DEPEW 
 ADDRESSES MD LITERARY '•CONTRIBUTIONS. 
 
(UnrnpU Haui irljnnl ICtbraty 
 

 3 1924 024 334 389 
 
 ADDRESSES 
 
 AND 
 
 LITERARY CONTRIBUTIONS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 THRESHOLD OF EIQHTY-TWO 
 
 BY 
 
 CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 
 
 f 
 
 £J 
 

"Keep A-Goin'" 
 
 If you strike a thorn or rose, 
 If it hails or if it snows. 
 
 Keep a-goin'! 
 'Tain't no use to sit and whine 
 When the fish ain't on your line. 
 Bait your hook and keep a-tryin', 
 
 Keep a-goin'! 
 
 When the weather kills your crop, 
 When you tumble from the top. 
 
 Keep a-goin'! 
 S'pose you're out o' evCry dime, 
 Bein' so ain't any crime, 
 Tell the world you're feelin' prime, 
 
 Keep a-goin'! 
 
 When it looks like all is up, 
 
 Keep a-goin'! 
 Drain the sweetness from the cup, 
 
 Keep a-goin' ! 
 See the wild birds on the wing. 
 Hear the bells thai sweetly ring. 
 When you feel like sighin', sing. 
 
 Keep a-goin' ! 
 
 By permission of the author, Mr. Frank L. Stanton. 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis bool< is in 
 tlie Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924024334389 
 
«l ... vf^' 
 
 
 SPEECH^ BY THE HON. CHAUNCEY M. 
 DEPEW on His Eightieth Birthday at the 
 Montauk Club of Brooklyn, April 25, 1914, 
 being the Twenty-third Annual Birthday 
 Dinner given Him by this Club. 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Montauk Club : It 
 is self-evident that these celebrations must find me eighty. 
 That period has arrived and as they reckoned in the ancient 
 times on the twenty-third day of April in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand nine hundred and fourteen (this is an 
 incident) and the twenty-third of the annual dinners by the 
 Montauk Club in honor of his birthday (this is important) 
 — Chauncey M. Depew became eighty years of age. The 
 club chronicler will record that he was in all respect in as good 
 condition as on the first of these happy events nearly a quarter 
 of a century ago. There is only one minor note in our joy, and 
 that is the absence of so many who were in that original 
 charming company. But their places have been taken by their 
 sons, and to me the first of these remarkable gatherings is so 
 recreated that I seem to be greeted and welcomed by the same 
 good fellows and cordial friends. 
 
 Eighty seems to be universally regarded as a sort of 
 almost impossible climacteric. In all countries and among 
 all peoples it is an event, and as everybody is hoping to reach 
 the same age, the days of the man of eighty are shortened by 
 everybody anxiously asking, "How did you do it? Give us the 
 combination." 
 
 The Psalmist gave distinction to this age by his decla- 
 ration in the ninetieth psalm, "The days of our age are three 
 score and ten and though men be so strong that they come 
 to four score years, yet is their strength then but labor and 
 sorrow; so soon passeth it away and we are gone." But 
 
4 
 
 times were far different when the Psalmist wrote. The sanita- 
 tion of to-day, the methods for preserving health, the wonder- 
 ful discoveries in medicine and surgery, the elimination of per- 
 ils to life and eugenics were then unknown. It is a trib- 
 ute to their outdoor life that any of them lived to seventy. 
 No one, even with all the knowledge and skill in our day, could 
 hope to reach eighty if he enjoyed all the pleasures of David, 
 nor would we even at seventy be improved by the remedy 
 King David's physicians devised to keep him warm. John 
 Bigelow writing his memoirs at ninety-two was as cheerful, 
 hopeful, charming and inspiring a man as I knew of any 
 age, and for ten years showed no sign that beyond eighty "his 
 strength was but labor and sorrow." Neither did Gladstone 
 whom I met in the flush of his great victory at eighty-three. 
 The German Ambassador records that Thiers at eighty-four 
 in his discussions with him, which saved France, was the 
 liveliest and ablest Frenchman whom he had met. I found 
 Lord Halsbury, ex-Lord Chancellor of England, one of the 
 most active and interesting of men at eighty-five, and now 
 at eighty-seven he is writing a monumental work, the revision 
 and codification of the laws of England. Lord Palmerston, 
 when Prime Minister at eighty-three, said that the prime of 
 life was seventy-nine, and Sir William Crooks, the scientist, 
 says he has at eighty-one been so absorbed in the marvels 
 of science and its possibilities that age has never occurred 
 to him and he has laid out work which will require fifty years 
 to complete. As an example from the industrial world, I was 
 associated as an Attorney with Commodore Vanderbilt during 
 the later years of his life. He was more alert, wise and effi- 
 cient at eighty than at any period and the acknowledged leader 
 in the railway enterprises of that time. 
 
 A few years ago gray hairs were a fatal handicap to em- 
 ployment. Professor Osier did a good service for the un- 
 employed when he declared that at sixty we should be chloro- 
 formed. It led to wide and universal discussion and developed 
 the fact that the best work in every department of human 
 endeavor is done by men over fifty. Our Presidents are 
 vigorous illust^^ations. Taft was never so active as now, 
 Colonel Roosevelt is hailed as the most active and resourceful 
 
man of our time, and Wilson- leads his Party and Congress, 
 with the same obedience from both, as Napoleon had from 
 the Old Guard. Edison told me twenty-odd years ago that 
 he intended to bring grand opera within the reach and enjoy- 
 ment of the masses in city and country. The cinematograph 
 would put upon the film the moving picture of Melba, Patti or 
 Caruso in action, while the phonograph would at the moment 
 record the voice. He thought he could make the illusion so 
 perfect that there would be no difference in expression, ges- 
 ture, action and voice between the living presentation at the 
 opera and its mimic reproduction on the village stage. Since 
 that conversation the great wizard has given to the world 
 many inventions of inestimable value, but always working 
 on his original idea, he celebrated his sixty-seventh birthday 
 last month by laboring in his laboratory to perfect this marvel. 
 
 The Supreme Court of the United States is the most 
 powerful judicial body in the world. Its Judges were never 
 worked so hard nor more efficient than now. Chief Justice 
 White is brilliantly meeting the responsibilities and performing 
 the duties of his great office at sixty-seven, and the Associate 
 Justices illustrate the value of maturity with wisdom, discretion 
 and fearless patience. 
 
 The seven wonders of the world which engrossed the 
 admiration of the ancients, and the seven wonders of the 
 Renaissance period seem trivial compared with the achieve- 
 ments of the period in which it has been my privilege to live 
 and work. I was thirteen years old when the Hudson River 
 Railroad completed its fir.st forty miles from New York to 
 Peekskill. I remember as if it were yesterday the great 
 crowds from fifty miles around, the wild excitement of the 
 people as the train rolled into the station grounds and the 
 shouts and screams as the whistle blew, while drivers could 
 not control their horses. In describing the scene at a dinner 
 in Europe last summer, I said that the last seen or -heard of 
 a prosperous farmer whose blooded team bolted when the 
 whistle of the locomotive blew was his hair flying in the 
 wind as his horses were running away oyer the hill, and they 
 doubtless were running still. "That is impossible, sir," said a 
 grave banker. "That happened sixty-six years ago." That 
 
forty-four miles of railroad has expanded into a system of 
 twenty thousand, and that boy became and was for thirteen 
 years its President. It was one of t)ie first of the network of 
 rails which ties the West, the Northwest and the Pacific to 
 New York, and which have developed the wilderness into pop- 
 ulous and prosperous communities and made the City of New 
 York the metropolis of the western hemisphere and a finan- 
 cial and industrial center second to none in the world. 
 
 We have become so familiar with the telephone and it 
 has become such a necessity in our family, social and business 
 life, that we seem always to have had it, but Graham Bell's 
 invention was made only thirty-seven years ago, and the 
 phonograph was revealed to the world by Edison one year 
 later in 1877. Roentgen discovered the X-rays in 1895, only 
 seventeen years ago, and their use in surgery has been one 
 of the blessings of the age. It is only recently that we have 
 photographs of daring operators, who are encountering perils 
 unknown to the hunter or explorer, in revealing to the world 
 wild beasts at rest and in attack, volcanoes in eruption, and 
 shells exploding on battlefields with the photographer on the 
 firing line. It is reported that Villa is accompanied by a cine- 
 matograph operator with whom he is in partnership, and that 
 the charge may be halted with men dropping dead or wounded 
 all about if the films need adjustment. It is onfy within 
 ten years that Marconi has perfected the most beneficent in- 
 vention of all time — the wireless telegraph. Within the same 
 short period radium has revolutionized science, and added in- 
 calculable resources to the equipment of the physician in com- 
 bating diseases which have heretofore baffled his skill. Dr. 
 Carrel, within the year at the Rockefeller Institute by demon- 
 strating that tissues can be kept alive almost indefinitely and 
 successfully grafted, has proved that there is certainty in the 
 speculations of the possibility of prolonging life. In Febru- 
 ary of this year President Wilson pressed the button of the 
 electric wire which blew up the Gamboa dam and united the 
 waters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. The aspirations 
 of Columbus had been attained, the dream of Charles the Fifth 
 of Spain realized, but not under the Spanish flag. In the 
 month of February four hundred and ninety years before, 
 
Balboa saw the Pacific from the heights of Darien. He de- 
 scended to the shore, and wading into the sea raised his 
 sword, proclaiming that the Pacific ocean and all lands ad- 
 joining were annexed to Spain. Eight years after, Magellan 
 found and added to the crown of Spain the Philippine Is- 
 lands. Now, this achievement of the greatest of enterprises 
 by a new people with institutions and liberties which Charles 
 the Fifth and Kis successors fought for five hundred years, 
 and with a world power and prestige far surpassing that of 
 this mighty monarch, and that same people governing and 
 preparing the Philippines for self-government, makes us rev- 
 erently repeat what Morse sjiid on the success of the telegraph, 
 "What God hath wrought." 
 
 Times have greatly changed during my recollections of 
 seventy and intense activities of sixty years. We are not 
 happier, but have more opportunities for happiness. Unrest 
 has kept pace with progress. The atmosphere of the village 
 in those earlier days was ideal. There were no very rich 
 or very poor. Church-going was universal and there was a 
 genuine Christian democracy. There was much more admi- 
 ration than envy of the prosperous. Most of the families had 
 lived in the village for generations and knowledge of family 
 origin and history was destructive of snobbery. The repro- 
 ductions of family traits in children and grandchildren culti- 
 vated respect for heredity, and the bracing influence of honest 
 and enterprising ancestors was recognized. One hundred 
 thousand dollars was the limit of the hopes of the most 
 successful. There was neither complaint nor discussion of 
 the high cost of living, for there was no high living. The 
 Lyceum lecture brought to appreciative audiences the best 
 writers and thinkers. While I was a youth on the lecture 
 committee, we had Ralph Waldo Emerson, Oliver Wendell 
 Holmes, Theodore Parker, Henry Ward Beecher, Dr. Storrs, 
 Dr. Chapin, Wendell Phillips and nearly every famous writer 
 and orator in the country. Literary a.nd dramatic societies 
 flourished among the young people, and an excellent circulat- 
 ing library was universally patronized. There was little read- 
 ing or interest on sociological questions, and the subject of 
 sex was not permitted in literature or conversation. But the 
 
8 
 
 classic authors of the Elizabethan and Queen Anne periods, 
 now unknown to the general reader, were eagerly devoured. 
 Sir Walter Scott, Fenimore Cooper and Hawthorne were 
 favorites, while the oncoming volumes of Dickens and 
 Thackeray were eagerly welcomed. The girls could not tango 
 or turkey trot, but were graceful in square dances and the 
 waltz, and in the intervals on the piazza, the staircase or the 
 conservatory were equally charming to the college graduate 
 or the village swain. They were experts as well in the art 
 of the cook, the skill of the dressmaker and the milliner, and 
 the economies which get much out of little in comfort and 
 show in the early struggling and rising days of the young 
 married professional or business man. When he had won 
 his way as so many did, she was equal to the responsibihties 
 of the wife of the statesman or millionaire, and her husband 
 gratefully acknowledged the large measure of his success 
 which was due to his wife. 
 
 Samuel Woodworth's famous song: 
 
 "The old oaken bucket, the iron-bound bucket. 
 The moss-covered bucket which hangs in the well" 
 
 was true then in poetry and fact. It was common all over West- 
 chester County. Its cool waters had refreshed Washington 
 and Rochambeau as well as the British soldiers. Its vitaUzing 
 properties have carried to vigorous old age multitudes of men 
 and women. 
 
 Driving home after a hot day in Court, I have often 
 jumped over a farmer's fence, swung the long pole, dipped 
 the old bucket into the well, drew it out and drank from the 
 brim. I have never since had a draught of any fluid of any 
 kind from anywhere so good and refreshing. Now both well 
 and bucket are condemned by the Board of Health, and the 
 bucket is found only in the museum with this label on, "An 
 antique microbe breeder." 
 
 I heard Dickens lecture, or rather recite his novels. 
 The characters were as living realities and as close friends of 
 mine as the members of my family. Dickens had rare talents 
 both as a speaker and actor. Micawber, Captain Cuttle, Dick 
 
Sawyer, you saw all in his inimitable impersonations. I had for 
 my companion a young lady, a leader of the fashionable set. 
 "How did you like it ?" I said, entranced and delighted. "Oh, 
 she remarked coldly, such common people are not in my set, 
 and I never expect to meet them." Three husbands, a scandal 
 and a divorce were her contributions to a novel of society. 
 When a dinner was given to Dickens at the Fifth Avenue 
 Hotel, Horace Greeley presided. As he rose to toast the 
 g'uest, he was the personification of Pickwick, and the crowd, 
 including Dickens, shouted with joy. I heard Thackeray de- 
 liver his lectures — The Four Georges. His big head and mas- 
 sive figure were very impressive. To hear him was an intel- 
 lectual treat, and at the clubs he became one of the most 
 popular of visitors. He wanted to do everything Americans 
 did, and when his host had a plate of saddle rock oysters 
 each as large as his hand put before him, Thackeray asked, 
 "What am I to do with these?" "Swallow them whole in 
 our way," said his host. Thackeray closed his eyes, and wheii 
 the bivalve disappeared, remarked, "I feel as if I had swal- 
 lowed a baby." 
 
 One remarkable change in popular opinion since fifty 
 or sixty years ago is the attitude toward rich men. The first 
 State Convention I attended as a delegate was in 1858. Ed- 
 win D. -Morgan was nominated for Governor, because he 
 was the wealthiest merchant in New York. It was considered 
 most commendable that he was willing to devote to the 
 service pf the public the talents which had made him suc- 
 cessful in business, and he was triumphantly elected. There 
 were few millionaires. They were w^ll known and could be 
 enumerated on the fingers on one hand. Then they were 
 public-spirited citizens, now they are malefactors of great 
 wealth. Then the people wanted railroads and the building 
 of railroads was a hazardous speculation. They wanted more 
 and finer steamboats. They wanted factories in their towns 
 and offered every inducement to secure them. They wanted 
 water powers improved and natural resources developed. They 
 were totally unwilling to tax themselves for these objects, but 
 vigorously applauded the men of wealth and enterprise who 
 were willing to take the risks. Many failed and lost every- 
 
thing. Success was an illustration of the survival of the 
 fittest. They were held to be entitled to their wealth and 
 became popular idols. 
 
 There has been no greater change in this half century 
 than in the attitude of government to business. Business 
 is the methods by which the individual alone or in combination 
 with others secures the means for the support of himself and 
 his family, provides for his old age and its infirmities, and ac- 
 cumulates the property which will care for those dependent 
 upon him when he is incapacitated or dies. According as he 
 is gifted in the use of the money he makes, he adds in various 
 degrees wealth to independence. Every step of his advance 
 requires help of more people and adds to the amount of em- 
 ployment available for their support of other members of the 
 community. That there were limitless opportunities for the 
 individual has been the pride of our people. Our institutions 
 were founded on the individual and the genius of our govern- 
 ment was to give him liberty and encouragement. He organ- 
 ized and engineered the peopling and development of new 
 territories and developed them into sovereign States of the 
 American Union. He carried with him the church and the 
 schoolhouse. Under his inspiration the units of the State, 
 its counties and its towns became miniature commonwealths, 
 ruled in their smaller dimensions by the town meeting and the 
 more populous by representative government. All admit that 
 this process has made the United States the most powerful, 
 the freest, the happiest and the most prosperous nation the 
 world has ever known. Now there is acute antagonism by 
 the government to business. The calendars of the courts 
 are crowded with suits under existing laws and the calendars 
 of Congress and of the States Legislatures with bills for new 
 laws against business. The assembling of legislative bodies 
 is viewed with alarm, and the declaration of the President of the 
 United States, in his recent message that he would be "kind 
 to business," was hailed as a declaration of emancipation. 
 
 The highly organized industrial nations are engaged in 
 the fiercest rivalry in their competition for the world's mar- 
 kets. This vast interchange has risen in value and volume 
 from less than ten thousand millions of dollars fifty years ago 
 
II 
 
 to twenty-five thousand millions ten years ago, and thirty-five 
 thousand millions last year. Our m-ercantile marine fifty 
 years ago had sixty-six per cent, of the tonnage of the ocean, 
 and now in overseas or foreign freight trade it has less than 
 nine per cent. 
 
 Germany has increased her navy and mercantile marine 
 by leaps and bounds to add to her foreign commerce and give 
 employment to her people at home. The government through 
 special rates on its State-owned railways, its subsidies and 
 other favors, is practically a partner in its industrial develop- 
 ment and exploitation. Great Britain and France are active 
 rivals. They encourage big business at home and its exporta- 
 tion abroad, and the commanders of their ships and their dip- 
 lomatic and consular representatives are eager agents for the 
 sale of the products of their factories and the penetration 
 of their merchants with their merchandise into every com- 
 petitive market in the world. The attitude of our government 
 may not be hostile to American citizens and, enterprises in 
 other lands, but it is not cordial. The doctrine of caveat 
 emptor, or in other words at their own risk, is in the position 
 of Americans who are thus courageous and enterprising, and 
 some of us think also patriotic. But this wiU not last. Theo- 
 ries yield to necessities. A congested population finding the 
 home market insufficient for the consumption of the products 
 of its industries, will invade other continents and force our 
 government to respond to the needs of American enterprise. 
 
 The exemption of our coastwise shipping from tolls on the 
 Panama Canal was made under the pretext of a right which 
 is denied by the statesmen and diplomats who made the treaty 
 and most of our ablest lawyers who have studied it. The de- 
 mand of the President for a repeal of the exemption is states- 
 manlike and courageous. But the repeal was really a surrender 
 by indirection to that governmental assistance by subsidy to 
 our mercantile marine, which, if scientifically pursued, will once 
 more put our flag on the seas and give us our place among 
 mercantile nations. This conversion to old-fashioned protec- 
 tion and subsidy under other names is of the Billy Sunday 
 rather than the orthodox variety. It may not last, but it 
 is progress and enlightenment. Its more recent manifestations 
 
12 
 
 of twisting the tail of the British Lion and fighting over again 
 the battles of Bunker Hill, Saratoga and Yorktown is the 
 sugar-coating to the pill — the results are the same. When 
 subsidy is denounced as a vice, but under another name is a 
 virtue which wins votes, Pope's famous lines occur to me : 
 
 "Vice is a monster of such hated mien 
 As to be hated needs but to be seen, 
 Yet seen too oft-familiar with her face, 
 We first endure, then pity, then embrace." 
 
 The statesmen who are using destructive, instead of 
 constructive methods toward business are able and patriotic 
 men. But few of them have ever been in touch with af- 
 fairs or have any practical knowledge of the vast and com- 
 plicated machinery which moves and controls modern credit, 
 finance and industry. The two most used and most abused 
 words in the language are "efficiency" and "privilege." The 
 efficiency expert says to the harassed railway's official or 
 manufacturer, "You do not require relief from intolerable 
 burdens. If you understood your business, you would carry 
 them with ease and profit." In other words, speed up labor, 
 and this the efficiency fraud knows that labor unions very 
 properly will not permit employers, especially corporations, to 
 do. Though laws are equal and all have the same chance, 
 yet in our new vocabulary prosperity becomes "privilege" and 
 dangerous to the public welfare. 
 
 Secretary Lamar of the Cabinet of Mr. Cleveland made a 
 speech at a famous dinner in New York. The speeches were 
 long and serious. I came on last, and to relieve the situation, 
 indulged in some fun at the expense of those who had 
 preceded me, including Mr. Lamar. He was much worried 
 for fear my forced construction would be taken seriously and 
 ■ complained that a Cabinet Minister speaks for his Administra- 
 tion and for the time is the mouthpiece of his President. Mr. 
 Cleveland enforced this view and told me that one of his 
 Cabinet^ who was to orate on a patriotic occasion in the 
 South, submitted to him the manuscript in advance. The 
 President said to him : "It is all right, but will take three hours, 
 
13 
 
 and no New York audience would stand that." To which 
 the Minister answered, "In South Carolina an audience wants 
 five hours and insists on three." 
 
 That rule of the responsibility of the Cabinet was in 
 force long before Mr. Cleveland, but does not prevail with 
 the New Freedom. The Postmaster-General advocates the 
 taking over by the government of the telegraphs and the 
 telephones. Since this was done in England, the telephone 
 service has become so bad. that churches complain of the 
 increase of profanity, and in Paris the service is so im- 
 possible that they are in despair of the Republic. The 
 deficiencies in operations in both countries are so great that 
 they embarrass the finance ministers and the squeeze draws 
 another groan of. anguish from the taxpayers. It is a step 
 in centralization which makes Jefferson a myth and Hamilton 
 -the guide of our policies. It is not believed that the Presi- 
 dent is in sympathy with this far-reaching scheme, but its 
 advocacy from such a source adds to uncertainty, and un- 
 certainty is the mother of unrest. 
 
 The newspapers reported the Secretary of Labor as pre- 
 senting in a speech a new doctrine on property. It was in 
 effect that a man's or a woman's title to property depends 
 upon the will of the community. If the neighbors do not 
 think the owner makes a use of it which a majority approves, 
 they will vote it away. Attach to this doctrine the progressive 
 idea of the recall of Judges and decisions and the situation 
 is both novel and entertaining. The crowd votes that the 
 unpopular man shall be deprived of his home. He appeals 
 to the courts, which would decide a man cannot be deprived 
 of his property without due compensation. The same crowd 
 which voted to take the poor fellow's house or farm vote to 
 recall the decision, and it then becomes law. Every expres- 
 sion and action of the President is against any such doctrine. 
 But it gives a boost to uncertainty and more nerves to unrest. 
 
 I was always fond of the theatre, and the clown at the 
 circus is still a delight. I have never seen the equals of the 
 early comedians, like John Brougham and Joseph Jefferson. 
 The plays which Wallack presented were clean, healthy and 
 virile and admirably acted. Daly opened a new vista of en- 
 
14 
 
 tertainment in his society dramas, with the young actors whom 
 he trained and who did such credit to their teacher. It would ■ 
 not be possible to find enough people who could have such 
 loyalty to their favorite and hostility to his rival as those who 
 created the riot in Astor Place over the merits of Forest or 
 Macready. I doubt if the stage ever presented such per-; 
 fection in the art as Edwin Booth in Richelieu or Hamlet. 
 The assassination of President Lincoln by his brother, Wilkes 
 Booth, drove Edwin into retirement for some years. We 
 formed a strong committee to bring him back. The theatre 
 was so ticketed that trouble was impossible and his genius 
 made the house wild with enthusiasm. The press took it up, 
 and after that he had no trouble. Mrs. Astor, the acknowl- 
 edged leader of society, a very brilliant woman, gave a large 
 dinner to Booth for help and welcome. At the dinner oc- 
 curred a startling example of the things better left unsaid. 
 The conversation ran upon when it was best for his reputation 
 for an eminent man to die. Illustrations were given of men 
 who lost their reputations by living too long. A diplomat 
 present said, "The most distinguished example of a man 
 dying at the right time was Lincoln. If he had lived out his 
 term, he would have become most unpopular." Booth near- 
 ly fainted and only the tact of the hostess in quickly changing 
 the subject saved the situation. Dramas to illustrate sex 
 problems or the white slave traffic would neither have been 
 permitted nor submitted to by any audience. The "Black 
 Crook" at Niblos was the first of the "leg dramas," and for a 
 long time only men attended. The moving pictures have 
 their merits, but nothing we now possess equals the pleasure 
 which Barnum gave. I came as a boy from my home at 
 Peekskill to see at his museum, which was at the corner of 
 Ann Street and Broadway, the Pawnee and Sioux chiefs 
 whom he had secured after a massacre that had shocked the 
 whole country. Nobody could imagine how he got them 
 and no one doubted that he had them. Their war dance was 
 blood-curdling and their yells hair-raising. In the fury of 
 their play they were kept from rushing among and scalping 
 the audience only by a guard of soldiers. I was so entranced 
 and absorbed that I lingered long after the audience had 
 
IS 
 
 departed. That August day was insufferably hot. The In- 
 dians were in buffalo robes, feathers and paint. I was re- 
 stored to consciousness when the Pawnee chief said to the 
 Sioux chief, in the richest brogue, "Mike, do ye mind, if it 
 gets any hotter I'll melt sure." An Englishman of high rank 
 came with letters to me, and to my question whom he would 
 like to meet, answered, "Barnurp, the great and only Barnum." 
 I told Barnum, who said, "An English gentleman knows how 
 to meet an American gentleman." My friend was delighted, 
 had Barnum to dinner and this wonderful showman was at 
 his best explaining his methods. "But," said his host, "you 
 will be found out and your career closed." "Never," said 
 Barnum, "fools are born every second and they love to be 
 fooled." 
 
 One of the principal sources of healthy longevity and 
 the pleasure of living is a sense of humor and keen enjoyment 
 of it. People who laugh easily and often never have appendi- 
 citis. American humor and its cultivation were accelerated 
 during the administration of President Lincoln. No Presi- 
 dent ever had presented to him so /many and such vexing 
 problems or from men so important and difficult. He rarely 
 argued, but illustrated his position and confused his questioner 
 by an apt story admirably told. He told me eleven of them 
 to show how each story had confounded his questioner or 
 critic and ended the discussion. These anecdotes spread 
 through Washington and all over the country, and we became 
 a nation of story-tellers. When I was Secretary of State and 
 living in Albany fifty years ago, Artemus Ward, whose fame 
 as a humorist was world-wide, came there to lecture. The 
 audience was made up of the bluest blood of the old colonial 
 Dutch aristocracy. They did not crack a smile until the even- 
 ing was half over, when Ward came to the front of the plat- 
 form, and looking whimsically over the crowd for five minutes 
 without a word, finally said, "That last remark of mine was a 
 joke." The Vans after this laughed immoderately at every- 
 thing. The next night Artemus Ward was at Troy. The 
 Trojans had heard of the Albany density, and to show that 
 they knew a joke when they saw it, and that they saw it at 
 once, they began to laugh when the lecturer began and soon 
 
•i6 
 
 were in violent hysterics whether Ward was speaking or 
 looking at them. Oliver Wendell Holmes, Mark Twain, 
 Bret Harte and an innumerable company have contributed to 
 the happiness of the people and the gayety of nations. The 
 increasing intensity of our lives, the craze for money, and 
 the craze for new and bizarre amusements among those who 
 have money have limited conversation to the stock market, 
 the shop and the afifairs of society. I fear it is rapidly de- 
 stroying American humor. The venerable witticisms of the 
 camp among the Philippine veterans who had formed the 
 Caraboa society delighted Roosevelt while President, and Taft's 
 laughter made the country join. But after the recent re- 
 hearsal, the most distinguished officers of the Army and 
 Navy were reprimanded and only saved from court martial 
 by the protest of the people. Within a few weeks the Ameri- 
 can Ambassador to Great Britain ventured in an after-dinner 
 speech to follow Lowell and Phelps, Lincoln and Hay, Choate 
 and Reid in those pleasantries which add to the interest of the 
 occasion and contribute to international peace and good fellow- 
 ship. But the United States Senate called him down with un- 
 usual unanimity and one Senator solemnly declared that a joke or 
 humor in an after-dinner speech was an unpardonable offence. 
 T'he Gridiron Club of Washington has always been privileged 
 to put officials from the President down upon its grill, and 
 the victims have enjoyed the roast. But it is reported that 
 the fun at the last entertainment of these merry gentlemen 
 was indignantly resented as coarse, personal and abusive. 
 As Lincoln's stories made us a nation of jokers and story- 
 tellers, possibly these stern rebukes from the highest official 
 authorities may make us a nation of bores-. Let us hope not. 
 I have found the best insurance policy is the abiUty to say 
 no. Many of my friends have died before their time, because 
 they could not resist the appetites which destroyed them. Ab- 
 stinence is hard at first, requires will power and self denial, 
 but abstinence soon conquers desire. Ever after is the joy 
 of victory and confidence in that mainspring of life — ^the 
 will. Horace Greeley once said to me after the payment of 
 notes he had endorsed had swept away years of savings, 
 "Chauncey, I want you to have a law passed making it a 
 
17 
 
 felony, punishable with life imprisonment, for a man to put 
 his name on the back of another man's paper." As I lament 
 about one quarter of my earnings gone that way because 
 of my inability to say no, and without any benefit to my 
 friends, I sympathize with Mr. Greeley. 
 
 It seems to me that the agnostic and the iconoclast lose 
 much of the restfulness, content and satisfaction which come 
 from faith. Better be often deceived than lose faith in friends. 
 Faith in our church or political party grows by work. The 
 Richmond colored preacher said, "My brethren and sisters, 
 faith can move mountains, but whar's de faith?" It is behind 
 the strength which is constantly moving mountains of dif- 
 ficulty, troubles and worry. 
 
 I have tried, or known others who have tried, allopathy, 
 homeopathy, osteopathy. Christian science, faith cures, Swe- 
 dish exercise, massage, famous healing springs, Turkish baths, 
 chasing climates and other famed preventives and cures for 
 relief from ills, or to prevent their recurrence . or preserve 
 long and healthy life. All have merits. But mind governs 
 matter and to laugh with our friends, to contribute to their 
 cheerfulness, to find out and enjoy the inexhaustible good 
 fellowship which can be found in everybody, have done more 
 than all else to keep me healthy and happy. The fated four- 
 score years have gone by. The past has had its full share 
 of accidents, mistakes, errors, misfortune and hard luck, but 
 its compensations are so many and so great, that each knock- 
 down seems in the retrospect just the punishment and dis- 
 cipline needed to learn the lesson for a fruitful life and the 
 enjoyment of its blessings. 
 
Speech by the HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 
 on his Eighty-first Birthday at the Montauk 
 Club of Brooklyn, May 1, 1915, being the 
 Twenty-fourth Annual Birthday Dinner given 
 him by this Club. 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : 
 
 For nearly a quarter of a century you have honored me 
 by an annual celebration of my birthday. Each anniversary 
 has had in the year since the preceding one much of interest, 
 National and State, and in politics, in social evolution, in rap- 
 idly changing or crystallizing theories of life and government. 
 But if these anniversaries ran back to the dawn of history 
 there would be found no year like that through which we are 
 passing, and if we could look forward through eternity it is 
 not possible there should eVer be such another. 
 
 The forecasts of statesmen are failures. The laudable 
 and apparently successful efforts of the advocates of peace 
 have become suddenly a ghastly farce. The higher ideals of 
 Nations have been submerged in racial enmities and trade 
 rivalries. Organized Christianity is questioned as to the re- 
 sults of two thousand years' teaching, while millions of 
 Christians are killing each other, and all the combatants call- 
 ing upon God to help their just and righteous cause. Other 
 millions of women and children rear rude shelters out of the 
 ruins of their once happy homes and only relief supplies from 
 neutral nations are saving them from starvation. But they are 
 enduring sufferings and death with martyr spirit which would 
 not recall, if it was possible, the bread-winner fathers, sons 
 and husbands fighting in the field. The agreements of the 
 Hague Tribunal solemnly ratified by the contracting govern- 
 ments are shelved for the curiosity of the future historian. 
 The warring powers repudiate these compacts, and neutral 
 nations dare not protest, because protest means action and 
 action means war. The Hague Peace Palace is to let. 
 
 There never were preparations for war of such vast mag- 
 
20 
 
 nitude in order to preserve peace, and the perfection of the 
 preparations made wai^ inevitable. The irony of the situation 
 is that the line is invisible between the size of armies and 
 navies necessary for the national defence, and militarism which 
 provokes war. 
 
 After exhaustion has brought the belligerents on one side 
 to seek terms of surrender, in the wisdom of that settlement 
 will be either the seeds of another and more sanguinary war, 
 or a peace which so saves the pride and dignity of the van- 
 quished that the peace of the world may be assured for all the 
 future. Recent history furnishes two wonderful examples. 
 After the Franco-Prussian war victory was followed by ven- 
 geance. France was impoverished by an indemnity so large 
 that it was expected to pauperize her people for ever and 
 despoiled of her fairest provinces. Hate and revenge grew 
 with the unexpected and marvelous recovery and prosperity of 
 France, and her sons inheriting the feelings of their fathers 
 are cheerfully and enthusiastically battling to right the wrongs 
 of 1870. In nations as with individuals, the spoiler waxes 
 strong, arrogant and reckless. The spoiled nurses his wounds 
 and bides his time. The second example is our Civil War, 
 North and South, each believing they were right, battled as 
 our race will until by force of superior numbers, wealth and 
 equipment, th-e Union won and the Confederates were ex- 
 hausted. Here in civil strife, with its passion and vindictive- 
 ness, were the possibilities of endless revolts and revolutions. 
 But the rebel States were welcomed back into the Union with 
 the same rights, powers and liberties under a common Con- 
 stitution as the loyal States. The only exaction was the aboli- 
 tion of slavery which had been the cause of the war. Union 
 and Confederate veterans fight over their battles in memory 
 only at happy re-unions, and their children, knowing no North, 
 no South, no East, no West, are proud citizens of the United 
 States. For the second time in half a century since the close 
 of the Civil War, the South and its economic theories are in 
 absolute control of the government. With militarism elimi- 
 nated and peace preserved by an international police on land 
 and sea, the greatest of wars may prove for mankind the most 
 marvelous of blessings. 
 
2J 
 
 This year is remarkable for its centenaries. One hun- 
 dred years ago Napoleon was crushed at Waterloo by the 
 timely arrival of the Prussian army under Blucher to the 
 assistance of the English under -Wellington. Now the French 
 are saved from annihilation liy the cordial support of the 
 whole naval and military power of the British Empire. We 
 take too little into account in estimating the causes of the 
 alignment of nations at one period in alliance, at another in 
 liostility, of the changing ideals which govern the minds and 
 action of peoples. One hundred years ago Bismarck was 
 born. It is astonishing how few men there are in recorded 
 history whose genius and constructive ability have influenced 
 the; world in all succeeding centiiries. Caesar kept Rome 
 alive for four hundred years and until Roman law had become 
 the ground work of the jurisprudence of all modern nations. 
 Washington won the independence of his country, and then 
 as President of the Convention which framed the Constitu- 
 tion, by his influence in securing its adoption by the States 
 and his wisdom in the inauguration and practical working of 
 the new government, created and placed upon enduring foun- 
 dations the Republic of the United States. It is an axiom that 
 the influence of these institutions have been world wide. Na- 
 poleon represented the military energies of the French Revo- 
 lution. The greatest soldier of the ages, he shattered the faith 
 of Europe in the Divine Right of Kings and placing manikins 
 upon the emptied thrones dissipated by the sunlight of pub- 
 licity the ideas of royal anointment from Heaven. Bismarck 
 by his diplomacy and his victorious policy of blood and iron, 
 organized military autocracy as the dominating power of the 
 twentieth century and apparently checked and rendered help- 
 less the fast penetrating liberal ideas of the French Revolu- 
 tion. But these ideas made France a Republic, with a presi- 
 dent without authority, and changed the autocratic and oli- 
 garchic government of George the Third to the responsive 
 democracy of George V. So when King Edward VII, prince 
 of good fellows and most tactful of diplomats, and Delcasse, 
 the French foreign minister, came together they settled the 
 threatening war over Marchand and Fashoda by the discov- 
 ery that centuries of bitter, enmity between the French and 
 
22 
 
 the English had passed away by both peoples having evoluted 
 into the same ideals and the same responsibilities for demo- 
 cratic development and social justice. So keenly did the Ger- 
 man Foreign Office, w^hich had hoped for war between the 
 two countries, resent this change that they said peremptorily 
 to France, "Either dismiss Delcasse or Germany declares war." 
 No such imperious demand was ever made upon a sovereign 
 state. But France was cowed and Delcasse was dismissed. 
 But his work survives in the trenches of France and Belgium 
 and the mastery of the seas for the Allied forces. To-day, 
 after a hundred years, Napoleon and Bismarck upon the old 
 field of Waterloo are leading millions of soldiers under 
 new alignments in bloody battles for mastery in the affairs 
 of the world of the ideas for which they stand. 
 
 The event of this century which in future years will be re- 
 garded as the most important and significant of them all is the 
 hundredth year of peace between the United States and Great 
 Britain. The subject of international peace is to be the engross- 
 ing topic, when this terrible war ends, with statesmen, publicists, 
 educators and the people. The incontestable fact that these 
 two powerful nations, with frequent and graver causes for war 
 than many which have plunged other governments into life 
 and death battles, have settled all their difficulties by diplomacy 
 during all these generations, and have kept a boundary line of 
 three thousand miles without a fort, and inland seas washing 
 all their interior shores without a battleship, is a monumental 
 argument for the peace of the world. It will grow in the 
 minds and imagination of other nations as time rolls on. The 
 American Peace Commissioners at Ghent were" the brilliant 
 Henry Clay, the finely equipped John Quincy Adams, Albert 
 Gallatin, a trained diplomatist, James A. Bayard and Jonathan 
 Russell. To meet them the British Government sent inferior 
 men without power or decision except as instructed from the 
 home office. It is an interesting fact that as the negotiations 
 were about breaking off, the mighty authority and dominating 
 will of the Duke of Wellington brushed aside all obstacles 
 and forced an agreement. 
 
 The City authorities of Ghent celebratedl the event with a 
 banquet at which the emotional and coruscating eloquence of 
 
23 
 
 Henry Clay found opportunity to introduce to the' time-hoii- 
 ored and well known speeches of Europe of that period, and 
 still common, a flavor of the boundless West and the imagery 
 of the setting sun which lingers in the letters of those present. 
 John Quincy Adams closed the evening by proposing this 
 toast, "Ghent, the city of peace, may the gates of the Temple 
 of Janus here closed not be opened again for a century." It 
 was an inspiration in which those there had little faith, but 
 its realization makes it a rare prophecy. President Madison 
 formally proclaimed peace between the United States and 
 Great Britain in a document as vital and in as full force to- 
 day as when it was issued one hundred years ago on the 17th 
 day of February, 181 5. 
 
 Among these celebrations of events of the older time, it 
 will not be thought frivolous in an after-dinner speech, which 
 permits anything fit to print, providing it is interesting, that 
 a hundred years ago trousers were first worn by suifering 
 men. The tailor who appeared in them in Bond street, Lon- 
 don, was assaulted by the mob and arrested by the police for 
 indecency. The Duke of Wellington next tried the fashion, 
 but was turned away from the most important ball of the 
 season at AUwich. His fresh laurels of Waterloo could not 
 save him from the indignation of the British matron. The 
 governor of the ball said, "your grace cannot enter here. The 
 guest at this ball must be dressed." The significance of 
 trousers is that it marks the change which came in with the' 
 nineteenth century of nerve-racking habits of hurry and haste. 
 Rest and repose no longer prolong and beautify our lives. 
 The otium cum dignitate of Cicero has ceased to be a happy 
 habit. The utilitarian says it cost Cicero his life, for he could 
 have escaped Antony's assassins if he had hurried. The spirit 
 of the age has cheapened literature. It is not that there are 
 no great writers, but there are no patient readers. The pot- 
 boiler drives out the classics. The clipper ship reduced the 
 voyage to Europe from three months to six weeks, the steam- 
 ship to ten days, and the Mauritania to five, while the cable 
 annihilated distance. The stage coach and canal boat were 
 superseded by the railroad, and the ten-mile-an-hour train 
 evoluted into the Twentieth Century Limited which made Chi- 
 
24 
 
 cago, a thousand miles away, a shopping suburb of New York. 
 The mail is too slow for the present competition in business 
 and the night letter by telegraph carries orders from New 
 York which are executed the next morning in all the markets 
 of America and Europe. In 1876 Professor Graham Bell dem- 
 onstrated the practicability of the telephone for short dis- 
 tances, and in 1915 he talked easily three thousand miles across 
 the continent with San Francisco. The Allies have cut the 
 cables to Germany, but the air encircling the globe can neither 
 be cornered nor cut and Berlin by wireless communicates daily 
 with New York. In 1877 I had an option on a sixth of the Bell 
 Telephone for some days for ten thousand dollars. I ccm- 
 sulted the most famous telegraphic expert in the country and 
 he advised me to drop it. "It is a toy and commercially a 
 fake," he said. Had I followed my strong faith in the enter- 
 prise I would to-day (if alive, which is doubtful) be a hun- 
 dred millionaire. I have always lost money when following 
 the advice of experts. They are governed by their data and 
 lack imagination, and without imagination all things not 
 demonstrated are to them worthless. But to return again to 
 trousers. The old paraphernalia of man's nether garments, 
 with its shoes, buckles, stockings, breeches and flaps required 
 ten minutes to put on. ' Trousers thirty seconds. Time is 
 everything. A century of ten minutes saved each day by 
 countless millions invents machinery, engineers' enterprises ac- 
 'cumulate fortunes and fills libraries. 
 
 When Emma Willard appeared before the New York 
 Legislature in 1815 and petitioned for a charter for a Female 
 College the Solons were thrown into a panic. They saw more 
 evils to the church, the home and society in higher education 
 for women than the antis do now in female suffrage. Her 
 speech was a clear and prophetic outline of the girl college 
 as it has developed and exists to-day. But the Legislature 
 unanimously rejected her petition and saved society. That 
 brave and wonderful woman enlisted friends in her project, 
 and without a charter established the first institution to place 
 the opportunities for girls on an equality with these for boys 
 one hundred years ago at Troy. Twenty-one years after Mary 
 Lyon found that the success of Miss Willard's idea had pene- 
 
25 
 
 trated the Great and General Court of Massachusetts under the 
 sacred codfish in Boston and secured a charter for Mount Hol- 
 yoke. Then slowly came, after titanic struggle, co-education at 
 Oberliii and other colleges. Matthew Vassar, seeking the best 
 use of his fortune for humanity, was advised to build and 
 endow a college for women. He crossed the ocean to consult 
 William Chambers, the most famous educator of his time. 
 That hard-headed and conservative Scot said to Vassar, "A 
 safer investment than a college for girls would be a seminary 
 for the blind and dumb or the weak in intellect." The burn- 
 ing contempt of Chambers's opinion for woman's intellect 
 reacted on the philanthropist, and Vassar College was founded 
 to bless the country in unparalleled measure in its half cen- 
 tury with its trained and cultured graduates and the impetus 
 given to university opportunities for girls, which have resulted 
 in Wellesley, Smith, Barnard and RadcHffe, and the opening 
 to women of the State universities. I can remember as a boy 
 that "bluestocking" was a term of reproach. In the limited 
 education granted to girls in that period few had ever seen 
 her. In the popular imagination, she was a living skeleton 
 animated by unnatural views of the duties of wife and mother- 
 hood. Through her spectacles the world to her looked sour 
 and discontented, and by her perversive views she added to its 
 biliousness and dissatisfaction. The highly educated woman 
 of the early part of the nineteenth century in village and rural 
 communities carefully concealed her accomplishments. If 
 known, she was to her generation what the witch was to her 
 Puritan grandfather. 
 
 The colleges for girls have been made possible by en- 
 dowment, legacies and gifts from individuals. Many reform- 
 ers are now strenuously opposed to the acceptance of large 
 sums by old institutions of learning or permission for the 
 creation and endowment of new ones by people of large wealth. 
 They claim that the donors control the education of youth 
 according to their ideas, which are generally reactionary and 
 hostile to progressive development. This movement is born 
 of ignorance and prejudice. Its sponsors have become so 
 saturated with the baleful words "interests and privilege" that 
 they see in everything the influence and ultimate triumph of 
 
26 
 
 "interests and privilege," meaning that a few favored citizens 
 will receive benefits or powers dangerous to the public and 
 denied to others. 
 
 I was a Regent of the University of the State of New 
 York for thirty-four years, and for twelve years a member 
 of the Corporation of^ Yale. I made a study of State and 
 endowed colleges. There is no endowed college with whose 
 instruction or instructors or its traditional spirit, its benefac- 
 tors have either voice or influence. The benefactor dies, but 
 the income from his gift goes on with the college forever. 
 His generosity in its beneficence is a memorial which lives 
 long after all else about him is buried with his bones. Yale, 
 Harvard, Princeton and Columbia retain the ideals which are 
 the inspiration of their students and alumni. Professor Sum- 
 ner taught successive generations of Yale students the most 
 advanced free trade doctrines. His genius and impressiveness 
 as a teacher converted thousands of them. Connecticut was 
 one of the strongest of protection States, and if Yale had been 
 a State university Sumner would have been dismissed. The 
 largest donors to Yale during Professor Sumner's career were 
 protectionists and opposed to Sumner's teaching, but they had 
 no voice, and there was never a thought of disturbing him. 
 The same is true with the German professors at Harvard and 
 Columbia now. But with State universities there is always a 
 panic when the State administration changes in politics. The 
 situation to-day in the University of Utah, with part of its 
 professors arbitrarily dismissed and most of the others re- 
 signing, and conditions in the University of Wisconsin are 
 current examples. When addressing State universities, the 
 Faculty have told me, "Our academic independence is always 
 in peril. We are dependent for our income on annual appro- 
 priations by the Legislature and the party in power for the 
 moment starves us, if it disapproves our general policy or the 
 views of probably our most distinguished professors. We 
 have to maintain a lobby at the Capitol and the lobbyist is the 
 most useful member of our Faculty." 
 
 The centenary which ought to have touched us New 
 Yorkers with more sentiment than any of the others of this 
 remarkable year is the one which closed the three hundredth 
 
27 
 
 year of chartered commerce in New York. It passed with 
 little public notice or from our citizens. Three hundred years 
 in the origin and growth of an American city is an event and 
 an epoch. It antedates the landing of the Pilgrims on Ply- 
 mouth Rock, which has inspired the best brains of the country 
 and filled the libraries with history, eloquence and poetry. 
 And yet this small spot of earth has nearly as large popu- 
 lation, wealth, business, children in the schools, and more 
 students in its colleges than all the New England States 
 together. The careful New Englander has so nourished 
 and celebrated his traditions that they are the teachings 
 of our schools and the literature of our homes. The care- 
 less New Yorker believes that the location of his city, its 
 superb harbor, the unequaled gifts which nature has be- 
 stowed upon it have so assured its pre-eminence that neither 
 effort nor civic pride is required from him. This town 
 pays forty per cent of the income tax, collects sixty per cent 
 of the revenues of the United States, is the greatest manufac- 
 turing city in the country, with more capital and labor em- 
 ployed. Its art collections rank with the best in the world. 
 Twenty-five thousand students crowd its professional, tech- 
 nological and art schools. On the map of the United States 
 it is a speck requiring a microscope to discover it, and yet 
 in all that constitutes a great commonwealth it surpasses nine- 
 teen sovereign States of our Union. It has centered upon it 
 the animosity or rather vindictive jealousy of the country, 
 .increasing in intensity according to distance. This feeling 
 produced an income tax so framed as to relieve the constit- 
 uents of its authors and put as much as possible the burden 
 on New York. It manipulated the new banking system to 
 take away our natural advantages as a financial center, and 
 discovers that the laws of trade are higher than statutes of 
 Congress. The statesmen who thus thought they had dis- 
 tributed money and credit regardless of conditions or needs 
 find that, while thinking they had forever buried their pet 
 horror, a Central Bank, have really created one of the strongest 
 and most efficient in the world. In other lands and ages, on 
 the spot where this municipal marvel began, would be erected 
 a monument rivaling the wonders of the world, but instead 
 
28 
 
 the city slumbers and individual enterprise rears on the site 
 of the log hut, which was the trading post of three hundred 
 years ago at 39 Broadway, a skyscraper whose fifty-odd stories 
 rise above the architectural wonders of ancient and modern 
 times. 
 
 A conversation which I enjoyed with a group of gentle- 
 men in Congress who were enthusiasts over the passage of the 
 income tax measure and most optimistic of its results revealed 
 a curious mixture of altruism and opportunism in the mind of 
 statesmen. I said, "I agree with you that an income tax is 
 fair because it imposes the support of government upon all 
 according to their incomes. We all agree that every citizen 
 who contributes ever so little towards carrying on the govern- 
 ment is interested and watchful and that promotes better 
 administration. Why then have you framed this bill to reach 
 only a small proportion of the people, so small that they can 
 have little influence? There are a hundred million people in 
 this country. You have put the exemption . from the tax so 
 high that only 357,598, or less than one-half of one per cent, 
 are called upon to pay." The answer was prompt. "If we 
 included, the rest or any large number of them we could never 
 return here." 
 
 But the concentration of centennaries in this year of 
 events which are writ large in the history of the world are 
 not its only distinctions. It has an immediate and vital interest 
 to us in the culmination of efforts for larger powers in the 
 government over the activities of the individual to reverse 
 the rules which have prevailed since the founding of the 
 Republic, in order to bring about a. social and industrial para- 
 dise known according to its authors under various titles as the 
 new freedom, social justice, the uplift or progress. That it 
 is new is not doubted, but whether it is freedom or uplift 
 social justice or progress is debatable. Years ago, in early 
 studies of our development, I came to the conclusion that it is 
 due, more than to anything else, to the principle laid down 
 by the Pilgrims in their charter framed in the cabin of the 
 Mayflower to form a government of "just and equal laws." 
 This has been crystallized in our constitutions and laws. Na- 
 tional and Slate, to make all equal before the law. It was a 
 
• 29 
 
 new idea of the relations of the people to their government. 
 The autocrat, the oligarch and the beaurocrat were abolished 
 and the individual was left untrammeled to work out his ca- 
 reer. Thomas Jefferson's maxim "that government is best 
 which governs least" became and has continued until- very 
 recent years the settled policy of the United States. We de- 
 veloped on broad and virile lines to be a nation of pioneers. 
 With the Bible, the Declaration of Independence and the Con- 
 stitution of the United States as their libraries and instructors 
 they carried the church and the schoolhouse with them into 
 the wilderness. They founded and builded forty-eight com- 
 monwealths of the union with their marvelous advance in all 
 that makes prosperous and happy States. 
 
 Every group has its leader. The experience of sixty 
 years of active work over a large and varied field has taught 
 me that progress never originates or is systematically carried 
 on by the mass. It always has its inception and development 
 in the individual. In older civilizations the death of the leader 
 was either fatal or his power was inherited by a bureaucracy 
 which sooner or later failed. But under our system of devolv- 
 ing responsibility upon the individual the leader of supreme 
 ability is surrounded with capable and independent under- 
 studies who can take up and carry on the work. The creative 
 influence of Washington and Lincoln is not questioned. The 
 ideas of Hamilton and Jefferson have dominated our great 
 parties and moulded our national poHcies. Jackson's leader- 
 ship was so masterful that in rage at a financier he was able 
 to change the financial system of the country. Though ig- 
 norant of either the principles or practice of banking, he forced 
 the adoption of a system which was a perennial peril to our 
 credit and involved us in disastrous panics in spite of our 
 ■ development. His dead hand held our financial policy, our 
 banks, our currency by the throat for over half a century, and 
 until partially released last year. Congress for two years has 
 been in continuous session at the demand and to register the 
 decrees of President Wilson because for the first time in a 
 generation the Democratic Party has a leader. ■ 
 
 Union labor, after many organizations and reorganiza- 
 tions, has, imder the intelligent and masterful leadership of 
 
30 . 
 
 Samuel Gompers, secured a Department in the Government, a 
 Cabinet Minister, and enacts or defeats legislation as it wills. 
 It requires no effort of the imagination to see dn this most 
 savage and destructive war of all time the influence of Fred- 
 erick the Great and Jean Jacques Rousseau, of Napoleon and 
 Bismarck, of Nietzsche and Gladstone. In other fields are 
 still Loyola and Lifther, Wesley and Wilberforce. The same 
 rule prevails in: material affairs in the great Captains of In- 
 dustry who have revolutionized trade and commerce, transpor- 
 tation and manufactures, and in literature and thei pulpit. 
 Journalism and the law give their unbroken and unanimous 
 testimony to gifts which sway multitudes and leave indelible 
 impressions upon the times. 
 
 The new idea is to reverse the laws of nature by acts of 
 Congress. It repudiates the old system of the "equality of all 
 men before the law," and seeks to secure the equality of all 
 despite differences in character, ability, initiation, energy, in- 
 dustry and thrift. It tries to do away with competition, be- 
 cause under comlpetitive conditions the best man wins, and 
 then to so control competition which does survive that the 
 lame and the lazy may divide with the strong, capable and 
 sober. A national commission of well-meaning gentlemen 
 to whom business is a mysteryare given unlimited power over 
 business to help the weak and check the strong. The wise, 
 experienced and able management of the railroads of the 
 country is as necessary to the public as to the corporations, 
 and yet another law when it goes into effect, if it is enforced 
 according to its letter and spirit, will make it impossible for 
 any one who has demonstrated his judgment and ability by 
 accumulating property to be a director of a railroad company. 
 The Hotel de Gink is to be our industrial university and the 
 hobo our ideal of efficiency. 
 
 The statesmen who enact these grotesque laws are men 
 of brains, conscience and pariotism. They have not been in 
 contact with business, big or little, and spurn the lessons of 
 experience. They believe that the faults or evils which are 
 found in the transaction of business are to be remedied by 
 unhatched theories. Nothing disturbs their cocksuredness. 
 Up to forty I thought that a sign of strength and wisdom. At 
 
31 
 
 eighty-one I doubt. A study of the lives of the men in Con- 
 gress and in every depailment of the government who are most 
 active in these experiments, of the size, importance and in- 
 dustries of the places where they reside, of their contact with 
 business, or of their opportunities to know practically its needs, 
 •is most instructive. Three members of Congress, who more 
 than any others are the authors of legislation regulating busi- 
 ness, hail from rural towns whose peaceful and primitive 
 slumbers have not been disturbed by factories and whose 
 joint populations are 20,000. An industrious commission is 
 trying to find out the causes of the present unrest, unemploy- 
 ment and timidity of capital to invest in new enterprises or 
 the expansion of old ones. It requires no investigation to dis- 
 cover that the business experience and success of the country 
 are on one side but without power, and the theorists are on 
 the other side clothed with all the might, majesty and au- 
 thority of the United States. 
 
 The characteristic of our people is their ability for quickly 
 adjusting themselves to conditions. Give them the rules of the 
 game and they will speedily learn to play it. This faculty is 
 an inheritance from the men and women who settled the 
 wilderness and subdued it, who out of hostile surroundings 
 built up prosperous States. They have never more clearly 
 demonstrated these qualities than at present. The resistless 
 energy, the progressive individualism, the invincible optimism 
 of the American .people is rescuing business from its official 
 handicaps and promoting prosperity. 
 
 It is a significant development of the twentieth century 
 that men who by supremely grasping the opportunities of the 
 nineteenth and twentieth have accumulated great wealth are 
 devoting it to public uses, instead of the old idea of founding 
 a family. The almost incredible sum of six hundred millions 
 of dollars has already been so donated by John D. Rockefeller 
 and Andrew Carnegie. But another phenomenon of the times 
 is that these gifts and the schemes to perpetuate them have 
 aroused bitter criticism and fierce opposition. The Rockefeller 
 Foundation saved Wellesley College after its disastrous fire, 
 gave Yale the help required in completing a great medical 
 school, sent a million dollars' worth of food to Belgium, when 
 
32 
 
 other sources were inadequate to save the starving millions 
 of that unfortunate country. Its contributions organized 
 boys' ckibs on the farms and has increased them from nothing 
 a short time ago to 10,343 in 1908, and they had grown in 
 1913 to 91,000. They are necessarily under the control of 
 the Department of Agriculture, which pays the organizers' 
 and instructors one dollar a year, and all the rest of the ex- 
 penses is borne by the Foundation. Similar conditions exist in 
 the fight against the Boll Weevil. These clubs, under competent 
 teachers, are raising on their little tracts three times as much 
 corn and wheat as their fathers on the same farms. The Foun- 
 dation has furnished the funds to investigate and stamp out the 
 curse pellagra and save the cotton crop' from the Boll Weevil. 
 Yet, a United States Senator stirred that august body and won 
 popularity amiong great masses of people by declaring that he 
 would see the cotton plants destroyed and the industry ruined 
 rather than they should be saved by the money of this Founda- 
 tion. God would provide, he said, other means of living for 
 these unfortunate millions of farmers and give them substi- 
 tutes for cotton. I say it reverently, God leaves to his people 
 the largest liberty in making their careers and conducting their 
 affairs. The foel reaps the fruit of his follies and sadly learns 
 by experience that no supernatural power reverses the rules 
 of production or the laws of trade. The trouble with the 
 interpreters of the Almighty is that they are densely ignorant 
 of the Divine purposes. The foolish virgins cry to Heaven 
 for oil and none drops, while the wise ones have a torchlight 
 procession to the wedding feast. 
 
 Our ancestors knew all about tyranny and determined to 
 found a government in which their descendants would be for- 
 ever free. The tyrant, the dictator, the mob and the majority 
 are equally ruthless of human rights if they check their desires 
 or ambitions. So for the first time in government these in- 
 spired men of the Revolution imposed limitations upon them- 
 selves. They placed constitutional barriers around "life, 
 liberty and the pursuit of happiness'' which neither the Presi- 
 dents nor Congress, nor the courts nor all combined could 
 overstep. It is these safeguards which impatient reformers 
 so vigorously and viciously assail to be themselves ultimately 
 
33 
 
 victims of license if they should succeed. I recognize the use- 
 fulness of extreme radicalism. While it would bring on 
 anarchy or revolution, if unchecked, yet the violence of its 
 advocacy moves the mass slowly to a sane and safe realization 
 of its best objects. I read the most radical journals, but while 
 fiery, they are dull. They discuss brilliantly all the problems 
 of the day, but wind up each article with their remedy as the 
 panacea for all the ills of society and government.- They are 
 much like the able essay or charming story which ends by 
 recommending a patent medicine. Even in climbing Parnassus 
 Pegassus cannot get out of the rut and runs around the base 
 of the mountain. Either in exclusive and intense concentra- 
 tion on one subject, the mind loses its grasp and enjoyment 
 of all questions or the advocates believe that constant drop- 
 ping wears away the stone. Perhaps it may, but it promotes 
 sleep. 
 
 It is a gift of healthy old age that you cease to be alarmed 
 or worried. My philosophic friend, who had made and lost 
 several fortunes, put his hat on the back of his head when 
 down on his luck and cheerfully remarked, "The world always 
 has gone around, and I believe it will keep going around.'' 
 Galileo, when bored by the sermon, looked up at the chandelier 
 and saw it swing backwards and forwards with the movement 
 of the earth. This suggested to him the pendulum and the 
 law of gravitation and the mathematical accuracy of the move- 
 ments of the sun, moon and stars. The pendulum is on its 
 return swing. Politicians are discovering it. Progressives 
 and stand patters are joining in the chorus of the brotherhood 
 of man and there is harmony in the choir. Finding that dis- 
 tress both with capital and labor has followed and industrial 
 paralysis resulted from their hilarious crusade against busi- 
 ness, they are eagerly assuring business that the Industrial 
 Commission is to put the government behind business as soon 
 as it is informed how it can help, and that they have happily 
 discovered that strangulation is not the mission of regulation. 
 Mr. Lincoln, in telling me in his quizzical way of some of his 
 troubles, said, "I have a friend quite as able as I am, but every- 
 thing has always been against him. He is a failure and very 
 poor. When I became President I decided that among my first 
 
34 
 
 acts would be to reverse the bad fortune of my friend. I said 
 to him I will give you the marshalship of the District of 
 Columbia. The salary is ample and I want you near me. He 
 refused and demanded Minister to Brazil.' I told him that 
 position had been given to General Webb; that 'he knew 
 nothing of Brazil and was not fit or equipped for the position. 
 What you require, I said to him, for your family and future 
 is money, and you can have the place of naval officer in the 
 New York Custom House, which is an honorable position and 
 will make you independent for life beyond your wildest 
 dreams." He said, "If our positions were reversed I would 
 give you anything you asked, and if I am denied Brazil I will 
 take nothing." It is amazing how large a class that man repre- 
 sents. Eugenics is a good thing, but its advocates reach an 
 extreme which threatens ai setback, for their efforts when 
 among the bills its professors are pressing in a legislature is 
 one that all knock-kneed men shall be compelled to marry 
 bowlegged women. 
 
 The peril of old age is the general acceptance of its ex- 
 cuses. Youth and middle life are held to strict accountability 
 for laziness, intemperance, neglect, indifference or any failure 
 to meet the requiremients of personal health or duty to society. 
 But the septuagenarian or still more the octogenarian finds 
 friends who tell him that exertion depletes his vitality. Work 
 exhausts his strength and whiskey is a tonic for failing powers. 
 If he succumbs to the voice of the siren feebleness, decay and 
 death are charged to age. Martin Luther summed up the 
 philosophy of healthy and vigorous , age in five memorable 
 words, "when I rest I rust." 
 
 A few days ago was the fiftieth anniversary of Appo- 
 mattox. Those of us who were in full vigor on that eventful 
 ninth of April, 1865, can never forget the eflfect of the an- 
 nouncement of the surrender of General Lee and his army, 
 the generous terms" conceded by General Grant and the end 
 of Civil War. Stanton, Secretary of War ; Senator Wade and 
 Thaddeus Stevens, representing the radicals, demanded the 
 repudiation of Grant's agreement with Lee and vindictive pun- 
 ishment of Confederate soldiers and statesmen. Only the 
 prestige of Grant and the policy of Lincoln prevented guerilla 
 
35 
 
 war for a generation. General Grant's cry "let us have peace" 
 rang through the land as few utterances ever have. With 
 slavery, the cause of the war, abolished, after a few rash ex- 
 periments of military control, the seceded States were wel- 
 comed to all the rights under the Constitution and the Union 
 enjoyed by their victorious brethren. On Decoration Day the 
 Blue and the Gray intermingle the flowers strewn upon the 
 graves of their heroes, and peace and prosperity have united 
 North and South, East and West. 
 
 The victory at Sedan accomplished the object of the war 
 which was the federation of the German States into the Ger- 
 man Empire. France was only a means to the end. But the con- 
 queror declared, "I will bleed France white." For -forty-four 
 years the patriots of Alsace and Lorraine have been ruthlessly, 
 punished for aspirations expressed in action or speech to be 
 reunited to their country with the usual legacy of hatred, and 
 the annual visit of the tax collector to gather the huge sums 
 from the people of the French Republic necessary to meet the 
 interest on the five thousand million of francs exacted as an 
 indemnity from France has kept brightly burning the fires of 
 revenge. This terrible war must end by exhaustion. Exces- 
 sive and challenging militarism made the conflict. The peace 
 of the world for the future depends upon the nations sub- 
 stituting arbitration for militarism and heeding in the terms 
 of settlement exacted and accepted the lesson of Appomattox 
 rather than Sedan. 
 
Speech of HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW at the 
 Dinner Given Him by his Railroad Associates 
 in Honor of his Eightieth Birthday at the 
 University Club, New York, May 5, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Friends : All the celebrations which 
 have been given in honor of my eightieth birthday have been 
 most gratifying. Each one had its own peculiar significance, 
 but this tonight from you, gentlemen, differs widely from the 
 rest. There is an intimacy, brotherhood, both of time and 
 conditions, which rarely exist. 
 
 I became connected with our New York Central Company 
 forty-eight years ago. January, 1916, rounds out my half 
 century. There is no one living in any capacity who was in 
 the service of the Company when I began. There is no execu- 
 tive officer oj any railroad in the United States who is still 
 active, who was one when I became President thirty years ago. 
 All these are distinctions. It is hard to define precisely what 
 constitutes a distinction. Methuselah was the oldest man 
 who ever lived and that was his distinction. He might have 
 claimed and probably did that his age was due to a well-spent 
 life. The man who set fire to the Temple of Ephesus, at that 
 time the architectural wonder of the world, accomplished his 
 purpose which was to immortalize his name. 
 
 It is idle to enumerate examples, when there are so many 
 among poets and historians, conquerors and philosophers, 
 philanthropists and inventors, boy prodigies and old age won- 
 ders. Nevertheless, it is a distinction to be the longest of your 
 line in any profession, pursuit or vocation, because there are 
 many competitors and there is always a "bomb" with the fuse 
 lighted under your official chair. 
 
 There is one word frequently used whose significance has 
 never been properly understood and appreciated. That word 
 is "association." It has no limit in confidential relations or 
 time. It is difficult, after the lapse of so many years, after 
 the crossing over to the other side of such a vast majority of 
 
38 
 
 your associates, after recalling their merits, their virtues, their 
 good works, your love for them and their loyalty to you, to 
 speak of the past without almost uncontrollable emotion. 
 My policy and practice during all these years have been one 
 of confidence and intimacy with all my associates in every 
 grade of the service. I think when active in the operation 
 of the Company, I had a wider personal acquaintance with 
 the thousands who were connected with the corporation than 
 anybody. This was because my habit of speaking at the 
 anniversaries and celebrations of the different Orders in the 
 railway service, led to familiar acquaintance with locomotive 
 engineers, firemen, conductors, brakemen and those in the 
 shops, in the yards and on the track. I may say, always be- 
 lieving in the virtue of reciprocity, I have never in my long 
 career had my confidence abused. 
 
 To have been in close and active participation with the 
 railway development of the last half century is in itself a life 
 of extraordinary education and opportunity. To have had in 
 a large measure the confidence of those great . constructive 
 minds who were the pioneers in the creation of this network 
 of rails which have developed our country and made it what 
 it is, was a rare privilege. 
 
 The attorney and counsel in my early days saw much of 
 the president. He was generally a part of the executive staff, 
 always on the car in the tours of inspection, always present at 
 the frequent meetings, so diflScult, so controversial, with the 
 executives of rival corporations and always present when 
 difficult questions in any of the departments had reached thp 
 executive for decision. When I became President, on account 
 of this training, the operating department, the freight and pas- 
 senger departments were to me as if I had been trained in 
 each and all. And yet one of the most interesting of my 
 duties was to stand between the public and the Company 
 when hostility to the railroads was most acute. Agitators 
 fanned this feeling into a flame, and the press generally, and 
 Chambers of Commerce and Boards of Trade were most un- 
 friendly. Hostile legislation threatened both the efficiency and 
 solvency of the railways. I recall as one of the most satisfac- 
 tory of the events of the part I had in settling those troubles, 
 
39 
 
 removing antagonism and establishing harmonious relations 
 between the people and the railroads. The most striking 
 proof of this change from bitter enmity to cordial friendship 
 was when the delegates from the State of New York to the 
 National Republican Convention in 1888 unanimously pre- 
 sented me as their candidate for President of the United 
 States. Those shrewd, able and wonderfully equipped men 
 would never have advocated a candidate unless they firmly 
 believed he would have, at the election, the support ©f the 
 people. 
 
 It seems like the history of early times for me to stand 
 before you and say that in my early days in the service Com- 
 modore \''anderbilt had the Hudson River and Harlem and 
 afterwards, as you know, the New York Central and Lake 
 Shore; Colonel Scott the Pennsylvania and John W. Garrett 
 the Baltimore and Ohio. These men were giants in their day 
 and of extraordinary genius for affairs. As an attorney I saw 
 Commodore \^anderbilt every day at his office, in his house, 
 during the last ten years of his life. I had, or prior to that 
 time, been twice a Member of the Legislature and Secretary of 
 State of New York. I had come in close contact with Presi- 
 dent Lincoln, General Grant, General Sherman, General Sheri- 
 dan and all public men of that wonderful period of original 
 and distinguished captains. It had made me a student, deeply 
 interested in the mental qualities and characteristics which 
 had made these men great. I came to the conclusion that the 
 quality of greatness can neither be analyzed nor defined. 
 
 I have often found what would be a weakness in an or- 
 dinary man is the principal element of power in a great one. 
 Commodore Variderbilt was an enigma to his closest asso- 
 ciates. How he arrived at conclusions they could not tell. 
 They could only wonder that his conclusions were almost in- 
 variably correct and his decisions rendered almost immediately 
 after the question was given. Some called it intuition, some 
 luck. There was much of the former and very little of the 
 latter. That the Commodore went from the steamboat to the 
 steamship, in both of which he had been a leader, for the rail- 
 road, in which he became the leader, leaving the one and enter- 
 ing the other, at the right time in the industrial development 
 
40 
 
 of the country, was neither luck nor intuition, but marvelous 
 perception of conditions, accuracy of judgment and resistless 
 quickness in following judgment by action. It would take all 
 night to recall and differentiate those leaders in the other 
 systems. 
 
 A few of our own people. Most of you can remember 
 Tousey, our General Manager. He was a capital officer who, 
 like most of those who had come up from the ranks, had no 
 use for the products of the schools. When we needed a super- 
 intendent, he said to one of the candidates, "Are you a grad- 
 uate of the Troy Polytechnic, of the Stevens or the Massa- 
 chusetts Tech?" "No," said the candidate. "What is your 
 career?" "I began as a telegraph operator, then assistant to 
 the division superintendent, then division superintendent, then 
 general superintendent." "That's enough," said Tousey, "you 
 are appointed." 
 
 One of the original characters was Major Zenus Priest, 
 who was for fifty years, most of the time as division superin- 
 tendent, with our Company. He always joined me in my re- 
 peated trips over the line. He was an excellent officer, kept 
 his division in good condition, got along well with his men 
 but always predicted a strike before I came over the road 
 again. It was a time when the railway men were forming new 
 labor organizations, and old Major Priest thought every new 
 organization was a nucleus of a strike. 
 
 Another superintendent long with us was Burroughs, an 
 original man, who said very little, except to himself, with 
 whom he was always talking. I remember going over the line 
 with him on the pony engine, and I will say for those of my 
 friends here who are not familiar with that machine that it is 
 a cabin built over the boiler of the locomotive, with chairs 
 on each side, so that you- can sit in front and watch the track 
 as the locomotive speeds along. Burroughs would sit on one 
 side looking out. I, as President, on the other. Burroughs 
 talking to himself would comment on the track, roadbed, 
 grading rails and say what he would do by way of compliment 
 or punishment to the man in charge. On one trip, without 
 changing voice. Burroughs said, "That switch is open, — in less 
 than a minute we will be in hell." The locomotive jumped 
 
41 
 
 thjE switch and landed on the track all right, and the next com- 
 ment was, "That switchman is discharged." 
 
 The most remarkable revolution in the last fifty years has 
 been the relations between government. National and State, 
 and the railroads. As a new country we wanted railroads, and 
 settlements, farms, villages and cities followed along the lines 
 of their construction. Building them was a huge gamble for 
 the promoters. Some paid largely, some after years of strug- 
 gle yielded a small return, while many went bankrupt and 
 through several reorganizations ruined the original and suc- 
 ceeding investors. 
 
 A railroad never goes out of business, its rails are not 
 torn up. It becomes indispensable to the communities it has 
 created or made prosperous. And so making no returns to 
 those who have put their money into it as stockholders or 
 loaned it their savings as bondholders and sometimes not even 
 earning taxes, it continues to run under the Court and through 
 a receiver. But -the time came in railway development when 
 government regulation was indispensable. The success of the 
 Massachusetts Railroad Commission, which was purely ad- 
 visory, impressed the country. As an attorney, I opposed the 
 movement at first, but soon became convinced that regulation 
 was a necessity for the public, the shippers, railroad invest- 
 ment and operations. 
 
 William H. Vanderbilt was then President as well as the 
 owner of a majority of the stock of the New York, Central 
 Railroad. He was a broad-minded man of great abiHty, but 
 handicapped to a certain extent, as many an exceedingly 
 capable son has been, by the fame of his father. After care- 
 ful consideration he accepted that view and welcomed the 
 Commission. The first idea of the Railroad Commissioners 
 was that to secure equitable rates they must encourage cut- 
 throat competition. They soon learned that this policy bank- 
 rupted weaker lines and also business in the territory which 
 they served. These lines could not give their people a service 
 which would enable them to compete with their more for- 
 tunate competitors on the stronger lines. The true principle 
 of transportation was uhimately solved, that is equal rates to 
 all and reasonable rates which will provide for maintenance 
 
42 
 
 and iinprovements and a fair return to the investors. But 
 the rapid evolution of railway control has produced unex- 
 pected results. It has given us in the Inter State Commerce 
 Commission the most powerful bureau in the country. 
 
 There are nearly two millions on the payrolls of- the rail- 
 roads, and with their families they number ten millions or one- 
 tenth of the population of the country. There are nearly as 
 many dependent largely on the railroa4s in the coal and iron 
 mines, the steel rail mills and the manufacture of railway sup- 
 plies. There are ten million depositors in the savings banks, 
 and the largest investment of those banks is in railroad securi- 
 ties. So here are nearly two-thirds of the people directly or 
 indirectly dependent upon the prosperity of the railroads, and 
 the railroads entirely dependent for their prosperity and effi- 
 ciency upon the Inter State Commerce Commission. The situa- 
 tion is without a parallel. The responsibility is paralyzing. . 
 The Commission has far more power than the Supreme Court 
 of the United States. It more intimately affects the family 
 and the home. It should have equal dignity in extended terms 
 of offices and in salaries to attract the greatest ability and 
 independence. 
 
 The following statistics are eloquent of the situation: 
 
 Of earnings of the railroads of the United States in 1913 
 
 amounting to $3,1 18,929,318 
 
 there was paid to employees 1,439,000,000 
 
 for taxes 129,052,922 
 
 for materials and supplies 320,823,000 
 
 in dividends 217,000,000 
 
 in interest or indebtedness , 407,000,000 
 
 Reduced to percentages they exhibit this remarkable re- 
 sult : 
 
 Percentage from gross earnings paid to employees 44.00 
 
 Percentage from gross earnings paid for materials and 
 
 supplies 23.10 
 
 Percentage from gross earnings paid for interest 13.04 
 
 Percentage from gross earnings paid for taxes 4.14 
 
 Percentage from gross earnings paid for dividends 4.09 
 
43 
 
 Railway management is a profession requiring study, 
 preparation, training, practical experience and high abilities. 
 The government in the Inter State Commerce Commission 
 should be able by reason of the honor and permanence of the 
 position to attract to this service the most tried, proved and 
 expert talent and character there is among the people. 
 
 There is no vocation where there is so much camaraderie 
 and good fellowship as among railroad men. We have a 
 difficult task to perform, the most difficult of any profession. 
 The whole public uses the instrumentalities which we control, 
 manage and work. Therefore, we have to satisfy the public 
 of the United States, and at the .same time satisfy the in- 
 vestors. This requires an unusual degree of character, intelli- 
 gence, experience and devotion to duty. It is a tribute to the 
 two million men who are engaged in- the railway service that 
 so few drop out by the way, so few render themselves liable 
 to the criminal courts or the adverse judgment of superior 
 officers in the discharge of the difficult functions, which in 
 every branch they are called upon to perform. There is and 
 always has been in our Central System an unusual degree of 
 brotherhood. 
 
 When I entered service the Central System consisted of 
 the Harlem railroad, running from New York to Chatham, 
 orre-hundred and twenty-eight miles. To-day it has twenty 
 thousand miles and is, if you take into consideration all that 
 it is and does, probably the most important railway system in 
 the world. It is a wonderful and grateful experience to have 
 been so closely associated in the same company with the men, 
 distinguished for their ability and achievements, who have 
 come and gone in these last fifty years and to find myself in 
 cordial intimacy and almost as one of the youngest among 
 those who are still active. 
 
 Commodore Vanderbilt said to me one morning over forty 
 years ago, not long before he died : "I would like, if I could be 
 assured, that some Vanderbilt would be in the management of 
 the New York Central road for many generations to come, 
 but I do not hope that the Vanderbilt influence will extend 
 beyond the sons of my son William IT." If in the other 
 world those who have passed the Great Divide are conscious 
 
44 
 
 of what is happening here, as I believe they are, then the Com- 
 modore must be pleased when he sees and knows that in the 
 official ranks of the New York Central are two Vanderbdlts 
 of a still younger generation, William K., Jr., and Harold, 
 both efficient, both able, both promising, both with long lives 
 of usefulness before them, and I am glad that we can welcome 
 them among us here tonight. 
 
 My friends, four-score years seem wonderful in prospect. 
 I remember when I thought that forty was old, when fifty 
 ought to be the time to retire, when sixty was past consid- 
 eration. But when one has passed that great climacteric of 
 eighty, then the past seems to have been a preparation for the 
 future, and the future he looks forward to with hopefulness, 
 optimism, thanks and profound appreciation of the greetings, 
 the welcome, the hail and hope which you give. I thank you, 
 gentlemen. 
 
Speech by HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW at 
 a Reception Given by the Union League Club 
 of New York in Honor of his Eightieth Birthday 
 on May 8, 1914. 
 
 The reception at the Union League Club in honor of Mr. 
 Depew's eightieth year was one of the largest in the history 
 of the Club. 
 
 Samuel W. Fairchild, the President, was in the chair. 
 Speeches were made by former Presidents of the Club, Gen- 
 eral Horace Porter and George R. Sheldon, and also by 
 William D. Guthrie, George T. Wilson and William D. Mur- 
 phy. The venerable General Benjamin F. Tracy, who was 
 Secretary of the Navy in the Cabinet of President Harrison, 
 gave interesting reminiscences and among them said that as 
 a member of President Harrison's official family, he knew 
 that the President had twice invited Mr. Depew to become a 
 member of his Cabinet, the last time as Secretary of State. 
 
 Mr. President and Fellow-Members of the Union 
 League Club : It is most thoughtful of you and grateful to me 
 that you thus celebrate my eightieth birthday. To have 
 rounded out and passed the fateful four-score is an achieve- 
 ment, if accomplished with the retention of unimpaired health 
 and vigor. It starts one hopefully on the last lap, but one, for 
 the century mark. 
 
 So many friends and organizations are paying me this 
 compliment that it is impossible for more than one to have 
 their celebration on the natal day. The result is that my birth- 
 days have been celebrated so often on different dates this year, 
 that I have almost lost recollection of the "real" day. I am 
 afraid that I may be like St. Patrick in this respect. That 
 revered Saint had among his followers certain partisans who 
 claimed that he was born on the 6th of March attd others who 
 insisted upon the nth. Peace was finally restored by combin- 
 ing the two, so that now we all especially revere St. Patrick 
 on the 17th of March. 
 
46 
 
 I have been forty-six years a member of this Club and 
 seven times its President, a record as to the Presidency which 
 I may say, at my time of life and reminiscently, has not been 
 equalled in successive terms of service by any other of the 
 distinguished gentlemen who have filled this great office. 
 
 To have belonged to the Union League Club and been 
 active in its affairs for nearly half a century is to have been 
 brought in contact with the most evolutionary and beneficial 
 history of the United States, of the State and City of New 
 York, and with the eminent men who made that history. There 
 are very few members of the Club who are familiar with its 
 origin and who can go back successfully in memory to the 
 times of the Civil War when this Club was organized. It 
 may not- be inappropriate to present a picture of our inspir- 
 ing beginnings. The Union League Club grew out of the 
 United States Sanitary Commission. At the time of the Civil 
 War there were no agencies known to alleviate the sufferings 
 of the wounded and to help the families of the killed, like 
 the Red Cross of to-day. The United States Sanitary Com- 
 mission filled that function in a remarkable way. It raised 
 millions of dollars and through its branches all over the North 
 furnished millions of dollars worth of clothes and hospital sup- 
 plies to the Union Armies. Its members in New York City 
 felt that they needed a social home like a Club to increase the 
 efficiency of their work. They were tireless laborers in col- 
 lecting money and in forwarding supplies to the hospitals, to 
 the field and to the soldiers' homes. 
 
 In the debate over the selection of a name, they first 
 chose "Loyal," then "National," and finally decided upon The 
 Union League. The only requirement, beyond character, was 
 loyalty to the Union, regardless of party affiliations. It was 
 meant to be a League of those who would devote themselves 
 to the carrying out and perfecting in government ^^'ebster's 
 immortal phrase, "Liberty and Union, One and Inseparable, 
 Now and Forever." 
 
 The first great work of the Club was to raise a regfiment 
 of colored men. In a short time there were 1,020 enrolled 
 in the first regiment and 600 recruited for the second. New 
 York, at that time, was a disloyal city. Its trade had been 
 
47 
 
 seriously injured. It doubted the success of the Union cause. 
 A large majority were in favor of peace at any price, and 
 it had emphasized its bitterness by killing negroes and burn- 
 ing the Negro Orphan Asylum. The threat was openly made 
 that the regiment would never be permitted to march through 
 the city. The wives of the members of the Club presented 
 it with the regimental colors, and the members of the Club, 
 in a body, accompanied by their wives, marched at the head 
 of the regiment to the pier, where they embarked for the 
 field. That event, witnessed not only by the citizens of the 
 city but by thousands who came in from the country, changed 
 public sentiment, and thereafter, the Club raised two more 
 regiments and also three regiments of white soldiers. 
 
 The first public reception, which has been followed by 
 so many other memorable ones, was given to that splendid 
 soldier and magnificent looking specimen of a man. General 
 Winfield Scott Hancock, who had come to New York to 
 recruit the second corps of the Army of the Potomac. The 
 Club raised for him two hundred and fifty thousand dollars 
 and through its direct efforts three thousand men. 
 
 It may be well to record here that there were, at that 
 time, in the City of New York, six thousand negroes capable 
 of military duty, and of that number three regiments of one 
 thousand were raised, armed and equipped by the Club and 
 one thousand volunteers in other organizations. In propor- 
 tion to their number, a splendid evidence of their loyalty and 
 patriotism- 
 
 A feature of the Club life has been the receptions which 
 followed that to General Hancock in 1864. I remember well 
 the one tendered to General Grant, the year after the close 
 of the War. He was far way the most distinguished figure 
 in American public life. He had won sixty-three battles and. 
 ended the Civil War at Appomattox. The enthusiasm was 
 boundless, but the hero of the occasion modest, embarrassed 
 and speechless. When he returned to New York, after his 
 presidency, to reside, he was the honored guest at all of our 
 public banquets. I came in late to one of these, while the 
 General was painfully trying to speak. He stopped and said, 
 "If I could stand in Chauncey Depew's shoes and he in mine. 
 
48 
 
 I'd be happy instead of a miserable man to-night." It fur- 
 nished me an opportunity, speaking later, to dwell upon who 
 could ever stand in Grant's shoes. The General became sub- 
 sequently an excellent public speaker and when he generously, 
 after his defeat at Chicago, took the stump for the successful 
 candidate. General Garfield, his addresses were most effective. 
 
 We have received every President, with the exception 
 of Cleveland, and each occasion was memorable, because each 
 of these Chief Magistrates recognized that in his own nom- 
 ination and election this Club had rendered most valuable 
 and effective support. The most genial of Presidents, Mr. 
 McKinley, loved beyond all the receptions given him in vari- 
 ous parts of the country the cordiality and enthusiasm, the 
 friendship and brotherliness with which he was treated here. 
 Of course, the receptions to our member, Colonel Roosevelt 
 and to President Taft are within all of your recollections. 
 At the supper following the reception to Mr. Taft, I noticed 
 that the elderly guests had serious limitations upon their ability 
 to indulge in the feast. My own ability in that line being 
 unimpaired, I called attention to the fact and derided them 
 upon these evidences of "old days." Whereupon the always 
 delightful and witty Choate convulsed the crowd by shout- 
 ing,' "Who is your plumber?" 
 
 The distinction of our Club has been the public measures 
 which it has advocated by resolutions and pamphlets. 
 In stress and distress, financial and industrial, which followed 
 the Civil War, there was an active effort in behalf of repudia- 
 tion of the public debt. It then amounted to' about five thou- 
 sand millions of dollars and seemed intolerable. The Club's 
 resolutions formed the basis of opposition to this movement all 
 over the country. Its clarion note was: "America can admit 
 no distinction between public and private faith and on ques- 
 tions of fina!nce will follow her old rule of honesty as the 
 only one v/orthy of the intelligence and dignity of a free 
 people." The greenback had become a fetish, and patriotism 
 and good finance seemed to be wedded to fiat money. But 
 in the fight to defeat unsecured paper and the subsequent 
 right to debase our currency with unlimited silver and the 
 great final and crucial struggle for the gold basis, the Club 
 
49 
 
 was foremost of all organizations for national faith and honest 
 money. 
 
 There is necessarily a brief note of sadness in an occasion 
 like this, btit it does not impair the harmony of the occasion, 
 but rather is in accord with it. It i? the reminiscences of the 
 good fellows, of the splendid characters, of the honest, old 
 school and generous men who have" departed. We mourn their 
 loss as we rejoice that there came into our lives the inestimable 
 privilege of knowing them in tlie intimacy of the family life 
 of the Club. It is the alleviation of sorrow which makes 
 it finally a blessing that it inspires with the mellowing of age 
 recollections of. all that was best and most lovable in those 
 who have departed. 
 
 Of the large membership of the Club, for it is one of the 
 largest in the country, there are only twenty-five men living 
 who were here when I became a member. 
 
 It is the special merit of our organization that it is one 
 of the few which has been able to unite efficiency in public 
 affairs with the highest development on the social side. No 
 club, organized purely for social purposes, attracts within its 
 walls such a large and frequent attendance of members. 
 
 I feel that I cannot better close my tribute to the Club 
 and my thanks to you than by narrating an incident concern- 
 ing General Washington, which I heard from the late Dtike 
 d'Aumale, one of the sons of Louis Philippe. The Duke said 
 that his father, at the time of the revolution in France, was an 
 exile in this country. He was a guest for a long time of Gen- 
 eral Washington at Mount Vernon. Louis Philippe said to the 
 General one day, that in the course of his long career as a 
 soldier, a statesman and President of the United States, there 
 must occur to him many things which would have been better 
 if he had done or said otherwise. To which General Wash- 
 ington answered, "I have never in my whole life done any- 
 thing which I regret or said anything which I care to recall." 
 The Duke said that often his father, then King of France, 
 was urged to make declarations or to take positions and that 
 his answer frequently was, "If I do that, I cannot say after- 
 wards what General Washington said to me." 
 
 So, my friends, in looking back over the history of our 
 
50 
 
 Club, from its organization until to-night, we can proudly say 
 it never made a mistake. It never took any action which in 
 the retrospect it regrets, and never in its public utterances 
 has said anything which it wishes to recall. 
 
Address by HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW as 
 Presiding Officer at the Meeting of the Building 
 of the Railroad Branch, Young Men's Christian 
 Association on the Occasion of Closing the Old 
 Building for Removal to the New, May 28, 1914. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen :' In the life of every beneficent 
 association there are interesting periods. This is particularly 
 so if the life has been one of growth and expansion. This 
 organization, which started in a very small way thirty-five 
 years ago, has now become one of the greatest agencies for 
 good among the employees of the railways of the country. It 
 has demonstrated its usefulness in so many ways that no one, 
 either among the officers or the employees, has a word of 
 criticism and only approval. 
 
 Fifty-eight years ago I graduated from Yale and returned 
 to my native village of Peekskill on the Hudson. Edward 
 Wells, a distinguished lawyer of Westchester County, had in 
 his offices a number of young men and conducted a fair law 
 school. Mr. Wells was more than a good lawyer, he was an 
 active citizen in the church, in politics, in local improvements 
 and in everything which would benefit the community. The 
 young men in the office decided, with others in the village, 
 _to form an association for mutual improvement under the 
 presidency of Mr. Wells, ^^'e met in the Sunday school room 
 of the First Presbyterian Church. It was decided that each 
 member should present a paper and then there would be gen- 
 eral discussion of it and weekly meetings. I read the first 
 paper, which was on Paul's sermon at Athens on Mars Hill. 
 The paper led to an interesting discussion, and the meetings 
 continued for about two years, when the association died. The 
 cause of its demise was that its platform had only one plank, 
 and that was too narrow for many to stand on. It appealed 
 only to the intellectual side of the young men who became 
 members. 
 
 The success of the Young Men's Christian Association 
 has demonstrated that young men must be appealed to on many 
 
52 
 
 sides and attractions presented for their physical welfare, for 
 the working off of surplus vitality, for social enjoyment and 
 for physical comfort. In other words, to prepare a healthy 
 body for a healthy soul and active mind. 
 
 In 1858, the year that this Peekskill infant died, some 
 very wise and far-sighted gentlemen formed a Young Men's 
 Christian Association. 
 
 This speedily grew and expanded, until now it is founded 
 and appreciated in nearly every country in the world. It ap- 
 pealed to the best instincts of human nature, and especially 
 during the period of growth and formation of character. 
 Libraries could not describe the momentous results to society 
 and the State which have come from the work of the Young 
 Men's Christian Association. Its organization and career em- 
 phatically confirm what has so often been demonstrated, that 
 God raises up instrumentalities to meet the requirements of 
 crises in the affairs of men. 
 
 It was about this time that there was stimulated the rush 
 of the youth of the land from the country to the city which 
 has continued with increasing volume ever since. The rapid 
 growth of manufacturing enterprises and the attractiveness- 
 of the larger opportunities of community life created indus- 
 trial centers everywhere and added to the population of vil- 
 lages and cities. These young men were beset with perils of 
 every kind. Liquor saloons increased in number and pool 
 rooms abounded. The appetite for stimulants and gambling, 
 always present, was abnormally excited. The loneliness of 
 the country boy was his danger and his temptation. The 
 saloon was a club, always inviting him. The more promising 
 the young man, the greater his attractions, the larger his 
 capacity for friendship^ the more all-embracing his nature in 
 good will for others, the more he was liable to yield to those, 
 who, because of his popularity, wanted his society. The saloon 
 recognized that in him they had a lode-star to attract others. 
 The anchorage of youth is the will. The village and the 
 city, under these conditions, weakened the will and ruined the 
 makings of a man. The Young Men's Christian Association 
 ofifered to these young men counter attractions. It welcomed 
 them to health, moral, mental and physical. It had its ^m- 
 
53 
 
 nasium and other methods of healthy exercise, it had its 
 library, its lectures on useful topics, its educational branches 
 fitting the untrained for careers, it had its games and recre- 
 ations, it had its baths, always demonstrating that "Cleanli- 
 ness is next to Godliness." The business men of the country 
 began to find out that there was in the membership of the 
 Young Men's Christian Association insurance policies against 
 dissipation, poor service and peculation. 
 
 As an instance, I remember when I was on a Western 
 trip over the roads of our system, receiving an urgent request 
 by wire to stop off at Rochester to address a meeting of busi- 
 ness men on the question of the erection and equipment of a 
 building for the Young Men's Christian Association. I had an 
 important engagement in New York in the morning, but I 
 accepted the invitation. I arranged to have a locomotive and 
 a sleeping car immediately after the meeting and overtake my 
 train so that I could arrive in New York on time. The meet- 
 ing was a wonderful success. Among the audience were mem- 
 bers of every church in the city, including many prominent 
 Jews. The appeal I made was to them as business men for 
 efficiency and honesty in their service. Sufficient funds were 
 subscribed that night for land and a building. I took my train 
 very happy, but in the night found myself flying along the 
 roof of the car and landing in the aisle with the car on one 
 side. The negro porter, who laid along side of me, said, "Boss, 
 we have struck soinething." Happily we were near Syracuse. 
 An engine came to my assistance, I overtook my train and 
 arrived at my meeting on time. I could not have been in the 
 air, awakened from my sleep, more than a few seconds, but 
 in that time this went through my head, "I am in a railroad 
 smash-up and in a minute more will be killed. The train on 
 which I was will arrive in New York in safety, and if I had 
 not gotten off to make that speech for the Y. M. C. A., I 
 would not have been killed. What excuse will those young 
 Christians offer to explain this tragedy to me?" I have been 
 very happy ever since that such a difficult question was not 
 put to them. 
 
 Friends, these Associations, of which this Railroad Branch 
 is one, are devoted to character building and character saving. 
 
54 
 
 Character building, under proper environment, will usually suc- 
 ceed. It invariably succeeds when the environment has Chris- 
 tian associations, but character saving is more difficult. It is a 
 missionary work which never ceases. It is especially the work 
 of this Association and millions of characters saved attest its 
 efficiency. Statisticians attempt to estimate the value of a 
 young man to the community in money. That means simply 
 his working power, but the value of a young man to a com- 
 munity in his citizenship is infinitely greater. In this I in- 
 clude his place in the family and the church. The loss of that 
 young man, not by death, but by dissipation, is not only his 
 elimination, but it is the effect of his conduct and example 
 upon the community when he goes wrong. 
 
 Every enterprise before it reaches "easy street" has a 
 difficult beginning and hard sledding over rough roads in its 
 earlier years. Our Association is no exception to this 
 rule. In 1875 the late Cornelius \''anderbilt asked me 
 to meet in his office a locomotive engineer from Colling- 
 wood, near. Cleveland. This engineer, an energetic, earnest 
 and intense man, described his success in forming a Railroad 
 Branch of the Young Men's Christian Association at the 
 Terminal Yards at Collingwood. Fie said the conditions among 
 the men, on account of drink, were bad. He could find no 
 room and so he assembled the Associate Engineers and Fire- 
 men in the Round House. They had induced some philan- 
 thropic people in Cleveland t& give papers and books. The 
 success had been so great among the men that he felt if the 
 scheme was enlarged, its opportunities had no bounds. Mr. 
 Vanderbilt's reputation for charity and philanthropy he well 
 knew, and so he came down to make this effort. Mr. Vander- 
 bilt said to me, "Chauncey, this scheme appeals to me, I will 
 take it up." He called in Mr. Tousey, the General Superin- 
 tendent, and after explaining the matter, asked if he could 
 not arrange a room somewhere for a meeting. One of the lum- 
 ber rooms in the old Grand Central Station in the basement 
 was cleaned up, a desk and chairs were put in and the first 
 meeting was held. Mr. Vanderbilt secured a most efficient 
 Secretary in the person of Mr. Stockwell, and Mr. Vander- 
 bilt paid his salary and all the expenses of the enterprise. 
 
55 
 
 While the officers of the Company assisted, none of them, I 
 think, were in sympathy with the movement. They believed 
 in individual liberty of the employee to the limit, and if he 
 went wrong, not try to save or reform him, but fire him. 
 The effect of this initial movement upon the men coming in 
 and who must remain at this Terminal was immediately evi- 
 dent. The opposition of the saloons and the pool rooms was 
 intense. They did everything they could to discourage and 
 prevent men from the various departments of the service join- 
 ing, but Mr. Stockwell, the Secretary, was an attractive, ener- 
 getic and forceful missionary. The rooms soon had daily and 
 weekly newspapers, monthly and quarterly magazines, a very 
 fair library, tables for games without gambling, lectures and 
 courses of religious instruction, but not so pressed as to be 
 oppressive. Then Mr. Vanderbilt conceived the wonderful 
 scheme of erecting and presenting to the Association this 
 building. When finished, it was one of the most attractive 
 club houses in New York City. Mr. Stockwell died, and then 
 the Association was fortunate in securing one of the' best men 
 who were born and trained in this work, in Mr. Warburton, 
 who conducted it to eminent success for twenty-five years and 
 retired at the end of a quarter of a century with the love and 
 regret of everybody. I am glad that from the large place 
 which he now fills he is present with us to-night. 
 
 When the success of this work was demonstrated, Mr. 
 Vanderbilt extended it over the New York Central Lines. As 
 we went on railway trips to the West, the Northwest and the 
 Pacific Coast, he invariably, when we reached the places where 
 were the principal offices of the railroads, called upon their 
 chief officers and urged them to introduce the system of Rail- 
 road Branches of the Young Men's Christian Association with 
 proper buildings and assistance from the railway treasury. In 
 nine cases out of ten, tlTese railway officials had little or no 
 confidence in the work, but the prestige of Mr. Vanderbilt was 
 so great and his earnestness so intense that they did not care 
 to disoblige him. Not one of them, after the experiment was 
 tried, has ever advocated its discontinuance, on the contrary 
 all have advocated its extension. 
 
 You gentlemen, here to-night, can hardly appreciate the 
 
56 
 
 conditions Avhich existed in the '70's at railway terminals. 
 They were surrounded with liquor saloons and pool rooms. 
 These places had runners, many of whom were in the service 
 of the companies, to bring in recruits. The percentage of men 
 dropped every month for drunkenness was very large. There 
 were serious dangers to the public on account of intemperance 
 among the employees. The social conditions at the terminals 
 were bad because the saloon-keeper got about sixty per cent. 
 of the man's earnings and his wife forty per cent. After these 
 Associations had been established for a while, the wife got 
 sixty per cent, and the saloon got none. The difference was 
 evident immediately in the condition of the houses, the appear- 
 ance of the family, the cleanliness and spirits of the children, 
 the attendance at the schools and the prosperity of the 
 churches. 
 
 This farewell meeting to this building, which was erected, 
 completed aad endowed by Mr. Cornelius Vanderbilt, would 
 be incomplete without a tribute to the man. It was my good 
 fortune and my happiness to be intimate with him from the 
 time of his entrance into the railway service in his early life 
 until his death. He was so modest and retiring, so shunned 
 publicity that he was little understood. He was one of the 
 most charitable, thoughtful, wisely philanthropic and courage- 
 ous of men. As an instance of his courage, there was a re- 
 form movement started at one time against the corruptions of 
 the city government. Corruptionists were in control of every 
 branch. Mr. Vanderbilt was asked to become one of the 
 committee for the meeting. An influential member of the city 
 government, whom Mr. Vanderbilt knew well, called upon him 
 and said, "I come in your own interest and as a friend. You 
 are one of the wealthiest men in town. Our people control 
 the tax department as well as the police, the Board of Health, 
 the streets and everything needful to your comfort. You do 
 not want to incur the active hostility of those in power, who 
 cannot be driven out by this or any other movement. If you 
 become a member of this committee, they will regard it as an 
 hostile act and you will become a conspicuous victim of their 
 vengeance." When the man left his oiTice, Mr. Vanderbilt 
 immediately called up the organizer of the meeting and said. 
 
57 
 
 "I will not only act as one of your committee, but will serve 
 at the meeting as one of your vice-presidents." 
 
 This is an age of wonderful giving. The world knows 
 who the large givers are and the amounts they contribute out 
 of their surplus for educational, charitable and philanthropic 
 purposes. There are members of Congress and sometimes a 
 preacher who say the people ought not to accept these con- 
 tributions, now amounting to nearly a thousand million of 
 dollars, because the givers did not secure their vast fortunes 
 in a way which these critics approve. It is the money which 
 counts; its income from the investment will come long after 
 the donor has been dead and forgotten; it will continue its 
 work in the colleges, in the research institutions to prevent 
 disease and to cure it, in the work to multiply the productive- 
 ness of the farms and to save the vast annual loss from dis- 
 temper and epidemics in live stock, and to create centers of 
 education and recreation, and uplift by libraries and schools 
 everywhere. Generations unborn to the end of time will be 
 recipients of this money working for their benefit. 
 
 There are other capitalists whose charities are unknown, 
 the memory of whose gifts are only with the recipient and 
 with themselves. I have known several of these anonymous 
 givers, but the most persistent and generous of them was Mr 
 Vanderbilt. Representatives of colleges, of churches, of bene- 
 ficent institutions of all kinds, I have known come to his office 
 in despair and leave it with hope and happiness. Families and 
 individuals innumerable almost owe their existence to the con- 
 tinued flow of these beneficent and secret gifts. No one but 
 himself knew how large a proportion of his income every year 
 was appropriated in this way. He was always in the many 
 enterprises, church and charity, in which he was interested 
 that most important member who makes up, no matter how 
 much the deficiency, what the others have failed to do. If it 
 had been possible to preserve this building, it would have re- 
 mained his monument, but it had to yield to progress. It is 
 a happy illustration of love for himself and his work that, 
 when this building had to be abandoned on account of the 
 great improvement necessary at this Terminal, his brothers, 
 William K. and Frederick W. Vanderbilt, and his son, Alfred 
 
58 
 
 G. Vanderbilt, have most liberally and generously contributed 
 the money to erect a larger, a more complete and a more mod- 
 ern structure for the present and future of this beneficent 
 work. I love old landmarks. I recognize that many of them 
 have to disappear because of the great needs of the newer 
 time, nevertheless, it is most fortunate that when it is pos- 
 sible, landmarks, which stand for much in the past by way of 
 lesson and example for the future, can be preserved. It is 
 most fortunate that in the march of civilization across the 
 continent, Mount Vernon was left by the wayside and not in 
 the path of progress. If the railway had not been built and 
 the river Potomac had become, as Washington thought it 
 \yould, a great commercial highway. Mount Vernon could not 
 have been preserved but would have been the site of a thriv- 
 ing industry and great hotels. But now in the hands of a 
 society of patriotic ladies, it will remain a Mecca for all time 
 for lovers of liberty from all over the world. 
 
 I recently visited Bunker Hill. I noted how the city had 
 surged around it and pressed upon it. If three-quarters of a 
 century ago it had not been preserved, future generations 
 would have lost the flower and fruit of the story of the Revo- 
 lution. 
 
 We rejoice in the growth of the railway with which we 
 are connected and with which many of us have been so long. 
 A year from next January will round out my half century in 
 its service. This has been for me fifty years of marvelous 
 experience, of wonderful opportunities to witness the expan- 
 sion of the country and especially of its railway systems, and 
 of exquisite pleasure in cherished associations with men in 
 every branch of the New York Central, and in every capacity 
 in each branch. Equally with executive officers have been 
 men whom I highly value in the Operating Department, in 
 the Freight and Passenger Departments, in the Law Depart- 
 ment, in the shops, and in every activity of tliis great cor- 
 poration. In yielding to the necessities of expansion of our 
 System, this building is to be succeeded by one much larger 
 and much better equipped for the present and for the future, 
 which is erected, completed and will soon be dedicated, but 
 we can to-night devote our thoughts to the past, we can think 
 
.59 
 
 of the work which has been done here, we can recall the 
 thousands who have loved and passed through these rooms, 
 we can rejoice in the young men who by, the opportunity here 
 offered have risen from humble positions to the very highest 
 in the service of the railways of the country. 
 
 If a volume could be written of characters here formed, 
 of characters here rescued, of opportunities here availed of, 
 of ambitions here aroused, of careers here opened and of 
 happiness which has come to thousands, in their own lives and 
 that of their families, it would be one of the most helpful and 
 instructive works in any library in the world. 
 
Speech of HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW at 
 the Grave of Lafayette in Paris, on the Morning 
 of the Fourth of July, 1914. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : I have rarely participated in 
 a more interesting ceremony than this. I did not know until 
 yesterday afternoon the story of the last resting place of La- 
 fayette and the history surrounding it. I am sure that few 
 Americans know this story. It illustrates better than anything 
 two conceptions of liberty. During the reign of terror those 
 amiable representatives Robespierre, Danton and Marat de- 
 cided to clean out the prisons, and they made a battue of the 
 prisoners and guillotined in one day 1,306. Their bodies were 
 thrown into carts which were driven out into what was then 
 the country around Paris and thrown into a ditch. 
 
 These victims had been guilty of no crime, many of them 
 had never been tried, they were held because information had 
 been filed with the Government against them by spies or 
 enemies. The Government under the motto of Liberty, Equal- 
 ity and Fraternity was so fearful of their power that they 
 killed all who were opposed to or suspected by them of being 
 hostile to their continuing in office. When the terror was 
 over and orderly government and law was restored the fam- 
 ilies of these victims purchased the ground in which they were 
 buried and a large tract around it. They surrounded the ceme- 
 tery with a high wall. They then in the adjoining ground 
 built a convent and a chapel. They arranged with a sister- 
 hood of nuns to give to them the convent building, the chapel 
 and grounds, providing they would care for the grave of the 
 1,306 and would offer prayers continually forever. They also 
 provided a fund sufficient to maintain the convent and its 
 duties. For over two hundred years two of the nuns have 
 •been day and night before the altar offering these prayers, 
 the sisters being relieved every thirty minutes by others. This 
 will continue for all time. When Lafayette died he directed 
 that he should be buried in the convent grounds next to the 
 wall which enclosed the grave of the martyrs of the revolu- 
 
62 
 
 tion. Here we have two remarkable illustrations of liberty. 
 On the one side of this wall that liberty of which Madatne 
 Roland remarked when she stood at the foot of the guillotine, 
 "O Liberty, how many crimes are committed in thy name!" 
 On this side the grave of Lafayette represents all that he 
 and Washington fought for and all that we Americans and 
 French celebrate on the Fourth of July. 
 
 It is a beautiful custom that the Americans in Paris 
 should on every recurring^ of the birthday of their Republic 
 place a wreath of flowers upon the tomb of Lafayette in per- 
 petual commemoration of what he and the French did to se- 
 cure our Independence. It means that as long as flowers blos- 
 som and bloom so long will Lafayette's memory remain fresh 
 and fragrant with the American people. Time eliminates 
 celebrities. The heroes of one age are forgotten in the next. 
 A man represents to the mass of the people the principles for 
 which he fought and of which he was a leader. His associates 
 are gradually forgotten and he alone remains to represent the 
 idea. 
 
 When I was a boy every American school boy and school 
 girl could easily recall the story of a score of the great Ameri- 
 can generals and French officers of the American Revolution. 
 , To-day I doubt if the great mass of the children of the United 
 States could do the same for any, except Washington and 
 Lafayette. They have crystallized in their names all that was 
 won for the people by the American Revolution and of the 
 assistance rendered by the French. Lafayette represented a 
 universal conception of liberty hitherto unknown. There had 
 always been patriots who were willing to sacrifice everything 
 for their own people and their own country, but Lafayette 
 gave himself, his fortune and his future for the liberty of a 
 people of whom he knew little personally and the country of 
 which he knew less and which he had never seen. It was the 
 beginning of that sympathy for the principle by one nation 
 for another which was struggling, sacrificing and suffering 
 to secure its rights or a people to win their liberties. Knight- 
 errantry had been chivalric on many battlefields, but never 
 before to secure or to win fundamental rights for others than 
 those of theii- own race or religion. It was the birth of that 
 
63 
 
 universal idea of liberty which made us sympathize and help 
 Greece and which carried Lord Byron in his romantic gal- 
 lantry to their assistance. It was the same principle which 
 carried us into our neighboring island of Cuba for its deliv- 
 erance. 
 
 Right-minded people of all nationalities are laboring for 
 universal peace. It will come when the world understands 
 and is ready to act at any sacrifice upon the principles which 
 actuated Lafayette and led him to enlist in the cause of Ameri- 
 can Independence. 
 
speech by HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW at 
 the Fourth of July Banquet of the American 
 Chamber of Commerce, Paris, on the Evening 
 of the Fourth of July, 1914. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : It has been my pleasure and 
 a very great one to attend a majority of the twenty Fourth of 
 July banquets which have been given by the American Cham- 
 ber of Commerce in Paris. All of them have been interesting 
 and instructive with eloquence and humor. I miss the annual 
 speech of my venerable friend, Mr. Seligman. I think that 
 my prosperity and longevity have been assisted by his Fourth 
 of July advice to all of us to live within our incomes and be 
 true to our families. 
 
 I have celebrated the Fourth of July in many countries 
 and several times on a steamer on the Atlantic ocean. The 
 day is a sad one for an American on the Atlantic. He recalls, 
 as I well remember, that sixty years ago the United States had 
 sixty-one per cent of the tonnage of the ocean. To-day it has 
 less than nine per cent. This is because practical men have 
 been replaced in legislation by theorists. The theorists would 
 be all right and successful, if the millenium had arrived and 
 Gabriel's trumpet had sounded and all peoples of all nations 
 were united in one brotherhood and singing the same hymns. 
 Germany, in the meantime, within the last quarter of a cen- 
 tury has abandoned her theorists, and her practical men of 
 experience and wise statesmanship have made her from noth- 
 ing the second maritime power of the world. 
 
 Sixty years ago the Fourth of July orator was most 
 eloquent on the flag of his country flying from American ships 
 on every sea and in every port of the world. Now the Ameri- 
 can circles the globe and never meets an American ship carry- 
 ing the flag of his country. I love to recall the old Fourth of 
 July of sixty and seventy years ago, when in every village the 
 veterans at sunrise fired the old cannon, the church bells rang, 
 the procession went round the streets with the old soldiers 
 of previous wars in carriages, the people gathered in the grove 
 and listened to the reading of the Declaration of Independence 
 
66 
 
 and the inspiration of the oration. The small boy fired his 
 pistol and his crackers, burned his fingers and his face with 
 powder and was a recruit in the future at the call of his 
 country. Now there is no sunrise gun, no procession, no 
 oration, everybody goes on a picnic, the children eat too much 
 cake, drink too much lemonade, fill up with ice cream and 
 remember the Fourth of July as stomach-ache day. But under 
 our new dispensation it is what the eugenics call a sane and 
 safe Fourth of July. 
 
 Americans can celebrate the Fourth of July and bring its 
 spirit anywhere in the world. This year it will be significant 
 in England because it is a part of the celebrations of the hun- 
 dred years of peace between English speaking peoples. But 
 it is celebrated with more sentiment and fervor by Americans 
 away from home in France than in any country, for Lafayette 
 and Rochambeau equally with Washington made the Fourth 
 of July possible. French aid, French armies and French gal- 
 lantry joining with the American army saved liberty for the 
 United States and the world. So Americans can say of the 
 French on the Fourth of July what my old friend, Colonel 
 Somers of South Carolina, said in closing a hot discussion on 
 the merits of religious sects. The Colonel said, "I admit that 
 Catholics can go to Heaven, so can Baptists, Presbyterians, 
 Unitarians and others, but if you wish to go to Heaven as a" 
 gentleman with gentlemen, you must be an Episcopalian." 
 
 To appreciate the spirit of this day, we must go back. 
 We must think of what there is of the old which is worth 
 preserving. Everything new is not better than the old because 
 it is new, nor is reform always an improvement. The old 
 athlete who regained his strength every time he fell on his 
 mother earth typifies the American who gets new inspiration 
 from the Constitution of the United States. It is fashionable 
 now to ridicule these statesmen who one hundred and twenty- 
 seven years ago, sitting in convention with their knee breeches, 
 silver buckle shoes and silk coats framed the Constitution 
 which Mr. Gladstone said was the greatest document ever 
 prepared by men at one session. 
 
 The fathers of the Republic in founding their govern- 
 ment had sevetal distinct purposes. One was to form a Union 
 
67 
 
 of the States which would be indestructable, the other that 
 the people, instead of legislating in mass meetings, should 
 elect from their own number competent men to be their law- 
 makers. They then created a new department of government, 
 the Supreme Court of the United States. The power of this 
 great Court was to prevent the Congress from passing laws 
 which were not permitted under the Constitution and to pro- 
 tect the people from unconstitutional acts, which would impair 
 their liberties or confiscate their property. 
 
 This Government has existed unchanged for a hundred 
 and twenty-seven years. It has added to the Union thirty-five 
 great commonwealths or States ; peopled the continent and 
 made our country the freest and happiest the world has ever 
 known. The fathers' central ideas were to base their institu- 
 tions on the individual. All governments the world over were 
 built upon classes. The fathers abolished classes and gave 
 power to the masses. They encouraged the individual by giv- 
 ing him the largest liberty to work out his own career and 
 destiny. Freed from the shackles of aristocracy and privilege 
 created by law, the individual has superbly demonstrated the 
 wisdom of this policy. He has built up cities and villages, 
 he has turned the wilderness into farms and the waste places 
 into gardens. He has scaled the Rocky Mountains and created 
 an empire on the golden coast of the Pacific. He has built 
 mills and manufactories, he has developed water power and 
 natural resources, he has found and contributed to the world 
 for its health, wealth and happiness mines of coal, gold, silver, 
 copper and other minerals. He has carried with him every- 
 where religiousi and civil freedom. He has carried with him 
 the church, the schoolhouse and the free press. This process 
 and system has permitted the ablest and the most resourceful 
 to win great prizes, but in a measure the whole community 
 has shared in the results of his genius. 
 
 Now we have a new school. This school would destroy 
 the safeguards of the Constitution and deprive the individual 
 of the fruits of his ability, energy, resourcefulness and far- 
 sightedness. The question is and it is an acute one, will we 
 have better laws from the mob than from Congress? The 
 new school demands that laws shall be initiated by a petition 
 
68 
 
 of five or ten per cent, of the voters and passed by a plurality 
 of a general election. 3o far in the States where it has been 
 tried the busy people become confused by having so many 
 questions to study and to act upon, that as a rule only twenty 
 per cenL vote, and eleven per cent, or just a majority of the 
 twenty per cent, constitute the government. The new school 
 also would make the mob the court. It would recall the judge 
 if a temporary majority did not like his decision and virtually 
 destroy the court. I believe the best judgment of our country 
 is convinced that the experience of our first century has dem- 
 onstrated that the rights of the minority, the permanence of 
 orderly liberty and the safety and , welfare of our people 
 depend upon preserving the independence and integrity of the 
 courts. Our country with two great leaders who founded two 
 schools of political thought — Hamilton, who believed in a 
 strong central government, in the regulation of everything 
 possible by law and in providing every safeguard against hasty 
 action by the people; Jefferson on the other hand believed 
 that the States should be the stronger, that the central gov- 
 ernment should have very little power and that there should 
 be the fewest possible laws. His famous maxim was, "That 
 government is best which governs least." The Republican 
 Party retains the principles of Hamilton in the main. In the 
 changes of a century The Democratic Party, which was 
 founded by Jefferson, has repudiated Jefferson and adopted 
 the principles of Hamilton. It believes in strengthening in 
 every way the power of the central government. The Presi- 
 dency has grown in power until our chief Magistrate exer- 
 cises more authority than the Czar of Russia. He initiates 
 laws, calls Congress together and tells the Senate and the 
 House of Representatives that they must pass them, and the 
 Senate and the House of Representatives with little hesitation 
 obey. The people seem to like this change in the spirit of our 
 institution but it makes our executives all powerful and our 
 legislators rubber stamps. 
 
 The new system, the new idea is rapidly developing into 
 control by the government of all business. The railways are 
 the arteries of production and commerce and their prosperity 
 is the sure barometer of the prosperity of the country. The 
 
69 
 
 control by the government of the railroads is now complete 
 but without the government assuming any responsibility. 
 With the government's approval the wages of the employees 
 have been increased within the last two years sixty millions 
 of dollars annually on the roads East of Chicago, and many 
 more millions have been added to the expenses of the rail- 
 roads by full crew laws which are foolish and unnecessary, -by 
 regulation of the Interstate Commerce Commission and taxes. 
 The railroads have no way of meeting these increased expenses 
 except b}' increasing rates. The government has hesitated for 
 many months to give relief which is so plainly needed that 
 every business man in the United States thinks it ought to be 
 done. 
 
 A government official^ said to me, "When the prophet 
 Elijah asked the widow for some breakfast, she said that she 
 and her son were starving, that they had only enough meal 
 in the barrel and oil in the can for one cake and that she and 
 her son were going to eat that cake and then die. But Elijah 
 said, "Keep taking meal out of the barrel and oil out of the 
 can and they will never fail." The widow had faith, she fed 
 Elijah, her son and herself and the whole neighborhood while 
 the famine lasted. The more meal she took out of the barrel 
 without any being put into it, and the more oil she brought out 
 of the can without any fresh oils being added, the more meal 
 there was. left in the barrel and the more oil in the can. 
 "Now," said the official, "why cannot the railroads do that?" 
 I said, "Because the government do not give us Elijah." I 
 have been in active business for about sixty years and during 
 the whole of that time general prosperity and good crops have 
 gone hand in hand together. There never has been a time 
 when the earth has brought out its abundance and the harvests 
 have created new wealth that there did not follow an im- 
 provement in every business and booming times in every de- 
 partment of American investment, endeavor and employment. 
 We are assured this year the largest crops in the history of 
 our country, the wheat fields give two hundred and fifty mil- 
 lions more bushels than ever before, and corn, barley, rye, 
 oats and cotton show equal phenomenal increases. From all 
 experience there should be brilliant markets and wonderful 
 
70 
 
 prosperity, but instead neither the exchanges nor the factories 
 nor the labor employment bureau responded. What is the 
 matter? President Wilson is able and honest. He is the best 
 educated and most cultivated of our Presidents. He is an 
 eminent college president and professor, but never was in con- 
 tact with business. He said to representatives of the 36,000 
 manufacturers from the West who complained to him that 
 they were working on half time with half employment because 
 of uncertainty as to legislation, that there was no reason why 
 they should not be running their factories on full time and 
 reemploy all their employees. "Gentlemen," he said in effect, 
 "the trouble with you is not the laws which have been passed 
 by this Congress or which we propose to pass; your trouble 
 is purely psychological. Go home and think prosperity is 
 here, and you will find it here." A lady said to the son of a 
 neighbor, "Bobby, how is your father?" Bobby said, "He is 
 very sick, madam, and we are afraid he will die." The lady 
 said, "Bobby, tell your father to think that he is well, and he 
 will be all right in a: few days." Some time afterwards the 
 lady met Bobby again and said, "Bobby, how is your father?" 
 "Well," said Bobby, "madam, he thinks he is dead and so we 
 buried him." 
 
 We have the new tariff law and the new currency law 
 which most people approve and we can adjust our business 
 to the new conditions they create. But Congress is now pass- 
 ing laws called Anti-trust which give to the government the 
 power to examine into every business whether by an individual 
 or by a corporation and to ascertain all its secrets and reveal 
 them. This legislation is said to have two objects, one to pro- 
 mote competition, the other to prevent competition. The busi- 
 ness world says to the President, to the Cabinet and to the 
 Congress of all parties, "Give us a rest." I am an optimist 
 by nature and more so by experience. The American people 
 who have accomplished such wonders in the last century, in 
 the last fifty years, in the last quarter of a century have still 
 the same vigor, the same enterprise and the same hopeful 
 audacity as of old. They cannot stand imcertainty. Give 
 them the rules of the game whatever they are and they will 
 play the game to the limit and as they have always done to 
 
71 
 
 success. Their resourcefulness still exists. At Hammonds- 
 pqrt, New York, the other day at a trial trip of the hydro- 
 plane which is to cross the Atlantic, they had an American 
 flag, but none of England or France which countries she is to 
 visit. A citizen had two cancelled postage stamps, one English 
 and the other French. He pasted one on one side of the 
 hydroplane and the other on the other side, and then she went 
 in the air carrying the emblems of the United States, France 
 and England. 
 
 The wonderful report of Admiral Fletcher detailing the 
 gallantry of our sailors and soldiers at Vera Cruz shows that 
 the spirit of the Revolution and of the Civil War on both 
 sides, is still as brilliant and full of self-sacrifice and patriotism 
 as ever. 
 
 Liberty has now more oracles and priests than ever before. 
 They interpret her teachings in many and diverse ways. They 
 appeal to passion, to self-interest, to prejudice, to class hatred. 
 But she is the' same pure spirit which guided the patriot armies 
 from Bunker Hill to Yorktown, inspired the immortal Dec- 
 laration of Independence and granted wisdom to the framers 
 of the Constitution. To maintain in spirit, in legislation and 
 in national life her beneficent principles is the glorious mission 
 of our sister Republics, the United States and France. 
 
THE TERCENTENARY OF OUR CHARTERED 
 COMMERCE 
 
 Written by HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW for 
 the New York Times, November 1, 1914, Tell- 
 ing its Story Since the Early Days of the Dutch 
 and of the Lessons that May be Learned From 
 it for the Future 
 
 The first quarter of each century has been distinguished 
 by events which have had a marked influence on the history 
 of the world. In 13 14 the union was formed between France 
 and Navarre which created a new and dominant power in 
 Europe. 
 
 In 1415, one hundred years later, was fought the battle 
 of Agincourt which gave France to England for a long period 
 of years. In 1610, two hundred years later, Henry IV. was 
 murdered, the tendency toward liberalism was stopped, and 
 France came under the baleful influence of Mary de Medici. 
 After the brilliant government of Cardinal Richelieu, the Edict 
 of Nantes was repealed, the Huguenots scattered over the 
 world, to the great enrichment of other nations and the par- 
 alysis of French industry. 
 
 In 1814 the battle of Waterloo ended the career of Napo- 
 leon and restored Europe for a time to Bourbon and autocracy. 
 
 We turn to Germany and find the same fateful first quar- 
 ter of the century; 1508 to 1517 saw the rise of Luther and 
 the most significant revolution of the Middle Ages. In 1618 
 began the thirty years' war, which destroyed cities and wasted 
 the country, and after awful horrors and slaughter left Ger- 
 many seriously depopulated and impoverished. But in 1813 
 arose the Order of the Iron Cross, which drove Napoleon 
 from Germany, aroused German patriotism, and regained Ger- 
 man independence. 
 
 Great Britain in her history singularly illustrates the same 
 rule. In 1215 the Barons at Runnymede wrung from King 
 
74 
 
 John Magna Charta, the genesis of our own liberties. In 1314, 
 one hundred years later, the battle of Bannockburn united 
 England and Scotland; 161 1 witnessed the completion of our 
 authorized version of the Bible. Its influence has been incal- 
 culable upon English and American history, upon literature 
 in the English language and upon the language itself ; 1614 
 was the zenith of the activities of Shakespeare, and the battle 
 of Waterloo in 181 5 gave to Great Britain her escape from 
 the peril to her empire and her commerce and a commanding 
 influence on the ocean and in the affairs of Europe, Asia, and 
 Africa. The victory at Blenheim in 1704 was followed by 
 the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, which conceded the things 
 necessary for the British Empire of the future. 
 
 The year 1914 is one of the most fateful, not only to the 
 United States but to the world. The most gigantic war of 
 all the centuries is in progress. Eight hundred millions of 
 people, one-half of the inhabitants of the earth, are in deadly 
 conflict, with engines of destruction never imagined by the 
 soldiers of the past. The destinies of dynasties, the bound- 
 aries of empires, the liberties of peoples, the future of civiliza- 
 tion, the influence of Christianity are all involved in this 
 titanic conflict. 
 
 But at the same time for, the United States 1914 is an 
 era of the victories of peace. It witnesses the completion of 
 a century of peace between the United States and <jreat 
 Britain. It heralds the end of four hundred 5'ears of effort 
 in the completion of the Panama Canal. It witnesses the com- 
 pletition of the enlargement; of the Erie Canal. It brings us 
 together to celebrate the three hundredth anniversary of that 
 small beginning of the commerce of New York, which has. 
 flowered and fruited in the centuries with a speed unknown 
 in the history of more ancient capitals into the leadership of 
 all but London and rivalry with her. • 
 
 The often tried and often defeated efforts to find a north- 
 west passage to the East are what led to the discovery of 
 America and the event we celebrate. This was the quest of 
 Columbus and which caused other navigators to try for an 
 open door along the Atlantic Coast and the Isthmus of Darien. 
 The failure of their search revealed a continent instead of 
 
75 
 
 a strait. It gave to the world the opportunity of ample room 
 for the development of civil and religious liberty, so remote 
 ^ from old despotisms that before its meaning and result could 
 be comprehended a new and mighty nation would become their 
 guardian and protector. 
 
 The effort of Philip II. to exterminate this liberty in Hol- 
 land by persecution so terrible that it carried one hundred 
 thousand men and women to the stake aroused a spirit of de- 
 fiance and independence which turned a whole people into an 
 organization known to fame and history as the "Beggars of 
 the Sea." These glorious mendicants took toll of the ocean. 
 They won their lands from the waves by their dikes and 
 flooded them to drown their invaders and persecutors. They 
 sunk or drove into ports the fleets of King Philip and ex- 
 tended their power over Java and East Indian islands, and 
 others in the West Indies which Holland still owns. 
 
 But their spiritual development was greater than their 
 material victories. In an age enveloped in darkness they gave 
 home and welcome to alien races and religions. The Jew 
 was safe, and Catholics and Protestants found equal freedom. 
 The Puritans, fleeing from England, had the unrestricted en- 
 joyment of religion according to their belief, an open field 
 for earning a living by their industries and the incalculable 
 advantage of Dutch schools and Leyden University, at that 
 time the best in Europe. Dutch scholars were leaders of 
 thought and their artists of unequaled genius. Their in- 
 ventors gave to science the microscope and improved the tele- 
 scope. Such were the people who founded New York and 
 started it upon its imperial career. 
 
 The discovery of North and South America stirred na- 
 tions and individuals to grasp and utilize their treasures. The 
 only settlement purely for liberty in all the tragic story of 
 those centuries upon the Americas was that of the Pilgrims 
 on Plymouth Rock. Cortez and Pizarro were ruthless and 
 savage conquerors. St. Augustine was founded in 1565 as a 
 Spanish military post and developed no commerce. The Eng- 
 lish settled in Jamestown in 1607, but the colonists had to be 
 supported for years by the mother country, not even raising 
 ertough for food. In 1614 they commenced cultivating and ' 
 
76 
 
 exporting tobacco, which after some years made them self- 
 supporting, but they created no commerce. 
 
 The Pilgrims from their settlement devoted themselves to 
 domestic affairs, but had no foreign trade. The settlement 
 of New York between the dates of Jamestown and Plymouth 
 was purely a commercial enterprise. It was successful from 
 the start, and the growth and expansion of its commerce have 
 gone on during three centuries until it has reached its present 
 imperial and worldwide proportions. 
 
 Henry Hudson, an Englishman, was prominent among 
 those early adventurers whose tales could draw cash and ships 
 from Kings and merchant princes. His story captured the 
 imagination of Henry IV. of France, the hero of Navarre, 
 but the merchants of Holland were quicker and more auda- 
 cious and secured his services. He made both believe that he 
 was the sole possessor of the secret of the coveted northwest 
 passage to India. The solid men of Amsterdam gave him 
 the good ship Half Moon of lOO tons, fully manned and 
 equipped for a long voyage. 
 
 Henry Hudson was never in a hurry. He added to his 
 English stolidness and tenacity a large measure of Dutch 
 phlegm and love of ease. On Wednesday, September 2, 1609, 
 at 5 o'clock in the afternoon, according to the log of the Half 
 Moon, she dropped anchor at Sandy Hook. She remained 
 in the lower bay ten days to give time for the Captain and his 
 Holland staff to reflect on the situation. September 12 she 
 raised anchor, sailed through the Narrows and anchored off 
 the Battery. The next day, September 13, she made eleven 
 and a half miles to Spuyten Duyvil Creek. There Hudson's 
 boats discovered that Manhattan was an island, and old New 
 York owes to him this important information. On the 14th 
 the Half Moon reached Yonkers, and, being satisfied that he 
 had found the strait leading to the goal of his quest, the north- 
 west passage to India, he continued up the Hudson until the 
 shallows near Troy grounded his ship and dispelled his hopes. 
 He reached New York on his returning trip October 4, having 
 in the month demonstrated the navigability of the river and 
 gained immortality for himself by giving his name to this 
 most picturesque of rivers. When he cleared the harbor and 
 
y7 
 
 pointed his prow for Europe, the Half Moon became the 
 pioneer of the ocean sailing vessels which for three centuries 
 in large fleets have made New York the chief port of the 
 Western Hemisphere. 
 
 Hudson, having failed in his contract to find the north- 
 west passage, stayed in England on his return, but sent the 
 Half Moon and the maps and accounts of his discoveries to 
 the East India Company at Amsterdam. The Half Moon, 
 the pioneer of shipping to and from New York, was lost in 
 1615 in the Indian Ocean. These farsighted and enterprising 
 Dutch merchants saw the possibilities in Hudson's report and 
 maps of the new country he had found and explored. 
 
 The Dutch had not three hundred years ago advanced 
 to our present distrust of the individual and fear of his suc- 
 cess. They encouraged their citizens to undertake adventur- 
 ous enterprises all over the world by promising them large 
 returns if successful, not from the State but from the results 
 of their discoveries. The explorers took all risks and perils, 
 and if unsuccessful the losses, but were protected in their con- 
 quests until amply repaid. The East India Company, operat- 
 ing in the East Indies and eastern coasts of Asia and Africa, 
 had not only gained riches, but added enormously to the 
 wealth and prosperity of their country. 
 
 The present colonies of Holland in the East came from 
 the East India Company. In 1612 the enterprising merchants 
 of Amsterdam fitted out two ships to confirm Hudson's dis- 
 coveries, one under Captain Christensen, the other under Cap- 
 tain Block. They built four huts for trading purposes on 
 what is now 39 Broadway, and there the commerce of New 
 York began. 
 
 Here we pause to pay tribute to Captain Block. His ship 
 was burned in our harbor. Nothing daunted, this intrepid 
 navigator turned ship builder. The magnitude of the task 
 would have been appalling to the average man, but Captain 
 Block was a pioneer of civilization. With no shipyards, no 
 tools but those saved from the wreck, no machinery for cut- 
 ting down the trees or sawing the logs, the Captain hewed out of 
 the. primeval forest the materials for a ship forty- four and a 
 half feet from stem to stern and eleven and a half feet wide. 
 
78 
 
 He named her the "Onrush," or Restless. Her activities justi- 
 fied her name. She sailed lightly through the perils of Hell 
 Gate, rounded Cape Cod on the north and anchored in Delaware 
 Bay on the south. Her intelligent Captain made maps, whose 
 accuracy was subsequently verified, of Long Island Sound 
 and the coasts of Rhode Island, Massachusetts and Connecti- 
 cut. This modest hero, whose achievements have little men- 
 tion in our histories, whose only monument is Block Island, 
 whose reward was to be made commander twelve years after, 
 in 1624, of the whole fleet sailing between this port and Hol- 
 land, was the founder of the mercantile marine of the United 
 States. 
 
 "The States General of the Free United Netherlands Prov- 
 inces" published in March, 1614, that they would "grant to 
 whoever shall resort to and discover new lands and places" 
 the right that they "shall alone be privileged to make four 
 voyages to such lands and places from these countries exclu- 
 sive of every other person until the aforesaid voyages shall 
 be concluded." The return of Captain Block with his report 
 of his discoveries and statement of the possible commercial 
 opportunities of the territories along the Hudson and Long 
 Island Sound aroused the Dutch merchants to renewed efforts. 
 They formed a company called the New Netherlands Com- 
 pany, and this company on the nth of October, 1614, was 
 granted a charter from the Government of which the follow- 
 ing are the main features: 
 
 Grant of exclusive trade to New Netherlands. The 
 States General of the United Netherlands to all to whom these 
 presents shall come, greeting: Whereas Garrett Jacob Wits- 
 sen, ancient Burgomaster of the City of Amsterdam (and 
 certain other persons named) all now represented in one com- 
 pany have respectfully represented to us that they the peti- 
 tioners after great expense and damages by loss of ships and 
 other dangers have during the present year discovered and 
 found with the above-named ships certain new land situated 
 in America between New France and Virginia, the sea coasts 
 whereof are between forty and forty-five degrees of latitude, 
 and now called "New Netherlands"; and whereas we did in 
 the month of March last, for the promotion and increase of 
 
79 
 
 commerce, cause to be published a certain general consent and 
 charter, setting forth that "whoever should thereafter discover 
 certain new havens, lands, or passages might frequent or cause 
 to be frequented for four voyages such newly discovered and 
 found places, to the exclusion of all others from visiting or 
 frequenting the same from the United Netherlands until the 
 discoverers or finders shall themselves have completed the 
 said four voyages, or cause them to be completed within the 
 time described for that purpose under the penalties expressed 
 in our said Octroy, etc. ; they request that .we shall record to 
 them due account of the aforesaid Octroy in due form. 
 
 Which being considered, we therefore in our assembly 
 have heard the pertinent report of said petitioners * * * have 
 consented and granted, and by these presents do consent and 
 grant to said petitioners now united into one company, that 
 they shall be privileged exclusively to frequent or cause to be 
 visited the above newly described lands in America, between 
 New- France and Virginia * * * for four voyages within 
 the time of three years commencing the ist of January, 1615, 
 next ensuing, or sooner, without it being permitted to any 
 other person from the United Netherlands to sail to or fre- 
 quent the said newly described lands, havens, or places, either 
 directly or indirectly, on pain of confiscation of the vessel 
 and cargo wherewith infraction hereof shall be attempted, 
 and a fine of fifty thousand Netherland ducats for the benefit 
 of said discoverers or finders; provided nevertheless that by 
 these present we do not intend to prejudice or diminish any of 
 our former grants or charters, and it is also our intention that 
 if any disputes or differences from these are developed they 
 shall be decided by ourselves. 
 
 We therefore expressly command all governors, justices, 
 officers, and inhabitants of the aforesaid United Countries that 
 they allow the said company peaceably and quietly to enjoy 
 the whole benefit of this our grant and consent, ceasing all 
 contradictions and obstacles to the contrary. For such we 
 have found to appertain to the public service. 
 
 Given under our seal, paraph, and the signature of our 
 secretary. 
 
 At The Hague, the nth of October, 1614. 
 
8o 
 
 Thus, on October ii, 1614, not by accident, but by able 
 and farsighted citizens of Flolland, recognizing the wonderful 
 situation and limitless future of our unequalled harbor and 
 an enlightened Government encouraging their efforts, was be- 
 gun in a formal way and under solemn official sanction the 
 commerce of New York. 
 
 The first report of the beginning of commerce came two 
 yeajs later from Captain Cornelius Hendricksen, who re- 
 ported to the Government that he had for his masters, the 
 New Netherlands Company, "discovered certain lands in 
 North America and did trade, there with the Indians, said 
 trade consisting of sable furs, robes and skins. He hath 
 found the country full of trees and hath seen in said country 
 bucks and does, turkeys and partridges." 
 
 Trade developed rapidly. Present business was profitable 
 and increasing. So at the end of four years the New Nether- 
 lands Company applied for and was granted by special license 
 an extension for three years until June 23, 1621. When the 
 company asked in 1621 that instead of special license the char- 
 ter should be renewed for a long period, the request was de- 
 nied. In this connection there develops an interesting and 
 epoch-making chapter in the history both of Holland and of 
 New York. 
 
 The eighty years war for Dutch independence had re- 
 sulted in 1609 in the impoverishment of Spain, and Holland 
 becoming one of the richest and most enterprising nations in 
 Europe. Spain asked for a truce until 1621 which was agreed 
 upon. This truce was followed immediately by activities in 
 exploration and of commerce by Holland and its first result 
 was the sailing of Hudson and the Half Moon a few days 
 after. 
 
 In 1579 the Dutch, having revolted from the tyranny and 
 persecutions of the Spanish, had formed a confederation of 
 the seven provinces and united them as States in the ninion 
 of the United Netherlands. This successful federated Gov- 
 ernment of independent States gave the idea and methods to 
 our forefathers for the creation of the Republic of the United 
 States. When the truce of 1609 to 1621 was ended by Spain 
 renewing the war for the subjugation of the Netherlands, the 
 
8i 
 
 Dutch Government in denying the extension of the charter 
 of the New Netherlands Company notified the petitioners that 
 they must form a new and more powerful corporation which 
 could not only increase the commerce of the mother country, 
 but be sufficiently strong in armed ships to protect it. 
 
 Acting upon this suggestion, the members of the com- 
 pany invited a general subscription for a new corporation to 
 take over the business of the old and meet the requirements 
 of the Government. It was capitalized at $2,800,000, an 
 enormous sum for those days, but the capital was oversub- 
 scribed $43,261.44. Each of the seven provinces or States 
 had a representation in the directory of twenty, proportional 
 to their subscriptions. The company was granted vast powers 
 not only for commerce, but for war and peace. 
 
 On February 12, 1620, New York lost one of those oppor- 
 tunities which, if availed of, change the course of history. 
 Pastor Robinson, the minister and leader of the Pilgrim 
 Fathers in Holland, desired to bring his flock of 400 families 
 to New York. The New Netherlands Company was most 
 anxious to secure these settlers, but not having the trans- 
 portation or warships to convey them, petitioned the States 
 General for both. The States General were exhausting all 
 public and private facilities to prosecute the renewal of the 
 war with Spain and were obliged to decline. 
 
 If the Pilgrims could have waited a year until the power- 
 ful West India Company had its fleet on the ocean, the settle- 
 ment of Massachusetts might have been long postponed, and 
 under the mellowing influences of our unsurpassed climate 
 and associations with the genial and hospitable Dutch, the Pil- 
 grim Father might have become a Dutchman. But literature 
 and eloquence would have lost some of their noblest and mosl 
 inspiring contributions. 
 
 The West India Company in the midst of its activities in 
 war systematically and wisely developed its New York pos- 
 sessions. The Dutch, acting with traditional honesty, instead 
 of taking the land by force opened negotiations with the In- 
 dians, and the company reported to the States General that it 
 had purchased the Island of Manhattan from the wild men 
 "for the value of sixty guilders ; it is eleven thousand morgens 
 
82 
 
 in extent." If that is translated in terms of to-day, the Island 
 of Manhattan consisting of twenty-four thousand acres of 
 land was bought from the Indians for twenty-four dollars. 
 
 Immigration was encouraged, and the price of the pas- 
 sage from Amsterdam to New York, everything included, was 
 only six dollars, though the time was about eight weeks. The 
 land increased "rapidly in value. The records show that in 
 1640, twenty-four years after the purchase of the island, in 
 the settled parts and on the principal streets a lot with a front- 
 age of thirty feet on the best business street could be bought 
 for fourteen dollars, while in the residential part the same 
 sum would secure one hundred feet frontage. In 1656, thirty 
 years after the arrival of the first permanent settlers, a census 
 was taken which enumerated seventeen streets, one hundred 
 and twenty houses and one thousand inhabitants. 
 
 Our study naturally turns to the beginning and develop- 
 ment of trade from this port. The first account is the arrival 
 at Amsterdam in 1624 of the New Netherlands, which had 
 carried out thirty families and the equipment for their settle- 
 ment. Her return cargo was 500 otter skins, 1,500 beavers, 
 and other things which sold for 28,000 guilders, or about 
 $11,000. The first ofiicial report to the Government is as 
 follows : 
 
 High and Mighty Lords : 
 
 Yesterday arrived here the ship "Arms of Amsterdam," 
 which sailed from New Netherlands at the River Mauritius 
 (the Hudson) on the twenty-third of September. They re- 
 port that our people are in good heart and live in peace there ; 
 the women have borne some children there. 
 
 They have purchased the Island ^lanhattaes from the 
 Indians for the. value of sixty guilders; it is eleven thousand 
 morgens size. They had all their grain sowed by the middle 
 of May and reaped by the middle of August. They send 
 some samples of summer grain, such as wheat, rye, barley, 
 etc. The cargo of the aforesaid ship is 7,246 beaver skins, 
 178^ otter skins, 675 otter skins, 48 minck skins, 36 wild 
 cat skins, 33 mincks, 34 rat skins, and considerable oak timber 
 and hickory. 
 
83 
 
 Herewith, High and Mighty Lords, be commended to 
 the Mercy of the Almighty. 
 
 To the High and Mighty Lords : 
 
 My Lords, The States General at the Hague. 
 
 Your High Mightinesses' Obedient, 
 (Signed) P. SCHAGER. 
 
 This shows that in two years the trade had about doubled 
 — from $ii,ooo in value of exports to $20,000. Oak and 
 hickory timber had been added to furs. This germ of a com- 
 merce which is now the most important in the Western Hem- 
 isphere, if not in the world, seems insignificant. That it has 
 grown to its present magnitude in three centuries is an addi- 
 tional wonder of the world. During this period many cities 
 and ports, famous and powerful then and in preceding cen- 
 tures, have lost their commerce and decayed. 
 
 But our city has had a steady and uninterrupted growth. 
 Part has been due to its wonderful natural advantages, but 
 much to the enterprise and public spirit of its citizens. The 
 construction of the Erie Canal opened up to settlement the 
 vast territories around the Great Lakes and made them tribu- 
 tary to New York. The network of railways promoted and 
 built by New York capital have emphasized for our city the 
 ancient legend that all roads lead to Rome. 
 
 The West India Company published a table of its trade 
 under the. title "A list of returns from the New Netherlands, 
 162.!!. to 1635," but includes only beavers and other skins, and 
 gives their values at 27,125 guilders in 1624, 35,825 in 1625, 
 68,001 in 1630, and 134,925 in 1635. The trade had grown 
 in ten years from eleven thousand to fifty thousand dollars 
 in these articles alone. The import of general merchandise 
 for the colony kept pace with the exports and were about 
 equal value during these years. The rules of the company 
 were not favorable to general commerce, as they required that 
 all trade, whether European or coastwise, carried by the col- 
 onists must be brought to the custom house in New York 
 (then New Amsterdam) and pay a duty of 5 per cent. 
 
 While we are the heirs of all the ages, we inherit all the 
 problems which our ancestors failed completely to solve. The 
 
84 
 
 currency question vexed our primitive fathers three hundred 
 years ago as acutely as it has and still does ourselves. The 
 people began to be troubled with this obstacle to their com- 
 mercial interchanges almost immediately. Their principal 
 trade was with the Indians in the purchase of furs and sale to 
 them of merchandise. 
 
 The currency of the Indians was known as "sewan," or 
 "wampum," consisting of beads made from shells. As the 
 colonists had no mint to coin metals, this currency became 
 common not only in dealing with the Indians, but among them- 
 selves. Six white or three black beads were equal to one 
 stiver, a Dutch coin worth 2 cents of our money. As the 
 trade of the colony extended to New England, the Yankees 
 in dealing with the Dutch used this "sewan," or "wampum." 
 The wampum mint of the colony was on Long Island, and the 
 issue of this kind of money carefully guarded and restricted. 
 But the enterprise and cunning of their Connecticut neigh- 
 bors were soon evident. The colony was flooded with false 
 wampum manufactured and put in circulation by the Yankees. 
 As fiat money and free silver drive out gold, the same inexor- 
 able rule in infant New Amsterdam led to the good wampum 
 being hoarded and disappearing. Stringent laws were passed, 
 penalties imposed, and the Connecticut currency placed on a 
 50 per cent, basis compared with the Dutch. 
 
 Financial chaos was prevented by the English conquest 
 of New Amsterdam in August, 1664. They changed the name 
 from New Amsterdam to New York and introduced the gold 
 standard which happily has prevailed ever since. Thus his- 
 tory constantly repeats itself. 
 
 When old Governor Petrus Stuyvesant passed the city 
 and colony over to the British in 1664, because he was com- 
 pelled by the overwhelming force of the enemy, the city had 
 four hundred houses and a population of about three thousand. 
 
 The value of the commerce of New Amsterdam when 
 the British gained control was about $50,000 annually in ex- 
 ports, mainly furs, and an equal amount of imports. The 
 first official report in 1697 under the English flag gave the 
 exports to the British Isles at £•10,093, showing no growth, 
 or about $50,000. The Dutch merchants of New York had 
 
8s 
 
 not adjusted themselves to the breaking ofif of their relations 
 with Holland and compulsory traffic with Great Britain. The 
 exports of Virginia and Maryland for the same year were 
 £220,758 in value, or nearly five times New York; New Eng- 
 land £26,282 and South Carolina £12,374 exceeded New York 
 by £2,370. New York supplied less than five per cent, of 
 American exports at any time prior to the Revolutionary War. 
 The value of the exports of all the American colonies to Great 
 Britain, almost their only market, was in 1700 £395,000, of 
 which New York sent £17,567. In 1750, £814,000, of which 
 ^35.663 only went from New York, and in 1773, the last 
 year before the troubles began with the mother country which 
 culminated in 1776, £1,000,369, of which £60,000 was con- 
 tributed by New York. 
 
 After the Revolution New York began to forge ahead, 
 and in 1791 took fourth place among the exporting States. 
 
86 
 
 factures $i,cxx),ooo. But it is in manufactures where we 
 have made the most progress and rapid gains. Our surplus 
 for export has grown from $1,000,000 in 1800 to $1,000,000,- 
 000 in 1913. 
 
 In 1800 the United States was fairly equipped to enter 
 the competition for the commerce of the world with the old 
 and highly organized industrial countries. In the succeeding 
 half century steam had revolutionized navigation, the Erie 
 Canal had opened the vast and fertile West, railroads were 
 piercing the passes from the Atlantic coast to the interior. 
 
 From 1800 to 1913 the commerce of Great Britain has 
 grown from $335,000,000 to $5,500,000,000 a year; that of 
 what is now the German Empire from $108,000,000 to $4,500,- 
 000,000, and that of the United States from $85,000,000 
 in 1800 to $4,500,000,000 in 19 13. Stated in percentages, the 
 trade of Great Britain and France is now eighteen times as 
 much as in 1800; Germany twenty- four times as much, and 
 the United States fifty times as much. 
 
 Three hundred years ago the commerce of New York 
 began in a log hut built on the site of 39 Broadway for the 
 storage of beaver and otter skins. Venice was still mistress 
 of the seas ; Genoa, with declining trade, was enjoying the lux- 
 uries of her accumulated riches ; Great Britain and France 
 were gaining commerce for their cities by battles and victories 
 on sea and land; Spain was accumulating the wealth which 
 proved her ruin from Mexico and South America. Peking 
 and Moscow were controlling the productions of the Orient. 
 Three centuries of unparalleled revolutions in the jx)wer of 
 peoples, the boundaries of empires, inventions of steam and 
 electricity have so altered the commercial highways of the 
 world that ancient marts are achaeological museums and new 
 centers have grown by leaps and bounds until they have accom- 
 plished more in a few generations than older cities in as many 
 centuries. 
 
 New York now becomes easily the greatest metropolis of 
 the world while all other nations are involved in this awful 
 and disastrous war. It is an opportunity which in the interest 
 of civilization and humanity we profoundly regret. But with 
 opportunity is coupled duty, and in the performance of that 
 
87 
 
 duty we help dependent peoples who are cut off from their 
 sources of supply and keep open channels of commerce, needed 
 alike by combatants and non-combatants. We should pre- 
 pare for these great responsibilities. We should learn the 
 wants of peoples whose commercial connections are paralyzed 
 or suspended, and our manufacturers should expand their 
 productions to meet the requirements of the world. The seas 
 and ports of the earth should once more welcome an Amer- 
 ican merchant marine,, the creation and growth of this mirac- 
 ulous opportunity. 
 
 We hope for peace, we pray for peace, and when it once 
 more reigns and blesses we will hail with joy our rivals of all 
 lands to an open door for the revival of their trade and com- 
 merce. 
 
THE WORLD WAR 
 
 Reminiscences and Remarks at the Meeting of the 
 New York Genealogical and Biographical So- 
 ciety 
 
 On the afternoon of January 8th, 1915, at a special meet- 
 ing, the Society was honored by the presence of the Hon. 
 Chauncey M. Depew and the Hon. Joseph H. Choate and an 
 audience which filled the Hall. 
 
 Very appropriately, on this anniversary of the Battle of 
 New Orleans, the subject discussed by the distinguished 
 speakers was the world war in Europe. Those, who were 
 present and those unfortunate enough to have missed the 
 occasion will thank the Publication Committee for the follow- 
 ing reproduction of the addresses in verbatim form. 
 
 In a few felicitous remarks, Mr. Bowen, the President, 
 introduced Mr. Depew, who spoke as follows: 
 
 "Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : The task that 
 has been imposed upon me is a pretty difificult one, as all the 
 pages of all the press, with extra pages added, are twice 
 a day trying to tell this story — ^to ask me to tell it in thirty- 
 five minutes. I tell you it simply can't be done !" 
 
 Mr. Choate: "The whole hour is yours." (Laughter.) 
 
 Mr. Depew: "I gave close study to this question when 
 in Europe, and was one of that vast army who are now burst- 
 ing their throats to death all over the country, narrating their 
 experiences, some of which happened. (Laughter.) 
 
 It is a curious and interesting fact that this most frightful 
 war of all centuries happens in the semi-centennial year of the 
 Red Cross Society. The Red Cross Society is the only in- 
 ternational organization since men submitted their disputes 
 to the arbitrament of the sword which alleviates the sufferings 
 and saves the lives of the wounded upon the battle-fields and 
 in the hospitals, and of those who are invalided from exposure 
 and hardship. The first of these organizations of mercy in a 
 great war was the Sanitary Commission organized in the North 
 
90 
 
 soon after the beginning of our Civil War. ItS' work was so 
 bene^cent and efifective that the fame of it became universal. 
 This led, in 1864, fifty years ago, to representatives, of seven- 
 teen nations meeting at Geneva and forming the Red Cross 
 Society. The work of that Society has expanded and it has 
 done incalculable service for mercy among the victims of 
 earthquakes, floods, fires and other calamities which have been 
 beyond the means of the neighborhood and have aroused the 
 sympathy of the world. 
 
 When we look for the beginning of this titanic struggle, 
 we find its genesis in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. The 
 most wonderful constructive statesman of his generation and 
 rarely equalled in any period was Bismarck. He was, at the 
 beginning of the war and had been for many years, the Prime 
 Minister and practical ruler of the Kingdom of Prussia. He 
 had a great ambition to unite all the kingdoms, principalities, 
 duchies and other separate governments of Germany into one 
 Empire, under the leadership of Prussia, with the King of 
 Prussia its Emperor. 
 
 Austria was the leader of the German Race. Bismarck 
 picked a quarrel with Austria and in a short campaign, won 
 the victory at Sadowa which humbled Austria and transferred 
 the leadership of the Germans to Prussia. He smashed King 
 George of Hanover, tumbled him off his throne, seized his vast 
 treasures, called the Guelph Fund and annexed Hanover to 
 Prussia. That Guelph Fund, Bismarck said frankly, years aft- 
 erwards, enabled him to overcome thfe jealousies of the minor 
 German States in forming his empire and securing the leader- 
 ship to Prussia's King. 
 
 France had occupied for a long time the leading place in 
 Europe in international influence, in literature, the arts and 
 industries. To secure Germany the position held by France, it 
 was necessary by war to crush the empire of the Third Na- 
 poleon. The corruptions of that government were so great 
 and had so weakened the army and the patriotism of the peo- 
 ple, that the conquest was not difficult, provided France could 
 be isolated and the other great Powers induced to keep their 
 hands off. Here came one of the greatest triumphs of diplo- 
 macy. Bismarck succeeded in so intensifying the fears and 
 
91 
 
 animosities between Great Britain and Russia that lie brought 
 them to the verge of war. Tlien, with a clear field, he invaded 
 France and in a short campaign, ended French Power at Se- 
 dan and crowned King William of Prussia, Emperor of Ger- 
 many at Versailles. 
 
 Having thus united the States of Germa,ny, he thought it 
 necessary for Germany's future development to render France 
 helpless, as to power or influence. He imposed in the Treaty 
 of Peace, terms so severe that, not only Bismarck but all the 
 statesmen of Europe, felt that it would be impossible for 
 France ever to rise to a position where she would be a factor, 
 except under the dictation of Germany, in the affairs of Eu- 
 rope. He took from France her two richest provinces, Alsace 
 and Lorraine, and annexed them to Germany. He imposed a 
 fine upon France called an indemnity of a magnitude greater, 
 by far, than ever had been exacted from a defeated enemy. 
 He demanded a milliard of francs or a thousand millions of 
 dollars in gold to be paid at stated intervals, within a definite 
 period. 
 
 To France, deprived of two of the best contributors to 
 her finances, staggering under the frightful debt incurred, in 
 carrying on the war, piled onto the debt which was the in- 
 heritance of Napoleonic wars, Bourbon extravagance and 
 Third Empire corruption, this fine or indemnity seemed, in 
 the opinion of Europe, to condemn France to hopeless poverty 
 for generations. Then occurred the miracle of the nations. 
 The French people found, in their savings, in their stockings, 
 under their hearths, in the hiding places of their peasants and 
 working people and in the credit of their bankers, the gold to 
 pay to Germany; this tEousand milHons of dollars in an in- 
 credibly short time. Relieved of the German army, which was 
 kept in France to enforce the payment of the indemnity, the 
 French people, with an energy, hopefulness, resourcefulness 
 and spirit, never equalled, bent their individual and united 
 energies to the resurrection and rehabilitation of their country. 
 They began to be the bankers of Europe. They loaned to 
 Russia two thousand millions of dollars and hundreds of mil- 
 lions to other countries. At the same time, they have per- 
 fected their railway systems, their telegraphs and telephones, 
 
92 
 
 and other vast works of public improvement and organized 
 and maintained an army, equal on a peace footing to that of 
 Germany and a navy the third in the world. Bismarck and 
 after him, the present Emperor and his advi.sors, became 
 alarmed at this miraculous revival of French national spirit 
 and achievement and the demonstration of its financial and 
 economic ability. Some years after peace, I have been in- 
 formed by English statesmen, the Emperor laid before Queen 
 Victoria, who as you know was his grandmother, the danger 
 to England as well as Germany by this ever increasing power 
 of France. He asked that Germany be given a free hand to 
 rectify the mistake made by the terms of peace, and to reduce 
 France by another war. Queen Victoria said, "No," with an 
 emphasis which was final and induced Russia to deliver an 
 equally emphatic negative. 
 
 Return now to the German Empire and its progress and 
 ideals during these forty-four years. The separate nationali- 
 ties of states which made up the German Empire in 1870 were 
 poor and the victims of jealousies and animosities of cen- 
 turies, of warring dynasties and religious revolutions. To the 
 young Empire, thus situated, came this enormous gift of one 
 thousand millions of dollars in gold. It came to be admin- 
 istered for the uplift of Germany by men of extraordinary ad- 
 ministrative and executive ability. Bismarck was succeeded 
 by the present Emperor who has demonstrated in his twenty- 
 five years the highest qualities of a Ruler in the development 
 of his Empire's resources and industries, and the expansion 
 of its opportunities for trade and commerce. 
 
 We, Americans, speak boastfully and yet our boasts are 
 plain truths in regard to the progress and growth of our coun- 
 try since the end of the Civil War. But, the advancement of 
 Germany, industrially atid commercially, during the same 
 period, has been quite as remarkable. Prior to that time, the 
 congestion of population, forced German emigration all over 
 the world. Bismarck said to a friend of mine, "To provide 
 for the German cradle, we must expand in territory. We 
 must have colonies for our surplus population." The stimu- 
 lated industries of Germany have so well taken care of her 
 increasing numbers of people that immigration has almost 
 
93 
 
 ceased. The Empire has become a vast workshop. It is sup- 
 plying, not only the needs of the German people, but is enter- 
 ing the markets of the world in successful competition, not "only 
 with Great Britain but with all other highly organized indus- 
 trial nations. 
 
 Under the impetus and inspiration of the Emperor, Ger- 
 many has built up from insignificant numbers the second 
 greatest m.ercantile marine in the world. She has become in 
 power and equipment second as a Naval Power. Her Navy 
 and her mercantile marine working together for the expan- 
 sion of her commerce have given her, from an unplaced posi- 
 tion, forty-four years ago, a commanding influence in supply- 
 ing the needs and meeting the markets of South and Central 
 America, of Africa and of Asia. She has" entered into for- 
 midable competition in the domestic markets of Great Britain 
 and her colonies and of the United States. Through her state- 
 owned railroads, the German Government has become a part- 
 ner in every industry in her empire, not only for encourage- 
 ment but assistance, in the export of her products. Her 
 banking resources have advanced with equal strides and most 
 intelligent administration. Her schools have specially prepared 
 the advance agents of her industries to study the wants and 
 meet the requirements of civilized, barbaric and semi-savage 
 people of different races and continents. Her universities have 
 become the admiration of other nations and places of pilgrim- 
 age for their young men. She has created a military system 
 upon a basis of universal, compulsory service never equalled. 
 This has made for her a dominant military class and caused 
 her to be the foremost of military powers. Though she had 
 already the greatest military establishment of any nation, this 
 last year, when the General Staff asked for two hundred and 
 fifty millions of dollars to place the army far and away in 
 advance of all others, the amount was voted unanimously by 
 a tax upon the capital of the country and not upon its income. 
 The industrial and intellectual classes have put the military in 
 supreme power in their government. The industrial classes 
 and the financial interests believe their safety and prosperity 
 are in the largest and the strongest army they are capable of 
 supporting, while the teachers of the land have been instruct- 
 
94 
 
 ing the youth of every age in the necessity of German power 
 and the right by might of the expansion of German ambitions 
 and ideals. Here we have the spark which required only the 
 match to set the world aflame. 
 
 I came recently upon a passage in the works of Heinrich 
 Heine, who ranks next to Goethe and Schiller in influence 
 upon German thought, written in 1834, the year in which I 
 was born. 
 
 ^"Christianity — and this is its highest merit — ^has in 
 some degree softened, but it could not destroy, the brutal 
 German joy of battle. When once the taming talisman, 
 the Cross, breaks in two, the savagery of the old fighters, 
 the senseless Berseker fury, of which the Northern poets 
 sing and say so much, will gush up anew. That talisman 
 is decayed and the day will come when it will piteously 
 collapse. 
 
 Then the old stone gods will rise from the silent 
 ruins and rub the dust of a thousand years from their 
 eyes. Thor, with his giant's hammer, will at last spring 
 up and shatter to bits the Gothic Cathedrals." 
 
 It is hardly possible to estimate the influence of the phi- 
 losophy of Nietzsche and its subsequent enforcement in the 
 long service in the universities of Treitschke upon German 
 thought and action. Their philosophy was "might makes 
 right''; that German culture is the necessity of the world; that 
 nothing should be permitted to stand in the way of the attain- 
 ment by Germany of what the Emperor would ball "her place 
 in the sun," so treaties become scraps of paper. 
 
 In furthen illustration and more immediately practical, a 
 relative of mine of superior talent and acquirement, was a 
 student in one of the German universities — a student in lab- 
 oratory work, came in close contact with the professors. The 
 talk of the professors at recess was that war was a necessity 
 for Germany ; that she was not only threatened by Russia on 
 one side and France on the other, but was so cramped and 
 confined that she must expand; that. Belgium could offer no 
 
 • From "Germanla," by Hcinilch Heine. Lcland's Englisli translaUoii, 
 Vol. 1, pp. 207-8 ; New York, J. W. Lovell, 1892. 
 
95 
 
 obstacle and as Germany was prepared to the highest point of 
 efficiency, France could be conquered in six weeks; then with 
 Belgium and Holland, naturally falling into the Empire, Ger- 
 many would have a coast line and harbors on the English 
 Channel; that England was not a military nation and under 
 "those conditions, could be easily invaded, but before that, she 
 would necessarily see that she must yield to Germany her 
 supremacy of the seas and give to Germany her unquestioned 
 right of the foremost place in the markets of the world. Thus 
 a barrier would be raised against an invasion of Europe by 
 Russian barbarism, and German culture, intellectual, mercan- 
 tile, financial and industrial would lead the world. They also 
 said that while they wanted to keep on friendly terms with the 
 United States, Germany coulil not submit to exclusion from 
 S(5uth America and the Pacific Ocean because of the Monroe 
 Doctrine. There is no question but what these learned gentle- 
 men clearly and frankly expressed what is the honest belief 
 of every man and woman in the German Empire. 
 
 Now, at this critical juncture, what was the position of 
 Great Britain and France? The internal situation in Great 
 Britain was more intense and perilous than it had been in gen- 
 erations. It was the belief of most Englishmen and of all 
 foreign observers that Civil War was imminent. The Ulster 
 men had been armed and trained by experienced soldiers and 
 mustered over one hundred thousand. They were sworn to 
 resist home rule to the last man. The Southern Irish, to the 
 number of over a hundred thousand, were arming and drilling 
 to enforce; home rule. All efforts on the part of the leaders 
 of the different parties to come to an understanding and peace- 
 ful solution had failed. _ The King had called them all to- 
 gether at Buckingham Palace and after days of most earnest 
 consultation, the meeting had dissolved ; the government could 
 find no compromise and the King despaired. The German Am- 
 bassador informed his government that civil war was inevit- 
 able. Sir Edward Carson, the leader of Ulster, left the confer- 
 ence and went to Belfast, where he reviewed an immense 
 army, thoroughly armed and drilled, accompanied by their 
 women as they marched, all singing as a battle cry the old 
 Covenanter's hymn. 
 
96 
 
 "O God, our help in ages past, 
 Our hope in time to come," 
 
 while Mr. Redmond had gone South to meet an equally enthu- 
 siastic and determined army. 
 
 Nobody in England, under those conditions, dreamed of 
 a European war. 
 
 France had the largest debt with which any country had 
 ever been burdened. It amounted to six thousand of millions 
 of dollars. France had to raise nearly two hundred millions 
 of dollars a year in interest on her debt before she had any- 
 thing for her army, her navy and her civil requirements. She 
 had been so frightened as to the purposes of Germany, be- 
 cause of threats in Morocco, of Algeciras and Agadir that 
 she had strained her resources to the uttermost with only 
 thirty-eight millions of people to keep an army as large as 
 Germany with sixty-eight millions. She had reached her limit. 
 The ablest financiers in France said to me last summer, "Our 
 financial position is perilous. The strain of governmental re- 
 quirements and increasing taxes is threatening our industrial 
 prosperity and financial stability." Nobody in France, under 
 those conditions, wanted war and everybody looked upon its 
 possibilities with horror. One of the most eminent of French 
 statesmen said to me, "In our efforts to keep peace, we have 
 not permitted our troops to approach withinj eight kilometers 
 of the frontier, while Germany has crossed the frontier in 
 several places and occupied positions of strategic importance." 
 
 Austria, of course, was, in her diplomacy and internation- 
 al relations, controlled entirely by Germany. Russia had not 
 yet recovered from the effects of her war with Japan. Her 
 financial situation was acute. Her internal troubles great. 
 There were serious strikes, accompanied by violence in her 
 factories and mines which were not industrial but revolution- 
 ary. Russia was in no condition to -declare war. 
 
 It was this situation, in these various countries, which 
 misled the military pa«ty in Germany into believing that the 
 time had come for an immediate and successful war. 
 
 The military mind, in control of government, is always a 
 peril to its peace. It knows its own power but has a contempt 
 
97 
 
 of the forces of a possible enemy and no broad, diplomatic or 
 statesmanlike comprehension of the situation in other coun- 
 tries. The military party believed Belgium neither could nor 
 would offer any opposition to the German armies, marching 
 across Belgium to the practically undefended part, next to 
 Belgium, of the French frontier. It did not believe that 
 France could resist a successful invasion and that another 
 Sedan was certain to happen on the annivsrsary of the Sedan 
 triumph of 1870. They believed that it would be impossible 
 for Russia to seriously attack the German frontier. They 
 thought England entirely out of any possible interference or 
 any effort to help France or to aid Belgium because she had 
 her hands full with her domestic troubles and possible revo- 
 lution. 
 
 So, Austria was told to go ahead against Servia, for the 
 Austrian Government was in a state of frenzy because of the 
 assassination by Servians of the Archduke Ferdinand and his 
 wife, the Archduke being the heir of the aged Emperor of 
 Austria. 
 
 The Austrian Emperor, after a long, remarkable and suc- 
 cessful reign, during which he alone had been able to hold 
 together the many conflicting races and elements of the dual 
 empire, was in his eighty-fourth year and the idol of his 
 people. In a remarkable proclamation, he called upon them 
 to rally to the national standards, to punish the people who, 
 as he said, "have been for years insulting and injuring me and 
 my house." Never was there such a fateful message. Never 
 were a few words weighted with such terrible consequences. 
 
 As always, when racial and religious passions are stirred, 
 the unexpected happened. Russia, kindred in blood and re- 
 ligion with Servia, was swept by a wave embracing all 
 classes, loyalists and revolutionists, patriots and anarchists. 
 Grand Dukes and the peasants, in a Holy War. The Czar, 
 who had not appeared publicly in the streets of his capital 
 for many years, rode about everywhere in an open carriage, 
 to be hailed by the populace as the Saviour of Fatherland, 
 Servian Brethren and the Orthodox Religion. 
 
 Russia began to mobilize, notwithstanding the threat of 
 Germany that if she did, war wquld be declared, and Ger- 
 
98 
 
 many promptly declared war. Luxemburg and Belgium, 
 though protected by treaties, were instantly invaded by the 
 German armies. France mobilized. England declared war, 
 ostensibly to defend her faith and honor, pledged to Belgium 
 but equally for her faith pledged to France, and above all, 
 a belief that in the struggle, whether she entered or not, was 
 involved the existence of her empire. 
 
 The weight of condemnation of this frightful condition 
 and situation had fallen upon the German Emperor. After 
 a careful study, I do not believe that the responsibility rests 
 -■wholly with him. A bit of gossip from a very high source, 
 with intimate knowledge and touch with conditions in the 
 German governing class, came to me. It was that when the 
 Emperor had secured the two hundred and fifty millions of 
 armament and had perfected the military machine, he felt 
 that Germany was safe. He then took his usual vacation 
 on his yacht in the North Sea. The Crown Prince was the 
 leader of the war party. He was enthusiastically seconded 
 by his five brothers. The war party included the whole of 
 the General Staff and had the sympathy of the German People 
 of all classes. That the sons said, "H you go ahead and 
 get ready for war, we will help you in bringing the Emperor 
 (the gossip said, 'the old man') around when he returns." 
 When he did return, he was swept off his feet. 
 
 This year is the centenary of the birth of Bismarck and 
 of Waterloo and St. Helena for Napoleon. After a hun- 
 dred years most of the ideas which these master spirits rep- 
 resented are in death grips in the most disastrous war of the 
 ages. Its result may determine for the future whether Napo- 
 leon and the democracy of the French Revolution or Bismarck 
 and absolutism shall govern the world. 
 
 This is an age of marvels. They are so wonderful and 
 frequent that we are no longer astonished at anything. It 
 is within the bounds of possibility, if not expectation, that 
 forces can be found strong enough to pierce the ether of 
 the universe in which move in harmony suns and planets and 
 constellations. Astronomers say that Mars is like our earth 
 and inhabited. If so, the people undoubtedly worship the 
 Prince of Peace. If the Martian philosopher could' now com- 
 
99 
 
 municate with our world, he would discover this astonishing 
 situation : 
 
 There are about one thousand six hundred millions of 
 people upon the globe. Nine hundred millions of them are now 
 at war, killing each other and destroying each other's cities, 
 villages and homes. These nine hundred milHons comprise 
 eight-tenths of the professing Christians of the world. The 
 only peoples who are not involved are the United States, 
 the Republics of Central and South America, Spain, some of 
 the wild tribes of Asia and of Central Africa, the Scandi- 
 navian countries and the Esquimaux. I do not include 
 Mexico, which is in a state of Civil War. 
 
 Is, then, Christianity a failure? I say NO, a thousand 
 times, NO. God moves in mysterious ways. His wonders 
 to perform. He teaches the people full knowledge of right 
 and wrong and leaves them the largest liberty in their con- 
 duct and actions. They assume with their eyes open and 
 fully conscious of the consequences, the violation of Divine 
 Law. The Old Testament History is filled with examples 
 of the punishment which would have followed this kind of 
 disobedience. 
 
 There are plenty ,of illustrations in Modern History. 
 The most significant is our own Civil War. We all knew 
 slavery to be the sum of all crimes. We tolerated it and 
 supported it, legislated for its protection and put the whole 
 power of the government behind it, for nearly a century. 
 Then came, swift and terrible, the conflict between differ- 
 ent civilizations and ideals and at a cost of a half million 
 of lives, the slaves were emancipated. The Republic, freed, 
 entered upon a career of liberty, humanity and prosperity, 
 which in the half century since the close of the Civil War, 
 has made the United States, the freest and most powerful of 
 governments and our people the happiest of all the nations. 
 
 The governments of Europe have been, for years, vio- 
 lating Divine and Human Law. They have been training, 
 beyond reason, millions of their young men for war and 
 teaching them the righteousness of the doctrine that "might 
 makes right." They have violated treaties, which are as 
 
100 
 
 solemn and binding upon nations, as contracts and honorable 
 obligations are upon individuals. 
 
 Passion, hatred, vindictiveness, cruelty and bloodthirst 
 are working their worst, but as in our Civil War, there 
 will come, from this conflict, national sanity, the end of 
 militarism as a controlling power in government and the 
 reign of the people, by whose voice alone can, thereafter, 
 nations be plunged into war. 
 
 Some incidents connected with my personal contact with 
 the beginning of the war may be illuminating. I was in 
 Geneva with my family. On the first of August I went 
 to the bank to draw money and was informed not only 
 by that bank but by all others in Geneva, that they were 
 paying out no money upon Letters of Credit or bankers or 
 express checks or even Bank of England notes. There had 
 been no sign of war and everything was still going on as 
 usual in Geneva and had been the day before at Berne, the 
 capital of Switzerland. I made , up my mind, from long 
 experience, that when bankers shut their doors and lock 
 their safes, they either actually or psychologically know of 
 trouble. I found a train left for Paris in two hours, secured 
 a compartment and then informed my family. I was instantly 
 up against the most serious crisis in my domestic life. How 
 were two ladies and their servants to pack their trunks in 
 two hours? The thing was impossible. Any mere man 
 ought to know that this was a work not of hours, but of 
 days. However, we caught the train. While standing in 
 the crowd on the station platform, I heard a conversation 
 which relieved the tension. They were two English maiden 
 lailies of the spinster type seen often in Punch, but rarely 
 met with. One said to the other, in a high key and a sharp 
 voice, holding in her hand a five-pound note, "Sarah, was 
 there ever such an outrage? Here is an English bank note 
 which has been good all over the world, since Christ came 
 to earth, and these Swiss pigs won't change it." (Laughter.) 
 This was the last train which left Switzerland for France 
 for the next month. The French trains were all used by the 
 government for the mobilization of the army. The move- 
 ment of the train was normal, until it stopped at the first 
 
lOI 
 
 station in France. There was a notice on the wall, on a 
 paper, about three feet square, calling all men between cer- 
 tain ages, instantly, to the colors. About twenty were there 
 to take the train. The station master told me that notice 
 had been up only one hour. At the next station, where it 
 had been posted for three hours, there were five hundred 
 prepared to go. They filled our train, until cars were added, 
 making it so heavy that, instead of reaching Paris at ten 
 o'clock that night, we did not arrive until five on Sunday 
 morning, the 2d of August. 
 
 They stood in the aisles so thick that movement was 
 impossible. The women with them fainted and were taken 
 into our compartment until we were as close as sardines in 
 a box. Every time I put my head out of the door of the 
 compartment for air, these recruits, taking me on account 
 of my side-whiskers, to be an Englishman, waved their arms 
 and yelled, "Vive ! 1' entente cordiale." 
 
 Similiar scenes of those liable to miHtary duty from the 
 neighborhoods were taking place at every station, all over 
 France. Most of these men, as I saw them, were in the 
 late twenties and early thirties, and had begun to make a 
 safe position for themselves and their farriilies in their various 
 vocations. They represented every walk in life, professional 
 men, farmers, shopkeepers, artisans and laborers. They had 
 dropped everything. I heard many instances where shop- 
 keepers were unable to collect what was due them or pay 
 what they owed, and their accumulated and active capital 
 dropped out of existence as if swallowed by an earthquake. 
 Their farewells had been hasty to their families, but I did 
 not hear a single regret or complaint. Each man thought 
 that upon him, in a measure, rested the fate of his country. 
 
 When we arrived in Paris, the government had taken 
 almost all of the automobiles, taxicabs and cabs, where the 
 horse was able to walk. We finally secured a cab which was 
 like Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes's famous "One Hoss Shay," 
 and a horse whose bones belonged to the crows. The ordi- 
 nary fare to the hotel, the day before, was two francs. The 
 ancient driver demanded forty and got it. 
 
 Though it was so early in the morning, the cafes were 
 
I02 
 
 all open and the side-walk tables all filled with crowds of 
 men and women. They had been there all night. The men, 
 obeying the notice to join the colors, the women, their 
 mothers, wives, sisters or sweethearts, waiting to bid them 
 good-bye as their trains left, neither knowing if they would 
 ever meet again.' 
 
 It was strange to see Paris, which I had left two weeks 
 before, never so gay, never so crowded, never so brilliant, 
 never so ideally like Paris at its best, while now, the stores 
 were all closed, except the provision shops, the streets empty 
 and a general air of a city in a state of siege. 
 
 Now, as to the spirit of the people. I have spoken of 
 Germany. We must remember that every man, woman and 
 child in Germany, France, Russia, Belgium and Great Bri- 
 tain think their country absolutely right and that they are 
 fighting and suffering in a Holy War. 
 
 The old man who waited upon me at the hotel said, "My 
 only son went yesterday. I am sorry I did not have more." I 
 secured with difficulty a man way in the sixties as a chauffeur. 
 He said, "My four sons have just left me for the war. I wish 
 I was able to go myself. This means life or death for France 
 and for all of us. Do you think England will help? If she 
 don't we can't win alone." 
 
 I met a lady whose name stands high in the roll of famous 
 statesmen and soldiers of France for a thousand years. I 
 never met such a picture of concentrated and intelligent sacri- 
 fice and determination. She said, "My husband went to the 
 war this morning. My brothers went last evening. My boy 
 is only eight or I would send him. If we are beaten, France 
 disappears as a Nation, our glorious past is a memory. We 
 lose everything which makes life worth the living and there 
 is no future for our children. If England will help, we can 
 succeed, but not alone. Will England help?" This was the 
 wistful cry which went up from every soldier, statesman and 
 from every home in France. 
 
 I never can forget the scene when England declared war 
 and announced her loyalty and faith with France, Belgium 
 and Russia. It is the greatest privilege which has ever come to 
 men to have lived and been active participants in the events 
 
I03 
 
 of the last sixty years. There has been no such period in 
 recorded time. In liberty, humanity, social service and on the 
 material side in inventions and discoveries, it has crystallized 
 into achievement, the dreams and aspirations of all the cen- 
 turies. 
 
 But it is a supreme opportunity to have felt and shared 
 those emotions of all the peoples of a nation and sometimes 
 of the world, which lifted our common human nature into the 
 rarer atmosphere of brotherhood and hope. 
 
 As a boy, I used to attend the camp meetings in the 
 woods. The movement was in charge of intensely religious 
 leaders and members. When the Evangelist had broiight his 
 whole congregation, including the strangers who came from 
 curiosity, to their knees, there was a moment when voices were 
 uplifted and raised in the ecstasy of belief that Heaven had 
 opened and salvation was sure. Such was the sentiment which 
 swept over and uplifted the French when England declared 
 her friendship and support. 
 
 When I left England for France and Switzerland, there 
 was universal gloom. No one believed that Civil War could 
 be averted. Sir Edward Carson in the North and Mr. Red- 
 mond in the Center and South of Ireland were marshaling 
 their armies for the war. When I returned, a month after- 
 wards, the English and the Irish, the Scotch and Welsh were 
 singing, "God save the King," and all parties volunteering to 
 the colors. 
 
 Ancient history is an interesting study. It amuses, in- 
 terests and instructs those who have time to read, but arouses 
 no intere-st or passion. Yet, there stands out one effort of 
 heroism, patriotism and sacrifice which thrills and inspires 
 each succeeding generation as it did the Greeks, three thou- 
 sand years ago. It is the story of the Three Hundred who died 
 at Thermopylae. So, when the tragedies, victories, defeats and 
 settlements, after the war, have been forgotten, except by the 
 student and the librarian, the boys in the schools and in the 
 academies, the scholars in the universities, the preachers in 
 the pulpits, the^ statesmen in the forum, will thrill and be 
 thrilled by the unequalled heroism, the unparalleled sacrifices 
 and the indomitable courage of little Belgium. Her cities. 
 
104 
 
 villages and isolated homes have been burned and ravaged. 
 Millions of her people, men, women and children are starving 
 by the roadside with no roof but the skies and no bed but the 
 ground. Their government is in exile, but the prayers, which ■ 
 is all these devoted sufferers have left to give, is with their 
 sons, their brothws, their husbands and their fathers who are 
 illustrating the finest courage of all the ages in trenches and 
 on the battlefields. 
 
 We can not dwell too long upon the horrors of this war. 
 
 When it was possible to leave Paris, the city was in a state 
 of siege. It required passports, a certificate of residence and 
 character from the landlord of your hotel and permission from 
 the police to leave. When my party arrived in the inclosure 
 of the Prefecture of Police, there were several thousands 
 waiting to secure these permits. There wasi only one official 
 to grant them and he took ten minutes for each applicant, be- 
 cause the form was the one used to identify suspicious per- 
 sons. He asked and recorded the height of each individual, 
 the color of the hair and ®f the eyes, the contour of the face, 
 the shape of the nose. My wife has never forgiven him for 
 putting on her certificate and in his book a nose she never 
 had. I saw that it might take three days or a week to get our 
 papers and yet, we were passed around the outskirts of the 
 crowd and through the offices first. Our unpopularity was in- 
 tense and the protests disagreeable from the angry crowd. 
 How did we do it? I can only say I was born in Peekskill, 
 Westchester County, on the Hudson, and that explains the 
 trick. (Laughter.) 
 
 We found a train, leaving at ten in the evening, but not 
 scheduled. By the same "Peekskill" methods, we secured a 
 compartment, and entered the trainyard with the mail wagons. 
 We should have been at Boulogne in four hours, but did not 
 arrive until five the next morning. There were no vehicles, 
 and we tramped in the rain, leaving our baggage behind, for 
 forty minutes, until we reached the pier. We were compelled 
 to remain there in the rain eight hours before we were per- 
 mitted on board the Channel Boat. The reason 'given by the 
 officers of the boat was that nobody had ever been permitted 
 to come on board until after the decks were swabbed and the 
 
105 
 
 decks had never, during forty years, been swabbed before 
 twelve o'clock. The most hidebound, conservative "Stand 
 patter" in the crowd became a progressive. I did not stand 
 the whole time, becau.se for an hour, I found a reserved seat 
 on the step of a freight car. When, finally, we were permitted 
 to board the boat, there was a rush as if for life, though we all 
 knew, she would not sail for two hours. Most of the men 
 carried suitcases and traveling bags with which they merci- 
 lessly banged those ahead. The situation was relieved, how- 
 ever, when I heard a weary voice behind me say, "My God, 
 Julia, only to think that we left Pittsburgh for this!" 
 (Laughter.) England, with its welcome and hospitality, its 
 air of peace, security and content, its uninterrupted daily life 
 in every department, business, social, amusements and Sun- 
 day normal, was a wonderful relief and gratification. The 
 Americans who deserve the greatest credit were the thousands 
 of men and women, mostly school teachers, whose tickets were 
 worthless and their money gone. Their courage and patience 
 were beyond praise. The American Committee for relief to 
 our countrymen and countrywomen in London and Paris, per- 
 formed most intelligent and helpful service in sustaining and 
 sending home the needy. 
 
 Our Ambassadors and Diplomatic Representatives in the 
 war zone have won high praise and deserve all honor. This is 
 especially true of Ambassador Herrick in Paris, Page in Lon- 
 don and Van Dyke at the Hague, Gerard in Berlin, Penfield 
 in Vienna and Whitlock in Brussels. I have no doubt the 
 others in the war zone did splendidly, but their work did not 
 come under my observation. 
 
 I heard a delightful story about one of the diplomats 
 whose genius for diplomacy had been discovered by the unerr- 
 ing judgment of Mr. Bryan, though hidden from his neighbors. 
 It was said that his wife was asked how they enjoyed their 
 new honors. She answered, "It's all very lovely, but people 
 are too kind. We scarcely ever went out at home, but my hus- 
 band, poor dear, since we have been here, has not had his 
 dress coat off his back or his knife out of his mouth." 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 There is salvation even in the midst of war tragedies in 
 
io6 
 
 the sense and practice of humor. All the combatants who 
 heard of it, whether Allies or Germans, were laughing. It 
 seems the Burgomaster, Max, of- Brussels, is a confirmed joker. 
 When the German Army took possession of the city, the Gen- 
 eral commanding ordered the Burgomaster to come to his 
 headquarters. When the Burgomaster entered and was as- 
 signed his seat opposite the General, the General took his re- 
 volver out of his belt and placed it on the table with the muzzle 
 towards the Burgomaster and said, "Sir, I am now ready for 
 business." The Burgomaster pulled out his stylographic pen 
 and placed it on the table, with the pen pointing towards the 
 General, and answered, "General, so am I." (Laughter.) 
 
 What of the future? The war will end as suddenly as it 
 began. The parties to any settlement will be so full of the pas- 
 sions, vindictiveness and revenges of this most brutal and de- 
 structive of all the contests of history, that they can make a 
 peace only upon terms which will give time, rest and recupera- 
 tion for a renewal of the fighting. We must be a party to this 
 settlement and upon us devolves the gravest responsibility. 
 
 The public opinion of the world has been effective in avert- 
 ing a serious crisis. It prevailed in the peace between the 
 Balkan States and Turkey, and the Balkan States themselves 
 which prevented an imminent European war. But the United 
 States has the only public opinion which will have influence 
 with either side. The South and Central American republics 
 have been too recently in revolution. In Mexico Huerta has 
 been deposed and exiled, and in his place is general chaos. 
 Spain is too nearly related and Italy too closely involved, with 
 China a negligible quantity in the affairs of the world. All 
 the hostile nations are earnestly arguing their claims, their 
 rights and the rectitude of their action in the American press 
 and through every medium of American opinion. 
 
 A wonderful opportunity has come to the United States 
 for the expansion of its commerce in South America and the 
 Orient. It is a duty as well as an opportunity, for these 
 people require a large number of necessities which they neither 
 produce nor manufacture and which have come to them from 
 the belligerent nations. But in occupying this field we will act 
 in the broadest spirit of comity. When peace is declared and 
 
107 
 
 the warring nations, exhausted and demoralized, are reorganiz- 
 ing their industries for the rescue of their people, we will wel- 
 come them to an open door in the markets of the world. 
 
 It would be a fearfuf calamity if the efforts, subtle and 
 direct, to involve the United States in this war were success- 
 ful. It is the duty of all our people to support President Wil- 
 son in the maintenance of our neutrality. 
 
 But our largest and most comprehensive responsibility is 
 to impress upon the negotiators, the victor and the vanquished, 
 that for the first time in the history of the world an agreement 
 for disarmament can be made. It must not be left in the power 
 of a class to declare war, but that must be the right only of the 
 sovereign people. The Hague Tribunal can be so enlarged 
 that it will become an international parliament to which must 
 be submitted all disputes between governments, and with an 
 international force on sea and land to compel acquiescence to 
 its decisions and decrees. .Then out of this war will come 
 blessings never dreamed of as jjossible. Its sacrifices, slaughter, 
 ruin, and untold sufferings will be forgotten in the happiness 
 and hope which will come from the era of Peace on Earth and 
 good will among men. 
 
 One of the most important lessons of this war to us is neces- 
 sity of preparedness, preparedness for attack and prepared- 
 ness to prevent any nation thinking of attacking our country, 
 preparedness as an insurance against war and an assurance of 
 peace. The fact that a few far-sighted statesmen were able to 
 persuade the Socialists of France to allow her an army of 
 seven hundred and fifty thousand men fully equipped^ with 
 every modern engine of war is all that stopped the German 
 drive which would have captured Paris and brought France 
 into complete subjection. Instead of enjoying the fruits and 
 prospects of her marvellous demonstration of unity, patriotism 
 and sacrifice, she would be paying enormous indemnities and 
 forced tributes and her people in the awful conditions of the 
 Belgians and the Poles. Had England believed war possible 
 and possessed an adequate army, there would have been no 
 war. 
 
 Mr. Bryan says the time to prepare is after the invasion 
 has begun, then the farmers with their shotguns will overcome 
 
io8 
 
 shrapnel shells and lydite bombs and the machine guns and 
 drive the disciplined veterans of the enemy into the sea, shoot- 
 ing them in masses from behind fences and through the spokes 
 of the wheels of their Ford cars. 
 
 Secretary Bryan's sure remedy is to build tvi^elve broad 
 macadamized highways across the Continent. Then, if the 
 enemy gained a foothold, citizens and automobiles could con-, 
 centratel from all over the country. But it does not occur to 
 our champion pacificist that the armored cars of the enemy 
 would sweep these highways, and, if fired on, would burn 
 every house and shoot every man armed or unarmed within 
 miles of the roads on either side. 
 
 It is not difficult to draw the line between aggressive and 
 defensive preparedness. There is a wide difference between 
 militarism and a disciplined nucleus on land and a force always 
 ready and large enough on the sea to protect our homes, our 
 commerce, our coasts and our ports. 
 
 At the conclusion of Mr. Depew's remarks, Mr. Choate 
 spoke as follows : 
 
 "Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: In the first 
 place, let me correct a false impression. I am not going to 
 make an address. Anybody who undertakes to make an ad- 
 dress after an oration from Mr. Depew — why, it is like grind- 
 ing on a hand organ after, an overture on the colossal organ of 
 the cathedral, and I can't do it. I speak by the card, and I am 
 only going to do what I was asked to do — make a few re- 
 marks; and the card says 'Tea at five o'clock.' It now wants 
 ten minutes of five, and the President told me that under no 
 circumstances was the audience to remain in this room, or any- 
 thing to be said, after five o'clock, and tea is the very appro- 
 priate immediate sequel to one of Mr. Depew's speeches 
 (laughter) because it is like his speeches — the thing that cheers 
 but not inebriates. 
 
 And then, Mr. Bowen had promised to make a speech. 
 It has been a little disappointing ; his speech was altogether too 
 short. When he speaks it is always to the purpose. I class 
 him always with the sons of Zebedee, as one of the Boanerges, 
 because whatever he does is always a success. Didn't he set 
 
109 
 
 his hand last year to raising $65,000, so as to buy the adjoining 
 building, and give us a room for a fit auditorium ? He did it 
 in less than three months. And he has got it locked up some- 
 where (laughter) drawing compound interest. And I am sure 
 he will never call upon us to meet again in this room. These 
 gentlemen on the platform have all got cold feet. (Laughter.) 
 They are all dreading bronchitis or pneumonia, for while they 
 have their backs to the wall, the wall is made up of nothing 
 but windows. 
 
 Now I have a duty to perform this afternoon. I was 
 brought here for a special purpose, and that is to move the 
 initiation of the Honorable Chauncey M. Depew into the fra- 
 ternity of honorary members of The New Yorki Genealogical 
 and Biographical Society. (Applause.) I believe I have been 
 authorized and instructed to tender that distinguished honor 
 to him and to welcome him to the Brotherhood, and to put to 
 the vote of this company whether he shall be admitted. Those 
 in favor? 
 
 I heard no noes. The vote was unanimous. 
 
 Now it was my pleasure to make the acquaintance of the 
 Kaiser, William H, a good many years ago in London. I met 
 him there occasionally, but he was always on his good be- 
 havior, because we met in the presence of his grandmother or 
 his uncle Edward. And I never supposed he was going to be 
 such a scourge to mankind as some people now think he is. 
 What I think myself I won't say. I am bound by the statute 
 of neutrality and by the interpretation of that statute as laid 
 down by our distinguished President at Washington. 
 
 I have been perfectly delighted to hear from Mr. Depew 
 his experience as a refugee. (Laughter.) I have heard a 
 great many of the refugees, and they all told the same story 
 before. I never heard one that varied until he spoke this 
 afternoon. They all had the same experience, and each one 
 seemed to think that he or she was the only one that had had 
 any experience at all. But his experience was most delightful 
 and most instructive. 
 
 Now, let me speak about the spirit of the English people. 
 It is perfectly magnificent the courage and the spirit of endur- 
 ance and hope with which they are bearing the terrible struggle 
 
no 
 
 in which they are engaged, and especially the mothers of Eng- 
 land, and the women of England. I don't think anything more 
 grand has ever been witnessed on the face of the earth. 
 
 Let me give you one or two instances of how the families, 
 the mothers and the fathers take it. I sawi by the paper the 
 other day that one of the four sons of an old friend of mine 
 in England, a very distinguished woman, had been killed on 
 the field of battle, and I wrote her a letter of sympathy and 
 condolence, and I immediately received a reply which was 
 perfectly magnificent. I wish I had it here to read to you. 
 She says, "Yes, we had four sons, three in the army and one in 
 the navy. The one that you write about is dead, and we are 
 very proud of it, and we are glad to have been able to give 
 him to the service of his country. Another one has been taken 
 prisoner six weeks ago, and .we have not the least idea whether 
 he is dead or alive; and the third is wounded; and the fourth 
 is safe on one of the ships of war that has not yet encountered 
 the Germans. But we count it as a very great prize, a very 
 splendid reward to say that we have been able thus to devote 
 all our sons if necessary to the service of the Allies in this 
 cause." 
 
 Well, then, I heard another story from the lips of the 
 man himself, the father of six sons. He said he had four 
 sons already in the service, and he was very proud of it. The 
 fifth son was twelve years old and at school, and he came 
 to him one day with tears in his eyes and he says, "Father, 
 now talking as man to man (laughter), was there ever any- 
 thing meaner than that the Inspectors turned me down and 
 refused to let me enter the service simply because I was only 
 twelve years old?" No! You may depend upon it that Eng- 
 land ik determined never to submit or yield, and she never 
 will submit or yield until she has reached the point where she 
 can say that this devil of militarism has been so completely sub- 
 dued that it will never trouble the world again. 
 
 We met at the Hague eight years ago, on the isth of 
 Tune, 1907, for the purpose of devising measures that would 
 preserve the peace of the world for all time. We agreed to a 
 great many things there, and everything seemed very 
 auspicious at the time. The gates of the Temple of Janus 
 
Ill 
 
 were closed — closed was it, or open? I never can remember 
 which. (Laughter.) At any rate, the fact was that peace 
 existed throughout the world. There was not a single nation, 
 savage or civilized, that was engaged in war, and so it con- 
 tinued during the four months that our deliberations con- 
 tinued. 
 
 The representative of the Kaiser was there, and his con- 
 duct seemed a little queer. In the first place Germany refused 
 to enter into the conference at all unless it was upon the un- 
 derstanding that the question of the suppression of arma- 
 ments was not pressed, and the English representative made a 
 statement, as he was permitted to do, of the reasons why 
 Great Britain thought that the suppression of armaments 
 ought to be agreed upon by the nations, and our delegation 
 "said amen to that, and the subject was laid aside. Well, then, 
 all through the conference there was evidently a hidden strug- 
 gle, not manifested by words at any moment, on the great 
 question whether the British Channel was to be kept open or 
 made possible to be closed ; Germany upon the one side, and 
 Great Britain upon the other ; Great Britain wanting to keep 
 the Channel open so as to permit the feeding of her popula- 
 tion under all circumstances, whenever war might arise, how- 
 ever long it might be protracted, Germany wishing to be per- 
 mitted at any time to make all possible efforts to close it if 
 she could. She tried to close it the other day by getting down 
 to Calais, but she never got there, and she never will. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 Mr. Depew is right in saying that the future is ours — 
 I've got two minutes more. — ^Let me say that: The future is 
 ours, and I can see only two possible benefits that will arise 
 to us from this terrible conflict. One is that we shall be able 
 to serve as peacemakers when the time comes. I don't think 
 the time has come yet. I was glad to see that even the New 
 York Peace Society said yesterday in an address that it was not 
 time to talk about peace yet. And we shall be the one great — 
 recognized as the one great power in the world, and we shall 
 be called upon I have no doubt to advise and assist and per- 
 haps to suggest the terms of peace. And that will bfe a very 
 great service that we can render to mankind. 
 
112 
 
 And, then, another thing is that this war is going to make 
 us all a great deal poorer, and it will put an end to some? of 
 that frightful extravagance and luxury now depreciating the 
 character and quality of our young men and women, especially 
 here in New York. (Applause.) Poker and bridge and the 
 tango are too much for the education of our young people, 
 and I think that all such extravagances as these, as a part of 
 the education of American youth, will be put an end to. 
 
 Now the time has come — I see you all look a little thirsty. 
 (Laughter.) The teapot is boiling, and if I trespassed upon 
 your patience a moment; longer, I should be violating the in- 
 structions of the President, and my oath of office. (Applause.) 
 
Speech of HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW at the 
 Dinner Given by the Lotos Club in Honor of 
 Ambassador Myron T. Herrick, January 9, 
 1915. 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: When I was a mem- 
 ber of the United States Senate and the constitutional power 
 of that body to be consulted in the matter of appointments for 
 Federal Offices was recognized as effective by the President, 
 I called at the White -House and requested that an Ambassa- 
 •dor, a New Yorker and a constituent who had performed bril- 
 liant service and won international fame, might be continued 
 for another term. The President said : "I recognize, fully, the 
 conspicuous ability and distinguished services of your ambassa- 
 dor, but I have a theory in regard to diplomatic appointments. 
 They are the only way in which the government can recog- 
 nize, reward and decorate eminent citizens. In England, they 
 grant baronetes and peerages. In France, the Legion of 
 Honor. In Germany, the Orders of Different Colored Eagles. 
 We have nothing but diplomatic positions abroad. So, my 
 idea is to recall all of our ambassadors and ministers; they 
 can still enjoy at home the rank, socially, of having held these 
 places and other worthy citizens who will appreciate the honor 
 can have it conferred upon them." "In my judgment," con- 
 tinued the President, "these positions are more ornamental 
 than useful, and the principal business can be carried on by 
 cable between the Secretary of State and the foreign office of 
 any country with whom we have trouble." From my own 
 experience and observation, during the half century I have 
 been going abroad, I know the President was mistaken. Serv- 
 ices to our country, of incalculable value in settling disputes, 
 avoiding misunderstandings and preventing dangerous com- 
 plications and possibly war, have been rendered by our repre- 
 sentatives abroad. Their tact and diplomacy and the incal- 
 culable influence of personal negotiation have proved the value 
 of the office. 
 
 I remember well when "my Lord, that means war," said 
 
114 
 
 by Charles Francis Adams to Lord John Russell, Foreign 
 Minister of Great Britain, prevented England's interference 
 on behalf of the Southern Confederacy and saved, for a time, 
 if not for all time, the cause of the Union. 
 
 Americans recall, with pride, the brilliant work in the 
 cause of international good-will and the preservation of our 
 peace, which has just rounded its hundredth year between the 
 United States and Great Britain, of Lowell, Phelps, Lincoln, . 
 Choate and Reed. 
 
 We have with us, as our guest, Am.bassador Herrick, the 
 most conspicuous refutation of the President's thought and 
 illustration of what can be done for his country and his coun- 
 trymen by an American Ambassador. 
 
 When I look at the large number of ex-Ambassadors 
 who have come here to join in this tribute to Ambassador Her- 
 rick, I think I must assert my claim to be the Dean of the 
 Diplomatic Corps of the United States. 
 
 Fifty years ago, as I approached the Post Office in my 
 native village of Peekskill, I saw an unusually large and 
 interested crowd gathered there. The postmaster was a true 
 type of that functionary, in every village in the country, 
 who becomes popular with the neighborhood by revealing to 
 everybody all the secrets which come to him from an inspec- 
 tion of the mail. He was showing to the crowd a huge 
 envelope, bearing the seal and superscription of the State De- 
 partment and addressed to me. No such document had ever 
 been seen in the Village. It was my commission as Minister 
 'Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary to Japan and a let- 
 ter from Mr. Seward, then Secretary of State, requesting me 
 to come to Washington as soon as possible and receive my 
 instructions. I was not an applicant for the office. Except 
 from Commodore Perry's report, I had never heard of Japan. 
 I consulted the wise men of the village. The Principal of the 
 Academy said there was nothing in his library on the subject. 
 The druggist, around whose stove gathered in the evening the 
 elder statesmen of the town, said he had nothing in his bottles 
 from that country, and Colonel Williams, the general arbiter 
 of everything and the most important man in the neighbor- 
 hood, the proprietor and landlord of the Eagle Hotel, at 
 
"S 
 
 which General Washington had stopped during the Revolu- 
 tionary War, remarked that nothing with that label had ever 
 been called for by any of his guests. 
 
 When I reached Washington and expressed some doubt 
 to Mr. Seward about such an abrupt and entire change in my 
 career, he sent me to see Mr. Burlingame at Willard's Hotel. 
 Mr. Burlingame had been our Minister to China and had made 
 such an impression on the Chinese Government that they had 
 appointed him at the head of their first mission to the United 
 States and European Governments. I sent up my card. He 
 received me immediately. He had just come from his bath 
 and was shaving. Waving the lather brush in one hand and 
 the razor in the other, he addressed to me ah oration on the 
 importance of the office and the delights of the East. Among 
 other things, he said, "Do you think, sir, that you are going 
 among a savage people? They have a literature which was 
 classic when your forefathers were painted savages. They 
 will give you a palace to live in and a garden so superbly cul- 
 tivated that it would have excited the envy of Shenstone. And 
 that you may not feel solitary and neglected, so far away from 
 home, they will assign as your personal attendants and foV the 
 care of your palace, one hundred of the mo^t beautiful maidens 
 in the world." v 
 
 When I returned to my room, I found about fifty New 
 Yorkers there, waiting to hear my report. The next morning, 
 all of them, in case I resigned, were applicants for the position. 
 
 The progress of fifty years and its finest illustration can 
 be condensed in a paragraph about Japan.* At the time of my 
 appointment, it took six months to go there or to receive a let- 
 ter from there. Now the voyage can be made in two weeks; 
 and when Mr. Edison made his telegraphic circuit of the globe 
 with him at one wire and I at the other, I sent and received 
 a message from Japan in twenty minutes. At that time Japan 
 was under a dual government and autocracy; its fleet was 
 junk; its army wearing armor and carrying spears and bows 
 and arrows. To-day it has a constitution, a representative 
 government, a free press, schools and colleges and one of the 
 best-equipped and most perfectly armed navies and armies in 
 the world. The fear of its invasion is sufficient to be the most 
 
ii6 
 
 potential stock in trade of the politicians of the Pacific 
 Coast. 
 
 I was in Paris at the time of the declaration of the present 
 war. I saw the mobilization of the troops, Paris in a state of 
 siege, stores closed, the hotels closing and the city which I had 
 left, not long before, never so gay, never so attractive, never so 
 much the Paris which draws all the world, changed to gloom, 
 empty streets and alarm. There were ten. thousand Americans 
 there anxious to get home, the majority of them without means, 
 because the return passage which they had paid for was on 
 German ships, and could not be transferred to others. All of 
 them were short of money and the banks would not respond. 
 This was the opportunity for an American Ambassador in the 
 complete confidence of the French Government and possess- 
 ing unusual gifts as a business man, organizer, executive and 
 tactician. Mr. Herrick filled all those requirements. He im- 
 mediately appointed a committee to relieve the situation and 
 help the American tourists. He was the busiest man in 
 Europe at the Embassy, but he found time to attend the meet- 
 ings of the committee and solve problems which were beyond 
 their power. These thousands of Americans could not get 
 out of Paris without a passport, and there were not enough 
 printed passports, in all Europe, to meet the demand. Ameri- 
 cans very rarely need a passport and so iew know what they 
 contain. Suppose our genial President, Mr. Frank Lawrence; 
 was the applicant. The passport would recite: Height, 5 ft. 
 II ; hair,^ust tinged with gray; temperament, sanguine; age, 
 he don't look it; occupation, a lawyer, but the most tactful 
 and eloquent frescoer of eminent gentlemen who are guests 
 of the Lotos Club. Mr. Herrick would solve the passport 
 difficulty by putting on a sheet of embassy paper, "Honorable 
 Frank R. Lawrence, President of the Lotos Club, which is 
 the American Society of Literature and Art," attach a seal as 
 large as the palm of your hand, colored red and duly stamped 
 with "Myron T. Herrick, Ambassador of the United States," 
 at the bottom and its presentation to French officialdom would 
 lead to the extension of every French courtesy to expedite 
 Mr. Lawrence's passage home. 
 
 I went with Ambassador Herrick to a reception by Presi- 
 
117 
 
 dent Poincare. There was gathered all the Cabinet. The 
 greeting of Mr. Herrick was such as is seldom bestowed upon 
 a representative of a foreign power. It combined the highest 
 consideration and the greatest degree of personal regard. But 
 Mr. lierrick's influence extended beyond the borders of 
 France. He was enabled to get special trains which brought 
 his stranded countrymen and countrywomen from cure re- 
 sorts in Austria, Germany and Belgium. 
 
 I refrain, gentlemen, from giving you my experiences and 
 adventures as a refugee. Fifty thousand of them, who have 
 been boring their friends to death in all parts of our country, 
 have been taken in by the Ananias club. Some of the things 
 
 ' " .which they tell may have happened, if not to themselves to 
 others. 
 
 I have always been a student of the careers of successful 
 men. In early life, to find the secret, later, because they are 
 most interesting. I have known personally nearly every man 
 of national reputation during the last half century. It is a 
 curious fact that none of them arrived at the goal for which 
 they started, but climbed much higher. Abraham Lincoln, 
 Vv'hen he was splitting rails, thought safety, comfort and con- 
 tent was to be found in keeping store. A mighty revolution 
 needed him, found him and he saved his country from the 
 revelution. Mr. Herrick was a farmer's boy. To secure a 
 college education, he had to work his way through and find the 
 money himself. Teaching a country school during vacation, 
 boarding around and returning to college with an impaired 
 digestion and sleepless nights occasioned by many occupants 
 of the beds to which he had been transferred, did not appeal 
 to young Flerrick. The most difficult, dangerous and profit- 
 able occupation of that time was selling lightning rods. A can- 
 vassar was generally warned oflf the farm with a shot gun. 
 Herrick was successful. He was destined for a lawyer but 
 almost created the profession of a business doctor. Some 
 , business doctors take a healthy plant and when they get 
 
 '^■f through with it the investors have nothing and they are rich. 
 I am a sufferer. I am a bondholder in the Rock Island Rail- 
 road. 
 
 Mr. Herrick, as a business doctor, would take several rail- 
 
ii8 
 
 roads which were streaks of rust and total failures because 
 they began nowhere and ended nowhere. He would bring 
 them together, supply the necessary links, persuade capital to 
 invest and at the end return the property to the original in- 
 vestors and the subsequent bondholders and stockholders in 
 a solvent and prosperous condition. He would take hold of a 
 mining proposition which had merit but was a losing propo- 
 sition, or a failing and decaying business, cut out the rust, in- 
 ject new life and restore them to the productive energies of 
 the country. 
 
 But, a man's interest through life grows deeper as he 
 grows older in the surroundings of his childhood and youth. 
 Herrick saw that the American ,farms had been exhausted by 
 wasteful management. I remember when the Genesee Valley, 
 in our State, produced thirty bushels of wheat to the acre and 
 now it can raise none. Thirty years ago Minnesota easily 
 turned out its thirty bushels per acre, and now only fifteen. 
 Unless this exhaustion can be arrested, the time is near when 
 the United States will be dependent upon other countries for 
 food. 
 
 Herrick having become the experienced and educated 
 business doctdr, saw that this was the most urgent necessity of 
 American statesmanship. The governorship of Ohio appealed 
 to hirn because there was an opportunity to help the farms. 
 The Secretaryship of the Treasurer, which McKinley wanted 
 him to take and for which he had special training and which 
 was a great honor, did not appeal to him because there was no 
 connecting link between the treasury and the farm. But, when 
 he was offered the Ambassadorship to France, he accepted im- 
 mediately because of the greater opportunity with the power 
 of the position and its close relation to governments abroad. It 
 offered a rare opportunity to find out how it is that the fields 
 of France and Germany, which were cultivated in the time of 
 Julius Caesar, yield more to the acre now, after two thousand 
 years, than they did then ; and yield from two to five times as 
 much as does the already partially used virgin soil of America, 
 after less than a hundred years. 
 
 I knew very well EHhu B. Washburn, who, as Minister 
 to France in '71, during the Franco-Prussian War, forty-four 
 
119 
 
 years ago, had a similar experience to Mr. Herrick's. He, alone, 
 like Mr. Herrick of all the representatives to European Gov- 
 ernments, remained in Paris, and he not only protected his 
 countrymen but those of other nationalities. He would have 
 been nominated for President of the United States, except for 
 the overshadowing fame and popularity of General Grant. 
 Now, there is no great overshadowing and popular figure in 
 our public life. There is a great party looking for a leader. 
 There are but few capable or possible for that position. Mark 
 Twain once said, having tried it himself, that a man who could 
 sell lightning rods could do anything and get anywhere. Her- 
 rick sold lightning rods ! 
 
Speech of HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW as Pre- 
 siding Officer at the Dinner Given by the Union 
 League Club of New York to Mr. Samuel W. 
 Fairchild on his Retirement From the Presidency 
 of the Club, Wednesday, January 20, 1915. 
 
 Gentlemen : This is a rare occasion. It is one of the 
 few in which we can participate where there are no axes to 
 grind, no selfish purposes to accomplish and no ambitions to 
 promote. It is simply an unusually large gathering of his fel- 
 low members to greet our President upon his voluntary retire- 
 ment from office, to express our regrets at his departure, to 
 tell him that he is and has been one of the best Presidents ever 
 and to assure him, collectively, what he already knows of us 
 individually, that we regard him as one of the choicest of good 
 fellows. 
 
 In this evening's entertainment, if I may mix metaphors, 
 there is no sand in the sugar, no fly in the amber and no flaws 
 in the diamond. Nine-tenths of our membership, of nearly two 
 thousand; want office. There are not enough to go around, 
 and we experience the difficulty which has so torn the gener- 
 ous heart and distracted the active brain of a great functionary, 
 Mr. Bryan, in finding places "for worthy workers." 
 
 But Mr. Fairchild, for ten years, was a member of the 
 two most important committees of the Club. Elected and re- 
 elected without any protest against this dual relationship and 
 this double honor. While occupying these two important and 
 powerful positions of a member of the Executive Committee 
 and of the House Committee, he also became by acclamation 
 a Vice-President. 
 
 Here was a situation which has never before existed in 
 our organization. The Vice-Presidency in a railroad or in- 
 dustrial corporation is one of great importance in their opera- 
 tions; but in politics, especially in the United States Govern- 
 ment and in club life, it is usually a comfortable but hopeless 
 tomb. The one effort of a Vice-President is to restrain him- 
 
122 
 
 self from praying for the resignation or death of the President. 
 But, here again, comes the anomaly and also the distinction of 
 Mr. Fairchild's official connection with the Club. Again, by a 
 unanimous vote of his fellow members, he was rescued from 
 the Vice-Presidency and made our President. There are two 
 kinds of presidents— one enjoys the honor and leaves the work 
 to the various committees ; the other is an active member of all 
 the committees and, without seeming to do so, really does all 
 the work. He energizes every department, hi-s executive genius 
 is felt in the library, in the public utterances of the Club, in the 
 reading room, in the cafe and the restaurant. He dissipates 
 clouds of criticism before they become a storm. He diffuses 
 harmony in the family, bridges over diificulties and diverts 
 dangers, clashes and crises. 
 
 Here was particularly the successful effort of Mr. Fair- 
 child. When all other efforts failed to stem the rising tide of 
 protest or factional fight, our President would give a dinner 
 to the combatants. He appreciated the soothing and melting 
 qualities of this function when the host is equal to the occa- 
 sion, and Fairchild's dinner was always a success. 
 
 This is the most difficult Club in the United States and 
 at the same time one of the most enjoyable. It was founded 
 as a political organization, but as its social functions and 
 opportunities became equal to the best social clubs in the coun- 
 try, there came a hot strife between members who wished it 
 to be the best of social organizations, and that only, and mem- 
 bers who wished to preserve and continue its early principles 
 and traditions. The social member was a frequent visitor. 
 He had his reserved place in the dining room and his alcove 
 in the quiet of the library. He was the beneficiary of that 
 axiom of club life, that two thousand men pay dues that two 
 hundred may have all the comforts of a home and the rest a 
 semi-occasional view. 
 
 The monthly meeting, which in time of hot politics drew 
 a large attendance, filled and overflowed the sanctuary to the 
 exclusion of the Saints, who resented the intrusion of these 
 members. All Presidents have been troubled with this situa- 
 tion. It has been the distinction of Fairchild that, with the 
 aid of the cinematograph and Chautauqua lectures, he has 
 
123 
 
 kept the Club up to the highest social efficiency, and at the 
 same time alert and alive to its public duties. 
 
 The great ambition of every college man is to be the oldest 
 living graduate. He is the pet and toast at all alumni gather- 
 ings and has a distinction which cannot be taken away from 
 him. The one future of an ex-President of this Club is to 
 hope to live to be the oldest in point of service of the living 
 ex-Presidents. Choate is that now and receives, when he 
 honors us by his presence, the distinction which is so justly 
 his due. 
 
 Fairchild is so young and has so sanguine a temperament 
 that he will certainly outlive us all who are ex-Presidents and 
 for many years serenely hold this enviable position. But, 
 when he approaches a hundred years of age, he should so cul- 
 tivate his memory that he does not fall into the weakness of 
 old age, which is loss of memory. The oldest living graduate 
 of Yale College, for many years, was Mr. Wickham, uncle of 
 the one time Mayor of New York. The Mayor gave his ven- 
 erable relative, who was ninety-six, a reception. At the recep- 
 tion Governor Hoadley of Ohio said, "Mr. Wickham, my 
 mother was a bridesmaid at your wedding." The old gentle- 
 man asked her name and the Governor told him. "Ah, yes," 
 said the old gentleman, "I remember her now. She was brides- 
 maid for my second wife. I don't remember that wife's name, 
 but she was a good wife and a very fine woman." 
 
 It is a curious fact that while dinners have been in order 
 for Governors and ex-Governors, ex-Senators and Congress- 
 men, military and naval heroes, as well as retiring and incom- 
 ing officials of every kind of organization, literary, industrial, 
 social and artistic, there never has been a public dinner par- 
 ticipated in by citizens from every State to an ex-President of 
 the United States. I can imagine no reason, except that he 
 drops from the pinnacle, the highest pinnacle, and before his 
 fall is arrested, he is below the average citizen. The average 
 citizen looks upon his ex-President with curious and unpracti- 
 cal eyes. He does not want him to practice law as a lawyer, 
 because he says, on account of the President's position and the 
 fact that he has appointed so many Judges, that is unfair. He 
 does not want him to go into business, because that lowers 
 
124 
 
 the dignity of a' place for which the citizen has the greatest 
 respect. He has a curious feeling, though he is the most 
 practical of men and thinkers in other respects, that an ex- 
 President of the United States can live on air. But, if the ex- 
 President indulges in hot air, the citizen is offended. 
 
 The first public banquet given in honor of a retiring offi- 
 cial, in our history, was the one which Governor Clinton of 
 the State of New York gave in honor of General Washington, 
 the day after the evacuation of New York by the British in 
 November, 1783, and this was given at Fraunces Tavern, 
 which happily is preserved. The next day, at the same tavern, 
 Washington bade farewell to his officers, and it remains one 
 of the most affecting scenes in our history. Washington re- 
 tired to Mount Vernon, hoping for private life, but was speedily 
 recalled to the Presidency of the young Republic. 
 
 Now, one hundred and thirty-one years afterwards, in 
 another and humbler sphere, we have an historical parallel. 
 Our President retires to the island which he owns off the 
 coast of Virginia, where he is the most expert fisherman and 
 the best shot. 
 
 Things are changing rapidly in our public affairs. Sense 
 and sanity are taking the place of the chaos of the new free- 
 dom. The wreck of the civil service by the Secretary of the 
 State and the rhetoric of the President to the faithful at 
 Indianapolis are making clear the way for republican harmony 
 and republican success. With a personality so attractive, a 
 tactfulness so rare, a common sense and executive ability so 
 remarkable, governorships and Congress, by the mandate of 
 his fellow-citizens, will draw our friend Fairchild from his 
 island on the coast. 
 
 Now, my friends, I speak for you and the rest of the nine 
 hundred not present who joined in a souvenir to perpetuate 
 this manifestation of our respect for our retiring President 
 and our love for the man. It is by his wish that it is not a pic- 
 ture to hang on the wall, or a cup to adorn his table, but a per- 
 sonal reminder to be always with him, and, whether at home 
 or abroad, in the domestic circle, amidst cares of business or 
 the distractions of society, to recall the most enjoyable years 
 of his career and the devoted friends who made them so. A 
 
125 
 
 ring is associated with engagement and marriage, the most 
 sacred and intimate events in Hfe; it is worn on the left hand 
 and nearest the heart, whose pulsations send the blood under it 
 in continuing circles until the end. This ring, which I now 
 give you, is both collective and individual, all joined, but as 
 you recall your friends, you can reincarnate each and the 
 pleasure he had in this tolten. 
 
Classes at Wellesley College Formerly Elected Some 
 University Man to Membership of the Class. 
 The Class of '90, of Two Hundred Young 
 Women, Elected SENATOR DEPEW. The 
 Following is the Letter Written by Him to the 
 Class at Its Twenty-Fifth Anniversary, June 
 7, 1915. 
 
 Dear Miss Barrows : It is rarely in the expei'ience of a 
 long life that so gracious and grateful a message has come to 
 me as that from you on behalf of my classmates at Wellesley. 
 My completed eighty-one years have been blessed with sixty 
 of activities in many departments, social, literary, political, 
 economic and financial. 
 
 That next year our class of 1856 will celebrate at Yale 
 the sixtieth anniversary of its graduation is very interesting. 
 ' Its work is largely a memory, and only sixteen survive, but the 
 twenty-fifth anniversary of my class at Wellesley is a sugges- 
 tion of perpetual youth. 
 
 I recall with intense pleasure the (to me) memorable visit 
 to you. I happened that day to be at Concord, New Hampshire, 
 in the morning, having delivered an address at St. Paul's 
 School. I asked the stationmaster the quickest way to Welles- 
 ley, and with the curiosity of his Yankee race he inquired, 
 "What are you going there for ?" I replied, "To visit my class- 
 mates." Whereupon the shocked descendant of a long line of 
 Puritan ancestors said severely, "You are all ofif,^that is a gal's 
 school." But from the moment of my reception at the depot 
 until my departure my independence ceased and my individual- 
 ity was merged. The authoritative way in which the President 
 of the class assigned me my seat in the carriage and indicated 
 my place in reviewing the games, as well as the presentation to 
 the Faculty, gave me a sense of my inferiority and toleration 
 as a mere man never equalled in my experience in my family. 
 In the haste to reach you a lunch was impossible, and a 
 healthy and hungry man, after twelve hours' fast, was ushered 
 
128 
 
 in to the class supper. My classmates were happy and con- 
 fident that they had met every requirement of the occasion in 
 giving me sponge cake and ice-cream. I am sure that those 
 of you who have married have changed your views of that 
 evening as to man's appetite. 
 
 Few classes of any college have been privileged to live 
 and work in such a marvelous quarter of a century. It con- 
 denses more of everything which makes history, adds to the 
 volume of human achievements in discovery and invention, 
 and increases the sum of human happiness and, in its closing 
 hours, of human misery, than many completed centuries. 
 
 But, my classmates, the unequalled heroism of this year, 
 the unparalleled sacrifices for the wounded and the suffering, 
 the unselfish patriotism and courage of this war are sure testi- 
 monies to the survival of all that makes. life worth living. Ours 
 has been a glorious and inspiring period. My message to you 
 is full of congratulation, of hopefulness, and, may I add, of 
 affection. 
 
 Very Sincerely yours, 
 
 Chauncey M. Depew. 
 
 Miss Mary Barrows, Secretary, 
 Huntington Chambers, 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
THE LESSON OF TWO GREAT WARS 
 
 Written by SENATOR DEPEW for Leslie's Weekly, 
 June 17, 1915. 
 
 Editor's Note. — Former Senator Depew was actively 
 associated zdth the affairs of the Government during the War 
 between the States and recollects vividly that great struggle. 
 He has been much abroad ^ and from his distinguished acquaint- 
 ance with European rulers and statesmen has an intimate 
 knozt'lcdge of events that led to the present war and the con- 
 ditions prior to its outbreak. Feiv other men are so well 
 equipped to draw the parallel that he here outlines. 
 
 A veteran observer who has lived through several critical 
 periods is impressed with the frequency and hteralness with 
 which history repeats itself. The cabinet crisis in Great Britain 
 emphasizes this truth. Its remarkable analogy is found in our 
 Civil War. At one period the press of the North, led by 
 Horace Greeley, was in fierce revolt against the management 
 of the war. Generals were sacrificed and the favorite of the 
 day was driven from command the next. The people became 
 impatient. Results were unsatisfactory and success and im- 
 mediate success the only criterion. For some time battles 
 were described as glorious exhibitions of valor and patriotism. 
 The long list of dead and wounded was the roll of honor. But 
 when the war dragged on without decisive victories, the news 
 of drawn fights, or defeats or of retreats was received with 
 horror as useless slaughter caused by incompetent leadership. 
 
 Utterances, which in the early part of the war "would have 
 been treasonable, became later the angry expression of the 
 people demanding a sacrifice. This culminated in a peace 
 movement which was dangerous to the Union and encouraged 
 the Confederates. Three commissioners, old-time Whig states- 
 men, appeared at Niagara Falls and annourfced that they were 
 authorized to treat for peace. It was a shrewd and adroit 
 move on the part of the exceedingly able men who were con- 
 
I30 
 
 ducting the affairs of the Confederacy. It distracted the at- 
 tention of the North, which should have been concentrated 
 on the prosecution of the war, and energized the South. Mr. 
 Lincoln said to me he felt sure that the commissioners were 
 without authority ; but when Mr. Greeley wrote that he would 
 be held personally responsible for every drop of blood and 
 every dollar spent if the war continued, he authorized him 
 to see them and ascertain their powers. Mr. Greeley so con- 
 ducted and prolonged the negotiations that Mr. Lincoln issued 
 his famous proclamation giving safe conduct to Washington 
 and return to any one representing the Confederate govern- 
 ment. No one came. But the newspaper crusade against Mr. 
 Lincoln and the conduct of the war continued until General 
 Grant's victories saved the situation. That part of the press 
 which at the beginning of the war was insisting on the policy 
 of "On to Richmond" at any cost was the one demanding 
 peace at any cost. 
 
 I was in England at the time of the declaration of war 
 with Germany. There was general expectation that Mr. Hal- 
 dane, who had organized the territorials, then the only avail- 
 able volunteer body to aid the small standing army, would be 
 the War Minister. The campaign of certain newspapers to 
 drive Haldane out and put Kitchener in as the one and only 
 man supremely fitted was one of the most brilliant and effec- 
 tive efforts I have ever known. "Now the same newspapers 
 have made an attack so fierce on Kitchener that, while the 
 confidence of the country in him has been only partially dis- 
 turbed, the government has been revolutionized and the opposi- 
 tion invited to share the management of the war. The same 
 sort of attack in the Civil War did not destroy the confidence 
 of the people in Lincoln, but Generals Pope, Hooker and 
 McClellan had to go. 
 
 There was a memorable exception to the popularity of 
 Lincoln. In 1863 the peace advocates were becoming so power- 
 ful that Mr. Lincoln's renomination and re-election, if nom- 
 inated, were doubtful. The series of remarkable victories by 
 General Grant during the summer of that year defeated the 
 peace people, re-elected Lincoln and ended the war at Appo- 
 mattox. But for those victories the cry "the war is a failure" 
 
131 
 
 would have swept the North. The Confederacy would have 
 been recognized and the Union dissolved. Our Civil War 
 and this frightful, savage and all-embracing European conflict 
 both bring to the front the handicaps of democracy in a war 
 with the concentrated authority of autocracy. The North in 
 our Civil War was a democracy divided in bitter partizanship 
 and with the largest liberty of the press and of speech. Slavery 
 had given over the government of the South to an oligarchy 
 of abtjut 300,000 men who, in terror of injury to the system 
 upon which were based their property and prosperity, gave 
 absolute power to a few highly trained and able leaders. They 
 controlled the schools and the newspapers. They taught the 
 generation which went into rebellion both its righteousness 
 and necessity. 
 
 When these leaders decided to revolt, they could rely 
 upon the unquestioning loyalty of their people. Their organ- 
 ization was perfect. Their armies were drilled, officered and 
 commanded by the skilled graduates of the Military Academy. 
 A Horace Greeley in revolt or criticism could not live under 
 their system, and there were no such independent and hostile 
 critics. The result was that with infinite inferiority in men, 
 resources, cash and credit they almost succeeded. The North- 
 ern democracy, on the other hand, lost in the first two years 
 of the war a fearful waste of men and materials from divided 
 councils, confidence in untrained armies, uneducated leaders 
 and inefficiency. 
 
 Germany began this war with the most wonderful mili- 
 tary organization of all the centuries, supported by a people 
 trained to arms, educated to yield enthusiastic support to their 
 Emperor and his General Staff. An army of a million men 
 can draw upon a possible twelve millions who are trained, 
 their depots for report designated, their equipment ready, 
 their organization automatic and transportation provided on 
 the State railways. So with these resources and a unanimous 
 population, Germany is embattled against almost the world in 
 arms. 
 
 Great Britain entered the war unprepared. Behind her 
 available army of three hundred thousand are those who vol- 
 unteer at home and the contingents furnished by her colonies. 
 
132 
 
 Her reliance is upon recruiting, and after her noblest, bravest 
 and best to the extent of about two millions have enlisted, the 
 rest hold back or to excuse their want of patriotism criticize 
 the conduct of the war or incite labor troubles in the factories 
 manufacturing munitions of war. She is deficient in war 
 materials because a democratic government under party man- 
 agement will not and dare no't incur the expense of prepara- 
 tion for war, or the certainty of political defeat by enforcing 
 compulsory service. 
 
 I remember being a guest on one of the steamships in the 
 fleet at the great naval review in the Solent on Queen Victoria's 
 jubilee. The Emperor of Germany and King Edward the 
 Seventh, then Prince of Wales, came on the ship. After the 
 reception the Emperor asked if the ship had anything new in 
 the way of armament and was told of a quick-firing gun just 
 invented. In a moment he was all over that gun and critically 
 examined it. Calling his aid, he gave a peremptory order to 
 equip his fleet with it. This illustrated the genius as well as 
 power of the Emperor. Had he been King of Great Britain 
 he could not and would not have dared give such an order. 
 Such suggestion from him would have rocked his throne. 
 
 After ten months of unparalleled slaughter and .expendi- 
 ture, not one allied soldier is yet on German soil except in East 
 Prussia and Alsace-Lorraine, and Germany has not felt the 
 horrors of war which have devastated Belgium and northern 
 France. An indignant people overthrow the British govern- 
 ment and force its reorganization, and yet if the government 
 had in the days of peace tried to prepare for this war, they 
 would have been driven from office. All parties unite and 
 assume the responsibilities of government. With domestic 
 discord eliminated and the country one, the exhaustless re- 
 sources and tireless energy of democracy can prepare for an 
 aggressive campaign. 
 
 The lesson of the two wars, the present and our Civil 
 War, is evident. The nature of man has not changed. War 
 is not probable but always possible. No one wants or would 
 have militarism established, but unpreparedness is criminal 
 neglect and its punishment drastic and fearful. The price of 
 liberty is great, but it is abundantly worth the cost. Wars are 
 
133 
 
 too infrequent to justify any check upon the spirit and prac- 
 tice of true democracy. A republican government lil<e ours 
 can be a true representative of "life, liberty and the pursuit 
 of happiness" and still be prepared to maintain and defend 
 them. 
 
HAS BRYAN STEPPED INTO OBLIVION? 
 
 Written by SENATOR DEPEW for "Leslie's 
 
 Weekly," July 1, 1915. 
 
 Cizns Romanus sum (I am a Roman citizen.) There is 
 no sentence from classic literature which was of greater in- 
 spiration or aroused more enthusiasm among students in my 
 youth than this proud declaration of Roman citizenship. It 
 was protection to the Roman wherever he might be, in any part 
 of the known world. Civilized and barbarous people had 
 been taught that behind the citizen was the whole power of 
 Rome; her eagles and her legions were prompt to rescue or 
 revenge. When the Apostle Paul was on trial before the 
 Roman Governor, he might have suffered the fate of Jesus if 
 he had not startled that functionary by declaring: "I am a 
 Roman citizen." The Magistrate apologized, the prisoner was 
 sent under complimentary escort to the Imperial City. It 
 was a journey he was very anxious to make, but in his pov- 
 erty could not have done so except at the expense and under 
 the protection of the Government. This principle of protec- 
 tion of the citizen and his rights in foreign lands and in alien 
 jurisdictions has been recognized and enforced by the dit>lo- 
 macy, backed by the army and navy, of all civilized nations. 
 The arrival of the British or a German cruiser is simultaneous 
 almost with the arrest, spoliations or robbery of one of their 
 citizens anywhere in the world. Our Government has grown 
 singularly lax in performing this duty. For a long time we 
 paid tribute to the Algerian and Tripolitan pirates to keep them 
 from seizing our merchant vessels and selling their crews into 
 slavery. Finally the American spirit was aroused and the 
 American navy sank the fleet of the Bey of Tunis, and by 
 bombardment sent his palace crumbling about him. This ended 
 for ever that sort of attack upon American citizens or their 
 property and gave freedom of the seas for ships carrying the 
 American flag. 
 
 In the several crises which have brought Americans to- 
 gether as one man to assert and defend American rights and 
 
136 
 
 liberties, none aroused greater enthusiasm and determination 
 tlian wlien Daniel Webster, as Secretary of State, defied the 
 power of the Austrian Empire and, incidentally, all Europe, 
 because all European governments claimed the same rights, 
 when he used the American navy for the rescue and safety of 
 a naturalized citizen. His dispatch asserting the position of 
 the United States, where the rights of its citizens were in- 
 volved, is a document so luminous that it forms one of the 
 most brilliant pages in our diplomatic literature. With the 
 disappearance of our merchant marine from the oceans and 
 seas of the world, we have become as a nation disgracefully 
 indifferent to the- rights of American citizens who are lawfully 
 resident and doing business in foreign countries. We differ 
 in this respect radically from all highly organized industrial 
 nations of the world. Increasing populations arid congestion 
 in manufactures have made the problem of earning a living 
 very acute in those countries. Their production has been so 
 largely in excess of the needs of their own markets that they 
 have been compelled to find markets all around the earth. 
 They must either do this or face starvation and revolution, or 
 find outlets in colonization and colonies for the settlement of 
 their emigration. 
 
 Foreign commerce, which is the life of Great Britain and 
 of Germany, was becoming, up to the breaking out of this ter- 
 rible war, stimulated by every art of diplomacy and the whole 
 power of their navies. They have virtually kept us out of 
 South America and absorbed its trade; they have crippled us 
 in China and the Orient; they have handicapped us even in 
 Mexico. Within the last ten years we have made some efforts 
 to compete with these countries in foreign trade ; we have ex- 
 tended fitfully but not as a recognized System encouragement 
 and protection to our citizens who are enterprising and patriotic 
 enough to go into these countries and carry with them our 
 products and the needs for the expansion of our markets. As 
 the United States increases iii population it is self-evident that 
 the experience of European countries will be repeated here 
 unless we have foreign markets. Unless there are American 
 citizens residing in those countries, who are skilled, energetic 
 and progressive, the congestion of our industries is sure to 
 
137 
 
 occur. There will be overproduction, lowering of wages, re- 
 duction of time and numbers in our plants and a situation which 
 will degrade American citizenship and lower the standards of 
 American life. 
 
 When Mr. Bryan became Secretary of State and for two 
 years and a half during which he has held that office, our 
 Government has been singularly indifferent to the rights of 
 American citizens in foreign countries and, in a way, hostile 
 to their moving into other lands and establishing themselves 
 there in business. What little encouragement had been given 
 to these enterprising Americans by previous administrations 
 was contemptously styled "dollar diplomacy." I had a friend 
 who twenty-five years ago went to Mexico as the manager of 
 an industrial enterprise. This was not a concession from the 
 Mexican Government involving- any privileges which any other 
 man, Mexican or of .any other- nationality, might not have 
 undertaken, if willing to risk his money, give to it his time 
 and business talent, and take the chances of competition. It 
 was helpful to American industries in the factory products 
 which the business require. My friend has been fairly suc- 
 cessful ; Mexico has become his home and that of his children ; 
 all his interests of every kind have been built up and estab- 
 lished there. Every such American is an advance agent and 
 permanent factor in the encouragement and expansion of 
 American trade in foreign lands. If there were enough of 
 such citizens properly protected by our Government and en- 
 couraged as the citizens and subjects of other governments 
 are, we would have what the German Emperor calls "a place 
 in the sun" where now we do not cause a shadow. When the 
 revolution broke out in Mexico my friend received some pro- 
 tection at first from the Government of Huerta, the only sem- 
 blance of government Mexico has had since Madero. A bandit 
 chief called on him one day and said, "My forces extend all 
 over the territory occupied by your plants. We are here, there 
 and everywhere; we can destroy your property; we are 
 fighting Huerta and therefore we are allies of the United 
 States, but we have to be supported. A monthly sum and 
 your extended lines are safe." The sum was moderate because, 
 the bandit chief said, "We are practically in alliance and fight- 
 
138 
 
 ing your battles, and so I am treating you much better than I 
 am the big French mine near here, because under the Monroe 
 Doctrine the United States will not permit France to interfere, 
 and so I am talking the whole output." Another bandit came 
 who drove out this one and the American manager, who left 
 his assistant, a Mexican, in charge. The second bandit de- 
 manded five hundred dollars the first day, one thousand the 
 next day, and two thousand the third, and this not forthcom- 
 ing immediately escorted the manager to the cemetery, placed 
 him against a tombstone and shot him. The American man- 
 ager, my friend, went to the American Embassy and was 
 told that all that could be done for him by the American 
 Government, his own government, was to give a ticket home 
 to the United States for himself and family. He had no 
 home in the United States nor any occupation with which to 
 support his family. He had been absejit a quarter of a cen- 
 tury. Another American, formerly an engineer in our rail- 
 way service, called on me and said that with a German engi- 
 neer he had been in the service of a big mining company in 
 Mexico. They had each accumulated about fifteen thousand 
 dollars worth of property. Their property was taken from 
 them and they fled with their families to Mexico City. Each 
 appealed for help to his Embassy. The American was in- 
 formed that nothing could be done for him except to give him 
 transportation to the United States. The German Embassy 
 recovered full damages for the German. 
 
 I do not want to do any injustice, but I have been told by 
 several who have appealed to the State Department, and whose 
 cases were somewhat similar, that they have been received 
 coldly and practically informed that the place for an Ameri- 
 can was in his own country and that when he went to a foreign 
 country and established himself there in business, he did so 
 at his own risk. Unless the old Roman doctrine becomes the 
 established rule of the United States, unless the American flag 
 means as much to the American citizen who is doing business 
 in foreign countries as the British or the German flag does to 
 the subjects of those countries in foreign lands, our Pan- 
 American and other Congresses and Conventions, with the 
 representatives of those countries for the purpose of promot- 
 
139 
 
 ing trade and inter-communication, have no practical value, 
 but are only interesting and entertaining opportunities for the 
 rainbow and aurora borealis of international oratory. 
 
 We have had in my time two resignations of Secretaries 
 of State, each of them very dramatic and sensational at the 
 time. Salmon F. Chase was Secretary of the Treasury when 
 he resigned from Lincoln's Cabinet. The position of Secretary 
 of the Treasury was then quite the most important on account 
 of our financial troubles in government. I was in Washington 
 at the time, being there on official busmess connected with my 
 position as Secretary of State of New York. I was a devoted 
 and enthusiastic friend of Secretary of State Seward and so 
 knew much of what was going on in the inner confidences of 
 the Cabinet. There was an intense antagonism between Seward 
 and Chase. Chase had been conspiring for over two years to 
 prevent Lincoln's renomination and secure the nomination for 
 himself. For that purpose he had placed himself at the head 
 of the ultra-radical element of the party. Mr. Lincoln knew 
 perfectly every move Chase was making and the hoUowness 
 of his professions of loyalty. Notwithstanding this, when 
 Chase had resigned before because Lincoln had refused to do 
 as he had advised, Mr. Lincoln declined to accept his resigna- 
 tion and modified his policy, which was largely political as to 
 appointments, to gratify Chase; but when Chase, with a great 
 flourish of trumpets and a spectacular appeal to the country, 
 sent in his second resignation, to his amazement and disgust 
 Mr. Lincoln accepted it. The country raUied behind Lincoln 
 and, except that in his magnanimity and great-heartedness, Mr. 
 Lincoln made Salmon P. Chase Chief Justice of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, he would have dropped out of 
 sight. 
 
 The second resignation was that of James G. Blaine from 
 the Cabinet of President Harrison. I was intimate with Mr. 
 Blaine and very fond of him. Though he was the head of Mr. 
 Harrison's Cabinet, he permitted himself to be put forward in 
 the Republican National Convention as a candidate against his 
 chief. Mr. Blaine was at the time a very sick man. Mr. 
 Harrison had asked me to be his convention and floor man- 
 ager at Minneapolis where the Convention met. I called upon 
 
140 
 
 Mr. Blaine, told him the President's request and said to him, 
 "My friendship with you is such that I will not take this 
 place or assume this responsibility without your consent." He 
 said, "You have my entire approval; under no circumstances 
 will I be a candidate; my health is such I could not survive 
 the campaign." Of course, he resigned before Mr. Harri- 
 son's renomination and died in a few months. Mr. Harrison 
 offered me his place, which I felt compelled to decline. 
 
 Now comes the resignation of Mr. Bryan. When one 
 has reached my time of life and been active in affairs from 
 the time he reached his majority, precedents and historical 
 parallels greatly interest him. In the Mexican war, in the 
 War of Rebellion, in the Spanish war, the actions and senti- 
 ments of the people have always been the same. They rally 
 around the President. They do this without regard to party 
 affiliations or approval or disapproval of his other policies, 
 measures and administrative acts. The President represents 
 for the time being the honor and integrity, the rights and safety 
 of the country. The people brush aside with impatience and 
 anger any effort, even from their greatest idol, which they think 
 may embarrass him. I remember as if it were yesterday Ho- 
 ratio Seymour, one of the ablest and most brilliant statesmen 
 of his period, who had carried the State of New York and 
 been elected Governor, declared against Lincoln's emancipation 
 proclamation and other drastic movements to prosecute the 
 war. Governor Seymour believed the policies of Lincoln sub- 
 versive of the Constitution, of the reserved rights of the States 
 and the liberty of the individual. He was defeated for Gov- 
 ernor and subsequently for President. The views which he 
 advocated had been the doctrine taught him by a democratic 
 father and which had practically governed the "country almost 
 since its organization. But in the minds of the people they 
 were obstructions to what they believed to be the President's 
 purpose — the preservation of the Union, or that all else was 
 nothing when there was danger to union and liberty, "one and 
 inseparable, now and forever." 
 
 So now, when American ships have been torpedoed and 
 sunk, and American men, women and children rightfully and 
 lawfully on the ocean have been killed — the reasons given at 
 
141 
 
 length by Mr. Bryan for his resignation have no weight. They 
 are carefully but regretfully read. Peace platitudes, side- 
 stepping the facts, other possible considerations, near or re- 
 mote, do not for a moment obscure or divert American opinion. 
 It goes directly to the mark, like a bullet from the rifle of a 
 frontiersman of the Revolution. 
 
 The President has stated the American position and the' 
 American demand, and, impatient of argument or delay, the 
 people support him. 
 
Speech of HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW at the 
 Celebration of the" Fourth of July, 1915, White 
 Sulphur Springs, W. Va. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: When the Committee called 
 upon me this morning with the request that I make the Fourth 
 of July address at the concert this evening, my first inclina- 
 tion was to decline. It occurred to me that the summer audi- 
 ence, some on pleasure bent, and others absorbed in the cure, 
 would not welcome an old-fashioned Fourth of July speech. 
 Then I remembered that we are all Americans, and that wher- 
 ever on this date, in any part of the world, from the Arctic 
 Circle to the Tropics, from the Tropics to the Antarctic ice, 
 there are two Americans, one is reading the Declaration of 
 Independence and the other making a Fourth of July oration. 
 Then they try to sing our national anthem, "The Star 
 Spangled Banner." Both can carry the tune, but, like most 
 of us, neither knows the words. 
 
 I remember my first acute experience and patriotic cele- 
 bration of the Fourth of July. It was over seventy-five years 
 ago. My father, with the recklessness which characterized 
 parents in those days, had given me a three pound cannon. 
 My knowledge of ammunition and drilling as an artilleryman 
 were limited to one idea, that the more powder you put in a 
 gun and the harder you rammed it down, the greater noise it 
 would make. The day was ushered in as it had been since the 
 Revolutionary War, by the ringing of the church bells and the 
 firing of an old continental cannon from Drum Hill. My gun 
 followed immediately. When I came to, my mother was pick- 
 ing powder out of my face, but I forgot the pain in thinking 
 that I shared in the glory of those who had fought at Bunker 
 Hill and Saratoga. 
 
 My next vivid memory is of that old-fashioned, time- 
 honored Fourth, then common in every village in the land, 
 now I fear largely in abeyance. The procession, which included 
 the local military and fire companies, the Masons and the Odd 
 ; Fellows, at the head the Grand Marshal and his aides on horse- 
 
144 
 
 back, and then the orator of the clay and the reader of the 
 Declaration of Independence in an open carriage. The cele- 
 bration in a grove. I was the orator and had just graduated 
 fi-om Yale. The reader of the Declaration was General James 
 W. Husted, afterwards very famous in the poHtics of the 
 State of New York. Husted was a fine elocutionist. He com- 
 mitted the Declaration to memory and delivered it with tre- 
 mendous force and vigor. As he rolled out Jefferson's denun- 
 ciation of British tyranny an excited Irishman in the audience, 
 who thought it was original effort, yelled in great excitement 
 to the reader, "Give 'em hell, Jimmy, give 'em hell!" 
 
 We are fortunate in having our Fourth of July to-day 
 within the borders of old Virginia. None of the colonies is 
 richer in revolutionary heroes, statesmen, orators and inspira- 
 tion than the Old Dominion. It was from here and within a 
 few miles that Washington started for Cambridge to take com- 
 mand of the Continental army. It was within this territory 
 that the burning words of Patrick Henry aroused not only the 
 Virginia Convention, but the Continental Congress. Every 
 American boy in my time could speak that speech. I recall a 
 few sentences, "Why stand we here idle? Our brethren are 
 already in the field ; the next gale that sweeps from the North 
 will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms. As for 
 me, give me liberty or give me death !" Within this sacred 
 soil Jefferson's studies and meditations produced that immortal 
 document, "The Declaration of Independence." But there is 
 another reason why Virginia is especially suggestive on the 
 Fourth of July. Here at Yorktown the Revolutionary War 
 ended, and the United States became free ; and fifty years ago, 
 and here also, the Civil War closed at Appomattox by the 
 reunion of the States. It is the finest tribute to the quality of 
 American liberty that only a half century from that battlefield 
 we here of the North and South can calmly discuss and 
 unitedly rejoice in that victory. The people of the South and 
 the North, each believing they were right, fought to the death 
 for a principle, but fortunately the spirit of Abraham Lincoln, 
 the magnanimity of General Grant, and the nobleness of Gen- 
 eral Lee reunited the warring States in the same bonds as 
 
145 
 
 before, with the same equal rights, privileges and liberties, and 
 only slavery, now recognized to have been a curse, eliminated. 
 
 The passions of civil wars in all times of the past have 
 survived generations, but the miracle of reconciliation has its 
 finest evidence in the fact that not by the bullet but by the ballot 
 and the free choice of the American people. North, South, East 
 and West, those who fought and lost in the Civil War are now 
 in control of every branch of our Government. The President 
 of the United States is a Southern man, the Chief Justice of 
 our Supreme Court was a Confederate soldier, the leaders of 
 both branches of Congress are of the same ancestry and sym- 
 pathies. What a contrast with the heritage of hate and re- 
 venge left by the Franco-Prussian war six years afterwards! 
 There the victor imposed upon the vanquished spoliation of 
 their fairest territory, and a burden of debt from the enormous 
 amount of indemnity exacted, which aroused bitter feelings 
 of revenge. Revenge and repTrisals are now reaping their toll 
 of blood and devastation in the most unparalleled and destruc- 
 tive war of all times. 
 
 A serious question arises in view of current events and 
 utterances: Does the spirit of 1776 still survive with us? That 
 it did live in all its original vigor and fire fifty years ago the 
 Civil War is a magnificent example. We must remember that 
 both the Revolutionary and the Civil wars were fought for a 
 principle. The grievances of the colonies against the mother 
 country were not felt seriously by the people. The colonies 
 largely governed themselves, but they revolted when the mother 
 country proposed to tax them without their consent. Nine- 
 tenths of them were English and had the traditions of Magna 
 Charta and the Bill of Rights. The one-had been wrung from 
 the throne by their ancestors at Runnymede six hundred years 
 before, and the other had enlarged the liberties of the great 
 charter three hundred years afterwards. It was for this prin- 
 ciple, violation of which might grow into oppressive propor- 
 tions, but which then amounted to little, that our ancestors 
 fought for seven long years. The men who went into the 
 Revolutionary War were the most substantial in the country. 
 Its leaders were the leaders also of the social, literary, com- 
 mercial, financial and industrial elements of all the colonies. 
 
146 
 
 Washington was the richest man in the United States, John 
 Hancock, whose broad signature is the most conspicuous among 
 the signers of the Declaration, was the greatest merchant in 
 the country, the Livingstons, the Van Cortlandts, the Schuylers, 
 Charles Carroll of Carrollton were among the largest land- 
 owners. They all risked everything and solemnly pledged to 
 the support of the principle of no taxation without representa- 
 tion, their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor. I con- 
 fess to being disturbed at the spirit and temper of our times. 
 Some of us differ widely from the policies and politics of the 
 President of the United States, while others enthusiastically 
 support his policies and party principles. But we should all 
 be united and stand as one man behind the President when 
 the national honor and the safety of our citizens are at stake, 
 even if they should be challenged by all the world. 
 
 I have met several gatherings of gentlemen from all parts 
 of the country, who are leaders in industrial activities and our 
 commercial and financial expansions. They are of the same 
 class who risked everything and began the Revolutionary War. 
 But I found that their general expression is one of timidity, 
 is one of almost active hostility to the assertion and main- 
 tenance by the President of our rights, if that may lead to 
 war. One man, prominent in his neighborhood in the West 
 and a most reputable citizen, who came to see me to find if I 
 had any information as to the possibility of international 
 trouble, frankly said that he would rather have our people 
 retire from the ocean entirely than to have the property and 
 possibly the lives of the whole people endangered because 
 other citizens would continue to use the high seas for business 
 or pleasure. But, my friends, it is a hundred and thirty-nine 
 years from the Declaration of Independence, it is fifty years 
 from the Civil War, it is only fifteen years since the whole 
 Nation rallied behind McKinley in the Spanish-American War. 
 Commercialism, luxury, alien elements in our population may 
 obscure for the moment the real temper of the American people. 
 But should an emergency arise, which God forbid, I have no 
 -doubt that every element of our population, of whatever an- 
 cestry, native or foreign born, would rally to the defence of 
 the flag. 
 
147 
 
 One year ago to-day I was in Paris. I was invited to 
 deliver an address on that Fourth of July at the tomb of 
 Lafayette. It is an interesting fact, which I did not know 
 before, that Lafayette, instead of being buried at his ancestral 
 estate at La Grange, has his tomb within the walls of Paris. 
 Connected with the spot is an interesting story. During the 
 French Revolution many of the victims of the guillotine were 
 buried in a huge pit upon a farm then some distance from 
 Paris. Among them were a large number of the representa- 
 tives of the oldest, most distinguished and historic families of 
 France. When the Terror was over, and those who had been 
 driven out of the country were permitted to return, and their 
 confiscated property was restored to them, they raised a large 
 fund in memory of these martyrs of the Revolution. They 
 purchased this farm, built about this pit a high wall and set 
 a part of the rest of it for a convent and a garden. The fund 
 yielded a large income which was devoted to the building of 
 the convent, the beautifying of the grounds, and a service to 
 be continued forever in the chapel of the convent by nuns who, 
 relieving one another at proper intervals, should offer per- 
 petual prayers for the dead. Lafayette desired to be buried 
 among these victims. 
 
 • At the tomb of Lafayette on that beautiful Fourth of July 
 morning, one year ago were gathered, representing the French 
 Government, the 'French Foreign Minister and Minister of 
 War, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, the Senior Ad- 
 miral of the Navy, and many prominent in official and, literary 
 France. Representing the United States, the American Am- 
 bassador and some hundreds of Americans. The speeches of 
 the Frenchmen emphasized the traditional friendship between 
 our two countries and the lessons of liberty which France had 
 learned and incorporated in her institutions from the United 
 States. The American Ambassador, Myron T. Herrick, ap- 
 propriately expressed the gratitude of our people for the assist- 
 ance which the French rendered us in our g_reat struggle. We, 
 who participated, felt it a privilege to pay tribute on that spot 
 to the memory of Lafayette. We felt that to him next to 
 Washington was due the success of the Revolution. He 
 brought to us in our darkest hour the help which saved : The 
 
148 
 
 French army under Rochambeau, the French navy under De 
 Grasse and the French gold which enabled Washington to pay 
 his soldiers, and which also helped our shattered credit, gave 
 the hope and help which ended at Yorktown in the establish- 
 ment of the Republic of the United States. 
 
 As I rode back from that celebration through the streets 
 of Paris, I thought never before had I been in a city so beauti- 
 ful, so prosperous, so artistic, or among a people so happy as 
 the Parisians. In less than thirty days I was again in Paris; 
 the stores closed, the streets deserted, the young men all gone 
 to the front, and the city in a state of siege. While in Paris I 
 had the privilege of speaking on the same platform with Baron 
 d'Estournelles de Constant, a Senator of France, one of its 
 most eminent orators and one of its foremost public men. He 
 had returned from a trip through the United States at the head 
 of a delegation which had visited us to promote a movement 
 for international peace. He spoke warmly of the assistance 
 and co-operation in this effort of Mr. Bryan. Mr. Bryan has 
 resigned from the Cabinet because of the President's insistence 
 upon our rights, which he thinks might lead to war. He has 
 emphasized his opinion in a speech at a great German meeting 
 in New York. In yesterday's paper is a letter from Baron 
 d'Estournelles de Constant to Mr. Bryan, in which he says in 
 substance that he has not changed at all his estimate of the 
 value of peace which he and Mr. Bryan had preached and 
 enforced upon the same platform in America. But when the 
 life of France is at stake, when her institutions and her liber- 
 ties are imperilled, when part of her territory is ocupied by a 
 hostile army which has destroyed its cities and villages, looted 
 its farms and expelled its population, there can be no peace. 
 The sacred duty of every French man and every French 
 woman is to do their utmost to expel the invader and assure 
 their country of a peace that will be permanent, with a safety 
 that cannot be assailed, and that the war must go on until mili- 
 tarism as a force in government and an international menace 
 is destroyed. 
 
 While in France, on the fourteenth of July, I saw the re- 
 view by the President of the Republic of the garrison of Paris. 
 Thirty thousand of the finest troops in the world. The men 
 
149 
 
 who foresaw the danger which threatened France, succeeded 
 by a mighty effort against the theorists and the peace advo- 
 cates in raising the French army to 750,000 men, equal to the 
 German army on a peace footing. The German army in its 
 invasion came within twelve miles of Paris and then was 
 driven back to the position it now occupies in Northern France. 
 Except for this French army, Paris would now be in the hands 
 of the enemy, and if an indemnity of ninety millions of dollars 
 was exacted from Brussels,, a thousand millions would have 
 been demanded from Paris, and the demand enforced with 
 ruthless power. The French ports would be in the hands of 
 the enemy and France helpless and bleeding at the feet of her 
 foe, never to rise again. 
 
 What is the lesson of this story to us on this Fourth of 
 July? It is summed up and concentrated in one word, "pre- 
 paredness." Preparedness does not mean aggression nor con- 
 quest, nor seeking a quarrel, nor undue sensitiveness in inter- 
 national disputes ; but, so long as human nature exists, so long 
 as the primal savage can break so easily through the culture 
 of two thousand years of Christianity., as it has in Europe, so 
 long is a nation committing a crime against its sovereignty, 
 its liberties and its people unless it is prepared to defend its 
 territory and its homes. If the doctrine of peace at any price 
 had prevailed at the time of the Revolution, there would have 
 been no Fourth of July and no United States. If it had pre- 
 vailed at the time of the War of 1812, the American flag could 
 never have protected American citizens upon the ocean. If it 
 had prevailed in 1861, we would now have probably a Northern 
 confederacy, a Southern confederacy, a Western confederacy, 
 a Pacific Coast confederacy instead of this glorious Union 
 which is the last and only refuge free from danger of the 
 liberties of mankind. If I understand Mr. Bryan's programme 
 of peace, it may be illustrated by a story told many years ago 
 by that rare humorist, John Phoenix. He said he was editing 
 a newspaper in Phoenix, Arizona. An angry citizen objected 
 to an article he had written, knocked him down, sat astride 
 and was pounding him. Then, said Phoenix, I got the better 
 of the brute, holding him down by inserting my nose between 
 his teeth. 
 
ISO 
 
 It has become a habit with some of our statesmen and 
 orators to depreciate the ability, and especially the farsighted- 
 ness, of the framers of the Constitution. They say that com- 
 petent as the members of that great convention may have been 
 to deal with conditions in their time, they were wholly unable 
 to grasp the growth and expansion of the country and its 
 future needs. The Constitution which they gave us has been 
 all sufficient for every crisis through which .we have passed and 
 every problem we have encountered in the one hundred and 
 twenty-six years since it was adopted. It has been the breath 
 of our national life. While the constitutions of every country 
 in the world have been altered and revolutionized many times 
 during this period, the Constitution of the United Statcb re- 
 mains practically as it came from the fathers. It was sufficient 
 for the narrow strip of settlements along the Atlantic coast 
 and the thirteen original States with their three millions of 
 people. It meets every requirement and provides for every 
 necessity of forty-eight States covering the continent and with 
 a population of one hundred millions. It has been equal to ter- 
 ritorial expansion, to the formation of new commonwealths and 
 their incorporation into the Federal Union, to the government 
 of alien colonies beyond the seas and to the perils of war and 
 the greater perils of peace. "Ah," say the iconoclasts, "what 
 did those ancient fossils know of the initiative, referendum, re- 
 call, working men's compensation, old age pensions, prohibition 
 and woman suffrage?" They knew nothing and if they had 
 known would "undoubtedly have been opposed to them all, but 
 with wisdom which was almost, if not entirely, inspired, they 
 gave to their posterity a framework of principle so broad and 
 elastic that in their administration we are permitted to try and 
 test them all. They left the largest liberty and limitations and 
 restraint only of time for discussion and deliberation to suc- 
 ceeding generations. Let us on this Fourth of July renew our 
 faith and loyalty to our glorious Constitution and our gratitude 
 and reverence to the matchless men who gave to us this price- 
 less heritage. Let us all be Americans to-day, let us make 
 each recurring Fourth of July a university for teaching Ameri- 
 can citizenship and loyalty to the Constitution and the Flag. 
 
'■■'•:,l 
 i i [ ■■ 
 
 '^[i There were no British- Americans in the Revolutionary War; 
 our citizenship to-day and forever must know only Americans. 
 Well, my friends, it is both significant and fortunate that 
 ' this Fourth of July falls upon Sunday. In ordinary times it 
 is regarded as unfortunate because, though the celebration 
 comes on Monday, it is never the same, but more like a warmed 
 over dinner. In this horrible war in Europe five millions of 
 the flower of the manhood of those countries have been slain 
 or maimed. In another six months there will be five millions 
 more slaughtered or rendered helpless for life. From seven 
 to ten million old men, women and children have been driven 
 from their destroyed homes, their properties taken and are 
 
 ■ ■ ^; facing the imminent peril of starvation. The national debts of 
 all the countries involved were at the beginning of the war 
 
 ;;" twenty thousand millions of dollars. It is now forty-five thou- 
 sand millions, and if the war lasts a year longer it will be a 
 hundred thousand millions. This means a burden of taxation 
 upon a people already exhausted that would have been frightful 
 in their most prosperous days. It means general poverty and 
 handicaps upon prosperity never experienced before. But 
 while this conflagration is consuming these nations, we, three 
 thousand miles across the ocean, were never so peaceful, never 
 so happy, never so secure in our homes, in our families and in 
 our liberty. Happily our Fourth of July, which means and ex- 
 presses all that we have been, all that we are and all that we 
 hope for, comes on the Sabbath Day. It is the day when we 
 offer up our petitions at the Altar of God, when we express our 
 gratitude and thankfulness for His Son ; it is the day when with 
 one voice and one heart we can thank Him for our country and 
 bless God that we are Americans 
 
Speech of HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW at the 
 Dinner Given by the Pilgrim Society of New 
 York to the Allies' Loan Envoys from Great 
 Britain and France at Sherry's, September 30, 
 1915. 
 
 Mr. President, Lord Chief Justice Reading, Monsieur 
 HoMBERG, Gentlemen of the Society: We are very fortu- 
 nate to-night. We participate in several rare privileges. One 
 is to hear our President, Mr. Choate, at his best, after his long 
 and most brilliant career. I have been speaking on all sorts 
 of subjects and occasions on the same platform with Mr. 
 Choate for a half a century or more. He is the only man who, 
 regardless of political consequences or adverse criticism, has 
 always been relied upon to say boldly, emphatically and clearly 
 what everybody thinks but nobody dares utter. He never 
 gave a more remarkable illustration of this faculty than in his 
 speech to-night. The wild applause with which it has been 
 received demonstrates that he uttered what everybody here 
 believes and thinks. We have also enjoyed a rare treat of 
 epigram and philosophic maxims of wit and humor from our 
 friend Francis Patrick Murphy. The brightest dinner is dull 
 without him, and the dullest a success with him. He neatly 
 conveyed to us that he was familiar with French, by giving a 
 translation of the speech just made by the Chairman of the 
 French delegation. The success of the effort was unquestioned, 
 because none of the rest of us knew whether his translation 
 was correct or not. 
 
 Lord Reading's address was a marvel in what it revealed 
 by concealment and suggestion. It was a masterpiece of that 
 suppressed feeling occasioned by the most tremendous crisis of 
 its history in which his country is engaged, which is more ef- 
 fective than an outburst, because everybody feels the force of 
 the volcano and the wonderful power which keeps the cap 
 tightly screwed on. 
 
 We have entertained gentlemen from the other side, dis- 
 
154 
 
 tinguished in nearly every walk of life, eminent diplomatists, 
 statesmen, men of letters, explorers and scientists have been our 
 guests, but this is the first time that we have been in touch with 
 a billion of dollars. There is no stronger testimony to equality 
 than the democracy of legs under the same table. We have it 
 here to-night while we, The Pilgrims, enjoy that relationship 
 with these envoys of the accumulated wealth of Great Britain 
 and France. The English Pilgrinj Society has no standing in 
 Lombard Street, the New York Pilgrims have no credit in 
 Wall Street, not even in this sky-rocketing market. 
 
 When I first came to New York more than fifty years ago, 
 from the country, or, 'to be accurate, from Peekskill, my guide, 
 who was starting me on my career, pointed out an important 
 looking man to whom everybody was paying deference. He 
 said : "There is a man you want to know." I said, "Is he a 
 great banker or merchant ?" Because I was looking for clients. 
 He said, "He is neither, but he is close to capital." Gentlemen, 
 by this contact, we have arrived at this enviable position. 
 
 This delegation illustrates the upward progress of lawyers. 
 Magna Charta is the common foundation of both English and 
 American liberty. A lawyer wrote it, but it was signed by the 
 Barons, who made their marks and stamped their seals with the 
 hilts of their sword, because they could neither read nor write, 
 but they were so jealous of that lawyer that posterity does not 
 know his name. When I first became an attorney for the New 
 York Central Railroad Company, fifty years ago next January, 
 the Law Department was far distant from the Executive, but 
 with the innumerable conflicting and obscure laws which have 
 been passed by National and State Legislatures against rail- 
 roads, the Law Department is now the largest and most impor- 
 tant in the service, and no railway president or manager dares 
 move without a lawyer at his elbow. 
 
 For the first time in the history of finances, the greatest 
 financial transaction in history has for its Chairman and Chief 
 the head of the English Bar, the Lord Chief Justice of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 I have been, for more than a generation, attending ban- 
 quets in Paris and London. At the French celebration the 
 American sentiment is always one of gratitude to that gallant 
 
155 
 
 nation which came to our assistance with army, navy and 
 money when, without that aid, it is doubtful if our independ- 
 ence could have been won. The French reciprocate by ack- 
 nowledging the principles of liberty brought back by Lafayette 
 and the French army, which have evoluted into the Republic 
 which is standing to-day and fighting to-day as one man, one 
 woman and one child for the preservation of those liberties. In 
 London the sentiment is ever and always consanguinity of , 
 blood and the heritage in the common law, in the common 
 language and glorious literature. These sentiments have been 
 of incalculable value, because oft-repeated, so as never to be 
 forgotten in preserving peace between Great Britain' and the 
 United States for over a hundred years, and between France 
 and the United States for a hundred and thirty-seven years. 
 But the previous century was one of sentiment. 
 
 Genius, gifted with imagination, wrote great poems and 
 immortal works of fiction, but our century is pre-eminently 
 and disastrously practical and materialistic. The imagination, 
 which might elevate the race by immortal epics or wonderful 
 works of fiction, is engaged in invention, in wireless telegraphy 
 and in wireless telephone by which yesterday afternoon the 
 human voice pierced the enveloping air of the globe and carried 
 on a conversation four thousand five hundred miles away. The 
 day is not distant when the speeches at a Pilgrim Society in 
 London and the Sister Society in New York will be enjoyed 
 simultaneously on both sides of the Atlantic. That will be a 
 marvelous triumph for peace. Then there will be no interval 
 for misunderstanding and no excuse for disagreements. 
 
 Now the visit of our guests and the marvelous success of 
 their two weeks' campaign shows that, in the realm of finance, 
 these century-old sentiments between the United States, Great 
 Britain and France are turned into cash for the promotion of 
 the prosperity, commerce and the financial integrity of these 
 three great nations. 
 
 There has been much criticism of this loan, mainly from 
 people of three kinds. Those who do not understand it, those 
 who do not want to understand it and those who have plenty of 
 theory but never had any cash. These last are the ones who 
 are most fearful that somebody will lose money. To dispose of 
 
iS6 
 
 our enormous and unprecedented crops, to keep in constant 
 and remunerative employment our capital and our labor, we 
 must have a market for the products of the farm and the 
 factory or there follows stagnation, congestion, bankruptcy 
 and unemploynient. This loan solves that situation. Our cus- 
 tomers get what they want, and we seir what we are most 
 anxious to part with, at good prices. That we should both pro- 
 vide the goods and also the money to buy them is .a novel prob- 
 lem in finance characteristic of this marvelous age. It solves 
 the difficulty which has faced mankind ever since leather was 
 invented, and that is, how to lift oneself over a fence by the 
 straps of one's boots. But the problem is solved by the success 
 of that modern invention aeration. By magic unprecedent in 
 the history of the greatest financial nations of the world, credit 
 and cash become convertible, and the international necessity of 
 sale and purchase proceed upon lines of unexampled magnitude 
 and profit. 
 
 My friend, Mr. William J. Bryan, is a never-ending source 
 of surprise and admiration. There is no subject which he does 
 not tackle instantaneously and with confidence. He has the sat- 
 isfaction of having many of his theories embalmed in statutes 
 when his party has been in power. The success of their prac- 
 tical application is another matter. In an utterance, I think, at 
 Atlanta, Ga., a few days since, he denounced this loan and said 
 it ought to be prohibited because it would take five hundred 
 millions of dollars out of the country when we sadly need that 
 money for our own industries. Our friend, Mr. Bryan, fol- 
 lowed a not unusual habit of dodging a fact to make a point. 
 Why, this vast amount of money comes out of Wall Street, 
 which he detests, and out of investors, whom he distrusts, and 
 instead of going abroad goes into the pockets of his neighbors, 
 the farmers of Nebraska, and the artisans and workmen of 
 every mine, mill and factory in the United States ! 
 
 One of the most interesting studies, to the social philoso- 
 pher, is the changes which occur in the relative positions 
 of creditors and debtors as time goes on. The transition is easy 
 both up and down. After the Plymouth Colony, some years 
 following its landing on Plymouth Rock, had become a settled 
 community, it found the necessity for money, principally to 
 
157 
 
 fight the Indians. The Colony sent to England Captain Miles 
 Standish, the Commander of its military forces, to secure a 
 loan. After much trouble he succeeded by pledging practi- 
 cally all there was of the then United States in borrowing one 
 hundred and fifty pounds at fifty per cent, interest. Now 
 London, or rather Great Britain, after two hundred and ninety 
 years, comes to the descendants of those Colonists and bor- 
 rows without difficulty one hundred million pounds at five per 
 cent, interest. Of course, conditions have changed, but then 
 the leading financier in the first instance was a military man, 
 and military men are notoriously bad financiers — their errors 
 being in proportion to their fame in arms ; but the head of this 
 second commission is a lawyer, and there you are ! 
 
 When one has advanced along in the eighties like Brother 
 Choate and myself, we grow fond of reminiscences, of com- 
 parisons between the. old and the new, and especially of 
 anniversaries like birthdays and centennials. This year is re- 
 markable, most remarkable, as rounding out and completing a 
 hundred years of peace between the United States and Great 
 Britain, and a hundred and thirty-seven years with France. 
 There have been greater causes, many times, for war between 
 the United States and Great Britain during this period than 
 the one, or ones, which have brought on this frightful world 
 conflict. The old Romans had an idea of peace, though they 
 seldom practiced it. They built a temple to Janus, the God of 
 Peace, whose doors were to be open in time of war and closed 
 when peace reigned. They were shut but once in four hundred 
 years. The doors of the temple of Janus are wide open in 
 Europe, Asia, Africa, India and the Islands of the Sea. They 
 are closed between Americii and the United States. 
 
 The boundary line between the United States and Canada 
 is longer than that between Germany and France or Russia 
 and Germany or both combined, and yet on it has stood for a 
 century neither a fort nor a soldier. The Great Lakes washing 
 the shores of both countries, and which could carry the navies 
 of the world, bear the fleets of commerce, but no vessels of 
 war. 
 
 The most critical questions, full of hostile possibilities, 
 have been settled by diplomacy and arbitration. Boundary lines 
 
iS8 
 
 have been amicably agreed upon, which involved an empire in 
 extent. Fisheries' rights, always a fruitful source of interna- 
 tional difficulties, have been permanently adjusted, and ever- 
 recurring crises on the interpretation and application of the 
 Monroe Doctrine have been submitted to the judgment of 
 international tribunals. Here is presented the most magnificent 
 example in all history of the possibilities of peace between 
 great nations when they are inspired by sentiments of justice 
 and humanity. 
 
 The peace of 1815, between the United States and Great 
 Britain, was made at the City of Ghent by Commissioners rep- 
 resenting the two countries. When the treaty had been signed 
 the city gave a banquet to the commissioners. At the conclu- 
 sion of the banquet John Quincy Adams, afterwards President 
 of the United States, rising, offered this toast: 
 
 "May the doors of the temple of Janus, which have been 
 closed this day, remain shut for a hundred years." 
 
 The toast was the bubbling sentiment of the evening, given 
 at a time of almost universal wars, and which all cheered, but 
 in which none believed. It proved, however, to be a prophecy 
 rather than a sentiment. In February last the hundred years 
 of the toast were completed and now, as between Great 
 Britain and the United States, the hinges of the doors of the 
 temple of Janus are so completely rusty that no "power on 
 earth can ever again pry them open. The two countries were 
 approaching significant celebrations of this most auspicious 
 event; a distinguished English committee came here on that 
 mission and Americans visited the Mother country. It was 
 proposed to buy and dedicate ancient monuments and to build 
 new ones. It was proposed to have civic celebrations, proces- 
 sions and fireworks. The war made all these plans impossible 
 and also any celebration of this great event. But, I submit 
 that higher and greater and more significant than memorials, 
 processions and meetings is the conclusion, the successful and 
 triumphant conclusion, of the mission of these Anglo-French 
 commissioners to the United States. 
 
 We have started the second hundred years of peace with 
 
159 
 
 a mighty memorial df international confidence and friendship. 
 The old sentiment of President Adams materializes in a con- 
 tract rich with possibihties of international peace and pros- 
 perity, and the triumph of those principles of liberty for which 
 the English speaking people of the world pre-eminently stand. 
 The financial genius of the two countries has found what the 
 philosophers, scientists and wizards of the middle ages longed 
 for : The alchemy by which the credit of one country becomes 
 the gold of the other, by which francs and pounds, shillings 
 and pence, and dollars and cents lose their differences in value 
 and stand on a parity for the preservation of that interchange 
 between nations which is the surest foundation of peace, pros- 
 perity and liberty. 
 
THE ART OF PUBLIC SPEAKING 
 
 Address by HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW before 
 the West Side Young Men's Christian Associa- 
 tion, New York City, October 22, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Friends : Your Director has imposed 
 upon me a task which is not easy. You are a class studying 
 the art of public speaking. The suggestion is that you may 
 learn something from the experience of a man who is a veteran 
 on the platform. 
 
 The foundation and superstructure of public speaking is 
 hard work. It can be acquired. When Disraeli made his 
 first speech in the House of Commons, he was overwhelmed 
 with contemptuous laughter. He shouted to his tormentors, 
 "You will yet hear me," and worked as few are willing to 
 make that challenge good. He became in time master of the 
 House of Commons and its most effective debater. 
 
 The essentials of success are knowledge of the subject, 
 lucidity in expressing your ideas and clear enunciation. Every 
 man, and in these suffrage days many women, desire to 
 become public speakers. People in every walk of life find occa- 
 sions when this talent would be most useful. Army and navy 
 officers, no matter how great their fame, would count it more 
 gratifying than a victory if they could capture an audience by 
 successful appeal. In our country especially the opportunities 
 are infinite and the demand constant for speakers. There is 
 no greater exhibition of power or of wider influence than sway- 
 ing a legislative body in the enactment of laws or the defeat 
 of vicious measures. This same is true with audiences, whether 
 the occasion be religious, political or educational. The most 
 serious popular delusion, in regard to public speaking, is that 
 it is a gift and requires little or no effort. 
 
 A man who had been successful in his business walked 
 with me from an important dinner, where I had made a speech. 
 He told me that his great ambition was to be an after-dinner 
 speaker, but while he had secured invitations, they were never 
 
1 62 
 
 repeated. "So," he said, "I have been following you around 
 and to-night have learned your secret. You play with a cigar 
 without lighting it. That calls attention. Afterwards you put 
 your thumb in the pocket of your vest, as if you were seeking 
 for your notes. That keeps the attention." I told him, "Old 
 man, you have it. Get your dry cigar and vest pocket." He 
 found it did not work. He could not grasp that it is not man- 
 nerisms which make the speaker, but ideas and their presenta- 
 tion. 
 
 There is an old Latin motto, that from nothing nothing 
 comes, and this is true of an empty head. The speaker should 
 know more of the subject upon which he talks than his 
 audience. He should have the ability, which can be acquired, 
 of marshalling what he knows so as to present it in logical 
 form and with an attractive garb. Few people think. To 
 think is for them hard work. I mean by this that the average 
 man and woman are absorbed in their life work or vocation. 
 They give little attention and less thought to questions outside 
 their immediate lives and activities. That is the reason that 
 we require teachers, preachers and lecturers. It is easier to 
 grasp a subject through the ear than through the eye. What is 
 learned through the eye requires mental exertion to grasp, 
 assimilate and remember, but the preacher or the orator does 
 all this work for the hearer, and the hearers have pictured 
 upon their brains the ideas of the speaker and his reasons for 
 them. 
 
 The influence of the speaker is one of degree; some can 
 command the attention of the audience to the end, and some 
 can excel in empting a hall. One of the best lawyers and 
 most acute thinkers I ever knew was a failure before a popular 
 audience. Men of far less ability were much more acceptable 
 to the people. The reason was that he had devoted his life to 
 mastering the intricacies and subtleties of the law for the advice 
 of his cHents and to address the court. He could not make 
 plain, simple, clear and attractive his views upon politics 
 before a miscellaneous audience. 
 
 Speakers may be divided into three classes: talkers, 
 speakers and orators. Any man of fair education and ability 
 can become a talker or a speaker, but an orator is endowed 
 
i63 
 
 with a gift. Nobody, however endowed, can be a successful 
 talker, speaker or orator except by application, constant study 
 and work. The greatest of painters are the hardest workers, 
 and keep learning more and creating better pictures the longer 
 they live. The most popular of favorites are the actors and 
 actresses who interpret upon the stage and present, as living 
 examples, the creations of the dramatist. The success of the 
 speaker or preacher is in doing the same with his ideas. The 
 leaders of the labor unions are all good speakers ; their success 
 is due to the fact that they can put into words and tell their 
 mates what they all want and how to present it so as to have 
 effect with employers and with the public. The clear thinker 
 and good talker, that is, the one who is most familiar and most 
 the master of the subject in hand, is most influential at the 
 meeting of a Board of Directors or Trustees, at a church gath- 
 ering, at a town meeting, in a Board of Aldermen or in the 
 Legislature. 
 
 Daniel Webster was the ablest and most effective orator, 
 not only in his time,' but in the whole period of our country's 
 existence. A common remark of the average citizen, after 
 leaving the hall, or the gallery of the Senate, or the Court was, 
 "Why, Webster said just what I think.'' That man had done 
 no thinking, but Webster had put the question so clearly and 
 explained it so plainly that the delighted auditor humped him- 
 self with the idea that his head-piece was as good as Webster's. 
 The result was that Webster converted the Senate, the Court 
 and the crowd. Webster's presentation of his argument was 
 so simple that it conveyed the impression of no effort, and 
 yet, though he had surpassing genius, no speaker ever worked 
 harder. In a famous debate in the Senate, which had come up 
 unexpectedly, Webster arose and delivered one of the greatest 
 speeches ever heard in that body. When asked by an amazed 
 friend how he could deliver an address so perfect in every 
 way, when it was transparently impromptu, Webster's answer 
 was, "I have been pr'eparing that speech for thirty years." 
 Webster's memory and his gift of immediately calling into 
 service all that he knew of the subject in hand enabled him 
 to deliver speeches which were really thoroughly prepared, but 
 seemed spontaneous. 
 
164 
 
 One who wishes to be a public speaker should first write 
 out his speeches; he should try with short ones, commit the 
 speech to memory, if possible, and if he cannot commit it to 
 memory, read it. The spoken word, however, is much more 
 effective. Few people are endowed with perfect memory. 
 William H. Seward, whom I knew very well, was a great 
 statesmen and an effective orator. He told me that in his 
 long and brilliant career he had never delivered a speech unless 
 he had written it with care and committed it to memory, but he 
 said the second reading of his speech memorized it perfectly. 
 
 Roscoe Conkling, in the campaign for the election of 
 General Garfield, delivered a speech in the Academy of Music 
 which required four hours in delivery. His Secretary told 
 that, while Senator Conkling spent several weeks preparing 
 it, he spent an equal amount of time committing it to memory 
 so perfectly that no interruption could disturb his delivery. A 
 newspaper man, who sat behind him with the printed slips 
 covering ten columns of a New York newspaper, told me that 
 Mr. Conkling never missed a sentence in the whole speech, 
 and had no notes except a few memoranda on the cuff of his 
 shirt sleeve. These examples of great orators show how hard 
 they worked even in their prime and at the height of their 
 success, but they had worked still harder in the early days 
 before they had won fame. It is not given to everybody to 
 have this verbal memory. If I may speak of myself, I do not 
 possess it at all. My substitute for it, if the effort is a serious 
 one, is to first write my speech out or dictate it to a stenog- 
 rapher; then, while I cannot commit it, I can follow the 
 sequence of my ideas and deliver the address without notes 
 as if it had not been written. The ideas and arguments are 
 the same, but the language and sentences differ. Of course, 
 that requires practice. 
 
 The oldest example of oratory was Demosthenes and 
 he was the greatest orator of his time. He lived in the 
 Athenian Republic, where laws were made and repealed, 
 and statesmen promoted or condemned, by the vote of the 
 people. The whole voting population of Athens could be 
 gathered upon the hill where stood the Acropolis. In the 
 clear air of Athens the orator could be heard for a great dis- 
 
i6s 
 
 tance. I tried it myself when I was in that city. I stood on 
 the Mars Hill, on the spot which tradition assigns to St. Paul 
 when he addressed the Areopagites. There were some Greeks 
 working on the road about half a mile distant. With my Peeks- 
 kill tenor voice I shouted at them St. Paul's sermon, "Ye men 
 of Athens, I perceive that in all things ye are too superstitious." 
 The effect was immediate, though I spoke, of course, in 
 EngUsh. They seized their picks, crowbars and shovels and 
 ran towards me. I made a hasty retreat. Probably some of 
 them had been in America and understood. Anyhow, I proved 
 that Demosthenes and St. Paul could be heard at great dis- 
 tance. Athens, with several hundred thousand people, had less 
 than twenty thousand citizens voters in Demosthenes' time. His 
 platform, a flat rock with a high rock as a sounding board 
 behind, is still there, and he and his rivals had before them on 
 the plateau the whole electorate. The best speaker swayed the 
 crowd, had them adopt his policy and was made the leader. 
 Demosthenes stammered so that it was impossible for him to 
 speak effectively. He spent days, and weeks, and months on 
 the seashore speaking to the waves with pebbles in his mouth 
 until he overcame the defect. His advice to a pupil, who 
 wanted to learn the art of public speaking, was "action, action, 
 action," meaning work, work, work to master your subject so 
 that you are perfectly familiar with everything that can be 
 said in its favor, and every objection that can be made to it. 
 Then work to acquire the habit of explaining your topic so 
 that it will be as clear to the listener as it is to you, and then 
 work in acquiring the clear enunciation which is the main 
 secret of a good speaker, that is, each word of the sentence 
 heard. Cicero remarked that loud-bawling orators were driven 
 by their weakness to noise, as lame men to take a horse. This 
 brings us to delivery. The most essential thing in delivery is 
 clear articulation. Don't put the listener to the trouble of try- 
 ing to hear. After one or two efforts he will stop trying and 
 go out. Do not bawl. Noise is not speaking or oratory. 
 
 The most effective speaker I ever heard was Wendell 
 Phillips. He made few gestures and rarely raised his voice 
 above a conversational tone, but his articulation was so perfect 
 he could be heard everywhere, and, of course, his method of 
 
i66 
 
 putting his thought was not only simple but most impressive 
 and effective. He had the gift, without which a speaker never 
 ampunts to much, of transparent sincerity. You will not 
 convince your audience unless you are saturated and almost 
 fanatical with and in your faith. Many a pleasing speaker 
 delights an audience with his wit, his repartee, his hits and 
 sharp thrusts, but makes no converts. The audience believe he 
 could talk quite as well on the other side. 
 
 At one time, in London, I heard at Westminster Abbey 
 Cannon Farrar. He read his sermon. It was a classic in the 
 purity of its English, the brilliancy of its thought and its sus- 
 tained elevation to the end ; it could take its place in the books 
 among the masterpieces of Enghsh literature. It was a coldly 
 intellectual appeal to the minds of his congregation. Such an 
 address demanded a cultured audience and had its fit setting in 
 Westminster .Abbey. The next Sunday I went to the Temple 
 and heard the famous preacher, Mr. Spurgeon. His church 
 was crowded, a congregation of nearly ten thousand. The 
 congregation were middle-class English tradesmen, small shop- 
 keepers and mechanics. It was an intensely earnest and emo- 
 tional crowd. Spurgeon, simply dressed and without clerical 
 robes, stood upon a platform on which he could command the 
 floor and the galleries. He knew his Bible by heart, he had 
 absorbed its letter and siprit, he made you feel that the 
 Prophets, the Apostles and Christ were talking to you in per- 
 son. His audience was swayed by intense emotion, sometimes 
 evinced in groans or shouts. In an earlier generation they 
 would have been led by him to the battlefield at Naseby or 
 Marston Moor to fight for Puritan ideals. 
 
 These eminent preachers were conspicuous examples of 
 clear enunciation. No member of the congregation missed a 
 word. I know some fine preachers and public speakers who 
 would be much more effective if they practiced this habit. 
 They apparently think that it adds emphasis to their utter- 
 ances to drop the voice on the words which close a sentence. 
 These are usually the key words to their thought. If the 
 auditors do not hear these words, they fail to grasp the speak- 
 er's thought, or if they strain to listen, they get tired and stop 
 the effort. This lowering of the voice below easy hearing is a 
 
1 67 
 
 common fault and injures the reputation and usefulness of 
 some superior thinkers, preachers and speakers. -Another 
 common error is to place the emphasis on every word. It was 
 said of Webster that when speaking of the Constitution or the 
 Union, these words, when dropped, weighed twelve poimds. 
 The speaker can easily acquire the habit of giving effect to 
 that part of his sentences which clinches his thought. 
 
 Extemporaneous spelaking, or speaking without notes, 
 requires a full knowledge and clear idea of what you want to 
 say. Acquire the habit of expressing audibly your thought. 
 Think out the line of argument you intend to follow and go 
 over it many times before making your speech. At each repe- 
 tition new ideas and better ways of expressing them will 
 occur. It is in this way that effective illustrations or apt 
 anecdotes will be suggested. A political speaker's first address 
 is far different from his last. While he follows the same line 
 each night, the speech improves in matter and manner with 
 each repetition. Do not tell a story unless it illumines your 
 argument. If to the point, a story is very effective and will 
 be remembered long after your auditors have forgotten your 
 speech. But too many anecdotes weaken an argument. Few 
 people can tell a story so as to bring out the snapper, and a 
 good story badly told is an anticlimax and fatal. 
 
 Some of the most effective speeches have been short ones. 
 The debaters whom I met in my two terms in the New York 
 Legislature fifty odd years ago, and my two terms in the 
 United States Senate, were the ones who could concentrate the 
 meat of the question at issue in twenty minutes or an hour. 
 The most remarkable example of this is the contrast be- 
 tween Edward Everett and President Lincoln at Gettysburg. 
 Everett, as usual with him, prepared his speech with great care, 
 had written, rewritten and polished it to perfection, committed 
 it to memory and practiced it before a glass. It was the per- 
 fection of art in everything which constitutes a great speech. 
 But it was art. It took two hours in delivery. Mr. Lincoln 
 wrote his speech on an envelope coniing from Washington. 
 It was a five-minute address, but with sublime simplicity and 
 wonderful imagery it condensed the spirit and purpose for 
 which the soldiers, buried at Gettysburg, had died. Everett's 
 
i68 
 
 oration is forgotten, but Lincoln's speech is held as a master- 
 piece of oratory wherever English language is spoken. 
 
 When General Grant came to New York after his retire- 
 ment from the presidency, he was invited to all the banquets 
 of the different nationalities, of the patriotic societies, of the 
 great trade bodies and military organizations and accepted 
 many of them. Of course, he was the drawing card of the 
 evening and expected to speak. At first his efforts were brief, 
 halting and painful. He told me his knees knocked together 
 under the table. But with determination and persistence, 
 which were his characteristics, he kept on trying until he could 
 make a very good speech. 
 
 Well, young gentlemen, you have here an excellent school 
 with proved results. If you are so resolved to win that failure 
 is an inspiration for greater efforts, you may hopefully expect 
 a future of usefulness and of pleasure to yourselves and others. 
 
Speech of HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, Yale, 
 1856, at the Dinner of the Yale Club, New 
 York, in Celebration of the Opening of the 
 New Club House, November 18, 1915. 
 
 Mr. President, Representatives of our Sister Uni- 
 versities, Mr. President of Yale and Fellow Alumni: I 
 have been for sixty years of strenuous life endeavoring by the 
 alchemy of imagination as an inspiration for work to turn 
 dreams into realities and hopes into success. The result is sel- 
 dom accomplished. When it is there is a permanent triumph 
 for the individual for a cause or an institution. This would 
 be a dreary world except for idealism, and a very stupid one 
 except for idealists. I love a man whose rainbow ends always 
 in a pot of gold, though he never draws enough from the pot 
 to pay me what he borrows. 
 
 These observations are suggested by the reflections which 
 are forced upon me from my experience of the past and pres- 
 ent with the Yale Alumni of New York. 
 
 I was President of the first Alumni Association formed 
 in this city, about forty years ago, and continued as such for 
 the succeeding ten years. Our dreams during that period 
 were to have a suite of rooms which should be all our own; 
 our hopes, to secure a small house in a neighborhood where 
 real estate had been so hard hit by residential and business 
 changes that comfort would come cheap. In the course of 
 time the Association, after various removals, built the Club 
 house in Forty-fourth Street and merged it into the Club. Now 
 to-night we are celebrating the successful completion of the 
 finest, the largest, the most finished and complete University 
 Club House in the world. Dreams, hopes and the wildest of 
 imaginings are all more than realized. 
 
 I extend to the Building Committee, the Finance Com- 
 mittee and the Architect congratulations and gratitude from 
 every Alumnus in the United States. 
 
 Being in the directory of the New York Central Railroad, 
 
170 
 
 which corporation owned this land, and as a member of this 
 Club, I was in touch with both ends of the negotiation so 
 successfully completed for the Railroad and the Club. The 
 success of those negotiations were due to Director William H. 
 Newman, representing the Railroad, and the Finance Commit- 
 tee, representing the Club. I take my hat off in the presence 
 of that Finance Committee. With little to bargain with ex- 
 cept hopes, the way in which their lively imaginations convinced 
 the hard-headed railroad negotiator that their hopes were 
 realities was a triumph of high finance, and as we examine this 
 perfection of their hopes in cash, and its wise expenditures, I 
 am reminded of an incident in the life of an old colleague of 
 mine. 
 
 After graduation, and being admitted to the Bar, he went 
 West to seek his fortune. He became a successful Railway 
 President and organized a large railway system. To breathe 
 again the atmosphere of his youth, he returned after many 
 years to the New England hamlet where he was born. At 
 night he went do^yn to the grocery, where the elder Statesmen 
 every evening held their Parliament around the stove and dis- 
 cussed men and things. He was warmly greeted and the 
 patriarch gently stroking his chin "whiskers said, "Well, Bill, 
 they dew say around here that you are gittin' a salary of 
 $10,000 a year." He was getting many times that, but he 
 modestly answered, "Uncle Josiah, that is true." "Wall, 
 wall," says Uncle Josiah, "that shows what cheek and sarcum- 
 stances will do for a man." 
 
 Our association held monthly meetings at different hotels, 
 had papers read by distinguished Professors in the college, and 
 discussions upon them; had the successful teams down to tell 
 the stories of their victories, and in those days they were 
 generally victories, and wound up with a supper praise- 
 worthy for its frugality and temperance. Harvard and Prince- 
 ton formed like associations. Yearly each of them had a 
 dinner to which the others were invited. I recall a memor- 
 able night with our Princeton brethren. At that time the 
 venerable and distinguished Scotchman, ]\Ir. jMcCosh, was 
 President of Princeton. He was a remarkable man in many 
 ways, and peculiarly Scotch in his serious turn of mind. Jle 
 
171 
 
 had gained millions of endowment and gifts for Princeton, 
 while Yale at that time did not have much and was receiving 
 very little. 
 
 Mr. Beaman, a line lawyer, and the worthy son-in-law and 
 partner of the then country's foremost and greatest lawyer, 
 William M. Evarts, of '2)7, was President of the Harvard 
 Alumni Association. Beaman said to me, "The evening is 
 tiresome, let us relieve the situation. You attack President 
 McCosh and I will defend him." I alluded to the success of 
 Princeton's President in securing these then fabulous sums 
 and intimated that he had a grip on the Presbyterian con- 
 science, which made every rich member of that Faith believe 
 that the only sure gate to Heaven was remembering Princeton 
 in his will. Beaman, with great indignation, remarkably well 
 played, added to the charge by his defense. He said it was 
 infamous to say that Princeton's President had early intima- 
 tions of the threatened departure to the other world of a mil- 
 lionaire and shouted, "I do not believe that President McCosh 
 ever sat by the bedside of a dying man and told him that 
 salvation was certain only by a large gift to Princeton." The 
 President arose to his feet and shouted in broad Scotch, 
 "Niver, Niver!" "Or," continued Beaman, "that he ever sat 
 beside the bed of a dying woman and gave her the same mes- 
 sage." And dear old Dr. McCosh, with greater emphasis, 
 shouted, "Niver, niver, niver, niver !" 
 
 I recall the first Yale banquet ever held in New York. 
 To-night is its successor. The dinner was at old Delmonico's 
 in Fourteenth Street. According to the program the speakers 
 began with the oldest graduate present, and continued accord- 
 ing to age of graduation. The speeches were very long and 
 very dull. One eminent Divine became so unduly excited by 
 applause ironically intended to make him stop that his teeth 
 dropped into his goblet. 
 
 About two o'clock in the morning, the President an- 
 nounced that the opportunity was now open for the younger 
 men, and to make their own selection. There was a unanimous 
 call for a recent graduate, with a shock of red hair, red whis- 
 kers and mustache and bulging eyes that nearly pushed his 
 glass off his nose. For the benefit of the elders who had 
 
172 
 
 bored us so with their long speeches, he said: "It is too late 
 to make a speech, but I will tell a story. 
 
 "Down in Barnegat, New Jersey, where I live, the people 
 believe in the tonic properties of apple-jack. One of our 
 citizens, returning from town with his jug full, saw a thirsty 
 neighbor leaning over the gate and said, 'Here, friend,' handing 
 him the jug, 'take a swig.' The neighbor pulled the corncob 
 stopper, sampled it, and then raised the bottom higher and 
 higher until the whole gallon disappeared down his throat. 
 The indignant owner said, 'You infernal hog, what did you 
 do that for?' The neighbor said, 'I beg your pardon, but I 
 have lost all my teeth, and so could not bite off the tap.' " 
 
 The other night Harvard celebrated the opening of the 
 new annex to its club house in Forty-fourth Street. The en- 
 thusiastic Harvard reporter, in describing the occasion in the 
 morning newspapers, fell short of adjectives, and so he re- 
 ported that President Emeritus Eliot received the greatest 
 cheers ever heard in Forty-fourth Street; President Lowell 
 received the greatest cheers ever heard in Forty-fourth 
 Street ; that Joseph H. Choate received the greatest cheers ever 
 heard in Forty-fourth Street, and two chauffeurs, fighting in 
 front of the club house, had the greatest fight ever seen in 
 Forty-fourth Street., 
 
 This Club, rearing its storied heights to the sky, at the 
 terminal of two great railway systems which extend East, 
 West, North and South, all over the continent, receives its con- 
 gratulations and sends its cheers along lines of railway and 
 electric and wireless telegraph all over the world. It has grad- 
 uated from Forty-fourth Street and hitched its chariot to the 
 stars. 
 
 There are two notable deliverances which have influenced 
 vitally the progress, development and liberty of the world. 
 One is that declaration in the charter framed in the cabin of 
 the Mayflower for the government of the Pilgrim Colony, that 
 we form a government of just and equal laws. The other, the 
 charter framed two hundred and fourteen years afterwards by 
 Yale College, to form a college to train students "For public 
 service in church and civil state." The Mayflower declaration 
 has been the cornerstone of American liberty and the inspira- 
 
173 
 
 tion in liberalizing governments all over the world. The other 
 declaration has sent into the Presidency, into the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, into the Congress of the United 
 States, into the Judiciary and Executive Offices and Legisla- 
 tures of all the states, in the pulpit, the press, the teacher's 
 chair and on the platform men from Yale who have gloriously 
 demonstrated that they were trained by their Alma Mater for 
 public service in church and civil state. 
 
 The greatest distinction of my class of 1856, while in 
 C9llege, and its most delightful recollection, is that for its 
 four years it had among its Professors the most witty and most 
 learned of men. Professor Hadley. In April of our senior, 
 year the news was flashed over the Campus that a son had been 
 born to this great teacher. We instantly organized a torchlight 
 procession and with a band of music serenaded the arrival. 
 The yell which came through the window, answering our 
 cheers, convinced us that there had come into the world a new 
 and mighty force for the country and the college. His years of 
 glorious -work for the public service in church and civil state 
 has demonstrated that the then young class of '56, of sixty 
 years ago, had sized up rightly President Hadley of Yale Uni- 
 versity. 
 
Speech by HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW at the 
 Annual Dinner of the Amen Corner, Being the 
 Fifteenth Anniversary of the Society, Waldorf- 
 Astoria, New York, December 3, 1915. 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: As I was one of the 
 guests at the first dinner of the Amen Corner, and, with few 
 exceptions, have been present at all its successors, it has fallen 
 to my lot to say a word on this, its fifteenth anniversary, as 
 to the origin, purposes, and spirit of the Amen Corner. 
 
 The State R.;publican headquarters were, for almost a 
 generation, at the old Fifth Avenue Hotel. On the famous 
 sofa in the corner of the lobby gathered the representatives of 
 the press, waiting for news as to appointments and legislation, 
 and impartially sizing up and analyzing ambitious statesmen 
 who were looking for promotion or a job. Benjamin B. 
 Odell, Jr., Chairman of the State Committee, and an invalu- 
 able aid to the Amen Corner, in revelations which meant space, 
 had just been elected Governor of the State of New York. 
 The Brethren of the Amen Corner decided to celebrate that 
 event by a dinner. The dinner was in recognition and cele- 
 bration of Mr. Odell's elevation, but a guest of honor was 
 Senator Thomas C. Piatt, who lived at the hotel. He had 
 been for twenty years the acknowledged leader of his party 
 in the State, and in an unusual way the source of power and 
 patronage. While such party management has been charac- 
 terized as invisible government, and doubtless was so in many 
 States, Senator Piatt as an "easy boss" took the public into' 
 his confidence. Once a week the leading members of the 
 Legislature and party leaders, both State and National, gath- 
 ered in his rooms at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, and there were 
 proposed and discussed men and measures. 
 
 The Brethren of the Amen Corner were practically parties 
 to these discussions, and through their newspapers revealed 
 to the country and the State the policy of the party for the 
 future. 
 
 I am sure we all remember the almost pathetic pride 
 
176 
 
 with which, the aged and feeble Senator laughed with his 
 tormentors and enjoyed the jokes at his expense, and in the 
 true spirit of the occasion, and the broad charity when others 
 were flayed which characterized the man. 
 
 We welcome here this evening Governor Odell, who was 
 the inspiration of this organization. While many of those 
 present on that famous night have joined the majority, time 
 has so lightly touched our friend. Governor Odell, that he is 
 just as hale, hearty and handsome as ever. 
 
 Fifteen years count for little in the passage of time, but 
 the fifteen years from nineteen hundred to nineteen fifteen 
 have witnessed remarkable evolutions and revolutions. McKin- 
 ley had been re-elected, and his wonderful faculty for con- 
 ciliation, and his talent for winning opponents by always 
 soothing their disappointment with a promise of something 
 just as good, had almost destroyed partisanship. Cleveland, 
 who had retired from office four years before by unanimous 
 consent as the most unpopular of our Presidents, was rising 
 rapidly in public esteem to the position in which his memory 
 is now held as one of the ablest and most courageous of the 
 Presidents of the United States. McKinley was sitting on and 
 holding down the cap of a volcano, though he did not know 
 it. The tremendous and unprecedented progress of the coun- 
 try, since the Civil War, in the development of its resources, 
 the expansions of its industries, and the utilization of inven- 
 tions, had produced on the one hand great corporations and 
 large accumulations of wealth, and on the other a grave unrest 
 and distrust, which were rapidly dividing the country into 
 classes dangerous to the national peace. Revolution, which 
 was threatened, was averted by regulation. The people took 
 to themselves power without responsibility for results to man- 
 age and control the forces which they distrusted and feared. 
 Whatever our differences of opinion, I think we will all agree 
 now that this situation and these conditions were best met 
 by a President with the qualities and peculiarities of Theodore 
 Roosevelt. 
 
 The people were anxious for a change. They wanted 
 that change through the Democratic party. They wanted 
 every variety of democracy, and certainly they secured it in 
 
177 
 
 Governor Dix, Governor Sulzer, Governor Glynn and Presi- 
 dent , Wilson. 
 
 These conditions, so hastily sketched, were the oppor- 
 tunity of the Brethren of the Amen Corner. The fourth 
 power in the State, the Press, needed to be supplemented by 
 an organization which without maHce could hold up ,the mirror 
 in which public men and measures could be seen as they are. 
 If the Governor, or the Mayor, or the Legislator lost his 
 temper because he got, with others, a horizontal view of him- 
 self, his fall was rapid and oblivion claimed him for its own. 
 If, on the other hand, he laughed and reformed, there was a 
 future for him. Bobby Burns sang, 
 
 "Oh, wad some power the giftie gi'e us, 
 To see oursel's as ithers see us." 
 
 Unhappily that power has been given only in rare instances 
 and to very few. Hence the number of follies which have 
 ruined promising careers, and the number of able men who, 
 from exaggerated vanity, have exhibited their folly. 
 
 The Amen Corner fills this necessity. It has no animosi- 
 ties, it has no partisanship, and, above all, it has no illusions. 
 It is never deceived by pretenses nor shams. It tries to re- 
 duce to a normal size the enlarged heads of the Henry Fords 
 in public life. I have seen so many promising statesmen 
 exploded by their own exaggerated idea of themselves be- 
 cause of rapid rise and sudden success, that I have charity 
 for Henry Ford. It is not in human nature for a man to 
 suddenly grow from two dollars and fifty cents a day to 
 twenty millions of dollars a year without feehng and be- 
 lieving that he can put a crank anywhere into the mighty 
 machinery of the world and move it as he will. Unless the 
 Amen Corner reduces the size„of his head, the world sees 
 that the crank is in his own cranium. 
 
 When I was a Junior at Yale College, sixty-two years 
 ago, there appeared one of the most remarkable men and 
 s greatest orators of that time, Tom Marshall of Kentucky. 
 Though a wreck, there were flashes of his genius which we 
 boys, gathering around him, keenly enjoyed. I remember one 
 reminiscence. He said when he was speaking to a great 
 
178 
 
 audience in Detroit, as he was rising to the climax, with the 
 crowd enthralled, a man brought him down several times by 
 shouting, "Louder! Louder!" Marshall suddenly stopped and 
 said, "When the end of the world shall come and the trumpet 
 of the Archangel Gabriel shall fill not only the earth but the 
 suns and stars of the universe, and call before the Great 
 White Throne the unnumbered dead of all the ages, enthralled 
 by the grandeur and volume of the celestial music, there will 
 be a man there from Detroit shouting, "Louder! Louder!" 
 Mr. Ford says that he has received letters from people 
 of prominence on the other side commending his effort. I 
 wonder if amon^ these epistles there is one from the King 
 of Greece. If so, it must read like this : 
 
 "My dear Mr. Ford: 
 
 "Peace is so important to me that I wish your effort 
 every success. Sitting on the fence is most uncomfort- 
 able, and wabbling very dangerous. At present I am 
 leaning toward the Allies, but do not know how long I 
 can remain so, or how far I can go. Are you a mar- 
 ried man? 
 
 "Yours, 
 
 "CONSTANTINE." 
 
 As this fifteenth anniversary is rapidly passing, congratu- 
 lations are in order. In matrimony, the fifteenth is celebrated 
 by crystal. If it passes without a break, the family crockery 
 is safe and peace and happiness assured to the end of their 
 days. ' So we see in the success of to-night, happily following 
 all its predecessors, a long and joyous career for the Brethren 
 of the Amen Corner. As always catching the spirit of the 
 hour, the keynote of to-night is pre-eminently America. 
 Never in our history has it been so appropriate that we should 
 on all occasions be Americans. The words of our national 
 anthem, "My Country 'tis of Thee, Sweet Land of Liberty, 
 of Thee I Sing," should be translated into action. We have 
 no animosities and no jealousies. We wish all nations and all 
 peoples peace and prosperity, but, hke the lover for his bride, 
 so is our affection for Columbia, and our hearts, our minds, 
 our souls are for America first and America last. 
 
" Keep A-Goin'." Interview from The New York 
 Tribune, December 6, 1915. 
 
 "keep A-GOIn' " DEPEW'S ADVICE TO THE AGED. 
 
 Keep a-goin'. 
 
 Don't think golf will take the place of a life work. 
 
 The mind and body must be kept busy to prevent 
 their rusting. 
 
 It is not always a good thing to mind one's own busi- 
 ness. 
 
 Half of my friends have dug their graves with their 
 teeth. 
 
 "Keep a-goin'!" That is Chauncey M. Depew's advice 
 to the aged. The veteran statesman, from the height of his 
 eighty-one years, looked down with disapproval yesterday on 
 the decision of L. M. Bowers to retire from the service of 
 the Rockefeller interests because of his seventy years. Mr. 
 Depew passed that milestone more than eleven years ago and 
 is glad he kept on going. 
 
 "Mr. Bowers is making the mistake of his life," he said 
 yesterday afternoon. "I shall be eighty-two years old April 
 23, and I feel as well and capable as I did at seventy-two, or 
 at sixty-two, or at fifty-two. 
 
 "Gladstone won his greatest political triumphs after he 
 was eighty. Commodore Vanderbilt made more than two- 
 thirds of his vast fortune between the ages of seventy and 
 eighty. Joseph Choate, who is eighty-four, is more sought for, 
 because of the excellent speeches he is now making, than any 
 other man in the United States, and he is still sought by 
 clients as the leader of the bar. President Charles W. Eliot, 
 of Harvard, at eighty-one, is writing articles for magazines 
 and delivering lectures before scientific bodies and colleges 
 which are recognized everywhere as the best thought on the 
 subject. 
 
 "Luther said, in explaining why he worked so hard until 
 the end, of his life, 'When I rest I rust.' That is true. The 
 
i8o 
 
 mind and heart are machines. They must be kept busy to 
 prevent their rusting. I have known many men who retired 
 from work, as they said, to enjoy life. As a rule, after the 
 first year they are bored blue. Then they begin to think more 
 of their health than anything else. They imagine they have 
 all the diseases described in patent medicine advertisements. 
 Then they take the; patent medicines. And then they die. 
 
 "To keep the mind and body active prevents worry from 
 getting into the one and ill-health into the other. The greatest 
 mistake any one can make is to stop working along the lines 
 of his life's occupation, unless he can find something to occupy 
 his time and mind which is equally interesting. Golf is a 
 pretty poor substitute for a life work. The peace ship, how- 
 ever — well. Ford is hardly old enough to be an example, but 
 I suspect that he will keep himself quite as busy getting mil- 
 lions of boys out of the trenches by Christmas as he was 
 making automobiles in Detroit. 
 
 "I do everything I ever did, and enjoy it just as much. 
 An elderly man does not live by his own work alone, of course, 
 but by a wholesome interest in every department of life. He 
 must know who the people are who are keeping things going 
 in the world. It is not always a good thing to mind one's own 
 business. 
 
 "I am busy from lo o'clock until midnight. It is work 
 that counts. Eating and sleeping have little lo do with health 
 and longevity unless one indulges too much in them. Eight 
 hours' sleep is enough for most people, and as for food, half 
 of my friends have dug their graves with their teeth." 
 
Preface Written by SENATOR DEPEW to Arthur 
 Wallace Dunn's Volume, " Gridiron Nights." 
 
 "Gridiron Nights" is rhuch more than a record of the wit 
 and humor of a unique and happy organization of journalists. 
 The historian with his facts gives the skeleton but not the life 
 of the past. Humor" is denied him. Politics and politicians 
 are a peculiarly apt subject for the cartoonist, the caricaturist 
 and the humorist. Presidents, Cabinet Officers, Senators and 
 ' Representatives in Congress, and even high and mighty 
 Ambassadors, have their brief time on the stage and disappear. 
 But they are making history and the Gridiron catches it in the 
 making' and embalms it. These pages give flashlight pictures 
 of contemporary celebrities and crises which present a close 
 and intimate view of the human side of the celebrity and the 
 sham in the crises which would otherwise be lost. It is to 
 laugh — but the merry jesters are never vindictive or mean- 
 spirited. 
 
 "Oh wad some power the giftie gi'e us 
 To see oursel's as ithers see us. 
 It wad frae monie a blunder free us. 
 And foolish notion" 
 
 sang the immortal poet of the people. 
 
 The Gridiron Club holds up the mirror. The victim of 
 Gridiron humor, if wise and receptive, may make a wry face 
 as he laughs with his analyzers, but he sees his errors or follies 
 or pretences, mends his ways and does better. If too obtuse 
 or egotistic to recognize himself, the gates of obscurity are for 
 him ajar. 
 
 This record of thirty years of the Club so admirably 
 prepared and presented by Mr. Arthur Wallace Dunn is more 
 than a reminder of memorable nights at the National Capital. 
 It will give pleasure to the reader and be a mine of informa- 
 tion and realization of contemporary conditions for the student. 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 
 Chauncey M. Depew. 
 
Speech of HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW at the 
 Luncheon Given by the Pilgrims Society of New 
 York to Sir Robert Borden, Prime Minister of 
 Canada, Ritz-Carlton Hotel, New York City, 
 December 23, 1915. 
 
 Mr. President, Sir Robert Borden, Gentlemen: Mr. 
 Choate says, introducing me to pronounce the benediction and 
 close the entertainment, that I am to be its undertaker. But 
 he and I along in the eighties are doing our best to postpone 
 indefinitely the services of the funeral director. (Laughter 
 and Applause.) 
 
 Though Mr. Choate's speech as chairman was the most 
 warlike expression of Allied sympathies yet heard, he ex- 
 pressed to me a fear that he had not made himself quite clear. 
 (Laughter.) After listening to the address of Sir Robert 
 Borden and our chairman, no one can have any doubt as to 
 what is the expression and sentiment of this meeting. In this 
 it differs, and I see Judge Gary before me, from a recent fa- 
 mous banquet, which arouses the futile curiosity (Laughter 
 and Applause) of the world and send chills down the spines 
 of statesmen who have their lightning rods up. (Laughter.) 
 
 It is a great pleasure and a rare privilege we enjoy today. 
 We are a neutral people and enjoying all the blessings of peace. 
 But we are enduring from day to day all the agonies of war. 
 That is because our feelings are so deeply enlisted. We are 
 met in the morning with news of battles and losses, and our 
 evening paper carries us into the night with more of the hor- 
 rors and the hell of war. This tension is relieved by a speech 
 like that which we have just listened to from, the Prime Min- 
 ister of Canada. It is an inspiring lesson for universal peace. 
 While maintaining with eloquence, earnestness and patriotism 
 the righteousness of his cause, nevertheless there is a won- 
 derful meaning in his statement of the fact that while in the 
 last one hundred years there have been six prime crises in the 
 affairs of the United States and Great Britain growing out of 
 
i84 
 
 difficulties with Canada, that every one of them has been 
 settled by arbitration. Several of them were more provoca- 
 tive of strife, and involved larger and more productive terri- 
 tories, than the causes which led to the present war or the 
 whole Balkan territory. (Applause.) That shadow line of four 
 thousand miles, across which only one step carries the citizen 
 or the soldier, is without a fort or a sentinel, and has been thus 
 for a century. It is a monument for justice and Christianity in 
 the settlement of international disputes. We Yankees are said 
 to have as two dominant characteristics inquisitiveness and ac- 
 quisitiveness. We admit the charge, but we apply neither of 
 these faculties to Canada. We do not want an inch of her 
 territory, and we have no inquisitiveness about her, because 
 we know her so well. She has the same ideals as ourselves, 
 and has crystallized them into law for justice, order and lib- 
 erty the same as ourselves. We have no other feeling than 
 one of friendship and interest in their development in New 
 Jersey on the south, in Connecticut on the east and in Canada 
 on the north. It is singular how universal is this feeling among 
 Americans that Canada, though separated by jurisdiction, is 
 really a State of the American Union. (Applause.) Lord 
 Rosebery, the finest oraltor in Great Britain, said once that if 
 it had not been for the obstinacy of George III and the short- 
 sightedness of Lord North, the United States 'and Canada 
 would have both remained self-governing colonies of Great 
 Britain, and the preponderance of population, wealth and 
 power would have carried the Parliament House to New York 
 and Buckingham Palace to Central Park. 
 
 Canada is developing her vast territories so rapidly and 
 so wisely that it may be that in a few years the ultra-fashion- 
 ables of New York who must be seen and known in London 
 during the season will transfer their pilgrimage from London 
 to Ottawa to find there the coveted association with Crown 
 and Coronets. 
 
 Macaulay, in a letter often quoted, written to the author 
 of the "Life of Jefferson," predicted that when the United 
 States had congested populations and hunger frequent in the 
 land, there would be no protection whatever for the more 
 prosperous citizen ; his house would be invaded and his dinner 
 
i8s 
 
 appropriated by the more numerous and stronger. One of the 
 great safety valves against congestion of population with uc 
 has been the government land comparatively free to the settler. 
 Race suicide may be a danger for the future in cities, but on 
 the farm the soil still produces great crops and the home lots 
 of children. When the hive swarms, or has swarmed in the 
 past, the sons married the daughters of neighboring farmers 
 and then moved West to settle upon government lands, and in 
 that way they have built up the great commonwealths of the 
 West, the Northwest and the Pacific States. But government 
 lands are now exhausted. Secretary Lane, in his eloquent re- 
 port, says that there are in lands which can be irrigated room 
 for fifty millions of people, but irrigated lands require more 
 capital than the boy and his bride from the overpopulated 
 farm possess. Canada, with the wisdom^ and foresight char- 
 acteristic of great statesmanship, has developed her territory 
 by continental railroads and by assistance from the govern- 
 ment to every enterprise and every man of enterprise who 
 would develop her resources and add to the possibilities of 
 her future. She has not been afraid of the genius for affairs 
 or the ability to do, but has placed behind it all the help 
 she could give. The result is that the wilderness in an in- 
 credible short space of time has become the future garden of 
 the British Empire. Now the American farmer's boy and his 
 bride cross the invisible line, settle upon Canada's free farms 
 and aid in the development of Canadian prosperity. 
 
 An English statesman said to me, in view of this great 
 immigration of hundreds of thousands, "I fear that they will 
 carry with them prejudices against Canada and prejudices for 
 the localities which they leave that may be dangerous to the 
 future of the Dominion." But these American families in 
 their new homes find the same laws protecting their property, 
 the same laws safeguarding their lives, the same liberty of 
 speech and action which they had in their old homes. The 
 test of their loyalty to their neighbors has been found in this 
 crisis of the Dominion. Among the regiments which have 
 rushed to arms for the protection af the ideals of Canada, and 
 of the British Empire, are found a proportionate number of 
 these new immigrants to the Dominion. (Applause.) 
 
1 86 
 
 About thirty years ago there was a great celebration which 
 gathered the vast fleet of Great Britain in the Solent. I was 
 a guest on a steamship used as a yacht where there was a 
 distinguished company of Englishmen and Canadians, myself 
 the only American. At the inevitable dinner, a toast to Canada 
 was responded to by the representative of Canada, since dead, 
 who embellished his speech by saying that Canada had more 
 land, more square miles of territory, greater area and greater 
 prospects than the United States. Then he got mad when I 
 modestly responded in my turn that his statistics were all right 
 but his territory mostly ice. (Great Laughter and Applause.) 
 Canadian development of the last thirty years has shown that 
 what we then thought was mostly ice were possible wheat 
 fields and prospective granaries. 
 
 Sentiment controls largely in the affairs of nations and 
 the relations of different nationalities, but in this practical 
 age and the immensely practical times of the twentieth cen- 
 tury, materialism more largely governs and rules. And yet 
 sentiment is not deqd when the crisis arises for its develop- 
 ment into action. We who have French blood in our veins 
 recall with pride and gratitude those early Canadian voyageurs, 
 La Salle, Marquette, Hennepin and their compatriots, who ex- 
 plored tke great rivers of the American continent from their 
 sources to their mouths and mapped out the vast territory of 
 North America and indicated its possibilities for settlement, 
 population and empire. No explorers since in the Arctic or the 
 Tropics met dangers and overcame them with more courage, 
 endurance and genius than did these early Canadian and 
 French voyageurs. Three hundred years have not sapped the 
 vitality or diminished the courage of that race, for today, led 
 by their mothers, wives and sweethearts, every man in France 
 is offering up his life for the ideals of his country. (Great 
 Applause.) 
 
 We are prospering largely by the markets which we sup- 
 ply in the world from our farms and our factories. In nor- 
 maL-times our foreign trade reaches the value of two 
 thousand millions of dollars a year. These countries who 
 thus trade with us and take our goods and pay to us their 
 money include every nationality in Asia, in Europe, in Africa, 
 
i87 
 
 in South America, Central America and North America. But 
 of that two thousand millions of dollars of foreign trade to 
 all these various countries, in all the continents and on the 
 borders of the seven seas, nearly one hundred millions more 
 than half are with Great Britain and Canada. 
 
 A citizen says, "Why this sentiment for English-speak- 
 ing peoples?" We answer, "Language, traditions, literature, 
 ideals." "But," he says, "I have learned English. I am 
 acquiring American ideals. The literature of my country is 
 being translated into your language." "Ah ! but, my friend, all 
 of your countries put together only trade with us to the extent 
 of one hundred millions less than that part of the English- 
 speaking peoples which is included within the British Isles 
 and the Canadian domains." 
 
 I go down to Wall Street, not for speculation, but to 
 change my investments. When I enter the broker's office 
 a man comes after me whom everyone surrounds and they 
 leave me until he goes. When I go to the bank the president 
 comes from his seclusion where he weaves his webs and wel- 
 comes with open arms into his parlor this same man. The 
 same thing happens when I enter the counting room of the 
 merchant, and the magnate of the counting room brushes aside 
 the salesmen while he greets this man. J say, in indignation, 
 "Who is this royalty for whom I am always elbowed one side 
 and made to wait?" And the answer comes from all of them, 
 "He is our best customer." So, my friends, we greet here 
 today in the Prime Minister of Canada not only our best cus- 
 tomer but our nearest neighbor and our devoted friend. 
 (Tremendous Applause and Cheers.) 
 
Christmas At Yale Sixty-Odd Years Ago And Now, 
 
 Written for The Yale Daily News Christmas Supplement 1915 
 
 By Chauncey M. Depew, '56. 
 
 You ask me for a statement of the difference between 
 Christmas, in my time in college, and the present. It is im- 
 possible to think of Christmas now, without being impressed 
 with world conditions. Christ preached and taught Peace on 
 Earth and Good Will toward Men, and Love Thy Neighbor as 
 Thyself. For the first time in the Christian era those precepts 
 are almost universally violated. Eight-tenths of the professed 
 Christians of the world are killing each other and destroying 
 each other's homes, families and properties. The most destruc- 
 tive, as well as the most cruel and savage warfare of all time, 
 is taking toll of lives every day. 
 
 We cannot help believing, in contemplating these ghastly 
 conditions and the teachings of the Prince of Peace, that the 
 present war is the result of a violation long continued of the 
 fundamental principles of Christianity. 
 
 The coming Christmas, which will be here in a few days, 
 emphasizes how each impresses so differently according to 
 changed conditions those who participate in the celebration. In 
 my time at Yale, from 1852 to 1856, the Puritan spirit was the 
 dominant one. For many years before I entered college I sat 
 under the preaching of a very conscientious, learned, and able 
 old-school Presbyterian preacher. He improved the Sunday 
 before Christmas in a sermon to demonstrate that making it a 
 festival was a papal superstition, and that the best historical 
 evidence proved that the event occurred in April and not in 
 December. In my time, a great majority of the graduates en- 
 tered the ministry of the Congregational, Presbyterian, Meth- 
 odist and Baptist Churches. 
 , Christmas was recognized by these denominations as a 
 holiday in deference to general opinion, but rarely as a relig- 
 ious festival. I caught the true spirit of Puritanism in a fa- 
 mous evening I was privileged to spend at the home of ex- 
 : President Day, then a very old man. A discussion arose be- 
 tween him and the Rev. Thomas K. Beecher, brother of Henry 
 
190 
 
 Ward Beecher, a very brilliant man. President Day repre- 
 sented primitive Puritanism, while Mr. Beecher was one of the 
 most up-to-date of clergymen. Against Mr. Beecher's elo- 
 quent presentation of the influence of great cathedrals, and 
 splendid architecture in churches, and ceremonials, rich in 
 everything which would please the eye and impress the imagi- 
 nation, President Day contended that the true spirit of the 
 Bible was best found in a church modeled on that of the Pil- 
 grim Fathers, plainly built of boards, its furniture benches and 
 the pulpit, its uses protection from the inclemency of the 
 weather for the earnest Christian souls assembled, whose sole 
 object was to have as little as possible between them personally 
 and their God. 
 
 Now, I think all Christian denominations dismiss contro- 
 versy as to the historical accuracy of December 25 as the date 
 of the birth of Christ, and join in universal and appropriate 
 celebrations of the day. 
 
 In my time at Yale there were no telegraphs or telephones, 
 and transportation facilities very poor compared with the 
 present. A considerable percentage of the students were from 
 the South. The result was that most of the students were un- 
 able to go home, and remained during the Christmas holidays 
 in New Haven, so that home, now universally associated in the 
 student's mind with Christmas, was not then closely related to 
 the day. Then, New Year's, and not Christmas, was the day 
 of interchange of visits, of general calling, festivities and gifts. 
 
 All this is happily changed, an old timer will recall many 
 things connected with his student days, which have gone out of 
 fashion, and which he thinks ought to be remembered, and that 
 the things which have replaced them are not worthy substitutes, 
 but certainly Christmas is far more enjoyable for the student 
 of today. 
 
 From 1852 to 1856 was rapidly increasing in intensity the 
 anti-slavery sentiment in the countiy. It pervaded the colleges 
 and made slavery the paramount subject in the great debating 
 societies. The anti-slavery orators, among them Wendell 
 Phillips, the most finished and eloc^uent of his time, had the 
 attendance of the whole student body when they spoke in New 
 Haven. On Thanksgiving Day, when the minister was priv- 
 
191 
 
 ileged to preach what he thought on secular matters, we all 
 attended Central Church to hear the Rev. Dr. Bacon thunder 
 mightily against slavery as the sum of all villainies. 
 
 The resemblance between then and now is that the pres- 
 ent war, its causes, its rightfulness, its wrongfulness and its 
 probable results absorbs the student mind to the exclusion of 
 most other public questions, but unhappily there are no great 
 debating societies like Linonia and Brothers in Unity as of 
 old, where these questions could be thrashed out as they were 
 in my day, between those who believed slavery should be 
 abolished and those, especially from the South, though there 
 were many from the North, who believed that the institution 
 was sanctioned by the Bible, entrenched in the Constitution, 
 and could not be touched except by a dissolution of the Union. 
 
 Fine debaters and public speakers, many of whom have 
 since won national reputations in the pulpit, at the bar, in 
 Congress and the Legislature, were trained by these debates 
 in those great societies. 
 
 Nobody believed then that the threats of disunion would 
 materialize. Nobody believed that Civil War was possible. 
 We graduated in '56 and the Civil War began in '61. Most 
 of the men who graduated during those periods served in the 
 armies; the students from the South with hardly an excep- 
 tion became Confederate soldiers and a large majority of 
 those from the North entered and served in the Union army. 
 The majority of them were killed. I knew nearly all of them 
 on both sides, and a more gallant, devoted, self-sacrificing, 
 and in its highest sense, patriotic body of young men never 
 lived. The Civil War lasted four years ; it cost 500,000 lives ; 
 six billions of dollars, and the devastation of large sections 
 of the country. It would have ended in two years, with in- 
 finitely less sacrifice of life and treasure, if the Government 
 had been prepared to maintain its sovereignty. The slave- 
 holding element, knowing that they were to precipitate a war, 
 were prepared. Though in an overwhelming minority as to 
 men and resources this preparedness enabled them to pro- 
 long the conflict until they were exhausted. The capture of 
 Fort Sumter in the harbor of Charleston was the first argu- 
 ment which convinced the Government, and those who be- 
 
192 
 
 lieved in the perpetuation of the American Union, that a war 
 was possible. Even this reminder succeeded in calHng forth 
 from the Pacificists of that day a cry thaf our erring sisters 
 should be permitted to depart in peace. Had they been listened 
 to, there would have been two and, probably, with the slough- 
 ing off of the Pacific States, three North American republics 
 instead of this wonderful unity, the United States of America. 
 
 One of the great difficulties after the Government had 
 finally secured arms and powder and equipment was the lack 
 of officers. The most hopeless mob in the world is a fresh 
 regiment with untrained officers facing an organized army. 
 This was developed at Bull Run, where the bravest ran be- 
 cause there was no one to tell them what to do, and where to 
 go. If the Confederates led by West Pointers had compre- 
 hended the situation, they would have captured the Capitol 
 with the President, the Cabinet, the Supreme Court, and Con- 
 gress. 
 
 Without discussing the dangers of war, it is well to re- 
 member that those dangers are always present, and always 
 will be until human nature in individuals and in nations is 
 so changed by the spirit of Christmas, and Christmas is so 
 embedded in the souls, the hearts and the minds of the men 
 and women of the world, that their universal thought and 
 practice will be Peace on Earth and Good Will toward Men 
 and Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself. Wars come always sud- 
 denly and unexpectedly. A note from the Austrian Emperor 
 to the Servian Government, involving apparently only Austria- 
 Hungary and little Servia, has led to a war which is now 
 raging on all the continents and seas of the world, and among 
 peoples of every race and nationality, from the highest civi- 
 lized to the most barbarous and savage. The one wise event 
 of this Christmas at Yale is the formation of batteries for 
 the training of students to be officers if war occurs. The 
 training itself is an admirable supplement to the academic 
 course. It teaches discipline, obedience, self-restraint, tem- 
 perance and co-ordination of the mind and body, most useful 
 even in peace. Preparation, sanely pursued, like the police 
 and the fire departments in civil life, does not provoke but 
 prevents war, and promotes peace. 
 
SPEECH BY HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 
 
 at the Dinner given by the Republican Club of 
 
 the City of New York, in Honor of its President, 
 
 Mr. James R. Sheffield, January 6, 1916. 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : This celebration in 
 honor of our President, who has done so much for the Club, 
 is a merited tribute to one of the best executives our Club has 
 ever had. I speak with knowledge and experience, having 
 been a president for two terms. I occupied the chair in the 
 transition period between poverty and prosperity. When I was 
 elected after the congratulations and festivities, a serious- 
 minded committee said to me: "You have been chosen to 
 save the Club from bankruptcy." It was not a hilarious pros- 
 pect, but the committee and I set to work to enlarge the mem- 
 bership and get the funds to build a home. Our trouble was 
 the budget. The budget would show a deficiency which could 
 not be made up by a war tax in time of peace or an income 
 tax never required before. Those methods of democratic 
 finance were not then known. Much has been written about 
 the loss of influence by the orator because of the universality 
 of the press. I had convincing proof that this is not true. I 
 persuaded a young millionaire and large real estate owner 
 that the gratification of political ambition furnished more 
 happiness and distinction than increasing wealth and enlarging 
 income. To have behind him a vigorous young Club like ours 
 might push him upward and onward indefinitely. So he agreed 
 on lots he owned on Fifth Avenue to erect a twelve-story 
 clubhouse upon our plans and to furnish it completely and to 
 lease it to the Club for twenty-one years with three renewals. 
 With the rentals of the rooms and the increased membership 
 because of this brilliant location we saw the future of the 
 Club assured. It was submitted to a large meeting. A 
 young member arose and in a speech of great fervor and 
 eloquence said that he could not with self-respect, belong 
 to a Club which did not own its own home and was, in 
 a way, the recipient of the bounty or generosity of a multi- 
 millionaire. The speech swept the meeting off its feet and the 
 offer was rejected. Then President Louis Stern, whose 
 optimism, persuasiveness and business ability could not be re- 
 
194 
 
 sisted, secured for the Club this beautiful home and launched 
 it upon a career of increasing prosperity. 
 
 We are gathered here so near the first day of the year that 
 we can indulge in New Year's resolutions, prospects and hopes. 
 We are the liveliest and most aggressive Republican Political 
 Organization in this city and rival any in the country. Our 
 Party is beginning with the year the Presidential Campaign. 
 In less than six months our candidate and principles will be 
 before the people. Our first duty is for all Republicans to get 
 together Abraham Lincoln, in a famous political address, ad- 
 vising all the opponents of the Democratic Party to act in 
 harmony, said Buchanan was a minority candidate and that 
 the vote for Fremont and Filmore which was the vote against 
 the Democratic Party represented a majority of four hun- 
 dred thousand. History repeats itself. Mr. Wilson is a 
 minority President and the combined vote for Taft and Roose- 
 velt gives a majority of a million. The party lives and suc- 
 ceeds on a few great principles. The party is made up of 
 multitude of men who disagree on many minor matters, but 
 come together to secure in legislation things which they be- 
 lieve vital for the present and future. 
 
 I have been attending Presidential Conventions commenc- 
 ing with the second nomination of Lincoln in 1864. Everyone 
 of them was noted for reciprocal enthusiasm among the dele- 
 gates on the floor and spectators in the galleries, but the Con- 
 vention of 1912 had bitterness on the floor and coldness in the 
 crowd. I noted the delegations from two States separated 
 only by the aisle. Across that aisle they were fiercely abusing 
 each other. One said if Taft was nominated they would not 
 vote for him, the other replied, if Roosevelt was nominated 
 tuey would not vote for him. This spirit meant defeat and 
 everybody knew it. These two sides preferred Democratic 
 success in the Presidency and in Congress to Republican meas- 
 ures and policies in which they all believed under a rival can- 
 didate for the Presidency. 
 
 Men die, parties live. The Republican Party has had 
 great leaders with whom it has won great victories and in 
 possession of the Government has enacted laws which have 
 advanced the country in peace, prosperity and happiness. 
 
195 
 
 We have great leaders still, of whom the chief, Senator 
 Root, presides here tonight. Lincoln, Grant, Garfield and 
 McKinley are dead. The Republican Party lives and has a 
 mission as important as it ever had with either of them. So 
 let us highly resolve that all who believe in the fundamental 
 principles of Republicanism will rally behind the candidates 
 and platform of 1916. We enter this canvass with the most 
 hopeful prospects. The majority of a million of four years ago 
 of the American people who were then for Republican candi- 
 dates and Republican principles still exist. It is interesting to 
 inquire what promises and their fulfilment would induce any 
 man who voted against Mr. Wilson in 1912 to vote for him for 
 another four years in 1916. The Democratic Party found as 
 always when they succeed Republican administrations a sur- 
 plus in the treasury and created a deficit. They have found it 
 necessary because of their extravagance and inaptitude in gov- 
 ernment to impose war taxes in time of peace and enact an in- 
 come tax because of an emergency created by themselves. 
 With importations greater than ever before revenues decreased. 
 This war gave us a prohibitive tariff. It called upon our man- 
 ufacturers to furnish war. munitions of unprecedented volume 
 and value. It gave us the opportunity to enter the markets of 
 neutral nations to furnish things required by them which had 
 heretofore been supplied by the belligerants. We are living in 
 and enjoying this factitious prosperity. Let peace come which 
 we all fervently desire and the Democratic Party be still in 
 possession of the government, their theories put in practice 
 even only to the extent of the present Wilson-Underwood 
 Tariff will make the United States the dumping ground of 
 Europe with results more disastrous than those which threw 
 millions out of employment and ruined other millions and 
 led to the election of McKinley and the rescue of the people. 
 There are a milHon or more of young voters who will cast 
 their ballot for a President for the first time in 1916. All of 
 lis can recall how seriously we regarded our first vote for 
 President and how thoughtfully we cast it. That first vote 
 has in it a large measure of imagination. The young voter 
 looks with a world vision upon the position of his country. 
 With this terrible war ever before him, he is intensely inter- 
 
196 
 
 ested in the activities and position of his own government. He 
 sees with horror American men, women and children killed 
 upon the high seas, or in our own bordering State of Mexico. 
 He is alert and informed as never before, to the honor and 
 dignity of our government and the safety of our citizens. 
 What of enthusiasm for him is there in the volumes of corre- 
 spondence, some of which has been answered, some of which 
 has been evaded, some of which has received a promise, never 
 to do it again, with the thing done again in a short time and 
 then another letter that this was a mistake for which the com- 
 mander would be punished without saying how and then a 
 repetition with another letter saying the matter would be looked 
 into as soon as other and most pressing things could be laid 
 aside. 
 
 A hundred thousand Americans were lawfully in Mexico 
 under treaties and international law. They were active in the 
 development of that country, the promotion of American trade, 
 making markets for our products and had invested over a 
 thousand millions of dollars. The present administration said 
 to Huerta, who was duly elected president under the Mexican 
 constitution, and had the only semblance of government exist- 
 ing, "You must get out.'' The Navy was sent to the Mexican 
 coast and the Army to Vera Cruz, arms and munitions were 
 rushed across the border for the bandit chiefs to buy and Pres- 
 ident Huerta was driven out. Then came "watchful waiting^' 
 with Villa, Caranza, Zapata and other bandit chiefs preying 
 upon this unhappy people, their own countrymen, and upon 
 Americans and the citizens or subjects of other European na- 
 tions. The young American voter with imagination is also 
 fresh from his studies of history. He has been thrilled with 
 the story of the ancient Romans who made the phrase, "I am a 
 Roman citizen, the shield and protection of every Roman all 
 over the world." Every foreign nation knew that to take the 
 life or seize the property of that Roman was to have Rome 
 with her legions and her eagles crossing their borders for his 
 protection. The Apostle Paul, standing before the Roman 
 Governor of Judea, was about to be scourged and sent to prison 
 as an ordinary malefactor, but when Paul proudly told the 
 Court, "I am a Roman citizen," he had his choice to be dis- 
 
.197 
 
 charged or sent to Rome, which he greatly desired, at the 
 pubHc expense. 
 
 He proudly recalls that in 1848 Martin Koszta, a Hun- 
 garian revolutionist, who had taken out his first papers with 
 the purpose of becoming an American citizen, was seized by 
 the Austrian Consul at Smyrna and put on an Austrian war- 
 ship, but by the threat to attack the Austrian, the Commander 
 of the American warship "St. Louis" took Koszta from the 
 Austrian and returned him to the United States. William L. 
 Marcy, Secretary of State, answered the protest of the Aus- 
 trian government sustaining the Commander of the "St. Louis" 
 and asserting that "the United States will protect any indi- 
 vidual clothed with our national character." 
 
 There was no war. 
 
 Our present policy would have declared that this par- 
 tially naturalized citizen had no right to go to Turkey, no 
 matter what his business, and disavowed the patriotic action 
 of the Commander of the "St. Louis," because it might in- 
 volve the United States in war, and that to endanger many 
 citizens to protect one was not the function of the United 
 States. 
 
 President Harrison assumed the saine risk when he forced 
 Chili to make amends for the killing of American sailors. 
 
 No war followed. 
 
 Secretary Seward assumed the same risk when he warned 
 the French under Louis Napoleon out of Mexico to maintain 
 the Monroe Doctrine. The French army left, the Republic 
 was restored and maintained law and order for nearly fifty 
 years. 
 
 There was no war. 
 
 An earlier Administration gladly took the same risk when 
 our fleet bombarded Tripoli and sent the palace of the Bey 
 crumbling about his ears to rescue American citizens held in 
 bondage. Our sailors were released, our ships freed from 
 future capture. 
 
 And there was no war. 
 
 President Cleveland took the same risk when he demanded 
 from Great Britain the arbitration of her disputed boundary 
 
198 
 
 with Venezuela. Great Britain yielded, the boundary was 
 arbitrated. 
 
 And there wa.s no war. 
 
 In June, 1904, Perdicaris, an American citizen, was seized 
 by Raisuli, a Moroccan bandit, and held for ransom. Raisuli 
 threatened to kill him unless the ransom was paid immediately. 
 Secretary of State John Hay cabled, June 22d, to the Amer- 
 ican Consul at Tangier this message, which thrilled the world, 
 "We want Perdicaris alive or Raisuli dead." The next day 
 Perdicaris was released. 
 
 And there was no war. 
 
 But when American citizens in Mexico shout so that it is 
 heard at Washington, "We are American citizens, we are right- 
 fully here, we have been here for years and have created homes 
 and accumulated property, our lives and that of our families and 
 our possessions are threatened, we are American citizens," the 
 answer wa« from Washington, "Let your property go, and 
 we'll give you tickets to the United States and take your note 
 to pay for them with the promise to do so as soon as you can 
 find employment and earnings somewhere in your country." 
 The result of this policy has been one bandit succeeding an- 
 other in Mexico — murder, rape, robbery, anarchy, the ruth- 
 less massacre of American citizens and chaos. 
 
 When a powerful nation is right and asserts its rights, 
 the enemy admits its error, the public opinion of the world 
 applauds. 
 
 And there is no war. 
 
 There is the American flag, it has meant the Power, the 
 Greatness, the Freedom and the Protection of the American 
 citizen since the War of the Revolution. Its Power and its 
 Prestige have increased with the years. The young voter be- 
 lieves in that flag, and believing in it, he will vote for the 
 party of Lincoln, Grant, Garfield, McKinley, Roosevelt and 
 Taft. 
 
The Optimism of an Octogenarian. Addresses and 
 , Articles Delivered and Written by Chauncey M. 
 
 Depew, LL.D., Approaching His Eighty-second 
 
 Birthday. 
 
 At the Twenty-third Annual Dinner given by the Montauk 
 Club of Brooklyn, in Honor of Senator Depew's Eightieth 
 Birthday, April 25, 1914. 
 
 At the Twenty- fourth Annual Dinner given by the Mon- 
 tauk Club of Brooklyn, in Honor of Senator Depew's Eighty- 
 first Birthday, TVlay i, 1915. 
 
 At the Dinner given to Senator Depew by his Railroad 
 Associates, in Honor of his Eightieth Birthday, The University 
 Club, New York City, May 5, 1914. 
 
 At the Reception given by the Union League Club of New 
 York City, in Honor of Senator Depew's Eightieth Birth- 
 day, May 8, 1914. 
 
 As Presiding Officer at the Meeting of the Building of the 
 Railroad Branch, Young Men's Christian Association, on the 
 Occasion of Closing of the Old Building for Removal to the 
 New, May 28, 1914. 
 
 At the Grave of Lafayette, in Paris, on the Morning of 
 July 4, 1914. 
 
 At the Fourth of July Banquet of-the American Chamber 
 of Commerce, Paris, on the Evening of July 4, 1914. 
 
 The Tercentenary of the Chartered Commerce of the City 
 of New Yoi'k, Telling Its Story Since the Early Days of the 
 Dutch and the Lesson that May be Learned from It for the 
 Future. Written for the New York Times, November i, 1914. 
 
 The World War. Reminiscences and Remarks at the 
 Meeting of the New York Genealogical and Biographical So- 
 ciety, January 8, 1915. 
 
 At the Dinner given by the Lotos Club in Honor of 
 Ambassador Myron T. Herrick, January 9, 1915. 
 
200 
 
 As Presiding Officer at the Dinner given by the Union 
 League Club of New York City to Mr. Samuel W. Fairchild, 
 on his Retirement from the Presidency of the Club, January 
 20, 1915. 
 
 Letter Written to Class '90, Wellesley College, at Its 25th 
 Anniversary, June 7, 191 5. 
 
 The Lesson of Two Great Wars. Written for Leslie's 
 Weekly, June 17, 1915. 
 
 Has Bryan Stepped Into Oblivion? Written for Leslie's 
 Weekly, June 17, 191 5. 
 
 At the Celebration of the Fourth of July, 1915, at White- 
 Sulphur Spring, W. Va. 
 
 At the Dinner given by the Pilgrims Society of New York 
 to the Allies Loan Envoys from Great Britain and France at 
 Sherry's, September 30, 1915. 
 
 "The Art of Public Speaking." Before the West Side 
 Young Men's Christian Association, New York, October 15, 
 1915- 
 
 At the Yale Club, New York City, in Celebration of the 
 Opening of the New Club House, November 18, 1915. 
 
 At the Annual Dinner of the "Amen Corner," being the 
 15th Anniversary of the Society, Waldorf-Astoria, New York 
 City, December 3, 191 5. 
 
 "Keep A-Goin'." Interview from the New York Tri- 
 bune, December 6, 191 5. 
 
 Preface Written to Arthur Wallace Dunn's "Gridiron 
 Nights." 
 
 At the Luncheon given by the Pilgrims Society of New 
 York to Sir Robert Borden, Prime Minister of Canada, Ritz- 
 Carlton, December 23, 1915. 
 
 Christmas at Yale Sixty-Odd Years Ago and Now. 
 
 At the Dinner given by the Republican Club of the City 
 of New York, in Honor of its President, Mr. James R. Shef- 
 field, January 6, 1916.