they have already 
 sent hence for the Tobacco Islands — and put enemies 
 in their place '. The Prelates concluded by declaring 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARI lAMENT. 177 
 
 that, henceforth, clergy and laity would unite to 
 defend the Church, the King and the nation. 
 
 In one part of this declaration the Prelates had 
 referred to the English army as ' the common enemy '. 
 " Who is it," asked Cromwell wrathfully in reply, 
 " that created this common enemy ? I suppose you 
 mean Englishmen. The English ! Remember, ye 
 hypocrites, Ireland was once united to England ; 
 Englishmen had good inheritances, which many of 
 them purchased with their money, they or their an- 
 cestors, from many of you and your ancestors. They 
 had good leases from Irishmen for long time to come, 
 great stocks thereupon, houses and plantations erected 
 at their cost and charge. They lived peaceably and 
 honestly amongst you ; you had generally equal 
 benefit of the protection of England with them, and 
 equal justice from the laws — saving what was necessary 
 for the State, upon reasons of State, to put upon some 
 few people apt to rebel upon the instigation of such 
 as you. You broke the union ; you unprovoked put 
 the English to the most unheard of and most barbarous 
 massacre without respect of sex or age that ever the 
 sun beheld, and at a time when Ireland was at perfect 
 peace, and when, through the example of English 
 industry, through commerce and traffic, that which 
 was in the natives' hands was better to them than if 
 all Ireland had been in their possession and not an 
 
 Englishman in it ; and yet then, I say, was this un- 
 
 12 
 
178 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 heard of villainy perpetrated through your instigation, 
 who boast of peace-making and union against the 
 common enemy. What think you, by this time ? Is 
 
 [not my assertion true? Is God — will God be with 
 
 I you ? I am confident He will not." 
 
 Such was the picture which framed itself in Crom- 
 well's mind in the contemplation of the troubles of 
 1641. It was no long by-past history that he ignored 
 — though the race against which his sword was drawn 
 was one singularly retentive of the tradition of days 
 long-ago. It was the occurrences which had passed 
 in his own life-time which he misinterpreted. The 
 Irish peoples and tribes, it seemed, had had no griev- 
 ances of which to complain. They had never, forsooth, 
 been ousted from their land by the chicanery of 
 English lawyers and English statesmen. As for their 
 religion, it was hardly to be regarded as a religion at 
 all. Favour enough was shown to them if they were 
 allowed to bury their creed in their hearts, though 
 they were deprived of those consolations on which 
 those who held their faith were far more dependent 
 than the adherents of other Churches. That Crom- 
 well believed every word he said is not to be doubted. 
 This representation of Irish problems and of Irish 
 facts was no creation of his own mind. It was the 
 common — probably the universal belief of English- 
 men of his own day. 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLL4MBNT.(^vj^ 
 
 pnii^^ rii ng IT r'"'<^<^ifs '' We are come," he continued, 
 "to take an account of the innocent blood that 
 hath been shed, and to endeavour to bring them 
 to account — by the blessing of Almighty God, in 
 whom alone is our hope and strength — who by ap- 
 pearing in arms seek to justify the same. We come 
 to break the power of a company of lawless rebels 
 who, having cast off the authority of England, live 
 as enemies to human society, whose principles — the 
 world hath experience of — are to destroy and subjugate 
 all men not complying with them. We come — by the 
 assistance of God — to hold forth and maintain the 
 lustre and glory of English liberty, in a nation where 
 we have an undoubted right to do it, whereas the 
 people of Ireland — if they listen not to such seducers 
 as you are — may equally participate in all benefits to 
 use liberty and fortune equally with Englishmen, if s^ 
 
 they keep out of arms." L pshmen, in short, wer e to ■'k^ ' 
 be what En ^lishme xLaiaieH3*-tQj3fea L.the penal ty. It '"''^^ 
 wa^_the.Qldx&inedjuoLthe JEljzabe and-OLStxaf- '^^rvr^ 
 
 ford. It is not so much the victorious sword that 
 alienates as the contempt of the conqueror for all 
 that the conquered are in themselves or for all that 
 they hold dear. Yet it must be acknowledged that 
 ,in whatever proportion the guilt of past errors may 
 
 !be divisible between English and Irish, no English 
 government could endure longer to face that danger 
 of invasion from the side of Ireland, which had so 
 
i8o OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 constantly threatened England since first her civil 
 broils began. Under these circumstances, an English 
 conquest of Ireland was inevitable as soon as it was 
 undertaken by a disciplined army. Irishmen were 
 too deeply riven asunder by diversities of race and 
 institutions to unite in common resistance ; and even 
 if these difficulties could be removed, there was no 
 common leader who commanded universal devotion. 
 
 i Conquered — Ireland was bound to be, but it was 
 unfortunate for both peoples that she was conquered 
 at a time when the religious and political ideas of 
 Englishmen were, more than ever before or since, the 
 antithesis of those of Irishmen. It was when a Puritan 
 G6vernment took in hand what they hoped to be the 
 regeneration of Ireland that the real difficulties of 
 the task would be made manifest. 
 
 No such gulf was open between England and 
 Scotland, yet the apprehension of fresh troubles 
 approaching from Scotland caused the Govern- 
 ment at Westminster to recall Cromwell in May 
 1650. For some time a negotiation had been carried 
 on at Breda between the exiled Charles II. and a 
 body of commissioners who had been sent by the 
 extreme Presbyterians now dominant in Edinburgh, 
 with the object of persuading the young King to 
 accept their assistance to regain his other kingdoms 
 on conditions which could not fail to be most repulsive 
 to him. He was to disallow the treaty concluded by 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. i8i 
 
 Ormond, by which the Irish were exempted from the 
 penal laws, though in that treaty lay his sole hope of 
 resisting Cromwell in that country ; he was to establish 
 Presbyterianism both in England and Ireland without 
 a shred of toleration either for the sects or for that 
 Church of which he was himself a member, and he 
 was to sign the two Covenants, marking his own 
 adhesion to the Scottish form of religion. Against 
 these terms Charles long struggled, but on May i he 
 signed the draft of an agreement assenting to them, 
 which was sent to Scotland for approval, accompanied 
 by a demand on his part for their modification. Be- 
 fore an answer was received, Charles heard that his 
 most gallant champion, Montrose, had been defea^tedi 
 and hanged as a traitor. A day or two later, on I 
 June I, he was informed that his request for the 
 modification of the Scottish terms had been rejected 
 at Edinburgh. On the 2nd Charles embarked for Scot- 
 land without signing anything, and it was only on 
 June II, off Heligoland, that he affixed his name to 
 the treaty, and only on the 23rd, off Speymouth, that 
 he swore to the Covenants, as the treaty required him *[ 
 to do. There can be little doubt that he intended to 
 cast off the bondage as soon as an opportunity arrived. 
 It is doubtful which was the greater, the ignorance of 
 the Scottish Government in supposing that their con- 
 ditions could be imposed on England, or their folly 
 in imagining that Charles would be bound by his oath 
 
i82 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 to become their accomplice. Of this Government 
 Argyle was still the leading personality, but that 
 shrewd statesman only held his own by submitting to 
 the crowd of fanatics, clerical and lay, whom he had 
 once hoped to control, and who now made themselves 
 his masters. Secret communications had long been 
 passing between Charles and his English supporters. 
 They were expected to rise in support of the Scots, 
 but as to the engagement to establish Presbyterianism, 
 it 'was by most refused, and resolved to be broken 
 by those who took it ' 
 
 Under these circumstances, Cromwell's return had 
 been ardently expected by all who had attached them- 
 selves to the existing Government. Whilst he was 
 still absent. Parliament had secured to him the use of 
 the Cockpit — a house opposite Whitehall — and also 
 of St. James's House and Spring Gardens ; and had 
 afterwards voted to him an additional grant of lands 
 bringing in ;^2,500 a year. On June i he had a mag- 
 nificent reception as he crossed Hounslow Heath, 
 and on the 4th received the thanks of Parliament for 
 his services. The first question mooted was on whom 
 should be bestowed the command of the army des- 
 tined for the north. As long as it was expected that 
 the troops were to act on the defensive, Fairfax was 
 ready to go with Cromwell serving under him, as in 
 old days, as his Lieutenant-General. 
 
 On June 20, when it was resolved, doubtless at 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT, i 
 
 Cromwell's suggestion, that the English army should 
 invade Scotland to anticipate an attack which was 
 regarded as inevitable, Fairfax's hesitations began, 
 and after a brief delay he offered to resign his com- 
 mission. Cromwell did his best to combat his argu- 
 ments, which proceeded rather from a general feeling 
 of distrust of the tendency of the Commonwealth 
 Government than from any distinct resolve to separate 
 himself from it. C romwell's persuasions were of no 
 avail, and on June 26 i}e received the_a£pcantment of 
 Lord Generalj which Fairfax was now permitted to 
 resign. Cromwell's mind was set on somethmg more 
 than military success. In a conversation with Ludlow 
 who was about to leave for Ireland, he discoursed for 
 an hour on the iioth Psalm. " He looked," he said 
 " on the design of the Lord in this day to be the 
 freeing of the people from every burden.'' Especially 
 he found hard words to fling at the lawyers — those sons 
 of Zeruiah who had hitherto stood in the way of the 
 simplifying of the law in favour of poorer litigants 
 On l une 28 Cro iHLHffill-.set ..out for his commapd 
 At,.BeEwick.anJijly_iaJae^auod».Jbimad^ 
 of 16,000 men, whilst tbe--ScQttisJa,vaja3iyr-«!ntierThe 
 command of David Leslie , numbered 2 6.ooo. For 
 the first time in his life Cromwell was opposed to a 
 general who was a capable strategist. The Scottish 
 army, moreover, had the advantage of position 
 Occupying Edinburgh Castle and the fortified city 
 
i84 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 sloping eastwards beneath it, Leslie had thrown up 
 intrenchments from the foot of the Canongate to 
 Leith, to bar the way to any army threatening to cut 
 off the city from its port. Cromwell, having failed to 
 carry this line, retreated to Musselburgh to prepare 
 for his next step. 
 
 Though the Scots had the advantage of military 
 position, their army had none of the coherence of the 
 English. The clergy, under whose influence it had 
 been gathered, had a shrewd suspicion that Charles 
 was not whole-hearted in his devotion to the Kirk. 
 They were afraid of his influence on the soldiers, and 
 when he made his appearance at Leith they com- 
 pelled him to withdraw. His expulsion was followed 
 by a purge of the army, and in three days no fewer 
 than 80 officers and 3,000 soldiers were dismissed as 
 not coming up to the proper spiritual or moral standard. 
 To the clergy Cromwell's appeal was directed in vain. 
 " I beseech you," he wrote to them, " in the bowels of 
 Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken." It 
 was the very last thing they were prepared to do. To 
 ! them sectarianism was an evil to be combated at all 
 hazards, and Cromwell's entreaties to join him in 
 brotherly union met with no response. Yet amongst 
 the stricter Presbyterian laity there were some — such 
 as Strachan and Ker — who felt uncomfortable at 
 being told that they were fighting for a malignant 
 King. Cromwell having posted himself, on August 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 185 
 
 13, on Braid Hill, to the south of Edinburgh, com- 
 mitted one of the greatest faults of which a general is 
 capable. His eagerness to win over those whom — in 
 spite of their contumelious rejection of his claim — he 
 persisted in regarding as his brothers in religion, led 
 him to subordinate war to diplomacy. For the first \ 
 time in his military career he was hesitating and 
 tentative, prone to delay action, and above all inspired | 
 by the hope that action might be avoided. Even if 
 he had acted more promptly it is possible that he 
 might have failed against so wary an antagonist as 
 Leslie. His plan, probably the best under the cir- 
 cumstances, was to march on Queensferry, in order to 
 cut the communications of the Scottish army with its 
 base of supplies in Fife, communications which could 
 not be maintained lower down the Firth where the 
 English fleet was master of the sea. Leslie held the 
 inner line, and when at last, on August 27, Cromwell 
 advanced towards Queensferry, he found Leslie across 
 his path, posted behind a morass. He could but turn 
 back once more to Musselburgh, after which, giving 
 up the game he had been playing for some weeks, 
 he found himself, on September i, at Dunbar. Leslie 
 followed, taking care to avoid a battle and drawing 
 up his army on Doon Hill, whose steep slopes looked 
 down on the flatter ground on which Cromwell's forces 
 lay. Blocking the route to England by occupying 
 the defile at Cockburnspath, Leslie had but to remain 
 
i86 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 where he was to force Cromwell — now commanding 
 less than half his former numbers — either to surrender 
 or to ship the best part of his force for England — 
 the fleet which accompanied him not affording space 
 for the accommodation of his whole army. " The 
 enemy," wrote Cromwell, " lieth so upon the hills that 
 we know not how to come that way without difficulty, 
 and our lying here daily consumeth our men who 
 fall sick beyond imagination." There could be little 
 doubt that even if the army secured its retreat to its 
 own country, its failure to defeat the Scots would be 
 followed by a general rising of the Cavaliers in 
 England. 
 
 Humanly speaking, the prospect was a dark one, 
 and Cromwell could but console himself with his trust 
 in divine assistance. " All," he wrote, " shall work for 
 good ; our spirits are comfortable, praised be the 
 Lord, though our present condition be as it is, and 
 indeed we have much hope in the Lord, of Whose 
 mercy we have had large experience.'' With him 
 faith in Divine protection was consistent with the 
 adoption of every military measure by which an 
 adversary's mistakes could be turned to his own 
 advantage. It was otherwise with the clergy and 
 their adherents, who exercised so much influence on 
 the Doon Hill. There had been fresh purging of the 
 Scottish army, and soldiers had again been dismissed 
 — not for any lack of military efficiency, but because 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 187 
 
 their views of the Covenant were insufficiently exalted. 
 It is said that the men who were thus weakening their 
 own fighting power grew impatient with Leslie for 
 not crushing the enemy by an immediate onslaught. 
 Other causes may have combined to make the post- 
 ponement of a conflict almost impossible. There was 
 no water on the Doon Hill, and provisions for 23,000 
 men must have been hard to come by in that bleak 
 region. At all events, on the 2nd the Scots began to 
 move down the Hill. The struggle was to be trans- 
 formed from a competition in strategy to a competition 
 in tactics, and Cromwell, sure of mastery in that field, 
 was rejoiced at the sight which met his eyes. In the 
 early morning of the 3rd a plan of action brilliantly 
 conceived was skilfully carried into execution ; and 
 the Scots, after a brave resistance, broke and fled. As 
 the sun rose out of the sea, Cromwell, with the joyful 
 exclamation on his lips : " Let God arise, let His 
 enemies be scattered," pushed his victorious cavalry 
 in pursuit. Before they drew rein, 3,000 of the enemy 
 had been slain, and 10,000 captured together with the 
 whole of the artillery. Never again did a Scottish 
 army take the field to impose its religion upon a 
 recalcitrant England. 
 
 "Surely,"' wrote Cromwell, after the battle had 
 been won, " it's probable the Kirk has done their do. 
 I believe their King will set up upon his own score 
 now, wherein he will find many friends." Charles 
 
i88 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 himself seems to have taken the same view of the 
 situation if it be true that, on receiving the news from 
 Dunbar, he gave thanks to God ' that he was so fairly 
 rid of his enemies '. At all events the key to the 
 history of the next twelve months in Scotland is the 
 attempt to convert a clerical into a national resist- 
 ance. To Cromwell, an attempt to force England 
 into political conformity with Scotland was as much 
 to be resisted as an attempt to impose on her the 
 Scottish religion. It was the despotic tendencies, not 
 the fervour of that religion, that he disliked. The 
 association of the laity with the clergy in the govern- 
 ment of the Church was insufficient for him. His 
 ideal community was one in which every layman was 
 capable of performing spiritual functions. He would 
 not listen to the objection of a colonel who complained 
 that one of his officers 'was a better preacher than 
 fighter '. " Truly," he replied, " I think that he that 
 prays and preaches best, will fight best. I know 
 nothing will give like courage as the knowledge of 
 God in Christ will, and I bless God to see any in this 
 army able and willing to impart the knowledge they 
 have, for the good of others ; and I expect it be 
 encouraged by all the chief officers in this army 
 especially ; and I hope you will do so. I pray receive 
 Captain Empson lovingly ; I dare assure you he is a 
 good man and a good officer. I would we had no 
 worse," 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. i8g 
 
 Unluckily there was no response amongst the 
 Scottish laymen to such an appeal as this. They 
 were satisfied — if religiously inclined — with the part 
 assigned to them on Kirk Sessions or Presbyteries, 
 and preferred to take their sermons from an ordained 
 minister. Even those Presbyterians who distrusted a 
 malignant King held aloof from the sectarian English- 
 man. 
 
 In England, the news of the great victory was 
 enthusiastically received. One hundred and sixty 
 Scottish flags were hung up in Westminster Hall, 
 and Parliament ordered that a medal, known as the 
 
 I' Dunbar Medal,' the first war medal granted to an 
 English army, should bear Cromwell's likeness on one 
 side. Against this glorifying of himself Cromwell 
 protested in vain, but for all that he could say, his 
 own lineaments were not excluded. His work in 
 Scotland was however far from being accomplished. 
 The victory of Dunbar was in time followed by the 
 surrender of Edinburgh Castle, brought about, it is 
 said, by the treachery of the governor ; but it was in 
 vain that the conqueror attempted to win over the 
 extreme Covenanters who held out in the west under 
 Strachan and Ker, and in the end he had to send 
 Lambert against them. Lambert fell upon them at 
 Hamilton and broke their power of resistance. 
 
 In the meantime, the tendency to resist the pre- 
 tensions of the clergy was slowly making its way. 
 
iqo OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 On January i, 165 1, Charles was duly crowned at 
 Scone, swearing not only to approve of the Covenants 
 in Scotland, but to give his Royal assent to acts and 
 ordinances of Parliament, passed and to be passed, 
 enjoining the same in his other dominions. The 
 young King protested his sincerity and begged the 
 Ministers present to show him so much favour as 
 ' that if in any time coming they did hear or see him 
 breaking that Covenant, they would tell him of it, and 
 put him in mind of his oath ' For all that, Charles 
 was busily undermining the party of the Covenant. 
 One by one the leaders of the Hamilton party — 
 Hamilton himself — a brother of the Duke who had 
 been beheaded at Westminster, — and who, when still 
 only Earl of Lanark, had been deeply concerned in 
 patching up the Engagement with Charles I. — Middle- 
 ton, the rough soldier who had fought Charles I., and 
 Lauderdale, the ablest of those Presbyterians who had 
 rallied to the throne, were admitted, after humbly 
 acknowledging their offences to the Kirk, to take 
 their seats in Parliament, and to place their swords 
 at the King's disposal. Argyle, who had triumphed 
 over these men in his prosperity, was driven to seek 
 refuge in his Highland home at Inverary. His policy 
 of heading a democratic party organised by the clergy 
 had fallen to the ground without hope of recovery. 
 The national movement had passed into the hands 
 of the nobility. 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT, igi 
 
 In the spring and early summer of 165 i Cromwell 
 had thus to face a resistance based on a national policy 
 rather than on extreme Covenanting grounds. For 
 the present he had to leave his. enemies unassailed. 
 He was lying at Edinburgh, stricken down by illness, 
 and for some time his life was despaired of. More 
 than ever, indeed, he had the strength of England 
 to fall back on. Englishmen had no desire to submit 
 to Scottish dictation. Conspiracies for a Royalist 
 insurrection were firmly suppressed, and suspected 
 Royalists committed to prison as a preventive 
 measure. At the same time a body of the new 
 militia, which had been recently organised, was 
 entrusted to Harrison — the fierce enthusiast who 
 had been left in charge of the forces remaining in 
 England, and who was now directed to guard the 
 northern border against the Scottish invasion. 
 
 At last Cromwell was himself again. In the first 
 days of June Charles's new army lay at Stirling. 
 The seizure and imprisonment of his English partisans 
 had deprived him of all hope of raising a diversion 
 in the south, and Leslie was compelled to fall back 
 on the defensive tactics by which he had guarded 
 Edinburgh the year before. During the first fortnight 
 of July Cromwell laboured in vain to bring on an 
 engagement. Leslie, strongly posted amongst the 
 hills to the south of Stirling, was not to be induced 
 to repeat the error he had committed at Dunbar, and 
 
192 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 this time provisions and water could be obtained 
 without difficulty. If Cromwell did not intend to 
 waste his army away, he must transfer it to the 
 enemy's rear, with a certain result of leaving the road 
 open for their advance into England. Six months 
 before, whilst the chiefs of English royalism were 
 still at large, it would have been a most hazardous 
 plan. Now that they were under arrest, it might be 
 attempted with impunity. Lambert was sent across 
 to North Queensferry, and on July 20 he defeated, at 
 Inverkeithing, a Scottish force sent out from Stirling 
 against him. Before long Cromwell followed his 
 lieutenant, and on August 2 Perth fell into his hands. 
 The communications of the Scottish army at Stirling 
 were thus cut, and there was nothing before it but to 
 march southwards on the uncertain prospect of being 
 still able to find allies in England. That Cromwell 
 had been able to accomplish this feat was owing 
 partly to his command of the sea, which had enabled 
 him with safety to send Lambert across the Forth, 
 partly to his knowledge that the materials of the 
 Scottish army were far inferior to those of his own. 
 Had Leslie been at the head of a force capable of 
 meeting the invaders in the field, Cromwell at Perth 
 might indeed have found himself in an awkward 
 position, as, in case of defeat, he might easily have 
 been driven back to perish in the Highlands. On 
 the other hand, it must be acknowledged that the 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 193 
 
 English General had been learning from his opponent. 
 It was now — unless the campaign of Preston be ex- 
 cepted, when his march upon Hamilton's flank had 
 been decided by the necessity of picking up his 
 artillery in Yorkshire — that Cromwell, for the first 
 time in his life, developed strategical power, that 
 is to say, the power of combining movements, the 
 result of which would place the enemy in a false 
 position. Already, before he followed Lambert, he 
 had summoned Harrison to Linlithgow, and had 
 ordered him to keep the Scots in check as they 
 marched through England 
 
 The first rumour that the Scottish army had 
 broken up from Stirling and was on its way to the 
 south reached Cromwell on August i. On the 2nd, 
 leaving 6,000 men under Monk — a soldier well tried 
 in the Irish wars — to complete the subjugation, he 
 started in pursuit. "The enemy," he wrote to Lenthall, 
 "in his desperation and fear, and out of inevitable 
 necessity, is run to try what he can do this way." 
 Cromwell was never less taken by surprise. " I do 
 apprehend," he continued, " that if he goes for Eng- 
 land, being some few days' march before us, it will 
 trouble some men's thoughts, and may occasion some 
 men's inconveniences, of which I hope we are as 
 deeply sensible, and have been, and I trust shall be 
 as diligent to prevent as any. And indeed this is 
 our comfort that in simplicity of heart as towards 
 
 13 
 
194 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 God we have done to the best of our judgments, 
 knowing that if some issue were not put to this 
 business it would occasion another winter's war to 
 the ruin of your soldiery, for whom the Scots are 
 too hard in respect of enduring the winter difficulties 
 of this country, and would have been under the end- 
 less expense of the treasure of England in prosecuting 
 this war. It may be supposed we might have kept 
 the enemy from this by interposing between him 
 and England, which truly I believe we might ; but 
 how to remove him out of this place without doing 
 what we have done, unless we had a commanding 
 army on both sides of the river of Forth, is not clear 
 to us ; or how to answer the inconveniences above 
 mentioned we understand not We pray, therefore, 
 that — seeing there is a probability for the enemy to 
 put you to some trouble — you would, with the same 
 courage grounded upon a confidence in God, wherein 
 you have been supported to the great things God 
 hath used you in hitherto, improve, the best you can, 
 such forces as you have in readiness as may on the 
 sudden be gathered together to give the enemy some 
 check until we shall be able to reach up to him, which 
 we trust in the Lord we shall do our utmost endeavour 
 in." 
 
 Instructions were despatched to Harrison to attend 
 the enemy's march upon his flanks whilst Lambert 
 hung upon his rear as he moved by way of Carlisle. 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 195 
 
 and Lancaster. Cromwell himself pushed on by the 
 eastern route to head off the Scots as soon as he could 
 gain sufficiently upon their slower march. The only 
 question of importance was to know which of the 
 opposing armies could gain most assistance in Eng- 
 land. In Lancashire indeed the Earl of Derby raised 
 a force for the King, but he was defeated by Robert 
 Lilburne at Wigan, and was himself captured. When 
 on August 22 Charles reached Worcester, scarcely 
 a single Englishman had joined him. Large bodies 
 of militia, on the other hand, flocked to Cromwell's 
 standard ; and when on September 3 — the anniver- 
 sary of Dunbar — the final battle was fought at 
 Worcester, Cromwell commanded some 31,000 men, 
 whilst the Scottish army did not number above 
 16,000. Cromwell having laid bridges of boats 
 across the Severn and the Teme, was able to shift 
 his regiments from one bank to the other of either 
 stream as occasion served, and the Scots, fighting 
 their best, were crushed by superior numbers as 
 well as by superior discipline. Charles, when all 
 was lost, rode away from the place of slaughter, and 
 after an adventurous journey, made his escape to 
 France. "The dimensions of this mercy," wrote 
 Cromwell, " are above my thoughts. It is, for aught 
 I know, a crowning mercy. Surely if it be not, such 
 a one we shall have, if this provoke those that are 
 concerned in it to thankfulness, and the Parliament 
 
196 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 to do the will of Him who hath done His will for it 
 and for the nation, whose good pleasure it is to estab- 
 lish the nation and the change of government, by 
 making the people so willing to the defence thereof, 
 and so signally blessing the endeavours of your 
 servants in this great work." 
 
 Was it really in defence of 'the change of govern- 
 ment ' that the people had sided with Cromwell ? Or 
 was it merely that they would not tolerate a Scottish 
 conquest? At all events, the tide of feeling gave to 
 the Parliament a momentary strength. Of the notable 
 Scots engaged, Hamilton had fallen at Worcester, and 
 the greater number of the remainder were now con- 
 signed to English prisons. Of the few Englishmen 
 who had risen, Derby was beheaded at Bolton-le- 
 Moors, four of his followers being subsequently exe- 
 cuted. The subjugation of Scotland was completed by 
 Monk. 
 
 As for Cromwell, he settled down into a quiet and 
 unpretentious life, attending to the discipline of the 
 army, and ready in his place in Parliament to forward 
 the cause which he had most at heart — the establish- 
 ment of that Commonwealth to which his victories 
 had given a breathing-space. To him, as to many 
 disinterested observers, the time had come to found 
 the government no longer on the sword, but on the 
 consent of the nation, and there can be little doubt 
 that at no time between 1642 and 1 660 was there 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 197 
 
 more chance of gaining a majority for the new system 
 than this. Cromwell, at least, did everything in his 
 power to procure a vote for an early dissolution. It 
 was only, however, by a majority of two that Parlia- 
 ment agreed to fix a date for its dissolution, follow- 
 ing the vote by a resolution postponing that event 
 for three years. There can be little doubt that this 
 resolution found support amongst those members who 
 were fattening on corruption ; but there was also 
 something to be said for the view taken some time 
 before by Marten, when he compared the Common- 
 wealth to Moses, because the members now sitting 
 'were the true mother to this fair child, the young 
 Commonwealth,' and therefore its fittest nurses. A 
 general election is always somewhat of a lottery, 
 and it was the weakest part of the system — or want 
 of system — on which the Commonwealth was based, 
 that it never represented the people as a whole, and 
 that its actions might easily have been repudiated by 
 them if they had been consulted. 
 
 Baffled in his desire to secure an immediate appeal 
 to the electors, Cromwell prepared to use the time 
 which the members had secured for themselves, by 
 coming to an understanding with the leading states- 
 men on the principles of the future Government. He 
 had never committed himself to the doctrine that the 
 executive authority ought to be placed directly in the 
 hands of an elected assembly or of a council subor- 
 
igS OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 dinated to it. When at the conference now held the 
 lawyers pleaded that Charles II. or the Duke of York 
 might be called on to accept the government if the 
 rights of Englishmen could be safeguarded, he replied 
 somewhat oracularly : " That will be a business of 
 more than ordinary difficulty ; but really, I think, if 
 it may be done with safety and preservation of our 
 rights as Englishmen and Christians, that a settle- 
 ment with some what of a monarchical power in it 
 would be very effectual ". It is very unlikely that 
 Cromwell, being what he was, had as yet formed any 
 settled design in his own mind, but the tendency 
 towards the course which eventually established the 
 Protectorate is quite evident. To secure the rights 
 of Englishmen and Christians rather than to strengthen 
 the absolute supremacy of Parliaments had been his 
 constant aim. Whether he reflected that if the 
 monarchical power was to be given to some one not 
 of the House of Stuart, it could hardly be given to 
 any other man than himself, is a question which 
 every one must answer as he thinks fit. 
 
 The conference had led to no decision, and during 
 the first half of 1652 Cromwell had enough to do in 
 defending religious liberty against those who had 
 constituted themselves its champions. Before the 
 Battle of Worcester had been fought. Parliament had 
 passed a Blasphemy Act, for the punishment of 
 atheistical, blasphemous and execrable opinions. In 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 199 
 
 the following February, the publication of a Socinian 
 catechism startled even the professed tolerationists. 
 John Owen, the foremost Independent minister of 
 the day, now — owing to the influence of Cromwell — 
 Dean of Christchurch and Vice-Chancellor of the 
 University of Oxford, was almost certainly the author 
 of a scheme of ecclesiastical organisation presented by 
 himself and twenty-six others to the Committee for 
 the Propagation of the Gospel. This scheme in its 
 main lines was subsequently adopted under the Pro- 
 tectorate. There was to be an established Church, 
 ministered to by orthodox persons accepted by a 
 body of triers, without regard to smaller points of 
 discipline, on condition that they presented a testi- 
 monial ' of their piety and soundness of faith,' signed 
 by six orthodox persons, and these ministers upon 
 proof of unfitness were liable to be removed by a 
 body of Ejectors. Other religious bodies were to be 
 allowed to meet for worship, but Unitarians and 
 those opposing the principles of Christianity were to 
 be excluded from toleration. A list of fifteen funda- 
 mental propositions which no one was to be permitted 
 to deny was set forth by Owen and his supporters. 
 At this Cromwell took alarm. " I had rather," he 
 said, " that Mahometism were permitted amongst us 
 than that one of God's children be persecuted." The 
 stand taken by him secured the warm approval 
 of Milton. " Cromwell," wrote the poet, whose 
 
200 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 blindness had been hastened by his services to the 
 State : 
 
 " Cromwell, our chief of men, who through a cloud 
 Not of war only, but detractions rude, 
 Guided by faith and matchless fortitude. 
 To peace and truth thy glorious way hast ploughed. 
 
 And on the neck of crowned Fortune proud 
 
 Hast reared God's trophies, and his work pursued, 
 While Darwen stream with blood of Scots imbrued. 
 And Dunbar field resound thy praises loud, 
 
 And Worcester's laureate wreath : yet much remains 
 To conquer still ; Peace hath her victories 
 No less renowned than War : new foes arise 
 
 Threatening to bind our souls with secular chains. 
 Help us to save firee conscience from the paw 
 Of hireling wolves, whose Gospel is their maw." 
 
 Though Milton, in his unpractical idealism, was 
 for discontinuing all public support to the clergy, 
 whilst Cromwell, so far as we can judge, was merely 
 for substituting some other mode of payment for the 
 unequal burden of the tithe as it was levied in those 
 days, they concurred on the point of extending re- 
 ligious liberty to the uttermost, and in this Cromwell 
 had the army behind him. For the moment, however, 
 the decision was postponed, as the Commonwealth 
 had become involved in a war which occupied the 
 thoughts of its rulers. 
 
 In the Dutch war, which broke out in 1652, neither I 
 Cromwell nor his brother officers had much part. Ever 
 since the beginning of the Commonwealth a maritime 
 war with France had virtually existed under the pre- 
 text of reprisals for injury done by French ships to 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT, aoi 
 
 English trade. The seizure of French goods in Dutch 
 vessels had irritated the Netherlanders, and the Navi- 
 gation Act passed in 165 1 had taken, away much of the 
 trade done by them in English ports. In May, 1652, 
 Tromp, the great Dutch admiral, had been sent out 
 with orders to resist the right of search, and on ap- 
 proaching an English fleet commanded by Blake, he 
 had neglected to lower his flag, as required by English 
 commanders in satisfaction of their claim to enforce 
 the Sovereignty over the British Seas, a claim which 
 the Commonwealth had received from the Monarchy. 
 An action resulting brought on war between the two 
 peoples. In this war, neither Cromwell nor the army 
 sympathised. Holding as they did that the force of 
 England, if used at all, should be used for the advan- 
 tage of Protestantism, they disliked a war waged 
 against a Protestant nation. On the other hand they 
 had no wish to see the English navy playing a craven 
 part ; and believing that Tromp had kept his flag 
 flying as a studied insult, they offered no direct 
 opposition to the war. Yet, as long as it was in 
 progress, whenever any overture likely to lead to 
 peace was made, it was sure to have the support of 
 Cromwell and the officers. 
 
 If the Commonwealth leaders were immersed in 
 preparations for war, the officers of the army had not 
 forgotten their demand for reforms in Church and 
 State, and in contemplating the slackness of Parlia- 
 
202 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 merit with regard to these reforms, their minds were 
 again set on a dissolution of Parliament at a time far 
 earlier than that which had been fixed by the House 
 itself Towards the end of July the Army Council — 
 now composed of officers alone — had considered a 
 petition to be addressed to Parliament, and had asked 
 ' that a new representative be forthwith elected'. When 
 the petition was finally submitted to Parliament, this 
 clause had given place to another merely requesting 
 Parliament to consider of some qualifications which 
 would secure ' the election only of such as are pious 
 and faithful in the interests of the Commonwealth to 
 sit and serve as members in the said Parliament,' in 
 this way shifting from a demand for a dissolution to 
 be followed by a general election, to a demand for 
 partial elections to fill up existing vacancies. Though 
 no direct evidence exists, there are strong reasons for 
 believing that this substitution was made in conse- 
 quence of Cromwell's intervention. Even then he 
 did not append his signature to the petition. 
 
 It was as a mediator — not as a partisan — that 
 Cromwell bore himself at the time when the army — 
 after an interval of more than two years and a half— 
 once more began to put pressure on Parliament. On 
 the one hand Parliament was not only discredited by 
 its inability to undertake the reforms demanded, but 
 still more by the widely spread belief that many of its 
 members had made full use of their opportunities to 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 203 
 
 feather their own nests. On the other hand, this dis- 
 credited House, though, mutilated as it was, it had 
 scarcely a semblance of constitutional right, was yet 
 the only body remaining in existence to which even 
 a semblance appertained. Cromwell might not be 
 an authority on constitutional law, but he had an 
 instinctive apprehension for the truth on which all 
 constitutional law is based — that the first thing neces- 
 sary in the institutions of any country is not that they 
 shall be theoretically defensible, but that they should 
 meet with general acceptance. Those who like our- 
 selves can look back on that stirring time from the 
 safe vantage ground which we occupy, can see that, 
 so far as constitutional questions were concerned, the 
 work of the men of the seventeenth century was to 
 substitute Parliament for the Crown as the basis of 
 authority, and we have, accordingly, considerable 
 difficulty in placing ourselves in the position of those 
 to whom only part of the drama had been unrolled. 
 In 1652, at least, it was impossible to appeal to the 
 truncated Parliament as in any way representing the 
 nation. Yet how was it possible to base authority 
 on any new Parliament which should even approximate 
 to such a representation? Except with extreme 
 theorists there was no desire to evoke such a spectre. 
 Already in 1650 Vane, speaking on behalf of the 
 Parliamentary majority, had advocated a scheme of 
 partial elections which left the members in possession 
 
204 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 of their seats, and the army leaders now proposed to 
 substitute for this a general election modified by 
 qualifications which would exclude all men of Royalist 
 proclivities. The question at this time dividing Par- 
 liament and Army was therefore merely the choice 
 of the best means of controlling the national verdict. 
 The plan on either side might be one that men 
 might reasonably adopt according to different points 
 of view. Neither was likely to excite enthusiasm or 
 to be generally accepted as a new basis of authority 
 round which the nation could be expected to rally. 
 There is no reason to suppose that Cromwell had 
 anything better to propose, and it is certain that 
 the theory, accepted at the present day, that it is 
 better to allow a nation to learn by experience of mis- 
 fortune than to force it, even to its own benefit, in a 
 given direction, had no supporters in 1652, and least 
 of all was it likely to find an advocate in Cromwell. 
 
 Cromwell had the strongest faith in the virtue of 
 conferences at which such problems could be threshed 
 out by men of good-will separated only by intellectual 
 differences. It had been by an appeal to a committee 
 that he had surmounted the difficulties which had 
 faced him when the Levellers, in 1647, called prema- 
 turely for the trial of the King. He now, in October, 
 1652, secured the meeting of a conference between 
 the leading members of Parliament and the principal 
 officers. " I believe," he afterwards declared, " we 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 205 
 
 had at least ten or twelve meetings, most humbly 
 begging and beseeching of them that by their own 
 means they would bring forth those good things which 
 had been promised and expected ; that so it might 
 appear they did not do them by any suggestion from 
 the army, but from their own ingenuity, so tender 
 were we to preserve them in the reputation of the 
 people." Vane and Bradshaw, and even, politically 
 speaking, Henry Marten, the champions of the existing 
 Parliament, were men of the highest character, and 
 were justly apprehensive of giving way either to a 
 military dictatorship, or to a Royalist reaction. Crom- 
 well, on the other hand, had his eye increasingly fixed 
 on the immediate evils of the present system. " How 
 hard and difficult a matter was it," he complained at 
 a somewhat later date, " to get anything carried 
 without making parties, without things unworthy of 
 a Parliament." In November he opened his mind 
 to Whitelocke. " As for members of Parliament," 
 he said, " the army begins to have a strange distaste 
 against them, and I wish there were not too much 
 cause for it ; and really their pride and ambition, 
 and their self-seeking, engrossing all places of honour 
 and profit to themselves and their friends, and their 
 daily breaking forth into new and violent parties 
 and factions ; their delay of business and design to 
 perpetuate themselves and to continue the power in 
 their own hands ; their meddling in private matters 
 
2c6 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 between party and party contrary to the institution 
 of Parliament, their injustice and partiality in those 
 matters, and the scandalous lives of some of the chief 
 of them ; these things, my lord, do give much ground 
 for people to open their mouths against them and to 
 dislike them ; nor can they be kept within the bounds 
 of justice and law or reason, the}^ themselves being 
 the supreme power of the nation, liable to no account 
 of any, nor to be controlled or regulated by any other 
 power ; there being none superior or co-ordinate with 
 them." Cromwell was evidently harking back to his 
 proposal for mixing something of monarchy with the 
 existing institutions. " Unless," he continued, " there 
 be some authority and power so full and so high as 
 to restrain and keep things in better order, and 
 that may be a check to these exorbitances, it will 
 be impossible in human reason to prevent our ruin." 
 To Whitelocke's constitutional objections he replied 
 sharply : " What if a man should take upon him to 
 be a King?" Whitelocke replied that it would be 
 better to recall Charles II. Cromwell's utterance 
 was plainly unpremeditated, and may be taken as 
 a sign that the idea of his own elevation was, even 
 at this early date, present in his mind, at least as a 
 possibility, though it was far from having as yet 
 crystallised itself into a settled design. 
 
 It was no restoration of kingship, but the speedy 
 choice of a new Parliament that was in the thoughts 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 207 
 
 of Cromwell's subordinates. In January, 1653, a 
 circular was sent by them to the regiments, asking 
 the soldiers, as well as the officers, to approve of a 
 petition for ' successive Parliaments consisting of men 
 faithful to the interests of the Commonwealth, men of 
 truth, fearing God and hating covetousness,' as well 
 as for law reform and liberty of conscience. For 
 some time it seemed as if Parliament would consent 
 to hasten its own dissolution. In March, however, 
 though a bill for new elections was considered, the 
 pace slackened, and the hopes of the army again fell. 
 In the army, indeed, there was far from being complete 
 unanimity. A party headed b y Lamb ert would have 
 been content with a new Parliament from which mem- 
 bers hostile to the Commonwealth were excluded, 
 whilst the perfe narl Harrison advocated the principles 
 of the Fifth Monarchy, and asked that the government 
 should be entrusted to moral and religious men, with- 
 out recourse to popular election. Both Lambert and 
 Harrison concurred in urging Cromwell to proceed to 
 a forcible dissolution. Cromwell hesitated long. " I 
 am pushed on," he complained, " by two parties to do 
 that, the consideration of the issue whereof makes my 
 hair stand on end." 
 
 If only Parliament could have been induced to 
 clear the way for its successor on the terms proposed 
 by the army, Cromwell would have been the first to 
 rejoice. In the early part of April he was still pre- 
 
2o8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 pared to stand by Parliament if it would proceed in 
 earnest with the Bill for the new elections. Yet on 
 the 6th, one of the days appointed for its considera- 
 tion, the Bill was quietly passed over. By degrees it 
 came out that the Bill, when completed, would be one 
 authorising Vane's pet scheme of partial elections, the 
 old members not only retaining their seats but form- 
 ing an election committee with power to exclude 
 any member whose presence was distasteful to them. 
 There are even reasons to believe that it was in- 
 tended that this arrangement should be a permanent 
 one, and that each successive Parliament should have 
 the right of shedding such members as were not to 
 its taste. Moreover, as soon as the Bill was passed, 
 Parliament was to adjourn till November, that it 
 might be out of its power to repeal or amend the 
 act under military pressure. 
 
 Such an arrangement must have irritated Cromwell 
 to the uttermost. On April 15, having been absent 
 from Parliament for a month, he returned to his place 
 to plead against it. "It is high time," was the answer 
 vouchsafed by one of the leading personages to his 
 pleading for a new Parliament, " to choose a new 
 general." Cromwell, in reply, offered his resignation, 
 but as no officer could be found to take his place, the 
 demand for it was soon dropped. Still anxious for 
 a compromise, he made a fresh proposal. Why should 
 not the difficulty be got over by a temporary suspension 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 209 
 
 of the Parliamentary system, and a body of right- 
 thinking men appointed to take into consideration 
 the necessities of the time, and to prepare the way 
 for its re-estabHshment. This proposal was taken 
 into consideration at a meeting of officers and Parlia- 
 mentarians on the 19th, but, as might have been 
 expected, it provoked opposition and, after a sitting 
 prolonged far into the night, the conference broke up 
 on an undertaking given, as it would seem, by Vane, 
 that the members of the House who were present 
 would do their best to hinder the progress of the Bill 
 on the following morning. 
 
 When the morning arrived, the House, taking the 
 bit between its teeth, threw aside the engagements of 
 its leaders and insisted on proceeding with the Bill. 
 To the pecuniary interests of the Parliamentary rank 
 and file it was far more important to escape the ne- 
 cessity of facing their constituents than it was to such 
 men as Vane or Bradshaw, who would almost certainly 
 be re-elected in any case. Yet it has never been alleged 
 that either Vane or Bradshaw took steps to persuade 
 the excited House to act in conformity with the pro- 
 mise given the evening before. Harrison at once 
 despatched a message to Cromwell to warn him of 
 the danger, and Cromwell evidently regarded the 
 action of the members as a clear breach of faith on 
 the part of Vane. Hurrying to the House, without 
 giving himself time to change the plain black clothes 
 
 14 
 
2IO OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 and the grey worsted stockings which appear to have 
 been considered unsuitable to a member in his place 
 in Parliament, he sat for a while in silence. When 
 the Speaker put the question that ' this Bill do pass,' 
 he rose to speak. Dwelling at first on the pains and 
 care of the public good which had characterised the 
 early days of the Long Parliament, he proceeded to 
 blame the members for their later misconduct, holding 
 up to scorn 'their injustice, delays of justice, self- 
 interest, and other faults . . . charging them not to 
 have a heart to do anything for public good,' and to 
 have ' espoused the corrupt interest of Presbytery and 
 lawyers who were the supporters of tyranny and op- 
 pression '. Their last crime was the present attempt 
 to perpetuate themselves in power. " Perhaps,'' he 
 continued, his wrath growing upon him as he spoke, 
 "you think this is not Parliamentary language. I 
 confess it is not, neither are you to expect any such 
 from me." Then striding up and down the floor of 
 the House, he pointed to individual members, charging 
 them with corruption or immorality. " It is not fit," 
 he added, " that you should sit as a Parliament any 
 longer. You have sat long enough, unless you had 
 done more good." Then, upon a remonstrance from 
 Sir Peter Wentworth, he took the final step. " Come, 
 come ! " he cried, " I will put an end to your prating. 
 You are no Parliament. I say you are no Parliament. 
 I will put an end to your sitting." Then turning to 
 
THE LAST YEARS OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT, 'jiit 
 
 Harrison, he uttered the fateful words, " Call them 
 in ; call them in ". The door was thrown open and 
 thirty or forty musketeers tramped in. " This," 
 exclaimed Vane, " is not honest, yea it is against 
 morality and common honesty." It was to Vane's 
 broken word that Cromwell, whether truly or falsely, 
 attributed the necessity of acting as he was now doing. 
 Doubtless with a touch of sadness in his voice, he 
 addressed his old friend — his brother, as he had long 
 styled him — with the veiled reproof : " Oh, Sir Henry 
 Vane 1 Sir Henry Vane ! The Lord deliver me from 
 Sir Henry Vane ! " 
 
 Ttj^gjiall of m eeting was soon cleared. Harrison 
 handed Speaker Lenthall down frDriTthe chair. 
 Algernon Sidney had to be removed with some show 
 of compulsion. Most of the members yielding to the 
 inevitable trooped out without even this nominal 
 resistance. " It's you," said Cromwell as they filed | 
 past him, "that have forced me to this, for I have* 
 sought the Lord night and day that He would rathe/ 
 slay me than put me upon the doing of this work.*' 
 Glancing at the mace he asked "What shall we do 
 with this bauble ? " Ordering Captain Scott to remove 
 it from the table, he bade him take it away. When 
 all was over, carrying the Bill on Elections under his 
 cloak, he returned to Whitehall. In the afternoon he 
 dispersed — in like manner — the Councij_^of .Siate^^as- 
 suring its members tfiat they could sit no longer, the 
 
212 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Parliament having been dissolved. " Sir," replied 
 Bradshaw, " we have heard what you did at the House 
 in the morning, and before many hours all England 
 will hear it ; but. Sir, you are mistaken to think that 
 the Parliament is dissolved ; for no power under 
 heaven can dissolve them but themselves ; therefore 
 take you notice of that." 
 
213 
 
 CHAPTER V, 
 
 THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT AND THE PRO- 
 TECTORATE. 
 
 As at the trial of the King, so in the ejection of 
 Parliament, Cromwell had been thrown back on the 
 employment of military force. Legality was clearlyi 
 against him on both occasions. Yet it must riot be- 
 forgotten that he was the last to concur in the em-f 
 ployment of force; and that there was much to be\ 
 said for his assertion that the sitting members were 
 no Parliament. Reduced by the flight of Royalists 
 
 to 1-hp^J£mcr in ffj-j-? anH hy Pri^p'g Piirgrf^ it^ y^^R 
 
 they had, after an existence of twelve years and a 
 half, little remaining to them of that representative 
 character which is the very being of a Parliament. 
 At all events, this time, at least, Cromwell was secure 
 of popular favour. Not a single voice was raised in 
 defence of the expelled members. In the evening 
 some wag scrawled on the door of the Parliament 
 House : " This House to be let unfurnished ". The 
 Parliament disappeared amidst general derision. For 
 all that, the work before Cromwell was one of enormous 
 
214 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 — perhaps even of hopeless — difficulty. Without 
 Parliament or King, the nation was thrown upon its 
 own resources to reconstruct its institutions as best 
 it might. It was inevitable that in such stress of storm 
 it should hark back to the old paths, and should see 
 no prospect of settled government, save in the restora- 
 tion of the throne, or at least in the election of another 
 Parliament. Yet this was the very thing that Crom- 
 well and all who were associated with him most 
 dreaded. It was but too probable that such a solution 
 would sweep away not only Puritanism, 'but all hope 
 of political reform. Everything for which the army 
 had fought and for which the nation had suffered was 
 at stake, and it was not in human nature — certainly 
 not in Cromwell's nature — to make such a sacrifice 
 without a struggle. That such a struggle could only 
 be prolonged with the support of the army was self- 
 evident. Cromwell, however, was the last of men to 
 desire to establish a purely military government, and 
 the army, to do it justice, was commanded by men 
 who were, for the most part, desirous to support their 
 general in the experiment of establishing a civil 
 government which would have dispensed with the 
 interference of military power. The tragedy — the 
 glorious tragedy — of Cromwell's subsequent career 
 lay in the impossibility of permanently checking the 
 instincts of military politicians to intervene in favour 
 of those guarantees regarded by them as indispensable 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 215 
 
 for the maintenance of the cause which they had so 
 long upheld with all their might. 
 
 Distrust of the constituencies was the prominent 
 feature of Cromwell's next move. The compromise 
 offered by him of the temporary establishment of a 
 non-elective body to prepare a basis of settlement 
 whilst Parliamentary institutions remained in abey- 
 ance, was now adopted by the officers. Lambert, — 
 who advocated a scheme for establishing a Council of 
 State, apparently with provision for the increased 
 independence of the executive, together with the 
 election of a Parliament with restricted functions, — - 
 Was unable to enforce his views. A small Council of 
 State was established to carry on current affairs, but 
 it was in the Council of Officers that the main question 
 of the constitution was to be determined. Cromwell, 
 after some hesitation, rallied to a yery different scheme 
 which had been suggested by Harrison, the brilliant 
 soldier who dreaded to see the government in the 
 hands of any but the Saints. Cromwell, however, 
 whilst accepting Harrison's views on the whole, de- 
 termined to modify them, in order to make the new 
 assembly something more than a group of pious 
 fanatics. He was consequently now anxious that it 
 should include notable personages — even Fairfax was 
 suggested — who had contended against the King, but 
 who had no connection with the extreme sections of 
 the community which found favour in Harrison's eyes 
 
'2i6\ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 It was eventually resolved that the Council of Officers 
 should invite nominations from the Congregational 
 Churches in each county, reserving to itself the power 
 of rejecting persons so named, and also of adding 
 names which found no place on the list. On June 8 
 the persons finally selected received writs issued in 
 the name of Cromwell as Lord General. An attempt 
 had been made to secure the inclusion not only of 
 Fairfax but of Vane, but neither of them would accept 
 a place in the new assembly. 
 
 \ On July 4 the nominees of the army took their 
 seats at Westminster. Cromwell, at all events, threw 
 himself entirely into the spirit of the occasion. In a 
 long speech he manifested his delight at seeing the 
 government at last entrusted to the hands of the godly. 
 No such authority, he proclaimed triumphant5^~ftad" 
 ever before been entrusted to men on the ground that 
 they owned God and were owned by Him. For 
 once the emotional side of his nature had gained the 
 upper hand over his practical common-sense. In 
 long detail he told of the misconduct of the late 
 Parliament, and repelled the idea that he had had 
 any intention of substituting his own authority for 
 that of the discarded House. It had been incumbent 
 on him and his colleagues ' not to grasp at the power 
 ourselves, or to keep it in military hands, no, not for 
 a day, but, as far as God enabled us with strength 
 and ability, to put it into the hands of proper persons 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 217 
 
 that might be called from the several parts of the 
 nation'. "This necessity," he proceeded to aver; 
 " and I hope we may say for ourselves, this integrity 
 of concluding to divest the sword of all power in the 
 civil administrations, hath been that that hath moved 
 us to put you to this trouble." Then, enlarging on 
 the providential character of the mission of the 
 members of the new assembly, he urged them with 
 many Scriptural quotations to take up their authority 
 as men whom God had placed as rulers of the land. 
 What, then, was to be said of that ideal of elected 
 Parliaments, which had sunk so deeply into the minds 
 of that generation ? " If it were a time," he suggested, 
 " to compare your standing with those that have been 
 called by the suffrages of the people — which who can 
 tell how soon God may fit the people for such a thing ? 
 None can desire it more than I ! Would all were the 
 Lord's people ; as it was said, ' Would all the Lord's 
 people were prophets ' : I would all were fit to be 
 called." In time, indeed, this might be possible 
 when the good and religious conduct of this assembly 
 had won the people to the love of godliness. " Is 
 not this the likeliest way to bring them to their 
 liberties?" Finally, after much enforcement of the\ 
 encouragements held forth by the Prophets and the I 
 Psalmists, he resigned all the power provisionally 
 exercised by himself into the hands of his hearers, 
 announcing to them that their power also was to be 
 
2i8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 provisional. They were to hold it only till November 
 3, 1654, and then to give place to a second assembly 
 to be elected by themselves — an assembly which was 
 to sit for no more than a year, in which time it was 
 to make provision for the future government of the 
 country. 
 
 Contrary, as it would seem, to the intention of 
 those by whom it had been called, the new assembly 
 audaciously assumed the name of Parliament Its 
 real position being that of a mere body of nominees, 
 Lilburne was once more brought into the field. In 
 1649 Lilburne had been tried and acquitted, but had 
 subsequently been banished by the Long Parliament, 
 which had added to its sentence a declaration that he 
 would be guilty of felony if he, at any time, returned 
 to England. He now reappeared in London, where 
 he was sent to prison, again tried, and again acquitted. 
 The line taken by him and his followers was that the 
 so-called Parliament now in existence was no Parlia- 
 ment at all, as it was not elected by the people. 
 With Cromwell's full consent, Lilburne was retained 
 in confinement, being ultimately removed to Jersey, 
 where no writ of habeas corpus could deliver him. 
 
 For a time Lilbume's attack consolidated the 
 alliance between the Lord General and the nominees 
 to whom political power had been entrusted. Yet 
 it was not long before Cromwell's practical sense 
 took alarm at their proceedings. It was indeed not 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 219 
 
 the case, as has often been said, that the majority of 
 the members were mere enthusiasts, but the enthusiasts 
 settled down to Parliamentary work, seldom absenting 
 themselves from the House, and being always ready 
 to vote when a division was called ; whilst those who 
 distrusted them could not always be brought to a 
 due sense of the importance of their Parliamentary 
 duties, and were apt to be led away by interest or 
 pleasure from supporting their opinions by their votes. 
 IT wo questions were soon found to divide the parties, 
 that of law reform, more especially the reform of 
 Chancery, and that of a religious organisation other 
 I than compulsory uniformity under Bishops or Presby- 
 I ters. On both these questions Cromwell was intensely 
 interested, and there can be little doubt that if the 
 nominated Parliament had conducted itself with due 
 regard for practical exigencies, it would have retained 
 his good-will to the end. Unfortunately this was 
 not the case. It proposed a total abolition of the 
 Court of Chancery, thus handing over to the hostile 
 judges of the Common Law that system of equity 
 which had been growing up with beneficial results 
 for generations, whilst it also took in hand with a 
 light heart the codification of the law, though not a 
 single practising lawyer had a seat in the House, in 
 the hope that ' the great volumes of law would come 
 to be reduced into the bigness of a pocket book '. No 
 wonder that Cromwell dropped into a friend's ear the 
 
220 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 words : " I am more troubled now with the fool than 
 with the knave ". No wonder either that in September 
 he drew aside from Harrison, under whose influence 
 he had decided in favour of summoning the nominees, 
 and that he listened with greater respect to Lambert, 
 the military representative of constitutionalism and 
 the determined opponent of political fanaticism. 
 
 Cromwell's position was rendered difficult by 
 his association with this ill-starred assembly. On 
 September 14 a broadside was scattered in the 
 streets charging him with treason to 'his Lords the 
 people of England,' not because he had broken up 
 the miserable remnant of the Long Parliament, but 
 because he had stood in the way of the election of a 
 new House, and it is highly probable that a large 
 number of people who had nothing to do with the 
 distribution of broadsides shared in this opinion. 
 Still greater was the danger of an appeal to the army, 
 with which the writers concluded. It was known 
 that many of the soldiers, and even of the officers, 
 were restive under the suspension of popular elections, 
 and it was found necessary to secure submission by 
 cashiering Lieutenant-Colonel Joyce, who had formerly, 
 as a cornet, carried off the King from Holmby House, 
 and who now threw himself on the side of those who 
 cried out for constitutional rights. 
 
 On the subject of Church organisation, Parliament 
 was as subversive as on the subject of law reform. 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 221 
 
 Many of its members held with the Fifth Monarchy 
 preachers, that the government of the State ought to 
 be exclusively in the hands of the Saints, and, not 
 unnaturally, concluded that they were themselves the 
 Saints ; thus taking a broad issue in defiance of the 
 theory that the government ought to be administered 
 or controlled by the elected representatives of the 
 nation. The immediate dispute, however, turned on 
 the unwillingness of the advanced party to continue 
 any sort of endowment of the clergy. Cromwell, it 
 is true, on more than one occasion had expressed 
 himself strongly against the existing tithe system 
 and would have been perfectly ready to concur in 
 any plan for the removal of its abuses, or for substi- 
 tuting for it — as had been suggested in Tke Agreement 
 of the People presented by the army — a more equitable 
 mode of raising the money needed by the clergy. 
 Further than that he was not likely to go, and matters 
 were brought to a crisis by a resolution passed on 
 November 17 for the abolition of patronage, and 
 still more by the decision of the House on December 
 10 — though only by a majority of two — to reject a 
 scheme of Church government founded in the main 
 on the lines drawn by Owen, in which the payment 
 of tithes was taken as a financial basis. 
 
 Some time before the last vote was taken, the 
 principal officers, under Lambert's leadership, had had 
 under consideration a plan of a written constitution 
 
(/j2> OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 in which the executive power was to be strengthened 
 
 /and conferred upon Cromwell with the title of King, 
 whilst the legislative power was to be conferred on an 
 
 I elected assembly, thus embodying the ideas which 
 had been enunciated by Cromwell in his conference 
 
 I with the lawyers and politicians at the end of 1651. 
 
 \ When this constitution was complete it was shown to 
 Crqm-well, who objected to the royal title, and who 
 seems also to Eaveljeen unwilling to have anythmg to 
 do with another violent dissolution. On December 
 10, when the vote on Church organisation was taken, 
 Lambert and his allies found their opportunity. It 
 is probable that they promised Cromwell that the 
 House should be dissolved by its own action, and 
 that, on receiving this assurance, he preferred not to 
 be informed of the course by which this desirable end 
 was to be attained. The course indeed was simple 
 enough. The conservative reformers, if they chose 
 to attend in anything like their full strength, were in 
 a majority, and on the 12th they got up early and 
 flocked to the House, where, before their bewildered 
 (opponents could rally in force, they immediately voted 
 fthat Parliament should resign its powers into the 
 Ihands of the Lord General. Then, starting for White- 
 nail in procession with the Speaker at their head, they 
 announced to Cromwell the decision they had taken. 
 Their advanced colleagues kept their seats, but upon 
 attempting to remonstrate were expelled by a body 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. /T223! ^, 
 
 of soldiers. As in the absence of the Speaker the; ^, 
 could not technically be considered to be a House 
 those who interfered were able to aver, without literar) 
 untruthfulness, that there had been no forcible disso 
 lution of Parliament. 
 
 In a very short time CrogiaielL-had_agreed with 
 the officers on the constitution to be adogted under 
 the name of Tke"7nstrument of Government. The ', 
 executive power wa s to reside in a Lord Protector ' 
 and CounciLthe members of which were to be ap- / 
 pointed for life, Cromwell being named as the first 
 Protector. Thejegislative power was assigned without 
 restriction to a Parliament elected by constituencies 
 I formed, so far as the counties were concerned, upon a 
 I new franchise, the franchise in the boroughs being 
 / left in its old anomalous condition. This latter con- 
 cession to prejudice was, however, of less importance, 
 as a sweeping redistribution of seats, copied with little 
 alteration from the scheme put ftjrward in The Agree- 
 ment of the People, largely increased the number of the 
 countyinembers, and distrarichised in^^quaUv 1.^ 
 numbers the smaller boroughs which had fa}len under 
 the influence of the country gentlemen. The Parlia- 
 ment thus constituted was to meet once in three years 
 and to sit at least for five months. Any Bill passed 
 by this body was to be suspended for twenty days 
 to give an opportunity for the Protector to explain 
 objections he might entertain to it. If Parliament 
 
/ 
 
 224 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 I refused to listen to his objections, the Bill became . 
 
 law m spite of him, provided that it contained nothing 
 
 CJSiffrary to the Instrument itself. XbS-QSgSJiXS-''®*^^ 
 
 about which so much had been heard in the last years 
 
 , of Charles I. was, therefore, not assigned to the Pro- 
 tector. For all that, the control over the executive 
 
 I is of greater importance to the development of repre- 
 sentative institutions than legislative independence, 
 and in this respect the hold of Parliament over the 
 i executive was of the flimsiest description, consisting 
 merely of the right to propose six names whenever 
 there was a vacancy in the Council, out of which the 
 Council would select two, and the Protector again 
 
 I make his choice between the two. Even the financial 
 arrangements, through which Parliaments usually 
 make their way to power, were settled in such a way 
 as to debar the elected House from obtaining even 
 indirect control. It is true that the Instrument started 
 with the sweeping generalisation that ' no tax, charge, 
 or imposition ' was to be ' laid upon the people but 
 by common consent in Parliament,' but this statement 
 was followed by a clause assigning to the Protector 
 ;£^200,ooo for civil expenses, besides as much as was 
 needed for keeping up the navy, as well as an army 
 of 30,000 men, and this sum, to which no definite 
 ( limits were placed, was to be raised out of the 
 \ customs 'and such other ways and means as shall 
 be agreed upon by the Protector and Council '. As 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 325 
 
 to the army and navy thus secured, the Protector was 
 to dispose and order them with the consent of Par- 
 liament during its short session, but during all the rest I 
 of the three years with the consent of the Council | 
 only. It would, however, be a mistake to say that | 
 the Instrument established absolute government inL 
 England. The Protector was bound to act under thel 
 control of the Council, and though scarcely any record 
 of the political action of that body has been preserved, l7 
 there is enough to show that whilst Cromwell's per- 
 sonal influence over it was necessa rily great, it was by 
 
 no means a mere tool in his hands. The constitu- 
 
 __ . — -. i 
 
 tional control to which the Protector was subjected! 
 was therefore a real one , though that control was inj 
 the hands_ofa_bodyjaee.tingJn_searet and sufficiently i 
 self-centred to make no bid for popularity by the 
 speeches made in the course of discussions amongst ' 
 its members, as a more popular assembly would have > 
 done. Finally, religious liberty was secured fy y a, } ) '-, 
 congregat ions which did not admit 'Po pyryo'' Pr''- ; 
 lacy_' ; whilst the right of issuing ordinances with the ; 
 force of law was granted to the Protector and Council \ 
 till the first Parliament met. 
 
 It has frequently been urged that the Instrument ? 
 was the earliest example of that system of fixed con- j 
 stitutions, of which the most notable instance is that 
 of the United States, and must therefore rank with 
 such constitutions rather than with the system of Par- 
 
 15 
 
 "^^ 
 
/O 
 
 226/ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 liamentary supremacy which was ultimately adopted 
 in England. The comparison with the American 
 constitution, however, can only stand with those who 
 are resolved to fix their attention on similarities and 
 to ignore differences. The Instrument, it is true, 
 resembles the Constitution of the United States in 
 refusing to submit the holders of executive authority 
 to the constant control of the legislature, and in setting 
 forth the relations between the bodies of the State in 
 a written document. On more important points there 
 is a world-wide distinction. In America, the whole\ 
 federal constitution is redolent of popular control. 1 
 Every four years the President is re-elected or replaced, 
 and though Congress cannot dismiss a President except 
 by a judicial impeachment, it has complete control over 
 the finances, and can leave him without supply. Add 
 to this the ingrained habit of the American people in 
 giving vent to popular opinion, and in pressing it on 
 the notice of the government which it has given to 
 itself, and we shall find little cause to seek in the 
 Constitution of the United States for a justification 
 of the Instrument — a document drawn up by soldiers 
 and endowing the chief of the State and his councillors 
 with a lifelong tenure of office, with an abundant 
 armed force, and with a power of taxation adequate 
 to all ordinary requirements in time of peace. The 
 question raised by the Instrument was not whether 
 the national control was to be exercised indirectly 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. ;^-, 
 
 through Parliament, or directly through a popular 
 vote, but whether ft should be exercised at all. The 
 constitutional principles alike respected in England 
 and America are diametrically opposed to those 
 on which the government of the Protectorate was 
 founded. 
 
 On December i6, 1653, Oliv er was installe d at 
 Westminster as Lord Protector under the conditions 
 orjSS— festonnent. His Council consisted of seven 
 officers and eight civilians, the most notable of the 
 latter being Sir An th ony Ashle v^^ooper — better 
 known by the title long afterwards conferred on him 
 by Charles II. as the Earl of Shaftesbury — who had 
 been an active member of the Councils formed after 
 the break-up of the Long Parliament. Little as is 
 known of his actions during this period of his life, his 
 rallying to the Protectorate can only be explained as 
 the result of the conviction that Oliver was in earnest 
 1 in his intention of giving to the new government a 
 I preponderatingly civilian character, and of keeping it 
 I out of the hands of fanatics on one hand, and of 
 I soldiers on the other. In Thurloe, who had acted as 
 Secretary to the Council since the spring of 1652, the 
 Protector acquired an official whose ability was beyond 
 dispute, who was appalled by no labours, and one who, 
 with the aid of the network of spies whose poverty he 
 utilised, was keen-sighted in penetrating the secrets 
 of conspirators at home and abroad. 
 
228 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 The Protectorate was at least placed beyond im- 
 mediate danger by the adhesion of the army and the 
 fleet. Scarcely less important was the concurrence 
 of the judges, amongst them that honourable man 
 and eminent lawyer Matthew Hale, who had won 
 Oliver's approbation by his services in the cause of 
 law-reform. Hale, indeed, informed the Protector 
 that as he was personally desirous of seeing a Royalist 
 restoration, he could only remain on the bench on the 
 condition that he should be excused from taking part 
 in the trials of political prisoners. Oliver at once 
 gave the required promise. The compromise was 
 creditable to both the parties concerned. 
 
 The Protector, by his assumption of the govern- 
 ment, had roused up enemies enough to make him chary 
 of dispensing with the support of so valuable a helper. 
 To the Royalists, who hoped to strike at a single 
 person more easily than at a Parliament, were added 
 the Fifth Monarchy preachers, who held that Oliver 
 was ' the vile person to whom they shall not give the 
 honour of the kingdom,' but who should ' come in 
 peaceably and obtain the kingdom by ilatteries,' as 
 foretold by the Prophet Daniel. They were the more 
 dangerous as they were known to have supporters in 
 the army, especially as Harrison, who shared their 
 I opinions, had been thought of by the advanced members 
 of the nominated Parliament as a possible substitute 
 for Oliver in the command. The first repressive action 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. /2^ 
 
 of the Protectorate was therefore to place two of the 
 most turbulent of the preachers under lock and key, 
 j and to deprive Harrison of his commission. Such men 
 ^vere only really dangerous by their hold on a portion 
 of the army, whilst the Commonwealth's men, such as 
 Bradshaw and Vane, though not in the least likely to 
 head an armed resistance, were strong in the conviction 
 which they shared with a considerable number of their 
 countrymen, that the only possibility of defence against 
 the evils of military rule was to be found in a recurrence 
 to legality It is true that with them legality consisted 
 in the restoration of a sovereign Parliament, whilst the 
 Royalists saw it in the restoration of the King, but if 
 ever time and circumstances should fuse the two ideas 
 together, a body of opinion would be created which 
 would try to the uttermost the fabric of a government 
 raised on other principles. 
 
 Oli ver's task was necess arily condi tioned hy th e 
 nat ure of the opposition he had to encounter . Hisi 
 new system, if it were to have a chance of becoming I 
 permanent, would have to commend itself to that large 
 majority of men who follow no ideals, but are content 
 to live under any rule, whatever may have been its 
 origin, if only the rulers confer upon them a reasonable 
 amount of protection, and are sufficiently in sympathy / 
 with the governed to be regarded with love rather tharJ 
 with feari It was this quality that had mainly helped 
 Elizabeth to make a doubtful legal position a .step in 
 
'23o) OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 her triumphant career, and it was to Elizabeth alone 
 amongst recent English sovereigns that Oliver looked 
 with respect and admiration. Nor was he deficient in 
 many of the characteristics which had made Elizabeth 
 great. He had the same patriotism, the same skill in 
 the selection of agents, the same impatience of partisan 
 bitterness in Church and State, the same readiness to 
 trust in the healing virtues of time. The chief obstacles 
 in the way of a repetition of Elizabeth's success lay, 
 not merely in the stain of the king's blood upon his 
 hands, but also in his leadership of an army of which 
 the officers shaped their conduct in accordance with 
 distinct religious and political ideas. He had risen to 
 power by the sympathy of these men. Was it possible 
 to secure the sympathy of the nation without alienat- 
 ing the army to the support of which he must look till 
 he could place his authority on a wider basis ? 
 
 In the first and easiest portion of the task before 
 the Protector, the redress of grievances weighing upon 
 the people, there was no hesitation. The Instrument 
 had conferred upon Oliver and his Council the right 
 of issuing ordinances with the force of law up to the 
 meeting of Parliament ; and inJittLe„,more than eight 
 months no^e^er. than eighty-two of these "ordinances" 
 had been ijsued subject to amendmept, if Parliament' 
 chose to interfere. The Council was, in fact, like the 
 Cabinet of to-day, far more capabte of initiating Tegisla- 
 tion than a Parlian^gnt_consisting of several hundred 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 231 
 
 member s and that so little criticism attended these 
 ordinances may be taken as satisfactory evidence that 
 there was good reason for that strengthening of the 
 government which had been the main argument of 
 the founders of the new constitution. The ordinance 
 for the reform of Chancery was certainly exposed to 
 the conservative objections of the lawyers and was, no 
 doubt, susceptible of improvement, but it aimed at the 
 removal of acknowledged abuses, especially at accel- 
 erating the movements of a Court whose long delays 
 had caused that wide-spread irritation which had given 
 support even to the exaggerated proposals of the 
 nominated Parliament. 
 
 Still more important was the adoption of the new 
 scheme of Church government. The minister pre- 
 sented to a living was required to have a certificate of 
 fitness from three persons of known godliness and 
 integrity, one of them being a settled minister ; after- 
 wards he was to hand this certificate to certain 
 commissioners known as Triers and to obtain their 
 testimony that he was ' a person for the grace of God 
 in him, his holy and unblamable conversation, as also 
 for his knowledge and utterance, able and fit to preach 
 the gospel ' Having become an incumbent, he was 
 liable to expulsion by a local body of Ejectors for 
 immorality or for holding blasphemous or atheistical 
 
 I opinions. As long as he was maintained in his post, 
 he might uphold any Puritan system he pleased and 
 
2^?;) OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 organise his congregation on the Presbyterian, Inde- 
 pendent, or Baptist system, if he could persuade them 
 to follow him. Those persons, whether lay or clerical, 
 who objected to the system upheld in their parish 
 church, were at liberty to form separate congregations 
 — gathered Churches, as they were called — at their 
 own discretion. Later on, towards the close of 1655, 
 Oliver's tolerant spirit gave way to the return of the 
 Jews, who had been exiled from England since the 
 reign of Edward I. A few Unitarians were no doubt 
 excluded from the benefits of his toleration. More- 
 over, the Society of Friends, now rising into import- 
 ance under the leadership of George Fox, was also 
 threatened with exclusion as presumably guilty of 
 blasphemy, though the Protector himself not infre- 
 quently interfered on behalf of its members. Even if 
 this had been otherwise, the Society put in no claim 
 for participation in a legal support or even for ac- 
 knowledgment by the State. 
 
 That the Church thus constituted was but a Puritan 
 Church is the charge commonly brought against the 
 system of the Protectorate. That it was so is certainly 
 not to be denied, but, after all, it must be remembered 
 that, so far as opposition to Puritanism was based on 
 definite religious grounds, and not merely on moral 
 slackness, it was confined to a comparatively small 
 number of Englishmen. Before the days of Laud, the 
 clergy of the Church had been for the most part, so far 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 233 
 
 as their teaching was concerned, Puritan in their ideas, 
 and lax in their ceremonial observances, and thus the 
 ecclesiastical changes initiated by the Long Parlia- 
 ment had been received by the bulk of the laity rather 
 as the removal of innovations than as the establishment 
 of something entirely new. The honour in which 
 episcopacy and the Prayer Book were now held was 
 mainly confined to the Royalist gentry and to scholars 
 expelled from the Universities, and was therefore 
 understood to be closely connected with political aims. 
 Even so, there was no attempt as yet on the part of 
 the Government to suppress the use of the Prayer 
 Book in private houses, and there is reason to suppose 
 that if no political disturbances had followed, no such 
 attempt would have been made at a later time. The 
 system of the Protectorate was undoubtedly the most 
 tolerant yet known in England — more tolerant, indeed, 
 than public opinion would, if left to itself, have sanc- 
 I tioned. 
 
 Not only by its legal reforms did the Protectorate 
 strive to commend itself to the nation. Oliver had 
 never thrown his heart into the Dutch war, and a little 
 before he dissolved the Long Parliament, a great 
 English victory in a battle which began off Portland 
 and ended under Cape Grisnez, had secured the 
 mastery over the Channel to the English fleet. That 
 fleet rallied to the new Government ; even Blake, who 
 was hostile at first, accepting the result of political 
 
234 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 changes, and finally throwing in his lot with the Pro- 
 tectorate, on the ground that it was the business of the 
 navy to leave politics alone, and — though the expres- 
 sion is not traceable on sufficient evidence to Blake's 
 lips — ' to keep foreigners from fooling us '. The wound 
 that Blake received off Portland incapacitated him 
 from taking a considerable part in the later battles of 
 the war, the burden lying for the most part on Monk, 
 who won victories off the Gabbard in June and off the 
 Texel in July, not long after the nominated Parlia- 
 ment had entered on its unlucky career. In the latter 
 conflict, Tromp, the great Dutch admiral whose ill 
 success was due not to any failure of his powers or 
 to any want of manliness in his crews, but to the 
 inefficiency of the Government he served, was killed 
 by a shot as he was entering into the battle. Even 
 whilst the nominated Parliament was still in session, 
 a negotiation with the Dutch had been opened, and 
 this negotiation, which was countenanced by Oliver 
 from the first and carried on earnestly by him as 
 Protector, ended in a peace signed on April 5, 1654. 
 Those who wish to estimate the value of Oliver's 
 foreign policy and its bearing upon the fortunes of the 
 government he hoped to establish will do well to study 
 at length the story of his negotiation with the Dutch, 
 and of his contemporary excursions into the domain 
 of Continental affairs. It is beyond doubt that he 
 was desirous of peace with the Dutch on the ground 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 235 
 
 that they were Protestants, and that he was also 
 desirous of allying himself with other Protestant 
 States for the protection of Protestants under persecu- 
 tion by Roman Catholic Governments. Yet, not only 
 did this fail to hinder him from exacting hard terms 
 from the Dutch, but the motive of his diplomacy is 
 revealed in his eagerness to make an agreement with 
 his actual enemies a step to immediate hostilities with 
 other nations. At one time he proposed a plan for 
 the partition between England and the Netherlands 
 of so much of the globe as lies outside Europe whilst 
 he was at the same time negotiating with the Govern- 
 ments of France and Spain, offering to make common 
 cause with one or the other in the war then raging 
 between them. No doubt some religious element 
 could be imported into either quarrel. To help Spain 
 against France, at least in the way he proposed, was 
 to vindicate the French Protestants against a persecu- 
 tion to which they were to some extent exposed, in 
 spite of the acceptance by their Government of the 
 Edict of Nantes. To assist France against Spain 
 was to weaken the most bigoted Roman Catholic 
 Government in existence. 
 
 What we are here concerned with, however, is not 
 the details of Oliver's foreign policy, but its conception 
 as a whole. It is true that the existing position of 
 affairs in Europe, — in which France and Spain were 
 neutralising the forces of one another — was almost an 
 
236 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 invitation to the strong military and naval power of 
 the Protectorate to extend its influence at the expense 
 of one or other of the rivals ; but, so far as this con- 
 sideration may have played its part in bringing Oliver 
 to a decision, it has left no traces in his recorded 
 words. Obviously, when he undertook the negotiation 
 with the Dutch, he had two courses before him, either 
 to lay the foundations of a general peace, or to leave 
 himself free to push military and naval enterprises in 
 other directions. It was the latter course on which 
 he resolved — a course which has gained him the 
 admiration of a posterity prompt to recognise in 
 Oliver the ruler who, having received from the 
 Commonwealth an excellently organised army and 
 navy, was the first to apply those potent instruments 
 of conquest to the acquisition of over-sea dominion. 
 What posterity has failed to observe is that this design 
 was incompatible with his other design of settling the 
 government of England on a constitutional basis. 
 By his resolve to seek military employment for the 
 magnificent force that he had welded together, and 
 to find reasons for going to war with some nation 
 or other, rather than be driven into war by the 
 necessity of upholding the honour and interests of the 
 country, Oliver was compelled to keep up a military 
 and naval establishment which may not have been in 
 excess of the taxable capacity of the nation ; but 
 which at all events imposed a burden much heavier 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 237 
 
 than that to which Englishmen had been accustomed 
 to submit. Before Parliament met, after many hesi- 
 tations he had resolved to send out one fleet under 
 Blake into the Mediterranean to enforce the release of 
 English prisoners taken by the pirates of the Barbary 
 coast, and another fleet under Penn to seize upon 
 Hispaniola or some other West Indian island as a 
 response to the refusal of Spain to allow English 
 merchantmen to trade even with English colonies in 
 the West Indies, as well as to various acts of violence 
 already committed by Spanish officials in American 
 waters. 
 
 That in both these cases Oliver was justified in 
 seeking redress can hardly be denied. As regards 
 Spain, he had already made a twofold demand on 
 Cardenas, the Spanish ambassador, first, for liberty of 
 trade in the Indies— not necessarily, so far as our 
 information goes, for liberty of trade with Spanish 
 possessions — and, secondly, for entire liberty of religion 
 for English merchants and sailors in their own houses 
 on Spanish soil and in their ships in Spanish ports — 
 he not being satisfied with the offer of Spain to renew 
 the stipulations of the treaty signed by Charles I., in 
 which the Inquisition was debarred from acting against 
 English Protestants so long as they created no scandal. 
 Both demands were promptly rejected. " It is,'' 
 replied Cardenas, "to ask my master's two eyes." 
 Oliver's notion that he could attack a Spanish colony 
 
238 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 in the West Indies and yet remain at peace with Spain ' 
 can only be explained by his admiration for Eliza- 
 bethan methods, which led him to suppose that the 
 existing Spanish Government would be as ready as 
 that of PhiKp II. to put up with a system which kept 
 peace in Europe whilst war was being waged in 
 America. It is not, however, with problems of inter- 
 national morality that we are at present concerned. 
 Before Blake could sail for the Mediterranean or 
 Penn for the West Indies, Parliament would meet, 
 and would be confronted with the fact that, in ad- 
 dition to his fleets, the Protector had on foot a land 
 force of S 7,000 men, a number exceeding by no less 
 than 27,000 the 30,000 which the Instrument itself 
 had laid down as the normal strength of the army. 
 It is true that he could hardly have met his engage- 
 ments with a smaller force. Ireland was only recently 
 subdued ; an insurrection against the English con- 
 querors — known as Glencairn's rising — was in full 
 swing in Scotland ; the dread of a Royalist movement 
 in England required the maintenance of more troops 
 than would be needed in quieter times, whilst other 
 regiments were already preparing for embarkation in 
 the West Indian fleet. On the other hand, when it 
 is remembered that it was through his command of 
 the services of these soldiers that Oliver had been 
 raised to power, that he could still count on their 
 support to maintain him in it, and that he was calling 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 239 
 
 upon the nation to bear the burden of enterprises 
 which he had originated without asking its consent, 
 can it be matter of wonder that at such a time there 
 should be some effort on the part of a Parliament 
 which had come to look upon itself as representing 
 the nation to impose limits upon the burdens which 
 had already far outgrown even the prescriptions of 
 the Instrument itself? 
 
 The elections to the first Protectorate Parliament 
 were held under peculiar conditions. In the boroughs 
 still permitted to returtf members, the old conditions 
 existed, but in the counties to which a redistribution 
 of seats had transferred the electoral power, hitherto 
 possessed by small villages under the influence of 
 the neighbouring landowners, the Instrument had 
 established a uniform franchise of the ownership of 
 real or personal property worth £2<X). So far as 
 we can trace any direct issue before the consti- 
 tuencies, the elections turned on the approval or 
 renunciation of the policy of the a dvanced pa rty in 
 the nominated Parliament, and on this the electorate 
 gave no uncertain sound. That party was practically 
 swept away, and a full approbation thereby accorded 
 to the conservative policy which had been the main 
 strength of the appeal made to the country by the 
 new government. It did not follow that the new 
 constitution would meet with the same approbation. 
 A not inconsiderable number of the Commonwealth 
 
240 OLIVER CROMWELL. , ^„^S"'^'**1' 
 
 P -^ " 
 
 men, such as Bradshaw and Hazlerigg^ sore ^t their 
 expulsion from the benches of the Long Parliament, 
 had been returned, together with a goodly company 
 of political Presbyterians, who might be expected to 
 do their best to free Parliament from the shackles of 
 the Instrument. 
 I Under these circumstances, Oliver's speech at the 
 opening of Parliament was a masterpiece of skill. 
 Dwelling on the points on which he and the majority 
 of his hearers were in agreement, he kept out of sight 
 those on which differences might arise. He called 
 for healing and settlement, for orderly government 
 which might replace the confusions of the past and 
 stem the tide of fanaticism in the present. He dwelt 
 not on the extent of the liberty of conscience pro- 
 claimed in the Instrument, but on the restrictions 
 imposed in that document, especially on such teachers 
 as ' under the profession of Christ, hold forth and 
 practise licentiousness '. He held up for acceptance 
 the doctrine that, when such a result was to be feared, 
 it was the duty of the magistrate to intervene. He 
 protested against the notion that it was antichristian 
 for a minister to receive ordination, and also against 
 the notion that the Fifth Monarchy was about to 
 commence, and that it was ' for men, on this principle, 
 to betitle themselves that they are the only men to 
 rule kingdoms, govern nations, and give laws to people, 
 and determine of property and liberty and everything 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 241 
 
 else'. Then came Oliver's appeal for support on 
 the grounds of the difficulties he had inherited from 
 his predecessors — troubles in Ireland and Scotland, 
 trade with Portugal and France interrupted, as well 
 as a war with the Dutch ; after which he set forth the 
 benefits of the Instrument, the legal and ecclesiastical 
 reforms it had rendered possible, the peace with the 
 Dutch, and the commercial treaties concluded with 
 Sweden and Denmark. Finally came a hint that 
 Parliament might well be liberal with its supplies, as 
 in spite of the enormous burdens weighing upon it, 
 the Government had diminished, by no less than 
 ^30,000 a month, the assessment tax by which army 
 and navy were in part supported. It has often been 
 doubted whether Oliver had in him the making of a 
 Parliamentary tactician. Those who reply in the 
 affirmative may point to this speech in defence of their 
 opinion, especially if we accept the evidence of the 
 Dutch ambassadors that Oliver — in words subse- 
 quently omitted from the published speech — con- 
 cluded by a direct invitation to the House to take 
 into consideration the Instrument, no doubt expecting 
 its easy acceptance by men who were as desirous of 
 order as himself Confirmatory of this conclusion is 
 the fact that when the Parliamentary debates opened 
 and the question was asked whether the House was 
 prepared to leave the government under the control 
 
 of a single man, it was a member of the Council who 
 
 16 
 
242 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 demanded that all other business should be laid aside 
 till the Instrument had been submitted to the approval 
 of the House. 
 
 When this demand had been complied with, it 
 became evident that the majority of the members 
 were in favour of imposing further restrictions on the 
 Protector which would make him no more than a tool 
 in the hands of Parliament. Such a position Oliver 
 absolutely declined to accept, and on its being known 
 that Harrison had been seeking the advantage of his 
 own party by stirring up confusion at Westminster, 
 and had boasted that he would have 20,000 men at 
 his back, he struck firmly and sharply. Harrison 
 was sent for under guard, and Parliament was ordered 
 to attend the Protector in the Painted Chamber. 
 
 The speech which the Protector delivered to the \ 
 members may rank as the ablest which is known to 
 have fallen from his lips. There can be no doubt 
 that he would personally have preferred the retention 
 of the Instrument as it stood, but he was aware of 
 the objections taken to it, and all that we know leads 
 us to believe that those objections were shared by 
 members of his own Council. At all events, after a 
 justification of his own conduct in relation to the 
 preparation of the Instrument, and an argument that 
 it had been accepted by the electors who had been 
 bound by its terms to acknowledge the settlement of 
 the Government in a single person and Parliament, he 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. C"*?3> 
 
 proceeded to offer a compromise. He was prepared 
 to substitute for the Instrument a Parliamentary con- 
 stitution, provided that four conditions were admitted 
 as fundamentals to be handed down to posterity as 
 unassailable. The first was that the country was to 
 be governed by a single person and a Parliament ; 
 the second, that Parliaments were not to make them 
 selves perpetual ; the third, that liberty of consciencej 
 should be respected ; the fourth, that neither Protector 
 nor Parliament should have absolute power over the I 
 militia. It speaks volumes for Oliver's power of seeing | 
 into the heart of a situation, that whilst the Instrument 
 of Government, and the absolute supremacy of a single 
 House with power to defy dissolution, have alike 
 passed into the realms of unrealised theory^^every 
 one_ pf Oliv er's ^ fundamenta ls has been adopted by 
 t he na tion — not indeed in any written constitution, 
 but with the stronger and more enduring guarantee 
 of a practice accepted beyond dispute by the con- 
 science of the people itself The four fundamentals 
 on behalf of which he now appealed to the House 
 [formed the political legacy bequeathed by him to 
 posterity. 
 
 To obtain acquiescence in this compromise, Oliver 
 directed that no member should take his seat who 
 refused to sign the following declaration : " I do here- 
 by freely promise and engage to be true and faithful 
 to the Lord Protector and the Commonwealth of 
 
(^^i^) OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 I England, Scotland and Ireland, and shall not, accord- 
 ing to the tenor of the indentures whereby I am 
 returned to serve in this present Parliament, propose 
 or give my consent to alter the Government as it is 
 settled in one person and a Parliament "./ Those who 
 refused subscription were excluded from all partici- 
 pation in the business of the House. 
 
 The imposition of such restriction was doubtless 
 condemnable on the principle that the will of the 
 electorate expressed through its representatives must 
 be taken as final in all disputes. Neither Cromwell, 
 however, nor his opponents had recognised such a 
 principle. Vane and Bradshaw had been ready to 
 exclude Royalists, and other unfit persons, whilst the 
 authors of the Instrument had imposed qualifications 
 with a very similar object. If a test there was to be, 
 the one now selected was not only the lightest possible, 
 but it was one that had already been signed by each 
 constituency on behalf of its members, without which 
 formality they were not, according to the Instrument, 
 entitled to take their seats. It left them perfectly at 
 liberty to propose any amendment of the constitution, 
 even to vote against any one of Oliver's fundamentals 
 with the exception of the first. 
 
 It is impossible here to enter into details of the 
 constitutional debates which followed. It is sufficient 
 to say that the basis which Parliament prqppsed_tQ_ 
 substitute for the'Instrument_vy;as_.the- reviva-1-ef the 
 
 t . ( ^ i..K'.-tJ 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. ;:a$5^ 
 
 negatiye_ynirp, sn that no coosfit-iitional— i«aQvatk>n 
 could bg- made-wtboiat-the_PxQtectQi:!s._co»sent. Of 
 the four fundamentals, the first two^^^the, one relating" 
 to the position of the single person and_ the _Qther 
 refusing to Parliament the right of perpetuating itself^ 
 — were accepted without opposition. The other two 
 raised greater difficulties. The House was very far! 
 from being anxious to extend religious liberty as \ 
 widely as the Protector desired, but it ultimately 
 agreed to a form of words which practically left the 
 decision in his hands. The absolutely insjirmountable 
 difficulty was found in the dispbsal of the army. In 
 
 the first place, ParliamentJi^ldLjouLfoLth^ diminution 
 of the numbers of the regular forces to the 30,000 
 men allowed by the Instrument, and required that if 
 more were needed they should be raised in the form 
 of a militia which would fall more readily under the 
 influence of the local gentry. In the second place, 
 the House resolved to limit its grant of supply to the 
 taxaftQlCiajainsafcfoE-EKejn^^ 
 for a term of five years only, th us reserving to itself 
 the ultimate financial contro l which sj3ellg.sQy-ereignty. 
 Cromwell's wtiole soul recoiled from the acceptance 
 of a scheme which would render nugatory the pro- 
 posed constitutional restrictions of Parliamentary 
 omnipotence, by enabling Parliament, at the end of 
 the assigned term, to stop the supplies without which 
 the army could not be maintained ; unless indeed, 
 
(^ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 when that term reached its end, the Protector chose 
 to employ his army to crush the Parhament of 1659 
 as he had employed it to crush the Parliament of 1653. 
 Parliamentary supremacy or military despotism were 
 the alternatives which Oliver or his successor would 
 have to face in the not very distant future. 
 
 If two men ride on one horse, one of them must 
 ride in front, and this sober physical truth is equally 
 applicable to the realm of politics. No paper con- 
 ' /Stitution, however deserving of veneration, can prevent 
 ' there being some force in every nation capable of 
 making itself supreme if it chooses to do so. It may 
 be the constituencies, as in England at the end of the 
 nineteenth century; the people consulted in mass, as in 
 the United States ; or the army, as in England in the 
 middle of the seventeenth century. Such supremacy 
 may be subjected to the checks of written or unwritten 
 constitutions, and may be thus thrust into the back- 
 ground till called forth by some special crisis ; but 
 in the long run it is impossible to prevent supreme 
 \power from exerting itself The defect of. Oliver's 
 fourth fundamental was that it sought to divide the 
 control of the army, or, in other words, Sovereignty, 
 between Protector and Parliament, at a time when 
 the Protector was powerless to act in defiance of the 
 army. It is useless to deny that he was perfectly in 
 the right in hesitating to hand over supreme power 
 to a Parliament uncontrolled by the nation, and 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. (^ 
 
 capable of using its financial authority to demolish 
 any system of government that might stand in the 
 way of the ambitions of its members. It is equally 
 undeniable that, as he was unable to depend on the 
 nation as a whole, he had nothing to fall back upon 
 except a Protectorate which, in reality, was con- 
 trolled by the will of the leading officers, who found 
 in the provisions of the Instrument which they had 
 themselves originated the means of perpetuating their 
 own power by securing — irrespective of the concur- 
 rence of Parliament or nation — the levy of taxes, 
 the amount of which was fixed by the Protector and 
 Council alone. 
 
 Oliver having once made up his mind to refuse 
 his consent to the new constitution, was anxious 
 to hasten the dissolution of the Parliament. The 
 Instrument having provided that the House should 
 sit for five months, he opportunely remembered that 
 the months by which the army's pay was regulated 
 were lunar months; and on January 22, 1655, when 
 five lunar months were expired, he pronounced its 
 dissolution. The speech in which he announced his 
 determination was stamped with vexation of spirit at 
 the failure of his hopes, a vexation in itself by no 
 means unjustifiable. The tragedy of the situation lay 
 
 I in the undoubted fact that however much they might 
 differ on the means to be pursued, tjie end at which 
 Protector and Parliament. aimed_wasJdsMca|p 
 
248 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 the conversion of the military into the civil_jtate. 
 PaTHanienFTiad counted it well done to leave Oliver 
 in possession for five years, whilst Oliver, conscious 
 of his own rectitude of purpose, and ignoring the 
 consideration that at the end of five years he might 
 no longer be living, and that the Protectorate might 
 have passed by demise into less worthy hands, com- 
 plained that he was not trusted. Why, he asked, had 
 they not come to him to talk the matter over? Why 
 indeed, except that Parliaments have their pride as 
 well as Protectors, and that this one had come to the 
 conclusion that it was its duty to settle the constitution 
 rather than to accept a settlement from a knot of 
 soldiers. If it did not seek an opportunity to discuss 
 such grave questions with Oliver in person, at least it 
 had had the advantage of listening to what might be 
 presumed to be his views when promulgated by those 
 members of his Council who were also members of 
 the House. 
 
 In an elaborate defence of the Instrument, Oliver 
 put his finger on the real ground of offence. "Al- 
 though," he declared in speaking of the rights of 
 the Protector, "for the present the keeping up and 
 having in his power the militia seems the most hard, 
 yet, if it should be yielded up at such a time as this 
 when there is as much need to keep this cause by it 
 . — which is evidently at this time impugned by all the 
 enemies of it — as there was to get it, what would 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 24^ 
 
 become of all ? Or if it should not be equally placed 
 in him and the Parliament, but yielded up at any 
 time, it determines the Power," i.e., hinders the ex- 
 ercise of authority by the person in possession of 
 power, "either from doing the good he ought, or 
 hindering Parliaments from perpetuating themselves, 
 or from imposing what religion they please on the 
 consciences of men, or what government they please 
 upon the nation ; thereby subjecting us to dis-settle- 
 ment in every Parliament, and to the desperate con- 
 sequences thereof: and if the nation shall happen to 
 fall into a blessed peace, how easily and certainly will 
 their charge be taken off, and their forces disbanded ; 
 and then, where will the danger be to have the militia 
 thus stated ? " 
 
 It was impossible for the Protector to put his case 
 more convincingly. Yet, admirable as a criticism 
 pointing out the danger likely to follow on the adop- 
 tion of the proposals of Parliament, 01iver!s_^reasoning 
 pre-supposed the acceptance by Parliament of his Q^n 
 conviction- -^hat-aji-ar^nifid^mmcwrityhad^ ILS^ ^° 
 imposa^its. -principles on the. unarnied jnajority — the 
 very belief which the authors of the Parliamentary 
 constitution were most determined to resist. Even if 
 it had been possible for any Puritan party to look for 
 a solution of the problem in an appeal to the unfettered 
 judgment of the nation, it is evident that Oliver would 
 never have agreed to such an arbitration, On the 
 
zSd OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 \ one side was the resolve to get what appeared to be 
 I the right thing done, if necessary by force. On the 
 other side was the resolve to eliminate the element of 
 force by subordinating it to the rule of Parliaments. 
 For the moment the decisive word rested with Oliver. 
 " I think myself bound," he said in conclusion, " as in 
 my duty to God, and to the people of these nations, 
 for their safety and good in every respect — I think it 
 my duty to tell you that it is not for the profit of 
 these nations, nor for common and public good for 
 you to continue longer, and therefore I do declare 
 unto you, that I do dissolve this Parliament." 
 
 History has pronounced in favour of the view 
 taken by Oliver's antagonists. The reliance on mili- 
 tary power in which he had found his refuge did more 
 than all other facts put together to establish, for good 
 or for evil, a reliance on Parliament. It is the special 
 mark of his greatness that he , put his who le- heart 
 after-,4:he~d4SSQliition ,o£..iiis. first JPajliam en t jnto^ap 
 effort- to avoid the appearance even of a ,tem.pQr4{y 
 dictatorship. -He shran k from bein ga military ruler, 
 even under the plea of the necessity ofTheRtacs. 
 His holding back the dissolution of Parliament till 
 the fifth month — lunar month as it was — had been 
 accomplished, offers the key-note of the position as 
 he judged it. The Parliamentary constitution had 
 perished stillborn. The constitution of the Instrument 
 was in full force, and was to be observed, even though 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 
 
 it were to his own detriment. The Instrument en- 
 abled the Protector and Council to levy such taxation 
 as they thought fit for 30,000 men and for a navy 
 sufficient for defence, whilst he had now on foot some 
 57,000 soldiers, and, in addition to the home fleet, 
 two others had already been despatched— the one to 
 the Mediterranean, the other to the West Indies. 
 Yet the Protector was able to announce that he would 
 content himself with levying the Assessment money 
 at the low amount of ;£^8o,ooo a month on the three 
 nations, an amount which the dissolved Parliament 
 had fixed as sufficient for the forces named in the 
 Instrument. Such a decision left the Government 
 with enormous forces — as forces were in those days 
 reckoned — which it had no visible means of paying ; 
 but it was an announcement in the most practical 
 form, that, as soon as the existing situation would 
 admit, the military expenditure should be brought 
 down to the requirements of the Instrument. The 
 announcement was accompanied by a proclamation 
 setting forth the principles on which the Protector 
 had decided to act on the thorny question of re^ous_ 
 lib erty. Th erg3aa-J^'-b&-6ompld£Jreedom for^^ 
 contented themscW&swi^s^^Smg^SaxXhJhdL^^nkms, 
 without 'imposirigj cm the. conscience of others_or.di^ 
 tu rbing their vyors hip,- The last clause, which was 
 aimed at the new Society of Friends, commonly styled 
 Quakers by the irreverent multitude, sought to put a 
 
252 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Stop to their practice of carrying on their polemics in 
 churches where congregations were assembled. To 
 the exhortations of George Fox himself the Protector 
 listened with respect. " Come again to my house," 
 said Oliver, " for if thou and I were but an hour a day 
 together, we should be nearer one to the other. I 
 wish you no more ill than I do to my own soul." A 
 reverence for genuineness, in whatever shape, was not 
 the least admirable of Oliver's characteristics. 
 
 The clause against ' imp osing ' was more widely 
 sweeping in its aims. It struck at the claims of the 
 Roman Papacy, and the English episcopacy, as well 
 as at the designs of the late Parliament to establish 
 lists of opinions to which toleration should be refused. 
 It struck also at all attempts to snatch at political 
 power with the object of serving religious ends. 
 Oliver's breach with Parliament had roused attacks 
 from every quarter. There were the Fifth Monarchy 
 men who rejected every form of secular government 
 and whose leaders were not to be silenced except by 
 placing them under guard. Harrison himself had to 
 be placed under arrest. It was not work that Oliver 
 would have chosen. " I know," wrote Thurloe, " it is 
 a trouble to my Lord Protector to have any one that 
 is a saint in truth to be grieved or dissatisfied with 
 him." The Cavaliers might be regarded as hereditary 
 enemies. In the last summer a Cavalier plot to 
 assassinate the Protector had been discovered and 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 253 
 
 two of the plotters, Gerard and Vowel, had been 
 executed. Whilst Parliament was still in session, 
 Thurloe's spies — who were to be found in every land 
 in which their services were required — brought him 
 news of a projected insurrection, and it had been one 
 of Oliver's charges against the members, that their 
 delay in settling the Government had fostered the 
 plot. In March futile attempts to rise were made in 
 various parts of the country, the only one which 
 gained the dignity of an actual insurrection being 
 that in which J Penruddock and others gathered in 
 arms at Salisbury, seized the judges of assize in their 
 beds and marched off in the hope of rallying the 
 scattered Royalists of the west. The insurgents, how- 
 ever, were dispersed in Devonshire, where many of 
 them were captured. In the end a few of the ring- 
 leaders were tried and executed, whilst a large number 
 of their adherents were transported without legal trial 
 to Barbados. Such procedure, whether it be counted 
 as an evasion or as a breach of the law, was evidence 
 of the difficulty which Oliver would increasingly feel 
 in meeting his enemies otherwise than by the exertion 
 of arbitrary power. 
 
 A more difficult question arose when two judges 
 sent to try Royalist prisoners in the north doubted 
 their competency, on the ground that an ordinance 
 defining the offences constituting treason, which the 
 Protector, in accordance with the Instrument, had 
 
254 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 issued before the meeting of Parliament, could not 
 make a rebellion against the Protectorate to be High 
 Treason. The two judges were at once dismissed, 
 and soon afterwards Chief Justice Rolle was com- 
 pelled to resign office because he was unwilling to 
 enforce the payment of customs upon a certain Cony ; 
 whilst the three lawyers who argued on Cony's behalf 
 — one of them being Serjeant Maynard, who lived to 
 welcome William III. — that he was not to pay duties 
 imposed by Protector and Council without the con- 
 sent of Parliament, were sent to prison till they had 
 apologised. One historian after another has accom- 
 panied his account of these proceedings with the 
 observation that there was here a conflict between 
 law and the tyrant's plea, necessity. There was 
 nothing of the sort. The question was whether the 
 Instrument was a valid constitution. If it was, there 
 could be no reasonable doubt that rebels against the 
 Protectorate were legally traitors, or that customs- 
 duties applicable to the payment of the army and navy 
 were legally set, not by Parliament, but by Protector 
 and Council. 
 
 If all that Oliver and his councillors had asked of 
 the Instrument had been to enable them to carry on 
 the government till the lapse of three years drove 
 them to summon another Parliament, they might have 
 been well content. They could not, however, forget 
 that they were the leaders of the party o reform, and 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 
 
 the Instrument itself had deprived them oLlilLiP^^'' 
 of initiating reforms except throughJParJiaia£nt. The 
 authority to issue ordinances with the force of law had 
 ceased with the meeting of Parliament, and all that 
 could now be done was to urge the Commissioners of 
 the Great Seal to carry out the ordinance for the reform 
 of Chancery, and, upon their refusal, to replace them 
 by others likely to be more complacent. The result 
 was a movement in opposition to the Instrument 
 amongst some of Oliver's partisans, by which he was 
 hampered as well as assisted. It was natural that 
 such a movement should also have the character of 
 opposition to the military party from whom the 
 Instrument had proceeded. Already in the late 
 Parliament an unsuccessful effort had been made to 
 confer the title of King on Oliver in the hope that 
 the civilian element in the Government would be 
 thereby strengthened. In the summer of 1655 a 
 petition was circulated in the City asking the Protector 
 to assume legislative power on the invitation of the 
 subscribers. Oliver was far too prudent to follow 
 such a will-of-the-wisp, and the petition was sup- 
 pressed by the Council. The needs that had called 
 it forth could not so easily be dismissed, especially as 
 the Protector's desire to reform abuses was strongly 
 reinforced bv his need of inonev — a need which was 
 dramatically exhibited when the soldiers of his guard 
 broke into his kitchen and carried off the dinner 
 
256 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 cooked for his own table, telling him to his face that 
 as they had not received their pay, they had taken 
 some of it in kind. 
 
 If Oliver was to make both ends meet, it could 
 only be by reductions in the army, and to effect 
 these he needed the co-operation of the officers, whilst 
 so far as Scotland and Ireland were concerned, reduc- 
 tions which might have been dangerous in January 
 had ceased to be dangerous in July. Monk, who 
 had been sent back to the north as soon as he could 
 be spared from the Dutch war, had reduced the High- 
 lands to submission ; and Ireland, which had been 
 earlier subjected by English arms, was now to have 
 imposed on her that thorough-going system of English 
 colonisation which is usually known as the Cromwellian 
 settlement, the principles of which had, however, been 
 laid down by preceding Governments. Those of the 
 landowning class who were unable to prove, to the 
 satisfaction of English judges, that they had shown 
 constant good affection to the English Government, 
 even if they had taken no part against England in 
 the late war — that is to say, the great bulk of the 
 class which had anything to lose amongst the Irish 
 Catholics — were driven off into the devastated lands 
 of Connaught, and their estates were divided amongst 
 English soldiers and other Englishmen who had lent 
 money for the support of the war upon the security 
 of confiscated land. Henceforth there was to be in 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 257 
 
 three of the Irish provinces a class of landed pro- 
 prietors of English birth and the Protestant religion 
 surrounded by peasants and labourers who were 
 divided from them by racial and religious differences 
 of the most extreme kind. Such an arrangement 
 boded ill for the future peace of the country. The 
 immediate result was untold misery to the sufferers 
 and the kindling of hope in English bosoms that at 
 last Ireland would be peopled by a race loyal to the 
 institutions and religion of her conquerors. 
 
 In any case the scheme for the plantation of Ire- 
 land would diminish the number of soldiers required 
 to hold the country, and before the end of July the 
 assent of the chiefs of the army in England having 
 been obtained, the Council also sanctioned not merely 
 a sweeping reduction in the strength of the regiments 
 in Great Britain, but a diminution of the amount of 
 I the pay both of officers and soldiers. Once more 
 I Oliver had acted in accordance with the Instrument. 
 I and with the wishes of the dissolved Parliament. 
 The ;£'6o,ooo a month which Parliament had thought 
 sufficient for the assessment was not exceeded, whilst 
 the army was reduced at least approximately to the 
 numbers accepted alike by Parliament and the Instru- 
 ment. It might be hard to give a satisfactory answer 
 to those who denied the validity of the Instrument ; 
 but, if this validity were acknowledged, it would 
 be equally hard to refute those who argued that 
 
 17 
 
258 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Oliver was doing his best to rule as a constitutional 
 magistrate. 
 
 Would it be possible for Oliver to persist in this 
 attitude to the end, in spite of the growing demands 
 on the exchequer? In March, 1655, Penruddock's 
 rising had extracted from Oliver an order for the 
 calling out and organisation of the militia, which was, 
 however, countermanded upon the prompt repression 
 of the insurrection. In May, however, the officers 
 who recommended the reduction of the army, also 
 recommended the establishment of a militia for pur- 
 poses of police, and as the summer advanced and the 
 information which came in from Thurloe's spies 
 announced that the Royalist plots were by no means 
 at an end, this plan assumed greater consistency. 
 The scheme of appointing a militia-police had at 
 least this to be said in its favour, that the proposal 
 had been favoured by Parliament. If Parliament had 
 been allowed to work out its own scheme, it would 
 probably have subjected the militia to local officers, 
 and provided for its wants by local payments. Oliver 
 took care to bring it into disciplinary connection with 
 the army, by placing it under eleven Major-Generals. 
 Taxation for its support he could not demand without 
 infringing on the Instrument. In his perplexity he, 
 or one of his advisers, hit upon a plan for raising 
 supplies from the Royalists alone, who were called 
 on to contribute a tenth of their income for the pur- 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 259 
 
 pose. It was their refusal to submit peaceably to a 
 settled Government which had caused the difficulty, 
 and it was for them to bear the expense of the measures 
 which had been necessitated by their misconduct. 
 Such an exaction, being no general taxation, might 
 be considered by interested parties as saving the 
 authority of the Instrument. Of any sympathetic 
 feeling with the Royalists whose property had been 
 diminished by past confiscations, and whose political 
 and religious ideals had been thrown to the ground, 
 there was, it is needless to say, nothing in Oliver's 
 mind. They were but enemies to be crushed, or at 
 least to be reduced to impotence. 
 
 That the Royalists had religious ideals of their 
 own was a provocation which made it easy to deny 
 them the toleration which they had hitherto virtually 
 enjoyed. The familiar cadences of the Book of 
 Common Prayer had become to them a symbol of 
 political as well as of religious faith, whilst the voice 
 of the often, long-winded, and sometimes irrelevant 
 ejaculator of prayers of his own conception, stood for 
 them as the embodiment of the forces which had con- 
 spired to murder their king, to deprive them of the 
 broad acres sold to satisfy the demands of sequestra- 
 tors, and to exclude them from all share in the public 
 interests of the country which they loved as devotedly 
 as any Puritan could possibly do. It was now that 
 Oliver committed the mistake— which thousands of 
 
26o' OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 others in like circumstances have committed — of con- 
 founding the symbol with the cause. The use of the 
 Common Prayer Book was proscribed as thoroughly 
 as the mass. Noblemen and gentlemen were pro- 
 hibited from entertaining the ejected clergy of their 
 own Church as chaplains or tutors /pf their ^children. 
 Yet, after all, the ^£ersecution was sharp only for a 
 time, and not only was the inquisition into the 
 religious practices of domestic life soon abandoned, 
 but the Episcopalian clergy were led to understand 
 that no harm should befall them so long as they 
 abstained from thrusting themselves upon the notice 
 of the public. 
 
 / It was not only in relation to religious toleration 
 that Oliver was driven by his position to modify his 
 /earlier principles. At one time he had fully sympa- 
 j thised with the Independent party in its efforts to 
 j secure the liberty of the press. Of libels on his own 
 { character and person he had been widely tolerant. 
 
 I Step by step the Long Parliament had imposed 
 restrictions on the press, and these restrictions were 
 {continued under the Protectorate. At last, in October 
 1 165 5, the final blow fell. Only two weekly newspapers 
 were permitted to appear, and both these newspapers 
 were to be edited by an agent of the Government. 
 Milton, now incapacitated by blindness from active 
 employment in the service of the State, must have 
 winced at hearing that his chosen hero, who had long 
 
THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. (^ 
 
 ago turned his back on a voluntary system of Church- 
 government, had now turned his back on the central 
 doctrine of the Areopagitica. Oliver, we may be sure, 
 took all these proceedings as a matter of course. .He 
 held hi mself to have been p jar^'^ '"" ^^^ '^'^^t of ^"- 
 thority not to advance the most beneficent t heori es, 
 but to keep order after the fashion of a constable in a 
 d iscordan t world. Neither Milton nor himself believed 
 in the political rights of majorities. If the nation 
 chose to raise itself up against the cause of God, so 
 much the worse for the nation. " I say," he had 
 announced to his first Parliament, " that the wilful 
 throwing away of this government — so owned by God, 
 so approved by men, so testified to in the fundamentals 
 of it — and that in relation to the good of these nations 
 and posterity ; I can sooner be willing to be rolled 
 into my grave and buried with infamy, than I can 
 give my consent unto." Oliver doubtless held that 
 the partitioning of England into eleven districts, each 
 under a military chief, was consistent with at least a 
 literal observance of ' this Government,' as he himself 
 had called it. 
 
 It is possible that if the Major-Generals had con- 
 fined themselves to keeping watch over the Royalist 
 gentry, with occasionally breaking up their religious 
 meetings, and with driving away the chaplains and 
 the tutors of their sons, they would have caused less 
 irritation than they did. The army, however, or in 
 
j' 2& OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 plainer terms, the occupants of its higher posts, from 
 the Lord Protector downwards, were the most sys 
 tematic upholders of that aggressive Puritan morality, 
 which was diluted with greater worldliness in other 
 circles. It is no doubt untrue that Justices of the 
 Peace, as has sometimes been suggested, were alto- 
 gether inefficient during the Protectorate ; but they 
 were not loved by the Cavalier gentry, whose estates 
 were often larger than their own ; and, like all local 
 authorities, they were hampered by the local feeling 
 which, even amongst those who willingly accepted the 
 Protectorate, was, though certainly not Episcopalian, 
 far from being as acutely Puritan as was desired at 
 head-quarters. A statute inflicting the penalty of 
 death upon adulterers had been reduced almost to a 
 dead letter by the unwillingness of juries to convict ; 
 and — to take an instance from the daily amusements 
 of the people — ^the bear-garden at Southwark had 
 survived the prohibition of one Puritan Government 
 after another, till, a few weeks after the appointment 
 of the Major-Generals, Pride, who had once blocked 
 the doors of Parliament, slew the bears with his own 
 hands, and closed the exhibition. 
 
 As . tp . the Major-Generals themselves, they, were 
 soon instructed to tighten the reins of discipliag^co- 
 operating with willing and spurring unwilling magis- 
 trates to suppress not merely treason and rebellion, 
 but vice and immorality. Their orders were to put 
 
 1 
 
I 
 
 THE NOMINATED PARLIAMENT. 263 
 
 down horse-racing, cock-fighting and other sports which 
 brought together crowds of doubtful fidehty to the 
 Government. They were told to promote godliness 
 and virtue, and to see to the execution of the laws 
 against drunkenness, blasphemy, swearing, play-act- 
 ing, profanation of the Lord's Day, and so forth ; and 
 also to put down gaming-houses in Westminster and 
 ale-houses in the country, lest evil and factious men 
 should congregate in them. They were to keep an 
 open eye on the beneficed clergy, calling for the ejec- 
 tion of those who either showed tendencies favourable 
 to the Book of Common Prayer, or brought disgrace 
 by laxity of conduct on the Puritanism they pro- 
 fessed. During the first six or nine months of 1656, 
 when these men ruled supreme, the anti-Puritan 
 fervour which was before long to lay low both the 
 Protectorate and the Commonwealth, ceased to be 
 the special note of particular classes and rooted itself 
 in general society, far outside the circle of ordinary 
 royalism. 
 
264 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 
 
 It was all the worse for Oliver from the financial point 
 of view, that he was now pursuing a foreign policy 
 which — whatever opinion we may have of it on other 
 grounds — at least increased the burdens of the nation 
 to a point at which Englishmen began to grow restive. 
 Even before the signature of the Dutch peace in the 
 spring of 1654, Oliver had cast about in his mind for 
 a foreign policy, and it was only on rare occasions 
 that he appears to have contemplated the possibility 
 of keeping peace with all nations unless he were com- 
 pelled to engage in war in defence of the honour or 
 interests of the country. He seems to have regarded 
 the victorious fleet bequeathed to him by the Common- 
 wealth and the victorious army which he had done 
 more than any other man to forge into an instrument 
 of dominion, as inviting him to choose an enemy to be 
 the object of his defiance, rather than sure guards for 
 the' country which he ruled. The sword itself drew 
 on the man, and the weakness of the two great Con- 
 tinental nations, France and Spain, embroiled in an 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 265 
 
 internecine war, each coveting the alUance of England, 
 and each dreading her enmity, increased its attractive 
 power. 
 
 Not that Oliver was without principles underlying 
 his actions. He had indeed two — not always easily 
 reconcileable. He wanted to increase the trade of the 
 country by strengthening its maritime power, and he 
 wanted to uphold the cause of God in Europe by the 
 formation of a great Protestant alliance against what 
 he believed to be the aggressive Papacy. This second 
 principle gave to his actions a nobility which only an 
 honest devotion to higher than material interests can 
 impart, whilst at the same time it led him into the 
 greatest practical mistakes of his career, because he 
 was always ready to overestimate the persecuting 
 tendencies of the Roman Catholic States, which, since 
 the Peace of Westphalia, had been local and spas- 
 modic, and to overestimate the strength of religious 
 conviction in the rulers of Protestant States, as well as 
 to imagine it possible to unite these last in a Protestant 
 crusade. It was a still more deplorable result that 
 his own character became somewhat deteriorated by 
 the constant effort to persuade himself that he was 
 following the higher motives, when in reality material 
 considerations weighed most heavily in the scale. 
 
 In truth, Oliver's day of rule lay between two 
 worlds — the world in which the existence of Protest- 
 antism had been really at stake, at the time when men 
 
266 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 SO alien from the dogmatism of the sects as Drake, 
 Raleigh and Sidney had enlisted in its cause — and the 
 world of trade and manufacture, which was spring- 
 ing into being. Oliver's mind comprehended both. 
 Doubtless his mind was the roomier that it could 
 respond to the double current, but it was not to be 
 expected that a generation whose face was set in the 
 direction of material interests should be otherwise than 
 impatient of a call to the Heavens to place themselves 
 on the side of English trade. 
 
 During the greater part of 1654 Oliver had been 
 hesitating whether to ally himself with Spain or with 
 France. For some time he inclined to the side of 
 Spain. His religious sympathies were touched by 
 the sufferings of the French Huguenots. The succour 
 which he proposed to convey to them would have 
 brought him into direct alliance with Spain, and it 
 was only the revelation of Spanish financial and mili- 
 tary weakness which turned him aside from his 
 project. Then came a suggestion long weighed and 
 finally taken up, for carrying on war against the 
 Spanish West Indies. It would be hard to deny 
 that, even in modern eyes, a casus belli, apart from all 
 ideal schemes of weakening the Government which 
 sheltered the Inquisition, was to be found — not in the 
 refusal of the Spanish authorities to allow English 
 ships to trade in the Spanish islands, but in the de- 
 liberate seizure of English ships and the enslavement 
 

 A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 267 
 
 of English crews guilty of no other crime than that of 
 being bound for Barbados or for some other English 
 colony. The strangest part of the matter is that 
 Oliver closed his eyes to the natural consequence of 
 
 Ian attack upon a Spanish colony. He fancied that it 
 would be still possible to carry out the Elizabethan 
 plan of keeping peace in Europe and making war in 
 the Indies. He was probably strengthened in this 
 opinion by the fact that, almost from the first days 
 of the Commonwealth, a war of reprisals had been 
 going on at sea with France without disturbing the 
 nominally amicable relations between the two coun- 
 tries. Why should he not take a West Indian Island 
 as a reprisal for the seizure of English ships, and 
 peace be maintained with Spain as if nothing had 
 happened ? 
 
 Before the end of 1654 two fleets sailed on their 
 several missions. The one, under Blake, entered the 
 Mediterranean, where he was most hospitably received 
 by the Governors of the Spanish ports and by the 
 officials of the Grand Duke of Tuscany at Leghorn. 
 He ransomed a number of English captives at Algiers, 
 but the Bey of Tunis, some of whose subjects had 
 recently been sold for galley-slaves to the Knights of 
 Malta by an English scoundrel, was naturally less 
 compliant. Blake destroyed nine of his vessels at 
 Porto Farina, but Tunis itself was inaccessible, and 
 he was unable to recover a single English slave 
 
268 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 from that quarter. Penn sailed for Barbados with ' 
 some 2,500 soldiers on board under Venables. Both 
 in Barbados and in other English islands reinforce- 
 ments were shipped, and with this ill-compounded 
 force a landing was effected in Hispaniola. The 
 attempt to seize on the city of San Domingo failed, 
 and the expedition sailed for Jamaica, at that time 
 little more than a desert island, and established itself 
 in possession. Some years passed before the colony 
 became self-supporting, but Oliver was unremitting in 
 his resolution not only to increase the numbers of the 
 first military settlers, but to supply them with all things 
 necessary for the foundation of homes in the wilder- 
 ness. It was annoying that the first operations in the 
 Spanish West Indies had opened with a check, but it 
 was doubtless fortunate that the new English colony 
 was not built up on Spanish foundations. The soldiers 
 who, on their march towards San Domingo, pelted 
 with oranges an image of the Virgin which they had 
 torn down from the walls of a deserted monastery, 
 would hardly have been at their best in the midst of 
 a Roman Catholic population. 
 
 Much to Oliver's surprise, the news of the proceed- 
 ings of his men in Hispaniola aroused the bitterest 
 indignation at Madrid, an indignation already, to 
 some extent, aroused when Blake sailed out through 
 the Straits of Gibraltar to meet and capture the 
 treasure ships expected from America. The features 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 269 
 
 of Philip IV. as — thanks to the brush of Velasquez — 
 they meet us in every noted gallery in Europe, are 
 not those of a man remarkable for wisdom, but he had 
 none of the lingering hesitancy of his grandfather, 
 Philip II. He ordered the seizure of the property of 
 English merchants in Spanish harbours ; and Oliver, 
 
 I after balancing for two years between France and 
 Spain, had the question decided by his own mistaken 
 belief that the world of Elizabeth remained unchanged. 
 The breach with Spain necessitated a reconsideration 
 of the relations between England and France. Ever 
 since his accession to the Protectorate, Oliver had 
 evaded the demands of the French Ambassador, 
 Bordeaux, for a cessation of the war of reprisals at sea 
 which had been bequeathed him by the Common- 
 wealth. As English privateers captured more prizes 
 than those of the French, he was in no hurry to bring 
 the situation to an end till he obtained of Mazarin, 
 the virtual ruler of France, a tacit understanding 
 that the Huguenots should no longer be maltreated, 
 and an express undertaking to expel from France the 
 English Royal family and the chief Royalists in atten- 
 dance on the exiled Court. Whilst these questions 
 were still under discussion, an event occurred which, 
 more than any other single action in his life, brought 
 into relief the higher side of Cromwell's character and 
 policy. In January, 1655, the young Duke of Savoy 
 — -or rather his mother, who, though he had come to 
 
270 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 years of discretion, acted in his name — ordered that 
 the Vaudois, whose religion, though now akin to the 
 Protestantism of the seventeenth century, dated from 
 mediaeval times, should be removed from the plain at 
 the foot of the Piedmontese Valleys into which they 
 had spread, to the upper and barer reaches, on the 
 pretext that they had broken the bounds assigned 
 them by his ancestors. In April his troops entered 
 the valley, slaying and torturing as they went. When 
 the news reached England in May, Oliver's heart was 
 moved to its depths. He ordered a day of humilia- 
 tion to be held, and a house-to-house visitation to col- 
 lect money for the sufferers. Upwards of ;£'38,ooo was 
 gathered in the end, the Protector heading the list 
 with ^2,000. He sent a Minister to Turin to remon- 
 strate, but his warmest appeals were addressed to 
 Mazarin, the all-powerful Minister of Louis XIV., as 
 some French troops, acting as allies of the Duke in 
 his war against the Spaniards in Italy, had been 
 concerned in the massacre. Mazarin was plainly told 
 that there would be no treaty with France till these 
 massacres were stopped. The French Minister had 
 been so long deluded of his hope of a treaty that 
 this threat alone might not have terrified him, but he 
 feared that Oliver would hire the Protestant Swiss 
 to take part against the Duke of Savoy, and that all 
 thought of fighting the Spaniards in Italy would have 
 to be laid aside for that year. Communications passed 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 271 
 
 between Paris and Turin, and the Duke of Savoy 
 issued his pardon — such was the term employed — to 
 the surviving Vaudois. 
 
 Milton's sonnet marks well this highest point of 
 the Protector's action upon Continental States : — 
 
 Avenge, O Lord, thy slaughtered saints, whose bones 
 Lie scattered on the Alpine mountains cold ; 
 Even them who kept thy truth so pure of old, 
 When all our fathers worshipped stocks and stones 
 
 Forget not : in thy book record their groans 
 
 Who were thy sheep, and in their ancient fold 
 Slain by the bloody Piedmontese, that rolled 
 Mother with infant down the rocks. Their moans 
 
 The vales redoubled to the hills, and they 
 
 To heaven. Their martyred blood and ashes sow 
 O'er all the Italian fields, where still doth sway 
 
 The triple Tyrant ; that from these may grow 
 A hundred fold, who having learnt thy way 
 Early may fly the Babylonian woe. 
 
 I In championing the Vaudois, Oliver's Puritanism 
 had served the noblest interests of humanity. With 
 somewhat of the poet's fervour Milton saw in the de- 
 fence of the oppressed victims of the Duke of Savoy 
 a challenge to the spiritual tyranny of Papal Rome. 
 It made Oliver, we may be sure, more ready to take 
 up the challenge of Spain, and to come to terms with 
 the French Government which had spoken on the 
 side of tolerance. Yet, enthusiastically Puritan as he 
 was, he could not deal with the external affairs of 
 England from a merely or even a mainly religious 
 \ point of view. His position would not allow it — nor 
 I his character. The mingling of spiritual with worldly 
 
272 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 motives might produce strange results. At one time 
 it elevated and ennobled action. At another time the 
 two motives might clash together, the one frustrating 
 the other. In the stand taken by Oliver on behalf of 
 the Vaudois, the spiritual had predominated over the 
 material aim. In the breach with Spain, his belief 
 in the predominance of the religious motive burnt 
 strongly in Oliver's own mind : it was less conspicuous 
 to onlookers. 
 
 The finst result of the quarrel between England 
 and Spain was the conclusion of a commercial treaty 
 with France, which put an end to the war of re- 
 prisals which had now lasted more than six years. 
 All question of a closer alliance was reserved, perhaps 
 rather because it demanded time for consideration 
 than because there was any doubt in Oliver's mind as 
 to his intention in the matter. Before the war had 
 been far prolonged the exiled King took refuge in the 
 Spanish Netherlands, holding close communication 
 with Englishmen who plotted the destruction of the 
 Protector, whilst privateers issuing from Dunkirk and 
 Ostend preyed upon English commerce and irritated 
 the London merchants who had no enthusiasm for a 
 religious war, and who regretted the loss of their goods 
 seized in Spanish ports. In the spring and summer 
 of 1656 the necessity of doing something against an 
 active enemy established so near the English coast 
 would have driven Oliver into the arms of France 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. Vji 
 
 even if he had not already contemplated such an alli- 
 ance. Yet it was during these very months that the 
 desired end seemed to be eluding his grasp. Maza- 
 rin, unwilling to allow an English garrison to occupy 
 Dunkirk as the price of the Protector's alliance, was 
 doing his best to come to terms with Spain, which 
 would have enabled him to dispense with English 
 aid. It was not till the approach of autumn that 
 the French Minister, discovering that his overtures 
 to Philip IV. had been made in vain, bowed to the 
 inevitable, and agreed to hand over Dunkirk to 
 England, if it could be wrested from Spain by the 
 united effort of the two countries. What a vista was 
 opened up of vast military and naval expenditure by 
 the mere enunciation of such a project ! The reduc- 
 tion of the army in the summer of 1655 could hardly 
 be maintained under these altered circumstances ; and 
 with an increased army and navy, what chance was 
 there for that government according to the Instru- 
 ment which had been the corner-stone of Oliver's 
 domestic policy ? 
 
 The difficulty was the greater because in the 
 summer of 1656 it appeared that the plan of polic.>''ig 
 the country by a militia under Major-Generals had 
 broken down financially. Meetings of officers ^^i^ere 
 summoned in June to discuss the situation-''^ and 
 though the Protector was at first inclined to /raise 
 
 fresh taxation on his own sole authority, he soo j re- 
 
 18 
 
OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 cognised that such a step would be too unpopular to 
 meet with success, and resolved that another Parlia- 
 ment must be summoned. Before the new Parliament 
 met, Oliver had recourse to one of those startling 
 privileges which the Instrument might be quoted as 
 having conferred on his Government. That constitu- 
 tion assigned to the Council the right of examining 
 and rejecting such members as might be elected 
 without possessing the qualifications imposed by it 
 on members of Parliament, a right which the Council 
 now exercised in th^ rejection^fjlJeast_ninetY-thrgP 
 !aQS.tJle jjiemb^Sj^ In the case of Royalists chosen 
 by constituencies the Council was undoubtedly in the 
 right in annulling their elections, at least so far as 
 the constitution was concerned. In refusing admission 
 to Republicans like Scott and Hazlerigg it was com- 
 pelled to have recourse to a quibble. It was true that 
 the Council was empowered by the Instrument to 
 reject members who were not 'of known integrity'. 
 That body with at least the tacit approval of the Pro- 
 tector now interpreted those words as giving them 
 power to reject members not of known integrity to 
 the existing constitution. For once in his life Oliver 
 demeaned himself to act in the spirit of a pettifogging 
 attorney. Base as the action was, it was only possible 
 becai^se the greater number of those admitted to 
 their I seats, whether through the pressure put upon 
 the country by the Major-Generals, or because they 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 275 
 
 looked with more hopefulness to the Protector, were 
 now prepared to give him their support. In the 
 speech with which Oliver opened the session on 
 September 17, he did his best to rouse the indigna- 
 tion of his hearers against Spain. " Why, truly," he 
 urged, " your great enemy is the Spaniard. He is a 
 natural enemy. He is naturally so ; he is naturally 
 so throughout — by reason of that enmity that is in 
 him against whatsoever is of God." It was the key- 
 note of Oliver's feeling in this matter in his more 
 exalted mood. His sentiments as a patriotic English- 
 man found vent in a long catalogue of wrongs suffered 
 at the hands of Spaniards from Elizabeth's time to 
 his own. His defiance of Spain was followed by an 
 attack on Charles Stuart, — now dwelling on Spanish 
 soil, and hopefully looking to Spain for troops to 
 replace him on the throne — in which he referred 
 to him as ' a captain to lead us back into Egypt '. 
 Then came a retrospect on the Cavalier plots and a 
 justification of the Major-Generals, who had been 
 established to repress them. The war with Spain 
 must be prosecuted vigorously — in other words, 
 money must be voted to maintain the struggle at 
 home and abroad. Oliver's speech did not all turn 
 upon what ordinary men term politics. "Make it a 
 shame," he cried, " to see men bold in shtf and 
 profaneness, and God will bless you. You wil'/be a 
 blessing to the nation ; and by this will be <Tiore 
 
{^"^ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 repairers of breaches than by anything in the world 
 Truly these things do respect the souls of men, and 
 the spirits — which are the men. The mind is the 
 man. If that be kept pure, a man signifies some- 
 what ; if not, I would very fain see what difference 
 there is betwixt him and a beast. He hath only some 
 activity to do some more mischief." It was the voice 
 of the higher — because more universal — Puritanism 
 which rang in these words, a voice which soared to 
 worlds above the region of ceremonial form or doc- 
 trinal dispute, echoing, as from the lips of a man of 
 practical wrestlings with the world, the voice of the 
 imaginative poet who, in the days of his youth, had 
 taught that 
 
 So dear to Heaven is saintly chastity 
 That, when a soul is found sincerely so, 
 A thousand liveried angels lackey her. 
 Driving far off each thing of sin and guilt, 
 And in clear dream and solemn vision 
 Tell her of things that no gross ear can hear, 
 Till oft converse with heavenly habitants 
 Begin to cast a beam on the outward shape, 
 The unpolluted temple of the mind, 
 And turns it by degrees to the soul's essence 
 Till all be made immortal. 
 
 Oliver had to touch earth again with a financial 
 statement and to cravefor Parliamentai y bupplic:» r- 
 A flemand for money was"iwY'paHicina?ly~^elcorrie" 
 to tfte members, and they preferred to wrangle for 
 someV weeks over the case of , James Nay lor. a fanatic 
 who had allowed himself to be greeted as the Messiah 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. (^ 
 
 by his feminine admirers. In October news came 
 that Stayner, in command of a detachment from 
 Blake's fleet, had destroyed or captured a part of 
 the Plate Fleet off the Spanish coast, and in the 
 following month the carts were rolling through the 
 London streets on their way to the Tower with silver 
 worth ;£^20o,ooo. Emboldened by this success, Oliver's 
 confidants brought in a bill perpetuating the decima- 
 tion of the Royalists by act of Parliament The bill 
 was rejected, and hard words were spoken of the 
 Major-Generals. Oliver accepted the decision of the 
 House, and the Major- Generals were withdrawn. 
 
 ^^ There IFgobd reason "Kf~beHeve~FKat Oliver con- 
 sented willingly to the vote. He was never one to 
 persist in methods once adopted, if he could obtain 
 his larger aims in some other way. The debates had 
 revealed that the house was divided into two parties, 
 a minority clinging to the army as a political force, 
 and a majority calling for the establishment of the 
 government on a civil basis. The latter was even 
 more devoted to the Protector than the former, and 
 Oliver, who in his heart concurred with their views, 
 was prepared, as indeed he had been prepared in 
 1654, to submit the Instrument to revision. The 
 difference was that he was assured now — as he had 
 not been assured then — that Parliament would sustain 
 the fundamental principles which he regarded as the 
 most precious part of the constitution, 
 
278 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 In January, 1657, a fresh attempt to assassinate 
 the Protector — this time by Miles Sindercombe — 
 gave reason, or perhaps excuse, for loyal demonstra- 
 tions, and a month later the House entered upon the 
 discussion of a proposal for a constitutional revision, 
 ultimately known as T/ze Humble Petition and Advice, 
 of which the article which attracted the most general 
 attention was that which reconstituted the Kingship 
 in the person of Oliver, with the power of nominating 
 his own successor. The demand for the revival of 
 the Kingship was no mere work of zealous flatterers. 
 The crown was held in the House to be the symbol 
 of civilian as opposed to military government, but for 
 this reason the offer of it was assailed by the leading 
 officers, headed by Lambert who, in 1653, had offered 
 the crown to the man to whom he now refused it. 
 So far as the officers were concerned, they appear 
 to have been actuated, in part at least, by a dread 
 that a Parliamentary Protectorate would in the end 
 turn out to be other than a Puritan Protectorate. 
 Lambert's own motives were somewhat more difficult 
 to unravel. Possibly he regarded a Kingship by the 
 grace of Parliament less of a boon than a Kingship 
 by the grace of the army. Still more probably was 
 he moved by a personal grievance in seeing Fleetwood, 
 who had now returned from Ireland, higher than 
 himself in the favour of the Protector, perhaps even 
 in the favour of the army. In any case he carried on 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. ^af^v 
 
 the campaign with consummate skill, keeping aloof t 
 from the constitutional question, and throwing, all his 
 strength.iata..the.-a-Fganfient=^s=^w4Tieh" the-rudest-sel^ter- i 
 couldjiiider-stan^ — 4hat-4be"-senny~>had.MaQt.j£JeGted 
 one king in order to set up , ginoiher- When he 
 won over Fleetwood and Desborough, the son-in-law 
 and brother-in-law of the Protector, to his side, he 
 had practically won the game, especially as he was 
 able to back a petition against a revival of the Royal 
 title by the subscription of a hundred officers. Oliver 
 kept up the negotiation with Parliament as long as 
 he could, but in the end he refused the crown ofiTeredj 
 to him rather than alienate th earmv. The_remain- 
 ing articles of the Humble Petition and Advice were 
 then agreed to, an3 on June 26 Oliver was solemnly 
 installed as Protector, under a Parliamentary title, 
 with all but Royal pomp at Westminstepjfall. 
 
 Too much has been made by some modern 
 writers of Oliver's defeat on the question of the 
 Kingship. The title, as he himself truly said, would 
 have been but a feather in his cap. It is doubtful 
 whether its acceptance would have disarmed a single 
 enemy. The rocks upon which the Protector was 
 running were of a far too substantial character to 
 be removed by the assumption of an ill-fitting 
 symbol. Whether he wore a crown or not, no one 
 could have regarded Oliver as Charles I. had been 
 regarded ; or even as William III., who in some sort 
 
/zS) OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 continued the Protector's work, came afterwards to 
 be regarded. 
 
 Apart from the really unimportant question of the 
 crown, the military party had for the time been beaten 
 all along the line. Not only had the Major-Generals 
 disappeared, and Lambert himself, driven to surrender 
 all his offices, military or civil, retired to the cultivation 
 of tulips at Wimbledon ; but the Humble Petition and 
 Advice, that is to say, a Parliamentary constitution, 
 had entirely displaced the Instrument of government 
 as the fundamental law of the three nations. The 
 more important of the stipulations of the new consti- 
 tution were necessarily of the nature of a compromise. 
 In return for the establishment of a second House 
 composed of his own nominees, the Protector was 
 able to abandon the claim of the Council to exclude 
 members of what must now be regarded as the House 
 of Commons — seeing that a vote with which he was 
 dissatisfied would be of no avail if it was no more 
 than the vote of a single House. Nor was it only an 
 occasional check on the old House that he had gained. 
 The new House, nominated by himself in the first 
 place, was endowed with the right in the future of 
 excluding from its benches any new member nomin- 
 ated by himself or by a future Protector. As he took 
 care to name none who were not strong Puritans and 
 devoted to the Protectorate, he expected that the 
 new House would be able, for all time, to reject 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 281 
 
 legislation contrary to the interests of Puritanism or 
 to the Protectoral constitution. The question of 
 finance, which had wrecked the last Parliament, was 
 settled in a way equally satisfactory to the Protector. 
 The number of soldiers to be kept on foot was passed 
 over in silence, whilst the same sum, ^f 1,800,000, 
 which had been approved by the first Protectorate 
 Parliament as needful for the wants of the army and 
 navy together with those of the domestic government, 
 was now granted, not for five years as had been pro- 
 posed by the former Parliament, but till the Protector 
 and the two Houses agreed to alter it. The scheme 
 by which the Instrument had fixed the strength of 
 the army at 30,000 men, and had then left the Pro- 
 tector and Council free to levy whatever supplies they 
 thought needful for its support, was deliberately left 
 out of account. On paper, the terms of agreement 
 showed fairly enough. England had at last got a 
 constitution which was no production of a military 
 coterie. Protector and Parliament were at last at 
 one. Unfortunately, those who had welcomed this 
 fair concord took little account of the forces which 
 were likely to govern events in the not far distant 
 future — the force of the army, whose handiwork had 
 been set at nought — the force of the Parliamentary 
 tradition strengthened by the work of the Long 
 Parliament — and, above all, the force of discontent 
 with the shifting sands on which the new Government 
 
282 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 was built, a discontent which might easily show itself 
 in a national call for the restoration of the Stuart 
 King — not because his person was loved, but because 
 he would bring with him what appeared to be the 
 strong basis of old use and wont. 
 
 Oliver was not wholly absorbed in constitutional 
 struggles or in foreign conflicts. In administration 
 his Government stands supreme above all which had 
 preceded it, because no other ruler united so wide a 
 tolerance of divergencies of opinion with so keen an eye 
 for individual merit. He could gather round him the 
 enthusiastic Milton to pen those dignified State Papers 
 in which he announced his resolutions to the Powers 
 of Europe ; Andrew Marvell, the most transparently 
 honest of men, who, with all his admiration for Oliver, 
 had mingled in the verses written by him as a pane- 
 gyric on his patron those lines recording Charles's 
 dignified appearance on the scaffold, which will be 
 remembered when all his other writings in prose or 
 verse are forgotten. In Oliver's Council sat Bulstrode 
 Whitelocke, the somewhat stolid lawyer, who, too 
 cautious to give a precedent approval to Oliver's 
 revolutionary acts, was always ready to accept the 
 situation created by them, and yet sufficiently inspired 
 by professional feeling to resign his post as Commis- 
 sioner of the Great Seal rather than accept the 
 Protector's reforms in the Court of Chancery. There 
 too sat Nathaniel Fiennes, the second son of Lord 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 283 
 
 Saye and Sele, not indeed a statesman with broad 
 views, but ready at any moment to pen State papers 
 in defence of a Government which had rescued him 
 from the neglect into which he had fallen — probably 
 undeservedly — in consequence of his hasty surrender 
 of Bristol in the Civil War. Amongst Oliver's diplo- 
 matists were Morland and Lockhart. Amongst his 
 admirals, the honoured Blake and the ever-faithful 
 Montague. Amongst those who at one time or 
 another were his chaplains were Owen, the ecclesi- 
 astical statesman, and Howe, whose exemplary piety 
 led him to doubt whether the Protector's household 
 was sufficiently religious, and whose broad-minded 
 charity prepared him to abandon the Church of the 
 Restoration, not because it was un-Puritan, but because 
 it was exclusive. 
 
 Yet, after all is said, the list of ancient allies driven 
 by the Protector from public life, and in some cases 
 actually deprived of liberty, was even more note- 
 worthy. The most placable of men could hardly have 
 avoided a quarrel with John Lilburne, of whom it was 
 said that if he alone were left alive in the world, John 
 would dispute with Lilburne and Lilburne with John ; 
 but it is at least remarkable that under Oliver's sway 
 Vane, whom he had long dealt with as a brother ; 
 Harrison, who had fought under him from the very 
 beginning of the Civil War, and who had stood by his 
 side when the members of the Long Parliament werei 
 
^P OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 t hrust out of doors ; Hazlerigg, who had kept guard 
 over the English border in the crisis of Dunbar ; 
 Okay, who had led the dragoons at Naseby ; Overton, 
 the trusted Governor of Hull, next to London the 
 most important military post in England ; Lambert, 
 who had taken a foremost part in the preparation of 
 the Instrument of Government ; Cooper, who had been 
 one of his most trusted councillors — to say nothing of 
 confidants of less conspicuous note — were either in 
 prison or in disgrace. When the second Protectorate, 
 as it is sometimes called, was launched on its course, 
 the only man not connected with the family of the 
 Protector, who still occupied anything like an in- 
 dependent position, was Monk, the Governor and 
 Commander-in-Chief in Scotland, and it is probable 
 that he owed his authority to the distance which kept 
 him from interfering in English politics. Xlie true 
 explanation„a4ipears_to_^e that the men from whom 
 Oliver parted were men not merely of definite principles, 
 but otHgfinite ideas^ Each one'h'ad ffliSdB~ap~}iis^llind " 
 that England was to be served by the establishment 
 of some particular form of government, or some par- 
 ticular course of action. Oliver's mind was certainly 
 not without the guidance of definite principles. He 
 could not conceive it to be right to abandon religion 
 to men who, whether Episcopalian or Presbyterian, 
 would impose fetters on the freedom of ' the people of 
 God '. He could not admit the claim of an hereditary 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 285 
 
 monarch or of an elected Parliament to decide against 
 the best interests of the country. Within these limits, 
 however, his mind was more elastic t han those of his 
 opponents. Steadied by hishigh,jiijis,Jig_could vary 
 t^aJ»©fehod5,.with_which he combated each_evil^QfJthe 
 day as it a rose. Those who attached themselves to 
 him in his struggle against the King or against the 
 different Parliaments of his time, or against the military 
 power, were as incapable as he was capable of facing 
 round to confront each new danger as it arose. From 
 the moment that each partial victory was won, the old 
 friends had to be reasoned with, then discarded, and 
 at last restrained from doing mischief As years went 
 on, Oliver, in spite of the abilities of those still serving 
 under him, became increasingly an isolated ma n. 
 Not only did his strong sense of religion in its Puritan 
 form alienate those who were not Puritans or not 
 religious, but his frequent changes of attitude be- 
 wildered that easy-going mass of mankind which sticks 
 to its own theory, more especially if its own interests 
 are embodied in it, and regards all change of political 
 method as a veil intended to conceal moral turpitude. 
 Oliver had decidedly lost adherents since the estab- 
 lishment of the Protectorate. 
 
 It was probably the increasing sense of the 
 untrustworthiness of political support, rather than 
 nepotism in its ordinary sense, which led the Pro- 
 tector to rely more and more on the services of 
 
286 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 members of his own family. His younger son, Henry 
 Cromwell, was now Lord Deputy of Ireland. His 
 son-in-law, Fleetwood, was not only a member of 
 "the Council, but, now that Lambert was in disgrace, 
 the most influential officer in the army, marked out 
 for its command if Oliver were to pass away. His 
 brother-in-law, Desborough, occupied a position hardly 
 inferior. Two other brothers-in-law. Colonel John 
 Jones and Colonel Valentine Wauton, were members 
 of the Council in England or Ireland. Lockhart, one 
 of the few Scotchmen who had rallied to the Pro- 
 tectorate, and who was engaged as a diplomatist in 
 riveting the bonds between France and England, 
 took to wife the Protector's niece. A son-in-law, 
 John Claypole, was now Master of the Horse. In the 
 army, Whalley and Ingoldsby were his cousins. Not 
 one of these, however, failed to occupy with credit the 
 position he had acquired, whilst Oliver's reluctance to 
 push forward Richard, the elder of his surviving sons, 
 piay be taken as evidence that his affection for his 
 
 /family did not override his devotion to the State. 
 
 J Richard's tastes lay in the direction of dogs and 
 horses. He had recently broken his leg, hunting in 
 the New Forest, and, upon his recovery, was brought 
 up to Westminster to assume his place, on the estab- 
 lishment of the second Protectorate. Before that 
 time, only two of the Councillors not holding other 
 office, Lambert and Strickland, had received the title 
 
i 
 
 A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 287 
 
 of " Lord," probably having it verbally conferred upon 
 them, and certainly not, as has been sometimes said, 
 in connection with any Household appointment. 
 Officials of high rank had — like the Lord Deputy and 
 the Lord Keeper of the old monarchy— been entitled 
 Lords, as in the case of Whitelocke, now Lord 
 Commissioner of the Treasury, and Fiennes, Lord 
 Commissioner of the Great Seal. Gradually usage, 
 quickly sanctioned by official notice, gave the title of 
 Lord to the Protector's sons and sons-in-law, and of 
 Lady to his daughters. The Lord Richard was onl 
 admitted to the Council on the last day of 1657, and 
 was treated with some of the observances due to the 
 heir, but till the last his father held back from exer- 
 cising that power of nominating a successor which 
 had been conferred on him by the latest constitution. 
 So far as in him lay, Oliver took care that his 
 family should be an example to all the families in the 
 land. Strict as he was in banishing not merely vice, 
 but the folly that leads to vice, he was no more op- 
 posed to reasonable amusement than other more sober 
 Puritans of the day. Music and song had a special 
 charm for him, and amongst his soldiers he showed his 
 appreciation of a healthy jest, laughing heartily, for 
 instance, on his way to the campaign of Dunbar, when 
 one of them slammed an overturned cream-tub on 
 the head of another. After the victory at Worcester 
 he was heard of in a hawking party near Aylesbury, 
 
<C^^ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 and if he prohibited horse-races, together with the 
 drama, cock-fights and bear-baitings, it was not be- 
 cause he disHked amusement, but partly because he 
 set himself against the immoralitji^^ith which these 
 particular amusements were accompanied, and partly 
 because the confluence of spectators confeakd^Ke" 
 asiembling of Royalist and other conspirators. Of 
 horses he was quite as good a judge as his son Richard, 
 and it was from a spirited pair of runaway steeds 
 which had been given to him by the Count of Olden- 
 burg that he nearly met his death in the early days of 
 the Protectorate. Of late years Oliver's enjoyment 
 of country life had been much curtailed. Other rulers 
 had been in the habit of making summer progresses 
 which took them away from business and the life of 
 towns. Oliver — if he invented nothing else — may be 
 regarded as the inventor of that modified form of 
 enjoyment to which hard-worked citizens have, in our 
 day, given the name of the 'week-end'. Liable to 
 assault on every hand, he did not venture to leave the 
 seat of Government for long, and he found repose in 
 a weekly visit to Hampton Court, which lasted from 
 Saturday to Monday, the length of his sojourn being 
 only rarely extended by illness or some unusual family 
 occurrence. 
 
 The domestic life of the Protector was all that 
 might be expected from a man whose heart was as 
 warm as his spirit was high. In the midst of his most 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 289 
 
 arduous labours he seldom passed a day, as long as 
 he was at Whitehall, on which he did not dine and 
 sup in the family circle, and up till his aged mother's 
 death in 1654 he was in the habit of visiting her every 
 night before she retired to rest. Of his four daughters 
 two were already married, the eldest, Bridget, after 
 the death of her first husband, Ireton, having become 
 the wife of Fleetwood ; and the second, the sprightly 
 and graceful Elizabeth, had married John, otherwise 
 Lord Claypole, whom the Protector had entrusted 
 with the charge of his stables, under the style of 
 Master of the Horse. On November 1 1, 1657, some 
 months after the commencement of the second Pro- 
 tectorate, Frances, the youngest of the four, was 
 married to Robert Rich, the grandson of the Earl of 
 Warwick, the Lord High Admiral of the Long 
 Parliament, and in the following week her sister Mary 
 was married to Lord Fauconberg. The first of these 
 two marriages was long delayed by the Protector's 
 doubts as to the character of the suitor, as well as 
 by his dissatisfaction with the proposed settlement — 
 Oliver's moral sense once more entwining itself with 
 his practical decisions. It was said at the time that 
 he valued the Fauconberg alliance more than that 
 with the Warwick family, as winning over a Royalist 
 peer to his side. 
 
 Not one of Oliver's four daughters ever gave their 
 father cause for real anxiety. Though they were less 
 
 19 
 
ago OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Strenuous than himself and sometimes needed, in 
 his judgment, to be spurred on to higher spiritual 
 aims, he never seems to have addressed them other- 
 wise than as those who were worthy of parental love. 
 If he really preferred Lady Claypole to his other 
 daughters, it was most likely because she was more 
 sprightly and less outwardly pious than her sisters. 
 "Your sister Claypole," he had written to Bridget 
 soon after she had become Ireton's wife, "is, I trust in 
 mercy, exercised with some perplexed thoughts. She 
 sees her own vanity and carnal mind ; bewailing it. 
 She seeks after — as I hope also — what will satisfy : and 
 thus to be a seeker is to be of the best sect next to 
 a finder ; and such an one shall every faithful humble 
 seeker be at the end. Happy seeker, happy finder ! 
 Who ever tasted that the Lord is gracious, without 
 some sense of self, vanity, and badness? Who ever 
 tasted that graciousness of His, and could go less in 
 desire— less than pressing after full enjoyment?" Of 
 Bridget herself he writes with fuller assurance. " Dear 
 Heart," he continues, "press on; let no husband, let 
 not anything cool thy affections after Christ. I hope 
 he will be an occasion to inflame them. That which 
 is best worthy of love in thy husband is that of the 
 image of Christ he bears. Look on that, and love it 
 best, and all the rest for that. I pray for thee and 
 him ; do so for me." Yet even Bridget was far from 
 answering to the modern conception of the Puritan 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 291 
 
 lady, as is testified by the splendid yellow silk petti- 
 coat which has been handed down from generation 
 to generation in the family of her eldest daughter. 
 Nevertheless it was not Bridget's vanity which was 
 most on her father's mind. Five years later, in writing 
 to his wife from Edinburgh, he begs her to ' mind poor 
 Betty,' i.e. Elizabeth, Lady Claypole, ' of the Lord's 
 great mercy,' and to urge her to ' take heed of a 
 departing heart and of being cozened with worldly 
 vanities and worldly company, which I doubt she is 
 too subject to'. The liveliness which caused such 
 searchings of heart was doubtless the tie which bound 
 more firmly Oliver's love to her. One day we hear 
 of her demurely assuring Whitelocke that it was fear 
 of his great influence which had caused her father to 
 send him out of the way to Sweden when he was 
 about to assume the Protectorate. At another time 
 we are told of her driving with her cousin Ingoldsby 
 and two of her sisters, all the three ladies dressed in 
 green, whilst the courtier-like crowd watch their 
 movements and bow as they pass. Then we hear of 
 the scornful language in which, with the pride of a 
 lady by birth as well as by her father's advancement, 
 she accounted for the absence of the wives of some of 
 the Major-Generals from an entertainment at which 
 she took part : " I warrant you they are washing their 
 dishes at home as they used to do ". Yet withal she 
 had an open ear for trouble, and a ready tongue to 
 
292 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 plead not in vain the cause of the innocent with her 
 father. By the summer of 1657 her health had'been _ 
 failing, and at one time her life had been despaired of. 
 
 Oliver's own health was far from being such as to 
 promise length of days. Though he had had no serious 
 illness since the time when his life was in danger in 
 Scotland after the toils and anxiety of the Dunbar 
 campaign, short spells of ill-health are frequently 
 mentioned, and the Venetian Ambassador, presented 
 to him in the autumn of 1655, noticed the shaking 
 hand with which he held his hat in welcoming him, 
 a symptom of weakness which left its mark on his 
 hand-writing during the later period of his life. In the 
 summer of 1657 he was detained at Hampton Court 
 by illness, apparently of the character of malarial fever, 
 for more than a week. Yet his spirit was as high, 
 his resolution as strong as ever. At no time had the 
 state of public affairs made larger demands upon his 
 mental powers than in the last fourteen months of his 
 life. It is true that the adoption of the new Parlia- 
 mentary constitution had appeared for a moment to 
 have solved the problem of domestic government, 
 but his sagacity would have been far less than it was 
 if he had imagined that all his difficulties were at an 
 end. 
 
 If, on the other hand, the Protector looked abroad, 
 fortune appeared to smile. Whilst Parliament was 
 still in session, news arrived that Blake had destroyed 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 293 
 
 the Spanish treasure fleet under the protection of forts 
 in the harbour of Santa Cruz in Teneriffe. It was the 
 most hazardous, and consequently the most glorious 
 action of a noble and patriotic life. Worn out by 
 toils and exposure, Blake sought and obtained leave 
 to come home in search of the rest he so sorely 
 needed. Before the vessel that bore him reached 
 Plymouth his spirit had passed away. The great 
 admiral was honoured with a public funeral in West- 
 minster Abbey. 
 
 Spain, with her supply of treasure from the Indies 
 cut short, was incapacitated from serious warlike 
 effort, and already the alliance was forged which was 
 to force her into submission. Even before the victory 
 .was won at Santa Cruz a treaty had been signed 
 [between Oliver and Louis XIV., arranging for a joint 
 ■attack on the Spanish fortresses of Dunkirk, Mardyke 
 and Gravelines, the first two to fall to the share of 
 England, the last to that of France. An English 
 force of 6,000 men was to be combined with a French 
 force of 20,000, the blockade at sea being entrusted 
 to an English fleet. Half the English contingent 
 was at once despatched under Sir John Reynolds, 
 but either the necessities of war, or the reluctance of 
 Mazarin to carry out his engagements, led him to 
 prefer the distant siege of Montmddy to an attack on 
 the coast towns, and it was only after a warm expos- 
 tulation from the Protector that measures were taken 
 
294 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 to carry out the treaty. Of the quality of the English 
 contingent there could be no doubt. Turenne — whose 
 praise in military matters was praise indeed — declared 
 that he had never seen finer troops. As soon as 
 Mazarin was found to be in earnest, the remaining 
 3,000 men were despatched to Flanders, and before 
 the end of October Mardyke was captured and loyally 
 placed in the hands of an English garrison. Farther 
 than this it was impossible to go at so advanced a 
 season. In the summer of 1658, the combined armies 
 defeated the Spaniards on the Dunes, and Dunkirk 
 itself was added to the possessions of England on the 
 Continent. 
 
 The wisdom of a foreign policy which gave Eng-« 
 land a land-frontier in Europe has been often discussed, | 
 and the conflict of argument has not yet died away. 
 It is true that in later years this country has had' 
 forced on it the task of securing colonial possessions 
 which, in some cases for thousands of miles, march 
 with territories held by independent, and possibly 
 hostile States. There is, however, no comparison 
 between an enormous territory, such as the Dominion 
 of Canada, inhabited by an increasing and loyal popu- 
 lation, and a fortified post, such as that of Dunkirk, 
 the inhabitants of which were alien in race and religion 
 from the English garrison which was to hold them 
 down, especially as Dunkirk was a mere port on the 
 edge of a Continent held by great nations, two of which 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 295 
 
 coveted its possession, and would certainly leave no 
 stone unturned to recover it. The only parallels in 
 our history worth considering are the occupation of 
 Calais in the middle ages, and of Gibraltar in modern 
 times. It is idle to speculate whether, if Dunkirk had 
 not been surrendered amicably to France by Charles 
 II., it would have undergone the fate of Calais, but 
 it is not idle to remind ourselves that, whilst Gibraltar 
 is occupied in order to keep the sea open, and has 
 never been used as a threat to the independence of 
 Spain, Dunkirk, as we know from Thurloe, to whom 
 all the secrets of Oliver's mind were revealed, was 
 occupied in the first place, as a menace to the Dutch 
 maritime power, and in the second place, to enable 
 England to interfere with effect against either France 
 or Spain, whilst it was believed by Mazarin that 
 Oliver's main object was to crush the growing power 
 of France. These pretensions might be condemned 
 or defended on abstract grounds, leaving out of ac- 
 count any particular circumstances or any particular 
 time. What is absolutely certain is that such a policy, 
 if it were to be successful, required not merely the 
 prolongation of Oliver's life, but the continuation, and 
 more than the continuation of his military system. 
 At a time when the English nation — it matters not 
 whether with just cause, or from mere impatience of 
 a taxation which it was well able to bear — was bitterly 
 complaining of the heavy burdens imposed by the 
 
/2g^ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 necessity of keeping up the existing army, Oliver was 
 embarking on a foreign policy which would topple 
 down with a crash unless that army were doubled 
 — perhaps even trebled — to make head against the 
 enemies it would arouse. It was a policy condemned 
 in advance if only by the desperate financial embarrass- 
 ments which must follow in its train, when France 
 was no longer bound to England by her need of help 
 against Spain. The hostility of France might indeed 
 be confronted by a Government strong in the devotion 
 of its people, and in the accumulated wealth of another 
 half-century of commerce — strong too in an alliance 
 with military Powers, based on the need of joining 
 in resistance to a common danger. If Oliver had been 
 granted those twenty more years of life which enthusi- 
 astic worshippers hold necessary for the success of his 
 schemes, it can hardly be doubted that a European 
 coalition would have been formed against the Protector 
 long before it was formed against Louis XIV. 
 
 Such a danger, great as it was from the mere 
 political claims of the Protector, was immensely in- 
 creased by his attempt to inspire his foreign policy — 
 hazardous enough in itself — with a moral and religious 
 sentiment which found but little echo in England, 
 and none whatever on the Continent. No doubfit 
 was Oliver's highest glory that he aimed at something 
 more satisfying than the material gain and the material 
 power which are often held to be the sufficing objects 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 297 
 
 of a nation's endeavour, and his interference on behalf of 
 the victims of Piedmontese cruelty has sunk as deeply 
 into the memories of Englishmen as the massacre of 
 Drogheda has sunk into the memories of Irishmen. 
 It is to be hoped that no one whose opinion is worth 
 having will ever reproach Oliver for having sought to 
 use his strength in defence not only of the power and 
 interests of his country, but also of her honour — an 
 honour which consists, not in a touchy resentment of 
 slights, but mainly in her readiness to help in the 
 higher service of mankind beyond her own borders as 
 well as within them. Yet there is no effort requiring 
 greater discretion, greater accuracy in ascertaining 
 the relative importance of complex facts, greater 
 knowledge of the temper of those who are likely to 
 be affected by the action intended for the benefit of 
 others. 
 
 It was precisely in this direction that Oliver's 
 mind was most defective. From the beginning of the 
 Protectorate he had overestimated the danger tol 
 Protestantism from the Roman Catholic Powers, andjl 
 had striven in vain to form a great Protestant alliancej| 
 to resist what was scarcely more than an imaginary 
 danger. The massacre of the Vaudois had confirmed 
 his belief that the danger was a permanent one, and 
 his war with Spain had brought him into sharp an- 
 tagonism with a Roman Catholic Power of intensest 
 bigotry. We may therefore give full credence to 
 
298 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Thurloe when he adds to the causes which induced 
 Oliver to occupy Dunkirk, his hope that the possession 
 
 (of the place would be serviceable to his great design 
 of weakening not merely Spain, but the whole House 
 of Austria, as being engaged in a conspiracy for the 
 injury and, if possible, the destruction of Protestantism. 
 That this vj n"^ "<" <'hp Uf^e was a g ross anachronism, 
 no one familiar with the history of Europe will now 
 deny. Isolated instances indeed there were — and 
 there were likely to be more — of the persecution of 
 Protestants by Roman Catholic Governments, but 
 
 I the tendency to form European alliances on the basis 
 of religion was a thing of the past. So far indeed 
 as Dunkirk was in question — and both critics and 
 admirers of the foreign policy of the Protectorate have 
 been apt to argue as if it concerned France and Spain 
 alone — Oliver's intentions in this direction are of little 
 interest, as he did not live long enough even to at- 
 tempt to make his new port the basis of a European 
 war. It is in his Baltic policy that the defects of hisl 
 method were most clearly revealed. I 
 
 The policy of Sweden had long been directed to 
 the acquisition of possessions on the opposite coast of 
 the Baltic, a policy which Oliver had more recently 
 followed on a smaller scale with regard to the lands 
 beyond the Channel. With a territory more thinly 
 populated and poorer than that of England, the Kings 
 of Sweden had, like the Commonwealth and Pro- 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 299 
 
 tectorate, gathered an army too large to be supported 
 except by offensive war. The command of the Baltic 
 Sea was the object in view, and in 1648, at the end of 
 the Thirty Years' War, Sweden found herself in pos- 
 session, not merely of Finland and the coast districts 
 as far south as Riga, but of Western Pomerania, of 
 the port of Wismar and of the secularised Bishoprics 
 of Bremen and Verden. It was a policy even more 
 provocative than that pursued by Oliver, because it 
 concerned not merely the possession of a solitary 
 point beyond the sea, but the possession of territories 
 commanding the mouths of such rivers as the Oder, 
 flowing into the Baltic, and the Elbe and the Weser, 
 flowing into the North Sea. In 1655 the warrior-king, 
 Charles X., who in the year before had succeeded to 
 the Swedish throne upon the abdication of Christina, 
 plunged into a war with Poland, which threatened to 
 give him the command of the Vistula as well. In all 
 this England had an interest because it was of great 
 importance to her that the whole trade of the Baltic, 
 whence she derived the materials without which she 
 would have been unable to send her fleets to sea, should 
 not pass entirely into the hands of one great military 
 Power. It was this view of the case which commended 
 itself to the Dutch, and led in 1656 to their sending a 
 fleet into the Baltic to preserve the independence of 
 Dantzic. Such a view could not be lost sight of by 
 Oliver, but it was not in his nature to content himself 
 
300 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 with the chase after purely material interests. Ever 
 since the summer of 1655, when Charles X. made 
 overtures for his alliance, the Protector had been 
 striving to give to it the character of a general Pro- 
 testant League for the purpose of striking a blow at 
 the German branch of the House of Austria. 
 
 Oliver's whole scheme can only be described as 
 the product of consummate ignorance — ignorance in 
 supposing that Charles X., aggressive, self-centred and 
 careless of everything but his own interests as a king 
 and as a soldier, was another Gustavus Adolphus — 
 or rather another such disinterested enthusiast as 
 Gustavus Adolphus appeared in the imagination of 
 Englishmen — ignorance too in fancying that either 
 Austria and Poland on the one hand, or Brandenburg 
 and Denmark on the other, were likely to govern 
 their movements by religious rather than by political 
 motives. 
 
 The crisis came in 1657, the year in which Oliver 
 was raised by Parliament to the constitutional Pro- 
 tectorate. Charles X. having secured a hold on the 
 mouth of the Vistula by his occupation of Western 
 Prussia had naturally become an object of suspicion 
 to Frederick William of Brandenburg — the Great 
 Elector, as he was subsequently styled — who saw 
 with displeasure the growing power of Sweden on the 
 Baltic coast and who was urged by every consider- 
 ation of policy to secure for himself the strip of land 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 301 
 
 which intervened between part of his own possessions 
 and the sea. Frederick III. of Denmark again, fear- 
 ing the ultimate loss of his own territory beyond the 
 Sound, took the opportunity of declaring against 
 Charles, and both Brandenburg and Denmark, Pro- 
 testant as they were, looked for the support of Leopold, 
 who had just succeeded to the Austrian hereditary 
 estates. Leopold, however, instead of hurrying to 
 the assistance of these two States, was held back by 
 purely political interests, and showed little inclination 
 to assist them. Charles X. took the opportunity and 
 led his army through Holstein into Schleswig and 
 Jutland without difficulty, thus gaining possession of 
 the whole of the Continental States of the King of 
 Denmark. 
 
 The Swedish King had been ready to fool Oliver 
 to the top of his bent. Though he had nothing of 
 the spirit of the crusader, he was quite prepared to 
 gain what advantage he could out of Oliver's enthu- 
 siasm. Happily for England, he had rejected the 
 Protector's proposal — made in the spring of 1657 — to 
 take over the secularised Archbishopric of Bremen as 
 a security for a loan, the Archbishopric being required 
 by Oliver as a basis for an advance into Germany in 
 an attack upon the German Catholic States, a project 
 far more unwise than the occupation of the Flemish 
 ports, and one which, if it had been carried into effect, 
 would have left little room for Oliver's panegyrists to 
 
302 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 dwell upon the excellence of his foreign policy. For 
 the remainder of the year Charles was quite ready to 
 discuss the Protestant alliance, if only he were not 
 required to carry it into immediate action. No doubt 
 he would be ready at some future time to attack 
 Austria or any other country if there was anything 
 to be gained by it. For the present he was occupied 
 with his quarrel with Denmark, and till that had b°en 
 brought to a conclusion, there was nothing else to be 
 done. 
 
 It was at this moment that Oliver opened the 
 second session of his second Parliament Full of 
 satisfaction with his own foreign policy, he was also 
 full of grieved surprise at the misconduct of Frederick 
 of Denmark and of Frederick William of Brandenburg, 
 who, not without the good will of the Dutch Republic ^ 
 had thrown themselves in the path of the new Gustavus 
 Adolphus. Within a few days of the opening of the 
 session, Oliver held up to Parliament a picture of Papal 
 Europe seeking 'everywhere Protestants to devour'. 
 " What is there in all the parts of Europe," he asked 
 at last, "but a consent, a co-operating, at this very 
 time and season, to suppress everything that stands 
 in the way of the Popish powers ? " "I have,'' he 
 added, " I thank God, considered, and I would beg 
 you to consider a little with me, what that resistance 
 is that is likely to be made to this mighty current 
 which seems to be coming from all parts upon all 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 303 
 
 Protestants ? Who is there that holdeth up his head 
 to oppose this danger ? A poor prince ; indeed poor ; 
 but a man in his person as gallant, and truly I think 
 I may say, as good as any these last ages have brought 
 forth ; and a man that hath adventured his all against 
 the Popish interest in Poland, and made his acquisition 
 still good for the Protestant religion. He is now 
 reduced into a corner ; and what addeth to the grief 
 of all — more grievous than all that hath been spoken 
 of before — I wish it may not be too truly said — is, 
 that men of our religion forget this and seek his ruin." 
 The cause of Charles X. had become very dear to 
 Oliver, and ought, he imagined, to be very dear to 
 the English people. The 'Popish plot' against the 
 Swedish king loomed largely in his eyes. " It is a 
 design," he continued, " against your very being ; this 
 artifice, and this complex design against the Protestant 
 interest — wherein so many Protestants are not so right 
 as were to be wished ! If they can shut us out of the 
 Baltic Sea," — with Oliver the consideration of material 
 prosperity was never far distant from his spiritual 
 enthusiasm — "and make themselves masters of that, 
 where is your trade? Where are your materials to 
 preserve your shipping ? Where will you be able to 
 challenge any right by sea, or justify yourselves against 
 a foreign invasion on your own soil ? Think upon it ; 
 this is the design ! I believe if you will go and ask 
 the poor mariner in his red cap and coat, as he passeth 
 
304 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 from ship to ship, you will hardly find in any ship but 
 they will tell you this is designed against you. So 
 obvious is it, by this and other things, that you are 
 the object ; and, in my conscience, I know not for what 
 else, but because of the purity of the profession 
 amongst you, who have not yet made it your trade to 
 prefer your profit before your godliness, but reckon 
 godliness the greater gain." 
 
 It was Oliver's head — not his heart — that was at 
 fault. But a few days after these words were spoken, 
 Charles X. was tramping with his army over the ice 
 of the two Belts, in that marvellous march which 
 landed him in Zealand, and compelled Frederick III. 
 to sign the Treaty of Roeskilde which abandoned to 
 Sweden the Danish possessions to the east of the 
 Sound. What then were Oliver's Ambassadors doing 
 when that treaty was negotiating? They were but 
 arguing as any Dutchman or Brandenburger might 
 have argued, on behalf of the material interests of 
 their own country. They favoured Charles's wish to 
 annex the Danish provinces beyond the Sound, because 
 it would leave the passage into the Baltic under the 
 control of two Powers instead of one. They opposed 
 his wish to annex more than two provinces of Norway, 
 in order that the monopoly of the timber trade might 
 not fall into his hands. Of the Protestant alliance 
 not a word was spoken. 
 
 For all that, the Protestant alliance had not passed 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 305 
 
 out of Oliver's mind. Now that Denmark was crushed, 
 Charles professed himself to be quite ready to attack 
 Leopold of Austria, if only he were allowed to crush 
 Brandenburg first ; and in May an English Ambas- 
 sador was sent to Berlin to plead with the Elector 
 of Brandenburg to join England and Sweden against 
 Leopold, to whose support Frederick William was 
 looking against an unprovoked attack from Charles. 
 Happily for England, Frederick William refused to 
 countenance this insane proposal, and in August 
 Charles renewed the war against Denmark, with a 
 fixed determination to bring the whole of the Scan- 
 dinavian territory under his own sway, before he 
 involved himself in those further complications in 
 Germany, in which Oliver, supported by Mazarin, 
 was anxious to involve him. " France," said the King 
 of Sweden, " wants to limit me and to prescribe the 
 course I am to take, and England attempts to do 
 the same, but I will put myself in a position to be 
 independent of their orders." His Ministers spoke 
 even more openly of their future plans. When Den- 
 mark and Norway had been annexed, and the Baltic 
 brought under the undisputed control of Sweden, 
 Courland and West Prussia must inevitably pass into 
 their master's hands. Then with an army of 40,000 
 men, supported by a navy of 100 ships, the Swedish 
 army would march through Germany into Italy, visit 
 the Pope, and plunder Rome. " Their first thought 
 
 20 
 
3o6 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 is pillage," added the French Ambassador who 
 reported these vapourings perhaps not without ex- 
 aggeration. Charles X. was a great soldier, but he 
 was by no means the oppressed saint of Oliver's 
 imagination. 
 
 There can be little doubt that the maintenance of 
 a war in the heart of Germany, even with a Swedish 
 ally, would have been far beyond Oliver's means. 
 The occupation of the Flemish ports had taxed his 
 resources to the uttermost. In the speech in which 
 he had sung the high praises of the Swedish king, he 
 had been obliged to plead the necessities of the army 
 as a ground for his demand for fresh supplies. The 
 pay of the army was far in arrear, and it was on the 
 army that he depended to keep down hostile parties 
 at home and to stave off a Royalist attack from 
 abroad. Nor was that army needed for purposes of 
 mere defence. Picturing to himself the majority of 
 the Continental nations as actuated by a wild desire i 
 to assail England, he inferred that attack was the best 
 defence. " You have counted yourselves happy," he 
 said to Parliament, " in being environed with a great 
 ditch from all the world beside. Truly you will not 
 be able to keep your ditch, nor your shipping, unless 
 you turn your ships and shipping into troops of horse 
 and companies of foot ; and fight to defend yourselves 
 on terra firma." 
 
 This then was what Oliver's much-lauded foreign 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 307 
 
 policy had come to — more regiments, and even higher 
 taxation than what the vast majority of English- 
 men believed to be far too high already. A great 
 Continental war, with all its risks and burdens, was 
 dangled before the eyes of a Parliament to which such 
 an outlook had no attractions. That Parliament was 
 no longer the body which had voted the new consti- 
 tution. Not only were there now two Houses, but the 
 composition of the older House had been significantly 
 altered. The most determined supporters of the Pro- 
 tectorate had been withdrawn to occupy the benches 
 of the new House, whilst the clause of Tke Humble 
 Petition and Advice, which prohibited the Protector 
 from ever again excluding members duly elected from 
 v/hat had now become the House of Commons, opened 
 its doors to his most determined enemies. The men 
 who now found their way to their seats, such as 
 Hazlerigg and Scot, were opposed heart and soul to 
 the whole system of the Protectorate, and longed 
 for the re-establishment of Parliamentary supremacy. 
 Such men were the more dangerous because they were 
 sufficiently versed in Parliamentary tactics to know 
 the advantage of a rallying cry which would bring the 
 lukewarm to their side. The powers and attributes 
 of the other House were ill-defined in the constitu- 
 tional document to which it owed its birth, and it was 
 easy to gain adherents by urging that it was not 
 entitled either to the name or the privileges of the 
 
3o8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 House of Lords of the Monarchy. After some days 
 of wrangling, the Protector resolved to put an end to 
 the debates. It was hard, he complained, to have 
 accepted a constitutional settlement on the invitation 
 of that very Parliament, and then to have it brought 
 into question. " I can say," he continued, " in the 
 presence of God — in comparison with whom we are but 
 like poor creeping ants upon the earth — I would have 
 been glad to have lived under my wood side to have 
 kept a flock of sheep, rather than to have undertaken 
 such a government as this. But undertaking it by the 
 advice and petition of you, I did look that you who 
 had offered it unto me should make it good." 
 
 Such language must appear to those who judge by 
 the recorded words and actions of this Parliament to 
 be without adequate justification. It is undeniable 
 that the constitution contained no definition of the 
 powers of the new House, and if there had been no 
 other than the ostensible question at issue, it would 
 have been unreasonable in Oliver to hurry on a crisis 
 before attempting, directly or indirectly, to suggest 
 terms of compromise. As a matter of fact this ques- 
 tion of the other House was very far from covering 
 the whole ground of debate. A petition to which 
 thousands of signatures were appended was being 
 circulated in the City, asking for a complete restitution 
 of Parliamentary supremacy and — no doubt to catch 
 the support of a certain section of the army — for an 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 309 
 
 enactment that no officer or soldier should be cashiered 
 without the sentence of a court martial. Oliver was 
 perfectly right in holding that the attack on the other 
 House was equivalent to an assault on the constitutional 
 Protectorate. He had hims elf looke d to that House 
 as restoring to him Jn.jiaother- form the powers which 
 he ha d aSandoned when he let fall tt ie Instrument 
 By keeping in his own hands the selection of its 
 members, and providing that that House should have 
 a veto on subsequent nominations — the principle of 
 inheritance being totally excluded — he imagined that 
 he had sufficiently provided for the future. His objects 
 in so doing may be taken as those set forth by a writer 
 who had ample means of gathering his intentions. 
 " It was no small task for the Protector to find 
 idoneous men for this place, because the future security 
 of the honest interest seemed — under God — to be laid 
 up in them ; for by a moral generation, if they were 
 well chosen at the first, they would propagate their 
 own kind, when the single person could not, and the 
 Commons, who represented the nation, would not, 
 having in them for the most part the spirit of those 
 they represent, which hath little affinity with a respect 
 of the cause of God." It is easy to criticise such a 
 principle from a modern point of view. Yet if the 
 morality of Oliver's political actions are ever to be 
 judged fairly, it must never be forgotten that Jhe,,^ 
 right of an honest Government to prevent the people 
 
(^ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 from injuring themselve s by out-vot ii)ig„lhe saner 
 members of the community was — rather than any" 
 democratic or Parliamentary theory — the predornjnan|. 
 note of his career_^^It is this at least which explains 
 his assent to the choice of the nominated Parliament, 
 as well as his breach with the Parliaments which he 
 dismissed in 1655 and 1658. 
 
 Such views could not but lead the Protector to a 
 breach with his second Parliament as well. The men 
 wh o were grumbling at the insolence of his new ior3s 
 w^S3§j!£.Jvdn<newr^^at:y;^^ 
 attack by another more directly aimed at his own 
 authority. The remainder of the Protector's speech is 
 only intelligible on this supposition. Professing his 
 intention to stand by the new constitution, he accused 
 his opponents of a design to subvert it. " These 
 things," he asseverated, " lead to nothing else but to 
 the playing of the King of Scots' game — if I may so 
 call him — and I think myself bound before God to do 
 what I can to prevent it ; and if this be so, I do assign 
 it to this cause — your not assenting to what you did 
 invite me to by your Petition and Advice, as that 
 which might prove the settlement of the nation ; and 
 if this be the end of your sitting, and this be your 
 carriage, I think it high time that an end be put to 
 your sitting. And I do dissolve this Parliament! 
 And let God be judge between you and me ! " 
 
 No man knew better than Oliver the weight of the 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 311 
 
 blow that had fallen on him. His attempt to govern 
 co nstitutionally with a Parliamentar y_constitutionhad 
 prove d as imprac tjf^pblp j"! his attempt to govern 
 constitutionally with a m ilitary constitution For a 
 whole week he shut himself up, meditating apart from 
 his Council on the means of repairing the disaster. 
 Only once during the whole time did he even appear 
 in his family circle. Then after prolonged consulta- 
 tion with advisers gathered from far and near, he 
 resolved to summon another Parliament to meet in 
 that very spring. He at least would stand firmly by 
 the constitution to which he had sworn, and he could 
 but hope that the nation would be equally loyal when 
 the choice between ordered libert y an d the unrest ricted 
 government of asinp ^le House w as fairly set before 
 the electors. It was the remedy applted-afterwards 
 by William HI. to a similar mischief, and not applied 
 in vain. 
 
 Unfortunately for Cromwell the circumstances 
 were not the same. It is unnecessary here to discuss 
 the relative merits of written and unwritten constitu- 
 tions on the one hand, or of a dominant Parliament 
 and a dominant executive on the other. The one 
 form of government or the other may be desirable in 
 different nations or at different times. The one thing 
 needful is that the institutions of a nation, whatever 
 
 I they be, shall be supported by the national sentiment. 
 It was this that Oliver had never succeeded in evoking, 
 
312 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 because he had never appealed to it, and he was 
 hardly likely to succeed in evokmg itnow. He could, 
 for a time — and only for a time — rule England with 
 an army He could not rule it with a piece of paper. I 
 At no long d istance, ashe already saw, the unchecked 
 supremacy of Parliament would bring back the Stuarts, 
 because the traditional hold of the old monarchy upon 
 the minds of men was the only power capable of 
 keeping in check alike the tyranny of the army, and 
 I the anarchy which could not but arise if contending 
 (parties were left to struggle for the mastery without 
 fear of military intervention. Oliver's own power for 
 good was growing feebler. Financial embarrassments 
 gathered round him. The sailors and soldiers went 
 unpaid, even though Bremen had not been occupied 
 and no English army was struggling — it can hardly 
 be doubted — towards certain defeat in the heart of 
 Germany. 
 
 The Parliament he contemplated never came into 
 existence. Another great Royalist plot took up for 
 a time all the energies of the Government. Oliver, 
 with his usual clemency, contented himself with two 
 executions, those of Dr. Hewit and Sir Henry Slingsby, - 
 whilst three more victims expiated their share in a 
 project for raising a tumult in London. Once again 
 affairs appeared to take a more favourable turn. The 
 victory of the Dunes, in which the French army, aided 
 by 6,000 English troops, overthrew the Spaniards, 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 313 
 
 was won on June 4, whilst the surrender of Dunkirk 
 on the 14th, together with the subsequent gains of 
 the allies in Flanders put out of the question any 
 landing of the exiled King in England with Spanish 
 aid. The thought of bringing a new Parliament to- 
 gether might seem capable of realisation under these 
 happy auspices, and preparations were made for its 
 meeting in November. 
 
 Whether that Parliament, if ever it had met, would 
 have supported the Protectorate more firmly than 
 its predecessors, is a question which can never be 
 answered. All that can be said is that the radical 
 elements of the situation remained unchanged. Oliver 
 had been deeply saddened by his failure, and his 
 anxious thoughts told on his already enfeebled health. 
 Death had been busy in his family circle. Young 
 Rich, the newly wedded husband of his daughter 
 Frances, died in February.* On August 6 his best- 
 beloved daughter, Lady Claypole, passed away after 
 a long and painful illness. Oliver's sorrowing vigils 
 by her bedside broke down what remained to him of 
 bodily endurance. Now and again indeed he was 
 able to take the air, and on one of these occasions 
 George Fox coming to talk with him on the persecu- 
 tions of the Friends, marked the changed expression 
 of his face. " Before 1 came to him," noted Fox, " as 
 
 *Her second marriage with Sir John Russel) took place alter 
 the Restoration. 
 
314 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 he rode at the head of his Hfe-guard, I saw and felt a 
 waft of death go forth against him ; and when I came 
 to him he looked like a dead man." On August 24 
 the Protector moved to Whitehall. The ague from 
 which he suffered increased in violence. On Sunday, 
 August 29, prayers were offered up in the churches 
 for his recovery. The following day was the day of 
 that great storm which fixed itself in the memory of 
 that generation. The devil, said the Cavaliers, had 
 come to fetch home the soul of the murderer and 
 tyrant. Around the bedside of the dying potentate 
 more friendly eyes were keeping watch. " The doc- 
 tors," wrote Thurloe to Henry Cromwell far away in 
 Ireland, " are yet hopeful that he may struggle through 
 it, though their hopes are mingled with much fear." 
 Twenty-four hours later the hopeful signs were still 
 dwelt on. " The Lord," wrote Fleetwood, " is pleased 
 to give some little reviving this evening ; after a few 
 slumbering sleeps, his pulse is better." Scriptural 
 words of warning and comfort were constantly on the 
 sick man's lips. " It is a fearful thing," he three times 
 repeated, " to fall into the hands of the living God." 
 The anxious questioning was answered by his strong 
 a.ssurance of mercy. "Lord," he muttered, as the 
 evening drew in, "though I am a miserable and 
 wretched creature, I am in covenant with Thee 
 through grace, and I may, I will come to Thee for 
 Thy people. Thou hast made me, though very un- 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 315 
 
 worthy, a mean instrument to do them some good, 
 and Thee service, and many of them have set too high 
 a value upon me, though others wish, and would be 
 glad of my death. Lord, however Thou do dispose of 
 me, continue and go on to do good for them. Give 
 them consistency of judgment, one heart, and mutual 
 love ; and go on to deliver them, and with the work 
 of reformation, and make the name of Christ glorious 
 -in the world. Teach those who look too much on 
 Thy instruments to depend more upon Thyself 
 Pardon such as desire to trample upon the dust of a 
 poor worm, for they are Thy people too. And pardon 
 the folly of this short prayer ; even for Jesus Christ's 
 sake. And give us a good night, if it be Thy pleasure. 
 Amen." 
 
 Before long hope ceased to be possible. Oliver 
 himself knew that his life was rapidly drawing to an 
 end. " I would," he said, " be willing to be further 
 serviceable to God and His people, but my work is 
 done." A few more prayers, a few more words, and 
 on September 3, the anniversary of Dunbar and 
 Worcester, as well as of the hopeful meeting of his 
 first Parliament, the tried servant of God and of his 
 country entered into the appointed rest from all his 
 labours. 
 
 The man — it is ever so with the noblest — was 
 greater than his work. In his own heart lay the 
 resolution to subordinate self to public ends, and to 
 
\3i§^ OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 subordinate material to moral and spiritual objects of 
 desire. His work was accomplished under the condi- 
 tions to which all human effort is subject. He was 
 limited by the defects which make imperfect the 
 character and intellect even of the noblest and the 
 wisest of mankind. He was limited still more by the 
 unwillingness of his contemporaries to mould them- 
 selves after his ideas. The blows that he had struck 
 against the older system had their enduring effects. 
 Few wished for the revival of the absolute kingship, of 
 the absolute authority of a single House of Parliament, 
 or of the Laudian system of governing the Church. In 
 the early part of his career Oliver was able to say with 
 truth of his own position : " No one rises so high as he 
 who knows not whither he is going". The living forces 
 of England — forces making for the destruction of those 
 barriers which he was himself breaking through, buoyed 
 him up — as a strong and self-confident swimmer, he 
 was carried onward by the flowing tide. In the latter 
 portion of the Protector's career it was far otherwise. 
 His failure to establish a permanent „Gqvei:ri.njent__^ 
 [was not due merely to his deficiency in constructive 
 imagination. It was due rather to two causes :( the^ 
 umbrage taken at his position as head of an army 
 whose interference in political affairs gave even more 
 offence than the financial burdens it imposed on a 
 people unaccustomed to regular taxation ; and the 
 reaction which set in against the spiritual claims of 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. ^ 
 
 !that Puritanism of which Jie^bad Jsecome the mouth- 1 
 pieceTyTHe^rst cause of offence requires no further 
 comment. As for the second, it is necessary to lay 
 aside all sectarian preoccupations, if ever a true his- 
 toric judgment is to be formed. It was no reaction 
 against the religious doctrines or ecclesiastical institu- 
 tions upheld by the Protector that brought about the 
 destruction of his system of government. It is in the 
 highest degree unlikely that a revolution would ever 
 have taken place merely to restore episcopacy or the 
 Book of Common Prayer. So far as the reaction was 
 not directed against militarism, it was directed against 
 the introduction into the political world of what ap- 
 
 Ipeared to be too high a standard of morality, a reaction 
 which struck specially upon Puritanism, but which 
 would have struck with as much force upon any other 
 form of religion which, like that upheld by Laud, 
 called in the power of the State to enforce its claims. 
 Nor is this all that can be said. Even though 
 Oliver was in his own person no sour fanatic, as 
 Royalist pamphleteers after the Restoration falsely 
 asserted ; it is impossible to deny that he strove by 
 acts of government to lead men into thepathsoT 
 
 II HI ^ .... I, Mill.. B,. , I ,,,.1 iMiH-T"llli' '■■■! ■Ill'*™lll"n"""' '"■^""'^"rTi iMTmrJ—rf i 
 
 morality and /eJigion,.beyond. the limit which average.., 
 human nature had fixed for itself In dealing with 
 foreign nations his mistake on this head was more 
 conspicuous, because he had far less knowledge of the 
 conditions of efficient action abroad than he had at 
 
3i8 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 home. It may fairly be said that he knew less of 
 Scotland than of England, less of Ireland than of 
 Great Britain, and less of the Continent than of any 
 one of the three nations over which he ruled. It has 
 sometimes been said that Oliver made England re- 
 spected in Europe. It would be more in accordance 
 with truth to say that he made her feared. 
 
 It is unnecessary here to pursue this subject further. 
 The development of this theme is for the historian 
 of England rather than for the biographer of the 
 Protector. Oliver's claim to greatness can be tested 
 by the undoubted fact that his character receives 
 higher and wider appreciation as the centuries pass by. 
 The limitations on his nature — the one-sidedness of his 
 religious zeal, the mistakes of his policy — are thrust 
 out of sight, the noijility-of4M.saiiotives, the.strength 
 of^ his character, and the breadth of his intelject, 
 force themselves on the minds of generations for which 
 the objects for which he strove have been for the 
 most part attained, though often in a different fashion 
 from that which he placed before himself Even 
 those who refuse to waste a thought on his spiritual 
 aims remember with gratitude his constancy of effort 
 to make England great by land and sea ; and it would 
 be well for them also to be reminded of his no less 
 constant efforts to make England worthy of greatness. 
 
 Of the man himself, it is enough to repeat the 
 words of one who knew him well : " His body was 
 
A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. 319 
 
 well compact and strong ; his stature under six feet — 
 I believe about two inches — his head so shaped as you 
 might see it a store-house and shop both — of a vast 
 treasury of natural parts. His temper exceeding 
 fiery, as I have known ; but the flame of it kept down 
 for the most part, or soon allayed with those moral 
 endowments he had. He was naturally compassion- 
 ate towards objects in distress, even to an effeminate 
 measure ; though God had made him a heart wherein 
 was left little room for any fear but was due to Him- 
 self, of which there was a large proportion — yet did 
 he exceed in tenderness towards sufferers. A larger 
 soul, I think, hath seldom dwelt in a house of clay." 
 
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