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HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE 
 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE 
 
 ISLAND OF CAPE BRETON 
 
 AND 
 
 OF ITS MBMOEIALS OP THE FEBNCH El^GlMB: WITH BIBLIOGEAPHICAL, 
 HISTOEICAL, AND CEITICAL NOTES 
 
 By J. G. BOUEINOT, C.M.G., LL.D., D.C.L., 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA, MEMBER OF THE COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL 
 
 ASSOCIATION, ETC.; AUTHOR OF "PARLIAMENTARY PROCEDURE IN CANADA," "MANUAL OF 
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF CANADA," " FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 IN CANADA," (JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES), ETC. 
 
 MONTEBAL : 
 W. FOSTBE BEOWN & CO., ST. JAMES STEEET 
 
 1892 
 
A,. S ZL5-% 
 
 Entered according to Act of Parliament of Canada by J. G. Boubinot, 
 in the Office of the Minister of Agriculture, in the year 1892. 
 
TO THE MEMORY OF 
 
 MY FATHER 
 
 WHO LOVED THE ISLAND WHERE HE LIVED FOR FIFTY YEARS 
 UNTIL HIS DEATH. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 
 
 PEEPATOEY NOTE. 
 
 Since the beginning of the present century Cape Breton, once known as He Royale, has 
 been to the world at large very little more than a mere geographical expression, and the 
 importance which it possessed in the times when England and France were struggling 
 for the supremacy in North America has been long since forgotten except by the students 
 of history. In the present work it is the object of the writer, a native of Cape Breton, to 
 record briefly the main facts in its history from the days of its discovery by European 
 voyagers in the remote past down to the present time, when a stream of travel is already 
 beginning to find its way to an island abounding with so many features of natural and 
 historic interest. In the narrative of the days of the French regime, especially from 1*740 
 to lYSS, stress has been naturally laid on the important position He Eoyale once held 
 with relation to New France and the old Thirteen Colonies. Maps and illustrations have 
 been added to give completeness and clearness to the narrative. Many pages of critical 
 and bibliographical notes are appended, with a view of relieving the main text of 
 much historical matter chiefly interesting to the students of the past. In these notes 
 there are references to all the literature which I have been able to find relating tothe history, 
 resources and industries of this valuable and interesting section of the Dominion of 
 Canada. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 Section. Page. 
 
 I. History of Cape Breton from its discovery until the Treaty of Utreclit in 1713 T 
 
 II. Cape Breton as He Eoyale, and the foundation of I/ouisbourg 20 
 
 III. Government and state of Cape Breton during the Prench regime 29 
 
 IV. Origin and history of the New England expedition against Louisbourg 34 
 
 V. Siege and taking of Louisbourg in 1745 42 
 
 VI. Eeview of events from the restoration of Cape Breton to Prance in 1748 until the second 
 
 siege, and taking of Louisbourg 58 
 
 VII. Siege and taking of Louisbourg in 1758 by Amherst and Boscawen 66 
 
 VIII. Cession of Cape Breton to England by the Treaty of Paris in 1763, and its subsequent 
 
 history as an English possession ^ 78 
 
 IX. Some picturesque features of Cape Breton, and its memorials of the Pi-ench rdgime 89 
 
 X The Prench Acadians — their condition and prospects 101 
 
 XI. A short description of the port and the ruins of Louisbourg at the present time 109 
 
6 CONTENTS. 
 
 BiBLIOQEAPHIOAL, HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL NoTES. 
 
 Appendix. I^agb. 
 
 I. The voyages of the Northmen 1^^ 
 
 II. The Cabot voyages 121 
 
 III. The Portuguese voyages 130 
 
 IV. Norembegue 130 
 
 V. Baccalaos on the old maps ••••• 131 
 
 VI. Cartography of Cape BretoB, 1527-1632 132 
 
 VII. Jacques Cartier off Cape Breton 133 
 
 VIII. Extracts from nai-ratives of early voyages to Cape Breton 131 
 
 IX. French sources of information on Cape Breton and Louisbourg 141 
 
 X. English works, memoirs, and general sources of information respecting Louisbourg, 
 
 and the sieges of 1145 and 1758 146 
 
 XI. Maps and illustrations of Cape Breton and Louisbourg, portraits of Wolfe, etc 154 
 
 XII. Louisbourg medals 157 
 
 XIII. The Micmac Indians and their language 159 
 
 XIV. The Acadian French in Cape Breton 160 
 
 XV. General bibliographical notes , 162 
 
 XVI. Extracts from treaties and other official proclamations, etc., affecting Cape Breton 165 
 
 XVII. Official statement of the military establishment at Louisbourg in 1753 169 
 
 XVIII. Statistical statements of the fisheries and commerce of Cape Breton, 1745-1758 171 
 
 Maps and Illustrations. 
 
 Part of Cabot's Mappemonde, 1544 9 
 
 Facsimile of Nicolas Denys's map, 1672, (Plate 5) — to face page 20 
 
 French medal struck on foundation of fortress of Louisbourg in 1720 25 
 
 Map of British colonies and northern New France, including Capo Breton, and indicating 
 
 dates of the founding of principal forts in the French possessions, (Plate 1) — to face page 60 
 
 English medal struck on taking of Louisbourg in 1758 75 
 
 Admiral Sir Hovenden Walker's cross in Sydney harbour, 1711 110 
 
 Cross taken from the French parish church in 1745 and now over the entrance to Gore Hall, 
 
 Harvard University 115 
 
 Old cannon, probably of sixteenth century, found at Louisbourg 116 
 
 Old sketch of entrance of Louisbourg harbour and of the French town in the distance 155 
 
 View of new village of Louisbourg. App. (Fig. 1 — Plate 2.) 
 
 Sketch of ruins of old casemates at Louisbourg. App. (Fig. 2 — Plate 2.) 
 
 Plan of the city and harbour of Louisbourg, indicating the position of New England forces in 
 
 1745. App. (Plate 3.) 
 Plan of the city and fortifications of Louisbourg by E. Gridley. App. (Plate 4.) 
 
 Errata. 
 
 Page 19, line 8 — Omit [Race]. 
 
 " 43, " 5— In note 2, for 1761 read 1751. 
 
 " 63, " 4— Insert New before " England." 
 
 " &6, " 4 — Prom foot of text for Abercrombie, read Ahefcromby. 
 
 " 68, " 2— " " " insertafter the word earned, "upwards of 12,000 men besides." 
 
 " 77, " 9 — For nine read eleven. 
 
 " 80, " 3— From foot for Wallis DesBarres, read Wallet DesBarres. 
 
 " 98, note 2 — For the Ulloas, read De Ulloa's Voyage. 
 
[ 7 1 
 
 1. The History of Cape Breton from its discovery until the Treaty of 
 
 Utrecht in IV 13. 
 
 "We have do title-deeds to house or lands 
 Owners and occupants of earlier dates 
 Fi-om graves forgotten stretch their dusty hands 
 And hold in mortmain still their old estates.'' 
 
 The words here quoted from the poet Longfellow have more than a poetic meaning 
 to one who studies the nomenclature of Ihe island of Cape Breton in the light of the his- 
 toric past. Not only the name of the island itself, but its bold headlands, its spacious 
 bays, its broad estuaries and harbours, connect us in the present with those adventurous 
 fishermen and mariners who explored its coasts and waters centuries ago. Basques, 
 Bretons, Normans, Portuguese and Spaniards have made an impress on its geography 
 which its continuous English occupation for a hundred and thirty years has failed to 
 remove. Traditions of Norse voyagers hover around its shores, and we are carried into a 
 realm of mist and shadow when we endeavour to solve the secrets of its past It is quite 
 probable that Biarne Heriulfsson, a son of one of the Icelandic settlers of Greenland, found 
 himself off the coast of Cape Breton during his voyage of 986, when, attempting to join 
 his father in his new home, he lost his course and was tossed by adverse winds into 
 unknown waters where he saw a land, which appeared from the sea fiat and covered 
 with trees, and may have been some part of the southern coast of Cape Breton which 
 presents features very different from those of the northeastern and northwestern coasts, 
 so remarkable for their lofty headlands and mountains. Fourteen years later Leif Ericsson, 
 a son of Eric the Red, an Icelandic jarl, who was the first coloniser of Grreenland, made 
 a voyage to find the lands of which Biarne had brought home vague reports. Learned 
 writers have devoted themselves with much enthusiasm to the study of the sagas which 
 are now generally admitted to show internal evidence that the brave adventurers of 
 the north of Europe have a strong claim to the honour of having first visited the continent 
 of America. But while these writers have given us ground for believing in the anti- 
 quity and authenticity of the sagas, they have not yet succeeded in satisfactorily solving 
 the mysteries of these old manuscripts of the north and identifying beyond dispute the 
 countries and places to which the Northmen gave a name. Labrador answers in a measure 
 to the description of the dreary land which all the way from the sea as far as snowy' 
 mountains in the distance appeared one field of snow, and which the voyagers called Hellu- 
 land on account of the "flat stones which they saw in that country of no advantages." The 
 vague description given of Markland, or forest-clad land, to which Leif came next, — a 
 relatively level country, covered with trees, and having white sandy beaches — applies to 
 
8 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 many parts of the soiithern coast of Cape Breton and Nova Scotia, from the low island of 
 Scatari, to Halifax harbour and even as far west as Cape Sable, when sighted by sailors 
 in a passing ship. One learned searcher ' into American antiquities, while exercising his 
 ingenuity to trace the route of the Norse voyagers, ventures to go so far as to express the 
 opinion— a dreadful heresy no doubt to some American scholars — that Cape Breton was 
 the northern part of that Vinland to which Leif came at last, and where he and his 
 companions made a temporary settlement. So far it must be admitted that the most 
 thorough investigation made into this subject hardly bears out such a conclusion, but 
 rather points to Cape Breton having been comprised in the indefinite description given of 
 Markland,^ and to some part of New England having been the land of vines and of sweet 
 honey-dew, of which the travellers told such pleasant tales on their return to G-reenland. 
 A curious mound, or some rock with mysterious marks, a deep bay resembling the gloomy 
 fiords of the Scandinavian lands, low sandy shores, or snow-capped hills, are all so many 
 texts on which to build theories, and write elaborate treatises to connect the present with 
 the story of the sagas ; and one often rises thoroughly perplexed from the perusal of these 
 laboured disquisitions of some of the students of times so enshrouded in mist. Be that as 
 it may, the northern adventurers have left no memorials of their voyages on the shores of 
 Cape Breton, and the historian in these days must be content with the conjecture that 
 they were the first of European voyagers to see the eastern portions of the wide expanse 
 of territory now known as the Dominion of Canada. 
 
 Neither does history record the exact time when the adventurous Basque and Breton 
 fishermen first fished in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence and anchored their clumsy vessels in 
 the bays and harbours of the island which there is some reason to believe they visited even 
 before the voyages of the Cabots to the continent of America. It is not often that we 
 find evidence more conclusive iu support of early exploration than that which connects 
 the name of Baccalaos, the Basque for cod, with the countries in the gulf where that fish 
 is found in such abundance. It requires little or no imagination to suppose that these 
 brave Basque fishermen and sailors who, from time immemorial, have made their home 
 on the deep, should, at last, have found their way to the waters of eastern America. We 
 see the name of Baccalaos in the oldest maps of the sixteenth century, and it is claimed 
 that the Cabots heard the name among the Indians of the lands which they visited at the 
 close of the fifteenth century.^ 
 
 In all probability the Cabots, John and Sebastian, were among the first Europeans 
 after Biarne and Leif Ericsson to coast along its shores. In a map of 1544, only dis- 
 covered in G-ermany in 184-3, and attributed to Sebastian Cabot, but not accepted by all 
 historians as authentic, the northeastern point of the mainland of North America, pre- 
 sumably Cape North, is put down as "prima tierra vista ;" and there are not a few his- 
 torical students who believe that this was actually the landfall seen by John Cabot in 
 his first memorable voyage to this continent. In the controversy which has gone on for 
 years as to the first land seen by Cabot and his son — whether the coast of Labrador, 
 
 1 Professor Gustav Storm, in the ' M^moires de la Soci6t6 Royale des Antiquaires du Nord ' for 1888. See Ann. 
 I to this work, where references are given to various writers on the Northmen and their voyages. 
 
 2 "The more general opinion," says Fiske, " Discovery of America," i. 164, favours Cape Breton or Nova Scotia. 
 ^ See App. V to this work for the origin of the name Baccalaos, and its extended and uncertain use in old 
 
 maps of Eastern America. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 9 
 
 or the northeastern cape of Oape Breton, or Oape Bonavista or some other headland on 
 the eastern shores of Newfoundland— many pages of speculation and argument have been, 
 and will probably continue to be advanced in support of these various theories ; and the 
 reader who wishes to come to some definite conclusion on this vexed subject only rises 
 from the study of these learned disquisitions with the feeling that a great mass of know- 
 ledge has been devoted to very little purpose except that purpose be to leave the question 
 still open, and give employment to learned antiquarians for all time to come. One may, 
 however, easily arrive at the conclusion, after a perusal of these contradictory views of 
 
 East coast of North America, from the Sebastian Cabot mappe monde, 1544. 
 
 the Cabot voyages to Eastern America, that the claim of Oape North or of some other 
 part of the eastern coast of Oape Breton to have been the landfall of Oabot— the prima 
 tierra vista— is as strong as the claim of any part of Labrador or Newfoundland, to the 
 same distinction. Indeed unless we are prepared to reject the map of 1544 as a fabri- 
 cation—and certainly the evidence on the whole is to the contrary— we should give the 
 island of Cape Breton the benefit of the doubt and believe that it was the first .land that 
 
10 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 John Cabot and his son saw in America early in the morning towards the last of June 
 — without doubt in 1497 — when they had made their way from Bristol to the unknown 
 countries of the "West. The northern part of Cape Breton in many respects corresponds 
 with the general features of the description given of the new land, of its inhabitants, of 
 its animals, and of its fisheries, ia the legend or inscription' on the map in question— a 
 legend which has also given rise to much speculation as to its authorship and authen- 
 ticity, but which nevertheless must be taken into the account unless we ignore the docu- 
 ment in its entirety. The people clothed in the skins of animals — that the voyagers saw 
 on the shore — were probably the Micmacs who were a coast tribe, and must have fre- 
 quented the northern parts of Cape Breton in considerable numbers in early times on 
 account of the abundance of game. The great deer — cieuros muy grades como cauallos — 
 were no doubt the moose which in great numbers roamed among the hilly fastnesses and 
 fed on the barrens — the tierra muy steril — of northern Cape Breton until they have been in 
 the course of time almost exterminated by reckless hunters. The advocates of the claim of 
 Labrador argue that the mention of the appearance of white bears in this new found laud 
 of Cabot is in favour of their contention, but it is not at all unlikely that these animals 
 frequented the northern coast of Cape Breton in those early times when the island 
 contained great numbers of wild creatures, many of which have entii-ely disappeared with 
 the progress of settlement. It is a powerful fact in support of the Cape Breton theory 
 that, in a work written by one Pichon on the island of Cape Breton two centuries and a 
 half later than the Cabot voyages he tells us in his chapter on the natural features of the 
 country that the bears of Cape Breton and of St. John are " much the same as those in 
 Europe, and some of them are white " — a statement which is almost conclusive on the 
 point at issue. ^ It is quite probable too, that the ice-floes that have always come down 
 
 1 In App. II to this work will be found the Spanish inscription on the supposed Sebastian Cabot mappe 
 monde, but for the information of the reader tlie literal translation is given here : " No. 8. This land was dis- 
 covered by John Cabot, a Venetian, and Sebastian Cabot, his son, in the year of the birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ, 
 M.CCCC.XCIIII., on the 24tli of June in the morning, which country they called ' primd tierra vista;' and a large 
 island over against the said land they named the island of St. John because they discovered it on the same day. The 
 inhabitants wear skins of animals, use in their battles bows, arrows, lances, darts, wooden clubs and slings. The 
 soil is very barren, and tliere are many white bears and stags as large as horses, and many other beasts ; likewise 
 great quantities of fish, pike, salmon, soles as long as a yard, and many other sorts, besides a great abundance of the 
 kind called baccalaos. There are also in the same land hawks as black as ravens, eagles, partridges, redpoles, and 
 many other birds of various descriptions." M.CCCC.XCIIII. is an error, corrected by joining the first two letters 
 after XC at the bottom, thus making a V, and M.CCCC.XCVII. Fiske, " Dis. of Am.," ii. 5, 10. 
 
 ''■ White bears in early times were probably found in considerable numbers in the northeastern parts of 
 Canada. Sagard, " Histoire du Canada et Voyages " (i. 147, ii. (582, ed. of 1866, Paris), tells us that in the time 
 (1633-4) he wrote his work that "they inhabited not only the island of Anticosti, but also the country at the mouth 
 of the St. Lawrence, which was frequented by very few Indians, but the places where they are generally found is 
 among the high mountains and very cold countries." See also Champlain's works, Abb6 Laverdiere's ed., iv. 
 1088. The Montagnais Indians call the island " Natascoueh," which means the place where they take bears. 
 Ih., i. 67, note by Abb6 Laverdiere. The mountainous, wild district of northern Cape Breton would most likely 
 centuries ago be the most southerly limit of these animals. The fact that it is only on the northern parts of 
 Labrador they are now seen, and hardly at all on the Atlantic sea-board of that dreary region, shows how their 
 habitat has receded north in the course of several centuries since Cabot entered the Gulf 
 
 Many animals that formerly existed in the Gulf have disappeared within a century or two. Dr. Patterson in a 
 paper on the Magdalen Islands (' Trans, of the Nova Scotia Inst, of Science,' Jan. 1891), shows that the walrus which 
 was once found in such numbers on their shores— a place is still called Vache de Marine— ia now practically extinct. 
 The same animal was found on the southern shores of Cape Breton and on Sable Island. 
 
GAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 11 
 
 the gulf even as late as June from the great icefields of the north, brought with them 
 bears to the northern shores of Cape Breton in days when they were quite common 
 enough from the entrance of the St. Lawrence to the Straits of Belle Isle and beyond. 
 Much speculation has been indulged in whether Prince Edward Island was the island 
 adjacent to the new found land and named St. John by Cabot in honour of the Saint 
 on whose festival he discovered it. An argument, however, might be advanced in favour 
 of the well-known cape, from which the island of Cape Breton derives its present name, 
 having been actually the first landfall of Cabot in American waters. All the European 
 sailors of old times naturally made for this easily reached landfall when they came to the 
 Grulf, ' and eventually it became like Cape Eace, one of the most important land-marks in 
 the waters of eastern America. Quite close to this noted cape, in fact adjacent to it and 
 in this respect answering to the description in the legend, — una isla gr&,de que esta par la 
 dha tierra — is the barren, triangular island of Scatari, which in form much more resembles 
 the island given in the supposed mappe monde of Sebastian Cabot than does the present 
 Prince Edward Island. But against this theory, which certainly has some arguments in 
 its support, must be placed the fact that the position of Scatari, or in other words its rela- 
 tion to Cape Breton, does not correspond to that given to St. John's Island on the map. 
 As long as we accept the map as authentic, and its legends as entitled to credence, we 
 must give the priority to Cape North and Prince Edward Island. ^ Without dwelling 
 further on the point and perhaps adding to the perplexities of a sufficiently intricate 
 subject, we may come to one conclusion in which all will agree, that the voyages of the 
 Cabots commenced a new era in the history of North America. In the beginning of the 
 sixteenth century the Portuguese discovered Labrador to which they gave a name, and 
 probably explored a considerable portion of the coasts of Newfoundland, Cape Breton, 
 and Nova Scotia, and there are even those who in their enthusiasm advance the theory 
 that these European voyagers were the first to enter the Saint Lawrence f but whilst there 
 is no doubt that they sailed through the straits of Belle Isle and visited parts of the gulf 
 of Saint Lawrence, including Cape Breton, many years before Jacques Cartier found 
 his way to the same waters, no mere speculation can diminish the fame of the latter as 
 the discoverer of the noble country which must be always associated with the name of 
 the bold sailor of Saint Malo. As the Cabots laid the foundation of the claim of England 
 to a large portion of the North American continent from Cape Breton to Florida, so Cartier 
 gave to France the valley of the Saint Lawrence, and prepared the way for the courageous 
 
 ^ Sir Humphrey Gilbert, for instance ; see infra, sec. XI. 
 
 ' See App. II to this work, where references are given to the principal authors who have made the Cabot 
 voyages their special study, and have with more or less success worked out their respective theories. 
 
 Dr.Kohl,inhis work on the Discovery of Maine ('Hist. Soc. Coll., Portland,' 1869), expresses the opinion that the 
 " prima vista " of the Cabots " would not probably have been the northern point of Cape Breton but the small island 
 of St. Paul near it which is generally the first land made by sailors entering the Gulf of St. Lawrence." On the con- 
 trary, if "prima vista" was not the cape from which the island is named and generally the first point made in old 
 times, it was most likely Cape North, and not St. Paul, which is ten miles distant in a direction quite opposite from 
 the course clearly taken by John Cabot. After he sighted the northern head of the island, he made next for St. 
 John island according to the inscription on the mappe monde. If he entered the southern entrance of the Gulf, 
 he must have made either Scatari or Cape Breton or Cape North— certainly the evidence so far as it goes sustains 
 the theory that his course took him to the latter point. 
 
 » For an able statement of the Portuguese claim, see Rev. Dr. Patterson's paper in the ' Trans Hoy. Soc. of Can., 
 (1890), vol. viii, sec. 2. Also, ' Magazine of American History ' for May, 1891. See App. Ill to this work. 
 
12 OAPB BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 Frenchman of Brouage who, a few decades later, made on the heights of Quebec the com- 
 mencement of that dependency which France, in her ambition, hoped would develop 
 until it could dominate the w^hole continent of North America. 
 
 Though it is not likely now that the true course of the Cabots in their first voyage 
 to eastern America and the actual locality of " Prima Yista " will ever be cleared up to 
 the satisfaction of all students of history, there is no doubt whatever that Jacques Cartier, 
 on his return from his second voyage in 1535-6 to Canada, discovered the passage to the 
 Atlantic between Cape Breton and Newfoundland, and sighted the bold headlands and 
 picturesque cliffs of the northern part of the former island. It is probable that he gave 
 the name of Lorraine to the cape which in the course of two centuries has become Cape 
 North, aptly called " the watch-tower of the gulf." ^ We are told in the accounts of his 
 voyage that he saw another cape " towards the south," and gave it the name of St. Paul's, 
 and although there is much difference of opinion as to its exact situation, the weight of 
 authority goes to show that reference is made to a point on the eastern coast of the island 
 to the south of Cape North, assuming the latter to be Cape Lorraine. It is not unlikely that 
 Cartier saw in the distance the bold headland which in later times was Smoky Cape (Cap 
 Enfume), on account of the cloud of mist which so often envelopes this storm-swept land- 
 mark of the gulf ^ It does not appear, however, that Cartier ever landed on the coast of 
 Cape Breton, and the statement that is found in some books that he built a fort and lived 
 "one winter on the island has no foundation in fact. The same assertion has been made of 
 his friend and patron, the Lord of Roberval, who was chosen by the King of France to 
 settle the new country discovered by the sailor of St. Malo. It is now well established 
 that Cape Breton was mistaken by some writers for Cap Eouge, near Quebec, where both 
 Cartier and Roberval — the former in 1541, and the latter in 1542 — erected forts for the 
 defence of the infant settlement.' 
 
 We have abundant evidence to show that, during the greater part of the sixteenth 
 century, French, Spanish and Portuguese fishermen probably frequented the coast of Cape 
 Breton, but it was not until the close of that century that English vessels were found in 
 any number engaged in the fisheries of the gulf. It is now claimed that Baron de L6ry's 
 abortive effort of 1518 to establish a settlement was made at Cape Breton, and not at Sable 
 Island, as generally supposed, but this is an entire mistake.* The Portuguese made an 
 attempt in 1521 to settle a colony on the coast of Cape Breton, and the best authority at hand 
 seems to point to the little bay of Inganiche, on the picturesque northeastern shore, as the 
 site of the infant settlement, which Champlain tells us was very soon deserted on account 
 of the rigorous and inclement climate."' But while Spaniard and Portuguese ventured into 
 the bays and rivers of the island, and in all probability attempted to establish temporary 
 posts for trading and fishing purposes, they have not given to Cape Breton the name it 
 bears. The origin of this name is even a matter of controversy between those who claim 
 the Basques or the Bretons to have been the discoverers of the island. Some claim that 
 
 ' Judge Haliburton, in his " History of Nova Scotia," ii. 231. 
 
 ^ See App. Vn to this worli:, where reasons are given at some length for the opinions set forth in the text. 
 
 ■■ See App. VII (last paragraph) to this work. 
 
 * Fiske (" Disc, of Am.," ii. 492, n) cites Le Tac, " Histoire chronologique de la Nouvelle France," but the refer- 
 ences (pp. 40, 57) are unmistakably to Sable Island. 
 
 * See App. VIII (4) to this work. 
 
CAPE BEETOK AND ITS MEMOETALS. 13 
 
 it was the Basque fishermen who first made the cape ^ on the eastern coast, and named it 
 after a Cape Breton in that very Basque country which, in the earliest times of which 
 there is any record, sent many adventurous sailors to Newfoundland and the G-ulf of St. 
 Lawrence. On the other hand, it is urged that the name is only a memorial of the voy- 
 ages of the Breton and Norman sailors and fishermen of Honfleur, Dieppe and St. Malo, 
 who sailed in company to eastern America even before the days of Columbus.^ In sup- 
 port of the Breton claim we find on the oldest maps of the sixteenth century that the cape 
 is described as Cap de Bretton, Cap aux Bretons, Cavo de Bretonni, and the mainland, 
 afterwards Acadie, as the Terre aux Bretons, or Terra de los Bretones, or Terra de Breto. 
 In a Portuguese portolano map, the date of which is believed to be either 1514 or 1520, 
 there is a country described in Portuguese as " the land discovered by the Bretons." On 
 the authority of a " great French captain," supposed to be Jean Parmentier of Dieppe, 
 whose narrative is credited to 1539, the Breton and Norman voyagers are described as 
 having visited the waters of the Gulf of St. Lawrence as early as 1504, and given the 
 well-known headland of the island its present name. The entrance of the gulf, between 
 Cape Breton and Newfoundland, is described in Allefonsce's map of 1544-5 as " L'Entree 
 des Bretons." In view of the vagueness of the Basque theory, which is chiefly supported 
 by the fact of the existence of a Cape Breton on the southeastern coast of France, we can 
 hardly fail to come to the conclusion that the Bretons gave to the cape the name it has 
 always borne. Indeed we may well believe that the two capes in France and America 
 owe their same name to these very adventurous mariners, who have from immemorial 
 times hovered off the coasts or anchored in the harbours of the Bay of Biscay and of the 
 Grulf of St. Lawrence as well. 
 
 But while there is every reason to believe that the cape was named early in the six- 
 teenth century, we have no authentic record of the exact date when the island itself was 
 called after its most eastern headland. Leaving the realms of mere speculation, which 
 only bewilders and never satisfies a practical historian, we must content ourselves with 
 the fact that the name of Cape Breton has always clung to the island so long frequented 
 by Basque and Breton fishermen. During the first forty years and later in the sixteenth 
 century the name is found on old maps which have come down to us.^ It is given either to 
 to the most eastern point of the mainland, a region described as Terre des Bretons or Terra de 
 Breto, according to the nationality of the map-maker, or to a little island adjoining. It is 
 interesting to note to how many makers of the old maps of the G-ulf of St. Lawrence the 
 existence of an island occupying the present position of Cape Breton appears to have been 
 
 ' "Cape Breton, better known to the mariners of the coast by the name of Port Novy Land, from the small 
 adjacent islet of Puerto Nuevo, is the most eastern and also the lowest part of the coast. It is singular that this 
 point, exposed to the continual fretting, dashing and ebullition of this peculiarly restless sea, and placed at the 
 mercy of every storm that sweeps the Atlantic, should yet bear so little evidence of its power. The firm materials 
 of its composition seem scarcely to have been worn by the effects of centuries ; and though so low, bold water 
 forming its margin, instead of reefs of scattered rocks and other marks of ruin, is a proof of its unbroken strength.'' 
 Haliburton, " History of Nova Scotia " (Halifax, N. S., 1829), ii. 213-214. Some call the island in question Porto 
 Novo, which would indicate a Portuguese origin. 
 
 ^ See App. VI (last paragraph) to this work. 
 
 " See App. VI to this work, where a summary is given of the old maps on which Cape Breton as a cape or 
 island is marked. Extracts are also given in App. VII and VIII from the accounts of the voyages of Cartier, Cham- 
 plain, Bellinger (1583), Sylvester Wyett (1594), Charles Leigh (1597), Nicolas Denys (1672), in which mention is 
 made of the island and the cape from which it was eventually named. 
 
14 CAPE BEBTOlsr AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 known. In a map of 1544-45 by Allefonsce, who accompanied Roberval to Canada as his 
 pilot in 1641, and was the author of a well-known work on cosmography, the island of 
 Cape Breton is roughly defined, and the entrance to the gulf, as I have previously stated, 
 is distinguished as the Entree des Bretons. In the later map of Mercator, which shows a 
 distinct advance in cartography and in the knowledge of these waters, evidence is given 
 of the existence of a large island on the eastern coast, although the name itself is still 
 only affixed to one of its capes. Year by year, however, as the maps of the sixteenth 
 century clearly show, especially after Cartier's famous voyages, a knowledge of the coast 
 lines of the eastern parts of North America was steadily growing, and from the coming 
 of Champlain to this continent we must date the commencement of a new era in the 
 colonization and the geography of America. His map of 1612, with all its defects, gives 
 the most accurate description of the general features of Cape Breton which had appeared 
 to that time. Although no name is given to the whole island, its leading natural charac- 
 teristics, especially the great arm of the sea which nearly divides it into two parts, the 
 large island on its southwestern coast, afterwards known as Isle Madame, English Har- 
 bour, now Louisbourg, Inganiche and its northern cape, Saint Loran, now probably Cape 
 North, are delineated with some degree of correctness. The Strait of Canseau is defined, 
 but it is distinguished in a note as the Passage du Glas, whilst Canseau, from which it 
 subsequently took its name, is accurately placed on the southeastern shore of Acadie or 
 Nova Scotia. In Champlain's later map of 1632 the general features of the island are bet- 
 ter still defined than in the former case, and the Strait of Canseau is given the name 
 which it has generally borne, while the rocky islet of St Paul,which was incorrectly placed 
 in 1612, begins to find its proper geographical position. But even on this later map the 
 island is not given the general name of Cape Breton, though the present Prince Edward 
 Island is called St. Jean. In fact, it is not clear when the name of Cape Breton was given 
 by geographers to the whole island. As previously stated, the name of the land of the 
 Bretons was for many years, in the oldest maps, given to a large ill-defined country which 
 was afterwards known as Acadie. In L'Escarbot's map of 1609, which is by no means so 
 accurate as Champlain's of three years' later, the island is described as Bacaillos, the 
 Basque term which was indifferently applied during the previous hundred years to New- 
 foundland and Labrador and the countries generally on the gulf where the cod is most 
 plentiful, and which in these later times has disappeared from those lands and now clings 
 only to an islet off Conception Bay, latitude 48° 6", and to a cape on the western coast of 
 Nova Scotia.^ Champlain, writing in 1603, calls Cape Breton the island of Saint Laurent, 
 " where," he adds, " is le cap Breton and where a nation of savages called the Sourequois 
 [Micmacs] pass the winter." In his account of his later voyages, however, he writes of 
 the island of Cape Breton {tie du cap Breton). It would seem that the name was not well 
 established for some time, but that it gradually became the custom to apply the name of 
 the cape to the island itself. "We see that is the case in the accounts given, of two 
 voyages made by two English vessels in 1594 and 159*7, in which there is a distinct refer- 
 ence made to the " Island of Cape Breton." A French writer^ of later times tells us that 
 the island was " first of all called the Isle du Cap,'' and afterwards the English Harbour," 
 
 ^ See 4.pp. V to this work. 
 
 ' Pichon alias Tyrell, author of a memoir of Cape Breton. See App. IX to this work, where the curious his- 
 tory of this erratic person is briefly told. 
 
 ^ In Herman Moll's Atlas (London, 1715-20) Cape Breton is called Gaspey Island. See map 4 showing north 
 parts of America claimed by France. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. IS 
 
 the last being the old name of Louisbourg, which, in Champlain's time and many years 
 later, was the favourite resort of English fishermen. It was in the reign of Elizabeth that 
 Englishmen began to show that spirit of maritime enterprise which was afterwards to 
 have such remarkable results in later times by the establishment of the greatest colonial 
 empire which the world has ever seen. In the course of the sixteenth century, when the 
 rich fisheries of Newfoundland and the islands of the G-ulf of St. Lawrence became known 
 throughout Europe, English fishermen ventured into the waters which had long been 
 the resort of the vessels of France, Portugal and Spain, and by the beginning of the 
 seventeenth century there were probably over two hundred English craft of various sizes 
 engaged in this great ihdustry. Louisbourg, easy of access from the ocean, invited the 
 English, at an early date, to make it their port of call. The Spaniards preferred the pres- 
 ent harbour of Sydney, which is even yet known as Spanish Eiver, and the French for 
 many years sought shelter withia the safe haven of St. Anne's, embosomed in the hills 
 of the northeastern coast of the island. 
 
 The discoveries of Yerrazano in 1524 and of Jacques Oartier in 1535 gave France a 
 claim to Acadie, Cape Breton and Canada. England's title came from the voyages of the 
 Cabots. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, a relative of the bold and chivalrous Ealeigh, was the 
 first Englishman of note who ventured, towards the close of the sixteenth century, to the 
 shores of Newfoundland and took possession of the island in the name of Elizabeth, but 
 his expedition had no other results than a barren assertion of a claim of sovereignty ' and 
 his tragic death at sea on his return to Europe. The Marquis de la Roche, a little later in 
 the same century, made an abortive attempt to establish a settlement in the new domain 
 which France now began to claim in America, but his hopes perished in the relentless 
 sands of Sable Island. It was not until the beginning of the seventeenth century that 
 either France or England was able to make a permanent establishment in the new world. 
 Ealeigh, above all other Englishmen of his time, saw that fame and fortune were to be 
 won in America, but his first attempt to found a little colony in Carolina entirely failed, 
 and the historian for centuries, since has speculated on the fate of the unhappy people 
 who landed in 158*7 on Eoanoke Island.^ The attempts of Sieur Chauvin and Sieur Aymer 
 de Ohastes to colonize New France were equally unfortunate, and the seventeenth 
 century opened without a single European settlement on the whole coast of North 
 America except the Spanish post of St. Augustine at the extreme point of the peninsula 
 of Florida. At one time, indeed, it seemed as if the lilies of France would have floated 
 over that soutfeern region and Protestants would have found in those times of oppression 
 
 1 Sir Humphrey Gilbert, on the 5th of August, 1583, in the harbour of St. John's, Newfoundland, " summoned 
 the merchants and masters, both English and strangers [of the ships in port] to be present at his taking posses- 
 sion of those countries. Before whom openly was read and interpreted unto the strangers his commission, by 
 virtue whereof he tooke possession in the same harbour of St. John, and 200 leagues every way, invested the 
 Queene's Majestie with the title and dignite thereof, had delivered unto him (after the custome of England) a rod 
 and a turffe of the same soile, entring possession also for him, his heires and assignes for ever." See report of 
 Mr. Edward Haies, gentleman, and principall actor in the same voyage," Hakluy t's Collection (Edmund Goldsmid's 
 ed., Edinburgh, 1889), vol. xii, p. 337. Sir Humphrey does not appear to have entered any port or landed in Cape 
 Breton, if indeed he ever made the stcoa. See infra, sec. XI, for a claim that one of his vessels was wrecked in 
 Louisbourg harbour. 
 
 2 See an interesting paper, " The Lost Colony of Koanoke : its Fate and Survival," by Professor S. B. Weeks, in 
 the Papers of the American Historical Association, 1891 ; also, in Mag. of Am. Hist, for Feb., 1891. 
 
16 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 a refuge from the treachery and bigotry of kings and priests in Europe, but the Huguenot 
 settlements of Eibaut and Laudonniere were soon destroyed by the greed and fanaticism 
 of the false Spaniard, and, when a new century dawned, the Spanish flag was the only 
 sign of European dominion from the Gulf of Mexico to the frozen regions of the north. 
 
 During the first decade of the seventeenth century there happened three remarkable 
 events in the history of the continent of America. In the western part of Nova Scotia, 
 then Acadie or Oadie, on the banks of a beautiful basin where the tumultuous tides of 
 the Bay of Fundy ebb and flow, we see a sleepy old town which recalls another world 
 and another century. In the June days the air is redolent with the perfume of the 
 apple-blossom and the hawthorn, the bells of ox-teams tinkle in the quiet streets, and the 
 whole town bears the aspect of a dignified old age, which, having had its share of the 
 world's excitement, now only asks to be left alone to spend the remainder of its years in 
 placid ease. There it was, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, Sieur de Monts 
 and his French compatriots laid the foundation of the old settlement of Port Royal, which 
 was long the capital of Acadie and the beginning of the French regime in the great region of 
 New France. Two years later, in 1607, a little colony of English ventured into Virginia, 
 and although in these days the only A'estiges of that settlement are a few tombstones and 
 grassy mounds, which are themselves rapidly disappearing beneath the encroachment of 
 the tides, the site of Jamestown must ever be interesting to the historian and the states- 
 man as the commencement of that remarkable experiment of colonization which has 
 established a federal union of over sixty-four millions of people, distinguished for their 
 energy, their enterprise, and their capacity for self-government. Only a year later, in 
 1608, Ohamplain, sailor, explorer and statesman, founded the colony of Canada on those 
 picturesque heights on which, in the course of nearly three centuries, a city has grown, 
 so remarkable for its natural beauty, its capacity for defence, and its memorials of the 
 history of France in America. 
 
 The first decade of the seventeenth century will ever be memorable for the found- 
 ation of that " Old Dominion " which must receive honourable mention as the pioneer 
 colony in the plantations of English America, and for the genesis of that new Dominion 
 which, two centuries and a half after the settlement of Quebec, was to stretch between 
 two oceans, and comprise an area of territory almost as great as that of the nation which 
 was born at Jamestown in IGOT. 
 
 Port Eoyal, known in later times as Annapolis, in honour of a not very brilliant 
 English queen, is therefore the first permanent settlement made by Europeans between 
 Florida and the Arctic regions. Nova Scotia and Cape Breton have the oldest history of 
 any part of the Dominion of Canada ; ^ for there is little doubt that their shores were visited 
 by the Norsemen, the Basques and Bretons, the Cabots and the Portuguese in the course 
 of those adventurous voyages whose dim traditions and uncertain records have long per- 
 plexed, and must continue to perplex, the students of the ancient annals and cartography 
 of this continent. Indeed there much reason for the theory, to which I have previously 
 referred, that John Cabot first made one of the capes of the island ; but without dwellin"- 
 again on this vexed question, it is sufficient to know that Cape Breton and Acadie or 
 
 1 " As early as 1504 the fishermen of these latter people [Bretons and Normans] seem to have been on the 
 northern coasts, and we owe to them the name of Cape Breton, which is thought to be the oldest French name in 
 our American geography." Justin Winsor, " Christopher Columbus," p. 555. 
 
CAPE BKETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 17 
 
 Cadie, included in the mysterious regions of Norumbega or Norembeque, or Arambec,' or 
 Terra des Bretons, were visited by Europeans long before the valley of the St. Lawrence 
 was discovered by the Breton sailor. Indeed it is contended that the first attempt at 
 European settlement in Canada was on the island of Cape Breton— at St. Peter's or 
 Inganiche ; but we need not dwell on this interesting suggestion of the antiquarian, 
 except to say that the Portuguese had no influence whatever on the colonization of the 
 eastern provinces of Canada, and the old town of Annapolis may always point with pride 
 to its grassy hillocks and willow-stumps as so many relics of the days of the French 
 regime. 
 
 It is in the letters-patent and commission given in 1603 by Henry IV of France and 
 Navarre to Sieur de Mouts that we find the first mention of Acadie, which is also described 
 as Cadie, obviously a Micmac or Souriquois affix used in connection with other words to 
 describe the natural characteristics of a place or locality (akade). For instance, Numach- 
 wakado is a place where fish is plentiful ; AnagwakSde is White Point ; Segubunakade 
 or ShubenacMie is the place where a root known as the ground nut or Indian potato 
 grows ; and so on with any number of places in the old home of the Micmac Indians.^ 
 The royal papers just mentioned give the French a jurisdiction over " the whole coast of 
 Acadie, the lands of Cape Breton (du Cap Breton), the bays of St. Clair and Chaleurs, 
 the islands of Perc6, Gaspey, Mettan [Matane], Tadousac and the river of Canada." Cape 
 Breton, which is not definitely mentioned as an island, but is called after its cape, long 
 remained in obscurity, and it is Port Eoyal that alone for many years attracted the atten- 
 tion of the historian. The record of this little post in the Bay of Fundy is the record of a 
 never ending conflict between the English and the French for the dominion of Acadie. 
 
 According as the New England colonies increased in population, the French possess- 
 ion of Acadie was regarded by them as a constant menace, and all their efforts were, time 
 and again, for more than a century, directed towards driving the French from the country. 
 After the foundation of Quebec by Champlain, Canada became the favourite colony of 
 France, and Acadie obtained a very small degree of recognition from the parent state. At 
 no time, indeed, in her history did she evoke that interest and attention from the French 
 king and people that would have enabled the struggling colonists eventually to hold their 
 own against the energetic and sturdy New Englanders. In 1613 Port Royal surrendered 
 to an English adventurer named Captain Argall, and Acadie remained in the possession 
 of England until the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, when it was restored to France with 
 all the countries and places which Great Britain held in New France. "While Acadie 
 was occupied by England, a Scotch gentleman. Sir "William Alexander, afterwards the 
 Earl of Stirling, obtained a grant from King James of the country which was now called 
 Nova Scotia, as well as of New Brunswick and St. John's Island, of a part of Lower 
 Canada and also of Cape Breton, which was called Baccalaos in his patent ; an indication 
 that the present name was not yet generally recognized in Europe. This patent is chiefly 
 interesting to us from the fact that it ga^ve him the right to establish settlements within 
 his grant, to which was appended the title of baronet. In these prosaic, practical days, 
 when everything is brought — too much so in some cases — to the test of commercial value, 
 
 ^ See infra, sec. IX, and App. IV, for references to a probable survival of this curious name on the south- 
 eastern coast of Cape Breton, in the immediate vicinity of Louisbourg. 
 
 2 See App. XIII to this work for a list of Indian compouad words in support of the assertion in the text. 
 
 3 
 
18 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 we recall with some amusement the efforts of men in times, when the virgin forest held 
 the mastery in America, to reproduce the titles and trappings of the old world and create 
 a new noblesse to gratify the cravings of ambition which could not be satisfied in Europe. 
 On the banks of the St. Lawrence, seigniors held estates of princely magnitude and 
 imitated the feudal customs of their old homes across the sea. On the Hudson, patroons 
 assumed the dignity of great manorial lords, and in South Carolina an English philo- 
 sopher attempted to create grandees under the high-sounding names of lords-palatiue, 
 landgraves and caciques. Even in the little island of Prince Edward, when it had passed 
 away from its first French proprietors. Englishmen had their ambition to become lords 
 paramount, manorial lords and barons.' In Acadie, the dignity which was to be attached 
 to grants of land for the encouragement of settlement never took root, and though the 
 title has been long retained in Scottish families as a purely honorary distinction, it has 
 never had since the days of Stirling any connection with the province from which it was 
 named more than two hundred and sixty years ago.^ 
 
 One of the persons who obtained such a right was Lord Ochiltree, who built a fort 
 in 1629 at Baleine, a small port to the northeast of Louisbourg, with the object of colon- 
 izing that section of Cape Breton, but he was very soon forced to leave the place by a 
 number of Frenchmen under the leadership of a Captain Daniel, who claimed that the 
 Scotch nobleman was a trespasser on the territory of France. After destroying the Eng- 
 lish post, the same Captain Daniel built a fort and commenced a settlement at St. Anne's,' 
 then called Great Cibou,* by the savages. This first attempt to found a French colony on 
 the northeastern coast of Cape Breton was unsuccessful after a few years of struggle. The 
 Jesuit mission, which is said to have existed there in 1634, was withdrawn and the 
 settlement almost deserted two or three years later, when an energetic Frenchman came 
 to the island and established a post in the same place to carry on the fisheries. 
 
 The history of Acadie from 1632 to 1713, when it became a permanent possession of 
 England, is one of a never-ceasing contest between the rival chiefs. La Tour and Char- 
 nisay, for the supremacy in the country where both of them claimed to have rights. 
 New Scotland, in those days, in fact, was the scene of such feuds as kept rival chieftains 
 for centuries in a state of constant warfare amid the glens and mountains of old Scotland. 
 In Cape Breton an enterprising Frenchman of the name of Nicholas Denys, Sieur de Fron- 
 sac, a native of Tours, attempted to establish himself at St. Peter's, on the isthmus between 
 the sea and the Bras d'Or lake, on the southwestern extremity of the island. For many 
 years he also built trading posts of some importance at St. Anne's on the eastern coast 
 of Cape Breton, at Chedabouctou Bay (now Guysboro), and at Miscou on the coast of 
 New Brunswick ; but he, too, suffered from the greed and lawlessness of rivals. It was 
 easy enough, in those times, to obtain grants of land and the right to trade in those 
 countries from the authorities in France, who knew nothing of the geography of the new 
 
 ' See Campbell's "History of Prince Edward Island" (Cliarlottetown, 1875) 20-12; Bourinot, " Local Govern- 
 ment in Canada," Johns Hopkins "Un. Studies," Baltimore, 1887. 
 
 ^ Murdoch's "History of Nova Scotia" (i. 68-69) gives a description of the insignia of the order. 
 
 " Ferland, "Cours d'Histoire du Canada," i. 259. This historian (i. 238) falls into the error of confusing Lord 
 Ochiltree's fort at Baleine with the one which Daniel subsequently built at St. Anne's. Murdoch, in his " History of 
 Nova Scotia," (i. 72) also makes the mistake of placing Ochiltree's fort at St. Anne's. See Brown, '' History of 
 Cape Breton," pp. 74-84 ; Champlain, iv. 1283-8. 
 
 * See infra, sec. IX, for meaning of this Micmac word. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 19 
 
 world, and took little or no pains to ascertain whether they might not interfere with pre- 
 vious charters. One Le Borgne, who was a creditor of Charnisay, the former rival of 
 La Tovir and governor of Acadie, professed to have obtained authority from the parliament 
 of Paris to take possession of all his debtor's property in the colony. He claimed that 
 Denys was an intruder on the domain over which Charnisay had lordship, and in a most 
 high-handed manner took possession of all the property owned by the former at St. Peter's. 
 On appealing to France, Denys obtained a patent in 1654 from the king, appointing him 
 governor of the extensive country extending from Cape Cau9eau to Cape Eosiers [Race], 
 Newfoundland, Cape Breton, St. John and other adjacent islands. Hardly had he obtained 
 this redress from the authorities in France, to whom he at once appealed, than he found 
 himself harassed by the lawless conduct of another commercial rival named Giraudiere, 
 who claimed to have received from the Company of New France a grant of the coast in 
 Acadie, which included Denys's concession and fort at Gruysboro'. The Canadian Com- 
 pany subsequently repudiated Griraudiere's acts and revoked their grant to him, but 
 Denys received no compensation for the losses which he suffered at Chedabouctou from his 
 rival's treachery and falsehood. He was compelled to give up his post in Acadie, and to 
 retire to Cape Breton, but even here his misfortunes followed him. At last, when his 
 fort at St. Pierre was destroyed by fire, he retired altogether from the island to the Bay 
 of Chaleurs, probably before 1669, and is believed to haA^e returned to France either in 
 16*71 or 1672, disheartened and worn out by his struggles in America.^ 
 
 "Whilst in his native country, Denys published the first book which refers at any 
 length to Cape Breton since its discovery, and gives us some interesting information 
 respecting the natural features of those parts of the island with which he was best 
 
 ' Mr. Hannay, in his history of Acadie, gives a well-written account of this memorable feud which lasted for 
 many years in the early days of Nova Scotia, but he appears to have fallen into some slight errors with respect to 
 Denys and his diflSculties with Le Borgne. He tells us (p. 187) that Charnisay broke up Denys's establishment in 
 Cape Breton, whereas it was Le Borgne who laid claim to all the former's rights in Acadie as slated above. AVhen 
 Denys first carae to Acadie he established a shore fishery at Rossignol (Liverpool) in partnership with De Eazilly, 
 then living at La Have, and a merchant of Auray, in Bretagne (Murdoch, Hist, of N. S., i. 87 ; Denys, Am^rique 
 Septentrionale, i. 86). On account of the loss of his principal vessel he appears to have left Rossignol and estab- 
 lished himself in the vicinity of Eazilly 's fort with the intention of carrying on a lumbering business, but on the 
 deatli of Eazilly, Charnisay obtained a transfer in his favour of all the latter's estates (Murdoch, i. 96) and forced 
 Denys to abandon his enterprise in disgust (Denys, i. 94-104). Denys then established himself in Cape Breton, 
 and after eome time was attacked by Le Borgne. Hannay also informs tis (p. 194) that the latter destroyed 
 Denys's establishment at La Have in Nova Scotia, but this does not seem accurate. It appears that after Denys 
 went to Cape Breton Charnisay or D'Aulnay, as he is indifferently called, removed the inhabitants of La Have to 
 Port Eoyal, and according to a French Canadian historian they were the beginning of the French Acadian race 
 (Ferland, i. 351, n. ; Murdoch, i. 103, 114; Denys, 4). La Have, it seems, was again settled after Charnisay had 
 removed the original inhabitants, and Le Borgne's party, after their attack on Denys in Cape Breton, and on their 
 way to Port Eoyal with him as a prisoner, destroyed the houses, not because Denys had any claim to them, but 
 apparently because Le Borgne did not recognize the right of the new people to occupy the place. (Murdoch, i. 
 125 ; Denys, i. 6.) Subsequently Denys obtained his liberty and acknowledgments of his rights, while Le Borgne's 
 son took possession of La Have and constructed a fort of timber for the purpose of carrying on business at that 
 point {Ibid, i. 10). The letters-patent of 1654, defining Denys's limit of government (Brown, 92, Quebec Doc, i. 
 141) speak of Charnjpay having expelled him from his -forts, but this must be a mistake for Le Borgne or a refer- 
 ence to Charnisay having driven Denys from La Have. Denys, however, is remarkably obscure in narrating even 
 the facts of his own history, and it is easy to understand why Brown, Hannay and others are often perplexed and 
 misled. I have endeavoured to study out the facts with the results as I have given them above— hesitatingly, I 
 admit. 
 
20 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 acqxiainted.^ But whenever he takes up subjects of which he has no personal knowledge, 
 his statements are very perplexing on account of their vagueness. "We can see through- 
 out the book, however, that he had much confidence in the capabilities of the island, and 
 deeply regretted that his misfortunes had prevented him from carrying on the enterprises 
 which he had in view for its settlement and development. During his residence in Cape 
 Breton, he tilled not onl3 the land around his post at St. Pierre, but had a fine settlement 
 at St. Anne's, where he cultivated even fruit successfully. Consequently he was able to write 
 with some knowledge of the resources of Cape Breton. His departure was a serious blow 
 to the island, which remained for years neglected by his countrymen. Not a single Euro- 
 pean settlement was made within its limits until the first years of the eighteenth century, 
 while the total population of Acadie itself did not reach a thousand souls, including the 
 little garrison at Port Eoyal. Denys appears to have been in Quebec in 16*79, for there is 
 documentary evidence^ to show that he was blind at that time and was pressing his claims 
 for consideration on the government and asking an appointment of master of forests for 
 his son, very likely the father of that M. de la Ronde Denys, whose name sometimes occurs 
 in the later records of the island when Louisbourg was founded and Isle Royale became 
 at last a valued possession of France.' 
 
 II. Cape Bbeton as Ile Eoyale, and the foundation oe Louisbourg. 
 
 During the seventeenth century it was a question whether Acadie was destined to 
 be an English or a French colony. At times the red cross of England, and at others the 
 Bourbon lilies were raised over the little fort at Port Royal, and it was not until the 
 victories of Marlborough had humbled the pride of the great monarch, and crushed the 
 armies of France at Blenheim, Ramilies and Oudenarde, that the country now known as 
 Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, passed forever into the possession of England. The 
 treaty of Utrecht^ was the first check given to France in her designs to colonize America 
 
 ^ See App. IX (first paragraph) to this work, for a bibliographical notice of this very rare book. I give also, in 
 App. VIII, a translation of the chapter referring to the island specially, as it has never before been printed in 
 English. It shows that Denys had only a superficial acquaintance with the geographical and natural features of the 
 island generally. His knowledge was confined to St. Peter's, the Labrador and the coast between Inganiche and 
 Cape North. 
 
 ' Quebec Documents, i. 273. 
 
 ^ M. de la Eonde Denys, grandson of the old governor, a captain of infantry, who took part in the settlement 
 of Cape Breton in 1713, sent a description in that year to the French minister having charge of the colonies, in 
 which he calls St. Anne's the finest harbour in the world, and presses its advantages over any that Louisbourg 
 could ofier as the chief port and fortified place. "My devoted grandfather," he wrote, "had a fort there, the 
 remains of which are yet to be seen, and the Indians tell us that he raised the finest grain there and we have 
 likewise seen the fields which he used to till ; and there are to be seen in the place very fine apple frees, from which 
 
 we have eaten very good fruit for the season We see by experience, my lord, that New England, which is 
 
 not worth a tenth part of Cape Breton, h.jw that colony flourishes ; for I know of certain knowledge that there are 
 builtinthecouniy of Boston, every year, more than 1500 vessels, from 15 tons up to 800 tons burthen. One sees that 
 there is nothing to hinder us doing the same thing. We are deficient in nothing required." It is quite true that 
 when we look at Cape Breton, with its unrivalled situation for the successful prosecution of the fisheries, its 
 remarkable mines of bituminous coal, and its relation to the rest of the continent, we can well believe that its 
 natural advantages are far superior to those of the New England States ; but its want of wealth, capital and enter- 
 prise and of connection for many years with a great and prosperous country like that to the back of New England, 
 have kept the island always in a very inferior position until the present, when its prospects at last seem brighter. 
 
 * For text of this treaty so far as it relates to Cape Breton, see App. XVI to this work. 
 
Trans. E. S. C, 1891. 
 
 5o 
 
 HI 
 
 +8 
 
 +7 
 
 ♦61 
 
 +? 
 
 ++ 
 
 +3 
 
 Map of Acadie and Cape Breton, by Governor Denys, 1672. 
 
 Sec. II. Plate V. 
 
 T.Lt^ffrtJe J-"" Pierre. 
 'SZ-Ckiljlcf Michiiu . 
 
 "J Ci*jfRou^er«ttrre lit ucHt^pt^jaae 
 lie C,Mnp'4fau 3c Ju rrjtr'ju Sud . 
 
 5 ,- . Z. I >/<• J^luie^u . 
 g.Le Lie dAI.atr-aJor . 
 
 \^0 
 
 ir.-i'iy 
 
 i.e^Iel^""'-"'^"' h 
 
 !" 
 
 ff 
 
 43 
 
 >^ 
 
 '/■''' 
 
 
 To illustrate Dr. J. G. Bourinot's Paper on Cape Breton. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND TTS MEMOEIALS. 21 
 
 and the inauguration of that series of victories which ended at last in driving her 
 entirely from the continent. " At the time of the Armada," says an English historian, 
 " we saw England entering the race for the first time ; at Utrecht, England wins the 
 ^^^'^^ • • • The positive gains of England were Acadie in No^a Scotia, and New- 
 foundland surrendered by France, and the Assianto compact granted by Spain. In other 
 words, the first step was taken towards the destruction of greater France by depriving her 
 of one of her three settlements of Acadie, Canada and Louisiana, in North America. From 
 that moment the rivalry in America is between France and England. . . . The 
 decisive event of it is the Seven Years' War and the new position given to England by 
 the treaty of Paris in 1^62. Here is the culminating point of English power in the 
 eighteenth century ; nay relatively to other states, England has never since been so 
 great." ' 
 
 Cape Breton, from this time forward, commenced to be an influential factor in the 
 aff"airs of New France. Before the close of the war and the cession of Nova Scotia and 
 Newfoundland to England, the attention of the French government was directed to the 
 importance of the geographical position of the island and to the expediency of making 
 one of its harbours an enlrepdt for the trade between Canada, France and the West Indies. 
 M. Eaudot, intendant of justice and police, and his son, who had charge of finance in 
 Canada, recommended, in 1*708, that the island should be made available for commercial 
 purposes, and very strongly pressed the necessity of fortifying one of its harbours, which 
 " would afford a safe refuge for vessels chased by an enemy, driven in by storms or in 
 want of provision?." Such a harbour would, in their opinion, " form a suitable rendez- 
 vous for cruisers and privateers, while France might monopolize the codfishery on the 
 coast of Acadie by means of a few small frigates, always ready to drive off foreign fisher- 
 men."^ So far the island had been neglected, and Plaisance — the Placentia of the Portu- 
 guese — was the headquarters of the French fisheries in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. At this 
 time Newfoundland was inhabited by a considerable number of English traders and fisher- 
 men, chiefly on the coast between Cape Eace and Cape Bonavista. Both the French and 
 English had now a large fl.eet of vessels of considerable size engaged in these rich fisheries, 
 the annual catch of the French alone being probably half a million quintals. When 
 Newfoundland was given up to England in 1713, the French officials and inhabitants 
 removed to Cape Breton, where English Harbour, from that time known as Louisbourg, 
 was chosen as the capital. The island itself was named He Eoyale, St. Peter's became 
 Port Toulouse, and the fine port of St. Anne became Port Dauphin, and seemed likely at 
 one time to be chosen as the seat of government. The first governor of He Eoyale was 
 M. de Costabelle,^ who had held a similar position at Plaisance, in Newfoundland. The 
 
 ' Seeley, "Expansion of England," pp. 132, 133, 138. 
 
 ^ For a very full abstract of this able memorandum of the Raudots, see Charlevoix, " Histoire G^n^rale de la 
 Nouvelle France," iv. 129-142. 
 
 ^ The following is a list of the French governors of lie Royale from 1713 to 1758 ; M. de Costabelle, 1712-1717 ; 
 M. de St. Ovide, 1718-1735 ; M. de Brouillan, 1736-1738 ; M. de Forant, 1739-1740 ; M. Duquesnel, 1741-1744 ; Major 
 Duchambon, 1745; [the English governors from 1745 to 1749 -/vere "Warren and Pepperrell (joint), Commodore 
 Knowles and Colonel Hopson;] M. des Herbieres, 1749-1751 : M. leComte de Raymond, 1751-1754; M. d'Aillebout, 
 1754 ; M. de Drucour, 1754-1759. This list is made up from M. Marmette's summary of papers in the French 
 archives relating to lie Eoyale. ("Canadian Archives," 1887.) M. de St. Ovide was also known a.? M. de St. 
 Ovide de Brouillan, and it is a question whether the same person was not governor from 1736 to 1738, but I have 
 not been able to clear up this doubt. 
 
22 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 island, in the course of years, received small accessions of population from Acadie, but, 
 generally speaking, the inhabitants of that country showed little disposition to remove in 
 any number to the island which France now began to value since she had lost so much 
 by the triaty of Utrecht. It is interesting to note that in the negotiations that preceded 
 this treaty England was desirous of holding Cape Breton in common with the French, ou 
 condition that neither power should raise fortifications on the island. If this proposition had 
 been agreed to, we might have had in these days some such complications as have arisen 
 from the unfortunate clause in the treaty which gives the French certain fishing rights 
 on a portion of the coast of Newfoundland, to the great irritation of the people of that 
 island, who are now suffering from the consequences of the blunder on the part of Eng- 
 lish statesmen, quite indifferent to colonial interests in those early times. The French 
 government, however, not only succeeded in hampering the future development of 
 Newfoundland, by obtaining this important advantage for their fishing interests, but they 
 refused to agree to the proposition which was made by Saint John, afterwards Lord 
 Bolingbroke, partly on the ground that as it was desirable " to establish a perfect good 
 understanding " between France and G-reat Britain, " it was impossible to preserve it in 
 the places possessed in common by the French and English nations ;" but the chief rea- 
 son was no doubt the one also urged that it was prudence on the part of the French King 
 " to reserve to himself the possession of the only isle which will hereafter open an entrance 
 to the river St. Lawrence." In this way, by the foresight of the French, Cape Breton was 
 spared the troubles that might have arisen had the English suggestion been hastily 
 adopted, and the treaty of Utrecht finally provided that this island, " as also all others 
 both in the mouth of the River St. Lawrence and in the gulf of the same name, shall 
 hereafter belong of right to the king of France, who shall have liberty to fortify any place 
 or places there." 
 
 That we may understand the importance of Cape Breton in the contest between 
 France and England for dominion in America it is necessary that we should survey the 
 state of the colonies of the two nations on this continent. The English settlements 
 extended from the Penobscot to the Spanish colony of Florida and were confined to a 
 narrow range of country between the Atlantic and the Appalachian range of mountains. 
 When G-eorge the First ascended the throne of England, soon after the signing of the 
 treaty of Utrecht, the total population of these colonies had reached 3*75, "TSO white inhabi- 
 tants, and 58,850 blacks ; in all, 434,600 souls, and was increasing with great rapidity. 
 Their commercial activity and industrial enterprise had already created a total annual 
 trade of imports and exports, probably to the value of twelve millions and a half of dollars.' 
 The colonies of Massachusetts (which then included Maine), New Hampshire, Ehode 
 Island, Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia and the 
 Carolinas (then comprising Greorgia) enjoyed representative institutions based on those 
 of England, and local government in a very complete form. New England from its 
 natural situation had, since its early settlement, watched with jealousy and dread the 
 growth of the French settlements in Acadie and Canada, and when their villages were 
 destroyed and their people massacred from time to time by the raids of Indians and 
 French, they were nerved to make powerful efforts to seize Quebec and Port Eoyal. 
 Phipps made an abortive attack on the ancient capital of Canada in 1690, and Admiral Sir 
 
 » Hildreth, " Hist, of the U. S.," ii. 278, 329. Bancroft " Hist, of the U. S.," ii. 238. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 23 
 
 Hovondeu "Walker never succeeded (I'm) in getting beyond the mouth of the St. Lawrence, 
 but after a loss of eight transports and nearly nine hundred men decided to give up even 
 the project of attacking the little French post of Plaisance and to return to England.' 
 The whole expedition was destined to failure from the very start, as the chief command 
 of the veteran regiments which had followed Marlborough to victory on the continent of 
 Europe was actually entrusted to a notoriously incompetent brother of Mrs. Masham, who 
 had supplanted the famous Duchess in Queen Anne's afi'ections. The Duke had refused 
 to give him a colonelcy on the ground that he was a " good for nothing," ^ but court favour 
 foisted him, at last, upon an expedition whose issue reflected disgrace on all concerned in 
 it and sadly discouraged the English colonists who were looking forward anxiously to its 
 success. Their hopes had already been considerably raised by the advantage previously 
 gained by General Nicholson — an able man long connected with the government of the 
 colonies — who succeeded in 1710 in taking possession of Port Royal.^ From that time 
 Acadie ceased to be a French possession, and the people of New England felt that the first 
 step had been taken towards ridding themselves of a dangerous neighbour in America. 
 Half a century, however, would pass before all their hopes could be realized and England 
 reign supreme in the valley of the St. Lawrence. 
 
 ^ It appears that Sir Hoveuden was forced by public opinion in England to retreat to South Carolina and to 
 
 write a book in his defence : — " When I perceived myself unworthy to serve niy,own nation any longer [see p. 21 of 
 
 his Journal of the Expedition] I thought it more consistent with my principles, and indeed more honourable to 
 
 retreat to the most distant part of the King's dominions, and pass the rest of my life in a private state of solitude 
 
 and retirement." In concluding his apology or defence (see App. XV to this work) he consoles himself with this 
 
 poetic outburst :— 
 
 To conclude. 
 
 " How thoughtless is the Man, and how unblest ! 
 Who suffers Fortune to invade his Rest : 
 Who vainly grieves at Injuries of Fate, 
 Which eases none : But does more Ills create : 
 Fondly pursuing Methods, for Eedress, 
 Which ruffle, and destroy his inward Peace. 
 
 Man is a world, and to himself can be. 
 The Seat of Happiness, or of Misery : 
 Whose reason, is the Monarch of his Mind, 
 And uncontroul'd should rule and unconfin'd ; 
 What boots it then, tho' fickle Chance deprives, 
 Of outward Benefits, Chance only gives ? 
 Tho' all the States on Earth should be at Tars 
 Involv'd in foreign, or intestine Wars ; 
 While his small Kingdom, undisturb'd shall be, 
 From civil Discords, and rude Tumults free ; 
 Fortune's Insults, he'll treat with just Disdain, 
 And she'll attempt his settled Peace in vain. 
 Let him secure a calm Repose within, 
 He's safe : For Sorrows only then begin. 
 When headstrong Passions dare rebellious prove. 
 And reason from the Throne, by Force remove." 
 
 2 Bancroft, "History of the U. S.," ii. 200, 201 (N. Y., 1888, author's last ed.). 
 
 ' The French Governor Subercase, who surrendered Port Royal to General Nicholson, had a commission from 
 the French king as " Governor of Acadie, Cape Breton and the adjacent islands and countries." By his surrender 
 then Cape Breton came also into the possession of England until 1713, when France awoke to its importance. 
 Douglas, "Summary of the British Settlements," i. 345-346 ; Murdoch, " Hist, of Nova Scotia," i. 318. 
 
24 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 Realizing, at last, the serious mistake they had made iu neglecting the defences of 
 Acadie, the French government, after a few months of hesitation.— quite intelligible in view 
 of the disasters of the great war — set to worii to adopt the wise advice of the Eaudots in 
 I'TOS and to make Louisbourg a centre of trade on the Atlantic coast, and a bulwark of 
 their dominion in Canada. Unlike the English colonists, the French on the St. Lawrence 
 enjoyed no political liberties, but were governed by an aristocratic, illiberal system which 
 crushed out every semblance of self-government and placed them entirely under the rule 
 of the king and his officials in the province. Their only trade was iu furs, and the 
 country gave no evidence of that commercial enterprise that distinguished the English 
 colonies, where ship-building, the fisheries and tobacco cultivation were among the staple 
 industries. In 1*714 there were only two towns of any importance in Canada, Quebec and 
 Montreal, and their total population did not nearly equal that of Boston. The whole 
 population of Canada did not exceed twenty-five thousand souls, or about one half that 
 of Massachusetts, of which less than fi\^e thousand were capable of bearing arms. 
 Although the commerce and population of Canada were insignificant in comparison with 
 the English colonies, the French governors were ambitious to extend French dominion in 
 America. Men like Joliet, Marquette and La Salle represented the spirit of enterprise 
 which carried coureurs de bois, missionaries, traders and gentlemen-adventurers into the 
 mysterious west which Frenchmen had discovered and explored forty years before G-over- 
 nor Spottiswood and his gay following of Virginia gentlemen had crossed the Blue Ridge 
 and saw the beauty of the Shenandoah Valley. The only practical result of that holiday 
 trip of an English cavalier was the presentation of a pretty golden horseshoe to the 
 gallant gentlemen who, in honour of the occasion, were named the "knights of the golden 
 horseshoe" ; ^ but La Salle actually explored the country of the Illinois, descended the 
 Mississippi and gaA^e to France the right to claim that great valley, which is now the 
 home of many millions of people, inhabiting a rich country which seemed, at one time, 
 destined to become a part of a mighty French empire in America. When the House of 
 Hanover gave a king to England, there were already French posts and missions at 
 important points on the great lakes and iu the northwest, discovered by the French 
 explorers during the closing years of the seventeenth century: at Frontenac, on the head 
 of the St. Lawrence River ; at Detroit, between Lakes Huron and Erie ; at Ste. Marie, 
 between Lakes Huron and Superior ; at Mackinaw (Michillimacinac), between Lakes 
 Huron and Michigan ; at Foit Miami, on the Si. Joseph at the foot of Lake Michigan ; at 
 St. Louis, on the Illinois ; at Kaskakia, on the upper Mississippi ; at Mobile, on the Grulf 
 of Mexico.^ These posts were the evidences of France's growing power in North America, 
 the first steps towards the realization of that ambitious policy which, in the middle of 
 the eighteenth century, laid claim to the Ohio Valley and attempted to confine the Eng- 
 lish colonies between the sea and the Alleghanies. 
 
 The fortifications of Louisbourg' were commenced in 1*720 and cost the French nation 
 thirty millions of livres or about six million dollars, or taking into account the greater 
 
 ' See Cooke's " Virginia," in tlie American Commonwealth Series (Boston, 1884) pp. 314, 315 ; Hins bale's " Old 
 Northwest" (N.Y., 1891) i. 17, 18; the latter quotes Waddell's " Annals of Augusta Co.," pp. 6-9. 
 
 ' For a brief sketch of the colonization of the Northwest, and the establishment of a chain of fortified posts 
 between the lake country and the settlements on the St. Lawrence, see Hinsdale's " Old Northwest," i. 38-54. 
 
 ' See large plan of the fortifications appended to this work. 
 
CAPE BBETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 25 
 
 value of money in those days over ten million dollars of our money, and even then they 
 were never completed in accordance with the original design, on accouut of the enormous 
 expense which far exceeded the original estimates, and of the reluctance of the French 
 king to spend money in America when it was required to meet the lavish expenditure 
 of mistresses and the cost of wars of ambition in Europe. The walls of the fortifications 
 were chiefly built of a porphyritic trap —a prevailing rock in the vicinity. ' A considerable 
 
 French Medal struck at foundation of fortifications of Louisbourg.^ 
 
 portion of the finer materials used in the construction of the brick and stone masonry of 
 the fortifications and buildings was actually brought from France, — as ballast probably in 
 the fishing fleet from year to year — but it is also well known that a good deal of the 
 timber and brick was purchased from traders of New England who had no objection to 
 earn an honest penny, even among a people whom they at once despised and hated, and 
 some of whom, in all probability, helped at a later time to demolish the very walls for 
 which they had furnished materials.^ It is stated with such persistence by French 
 officers, that we must believe that there is some truth in it, that the fortifications had been 
 constructed carelessly and worthless sea sand used in mixing the mortar. It is quite 
 probable that in Louisbourg, as in Canada, the officials in charge of the works cheated the 
 government in every possible way in order to amass enough to get out of the country to 
 which many of them had a strong aversion. 
 
 ^ Dr, Gesner's "Industrial Resources of Nova Scotia," p. 308. "The quarry," he is writing of a visit to the ruins 
 in 1849, " is seen about half a mile from the town. 'J he stones were employed in their rough state. With them 
 I found a handsome cut rock, closely resembling the Portland stone of England. I have been informed that this 
 rock was obtained by the French at Mira Eiver, but I have never seen any like it in America. Pieces of fine 
 polished marble were also found among the ruins of the governor's dwelling." See App. XVI to this book for a 
 reference to Dr. Gesner's work on Nova Scotia. 
 
 2 From the collection of Mr. McLachlan, Montreal. See App. XII to this work. — No. 1 in list. 
 
 ' The New England merchants were always ready to take advantage of their position and make money out of 
 England and France according to existing circumstances. Sir Hovendeu Walker, admiral of the fleet that met with 
 disaster in 1711, while in the Gulf of St. Lawrence on the way to attack Quebec, (see supra sec. XI) tells us in his 
 account of the ill-fated expedition, that while in Boston, for the purpose of obtaining supplies, Mr. Belcher, a rich 
 and leadin" man of the province, refused to continue his contract to furnish provisions, because he could not get 
 the exorbitant prices he asked. (See pp. 64, 65 of Journal.) Some of the captains of the ships expressed the 
 opinion that " Belcher designed to buy up all the provisions to be had in the country to enhance the prices and so 
 make the whole advantage to his own private interest." Mr. Peter Faneuil— a famous name in Boston still— was 
 also remarkable for " the exorbitance of his prices." (See pp. 11,12 of Journal.) Puritan and Profit appear to 
 have been often synonymous terms in the early history of New England. 
 
 4 
 
26 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 The harbour of Louisbourg lies on the southeastern coast of Cape Breton and is a port 
 very easily made by vessels coming from Europe. The cape from which the island takes 
 its name, and which was always the landfall anxiously looked for by the. Breton, Basque 
 and English mariners in the old times to which I have referred, lies only about two 
 leagues in a northeasterly direction from the most easterly point of the harbour where a 
 lighthouse has always stood since the days of French occupation. The harbour runs 
 from southwest to northeast and has a length of about two miles and an average width of 
 half a mile. It has a depth of from three to six fathoms of water, and affords safe anchorage 
 at all seasons for a large fleet of vessels. It is rarely blocked by drift ice compared with 
 other ports on that coast of Cape Breton and is open all winter, the little northeastern 
 harbour being the only part frozen. It has a remarkably easy entrance from the sea of 
 probably a third of mile in width between the rocky shore of Lighthouse Point and a 
 chain of islets and rocks which form an impassable barrier to any approach from the 
 ocean to the oblong neck of land on the southern shore of the port, where the fortified 
 town of Louisbourg was built by the French. This point rises gradually from the 
 harbour and forms a slight acclivity where the buildings stood, and then gently declines 
 into the low ground, made up of swamp, rocky knolls and scrub, which lies between it 
 and the great bay of G-abarus, which stretches to the southwest for a distance of from a 
 mile and a sixth to four miles from the fortifications, "White Point being the nearest and 
 Freshwater Cove the furthest in this direction. At the southwest extremity of the har- 
 bour there was and is still a little barachois — a name generally given to a pond connected 
 with the sea, — while the port narrows towards the northeast and forms an arm between 
 the western shore and a rocky promontory, covered with scrubby spruce, averaging from 
 a mile and a quarter to half a mile in width. This sheltered arm has been always the 
 favourite anchorage of the fishing boats and schoonei-s from the earliest times. On the 
 most prominent point of the promontory, at the entrance of the harbour, stands the light- 
 house, from which a most magnificent view of the Atlantic can be had on a clear day. 
 On the northeast side the French had a careening wharf where men-of-war could heave 
 down and be repaired. On the opposite shore there were a large number of rude stages 
 where the fishermen made their fish. The shore of the promontory is exceedingly rugged 
 and precipitous in places, but between the lighthouse point and Cape Breton there are 
 three picturesqtiely formed coves or small harbours, which have been always the resort 
 of fishermen, and one of which is memorable as having been the scene of Lord Ochil- 
 tree's abortive attempt to establish the first British colony on the island. The western 
 side of the harbour has a very gradual ascent into the interior of the island, and was 
 covered with a thick grove of small spruce, except where it had been cleared to make 
 room for batteries and buildings and to prevent a cover for an attacking force too close to 
 the town. The hilly country, which practically commands the town on this side of the 
 port, stretches as far as Lake Catalogue, and beyond to the beautiful river and bay of 
 Mira, a distance of about twelve miles. On this river, in the course of time, French 
 people had comfortable farms and even gardens, and here and there the visitor can still 
 see the narcissus growing among the ruins of their old homes and the stumps of old 
 apple and plum trees which had been evidently planted by these early inhabitants of 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 27 
 
 the island.' On the same river there was also a settlement of G-ermans, probably from 
 Alsace-Lorraiue.- 
 
 The fortifications enclosed an area of over one hundred acres, and had a circumference 
 of about two and one-half miles. They were planned on the best system as laid down by 
 Vauban and other great masters of engineering skill, and were intended to be, as indeed 
 they were, despite their faulty construction, the most complete example of a strongly for- 
 tified city in America. Writers have constantly referred to Louisbourg as " the American 
 Dunkirk," and it is no exaggeration to say that its fortifications can be best compared to 
 that powerful fortress which was for so many years a menace to England on the French 
 coast. The strongest portion of the fortifications was necessarily constructed on the land 
 side, stretching for two-thirds of a mile from the Dauphin or west gate at the northwest- 
 erly angle of the walls or the southern shore of the harbour to within a short distance of 
 the rocky shore at Black Point, and facing the country which stretches to Grabarus Bay, — 
 necessarily the weak side since any attack by land must come from that direction. If we 
 survey the general features of the fortifications, as set forth in the plans and descriptions 
 which have come down to us, we find that the glacis was perfect on the southwest, or 
 land front, as far as the shore extremity of the walls, and a ditch at least eighty feet in 
 breadth extended throughout this distance. An escarpment rose above this ditch, but it 
 was necessary to cross a bridge over a little stream before entering the west or Dauphin 
 gate, which was protected by the Dauphin bastion and a circular battery mounting six- 
 teen 24-pounders. Following the walls we come next to the King's bastion and citadel, 
 which was protected by the glacis, a covered way, and a moat connected with the town 
 by a drawbridge. The citadel was a long, oblong building of stDne, and contained apart- 
 ments for the governor, a barracks and a chapel. In the bastion there were also an arsenal 
 and a magazine, a place d'armes and a parade. Passing on for about five hundred feet, 
 we come to the Queen's bastion, and midway between it and the Princess's bastion was 
 the Queen's gate, which connected the town with the place d'armes at that point by a 
 bridge over the ditch. The Princess's bastion formed the defence of the extreme south- 
 western point of the wall, facing the rocky shore. From this point, for a distance of about 
 two hundred yards, the defences consisted only of a rampart for small arms and a palisade, 
 the rocky shore and shallow water being here well covered by the fire of the bastions. In 
 
 ^ Jamea Gibson, who belonged to Brigadier-General Waldo's regiment in 1745, gives an account in his journal 
 (see App. X to this work) of two fine farms on a neck of land in the west-northwest part of the island, about 
 twenty-five miles from the Grand Battery. " First we came to a very handsome house, with two large barns, two 
 large gardens and fine fields of corn. * * * The other was a fine stone edifice, six rooms on a floor and well fur- 
 nished. There was a fine walk before it, and two barns contiguous to it, with fine gardens and fields of wheat. 
 In one of these barns were fifteen loads of hay, and room sufficient for sixty horses and cattle." As Gibson 
 speaks of a house " situated at the mouth of a large salmon fishery," Brown ("Hist, of C B.," p. 222n) is probably 
 right in his conjecture that the farms were situated near the confluence of the Mira and Salmon rivers— a fertile 
 and beautiful country. 
 
 ' Writing to the French minister in 1753, M, Provost, the intendant, has the following remarks on the subject : 
 " I had the honour of announcing the location of the German village on the border of the Grand Lake of Mira. It 
 is there Count Raymond told me he wished to place it, but I have since then indirectly heard that the settlement 
 had been changed to the grand Mira road, one league from the lake and at the foot of the Devil's Mountain. I 
 hope I am wrong in this particular, but it is in the knowledge of everybody that the poorest land for the purpose 
 has been chosen, and the grant of one arpent [nearly two English acres] as frontage to each lot is far too narrow." 
 See •' Correspondance Generate, Archives Coloniales de la Marine " (Paris), vol. xxxiii, c. 11, fol. 100. 
 
S8 CAPE BEETON AHD ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 the siege of 1'745, however, it was considered necessary to add a picquet line for addi- 
 tional defence. The Maurepas and Brouillan bastions protected Rochefort Point, from 
 which stretched to the southeast the rocks and island which guarded the harbour from 
 the ocean. Beyond the Maurepas bastion there was a large pond, over which was built a 
 long bridge of timber, communicating in a northwesterly line with the battery de la 
 greve, which mounted ten guns and was the most important work on the harbour front 
 of the town. The beach between the latter battery and the Dauphin bastion formed a 
 little cove, which was protected by the cross-fire from those points, and over which 
 stretched a boom in 1*7 45 to guard against fireships and to prevent the English from 
 landing from boats on that side of the town. The wall around this cove was made of 
 stone and earth, with a banquette and parapet for the use of musketeers. Here there 
 were four gates communicating with the shore, chiefly for the purpose of bring- 
 ing in supplies. Close by, within the walls, were the ordnance and general store- 
 houses of the town. Accounts vary as to the number of cannon that were actually 
 mounted within the circuit of the walls, but there were at the time of the first siege in 
 1745, embrasures for one hundred and forty-eight guns, and at the time of the second 
 attack, thirteen years later, additional defences, including a battery of twenty-four guns, 
 were erected at Rochefori Point. The town itself was well laid out in regular 
 streets, six running east and west and seven north and south, crossing each other at right 
 angles. A fine hospital and nunnery, built of stone, stood about the centre of the town. 
 Connected with the hospital of St. Jean de Dieu was a small chapel. The residences of 
 the people were generally small wooden structures on brick or stone foundations from 
 six to seven and a half feet from the ground. "In some houses," says one writer who was 
 in the town in 1'745, "the whole ground floor was of stone and the stories of wood."^ 
 
 If we are to judge from a return of the buildings used by the military establishment 
 in 1153,^ the accommodation for officials of the government and the officers and soldiers 
 of the garrison was in many ways tinsatisfactory. The barracks and officers' quarters 
 were too small and otherwise inadequate. In a place of the importance of Louisbourg, 
 one would expect to find all the public buildings constructed of solid masonry, and every 
 means taken to render them as safe as possible in times of war. The return in question 
 shows, however, that the public buildings erected by the French themselves were for the 
 most part of stone masonry, and that the wooden and other structures of a flimsy char- 
 acter in the town had been hastily erected by the English while in possession of the 
 place from 1745-49. In most cases these buildings were allowed to remain in use until 
 1758, when the guns of the besiegers made sad havoc in the wooden erection known as 
 the English barracks. Shingles were largely used on the roofs of public as well as 
 private buildings, and the dangers of the inhabitants in times of siege consequently 
 increased to a criminal degree. As a matter of fact, Louisbourg appears to have been a 
 town which, in its original design, was intended to be a place of impregnable strength, 
 but which, through the parsimony of the French government, and the mismanagement 
 and dishonesty of officials, had not realized the ideas of its founders in point of security. 
 
 1 " A Voyage to South America, etc.," by Don George Juan and Don Antonia de Ulloa, (see infra, sec. V, and 
 App. X to this worli), the latter of whom describes Louisbourg in 1745. 
 
 ^ See App. XVII to this worli for an official (French) enumeration of the officers' quarters, barracks, guar J- 
 houses, powder magazines and other houses connected with the military establishment of Louisbourg in 1753. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 29 
 
 The fortifications were indeed only completed a year or so before 1'745, and then, 
 after it was given up by the English in 1748, it was in the possession of the French only 
 ten years. Under the circumstances there must have been always a considerable uncer- 
 tainty as to the future of the town, and the merchants who frequented it could hardly 
 have gone to any heavy expenditure in a place of which they expected to make only 
 a temporary home. During the years it was in the occupation of the French, there were 
 probably, on the average, nearly two thousand people living in the town, but this number 
 was increased in the time of war by the inhabitants of the surrounding countiy — G-ab- 
 arus, Mira and Lorembec — who came there for protection. The garrison, in time of peace, 
 reached one thousand men, and in addition to the force there was a detachment of troops 
 stationed at the royal battery, one at the island battery, one at Port Toulouse and another 
 at Port Dauphin. The island battery just mentioned consisted of thirty-two forty-two 
 pounders, and protected the entrance of the harbour. The royal or great battery was 
 situated on the western shore of the harbour, immediately facing the entrance, and was 
 quite a formidable work, constructed with a moat and bastions on the land side, and 
 mounting forty-four guns, twenty-eight of which were forty-two pounders. Both these 
 works were intended to be important auxiliaries in the defence of the town, and had not 
 the royal battery been suddenly deserted at the very commencement of the siege in 1745, 
 the fortress would hardly have fallen so easily before the attack of Pepperrell and his men. 
 
 III. GrOVEKNMENT AND StATE OF CaPE BkETON DXJKING THE FRENCH Ee(HME. 
 
 The government of Cape Breton was modelled on that of Canada, to which it was 
 subordinate, and consisted of a governor, generally a military man, a king's lieutenant, 
 who was also commander of the forces, of a commissary, of an attorney-general, and of 
 fojir or five councillors. These officials formed a governing body known as the superior 
 council, which had also jurisdiction over the island of St. John, now Prince Edward 
 Island. The governor was the president of the council, but, while he was nominally 
 supreme in military affairs, he was controlled in financial matters by the commissary, 
 who had also charge of the military chest and of all the military stores. This same officer 
 had jurisdiction OA'er the administration of justice, in accordance with the ordinances of 
 the king and the parliament of Paris. An inferior court known as the bailiwick tried 
 civil suits and breaches of the peace, in accordance with the couiume de Paris, but the high 
 court of justice in the colony was the council, to which appeals could be had in all cases, 
 though their decisions might be reversed on reference to the supreme council in France. 
 G-rants of land were made in accordance with the king's instructions by the governor and 
 commissary. The members of the council, exclusive of the officials, were generally chosen 
 from the leading persons of the colony. A court of admiralty, composed of a lieutenant, 
 the attorney-general and a couple of minor officials, acted as a customs' establishment, 
 where the merchants entered their goods and where any infractions of the port regula- 
 tions could be punished by confiscation or fines. Justice, however, appears to have been 
 loosely administered, since the officials were very inadequately paid and had no means of 
 executing their decrees. One writer complains that " there was not even a common hang- 
 man, nor a jail, nor even a tormentor to rack criminals or to inflict penal tortures." The 
 w^riter in question, Thomas Pichon, who lived for some years in the town as secretary to 
 
30 CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 
 
 Count Kaymond when governor of the island, does not express a favourable opinion of 
 the mode in which the affairs of the colony generally were conducted ; but while he is 
 obviously prejudiced in his comments, especially against the clergy and religious orders, 
 one who remembers the peculation and jobbery prevalent for years in Canada during the 
 closing years of the French regime may well believe that the officials at Louisbourg were 
 equally corrupt, especially when we know that the commissary at Louisbourg for some 
 time was Bigot, whose financial administration subsequently at Quebec nearly ruined the 
 Canadian province at a time when it required all its resources to meet the great crisis in 
 its history.' As was always the case in Canada, there was a constant conflict of authority 
 between the governor and the commissary or acting intendant in Louisbourg, whose respec- 
 tive powers appear to have been arranged for the special purpose of creating difficulties 
 and making one a spy upon the other. The fact that the government of Cape Breton was 
 subject to that of Canada did not help to maintain an orderly and peaceful state of things, 
 since in case of dispute weeks and months generally elapsed before a decision on the point 
 at issue could be obtained from the vacillating authorities at Quebec. Pichon gives us 
 some examples of these divisions between the two chief officials. " Whatever the gover- 
 nor proposed," he^ says in one place, " was sure to be contradicted by the commissary. 
 The latter used to deny that the case was so urgent as to require his compliance ; neither 
 would he, without an express order, deliver out the public money, which he has gener- 
 ally in his custody. In the meantime the fortifications were neglected, and a dangerous 
 enemy was ready and able to take advantage of our divisions ; so that before the quarrel 
 between the two rivals in ambition, authority and interest could be decided, the proper 
 precautions were likely to come too late." Though one could hardly blame the 
 commissary for refusing to pay public money except on an express order from the nominal 
 head of the government, it is certain that there was great looseness in the conduct of pub- 
 lic afi'airs as well as a decided conflict of authority among those in office. Unhappily, 
 too, for the colony, the officers of justice were often appointed without reference to their 
 legal qualifications. When they were not military men, they were chosen from the 
 inhabitants according to the caprice or favouritism of the governor and intendant, who 
 had joint control over such appointments. At one time, for instance, the judge of the 
 admiralty, who was also the judge of the inferior court of justice, had been a "journeyman 
 wigmaker." It is quite easy to believe, then, that "this magistrate and the others of 
 subordinate jurisdiction grew extremely rich, since they are interested in diffijrent 
 branches of commerce, particularly the contraband." 
 
 The religious wants of Louisbourg and of other parts of Cape Breton were under the 
 ministration of a number of missionaries, some of whom laboured for years among the 
 Micmacs, when there was probably not another white man on the island. In addition to 
 the priests, there were at Louisbourg some members of a religious community in charge 
 
 1 " With the fall of Louisbourg, where he had acted as commissary, etc., coincides very closely the arrival in 
 Canada of iDtendant Bigot, who, by his shameless robberies, prepared the way to the abyss of ruin into which 
 New France was to be precipitated eleven years later. This degraded being would seem to have inoculated his 
 subordinates with all his own vices as soon as he reached Canada ; for, previous to his coming, we find again and 
 again in the letters of the governors and intendants reference to the probity and zeal of Varin, Morin, Martel and 
 others, all of whom were afterwards the accomplices of the infaiiious intendant." See Marraette in "Canadian 
 Archives," 1887, cxxxv. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 31 
 
 of the hospital, as well as several nuns belonging to the Congregation de Notre-Dame,' 
 which had been founded by the pious Sister Bourgeoys in the infancy of the Canadian 
 colony, for the education of young girls'^ The hospital brothers also acted as physicians 
 for the whole community in the absence of any regular doctors and druggists, apart from 
 the surgeons of the troops. No mention is made by any writer of schools for the children, 
 of whom there must have been a considerable number since there were, at least, between 
 three and four thousand people in the island at one time and another from 1748 to 1758. 
 In all probability, in Cape Breton as in Canada, education was exclusively in the hands 
 of the priests and the religious orders. 
 
 The codfishery was of course the staple industry of the people, and was carried on 
 chiefly at Louisbourg and the adjacent bays. During the French occupation, New Eng- 
 land fishermen were also largely engaged in the deep sea fisheries, and had for years a 
 depot at Canseau, and many of them were in the habit of selling their cargoes to the 
 French, although it was contrary to the French regulations. Nearly all the staple articles 
 required for the use of the colony were brought from France. Before the place fell into 
 the possession of England in 1758, the anticipations of the Eaudots were in course of 
 realization, and Louisbourg was obtaining some importance as a port of call for the West 
 Indian and Canadian fleets. In the autumn of 1744, the fleet that sailed from Louisbourg 
 consisted of three men of war, six India ships, thirty-one other ships, nine brigantines, 
 five "snows" ' and two schooners, mostly engaged in the "West Indian trade. A small 
 trade also grew up between Louisbourg and the West Indies and the ports of Boston and 
 New York, although both the English and French governments prohibited direct com- 
 mercial relations between the island and their colonies, since it was the practice of those 
 days to confine all commerce to the vessels of their own nations. The French authorities 
 on the island, however, for their own reasons, wnnked at an illicit trade in fish and various 
 articles of English and colonial production, and a good deal of smuggling was carried on 
 for years at Louisbourg and other ports of Cape Breton. Sugar, coflee and tobacco from 
 the French West Indies, and wines and brandy from France, found their way on board 
 New England vessels in exchange for codfish, brick, boards, meal and various colonial 
 commodities. As early as 1725 we find there were a number of New England vessels 
 carrying on this trade regularly with Louisbourg. One of them, we read, took a whole 
 cargo of claret and brandy for the use of the people of New York, who were, even in 
 those days, as fond of good living as they are row.* 
 
 The value of the fisheries aud commerce of Cape Breton necessarily varied from year 
 to year on account of the constantly recurring wars between France and England, and 
 the consequent derangement of trade in the French possessions in America. Elsewhere^ 
 will be found some interesting details of fisheries and trade gathered from official sources 
 of information in Paris. The French government took great pains to obtain regular 
 
 ' This congregation, whose parent house is still in Montreal, has now 'Ranches at Sydney, Arichat and West 
 Arichat or Acadiaville. (See infra, sec. X.) 
 
 "" See Faillon, "Histoire de la Colonie Franfaise en Canada" (Montreal, 1865), ii. 284-286. 
 
 ' A "snow" is described in the nautical dictionaries as "a vessel equipped with two masts resembling the main 
 and foremasts of a ship and a third small mast just abaft the main mast, carrying a sail nearly similar to a ship's 
 mizzen." But Preble (New Eng. Hist, and Gen. Reg., 1868, p. 396) says the largest two-masted vessels were sometimes 
 called, "snows" or "galleys." 
 
 « Murdoch, "Hist, of N. S.," i. 430. ^ See App. XVIII to this work. 
 
32 CAPE BEBTON AKD ITS IIEMOEIALS. 
 
 reports from its officers in America of everything touching the government, and the social, 
 religious, and commercial condition of every one of its colonies, including Cape Breton. 
 One estimate of the Cape Breton fisheries — a " supputation," as it is called in the French 
 document — obviously from an English source, gives 560 as the total number of brigantiues, 
 shallops, and other craft, and 3,400 as the total number of men employed in that branch 
 of business in Cape Breton, previous to the taking of Louisbourg in 1*745. The total 
 quantity of fish yearly made in the island is estimated at 186,000 quintals, valued at 
 about i;93,000 sterling. The total value of the fisheries of the Grulf and Newfoundland, 
 more or less dependent on the possession by France of the Island, and the maintenance of 
 a strong fortress at one of its ports, is given at i;981, 692.10 sterling. At the time in 
 question, it was estimated by the same authority that there were at least 414 vessels and 
 24,520 men engaged in the Gulf fisheries, and that the value of the annual catch was 
 probably ill, 152,000 sterliug. This estimate is evidently calculated with a view to give 
 the English government the most favourable view^ of the importance of Cape Breton, and 
 to prevent them restoring it to the French.^ The official statements of the French, now 
 accessible in the French archives, do not bear out the large estimate just mentioned. The 
 official report of 1*753 ^ to the French government gives the following statistics of the 
 value of the fisheries and trade of Cape Breton in that year : — 
 
 THE FISHERIES. 
 
 Vessels of all classes employed 300 
 
 -r, , , f 98,450 quintals 
 
 P™<iiots \ 11,547 bbls. of oil 
 
 Estimated value in French livres 2,084,450 
 
 TRADE. 
 
 Imports from France, West Indies, in French livres'' 2,176,220 
 
 Exports 1,520,825 
 
 The difference betw^een the imports and exports, 645,395 livres — and a similar state of 
 things existed in most years— indicates on the face of the return a large balance against 
 the colony, but it may be accounted for in several ways. First of all, the imports 
 probably include a large quantity of provisions, clothing, and other goods sent out by the 
 government for the use of the garrison and officials, and which of course demanded no 
 commercial returns. A good deal of the merchandise entered at Louisbourg was sent for 
 sale on commission, and no returns were made available until another year. A considerable 
 
 ^ Brown ("Hist, of C. B.," p. 340) gives an estimate of the French fisheries which is obviously very much 
 exaggerated. The whole catch before 1758 is given at nearly a million of quintals and the number of decked 
 vessels at 72G and of shallops at 1,555, employing altogether fifteen thousand men. Louisbourg appears by this 
 statement to have alone employed 600 vessels and shallops and 8,400 men. This estimate is so much beyond 
 even the "supputation" mentioned in the text, and so entirely at variance with the several official statements 
 given in App. XVIII to this work, and all others that I have been able to consult in the English or French archives 
 that it is impossible to accept it as authoritative in any particular. Brown received the statement from a well 
 known resident of Cape Breton, but it will be seen that the original source of information is not given by him. 
 Itis just possible that it includes the French vessels that came out every spring for the fishery and returned ia 
 the autumn to France ; but even so, it is altogether improbable that in the two years before 1758— a time of war— 
 the fishing industry should have been prosecuted with bo much energy ofi'Cape Breton. The figures we give for 
 1753, from French official sources, assuredly illustrate the most favourable conditions of industry and commerce from 
 1749 to 1758 in the island. 
 
 2 See App. XVIII (IV.) to this work. 
 
 ' A livre was worth about Is. 4d. of EngHsh money, or Ifr. 66 centimes of French money, present values. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 33 
 
 amount was also paid for in cash or by bills of exchange on France. West Indian goods 
 were largely sold to New England vessels for specie or in exchange for a small class of 
 schooners (goelettes) which Cape Breton fishermen and traders found well adapted to 
 their coasts and business. The value of those vessels in 1*753 was 284,230 livres. The 
 value of the codfish exported from the colony in 1*753 appears alone in the official returns 
 of exports, and does not represent the value of the total annual catch which, according to 
 the figures given above, was only 90,000 livres below the value of the total importations, 
 which, as already conjectured, included goods paid for by the government in France and 
 representing no obligations on the part of traders. In all probability the merchants as a 
 rule carried on a lucrative business in times of peace. It was only the fishermen who 
 sufiered and were left in a state of dependence on account of the high prices they had to 
 pay for their outfit and provisions. 
 
 The people of Louisbourg largely depended on the French Acadian settlements at 
 Bay Yerte, and on the island of St. John eventually, for supplies of meat and vegetables. 
 Only at Port Toulouse, Mira and a few other places was there ever any attempt at culti- 
 vation of the soil.' Some years, however, before Cape Breton passed into the possession 
 of England by the treaty of 1*762, the French were beginning to learn that the island was 
 not the bleak, inhospitable tract it was at first believed to be, but had fine agricultural capa- 
 bilities. The farms and gardens, however, were very few in number during the French 
 rule, and the principal occupation of the people was the fishery of cod. Around Louis- 
 bourg the soil and climate forbid any extensive cultivation, and even now the grass only 
 grows in luxuriance above the ruins of the old town. Many of the fishermen, from all 
 accounts, seem to have eked but a poor livelihood from the fisheries themseh^es. It was 
 then, as in later times of the history of the Cape Breton fisheries, a battle for existence 
 between the fisherman and the trader who supplied him in advance with the means of 
 carrying on his industry. The prices charged for supplies to this class of toilers were 
 always enormous, and as a consequence they were never out of debt. Very many of 
 these fishermen were brought out from France, on certain conditions, for a fixed number 
 of years, and were on that account called " engages." It was found necessary for the 
 government to encourage the employment of these men, as the French were very reluct- 
 ant to leave their old homes in France, and seek a livelihood in the island. The fisber- 
 men of Bretagne and Normandie have for centuries risked their lives on the coasts of 
 Cape Breton and Newfoundland, but they have always returned to France in the fall 
 when their work is completed. The French system of colonization was never calculated 
 to build up a great colony in the days when Canada and Cape Breton were French 
 dependencies.^ But under no circumstances was there ever the same readiness on the 
 
 1 See Brown, " Hist, of C. B.," 222. 
 
 * " The first thing which strikes one on reading tlie correspondence of the governors and officials at lie Royale 
 is the neglect invariably manifestei by France towards the new colony, from its foundation in 1713 down to the 
 fall of Louisbourg in 1758. Then the indolence of the settlers is another point which soon becomes evident. In 
 place of seeking their support from the soil, we find the people trying to live almost wholly by fishing, while the 
 upper class strove to live at the king's expense. Fishing, with its prompt profits and easy returns— at that period 
 particularly,— first attracted the attention and absorbed all the energies of the first settlers on the island ; for we 
 find M. de St. Ovide de Brouillan, the governor, complaining to the minister as early as 1717 that the inhabitants 
 paid but little attention to the cultivation of the soil. This improvidence increased with the lapse of time, and later 
 on we find the authorities at Louisbourg making constant appeals to the court of France and to the intendants of 
 Canada for help and grain" at times when the latter colony was itself in the throes of famine, resulting from suc- 
 cessive bad harvests." M. Marmette in " Can. Archives," 1888, cxxxvii. 
 
84 CAPE BEETON AlND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 part of the French peasanhy and middle class, as there was among the English, to seek 
 their fortunes in the new world. The greatest inducements that the French government 
 could offer to immigration to their colonies had placed only some eighty thousand people in 
 the valleys of the St. Lawrence and Louisiana when they passed from the possession of 
 France in 1160, against nearly a million and a quarter in the English settlements on the 
 Atlantic coast, which had been left to fight their own way, under the inflaence of that 
 indomitable spirit of colonization which has always distinguished the English race since the 
 commencement of the seventeenth century, when they first entered on the conquest of 
 the continent of America. 
 
 The Indians of Cape Breton belonged to the tribe of Micmacs or Souriquois, who are 
 members of the great Algonquin family, whose representatives were found scattered over 
 half a continent, even at the foot-hills of the Rocky Mountains. The Micmacs frequented 
 the eastern portions of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Cape Breton, and their number 
 probably ranged from three to four thousand while the French occupied those countries. 
 They became converts to the Church of Rome, through the instrumentality of the Recol- 
 lets, and were always afterwards firm allies of France from the beginning to the end of 
 the conflict with England. It does not appear that they ever lived in any number on the 
 southeastern part of the island during the French occupation, but only made their appear- 
 ance at Louisbourg at certain seasons for the purpose of trading or communicating with 
 the French governor. Their favourite resorts were the islands and shores of the Bras d'Or 
 lake, and they were accustomed to go to Port Toulouse to sell their furs and obtain sup- 
 plies of provisions and ammunition. They are generally described by the old historians 
 of New England as having been more cruel and viudictive than the majority of the Cana- 
 dian Indians, but in all probability they were no worse in any respect than the other 
 savage tribes who were constantly making raids on the English settlements. They had 
 a deep affection for the French, who took every pains to cultivate their alliance, and 
 never treated them as a subject people. The Roman Catholic Church had always the 
 same remarkable influence over them that it has exercised over all the Indians with 
 whom its zealous, self-sacrificing missionaries hav^e come into contact in America. Living 
 with them from year to year, ministering to their spiritual and physical wants, acting as 
 their friends and advisers in all their affairs, suffering the same privations that they did 
 in times of destitution and war, making their very superstitions subservient to the pur- 
 poses of religion, the Roman Catholic missionaries were able to exercise a power and 
 influence among the Indians that a Protestant priest has never possessed. No doubt 
 some of their priests, like Le Loutre in Acadie, and Rasle on the Kennebec, were the 
 persistent enemies of the English settlements, and always led the Indians to believe that 
 the French would eventually triumph in America. 
 
 IV. Oeigin and History of the New Engla-Nd Expedition against Louisboukg 
 
 IN 1145. 
 
 During the thirty years that elapsed between the treaty of Utrecht and the breaking 
 out of war again between France and G-reat Britain, the people of New England found 
 that the merely nominal possession of Acadie by the English was of little security to 
 them, while the French still held the island of Cape Breton and had the fealty of the 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 35 
 
 Indians and Acadians who were always looking forward to the restoration of the country 
 to its former owners. It was with feelings of apprehension that the English colonists 
 saw a walled town slowly rising on the southeastern coast of Cape Breton. The accounts 
 that were brought to them from time to time by New England vessels of the formidable 
 proportions of a fortress to which there was no parallel in America-not even in Quebec 
 from a purely engineering point of view— showed them that they had after all achieved 
 but little when they had captured the relatively insignificant post of Port Eoyal. As 
 long as the^ French had control of Cape Breton and were able to maintain its fortress, 
 there was no dependence to be placed on the Acadian French, who, very reluctantly, after 
 the cession of Acadie, had been persuaded to take an oath of allegiance to the English 
 sovereign, and then there is no doubt with a reservation in some cases that they should 
 not be called upon to bear arms in the case of war against their old compatriots. The 
 Acadians, it was evident, would be restless as long as the French flag floated above the 
 cifadel in the king's bastion of Louisbourg. From 1*720 to 1'745 the Abenakis of the east, 
 instigated by French emissaries, tomahawked the helpless English colonists that had 
 made their homes in the present state of Maine, in the vicinity of the Kennebec and the 
 Penobscot. From Annapolis to Canseau the Micmacs destroyed life and property, and 
 kept the English posts in constant fear. The French governor at Louisbourg endeavoured 
 to divert from himself the blame for the acts of his Indian allies ; but the evidence is 
 clear that the Micmacs bolieved that they were doing their French friends good service, 
 and assisting to restore to them their old rights in Acadie. New England took a signal 
 revenge at last on the cruel and treacherous Abenakis, and inflicted on them a blow from 
 which they never recovered. "With them perished the dauntless and unselfish Easle, 
 who for his fidelity to his religion and his country is a hero to the Frenchman, and for his 
 supposed hatred of the English and the protestantism of the colonists is the object of the 
 contumely of the English historian of those days of trial. A peace was then made between 
 the colonists and the Indians, but New England felt she had no efiicient security for its 
 continuance while Acadian and Indian could look to the great fortress of the Cape Breton 
 coast as the representative of France on this continent, and as powerful evidence that she 
 was not yet willing to give up the contest for dominion in America. 
 
 "We have now come to a period in the history of America and Europe when events 
 were shaping themselves for the humiliation of France and the triumph of England. 
 Despite the strong resistance of "Walpole, the great peace minister, England had gone to 
 war with Spain in 1739 in response to the clamour of the commercial and middle classes 
 who were bent on breaking down entirely the trade monopoly, so long enjoyed by the 
 Spaniards in America. The treaty of Utrecht had given England a share in the infamous 
 slave trade, and was the first blow against the mercantile monopoly of Spain. It was 
 now determined to destroy her power on the Spanish Main and open her ports to the 
 commercial enterprise of Englishmen. France looked with dissatisfaction at this effort of 
 England to extend her trade and influence in America. Even the great minister Fleury, 
 despite his desire to maintain peace, was forced by public opinion to prevent England 
 from appropriating to itself the entire commerce of the "West Indies. " France," he said, 
 " though it has no treaty with Spain, cannot consent that the Spanish colonies should fall 
 into English hands." ^ Statesmen looking at the state of Europe at this critical juncture 
 
 1 Bancroft, " Hist of the U. S.," ii. SCO. 
 
36 CAPE BEBTON AHD ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 saw that the great nations were on the eve of a general war. The question of the Austrian 
 succession had been a menace to Europe for years, and it was at last to culminate in a 
 conflict which, despite the short truce of Aix-la-Chapelle in IHS, never ended until the 
 treaty of Paris in 1763. France had been pledged to the Pragmatic Sanction by which 
 Charles YI, Emperor of G-ermany, provided that his hereditary dominions should pass to 
 his daughter Maria Theresa. When the Emperor died, France believed that the oppor- 
 tunity had come for breaking up the dominions of her great rival and increasing her own 
 power on the continent of Europe. We can sympathize with the ambitions and necessi- 
 ties of the Austrian queen fighting for her kingdom and her child, but we look in vain 
 for generous or honourable motives among those who were either her allies or her foes in 
 the progress of that memorable war. France coveted the Netherlands, and Spain, Milan ; 
 Frederick of Prussia had no higher desire than to grasp Silesia and to drive Austria from 
 G-ermany. The king of England was jealous of Prussia and thought more of his 
 Hanoverian throne than of his English crown. It became the interest of England to 
 assist Austria and prevent the success of France, now the ally of Spain, forced to defend 
 her colonial possessions in America. It is wearisome to follow the intrigues and compli- 
 cations that the history of these times presents, and their only interest for us is the effect 
 which the war that broke out between England and France in 1*744 had on the destinii's 
 of their respective colonies on this continent. From 1*740 to 1*744 England had no reason 
 to congratulate herself on the results of the war either in Europe or America. Her fleet 
 met only with disaster, and her commerce was destroyed on the Spanish Main. Four 
 years later she won a victory over the Spanish fleet' in the Mediterranean, but hardly had 
 her people ceased celebrating the event than they heard that the combined forces of 
 Hanover, Holland and England under the Duke of Cumberland had been badly beaten at 
 Fontenoy. 
 
 Those were days of gloom in England as her statesmen and people surveyed the situ- 
 ation on Europe, and saw their interests sacrificed by the stubborn ambition of the king 
 and the incompetency of his ministers. At last when the prospect was darkest, there 
 appeared a glimmer of light above the western horizon across the seas. " "We are now 
 making bonfires for Cape Breton and thundering over G-enoa," wrote Horace "Walpole, 
 " while our army is running away in Flanders." * For the strongest fortress in French 
 America, Englishmen heard with amazement, had surrendered to the attack of four thou- 
 sand colonial fishermen, farmers and merchants, called suddenly from their industrial 
 occupations, to achieve one of the most audacious acts in colonial history — certainly the 
 most memorable in the records of the colonies until the war of independence thirty years 
 later. 
 
 In recording the history of this famous episode of colonial times, writers have some- 
 times hesitated to say to whom should be attributed the honour of suggesting a project 
 which, when first seriously mentioned, seemed to be too bold to be realized by men who 
 were ignorant of those scientific rules which were absolutely essential to a siege of 
 fortifications illustrating the genius of the best engineering skill of those times. It is 
 admitted on all sides that one of the first persons to advocate the scheme was "William 
 Vaughan of New Hampshire, who is described by one writer as "a whimsical, wild pro- 
 jector," words which have been before applied to the originators of projects which have 
 
 ' " Letters to Horace Mann," July 26, 1745. 
 
CAPE BEBTOK AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 37 
 
 eventually achieved a success never anticipated when first mooted. It is also certain 
 that Lieutenant-Governor Clarke of New York, as early as 1741, in a communication to 
 the Duke of Newcastle, dwelt on the advisability of taking Cape Breton, and of main- 
 taining there and at Plaisauce in Newfoundland, a sufficient number of ships and troops 
 to guard the fisheries and to cut off the communications between Canada and the Mis- 
 sissippi, so that eventually that country would become an easy conquest.' In all prob- 
 ability the necessity of capturing Louisbourg was a subject of frequent discussion in 
 those days when the English colonists surveyed the situation in America, and its 
 importance in the scheme of French domination, but no one in authority seems to 
 have moved in the matter until Governor Shiiley of 
 Massachusetts, a man of great sagacity and energy — 
 one of the ablest statesmen of early colonial times — 
 placed it in a practical shape before the people and 
 the legislatures of the colonies. One thing is quite 
 certain that the success of the enterprise from its beginning to its end must be attributed 
 to the energy and daring of the colonists, and no English statesman ever ventured to 
 suggest it. 
 
 If ever there was an instance of the truth of the old adage that "fortune favours the 
 brave," it was the case of the New England expedition against Louisbourg. From the 
 moment of the declaration of war until the capture of the town there was a succession, 
 and, in fact, a combination of events which aided the success of the project. Although 
 war was declared in the March of 1'744, the news reached Louisbourg at least two months 
 before it was known in Boston, and the result was that the French governor, Duquesnel, 
 contrary to the orders of the government of France, immediately sent out an expedition 
 in the expectation of surprising the English ports in Nova Scotia, and bringing the 
 country under the control of France before the English could take adequate measures for 
 its defence. At that time there were only some seventy or eighty soldiers altogether at 
 the little port of Canseau, which was soon forced to surrender. The garrison and the few 
 inhabitants in the place were at once taken to Louisbourg on the understanding that they 
 would be allowed to return to England or to an English colony within a year. It was the 
 intention of the French then to attack Port Royal, where there was at the time only an insig- 
 nificant garrison in the old fort, of which the ramparts and works generally were in a 
 wretched state. A body of some three hundred Micmac and Malecite Indians, led by two 
 or three Frenchmen, among whom was the bold and unscrupulous priest, Le Loutre, one 
 of the most inveterate enemies of the English in America, made their appearance before 
 the fort on the first of July, but happily, Colonel Mascarene, the governor of Nova Scotia, 
 then in command at Port Itoyal, was a man of great spirit and determination, and he 
 succeeded in repulsing the savages who, like all Indians, never showed any disposition 
 to attack the most ordinary fort defended by cannon. Happily for the English, the fort 
 was well mounted with guns and when at last reinforcements, for which Mascarene had 
 managed to send to Boston, made their appearance, the Indians retired ; and on the later 
 arrival of the French under Duvivier, who had previously taken Canseau, Governor 
 Mascarene was able to resist attack, and his men felt additional confidence from their 
 
 1 " N. Y. Col. Doc," vi. 184. (See App. X to this work.) 
 
38 CAPE BEETON AI^TD ITS MEMORIALS. 
 
 previous success in beating oflFthe Indians. Duvivier was a descendant of the La Tours ^ 
 who had been, in the previous century, seigneurs of Acadie under the French regime, 
 and he confidently expected, on coming into Nova Scotia, he would find the Acadians at 
 Chignecto and Mines, where he lingered for some days before going on to Port Eoyal, 
 quite ready to supply him with men and provisions, but to his dismay the people received 
 him most coldly, and refused his overtures that they should join his expedition. His 
 peremptory and threatening manner, when he found the Acadians unwilling to aid him, 
 only helped to make his visit a thorough failure, and he was forced at last to proceed to 
 Port Eoyal with only half a dozen men or so, whom he had persuaded, or forced at 
 Chignecto to join his force. Duvivier found Mascarene more than his match, and he was 
 obliged to return to Louisbourg where he was received with cold looks and sneers for his 
 mismanagement of the expedition. On his return to France he was censured, not only for 
 breaking the king's orders at the outset, but above all for his tardiness in moving against 
 Annapolis directly after the capture of Canseau when there was a prospect of surprising 
 the garrison. Had he succeeded in taking that place, his disobedience of orders would 
 probably have been soon forgotten, and he would have received praise instead of censure. 
 Nothing wins like success. 
 
 But all these eA^ents had their direct influence on the expedition which New England 
 sent in the spring of 1'745 against Louisbourg. The prisoners who had been captured at 
 Canseau had remained until the autumn in Louisbourg, and the accounts they brought 
 back of its condition gave Shirley and others reason to believe that if an expedition was, 
 without loss of time, sent against it, there would be a fair chance of success. Not Only 
 did they learn that the garrison was small but that it was discontented and a mutiny had 
 actually broken out on account of the soldiers not having received certain additions to 
 their regular pay for work on the fortifications, in accordance with the usage adopted 
 since the occupation of the fortress,^ The ramparts were stated to be defective in more 
 than one place, gales and other causes had delayed the arrival of the ships which arrived 
 every year with provisions and reinforcements. The ill success of Duvivier in his attack 
 on Annapolis, and the avowed reluctance of the Acadians generally at the time to assist 
 their countrymen in Cape Breton, were facts which gave additional confidence to Shirley, 
 Vaughan and many influential men who had already conceived the idea of striking a blow 
 at the French which would give the English control of the whole coast from Cape Sable 
 to the entrance of the St. Lawrence. 
 
 When Shirley first laid his scheme before the general court of Massachusetts in secret 
 session it was rejected as foolish and chimerical in the extreme ; but no wise disconcerted 
 by this failure the politic governor immediately obtained a petition largely signed by 
 New England merchants complaining of the injuries that they had received from French 
 privateers which found a refuge at Louisbourg. This petition induced the general court 
 to reconsider the subject with the result that the project was carried by one voto. 
 Previously to this, however, Shirley had sent a communication to England asking for 
 
 ^ M. Duvivivier was son of Francois du Pont Duvivier, a French officier at I'ort Royal, who was married there 
 on the 12th of January, 1705, to Marie, daugliter of Jacques Mius, seigneur de Ponbomcoup, et .\nne St. Estienne 
 de la Tour, who was a daughter of Charles de la Tour. He was at that time capitaine aide-major of Isle Royal. 
 He was consequently grandson of the original La Tour, and had many relatives in Acadie. See a m^moire on 
 Acadie, 1609-1735, believed to have been drawn up by M. Duvivier, in 1731— Murdoch's "Hist, of N. S."i. 508-510. 
 
 ^ The leaders of the mutineers were severely punished on their return to France. See App. IX to this work. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIAliS. 89 
 
 ■protection for the fisheries of Acadie and New England, but he had not given any definite 
 information with respect to the plan that was then forming itself in his mind. Without 
 waiting for an answer from England he sent .circular letters to all the colonies as far 
 south as Pennsylvania, setting forth the nature of the project and the prospects of its 
 success. Everywhere except in New England it was regarded as a wild Quixotic scheme. 
 Franklin looked upon it as quite impracticable. The issue was that Shirley found 
 himself obliged to depend entirely upon the colonies of Connecticut, Ehode Island, New 
 Hampshire and Massachusetts. It was on the latter that the great burden of the expedition 
 fell. It was exclusively a New England affair, and none of the other colonies can claim 
 even a reflected glory from its success. Pennsylvania and New Jersey are said to have 
 promised to send some provisions and clothing.' New York did a little better, for 
 although G-overnor Clinton could not get any assistance in men from the legislature with 
 which he had some differences at that time on a question of salary, he succeeded in 
 obtaining a loan of ten pieces of small ordnance with carriages, and a quantity of powder 
 and provisions, for which he does not appear to have been ever adequately repaid by the 
 colony. G-overnor Clinton was evidently determined that his efforts to assist the 
 expedition should not be lost sight of, for in his letter to the Duke of Newcastle he called 
 attention to the fact that without these guns "they could not have undertaken the affair," 
 and he had the pleasure of telling the minister " that these very cannon greatly 
 contributed to the reduction of Louisbourg, for which he received the thanks of the 
 general court of Massachusetts Bay in a public manner, though he could hardly get any 
 one to pay for the transportation of them." - Some allowance must, however, be made 
 for the strained relations between the governor and the legislature, and besides it is not 
 surprising that the members of the latter should hesitate to incur very heavy expense in 
 a matter in which none of them had any confidence. "When even the general court of 
 Massachusetts agreed to the scheme by only a majority of one, it was hardly to be expected 
 that the legislatures of other colonies, where the plan did not originate, could be animated 
 by enthusiasm in favour of an undertaking which appeared so likely to end in disaster. 
 
 The expedition was ready to sail on the 23rd of March, and consisted of 4,0*70 men, 
 of whom Massachusetts contributed 3,250, New Hampshire 304, Connecticut 516. Maine, 
 not then separated from Massachusetts, contributed nearly one-third of the whole force 
 on account of the great popularity of Colonel Pepperrell of Kittery on the PiscataqUa, in 
 the villages and towns of the districts where he lived. Ehode Island had promised a 
 force of 150 men, but unfortunately for her share in the glory of the expedition it did not 
 arrive until the battle was won. Pepperrell had command, with the title of lieutenant- 
 general, and it would have been impossible to have made a more judicious selection in 
 the colonies. He had become wealthy in commerce, and held some of the most important 
 positions in New England. He had pleasant manners and thoroughly understood the 
 independent character of the people and the best way of managing them. He had no 
 military experience, but he was a man of excellent judgment and undoubted courage, and 
 
 1 See Usher Parsons, "Life of Pepperrell," p. 57 ; Hildretb, "Hist, of the U.S.," ii. 395. It would appear, 
 however, from the statement of Hutchinson ("History of Massachusetts Bay," ii.,380, n) that these colonies 
 contributed money and provisions only after the reduction of the fortress. Belknap ("History of New Hampshire," 
 ii. 212, n) makes a similar assertion. 
 
 2 See "New York Colonial Documents," vi. 280, 284, 285. 
 
^O CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 those were the qualities not the least necessary in the conduct of an expedition which 
 was in every respect a bold venture not governed by the ordinary rules of military 
 projects. The majority of his officers and men were accustomed to braA^e hardships on 
 sea and land, and were composed of the same materials that afterwards at Bunker Hill, 
 Saratoga, and on many a hard fought field of the revolution showed regular troops that 
 there were other qualities necessary to win battles in America than those possessed by 
 the mere machine soldier. Many of them, it must bo remembered, were accustomed to 
 the use of the gun, and were excellent marksmen. A new England writer ^ 
 tells us that the militia of New Hampshire, as far back as 1*725, " was completely 
 trained for active service ; every man of forty years of age having seen more 
 than twenty years of war. They had been used to handle their arms from the 
 age of childhood, and most of them, by long practice, had become excellent marks- 
 men and good hunters. They were acquainted with the lurking places of the 
 enemy, and possessed a degree of hardiness and intrepidity which can be acquired only 
 by the habitude of those scenes of change and fatigue to which they were daily exposed." 
 But in 1745 the New England colonies had been at peace for many years, and the 
 majority of those who took part in the expedition had never seen actual service. All of 
 them certainly were ignorant of the simplest methods of siege operations, or of the use of 
 heavy ordnance. The expedition was not only very defective in necessary materials of 
 war for such important operations, but w^as without a sufficiency of military stores. 
 They had only some pieces of ordnance which they obtained from New York and Castle 
 Island with great difficulty. The next in command to Pepperrell was Oeneral Wolcott 
 from Connecticut, who had served with Nicholson as far back as lYll, when the invasion 
 of Canada was contemplated, and although well advanced in years was full of life and 
 energy. Samuel "Waldo, of Boston, who had experience in the militia and was also a 
 member of the general council of Massachusetts, was named brigadier-general. He was 
 
 at first chosen as second in command, but the position was 
 
 /7^ ^ ^t^ti^ry/^^ afterwards given to Wolcott, then deputy-governor of 
 
 ^^iiyiAyrO • ^ ^_^-^ Connecticut, on the express condition made by that state 
 
 in furnishing its contingent. Captain Edward Tyng, a 
 capable New England seaman who had captured a French 
 privateer of large size a short time before, was chosen as commodore of the little fleet of 
 thirteen vessels, carrying in all two hundred guns. One of the most useful officers was 
 Richard Gridley, on account of the aptitude he afterwards displayed for artillery service 
 during the siege. 
 
 1 Belknap, " Hist, of New Hampshire," ii. 82, 83. 
 
 2 The officers in Pepperrell's army are given by Parsons, " Life of Pepperrell" (App. B.), as follows : 
 
 1. York County, Pepperrell's Regiment.— Colonel Bradstreet, Lieutenant-Colonel Storer, Major Cutis. Captains 
 Peter Staples, Ephraim Baker, John Fairfield, Bray Bearing, John Kinslagh, John Harmon, Moses Butler, Thomas 
 Perkins, William Warner, Moses Pearson. 
 
 2. Connecticut, General Wolcott's Regiment.— Colonel Burr, Lieutenant-Colonel Lothrop, Major Goodridge. 
 Captains David Wooster, Stephen Lee, Daniel Chapman, William Whiting, Robert Dennison, Andrew Ward, 
 James Church, Henry King. 
 
 3. Cumberland County, Colonel Waldo's Regiment.— Lieutenant-Colonel Noble, Major Hunt. Captains Samuel 
 Moody, John Watls, Philip Damarisque, Benjamin Goldthwait, Daniel Hale, Jacob Stevens, James Noble, Richard 
 Jaques, Daniel Fogg, Joseph Richardson. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 41 
 
 The preparations for Ihe sailing of the expedition resembled a crusade against the 
 hated French. The conditions of the times were ia many respects favourable for enlisting 
 men. Not only were the commercial interests of New England deeply at stake in the 
 reduction of the French fort, and in obtaining possession of an island which con- 
 trolled the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but the religious instincts of the people had been not 
 very long before stirred up by what has ever since been known in colonial history as the 
 "great awakening," which, like revivals in later years, rushed like a powerful wave of 
 religious sentiment, and even of fanaticism, among the masses of the people. Deep in 
 the hearts of the descendants of the Paritau settlers of New England, was a hatred of 
 Rome and its adherents, aud when the call was made against Louisbourg, no doubt it was 
 better obeyed than if there had been no stimulus given to the protestantism of the people 
 by the "great awakening," to which Whitfield, at the time in the country, lent the power 
 of his eloquence.* 
 
 The old Puritan spirit of the colonies asserted itself at this crisis, and supplications 
 went up to Heaven on all sides in the churches and the homes of the people for the suc- 
 cess of an expedition which was to crush Eomanism and its superstitions. The troops 
 were volunteers "in the service of the great Captain of our Salvation." The eminent 
 preacher, "Whitfield, who was still in America, had not given Pepperrell much encourage- 
 
 4. Brigadier Dwight's Regiment. — Colonel of Artillery, Lieutenant-Colonel Tliomas, Major Gardner. 
 
 5. York County, Colonel Moultou's Regiment. — Lieutenant-Colonel Donnell, Major Ellis. Captains John Card, 
 John Lane, Christopher Marshall, James Grant, Charles King, Peter Prescott, Ami R. Cutter, Samuel Rhodes, 
 Bartholomew Trow, Eales Hatch. 
 
 6. Worcester, Colonel Willard's Regiment.— Lieutenant-Colonel Chandler, Major Pomroy. Captains Joshua 
 Pierce, John Terry, John Alexander, David Melvin, John Warner, Jabez Homestead, Joseph Miller, James 
 Goulding, James Stephen's. 
 
 7. Essex, Colonel Hale's Regiment- — Lieutenant-Colonel Eveleigh, Major Titcomb. Captains Benjamin Ives, 
 
 Daniel Eveleigh, Titcomb, John Dodge, Jonathan Bagley, Jere Foster, Samuel Davis, Thomas Stanford, 
 
 Charles Byles. 
 
 8. Bristol, Colonel Richmond's Regiment.— Lieutenant-Colonel Pitts, Major Hodges. Captains Nathaniel Bos- 
 worth, Thomas Gilbert, Josiah Pratt, Robert Swan. Ebenezer Eastman, Cornelius Sole, John Lawrence, Nathaniel 
 Williams, Ebenezer Nichols, Weston. 
 
 9. Colonel Gorham's Regiment.— Lieutenant-Colonel Gorham, Major Thatcher. Captains Jonathan Carey, 
 Elisha Doane, Sylvester Cobb, Israel Bailey, Edward Demmick, Gershom Bradford, Samuel Lombard. 
 
 10. New Hampshire, Colonel Moore's Regiment.— Lieutenant-Colonel Meserve, Major Gilman. Captains 
 Samuel Whitten, William Waldron, True Dudley, Tufton Mason, William Seaward, Daniel Ladd, Henry Sher- 
 burne, John Turnel, Samuel Hale, Jacob Tilton, Edward Williams. 
 
 The colonial fleet was composed as follows: Massachusetts frigate, 24 guns, Captain E. Tyng commodore ; 
 Shirley galley or snow, a two-masted vessel, 24 guns. Captain J. Rous ; Csesar, 20 guns, Captain Snelling. In addi- 
 tion there were the following : One snow and three sloop?, 16 guns each ; one sloop, 12 guns ; one, 14 carriage guns 
 and 12 swivels; one, 14 guns ; two, 8 guns each; a privateer of 20 guns hired from Rhode Island. Massachusetts 
 provided nine of these armed vessels at her own expense, besides one hundred transports. Parkman gives the 
 Massachusetts and Shirley only 20 guns, but the actual force appears to have been 24. See Drake, " Five Years' 
 War," 246 ; " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," v. 437, n. ; Parkman, ' Atlantic Monthly' foi- March, 1891, p. 322. Barry, 
 " Hist, of Massachusetts," ii. 141. The whole number of guns was 204, according to Parsons, " Life of 
 Pepperrell," 50. 
 
 ' "This religious revival began to make itself felt in 1734, under an impulse from Jonathan Edwards, and later, 
 under the ministrations of George Whitfield, the wild passion— for it became scarce else— spread through the 
 churches and communities of New England." "Nar and Crit. Hist, of Am." v. 133-135. "The expedition," says 
 Parkman, ('Atlantic Monthly' for March, 1891, p. 321) " had, in fact, something of the character of a crusade 
 emphasised by the lingering excitation of the 'great awakening.' " 
 
42 GAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 ment when he was asked for his advice, but later on he suggested the motto for the flag : 
 
 " Nil Desperandum Christo Duce." ^ 
 
 A clergyman who accompanied the troops is said to have carried a hatchet for the express 
 purpose of destroying the images in the French churches.^ This was one of the inspiring 
 motives of a large number of his companions, who, whilst they looked, like the Iron- 
 sides of Cromwell, to Providence for special assistance did not neglect to look after their 
 powder and to take other worldly precautions necessary even in the case of those who 
 believed that their tenets of faith and mode of worship particularly commended themselves 
 to heaven compared with the dogmas and superstitions of Eome. One devout colonial 
 soldier," at the commencement of the siege, informed the general in command that he had 
 achieved a notable success — the occupation of the royal battery — " by the grace of God 
 and the courage of thirteen men." 
 
 V. The Siege and Taking op Louisbourg in 1Y45. 
 
 Whether the designs of religious enthusiasts to destroy the symbols of religion in the 
 Roman Catholic churches recommended themselves or not to a beneficent Providence, it is 
 quite sufficient to know that the stars in their courses fought against the French Sisera. 
 From the starting of the expedition until it appeared before Louisbourg the French acted 
 as if they had no warning whatever of the attack that was to be made upon them. 
 When the fleet of one hundred vessels arrived at Oanseau in the early part of April the 
 colonial leader found that the whole eastern coast of Cape Breton was blocked with ice, 
 and that it was impossible to enter any of its ports and bays. While the harbours to the 
 north of Scatari Island, which lies to the northeast of Louisbourg, may be full of drift ice, 
 that place as a rule is generally clear, but in 1*745 there appears to have been unusual 
 quantities on that coast to stop all communications with the port. The colonists had 
 already detailed several armed vessels to cruise off Louisbourg and prevent any news of 
 the proposed expedition reaching the French garrison. One French frigate, the Renommee, 
 fell in with the fleet off Oanseau, but succeeded in escaping to France. While at Canseau 
 Pepperrell built a block-house in which he stationed a small force and a few cannon. 
 The French post at Port Toulouse was destroyed by his orders, and some vessels were 
 sent to Bay Yerte to prevent provisions and men being sent to the fortress. On the 22nd 
 of April, a week before the expedition left Canseau, the English frigate Eltham arrived 
 with the welcome news that Commodore Warren was on his way. On the following day 
 he made his appearance with three ships to the great joy of the colonial troops. While 
 
 ^ "Whitfield, with a good deal of worldly wisdom, cautioned Pepperrell that if he failed the blood of the slain 
 would be laid to his charge, and that if he succeeded the envy of the living would pursue him." T. H. Higginson in 
 "Memorial History of Boston," ii. 115, n. See account of interview between Pepperrell and Whitfield in "Tyer- 
 man's Life of Whitfield," ii. 150. 
 
 ^ This was the Eev. Samuel Moody, minister of York, senior chaplain of the expedition. (See infra, p. 222.) 
 Se had not a few sympathizers, like John Gray of Biddeford, who wrote to Pepperrell : "Oh that I could be with 
 you and dear Parson Moody in that church [Louisbourg] to destroy the images there set up, and hear the true 
 gospel of our Lord and Saviour there preached !" See Parkman, " Capture of Louisbourg by the New England 
 Militia," ' Atlantic Monthly,' March, 1891. 
 
 ^ This was William Vaughan, one of the projectors of the expedition. See infra, third page. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 43 
 
 at Antigua he had refused to give auy aid to Shirley without orders from England, and 
 it was with some dismay that the colonial commanders heard the news on the eve of the 
 sailing. They had determined to keep it secret from their troops until they had reached 
 Louisbourg. Happily, hoWever, the expedition was not put to this trying test, for it 
 appears that as soon as the Duke of Newcastle had received G-overnor Shirley's letter 
 informing him of the necessity for protecting the English fisheries, he sent orders to Com- 
 modore "Warren to sail at once for Boston and arrange measures " for the annoyance of 
 the enemy and his Majesty's service in North America." While Warren was on his way 
 to the colonial town he intercepted a Boston schooner and heard the news of the departure 
 of the expedition. Thereupon he changed his course for Canseau. 
 
 It was the intention of Shirley that the expedition should arrive off Louisbourg at 
 night, that the troops should land, march silently over the rocky, mossy ground, creep in 
 some mysterious way up walls at least thirty-six feet high, and then surprise the sleep- 
 ing and unsuspicious garrison. All the elements were to combine to ensure the success 
 of this absurd project, which was conceived in the same imaginative vein that originated 
 the genii of the Arabian tales. The surf was to cease to roll on the beach of Gabarus Bay, 
 and the darkness of the night was to be the means of enabling the troops to perform a 
 marvellous march over an unknown and dangerous tract of country. Shirley, however, 
 was not alone in suggesting wondrous agencies for the surprise of the town. One 
 ingenious person proposed a flying machine that would enable the troops to scale the 
 walls before a bridge was made. Yaughan had proposed an equally easy plan of march- 
 ing on snowshoes over the drifts that in the winter were frequently, according to him, 
 level with the ramparts of the fortress. These very schemes of the fertile New England 
 intellect were so many evidences of the prevailing opinion that the enterprise was very 
 hazardous and not likely to be accomplished by the ordinary means at the command of 
 the expedition As it happened, however, the garrison at Louisbourg was to a great 
 extent practically taken by surprise. One of the inhabitants' of Louisbourg has given us 
 the testimony that the authorities, " though informed of the preparations [in New Eng- 
 land] from the first, lost precious moments in useless deliberation." It appears, however, 
 that " nothing to the purpose was done, so that we were as much taken by surprise as if 
 the enemy had pounced upon us unawares." Governor Duchambon,^ by some strange 
 fatuity, had not taken the most ordinary precautions to keep himself thoroughly informed 
 of every movement on the coast which might indicate the approach of an enemy. . In his 
 
 ' "Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg," etc., cited by Parkman, 'Atlantic Monthly' for March, 1891. See 
 App. X to this work. 
 
 '^ M. Duchambon appears to have been king's lieutenant (" Can. Archives," 1887, cccxiiii), and took command 
 of the fortress on the death of M. Duquesnel in the autumn of 1744, but it is not certain that he had received his 
 commission as governor when the siege of 174.5 ended in the loss of Cape Breton to the French. His son, Ducham- 
 bon de Vergor commanded at Fort Beaus6jour in 1755, when taken by the English. M. Marmette comments in 
 this sarcastic vein on the application made in 1761 by the latter for the cross of St. Louis ("Can. Archives," 1887, 
 cclix) as a reward for his services : " Doubtless because he was to surrender on the 16th June the fort of Beau- 
 s^jour, almost without striking a blow, after a mere shadow of a siege, which evil-minded people designated by the 
 humorous appellation of ' si6ge de velours.' And, again, this is the person who, when commanding the fort at the 
 Coves, allowed himself to be captured in his bed, and gave so easy an entrance to the English troops to the Plains 
 of Abraham on the 13th September, 1759. It was not the cross, but rather the hangman's rope which these two 
 scandalous affairs ought to have gained for him." Both son and father are clearly for sufficient reasons not popu- 
 lar in France or French Canada. 
 
44 CAPE BEETON AKD ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 communication to the French minister, written after the fall of Louisbourg, he attempted 
 to show that he had made a feeble effort to obtain news from Port Toulouse of the pres- 
 ence of an enemy in that direction ; but although he had some information that there 
 were strange sail on that coast and vessels had been even seen hovering off the port of 
 Louisbourg itself for weeks, while the ice was blocking the eastern shores of the island, 
 he appears to have lulled himself to sleep and to have awakened to a full consciousness 
 of his danger only three days, according to his own account, before the fleet arrived in 
 force on the morning of the 30th of ApriP in the roadstead of G-abarus Bay. His blind- 
 ness for weeks before the attack actually took place was characteristic of a man who had 
 persisted in refusing assistance from Quebec, when it had been offered to him by the 
 governor of Canada in the autumn of 1*744. One colonial historian asserts that there was 
 a ball in Louisbourg the night before the fleet arrived in Gabarus, and we could well 
 believe this to be a fact when we consider the many evidences before us of the indiffer- 
 ence or ignorance of danger shown by the governor until the English were on the very 
 point of landing, Then, with the fleet in view of the ramparts, bells were rung and 
 cannon fired to give the alarm to the people of the adjacent settlements, and to bring 
 them into the town. Dull Duchambon at last recognized his peril. He made a feeble 
 attempt to resist the landing of the colonial forces by sending a detachment of 150 
 men, under the command of Monsieur Morpain and Sieur Mesilac — the former a famous 
 " corsair," — but it was unable to accomplish anything, through a ruse on the part of the 
 officers in charge of the English boats. While the French were preparing to prevent a 
 landing in the vicinity of Flat Point, the English quickly retreated and made for the 
 shingle beach of the little cove some distance higher up the bay, known to the French 
 as Anse de la Oormorandiere, and to the English as Freshwater or Kennington Cove. 
 Here, before the French detachment could reach the ground, the English colonists suc- 
 ceeded in effecting a landing under the fire of their ships' cannon. The French were 
 forced to retreat precipitately to the town, after a short engagement, in which they lost 
 several men, killed or taken prisoners. Among the latter was Monsieur de la Boularderie, 
 one of the inhabitants of the island.^ One writer places the French commander among the 
 number, but Monsieur Duchambon does not give his name, and it appears to be incorrect. 
 When we review the history of this memorable epoch in the history of America 
 we find that fortune, favourable so far, continued to smile on the expedition until it 
 achieved its object. The whole force of four thousand men were landed without difficulty 
 by the 1st of May. If Pepperrell and his officers were not skilled in the scientific methods 
 of investing a fortified town, at all events they acted with judgment in the steps they 
 took for its reduction. They made their headquarters by the side of a little stream of 
 fresh water which descends near Flat Point, or Artillery Cove, about two miles from White 
 Point.^ In front of their lines rose the formidable walls and bastions constructed on the 
 
 - In the printed accounts of the operations there is great confusion as to dates. Most, although not all. of 
 this confusion will disappear if it be borne in roind that in 1752 the new style of reckoning time was adopted, but 
 that its use crept in gradually, some retaining the old, others using the new, between which there wae a difference 
 of eleven days. Consequently the two dates of landing [at Gabarus Bay], 30th of April and 11th of May, agree 
 when we take the difference between the old and new styles into account. "Can. Archives," 1886, ix. 
 
 ^ See infra, sec. IX, for an account of the La Boularderie, who has given his name to a well known island at 
 the entrance of the Bras d'Or lake. 
 
 ^ See Plate IV at end of this work giving plan of the fortifications and the siege operations of 1745. 
 
CAPE BEETOW AND ITS MGMOEIALS. 
 
 45 
 
 plans of the best engineering skill of the day. It was impossible with their limited force 
 of men and weak artillery to attack the whole range of fortifications which extended from 
 the Dauphin or west gate to the shore, and therefore they confined their efforts to eflfecting 
 a breach in the fortifications between the Dauphin's and the King's bastions. With this 
 object in view they constructed four fascine batteries which were respectively situated at 
 distances of 1,550, 600, 440 and 250 yards from the walls. The last, or breaching, battery 
 was made eighteen days after* the landing and did great execution on the west gate. 
 Before this work, however, was completed another fascine battery, named Titcomb's, or 
 the northwest battery— one of the most effective, according to Duchambon— was erected 
 on a rising ground on the western side of the barachois at the southwestern end of the 
 
 harbour. By the construction of this battery the men busy in the breaching battery 
 were enabled to finish their work more rapidly, since it kept up a furious fire which 
 engaged all the attention of the men who defended the walls at the Dauphin bastion. 
 But at the very commencement of the siege, on the second day, there occurred an event 
 most fortunate for the besiegers. The grand or royal battery, situated on the western 
 shore of the harbour, and a very powerful auxiliary in the defences of the town, was 
 found suddenly deserted by the French. The English and French narratives give different 
 reasons for this hurried evacuation of an important work. The English accounts have 
 been to the effect that when Colonel Vaughan went on a reconnoitering expedition around 
 the harbour, during the afternoon of the 1st of May, he set fire to the storehouses at the 
 northeast arm, and as these contained a large quantity of pitch and other combustible 
 goods, they made great volumes of smoke, which enveloped the surrounding country and 
 produced so much consternation among the troops in the grand battery into which it was 
 carried that they supposed the whole army was about to attack them, and carelessly spik- 
 ing their guns they fled precipitately to the shelter of the town. "When Yaughan was 
 returning to camp the next morning from his expedition he was surprised to see that 
 there was no flag flying over the battery, and no smoke coming from its chimneys ; but 
 
 1 This list of signatures shows the Colonial and English officers who were present at a council of war held on 
 June 3, 1745, on board Warren'e ship the Superbe. " Mem. Hist, of Boston," ii. 118. 
 
46 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 afraid of some trick of the enemy he would not venture near until he bribed an Indian 
 with a bottle of spirits to approach as close as possible, as if he were drunk or crazy. 
 Finding everything perfectly still the Indian climbed into an embrasure and found the 
 battery deserted. Vaughan and his men took possession, and as they had no flag with 
 them a lad climbed the flagstaff and fastened his red coat at the top.' The colonists held 
 the battery successfully until reinforcements arrived, altliough the French commenced at 
 once firing on them from the batteries of the town, and a number of men in several boats 
 attempted to land and reoccupy the works which had been deserted in so cowardly a 
 manner. These boats, it is probable, were sent for the purpose of completing the spiking 
 of the cannon and carrying off' the stores in the battery. 
 
 This is the story that has generally found currency in English histories of the siege, 
 but it would appear from the very candid and evidently truthful narrative of the inhabi- 
 tant of Louisbourg to which I have previously referred, that the French troops in the 
 battery were seized with fright the moment Vaughan's force made its appearance on its 
 way to burn the storehouses, and immediately evacuated the works without waiting for 
 the enemy to fire a shot, and show an intention to attack.^ The French governor, on the 
 other hand, asserts that Captain Thiery, who had charge of the battery, evacuated it in 
 accordance with the decision of a council of war which was called to consider his state- 
 ment that it could not successfully resist for any time an attack by the enemy. We are 
 also told that Monsieur Yerrier, the chief engineer, objected to the proposition to blow up 
 the battery, and the council yielded to his advice, the force of which it is impossible to 
 appreciate when we consider that, if left intact, it would be of some use to the besiegers. 
 One thing is quite certain that the French left the battery in great haste, and did their 
 work of spiking the guns so ineffectively that these were soon made available for the 
 purposes of the siege. The history of this affair affords of itself evidence of Ducham- 
 bon's carelessness and incompetence. The fact that the storehouses were left, with all 
 their contents, to fall into the possession of the besiegers, shows that the officials had 
 lost their heads as soon as the enemy had made their appearance in force. These store- 
 houses should have been immediately destroyed as was done in 1758. If the battery 
 could not be held, as Captain Thiery believed, it should have been blown up on the 
 instant. As it was, however, the English colonists obtained easy possession of a work 
 which was immediately used against the town, and the first step was taken towards facil- 
 itating the entrance of the fleet into the harbour, of which this battery formed one of the 
 most important defences. By another lucky stroke of fortune, thirty cannon were sub- 
 sequently found near the careening cove on the east side of the northeast arm, and were 
 used in the execution of a project which the besiegers found was absolutely necessary to 
 the reduction of the fortress, and that was the construction of a battery at Lighthouse 
 Point to silence the guns on the island, which effectively prevented the English fleet from 
 coming into the harbour, and attacking the town at close quarters. The difficulties of 
 constructing the works of the besiegers and carrying cannon and materials over the rocky, 
 swampy ground around Louisbourg were enormous and entailed great hardship on the 
 
 ' William Tufts, of Medford, aged 18. Samuel Adams Drake, in his short account of the "Taking of Louis- 
 bourg," (Boston, i. 1890) falls into the error (p. 113) of making this exploit of a courageous New England lad an 
 episode of the disastrous attempt of the party, headed by Captain Brooks some time later, to obtain possession of 
 the island battery. See infra, next page. 
 
 '' Parkman, ("Atlantic Monthly," April, p. 517) cites the words of the inhabitant of Louisbourg. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MKMOEIALS. 47 
 
 colonial forces, however inured to severe labour many of them might be. One of them 
 successfully devised a plan of dragging the cannon by sledges over the uneven surface 
 between Flat Point Cove and the besieging works. From the beginning to the end of the 
 siege, however, the colonial troops showed an amount of endurance, patience and cheer- 
 fulness in carrying ont the orders of their officers that no regular troops could surpass. 
 The men engaged in rough sports even while cannon balls were whizzing around them, 
 and one severe critic of the expedition has written that "this siege was carried on in a 
 tumultuary manner resembling a Cambridge commencement." ^ Many of them could 
 not be provided with comfortable tents in consequence of the dearth of suitable material 
 in some of the colonies ; " and were obliged to find protection in camps rudely constructed 
 of sod and spruce boughs. They performed their duties with a recklessness and an indif- 
 ference to danger which was probably in a measure the result of their inexperience in such 
 affairs. They laughed at the scientific instructions of Bastide, an eminent engineer, who 
 arrived, late in the siege, from Annapolis to assist in the operations against the fortress. 
 Indeed, no regular force could hardly have performed the same labours with as much 
 confidence and zeal as these men animated by religious as well as patriotic motives, and 
 feeling the honour and prestige of New England so deeply involved in the success of an 
 enterprise thoroughly colonial in its inception and execution. 
 
 By the eighteenth day of the siege the batteries began to show their work on the 
 walls at the west gate, the principal point of attack. Then occurred another event of 
 even greater importance than the evacuation of the grand battery, and that was the cap- 
 ture of the French man of war Vigilante, manned by five hundred men and armed with 
 sixty-four guns, which had arrived off the harbour with a cargo of stores for the town, 
 and which had taken the place of the spring ship that had been accidentally burnt in 
 Brest harbour during the spring of this year. This success raised the hopes of the land 
 forces, who were beginning to feel that unless the island battery was destroyed and the 
 fleet enabled to enter the harbour to join in a combined attack on the fortress, the siege 
 might continue indefinitely until succour could arrive from France and Louisbourg be 
 saved from its perilous position. An attack that was made on this battery by a large 
 force proved a disastrous failure, and sixty men were killed and one hundred and sixteen 
 made prisoners by the French. This unfortunate expedition appears to have been under- 
 taken chiefly to satisfy the pressing demands of Warren that no time should be lost in 
 making a simultaneous assault by the army and fleet on the fortress, as there was every 
 likelihood of succour reaching the French at any moment. The confident and impetuous 
 Vaughan appears to have been among the ardent promoters of this enterprise, the practic- 
 ability and wisdom of which wore doubted by the majority of the colonial officers except, 
 strange to say, by the cool and judicious Pepperrell himself The expedition was composed 
 mostly of volunteers from the troops and transports, and was headed by a Captain 
 Brooks whose head, according to one account, was split in two by a cutlass as he was at- 
 tempting to haul down the French flag in the battery into which it is believed he and a 
 few other brave fellows succeeded in forcing their way. 
 
 1 Douglass' " Summary," i. 352. 
 
 2 "All the tlcklenburgh and small canvas in the province was purchased by the committee of w^ar, but for a 
 great part of the tents they were forced to buy common oznaburgs."— Belknap, "Hist, of New Hamp.," ii. 377 n. 
 
48 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 It became then an absolute necessity that a battery on Lighthouse Point should be 
 built without delay, and after herculean exertions cannon were dragged over the preci- 
 pitous hills and dangerous morasses to the chosen place. A mortar was brought to sup- 
 plement the ordinary artillery, and then day by day the battery and fleet kept up a heavy 
 cannonade on the island work until its fire slackened, its walls began to fall, and it was 
 becoming rapidly useless. By the eleventh of June the fate of the town was practically 
 decided. The French garrison, worn out by their exertions, saw the breaches at the west 
 gate and the adjacent defences daily widening, the guns of the circular battery almost 
 silenced, all the buildings in the town riddled with shot and hardly fit to live in, the 
 island battery on the point of total destruction, and the land and naval forces of the enemy 
 making preparations for a combined attack on the fortress. It was just at this juncture 
 that Pepperrell and Warren decided on a piece of strategy which they thought would pro- 
 bably be effective in disheartening the French garrison. A body of Indians having not 
 long before barbarously tortured and killed a few of the colonial troops whom they had 
 surprised at Petit Lorembec, it was determined to bring this fact to the knowledge of 
 M. Duchambon by means of the late commandant of the Vigilante, whose loss, the Eng- 
 lish suspected, was still unknown to the French. This olhcer, the Marquis de Maison- 
 fort, was given proof of the kindly treatment of the French prisoners on board the English 
 vessels, and was then asked to write informing the French governor of the fact and asking 
 similar treatment for the English prisoners. "When the French commandant and his offi- 
 cers received this information they expressed their surprise and consternation in the pre- 
 sence of the bearer of the letter who they thought was ignorant of the French language. 
 M. Duchambon in his reply disavowed all responsibility for the cruelty of the Indians 
 whom he would do his best to warn against committing such acts in the future, while at 
 the same time he dwelt on the fact that the English prisoners in his hands, sick or wounded, 
 had always received as many attentions as if they were subjects of the French king. The 
 flag of truce, however, had the effect which it was intended it should have upon 
 the garrison and people of Louisbourg. As if their condition was not already sufficiently 
 distressing, they heard now for the first time that the ship which they had been hoping 
 might evade the blockading fleet and make its way into port, was actually in the posses- 
 sion of the enemy, and its very guns directed against the town which it was intended to 
 assist. "Without a prospect of speedy assistance from France, the situation of the French 
 became more gloomy, while that of the besieging forces was improved by additions to the 
 ships. Warren had been reinforced by vessels from Newfoundland and England, and had 
 now under his orders a fleet of eleven ships armed in all with five hundred guns, includ- 
 ing the Vigilante, and exclusive of the colonial vessels.' It was decided to make a general 
 assault on the fifteenth of June and accordingly all the ships were ranged in a line off the 
 harbour, and the troops mustered in full force, when Duchambon, recognizing the use- 
 lessness of further resistance, opened negotiations with Pepperrell and Warren, and agreed 
 
 ' Douglass, "Summary of the British Settlements" (i. 351, n.) enumerates the English fleet as follows: Com- 
 modore Warren's West India fleet— the Superbe of 50 guns, the Launceston of 40, and the Mermaid of 40 ; the 
 Vigilante of 64, manned after the capture on May 19 by New England men mostly. May 22, the Princess Mary 
 of 60 and the Hector of 40, from England via Boston. June 10, the Chester of 50, from England. June 12, the 
 Canterbury of 60, the Sunderland of 40, and the Lark of 40, all called in from Newfoundland ; the Eltham of 40, 
 called in from convoying the New England mastships for England. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MIMOEIALS. 49 
 
 to surrender the town on the condition that the garrison were allowed to march out with 
 all the honours of war.^ 
 
 On the afternoon of June the llth G-eneral Pepperrell marched at the head of his 
 army through the west or Dauphin gate into the town, and received the keys from the 
 commandant, who, with his garrison drawn up in line, received him in the King's 
 bastion. "Warren, after taking possession of the Island battery, which had so long proved 
 a formidable obstruction to the entrance of the fleet, came into the harbour, and then amid 
 a general salute from the ships and batteries the English flag was hoisted on the walls of 
 the French fortress. As soon as the city was formally handed over to the English the 
 French flag was kept for a few days on the citadel with the view of deceiving any 
 French vessels that might make the port. This strategem had a remarkable success, for it 
 
 ^ The express terms of the capitulation are set forth in the following ultimatum from Pepperrell and Warren 
 to Duchambon ; 
 
 " Camp before Louisboukg, 16th June, 1745- 
 
 " 1st. That if your own vessels shall be found insufficient for the transportation of your persons and proposed 
 effects to France, we will supply such a number of other vessels as may be sufficient for that purpose; also, any 
 provisions necessary for the voyage which you cannot furnish yourselves with. 
 
 "2nd. That all the commissioned olBcers belonging to the garrison and the inhabitants of the town may 
 remain in their houses, with Iheir families, and enjoy the free exercise of their religion, and no person shall bo 
 suffered to misuse or molest any of them till such time as they can conveniently be transported to France. 
 
 " 3rJ. That the non-commissioned officers and soldiers shall, immediately upon the surrender of the town and 
 fortress, be put on board his Britannic Majesty's ships, till they all be transported to France. 
 
 "4th. That all your sick and wounded shall be taken tender care of in the same manner as our own. 
 
 " 5th. That the commander-in-chief, now in garrison, shall have liberty to send off covered wagons, to be inspected 
 only by one officer of ours, that no warlike stores may be contained therein. 
 
 " 6th. That if there be any persons in the town or garrison which may desire shall not be seen by us, they 
 shall be permitted to go off masked. 
 
 '' 7th. The above we do consent to and promise, upon your compliance with the following conditions : 
 
 " 1. That the said surrender, and due performance of every part of the aforesaid premises, be made and com- 
 pleted as soon as possible. 
 
 " 2. That, as a security for the punctual performance of the same, the island battery, or one of the batteries of 
 the town, shall be delivered, together with the warlike stores thereunto belonging, into the possession of his 
 Britannic Majesty's troops before G o'clock this evening. 
 
 " 3. That his Raid Britannic Majesty's ships of war now lying before the port shall be permitted to enter the 
 harbour of Louisbourg without any molestation, as soon after six of the clock this afternoon as the commander-in- 
 chief of said ships shall think fit. 
 
 " 4. That none of the officers, soldiers nor inhabitants in Louisbourg, who are subjects of the French king, shall 
 take up arms against his Britannic Majesty, nor any of his allies, until after the expiration of the full term of 
 twelve months from this time. 
 
 " 5. That all subjects of his Britannic Majesty, who are now prisoners with you, shall be immediately 
 delivered up to us. 
 
 " In case of your non-compliance with these conditions, we decline any further treaty with you on the affair, 
 and shall decide the matter by our arms, and are, etc." 
 
 Governor Duchambon accepted the terms on the conditions set forth in the following letter from General 
 Pepperrell : 
 
 "SiB,~I have yours, by an hostage, signifying your assent to the surrender of the town and fortress of Louis- 
 bourg, and the territories adjacent, etc., on the terms this day proposed to you by Commodore Warren and myself, 
 excepting only that you desire your troops may march out of the garrison with their arms, and colours flying, to be 
 then delivered into our custody till the said troops' arrival in France, at which time to have them returned to 
 them — which I consent to, and send you an hostage for the performance of what we have promised ; and have 
 sent to Commodore Warren, that, if he consents to it, he would send a detachment on shore to take possession of 
 the island battery." On the same day Commodore Warren agreed to the same conditions, " on consideration of 
 your gallant defence." Parsons' "Life of Pepperrell," 95-99, and the Quebec " Collection de documents relatifs &. 
 I'histoire de la Nouvelle-France," iii. 221-226, publish this correspondence in full. 
 
so CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 led to the capture of several ships ladeu with valuable cargoes, valued at .£1*75,000 
 sterling ; but.the most important prize was the frigate " Notre Dame de la Delivrance," 
 laden with cacao under which were hidden nearly two millions of Peruvian dollars, 
 besides a considerable amount of gold and silver in ingots and bars, probably four million 
 dollars altogether. Among the passengers was a distinguished scientific man, Don Antonio 
 De Ulloa, who had been associated with some members of the Royal Academy of Sciences 
 at Paris in measuring an arc of the meridian under the equator in South America. Two 
 other French frigates, the Marquis d'Antin and the Louis Erasme, which were in com- 
 pany with the Delivrance, had been captured with their rich cargoes of gold and silver 
 by some English privateers five degrees to the westward of the Island of Flores, and the 
 captain of the latter A^essel, which received much damage in the action, considered it most 
 expedient to seek safety at Louisbourg, where he confidently expected to find a consider- 
 able French fleet at a time when France was at war with a maritime power. DeUlloa 
 has left us an interesting account ' of his voyages in South America, and of his visit to 
 Louisbourg under circumstances disheartening to men who thought they were in safety 
 until they found their vessel was a prize to two English men-of war, the Sunderland and 
 Chester. DeUlloa was treated with every consideration due to so eminent a man, and all 
 his scientific papers were carefully preserved and handed back to him on his arrival in 
 London. 
 
 When the English colonists surveyed the state of the town they had abundant evi- 
 dence of the execution that their artillery had done in every part. " All the houses," says 
 one eye witness,^ " one only excepted, had some shot through them more or less ; some had 
 their roofs beat down with bombs ; as for the famous citadel and hospital, they were almost 
 demolished by bombs and shot." 
 
 By the articles of capitulation the garrison and residents of Louisbourg were to be 
 transported to France as soon as possible on condition that none of them who were sub- 
 jects of the French king should take up arms against England or any of her allies for 
 twelve months from the date of the document. Altogether six hundred and fifty veteran 
 troops, thirteen hundred and ten militia, the crew of the Vigilante —five hundred and 
 sixty altogether — and two thousand inhabitants, as far as can be ascertained, subsequently 
 embarked for Rochefort. A discrepancy exists between the English and French accounts 
 as to the number of French killed during the siege. Duchambon states it to be fifty, and 
 adds that ninety-five were wounded and very many ill on account of the hardships they 
 suffered. It is generally believed that the number of killed was greater, but there are no 
 reliable data at hand. The total loss of the English, including the number of those who 
 died from dysentery and other complaints, due to exposure and severe toil on the damp 
 ground in the vicinity of the town, is given at one hundred and thirty men in all. 
 Seventy-six cannon and mortars, and a considerable quantity of provisions and munitions 
 of war fell into the hands of the English. Duchambon declares also that he had only a 
 small quantity of powder left at the time of the capitulation, and that he had actually 
 used sixty-seven thousand kegs, but, as an historian^ of the siege very truly says, "this 
 statement is incredible, for supposing that each keg contained only twenty-five pounds, 
 
 '■ See App. X to this work for a reference to his work giving his impressions of Louisbourg. 
 
 ' Gibson, " Journal of the Siege." 
 
 3 Brown, " Hist, of Cape Breton," p. 234. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 51 
 
 he must in this case have expended, seven hundred and fifty tons of powder in forty- 
 eight days, or fifteen tons per day." "When we carefully read the governor's report, 
 written on the 2nd of September, it is quite evident that he endeavours to exaggerate any 
 fact that may create the impression that he made every possible effort to prevent the town 
 falling into the hands of the English. Whatever mistakes he made previous to the siege, 
 it must be admitted that he fought bravely for the town afterwards, despite the difficulties 
 that surrounded him. He was unable to obtain any assistance from other parts of the 
 island. The settlements of Port Toulouse, Port Dauphin and Inganiche had been cap- 
 tured by the English, one before and the others during the progress of the siege by vessels 
 detailed for that purpose by Commodore "Warren. The governor's attempt to recall a 
 considerable number of Canadians and Indians who had been sent under a Canadian offi- 
 cer, Sieur Marin, to attack Port Eoyal was unsuccessful. Some small bodies of French 
 and Indians attempted to harass the colonial troops, as the siege went on, but they were 
 easily repulsed and scattered. The soldiers and militia fought courageously, but it is said 
 the officers had no confidence in their men since the mutiny and prevented the com- 
 mandant from ordering more than one sortie, and that was practically a failure. The 
 governor, however, does not hesitate to " render justice to all the officers of the garrison 
 and to the soldiers and to the inhabitants who defended the place, all of whom have gen- 
 erally supported the labours of the siege with a courage without parallel during the one 
 hundred and sixteen days it lasted," — the figures here given being another evidence of 
 his inaccuracy in all matters of statistics. The brave conduct of the garrison cannot, with 
 all the evidence before us, be denied, and had Duchambon shown any foresight before the 
 expedition arrived, the colonial troops would probably have found the task before them 
 much more difficult of accomplishment. 
 
 The siege had lasted in all forty-seven days and must always be remembered as 
 among the most glorious exploits ever achieved by a body of volunteers. "When the 
 news reached England and the colonies there were general rejoicings at so great a 
 victory. Boston, New York and Philadelphia were illuminated, and public thanksgivings 
 were offisred in all the churches of New England for this memorable triumph of colonial 
 troops. In the parent state it created much enthusiasm at a time when the public mind 
 was dismayed by the news of disaster on the continent, and there was a spirit of unrest 
 abroad throughout the British islands. Cannon thundered from the Tower and the Park, 
 while the city was ablaze with bonfires and resounded with the huzzas of joyous proces- 
 sions of citizens surprised and delighted at the success of their fellow countrymen in the 
 new world. It did not take long, however, for this victory to be forgotten ; for when, 
 a few years later, the American colonies had asserted their independence of England, and 
 the question of the capture of Louisbourg came up incidentally in a discussion in the 
 British Parliament, it was attempted to give all the credit to Commodore Warren and 
 ignore the all important part performed by the colonial expedition, Some English his- 
 torians in later times have not thought it worth while to mention this victory, which 
 Smollett considered "the most important achievement of the war of 1'745." Even Green, 
 in his "History of the English People"— a work remarkable for its scholarly and lucid style 
 
 speaks of the capture of Louisberg (sic) by Amherst and "Wolfe as "a brilliant success," 
 
 but he forgot in the previous part of his work, when writing of the year of Fontenoy, of 
 its successes and failures, to mention the triumph of the colonial troops on the western 
 
S2 CAPE BEBTOK AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 continent. The writer has now before him a new encyclopaedia^ just issued by the 
 European press, and turning to the subject of Louisbourg we find that "it was strongly 
 fortified under the French but was taken by the British in ITGS" — a statement not only 
 remarkable for the omission of any mention of 1*745, but for the inaccuracy of the date 
 giyen in the second instance. Sic transit gloria mundi, especially when the matter is one 
 requiring some knowledge of the history or the geography of a colony. 
 
 As respects Pepperrell and Warren, it is not necessary for us to depreciate the claims of 
 one, in order to elevate the reputation of the other. We know as a matter of fact and 
 not of controversy that the expedition was conceived, carried out, and actually on its way 
 to Louisbourg before Warren made his appearance. In fact, when it had started, Pepper- 
 rell heard of the refusal of the English Commodore to sail without orders, and there was 
 no guarantee that he would come at all. Like a true English sailor, when he joined the 
 expedition he supported it with all his energy and ability. Without his blockade of the 
 port, the Vigilante could not have been taken. In fact, so effective was the blockade, that 
 during the siege only one small vessel, "a snow" from Bordeaux, succeeded in eluding the 
 vigilance of the fleet, and entering the port on a dark and stormy night. His presence 
 not only gave confidence to the colonial troops but worried the garrison, who felt that as 
 long as his fleet lay ofl" the harbour there was little prospect of aid reaching them from 
 Canada or France. All the heavy and dangerous work, however, fell on the colonial 
 troops, and had it not been for their successful efforts to erect a battery on the Light- 
 house Point, and mount it with cannon under great difficulties, they would never have 
 been able to weaken the island battery so as to enable the fleet to take part in the general 
 assault that was contemplated when Duchambon decided to surrender the town. All 
 that Warren was able to do for the land forces in the conduct of the siege operations was 
 to send them a few gunners and supplement their supply of powder which very soon ran 
 shoit.^ On the other hand, it is fair to state that had not the colonial expedition received 
 the hearty co-operation of the fleet, the result would have been problematical, though, 
 when we consider the spirit that promj)ted the colonial expedition and the determination 
 that was exhibited from its beginning to the capture of the fortress, we can well believe 
 that they would not hastily have given up the contest. All this, however, is mere spec- 
 ulation in the face of the fact that the colonial troops achieved a brilliant victory as a 
 result of their hardihood and pluck, and while Warren did his duty as a braA^e sailor and 
 his fleet was most necessary to the success of the expedition, it is after all to the land 
 force and not to him that the chief honour is due. It was then only an act of justice to 
 the English Commodore that when he presented himself with General Pepperrell in 
 Boston, nearly a year later, that they should be both handsomely received and publicly 
 thanked by the genera] council of Massachussetts' Bay for the great services they had 
 rendered to England and her colonial peoples. 
 
 Gi-reat dissatisfaction was felt in consequence of the army receiving no share whatever 
 of the great treasure which was captured in the Delivrance and other ships, and was 
 divided between the Crown and the British ofiicers and sailors in accordance with the ordi- 
 nary naval rules, which might well have been modified under the exceptional circum- 
 stances. The colonial forces were also disappointed in the amount of booty they found in 
 
 1 "The Modern Cyclopedia," (London 1890-91) edited by Charles Annandale, M.A., LL.D. 
 ''See App. X to this work. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. S3 
 
 Louisboiirg, where the inhabitants were for the most part poor and had few valuables 
 which their captors could steal ; but as a matter of fact Pepperrell and "Warren promised 
 that the inhabitants and their families could depend " on meeting the best treatment, nor 
 shall any person be suffered to give them the least disturbance." Not only were the col- 
 onial troops disappointed in not finding any " loot " — to use a word familiar a century 
 later — but the government of Massachusetts saw itself in extreme financial difficulties, 
 largely on account of the heavy expenditures incurred by an already crippled province 
 for the Louisbourg expedition. It was not unLil over three years had passed away and it was 
 decided to restore Cape Breton to the French, that the imperial government found it expe- 
 dient to appease the colonists by reimbursing them for their expenses in winning a vic- 
 tory, rendered worthless by the treaty of Aix-la-Ohapelle. In 1749, the sum of ^6183, 649 
 sterling arrived in Boston, in the shape of six hundred and fifty three thousand ounces of 
 silver, and ten tons of copper, which were carried in waggons through the streets of 
 Boston and subsequently divided among the governments of New Hampshire, Ehode 
 Island, Connecticut and Massachusetts — the latter deservedly and legally receiving the 
 greater portion. Those were days of paper money, when men thought they could get 
 rich and pay their debts by the fresh issues of paper whenever the treasury was empty, 
 and chiefly owing to the efforts of Thomas Hutchinson, the historian, a wise and energetic 
 public man who was speaker of the house of representatives at the time, and subsequently 
 royal governor and chief justice during his residence in the colony, the money paid to 
 Massachusetts was used to buy up and cancel the depreciated paper currency.' 
 
 Before we resume the history of Cape Breton and narrate the events in Europe 
 which led to its eventually becoming a permanent possession of England, it is but due to 
 the men who took part in this memorable episode of colonial history to tell something of 
 their subsequent career. The colonial forces, for the greater part, were obliged to remain 
 in Louisbourg all the following winter until the arrival of a garrison of regular troops 
 from England. Immediately after the fall of the town, the weather, which had been 
 remarkably free for seven weeks from fogs and rain, became damp and unhealthy, with 
 the unfortunate effect that the troops, worn out by fatigue for weeks, succumbed to 
 dysentery, and several hundreds found a grave on a point of land between the town and 
 the rocky beach, known as Point Eochefort. In the spring, as soon as troops arrived 
 from Gibraltar, "Warren and Pepperrell, who had acted as joint governors until that time, 
 went to Boston, and, after receiving the thanks of the citizens, the former proceeded to 
 England. Before this, however, he had been promoted for his services at Louisbourg to 
 the rank of rear admiral of the blue. In 1*747 he distiguished himself in the great naval 
 fight off Cape Finisterre, in which he and Anson defeated a large French fleet under 
 Jonquiere and St. Greorge. A monument to his memory in "Westminster Abbey, that 
 "Walhalla of England's great men, tells us that he died in the forty-ninth year of his age, 
 " a knight of the Bath, vice-admiral of the red squadron of the British fleet, and member 
 of parliament for the city and liberty of Westminster." ^ Captain Tyng, who commanded 
 
 iSee Parson's "Life of Pepperrell," 207; "Hutchinson's History" ii. 394-396; " Appleton'a Cj'clopsedia of 
 American Biography," art. " Hutchinson." 
 
 2 Usher Parsons, in his " Life of Pepperrell," is not correct when he gives a baronetcy to Warren. Belknap, 
 " History of New Hampshire," ii. 223, makes the same mistake. Murdoch qiiotes the epitaph in Westminster 
 Ahbey (History, ii. 69-111), and says that the distinction of the Bath was " but rarely bestowed " in those days. 
 
S4 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 the naval contingent of the New England expedition, does not afterwards appear in the 
 history of the times ; but the officer next in rank, Captain Rous of the Shirley galley, a 
 two-masted vessel, with twenty-four guns, was of great assistance to the royal sloop 
 Mermaid in the capture of the Yigilante,^ and after the capture of the town he carried 
 duplicate despatches communicating the news to the government of England, where his 
 vessel was taken into the British service, and he himself received a commission as post 
 captain in the royal navy. He took part in various expeditions for the reduction of 
 French America, and assisted in the second siege of Louisbourg. It was on board his 
 ship that G-eneral Wolfe issued his last order before proceeding to ascend the heights of 
 Quebec. He became, in later life, a member of the executive council of Nova Scotia, and 
 settled in the city of Halifax, at the foundation of which he was present as a commander 
 of one of the ships that accompanied Grovernor Cornwallis to the province. Of all the 
 officers of the colonial land forces Greneral Wolcott was the most advanced in years, but 
 he lived to speak of this memorable expedition until the ripe age of eighty-nine, and to 
 fill the responsible position of governor of his province.^ His name has been rendered 
 famous, not only by his part in the Louisbourg siege, but by his grandson, who was one 
 of the signers of the declaration of independence. Lieutenant-Colonel Moulton, who had 
 seen much service in the wars with the Indians previous to 1*745, filled several important 
 positions in the town of York, a place full of historic memories, in the state of Maine. 
 Among the tombstones of the burying ground, where the grass grows rank and matted, 
 there is one on which can still be deciphered, with a little trouble, the name, and part of 
 the epitaph, of one of those stern old Puritan ministers who accompanied the expedition 
 to Louisbourg. The whole epitaph once read as follows : 
 
 " Here lies the body of the 
 
 REVD. SAMUEL MOODY, A. M. 
 
 The zealous, faithful, and successful pastor of the 
 
 First Church of Christ in York. 
 
 Was born in Newbury, January 4th, Wlo. 
 
 Graduated IGliT. Came hither. May 16tb. 
 
 Died here November 13th, 1^41. 
 
 For his further character read the 2nd Corinthians, 
 
 3rd chapter and first six verses." 
 
 This old clergyman of York, an uncle of Mrs. Pepperrell, appears to have been remarkable 
 for the length of his prayers, and it is related of him, that, when he was called upon to 
 ask a blessing at a banquet given by the general to his officers at Louisbourg, in celebra- 
 tion of its capture, the guests awaited his performance with fear and trembling ; but 
 o-reatly to their surprise, instead of the long, tedious grace they expected, he contented 
 himself with a few memorable words which appear now to have given him a position in 
 history that none of his prolix sermons or supplications could possibly have done. 
 
 1 A galley is described as usually a snow, as the largest two-masted vessels were often called, and would seem 
 to have carried all her guns on a continuous deck, without the higher tiers at the end, which was customary with 
 frigates, built low only at the waist. See Preble, " N. E. H. & Gen. Reg.," 1868, p. 396, cited by the '' Nar. & Crit. 
 Hist, of Am.," V- 438, n. C. H. Smith {ib. 411) has inaccurately given credit to Tyng for this exploit. 
 
 ' Mr. D. Brymner (" Can. Archives," 1886) appears to think Wolcott was governor when he joined the expe- 
 dition ; the best authorities mention him as deputy -governor. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. SS 
 
 " Good God," he said, " we have so many things to thank you for, that time will be 
 infinitely too short to do it ; we must therefore leave it for the work of eternity. Bless 
 OUT food and fellowship upon this joyful occasion, for the sake of Christ our Lord, Amen." 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Meserve, who originated the plan of moving the cannon and 
 heavy material of war by sledges, was engaged in I'TSG in the expedition commanded 
 by Abercromby and Winslow and subsequently took part in the second siege of Louis- 
 bourg in charge of a number of ship carpenters with the rank of Colonel — he being 
 himself a ship carpenter by vocation— and died there from an attack of small pox, which 
 also carried off many others. Colonel Bradstreet made his name famous in after years by 
 his military genius, first developed in the siege of Louisbourg. He became governor of 
 Newfoundland, and was actively engaged in the campaign for the reduction of French 
 Canada. In 1'759 he took and destroyed Fort Frontenac on Lake Ontario which, says the 
 eminent historian of those times, was " the heaviest blow, next to Louisbourg, that the 
 French had yet received," since it meant that " their command of Lake Ontario was gone," 
 and " New France was cut in two and unless the severed parts could speedily reunite, all 
 the posts of the interior would be in imminent jeopardy."^ Colonel Kichard Gridley, 
 who was the artillery man of the Louisbourg expedition par excellence, distinguished himself 
 at Bunker Hill when in later times, the same undaunted class of men who followed 
 Pepperrell to Cape Breton stood so successfully the shock of their first great encounter 
 with the regular forces of England. Brigadier-General Waldo, who was third in rank at 
 Louisbourg, commanded one of the Maine regiments which formed part of the unsuc- 
 cessful expedition that Massachusetts organized in 1746 and 1'74Y under the inspiration of 
 Shirley, for the object of laying siege to Crown Point, and died on the eve of the great 
 struggle which ended in the loss of Canada and Louisiana to France. Colonel Titcomb 
 who gave a name to one of the most important works of the besieging forces, served in 
 the Seven Years' War and died a soldier's death in the memorable battle at Lake George, 
 where William Johnson - of New York — a nephew of Admiral Warren and a famous 
 character in colonial history — and Phineas Lyman of Connecticut — a lawyer by profession 
 and a soldier by the necessity of those times — defeated the Baron Dieskau at the head of 
 a large force of French and Indians. 
 
 Nor can we well pass by, in this connection, the name of another of&cer — Captain 
 Cobb of a Massachusetts regiment — who afterwards took part in the siege of 1158, and 
 occupied a somewhat prominent place in the early history of Nova Scotia. Sylvanus 
 Cobb of Plymouth, New England — sometimes incorrectly called Sylvester — was a captain 
 in Gorham's force. It is said that his company was the first that appeared in Boston in 
 response to the call for men to take part in the expedition. He served with distinction 
 throughout the siege and subsequently remained in the public service of Nova Scotia. 
 He commanded a provincial armed vessel that was ordered to cruise in 1747-8 in the Bay 
 of Fundy In 1758 he conducted Wolfe to make a reconnaissance of Louisbourg. As 
 they neared the shore under a heavy fire — the General and Cobb alone standing on the 
 deck, the latter at the helm— General Wolfe observed that they had approached as near 
 
 1 Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," ii. 129. 
 
 ^ Usher Parsons is incorrect in saying (p. 352) that Sir W. Johnson was appointed " governor of Upper Canada, 
 1796." General Simcoe was lieutenant-governor of that province at that time. See "Oyclopeedia of Am. Biog- 
 raphy" (Art. Johnson) where the inaccuracy is pointed out. 
 
56 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 as lie wished for his purpose. Cobb made another tack, and as they went about the Gen- 
 eral remarked, ""Well, Cobb, I shall not doubt that you will carry me near enough." 
 Cobb went back to Plymouth after the campaign, but he was heard of subsequently at 
 Liverpool, in Nova Scotia, where he is said to have built a house. He died of a prevalent 
 epidemic at the siege of Havana in 1'762, expressing his regret that he had not met a sol- 
 dier's fate at the cannon's mouth .^ 
 
 The leader of the New England forces, without whose personal popularity, excellent 
 judgment, and cool courage the expedition could never have been successful, was 
 rewarded by the English government with a baronetcy, the first distinction of the kind 
 ever given to a colonist. His subsequent public career until his death at the age of sixty- 
 three, on the 6th of July, 1759 — only a few years before the outbreak of the war of 
 independence — was distinguished by the same fidelity to the British crown and affec- 
 tion for his native country, that had induced him to attach himself to the expedition of 
 1*745 He gave up his time and expended much of his money in assisting his country- 
 men in their effort to drive France from America, and through his instrumentality one of 
 the finest frigates in the British navy, the America, was built in a shipyard of New Eng- 
 land and a royal regiment raised to assist in the operations in North America. No man ever 
 died more universally regretted in the English colonies than this eminent representative 
 of the sturdy and resolute New England character. He died before he saw his country 
 precipitated into a war with England which ho loved and revered. His only son had 
 died in early manhood, and his once great possessions, which stretched for nearly thirty 
 miles from the Piscataqua to the Saco, were scattered by confiscation and sale among 
 those who did not bear his name. His grandson, "William Pepperrell Sparhawk, whose 
 mother was the only daughter of Sir "William, and who had been adopted by his grand- 
 father as heir to his estate, on condition of dropping the name of Sparhawk, was permit- 
 ted eventually to bear the title as a reward for having remained faithful to England during 
 the trying times before the war of independence.^ He lived the greater part of his life in 
 England — from 1775 to 1816, when he died — where he received a pension from the govern- 
 ment, and was always noted for his kindness and hospitality to all his countrymen who 
 claimed his aid and sympathy. Two of the older Sir "William's descendants — his 
 daughter's grandsons — in later times were "only saved from the poorhouse by the bounty 
 
 ^ His only daughter married Colonel W. Freeman of Liverpool, N.S. ; their descendants are well known in 
 tlie western part of that province. His younger brother, Jabez, also settled at the same place. See Bissell's 
 "History of Plymouth," 189; Murdoch, " Nova Scotia," ii. 348; Akins's "Archives of N.S.," 182 n. 
 
 " In more than one American account of Sir W. Pepperrell there is an error as to the way the grandson 
 obtained bis title. Parsons (p. 337) writes of the old baronet, on the death of his son Andrew, having adopted his 
 grandson " as heir to his estate and title," and adds that the latter actually succeeded to the title in October, 1774. 
 As Sir William's only son died unmarried, and his grandson, William Sparhawk, was only the second son of his 
 daughter, the title became extinct on his death, since it could descend by heirs male alone. If the grandson 
 had had a legal right to the title, it would have descended to him in 1759, when his grandfather died, and not, as 
 Parsons says, in 1775. The fact is, he received the title fifteen years after Sir William's death as a reward for his 
 fidehty to English connection. He inherited the estate in accordance with his grandfather's will, and assumed 
 the name of Pepperrell by an act of the Massachusett's legislature. See Ward's account of the Pepperrells in the 
 appendix (p. 619) to "Journals and Letters of Samuel Curwen" (ed. of 1804). In Appleton's "Cycle, of Am. 
 Biog." it is actually stated that the grandson assumed his grandfather's title by an act of the colonial legislature, 
 when not even the imperial parliament could have conferred such a dignity — it is a prerogative of the sovereign, 
 " the fountain of honour " under the English constitution. 
 
.CAPE BRETOlSr AND ITS MEMOEIALS. S7 
 
 of some individuals on whom they had no claim for faA'-our." ' His tomb even was 
 neglected for years, until at last it was repaired by a New England lady who claimed a 
 connection with his family, and it is now an object of interest to the curious tourists who 
 frequent the pleasant summer resort that has grown up in the vicinity of his old home 
 on the picturesque shore of " hundred harboured Maine." ^ 
 
 France had heard with dismay of the loss of Cape Breton which she now recognized 
 as the key to her possessions on the St. Lawrence, and made two efforts to recover it 
 before the war closed in 1*748. One of the noblest fleets that ever sailed from the shores 
 of France, under the command of M. de la Eochefoucauld, the Duke d'Anville, was scat- 
 tered to the winds while on its way to the island, and the unfortunate admiral himself 
 died of an apoplectic seizure while counting his losses in the harbour of Chebouctou.^ 
 
 The unfortunate nobleman was a member of one of the oldest and most illustrious 
 families of France, immortalized by the author of the famous maxims and memoirs 
 which still remain unequalled for their literary taste and style, and their wealth of astute 
 and practical philosophy. While distinguished for a highly cultured mind, he appears to 
 have had no experience at sea, though he had entered the naval service of France at an 
 early age. It is easy to understand that the disasters that overwhelmed his noble fleet 
 should have so disturbed his sensitive brain as to cause his sudden death. Canadian his- 
 torians have heretofore given his place of burial as a small island at the entrance of Halifax 
 harbour, generally believed to be G-eorge's Island where Cornwallis in 1849 landed a 
 number of settlers and a fort was subsequently erected for the protection of the now town. 
 It has, however, recently come to light that the duke's body was not allowed to remain 
 for any long time on English soil. It appears from an of&cial report of Monsieur Desber- 
 biers ^ who became governor of Cape Breton after its formal surrender in the July of 1749, 
 that he obtained a promise from Colonel Hopson, the English governor of the island, that 
 the duke's remains should not be disturbed at Chebouctou, but that they should be sent 
 to Louisbourg, if the place of burial could be found. This promise, the French governor 
 
 '- Parson's "Life of Pepperrell," 328. 
 
 '' S. A. Drake, "Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast," (N.Y., 1875) p. 147. In App, IX and X to this 
 work is given a bibliograpliical and critical review of tlie English and French authorities on the siege of 1745. 
 
 ^ The news of the sailing of this expedition created great consternation in New England, and towards the end 
 of September, says an eye witness. Dr. William Douglass, author of "Summary of the British Settlements" (See App. 
 X to this work) "'6400 men from the country, well armed, appeared on the Boston Common ; some of them from 
 Brookfield travelled 700 miles in two days, each with a pack (in which was provision for 14 days) of about a 
 bushel corn weight." Supplications went up from all the pulpits for assistance in the hour of need, and Rev. 
 Thomas Prince, who had a year before preached a thanksgiving sermon on the fall of Louisbourg (See App. X.) 
 now fervently prayed in the old South Church at Boston, when he heard the windows rattle with the coming of the 
 storm. 
 
 " Oh Lord ! we would not advise, This was the prayer I made. 
 
 But if in thy providence For my soul was all on flame, 
 
 A tempest should arise. And even as I prayed, 
 
 To drive the French fleet hence, The answering tempest came. 
 
 And scatter it far and wide, It came with a mighty power, 
 
 Or sink it in the sea Shaking the windows and halls, 
 
 We should be satisfied. And tolling the bell in the tower, 
 
 And thine the glory be." As it tolls at funerals. 
 
 —From Longfellow's "Ballad of the French Fleet," October, 1746; Mr. Thomas Prince loquitur. See Prince's 
 "Thanksgiving Sermon on the Salvation of God in 1746" (Boston, 1740.) 
 * Quebec Documents, iii. 455-456. 
 
S8 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEM.OEIALS. 
 
 informs us, was promptly kept. The ship Grand Esprit, in the month of September, 
 brought the body to the French port, where it was received with all the honours which 
 were due to the rank and birth of so distinguished a man. It was buried in the parish or 
 king's chapel, at the foot of the altar in the sanctuary, with all the solemn ceremonial of 
 the Roman Catholic Church ; and here his dust, in the course of years, mingled with the 
 ruins of the citadel which was levelled to the ground when the fortifications were des- 
 troyed in 1*760. 
 
 But the misfortunes of the French did not cease with the sudden death of the un- 
 lucky duke. His successor, M. d'Estournelle, committed suicide in a fit of despondency, 
 and the remnant of the great fleet which was to restore the fortunes of France in America 
 returned home without having even succeeded in capturing the half-ruined fort at Anna- 
 polis. Another fleet under M. de St. George and the Marquis de La Jonquiere — the latter 
 of whom had accompanied the former fleet and was afterwards governor of Canada — 
 never reached its destination but was defeated, as already stated, off Cape Finisterre by 
 admirals Anson and Warren, and it was for his services on this occasion that Warren was 
 made a knight of the Bath. 
 
 YI. Eeview of events from the restoration of Cape Breton to France in 1748 
 
 UNTIL the second SIEGE AND TAKING OF LOXJISBOURG IN I'TSS. 
 
 But while storm and battle kept the French from Cape Breton, English diplomacy, 
 careless of colonial interests, restored the island to France by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle ^ 
 in return for the commercial post of Madras which had been captured by the French in 
 the east where England and France had already obtained a foothold. It is asserted that 
 extremely unfavourable accounts, given of the island by Commodore Knowles,^ who suc- 
 ceeded Pepperrell and Warren in the government of Louisbourg, had some influence on 
 the British ministry in inducing them to give it up so hastily ; but in all probability 
 while they attached little importance to a spot which they believed to possess a barren 
 soil and exposed to constant fog and storm, it was the persistency of the French to regain 
 possession of so valuable a bulwark to their great dominion in Canada that forced the 
 English ministry to restore it at a time when the nation was disheartened at the results 
 of the war on the continent and inclined to call a truce. 
 
 It was only a truce in Europe, " a mere pause in the struggle, during which both 
 parties hoped to gain strength for a mightier conflict which they saw impending." ^ In 
 America it was not even a cessation of hostilities until the war was again formally pro- 
 claimed between France and England in 1*756. If we briefly survey the situation previous 
 to the great contest which ended in the destruction of Louisbourg, and in the loss of 
 Canada to France, we can see that the latter had been steadily aiming for years to attain 
 the supremacy in America. During the two decades which preceded the loss of 
 
 ^ See App. XVI to this work for text of this treaty so far as it relates to Cape Breton. 
 
 ^ This was the same Knowles, afterwards Admiral, who on a visit to Boston in November, 1747, sent a press 
 gang ashore to seize men for his ships, in place of a number who had deserted on their arrival. A serious riot was 
 the result, and Knowles was obliged to let most, if not all, of his recruits go, while he sailed off with his squadron. 
 Hildreth, " Hist, of the U. S.," ii. 399-400 ; Hutchinson, " Hist, of Mass.," ii. 386-388. 
 
 3 Green, "History of the English People," iv. 164. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MRMOEIALS. S9 
 
 Canada she was fortunate at having at the head of affairs in that country men 
 of cool judgment, admirable sagacity and national ambition like La Gralissonniere, 
 Duquesne and Montcalm. The bravest of them all, Montcalm, was destined by relentless 
 fate to efface forever by his death on the battlefield those plans of supremacy in America 
 which the men who preceded him in New France had conceived and inscribed on the 
 early page of Canadian history. Ill-supported as La Gralissonniere and Duquesne were 
 by the king and his ministers, engaged in a colossal and losing struggle in Europe, and 
 more ready to listen to the blandishments of mistresses like the false, worthless Pompa- 
 dour, than to the claims for aid of the struggling colonists in America, they carried out 
 their design of establishing France in Ameuca with great skill and energy, despite the 
 relatively feeble means at their command. We have already seen how much had been 
 achieved before the first fall of Louisbourg in establishing forts and means of communi- 
 cation between the distant possessions of Canada and Louisiana, and confining the Eng- 
 lish colonists between the Alleghanies and the sea. If we take up a map of the continent 
 as it appeared seven years after the restoration of Cape Breton to France, we see clearly 
 outlined her ambitious designs in the construction of forts and posts at particular points, 
 chosen with great discretion, on the great lakes, in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys, and 
 at the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Conscious of the mistake that was made in 
 restoring Acadie, they now claimed that its limits did not extend beyond the isthmus of 
 Chignecto, and proceeded to construct the forts of G-aspereau and Beausejour on that neck 
 of land, and also one on the St. John river, so that they might control the land and sea 
 approaches to Cape Breton from the St. Lawrence, where Quebec, enthroned on her 
 picturesque heights, and Montreal, at the confluence of the Ottawa and the St. Lawrence, 
 held the keys to Canada. The approaches by the way of Lake Champlain and the Eiche- 
 lieu were defended by the fort of St. John, at the northern extremity of the lake, and by 
 the more formidable works known as Fort Frederick or Crown Point — to give the better 
 known English name — at the narrows towards the south. The latter was the most advanced 
 post of the French until they built Fort Ticonderoga or Carillon on a high, rocky pro- 
 montory at the head of Lake Sacrament, afterwards called Lake George by General 
 Johnson — a sheet of water always famed for its picturesque charms. At the foot of this 
 lake, associated with so many memorable episodes in American history. General Johnson, 
 in V155, erected Fort "William Henry, about fourteen miles from Fort Edward or Lyman, 
 at the great carrying place on the upper waters of the Hudson. Eeturning to the St. 
 Lawrence and the lakes, we find Fort Frontenac, already mentioned, at the eastern end of 
 Lake Ontario, where the old sleepy city of Kingston now stands. At the other extremity 
 of this lake was Niagara, the most important key to the west. At Detroit, Mackinaw 
 and the Sault the French continued to hold possession of the great lakes. Their commu- 
 nications, then, between the head of Lake Supei-ior and Quebec were perfect, but between 
 the great valleys of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, over which they claimed 
 exclusive rights, there was another valley which became of great importance in the 
 execution of their scheme of continental dominion. This was the valley of the Ohio, 
 into which the adventurous men of Pennsylvania and Virginia were already slowly feel- 
 ing their way in the years succeeding the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. Virginia had received 
 from the Iroquois a deed which gave it, as its rulers believed, a sound title to the Great 
 "West, and a company was already formed to occupy Ohio. It was in this valley that we 
 
60 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 find the famous soa of Virginia, G-eorge Washington, first entering upon the theatre of 
 national action, and eudeaA'ouring to A'indicate the clainas of his countrymen to that rich 
 region. The astute Duquesne, in furtherance of the plans of his able predecessor. La 
 G-alissonniere, built posts at the northwest approaches of the Ohio, and seized the Vir- 
 ginian forts at the forks of the river, where the French erected a fort to which they gave 
 the name of the French governor of the day.' The French and English colonies joined 
 issue in this valley, which formed so necessary an avenue of communication between 
 Canada and Louisiana ; and when the Seven Years' "War broke out the French had won 
 the mastery, and their line of communications was complete from the G-ulf of Mexico as 
 far as the shores of Acadie and Cape Breton, -by means of a chain of forts at points in the 
 Mississippi, the Ohio and the St. Lawrence valleys ; in fact, from New Orleans to Louis- 
 bourg.^ 
 
 The French Canadian plans were developed by high statesmanship and carried out 
 with military genius, and had there been enough men in Canada to hold the country 
 and contend against the combined forces of England and her colonies, the dominion of 
 France might have been assured in America. The thirteen colonies might well fear the 
 future, as they saw their secririty threatened by the posts of France slowly closing around 
 them, shutting them out of the Ohio valley and on the way to confine them to the narrow 
 range of country which they occupied between the Atlantic and the Alleghanies. Hap- 
 pily for the future destiny of the English colonies, Canada was very much inferior in 
 wealth and resources to those countries, and incapable of carrying on a long and exhaust- 
 ive struggle, while France, busy with her ambitious designs in Europe, gave but a 
 meagre support to the men who had dreams of founding a mighty empire in America. 
 When France and England met for the last great struggle in America, the thirteen colo- 
 nies had reached a population of nearly a million and a quarter of souls, exclusive of the 
 negroes in the south, while the total number of the people in Canada and Louisiana did 
 not exceed eighty thousand. In wealth and comfort there was the same disproportion 
 between the French and English colonies. The foreign trade of the thirteen colonies in 
 I'TSS — that is to say, of the imports and exports — was estimated at over three million pounds 
 sterling, while the commerce of Canada could not have exceeded half a million of pounds. 
 The combined forces of Canadian militia and regular troops were always much inferior 
 in number to the British and colonial armies when united for the invasion of Canada, 
 with the support of a powerful fleet ; but the great strength of the French colony lay in 
 the natural barriers between the English colonies and the keys to New France, Quebec 
 and Montreal, and in the skill with which the approaches by way of Lake Champlain 
 had been defended by forts at eA'ery important point. If the French force was iusignifi- 
 
 ' For an interesting statement of the Frencl) posts in America at the time ( f the final strug/;le for the supre- 
 macy on the continent, see Hinsdale, " The Old Nortliwest," i. 64. 
 
 '•^ See Map No. 1 of Northern New France, showing the position of the French posts and forts from Louisbourg 
 to the Mississippi and the Ohio, with the dates of their foundation. I am indebted for the main outlines to the 
 map given in Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. i. Hinsdale has also a map (vol. i, frontispiece) giving dates 
 efforts, but they are not quite accurate. For instance, the date of Montreal is given at 1611, whereas M. de Mai- 
 sonneuve founded Ville Marie in 1642. (See Faillon, " Histnire de la Colonic Frangaise en Canada," i. 439 ct scq.) 
 No doubt Mr. Hinsdale has been misled by the fact that Champlain in 1611 commenced a clearing on the island of 
 Montreal at a point called La Place Royale, but nothing came of his scheme of making an establishment there. 
 It was on the same spot that Maisonneuve erected the first fort for the protection and shelter of his little colony. 
 (Faillon, i. 124-13^'.) But that does not give Champlain any valid claim to be the founder of Ville Marie. 
 
Trans. E. S. C, 1891. 
 
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CAPE BEETON ANT) ITS MEMOEIALS. 61 
 
 cant in number, they were as a rule skilfully managed, and in the early part of the 
 struggle the English had no commander to compare with Montcalm for military genius. 
 If there had been even a quarter million of people in Canada the contest could never 
 have ended so suddenly on the heights of Quebec. In some respects the French Cana- 
 dians were more manageable in war than the English colonists. They had none of that 
 independence of feeling and disposition to rebel against military discipline that was often 
 shown by the English colonists, especially of New England, when they accompanied the 
 regular forces on a campaign. The French Canadians were always ready to obey the 
 orders of their military governors and chiefs. No legislative bodies existed in Canada to 
 interfere with and thwart the plans and orders of military commanders, but the whole 
 Canadian people acted as a unit to be moved and directed at the will of the king's officers. 
 The Indian tribes from Acadia to the Mississippi, the Ohio and the Illinois were, with the 
 exception of the Five Nations, always friendly to the French since the days of Cham- 
 plain — the warm allies of a people who fraternized naturally with them, and it would 
 have been an unhappy day for the English colonists had eighty or a hundred thousand 
 Canadians been able to arm and, under the skilful generalship of Montcalm, swoop down 
 with their savage allies on the English colonial settlements. But the French of Canada 
 were never able, as a rule, to do more than harass, by sudden raids and skirmishes, the 
 English of America, and at no time in colonial history was the capture of Boston or of 
 New York by a land force from Canada among the possibilities. The great current of 
 active thought and enterprise which developes a nation was always with the English 
 colonies, and though large schemes of ambition stimulated the energies of the bold and 
 adventurous men to whom the destinies of France were entrusted from the days of 
 La Salle to those of Montcalm, their ability to found a new empire in America under the 
 lilies of France was ever hindered by the slow development of the French settlements, by 
 the incapacity of the king and his ministers in France to grasp the importance of the 
 situation on this continent, and by their refusal to carry out the projects of men like the 
 astute La Gralissonniere, who at once recognized the consequences of such neglect and 
 indifference, but found no one ready to favour his scheme of establishing large settle- 
 ments of French peasantry in Canada and Louisiana. France, we see now, had her great 
 opportunity in America, and lost it forever at Quebec in 1769. 
 
 Before we proceed to the record of the second fall of Louisbourg — the first in a chain 
 of events which led to the conquest of Canada — it is necessary that we should briefly 
 review the history of the period which elapsed between the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle and 
 the commencement of the Seven Years' "War. When English statesmen were informed of 
 the mistake they had made in restoring Cape Breton to France with such reckless haste, 
 they began to reflect on the best means of retrieA'ing it as far as possible ; and at the sug- 
 geslion of Shirley and other colonists they set to work to bring an English population into 
 Nova Scotia and to make it a source of strength instead of weakness to the New England 
 communities. In 1'749, the year of the formal surrender of Louisbourg, the city of 
 Halifax was founded on the west side of the harbour, long known in Acadian history as 
 Chebouctou — a harbour remarkable for its spaciousness and freedom from ice in winter. 
 Here, under the directions of Governor Cornwallis, a town slowly grew up at the foot and 
 on the slopes of the hill, which was in later times crowned by a noble citadel, above 
 which has always floated the flag of G-reat Britain. Then followed the erection of a fort 
 
62 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 at Chignecto, known as Fort Lawrence in honour of the English officer who built it — 
 afterwards governor of Nova Scotia and one of the commanders at Louisbourg in 1158 — 
 and intended to be a protection to the province, constantly threatened by the French and 
 Indians, who were always n^umerous at the French posts and settlements on the isthmus. 
 The French constructed on the northern bank of the Missiquash a fort of five bastions 
 known as Beausejour, and a smaller one at Bay Verte, with the object, as previously 
 stated, of keeping up communications with Louisbourg, which they were strengthening 
 in some measure. At Fort Beausejour the treacherous Le Loutre continued to pursue his 
 insidious designs of creating dissatisfaction among the French Acadians and pressing on 
 them the necessity of driving the English from the former possessions of France. In the 
 spring of 1755 an English force of regular and colonial troops, chiefly the latter, under the 
 command of Colonel Monckton,who has given his name to a prosperous city on the isthmus, 
 and of Colonels Winslow and Scott, captured the two French forts, and took a good many 
 prisoners, among whom were a considerable number of French Acadians, induced by the 
 French to assist in the defence of Beausejour. Le Loutre succeeded, during the confusion 
 on the surrender of the fort, in evading capture, but only to find himself eventually taken 
 prisoner by an English ship while on his way to France, and sent to the island of Jersey, 
 where he was kept in confinement until the end of the war, and from that time disap- 
 pears from colonial history.^ During this same year G-eueral Braddock met with his 
 terrible disaster in the forests west of the Alleghanies, and the Ohio valley was, for the 
 time being, secured to the French. An expedition, led by Shirley against Fort Niagara, 
 never reached its destination through various misadventures, and another force under 
 Johnson and Lyman defeated Dieskau, but was unable to achieve the object for which it 
 was formed, the reduction of Crown Point. But the most memorable event of the year, 
 which has been the subject of warm controversy between French and English historians 
 and the theme of one of the most affecting poems in the English language, was the expul- 
 sion of the Acadian French from Nova Scotia. "When Halifax was founded it was decided, 
 as a matter of necessity, to bring the Acadians more entirely under the control of the 
 English authorities. They had probably increased since the treaty of Utrecht to at least 
 ten thousand souls, living for the most part in the Annapolis valley, on the G-aspereaux 
 and Avon rivers, at Grand Pre, at Mines, and at Chignecto. When they were asked to 
 take the oath of allegiance by Grovernor Lawrence, they refused to do so unless it was 
 qualified by the condition that they should not be obliged at any time to take up arms. 
 It will be remembered that many years before a considerable number, if not the ma,jority, 
 of the same people had taken this qualified oath, although no one had legal authority to 
 make such a condition with them.^ The feeling of uneasiness that the presence of so 
 
 ' Dr. Akins in one of his notes to liis " Selections from Nova Scotia Public Documents " (p. 178) gives a resume 
 of the leading facts in the life of this inveterate foe of England, wlio made use of the Acadians most unscrupulously 
 to carry out his insidious designs of driving the English from Acadia. Parkman in describing his character 
 (Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 113, 114) says he " was a man of boundless egotism, a violent spirit of domination, an 
 intense hatred of the English, and a fanaticism that stopped at nothing." He appears to have been a treacherous 
 soldier in the guise of a priest. His ecclesiastical superiors rebuked him in vain— he cared little for their approval, 
 and looked only to the support of the military chiefs like Galissoniere, who encouraged him in his schemes against 
 England. 
 
 ^ " In a single instance— in 1729 — Governor Philips secured from the Erench inhabitants of the Annapolis 
 river an unconditional submission ; but with this exception the Erench would never take the oath of allegiance 
 without an express exemption from all liability to bear arms- It is certain, however, that this concession was 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 63 
 
 large a body of people, undoubtedly, and naturally, in sympathy with the French, had 
 always created among the English colonists, was not only intensified by the obstinacy of 
 the Acadians in this particular, but by the knowledge that a number of them had been 
 actually captured at Fort Beaus6jour with arms in their hands. The people of England 
 were much prejudiced against them, and believed that they could never enjoy any security 
 while the Acadians continued to maintain their attitude of nominal neutrality, but actually 
 of secret hostility to England. They had always supplied Louisbourg with provisions 
 and helped to build the French forts on the isthmus, and it was difficult for Lawrence 
 and his officers to obtain any assistance from them in the same way. The war between 
 the French and English had never really ceased in America, and it was well known that 
 the hollow truce in Europe would be broken at any moment ; and in the presence of the 
 great danger that threatened the English colonies, they had some ground for fearing the 
 presence of a large body of people who assumed the extraordinary and unjustifiable posi- 
 tion of neutrals in a country which was England's by rights of conquest and treaty, and 
 where they could and did enjoy an amount of political and religious liberty which no 
 Protestant enjoyed in Catholic Europe. The English authorities refused to allow them 
 time to remove to French territoi'y under the natural fear that such a step would only 
 directly strengthen the French in Canada. The position of this people in Acadia, it is well 
 to remember, would have been very different from that afterwards occupied by the French 
 Canadians during the war of independence. In the one case it was a war between Eng- 
 land and their old mother France, and it would have been difficult for them to refuse to 
 listen to emissaries, who would be certainly urging them to take up arms for the restora- 
 tion of the old regime. Their neutrality, under all the circumstances of the case, would 
 have been extremely trying ; indeed, in this last supreme struggle their hearts would 
 lead them to take a part. In the second case, France had disappeared to all intents and 
 purposes from the new world, and the war was between England and her own children 
 in America, and there was no possible hope of restoring the old days of French dominion, 
 but, on the contrary, the people saw in the Quebec Act the evidence of a unanimous 
 desire to treat them justly. But while there are some extenuating circumstances to miti- 
 gate the unfavourable verdict which history seems generally disposed to pass against the 
 English authorities for this hasty expatriation of the Acadian French from their homes in 
 their old Acadian land where they had been living since the days of De Poutrincourt and 
 La Tour, one will always regret that the men who represented England in those days had 
 not run a risk on the side of human clemency, rather than have driven thousands of 
 men, women and children from their pleasant homes by the sides of the beautiful bays 
 and rivers of Nova Scotia, and scattered them far and wide among the English colonies, 
 where they were so many sad-hearted exiles and unwelcome strangers, to whom charity 
 too often doled out a pittance with a reluctant hand. 
 
 In VlbQ the war between France and England was publicly proclaimed. In Europe 
 the four great powers of France, Spain, Russia and Austria combined to crush Frederick 
 the G-reat, whose sole ally was England. The basis of the present G-erman Empire was 
 laid on the field of Rossbach where the great representative of Protestantism defeated and 
 
 never made by anyone in authority ; and in the two instances in which it was apparently granted by subordinate 
 officers, their action was repudiated by their superiors." "Nar. andCrit. Hist, of Am.," art. on "The Struggle in 
 Acadia and Cape Breton," v. 409. 
 
64 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 almost annihilated the French army by an effort of the most remarkable military genius 
 that the world has ever wit]iessed, but it is not in the old world, with its conHict of 
 dynasties and national ambitions, that the war resulted in consequences of the most 
 moment to mankind. If Frederick prepared the way for the unity of G-ermany by his 
 successes, we must at the same time place among the results of the Seven Years' War the 
 conquest of that wondrous eastern empire which, from the earliest times, has attracted the 
 admiration of nations. India with its great shrines of faiths, which were old when Chris- 
 tianity came to purify the world by its humanizing influences, with its glittering stores 
 of diamonds and its barbaric ornaments of gold and silver to excite the rapacity of con- 
 quering armies, with its palaces and monuments of curious architectural skill — India was 
 won at Plassy by the genius of Olive ; and now from Ceylon to the Himalayas an English 
 viceroy represents English order and law in his white marble palace on the banks of the 
 Hughli. One hundred and thirty years after the victory of Plassy there was living in 
 this eastern palace a viceroy ' who had come there direct from the old French province in 
 America, — from that Canadian country which, under the rule of England, has grown up 
 to a vast dominion extending between two oceans since the days when it was won on the 
 field of Abraham by Wolfe, whose name must always be associated with Quebec just as 
 the memory of Olive must ever live in the great province of Bengal. India, the United 
 States, and the Dominion of Canada are the heritage of the war which drove France from 
 the eastern and western hemispheres. 
 
 Whilst Frederick was laying the foundations of an empire, which was a century 
 later to hurl a French emperor from his throne and inflict a tremendous blow on the pride 
 of France, the conflict between England and her great rival in America was chiefly 
 remarkable for the incapacity of English commanders on land and sea. Earl Loudoun^ 
 the commander-in-chief, arranged a campaign against the French on Lake Ohamplaiu and 
 against Louisbourg which ended only in disaster and humiliation for England. The forts 
 at Oswego, the most important on the frontiers of the English colonies, and always 
 regarded with great disfavour by the French who occupied Fort Frontenac on the opposite 
 side of Lake Ontario, w^ere successfully attacked and destroyed by Montcalm. The ener- 
 getic French general then proceeded, a year later, to storm Fort William Henry and largely 
 owing to the incapacity or pusillanimity of G-eneral Webb who could have marched to the 
 assistance of the besieged from Fort Edward, the brave Scotch ofiicer, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Monro, then in command of this important defence of the northeastern frontier, was 
 obliged to surrender. After the capitulation of this fort a large number of helpless men, 
 women and children were barbarously murdered by the body of Indians that accom- 
 panied the French — one of the saddest episodes in American history, which must always 
 dim the lustre of Montcalm's victories, though it is now generally admitted that the 
 French general himself was not responsible for the treachery of his Indian allies, but 
 used his most earnest efforts — even at the risk of his own life — to save the English when 
 the savages were mad with lust for the blood of their enemies.' 
 
 1 This special reference here is to Lord Dufferin, who was a very popular governor general of Canada from 1872 
 to 1878, but in addition to him two other distinguished governors-general have occupied the same exalted posi- 
 tion— Lord Elgin thirty years ago, and the Marquess of Lansdowne since 1888. 
 
 ^ Of whom it was said " he is like St. George on the signs ; always on horseback, but never rides on," Frank- 
 lin's Autobiography (Sparks), vol. i. p. 219. 
 
 ' See Parkman's graphic account of this disgraceful affair, " Montcalm and Wolfe," i. 474-514. Capt. Jonathan 
 Carver has a narrative of the massacre (" Travels through the Interior Parts of North America," ed. of 1779, pp. 
 295-308), to which he nearly fell a victim. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 65 
 
 At sea the results were equally discouraging for the English. Fifteen ships of the line 
 and three frigates, under the command of Admiral Holbourne, and twelve thousand troops 
 under the command of Earl Loudoun himself, assembled in the har- 
 bour of Halifax in the July of 1^57, but owing to the absence of f^y //j^^ 
 energy and celerity of movement from the very day the project was ^T^f^^^^"^ ) 
 decided upon in England, until after the arrival of the fleet in ^ 
 
 America, the French were able to get reinforcements of ships and men into Louisbourg, and 
 the English admiral and general came to the resolve— so strange for Englishmen in time of 
 war— to run no risk in attacking the fortress. Loudoun returned to New York but too 
 late to retrieve the injury he had done to the northern colonies by withdrawing so large a 
 force from the frontier at a critical period, when Montcalm was marching on Fort William 
 Henry with such unfortunate results for the English interesls. Holbourne sailed with 
 his fleet for Louisbourg, and after an unsuccessful half-hearted attempt to draw the French 
 fleet, then safely moored under the guns of the town, into an engagement even the ele- 
 ments combined against him, and when he had lost a number of his vessels on the rocky 
 Cape Breton coast, he returned to England to tell the story of his discreditable failure.^ 
 It was time indeed that the genius of Pitt should be enlisted in the service of his coun- 
 trymen. The qualities of a mere political trickster like 
 the Duke of Newcastle were not those that could save 
 England in this hour of her necessity, when her colonies 
 in America were threatened by the intrepidity and skill 
 of the men who were endeavouring to carry out the bold 
 designs of France with the limited resources that their country placed in their hands. 
 Pitt possessed all the qualities necessary at this national crisis. His impassioned eloquence 
 touched a sympathetic chord in the hearts of his countrymen. His self-confidence inspired 
 hopefulness in all those with whom he conferred. His cool judgment and energy of char- 
 acter enabled him to carry out successfully the bold designs his fertile brain conceived. 
 His popularity rested not on the favour of the aristocracy, but on the support of the great 
 middle class of the people. It happened with England then, as it happens almost always 
 in a great national emergency. The necessities of the times gave birth to a man capable 
 of coping successfully with the difficulties of the situation. It was Pitt's good fortune to 
 control the destinies of England at a time when she was entering on the most remarkable 
 epoch of her history ; an epoch which was to be famous for victories in Asia and America, 
 would place her in the foremost rank of nations, and make her the centre of a vast 
 colonial empire such as the world never saw, even in the days when Rome was mistress.^ 
 When Pitt was recalled to ojfice in July 1757, it was too late to prevent the humilia- 
 tion of England through the incompetency of Holbourne, Loudoun and Webb, and the 
 
 ^ See App. X, (last paragraph,) to this work for reference to authorities on this unfortunate expedition. 
 
 ' " When the disasters of the war drove Newcastle from ofHce, in Nov., 1756. Pitt became secretary of state, 
 bringing with him into office his relatives, George Grenville and Lord Temple, as well as Charles Townshend * * 
 The House was fnll of Newcastle's creatures, the King hated him, and only four months after taking office he was 
 forced to resign. The Duke of Cumberlaad insisted on his dismissal in April, 1757, before he would start to take 
 the command in Germany. In July, however, it was necessary to recall him. The failure of Newcastle's attempt 
 to construct an administration forced the duke to a junction with his rival, and while Newcastle took the head of 
 the treasury, Pitt again became secretary of state." Green, " Hist, of the English people," iv. 177. The same 
 historian bas an excellent review of Pitt's character and ability, pp. 177-183. 
 
66 CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 year 1'75'7 closed with Montcalm triumphant in America. But while France, governed 
 by an impure woman, neglected to give adequate support to her brave sons in Canada, 
 England rallied to the support of Pitt and the whole nation felt a confidence in thefutiire 
 which it had not felt for many years under the administration of his predecessors. On the 
 continent of Europe Pitt contented himself with giving the largest possible subsidies of 
 money to his great ally, Frederick, and by entrusting the command of the English and 
 Hanoverian forces to the best of his generals, Ferdinand Prince of Brunswick, in place of 
 the incompetent Duke of Cumberland. The victories of Eossbach, Leuthen and Minden 
 were the answers that Frederick gave to the great English minister for the confidence he 
 reposed in his ability to cope with the four great powers, then combined with Saxony to 
 destroy Prussia and bring England to the feet of France, by invading her territory and 
 marching into her very capital. Hanover was saved by the memorable victory on the 
 "Weser, and England was spared the humiliation and perils of an invasion by the destruc- 
 tion of a French fleet by Admiral Hawke in Quiberon Bay. 
 
 VII. Siege and Taking of Louisboukg in 1758 by Amherst and Boscawen. 
 
 While the military genius of Frederick and the inspiring statesmanship of Pitt were 
 successfully thwarting the ambitious plans of France and her allies in Europe, the Eng- 
 lish minister had decided on a vigorous campaign in 
 America.' With that intuitive sagacity which he poss- 
 essed above most men for recognising ability in others 
 for the purpose in view, he chose General Amherst, 
 Admiral Boscawen and Brigadier-Gi-eneral Wolfe as pos- 
 sessing those qualities, the want of which in Loudoun and Holbourne had brought disaster 
 upon the English arms. Unhappily he was forced, for ^^ 
 
 the time being, by strong influences around him to retain [) , /1<J>)~-^ C^^l^^*''^^'^^^^/ 
 G-eneral Abercromby at the head of one of the expedit- ^ ^"^ ' 
 
 ions in America, but he hoped with others that the advice and co-operation of Lord Howe 
 y-v^^^s? ^ would keep up the courage of the 
 
 .^'cZ^'^T^l.^^ ^.^^-A^^^'^^^^'^'^^^^^lf army, and prevent any blunders 
 
 on the part of the slow and obtuse 
 soldier in command. The plan of the campaign which opened in 1758 was to send three 
 expeditions simultaneously against the three all important French positions held by the 
 French in the Ohio Valley, on Lake Champlain and at the entrance of the Grulf of St. Law- 
 rence. General Forbes, a resolute Scotch veteran, was to march on Fort Duquesne, 
 General Abercrombie was to lay siege to Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and Genera] 
 Amherst with Admiral Boscawen was to attack the fortress of Louisbourg, which was 
 acknowledged as the key of the St. Lawrence. That formidable fortress once reduced, 
 the French would have no place of rendezvous at the mouth of the gulf, and the English 
 
 1 "He [Pitt] felt that the stake he was playing for was something vaster than Britain's standing among the 
 powers of Europe. Even while he attacked Frederick in Germany, his eye was not on the Weser but on the Hudson 
 and St. Lawrence." Green, "Hist, of the English People," iv. 195. See Parkman, "Montcalm and "Wolfe," i. 39, 
 40 ; ii. 380. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 67 
 
 fleet and army could pioceed with greater security to the siege of the capital of Canada, 
 on whose rocky heights the French believed themselves almost impregnable. 
 
 Whilst Louisbourg had been in the possession of the English until the peace of Aix- 
 la-Ohapelle, they had repaired the breaches in the walls besides erecting a large wooden 
 barracks in the Queen's bastion, but it does not appear that they strengthened the fortifi- 
 cations in any essential respects. "When the French regained possession of the town, 
 the engineer Franquet was sent out by the government of France for the purpose of mak- 
 ing it more capable to resist the attack which they knew must be made upon it some time 
 or another. An additional batt(!ry of twenty guns was erected at Point Roohefort, and 
 another at the lighthouse to command the shipping and assist the island battery in pro- 
 tecting the entrance to the harbour. Both of these defences had been contemplated in the 
 original plan of the works, but they were not constructed when Louisbourg was first 
 besieged by the New England troops. The original plan also contemplated a battery of 
 fifteen guns near the entrance, to the southwest of the careening cove, but it does not 
 appear to have been built before the second siege. Between the Maurepas and Princess 
 bastions there was constructed a curtain of masonry and another between the Princess 
 and the Queen's bastion as those were relatively weak portions of the defences. It may be 
 that Franquet was not well qualified to perform the task assigned to him, but at all events 
 there is some probability in the accusation which French writers have made that there 
 was great neglect on the part of the officers in charge of the works, as well as peculation 
 practiced by the officials generally.^ On the whole, we may come to the conclusion that 
 while there were doubtless defects in the fortifications, from the causes just stated, it is 
 quite certain that they were in a much better condition to stand a prolonged siege than in 
 1745. The fortifications were well defended by cannon and mortars, and there was a large 
 fleet in the port and a considerable force of regular soldiers and militia in the town, 
 although, as the issue proved, the whole strength of Louisbourg was quite unequal to 
 keep up a defence for any length of time against the military skill which led the English 
 army and fleet. Had France been able to cope with England on the sea, Louisbourg 
 might never have fallen and Canada have been saved to France, or, at all events, it would 
 not have passed so easily into the possession of England. The fleets that were intended 
 for the relief of Canada were intercepted and defeated by the naval skill and indomitable 
 courage of the English sailors. The incompetency and pusillanimity shown by Hol- 
 bourne, when it was contemplated to attack Louisbourg in 175Y, were very rare in Eng- 
 lish naval annals. Indeed, Admiral Byng was sacrificed to the public opinion of the day 
 that if English sailors were beaten there must be gross negligence or cowardice, only to 
 be wiped out by disgrace and death. In 1*75*7, Admiral Osborn prevented a French fleet 
 from passing through the Straits of G-ibraltar on its way to America, while Admiral 
 Hawke forced another, just sailing to Louisbourg, to find protection under the guns of 
 the fort of Aix and in the shallow waters of the Oharente. Had these naval expeditions 
 reached Canada, Quebec and Louisbourg might have long resisted the attacks of the Eng- 
 lish naval and military forces, but happily for Boscawen and Amherst, only a few ships 
 had arrived at Louisbourg before the English fleet anchored in G-abarus Bay at daybreak 
 on the 2nd of June. 
 
 * 
 
 ^ See tlie very unfavourable estimate of Franquet and the officials generally in a memoir attributed to a Scotch 
 soldier of fortune, Chevalier Johnstone— App. IX to this work. 
 
68 CAPE BEBTON AKD ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 "When this event happened, there were in the harbour fourteen French men of war ; two 
 carrying '74 guns each, four 64, one 50, three 36, one 32, one 30, and two 16, or an aggregate 
 of five hundred and sixty-two guns. Nearly three thousand men composed the crew of 
 these vessels, which, had they been managed with the same intrepidity and skill which 
 the garrison of the town displayed, Amherst and Boscawen would have found the task 
 before them much less easy of accomplishment. The governor and commandant, Chevalier 
 Drucour, had under his orders a regular force of about three thousand four hundred men, 
 besides officers, and seven hundred militia drawn from the inhabitants of the island, 
 beside a considerable band of Indians whose exact number has not been ascertained, but 
 probably exceeding three hundred in all.^ In addition to these fighting forces, there was 
 in the town a population of four thousand persons, men, women and children belonging 
 to Louisbourg and adjacent harbours. Since 1*749, when the island was given up to the 
 French, the French population of the island had considerably increased, and there were 
 altogether in 1*758 from three to four thousand people living at Louisbourg, Port Tou- 
 louse, Spanish Harbour, St. Anne's, Mira, He Madame, Inganiche, and Labrador as the 
 Bras d'Or was then called. Communication had been opened with Port Toulouse, the 
 most populous and flourishing settlement outside of Louisbourg, at a very great expense, 
 by the Count de Raymond, when governor of Cape Breton, but all the writers who refer 
 to this subject unite to condemn it as a useless expenditure, calculated to give facilities 
 to an enemy to attack Louisbourg by land and obtain possession of the heights which 
 command the town. The town was well supplied with provisions and military stores, as 
 the English found after the capitulation. The walls were defended by two hundred and 
 eighteen cannon and seventeen mortars, and there were forty-four large cannon in reserve 
 for a time of need. 
 
 The English naval and military forces that made their appearance off the Bay of 
 Gabarus on that June day were the mpst formidable in ships, men and armament that 
 have ever appeared in the eastern waters of the Dominion. The naval force was com- 
 posed of twenty-two ships of the line, sixteen frigates, a sloop or corvette, and two fire- 
 ships, which carried in the aggregate eighteen hundred guns, and was under the orders 
 of the Hon. Edward Boscawen, who hoisted his flag as admiral of the blue on the Namur, 
 a noble ship of ninety guns. The second in authority was Sir Charles Hardy, vice-admiral 
 of the white, whose pennant flew from the masthead of the Royal "William, a ship of 
 eighty guns. One hundred and twenty transports carried a train of artillery and some 
 companies of colonial rangers and of carpenters — the latter ttnder the Colonel Meserve 
 
 ' The French forces, exclusive of inhabitants and Indians, were composed as follows: 
 
 Men. 
 
 Twenty-four companies of infantry and two companies of artillery 1,200 
 
 The Second Battalion of the Regiment of Volontaires Etrangers COO 
 
 " " Artois 500 
 
 '' " Bourgogne 450 
 
 " Cambise 650 
 
 Total 3,400 
 
 Brown (" Hist, of Cape Breton ") and Parkman (" Montcalm and Wolfe") differ as to the number— the former 
 giving 3,400 and the latter 3,080. Murdoch ('' Hist, of Nova Scotia ") agrees with Brown. The author of the 
 account of the siege, generally attributed to Chevalier Johnstone, (see App. IX to this work) places the strength of 
 the regiments at 3,740 (" Quebec Doc," iii. 485.) 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 69 
 
 already mentioned in the account of the first siege. These forces were under the com- 
 mand of G-eneral Amherst, and were divided into three brigades, under the orders of 
 Brigadier-G-enerals Whitmore, Lawrence and Wolfe, respectively.' 
 
 The expedition reached its destination full of enthusiasm and without any accident 
 after leaving Halifax. Soldiers and sailors had complete confidence in their officers, among 
 whom Wolfe already occupied a conspicuous position for his great courage, his remark- 
 able resolution and energy, despite his feeble health, and his determination to win fresh 
 laurels for his country on a continent where its armies had so far met with few suc- 
 cesses. The issue proved that Pitt had made a wise choice when he took that young 
 soldier as the hope of England in the conflict which was now to be fought out to the 
 bitter end on the continent of America. 
 
 Although the fleet arrived off G-abarus Bay on the 2nd of June, it was not until the 
 8th of the same month that a landing could be effected. It is rarely that there is no surf 
 rolling on the noble beach of shingle and sand that stretches for several miles around the 
 
 ' The following is a list of the sliips composing the English fleet: 
 
 The Namur 90 guns 
 
 Royal William ... 80 " 
 
 Princess Amelia . . 80 " 
 
 Terrible 74 " 
 
 Northumberland.. 70 " 
 
 Vanguard TO " 
 
 Oxford 70 " 
 
 Burford 70 " 
 
 Somerset 70 " 
 
 Lancaster 70 " 
 
 f Admiral the Hon. E. Boscawen. 
 1 Capt. Buckle. 
 
 / Rear-Admiral Sir Clias. Hardy. 
 I Capt. Evans. 
 f Commodore Philip Durell. 
 I Capt. Bray. 
 Capt. Collins. 
 
 " Lord Colville. 
 
 " Swanton. 
 
 " Spry. 
 
 " Gambler. 
 
 " Hughes. 
 
 Devonshire 66 guns 
 
 Bedford 64 " 
 
 Captain 64 " 
 
 Prince Frederick... 64 " 
 
 Pembroke 60 " 
 
 Kingston 60 " 
 
 York 60 " 
 
 Prince ot Orange ... 60 " 
 
 Defiance 60 " 
 
 Nottingham 60 " 
 
 Centurion 54 " 
 
 Sutherland 50 " 
 
 Capt. Gordon. 
 
 " Fowke. 
 
 " Amherst. 
 
 " Mann. 
 
 " Simcoe. 
 
 " Parry. 
 
 ••' Pigot. 
 
 " Ferguson. 
 
 " Baird. 
 
 " Marshall. 
 
 " Mantell. 
 
 " Rous. 
 
 " Edgcumbe. 
 
 The Dublin, 74, which brought Amherst to Louisbourg was sent back to Halifax, and the general went on 
 board the Namur. In addition to the large ships, there were the frigates Juno, Gramont, Nightingale, Hunter, 
 Boreas, Hind, Trent, PortMahon, Diana, Shannon, Kennington, Scarborough, Squirrel, Hawk, Beaver, Tyloe (sloop- 
 ofwar) and Halifax; the Etna and Lightning fireships, and 118 transports, carrying the following land forces, 
 according to Brown in his " History of Cape Breton," p. 295 : 
 
 1st Regiment, Royals 854 
 
 15th " Amherst's 763 
 
 17th " Forbes' 660 
 
 22nd " Whitmore's 910 
 
 28th '• Bragg's 627 
 
 40th " Hopson's 655 
 
 35th " Otway's 565 
 
 45th Regiment, Warburton's 852 
 
 47th 
 48th 
 58th 
 60lh 
 60th 
 78th 
 
 Lascelles' 856 
 
 Webb's 932 
 
 Anstruther's 615 
 
 2nd Battalion, Monckton's 925 
 
 3rd " Lawrence's 814 
 
 Frazer's 1084 
 
 Also five companies of Rangers, a brigade of artillery and engineers and 200 carpenters, altogether exceeding 
 12,000 men, exclusive of officers and troops left for the defence of Halifax, consisting of the 43rd Regiment, under 
 Colonel Kennedy, of 659 men, and detachments from the 1st, 29th, 35th, 45th, 47th, second battalion of 60th and 
 78th Regiments, and artillery, in all 1,600 men. Brown's account differs from Parkman, " IMontcalm and Wolfe," 
 ii. 56, who puts the whole force of soldiers, including Provincial Bangers, at 11,000. Entinck, " Hist, of the Late 
 War," iii. 221-222, gives the number at 11,936 ; Knox, in his " Journal," i. 127, at 11,112, besides officers, artillery 
 and Rangers. Murdoch, " Hist, of Nova Scotia," ii. 337, follows Entinck, and adds 324 artillery, or 12,260 in all. 
 Mante, " History of the War," is probably correct in the statement that only 9,900 were fit for duty. 
 
 Entinck, (iii. 227, n.) describes as follows an important part of the land forces : "Our light infantry, High- 
 landers and Rangers, the French termed the English savages, perhaps in contradistinction to their own native 
 Indians, Canadians, etc., the true French savages. * * * Some were dressed in blue, some in green jackets and 
 drawers, for the easier brushing through the woods, with rufis of black bear-skins round their necks; the beard of 
 their upper lips, some grown into whiskers, others not so, but all well smutted on that part, wiih little round hats 
 like several of our seamen. * * ^^ The Rangers are a body of irregulars, who have a more cuf^throat savage 
 appearance, which carries in it something of natural savages ; the appearance of the light infantry has in it more 
 of artificial savages." 
 
70 CAPE BEETOIST AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 exposed bay which, has witnessed two of the most memorable episodes in the history of 
 British North America. A southeast wind invariably makes a landing almost impossible 
 for days. In curious contrast with the good fortune that attended Pepperrell's expedi- 
 tion, the weather was in every respect unfavourable for nearly a week. The commanders 
 were eagerly looking every day for an opportunity of obtaining a footing on the rocky 
 coast which was defended at important points for five miles by batteries constructed of 
 earth and trees, so arranged as to conceal a large force of some three thousand regulars, 
 inhabitants and Indians, which Drucour had stationed on the appearance of the fleet to 
 prevent a landing. At last, on the 8th, the weather became sufficiently favourable, and 
 the three brigadier-generals in command of their respective divisions made all their 
 arrangements for a landing.^ In order to distract the attention of the French from Fresh- 
 water or Kennington Cove, where it was decided that Wolfe should make the real 
 attack, the divisions under Lawrence and "Whitmore proceeded at first as if they intended 
 to try a landing at Flat Point and White Point. Freshwater Cove was defended by a 
 large force of French commanded by Colonel St. Julien, and hidden behind intrenchments 
 cunningly devised of spruce trees with their tops outwarrls so as to deceive an enemy at 
 very close quarters, and the moment the English came within range of the guns they met 
 a furious fire from the French. Wolfe faltered before the fierce cannonade and actually 
 gave the signal to retreat, but by one of those remarkable incidents that sometimes change 
 the whole current of events three of his officers in the boats, Lieutenants Hopkins and 
 Browne, and Ensign G-rant — whose names deserve to be always remembered — misunder- 
 stood the signal, advisedly it is thought, and took it as an order to advance quickly. 
 Consequently they moved forward impetuously and succeeded in landing on some rocks 
 which were so situated as to protect them for the moment from the fire of the batteries to 
 their left. The little body of a hundred men, under the command of these three officers, 
 succeeded in obtaining a foothold among the rocks, and here they were joined without 
 loss of time by reinforcements under the orders of Wolfe who, like a skilful general, at 
 once seized the advantage which had been accidentally won for him. A Major Scott was 
 one of the first to obey the orders, and although he found himself in face of a force very 
 much greater than his little band of ten that he rallied around him on the rocks he suc- 
 ceeded in maintaining his position until his comrades joined him and enabled him to 
 drive off his assailants who were coming up in hot haste to crush him. From the moment 
 the English made a stand among the rocks, Wolfe recognized the necessity of supporting 
 the movement and the first success was won. The batteries were very soon taken and 
 the French seen in full retreat on Louisbourg with a loss of seventy-four prisoners, 
 including two captains and a considerable number of killed and wounded — probably less 
 than one hundred — whilst the English loss was fifty killed and fifty-nine wounded, a 
 small loss when we consider the risk they ran in attacking a large body of well-armed 
 
 ' The first or right division was composed of detacliments of the 1st, 17th, 47th, 48th, 58th and 60th Regiments, 
 led by Brigadier-General Whitmore, Colonels Burton and Foster, and Majors Prevost and Darby. 
 
 The second or centre division consisted of detachments of the 15th, 22nd, 35th, 40th, 45th and 60th Regiments, 
 under Brigadier-General Lawrence, Colonel Wilmot, Lieutenant-Colonel Handfleld, Majors Hamilton and Hussey. 
 
 The third or left division was made up of the 78th Highlanders, five companies of Rangers, twelve companies 
 of Grenadiers, and a corps of Light Infantry consisting of 550 of the best marksmen to be found in the diflferent 
 regiments, led by Brigadier-General Wolfe, Colonels Frazer, Fletcher and Murray, and Majors Scott, Murray and 
 Farquharson. See Entinck, ii. 227, 228 ; Brown, 298. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 71 
 
 men successfully concealed beliiud cleverly constructed earthworks. By the evening of 
 June the 8th the troops were landed on the shore of G-abarus Bay, but it was not for 
 several days later that the artillery and stores could be successfully taken ashore at Flat 
 Point Cove in consequence of the bad weather and heavy surf. 
 
 The encampment of the army was made on a range of low rocky hills just beyond 
 the reach of the artillery of the town. The lines commenced at Flat Point Cove and 
 formed almost a quarter circle of about two miles. The headquarters were placed at the 
 centre of the encampment which had the advantage of not only the vicinity of a stream of 
 fresh water but was almost invisible from the fortifications on account of the lay of the 
 land. As soon as the French found that the English had landed their forces, they des- 
 troyed the grand battery, spiked the guns in the lighthouse battery, and burned down 
 the storehouses and other buildings around the harbour. General "Wolfe immediately 
 proceeded to the lighthouse point, and took possession of the battery where he mounted 
 cannon for operations against Goat Island opposite. He established a base of operations 
 at the little harbour of Lorembec in his rear and erected a battery close to the careening 
 cove to harass and destroy the shipping in the port. 
 
 It took several weeks to land all the stores, to build block-houses and redoubts, dig 
 trenches, and make the investment complete.' By a month's time, however, despite the 
 furious fire kept up day after day by the besiegers, the investment was complete and the 
 situation may be generally described as follows : — 
 
 At sea the fleet under the command of Admirals Boscawen and Hardy effectually 
 blockaded the port. 
 
 At lighthouse point, and half a mile to the westward of the careening cove, there 
 were two batteries armed with heavy cannon. 
 
 The lines of the encampment to the west of the town were protected by two block- 
 houses on the left flank to prevent any attack on the rear. 
 
 "Wolfe constructed another block-house on the Mira road, to secure communication 
 between the camp and the northeast arm where there was stationed a small detachment 
 of troops. Three redoubts were erected about nine hundred yards in front of the camp to 
 protect it from any attacks in that direction. 
 
 The first parallel or inlrenchment was constructed from the water's edge east of the 
 barachois for a distance of five hundred yards and came within six hundred yards of the 
 nearest salient of the King's bastion. To give easy and secure access to this work an 
 epaulement or rampart was constructed of earth and sods mixed with gabions and fascines, 
 its height being nine feet, its width sixty feet, and its length a quarter of a mile. 
 
 The second line of trenches was next constructed to the east of the barachois for^a dis- 
 tance of six hundred yards, within four hundred yards of the walls. 
 
 The third line of entrenchments was pushed forward from the extremity of the second 
 line towards the left in an oblique direction, and when completed came to within sixty 
 yards of the glacis of the Dauphin bastion. 
 
 1 1 have not given a special plan of the operations of this siege, as it seems superfluous to give another map of 
 the harbour and fortifications in addition to those appended to this work. By reference to the plan of the siege of 
 1745 the reader can easily follow the short account I have given of the operations of 1758. I do not attempt to do 
 more than describe the salient features of this siege. 
 
72 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 A fourth redoubt was built on a little acclivity called Grreen Hill in the vicinity of 
 the extremity of the epaulement to the first parallel. 
 
 A fifth redoubt was built by Wolfe on the north side of the harbour at the head of 
 the barachois on a little rising ground, and did very effective work against the Dauphin 
 bastion. 
 
 A sixth redoubt and entrenchment were constructed from six to seven hundred yards 
 of the Queen's and Princess's bastions to divert the attention of the besieged as far as pos- 
 sible from the Dauphin's and King's bastions, the chief points of attack. 
 
 The work of constructing the trenches in front of the foregoing bastions was greatly 
 facilitated by the fact that Wolfe on the 16th day of JuJy obtained possession of a rising 
 ground, known as hauteur de la potence or G-allow's Hil], not far from the curtain between 
 the west gate and the King's bastion. Here the English were able to entrench them- 
 selves scarcely three hundred yards from the Dauphin bastion, and approach eventually 
 within two hundred yards of the ramparts. 
 
 At the very commencement of the operations roads were constructed from Flat Point 
 Cove to the headquarters and to the redoubts on Green Hill, in the direction of the 
 first parallel. 
 
 All these works took several weeks to construct amid all the diificulties arising from 
 bad weather and the nature of the ground, which made the construction of roads aud the 
 hauling of the heavy guns and materials very laborious. Indeed the last trench was not 
 really finished until the day before the town itself capitulated. In the mean time, how- 
 ever, the besieging force drew nearer every day, and the town was practically condemned 
 before the construction of the last parallel, as it will be easily seen when we review the 
 main features of the siege, which lasted in all forty-eight days from the landing on the 
 shores of G-abarus Bay. 
 
 The cannon on Wolfe's batteries on the rocky hills at the entrance of the harbour 
 soon silenced the island battery and forced the French ships to draw closer under the 
 guns of the fortifications. When the island battery was destroyed. Governor Drucour 
 recognized the danger of the English ships coming up the harbour, and sank four ships 
 across the entrance, with their masts fastened together by a strong chain. Subsequently, 
 considering this protection insufficient, he ordered two other ships to be added to the 
 number. By this time there were only four ships of the line and one frigate in the har- 
 bour.^ Two ships, the Bizarre and the Oomete, had succeeded in getting out of the port 
 soon after the commencement of the siege, and another, the Echo, also escaped the guns of 
 the lighthouse battery but only to fall into the hands of the blockading squadron. The 
 Arethuse, a frigate of thirty-six guns, commanded by a gallant officer named Vauquelain, 
 was for some time anchored close to the barachois at the southwest end of the harbour, 
 and greatly harassed the besiegers engaged in the trenches and other works. If the 
 Marquis Desgouttes, who commanded the fleet, had shown the same courage and resolu- 
 tion which Yauquelain displayed, the English would have found their progress greatly 
 retarded, but he notoriously exhibited either great pusillanimity or remarkable incapacity. 
 At the very beginning he wished to make an effort to return to France, and when Mon- 
 
 ' The " British Eucyclopcedia " (9th ed.) commits a blunder in saying that " the siege operations were brought 
 to a successful issue after an investment of six months." 
 
 ■-' For a list of the float in the port in the first week of June, and the fate of the vessels, see next page. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 
 
 73 
 
 sieur Drucour refused to grant him permission to leave the fortress to its fate, he allowed 
 the great proportion of the officers and crews of the ships to find shelter in the town, to 
 the discontent of the garrison who found them of relatively little use in the defence. 
 The commander of the Ar6thuse, however, soon found his position near the barachois 
 too hot as the redoubts and works of the English made progress, and after making some 
 repairs to the vessel, he succeeded in evading the English fleet and reaching France, 
 though he fell subsequently into the hands of the enemy whilst cruising in the Chan- 
 nel. Of the five ships that remained in the harbour, three were afterwards destroyed by 
 fire which originated from a bomb which fell u])on one of them from the Eng- 
 lish batteries. The two remaining vessels, the Prudent and the Bienfaisant, were 
 captured during the night by six hundred sailors under the command of Captains Lefroy 
 and Balfour, and despite the perfect rain of missiles from the French batteries the Eng- 
 lishmen destroyed the former as soon as it ran aground and carried the other successfully 
 out of the harbour.' Then not a single man of war was left out of the fleet of fourteen 
 vessels that had hoisted the French flag at the commencement of the siege.^ It is rarely 
 that one is called upon in the history of naval warfare to record a more signal destruction 
 of a squadron which etFected nothing for the defence and is only redeemed from the 
 charge of cowardice or of remarkable feebleness by the bravery of Vauquelain, who 
 proved that had he been in command, instead of incompetent Desgouttes, he would certainly 
 have shown that there were enough brave men in the little fleet to vindicate the honour 
 of the French flag and give substantial aid to the hard pressed garrison. 
 
 Day by day the lines grew closer to the falling town, the breaches in the fortifications 
 became larger, great masses of wall began to tumble, and the cannon were dismounted 
 and rendered useless. Several sorties were attempted, but only one against the sixth 
 redoubt and entrenchment, constructed by Wolfe to the westward of Black Point, had any 
 success. The French surprised a company of grenadiers that were stationed in these 
 
 ' " The renowned Captain Cook, then serving as a petty officer on board of one of ths British ships of war 
 co-operated in this exploit, and wrote an account of it to a friend in England," Grahame's " United States," iv. 28. 
 Cook subsequently distinguished himself at Quebec and in Newfoundland, of which he explored the interior, 
 then entirely unknown to the world. See " Enoyolopsedia Britannica," 9th ed., which, while giving a very accurate 
 account of his great services as a navigator, does not notice his presence at Louisbourg in 1758. 
 
 ^ The following statement shows the names of the French men of war in Louisbourg, June 1, 1 758, and their 
 subsequent fate : 
 
 La Prudent, 74 
 
 guns 
 
 burned by English in the 
 
 Le Bizarre, 
 
 64 
 
 guns 
 
 escaped. 
 
 
 
 harbour. 
 
 L'Apollon, 
 
 50 
 
 f( 
 
 sunk at entrance. 
 
 L'Entreprenaint, 74 
 
 11 
 
 blown up by accidental ex- 
 
 La Diane, 
 
 36 
 
 a 
 
 tt It 
 
 
 
 plosion. 
 
 Le FidSle, 
 
 36 
 
 ti 
 
 u (( 
 
 Le Capricieux, 64 
 
 (t 
 
 set on fire- by foregoing acci- 
 
 La Chevre, 
 
 16 
 
 « 
 
 1. It 
 
 
 
 dent. 
 
 La Biche, 
 
 16 
 
 (( 
 
 (1 (( 
 
 Le CelSbre, 64 
 
 11 
 
 set on fire by foregoing acci- 
 
 L'Arethuse, 
 
 36 
 
 ti 
 
 escaped. 
 
 
 
 dent. 
 
 L'Echo, 
 
 32 
 
 it 
 
 captured while attempting 
 
 Le Bienfaisant, 64 
 
 ti 
 
 captured by English in har- 
 
 
 
 
 to escape. 
 
 
 
 bour. 
 
 Le Comete, 
 
 30 
 
 CI 
 
 escaped. 
 
 The foregoing statement is made up from the most authentic sources. It appears that six vessels were sunk at 
 the entrance of the harbour by the governor's orders— five men of war as above, and another, either La Ville de 
 St. Malo (a merchantman) or an English prize, to which allusion is made in the memoir attributed to Chevalier John- 
 stone (App. IV.), The same memoir gives the number of sunken ships at five, but Drucour and others place it at 
 six altogether— four on the first occasion and two subsequently. Parkman (" Montcalm and Wolfe" ii. 54 n.) gives 
 an imperfect list of the ships in the port, the Diane being omitted. Murdoch (" Hist, of N. S. ii. 337,") is also 
 incorrect in some particulars. 
 
 10 
 
74 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 works, and although it was much inferior in numbers, it kept back the assailants until 
 they were drawn otF by reinforcements from headquarters. In this affair there were con- 
 siderable losses in killed and wounded on both sides, Lord Dundonald, who commanded 
 the grenadiers, and three captains of the French force being among the number. The 
 situation of the French in the town became more desperate every day, and there was no 
 prospect of aid coming to them by land or sea. A French officer, M. de Boishebert, was 
 during the greater part of the siege at Mira with a force of at least three thousand French 
 and Indians, mostly from St. John's Island, but the English had warning of their 
 approach on the night of the 11th of July, and a detachment under Major Sutherland 
 easily beat off the advance party — not more than one hundred men, it is said, — and that 
 was the last that was heard of M. de Boishebert and his companions. So furious was the 
 fire of the besiegers' batteries that it destroyed the greater portion of the stone citadel, 
 affording accommodation for the principal barracks, a chapel and the governor's quarters, 
 the last being alone saved from the flames. Bombs and shells fell even into the hospital, 
 so that the surgeons were obliged to stop constantly in the performance of their oper- 
 ations. The large wooden barracks in the Queen's bastion was burned, and even the 
 casemates in the King's bastion, in which the women and children huddled together, 
 became unsafe. When at last the fortifications were tumbling down in all directions on 
 the west front, and great gaps were visible in the Dauphin's, Queen's and King's bastions 
 and not more than a dozen cannon were reported as really serviceable, the French gover- 
 nor decided to capitulate. The crisis had come at last in the siege. The English admiral 
 and general had determined on a general assault when M. Drucour came to this con- 
 clusion. At first he asked for the same honours of war that the French had granted to 
 Greneral Blakeney and his garrison at Port Mahon in 1Y56, but the general and admiral 
 would not entertain the proposition. The governor was prepared to maintain the siege 
 still longer, and sent a messenger to communicate his intention to the English. Then M. 
 de Prevost, the intendant, on behalf of the citizens, strongly urged him to surrender, as it 
 was clearly impossible to hold the town for any length of time, and the consequence of 
 further resistance would be a useless waste of life. The messenger was recalled before 
 he reached the English headquarters and authorized to take back an answer accepting the 
 terms which Amherst and Boscawen had laid down in the first instance. These terms 
 provided that the troops in Louisbourg and St. John's Island should be prisoners of war 
 and be carried to England in British ships, that the artillery and stores of all kinds in the 
 islands in question should be delivered up, and that the inhabitants of the colony who 
 had not carried arms should be sent to France at the first opportunity. On the morning 
 of the 2'7th of July the English took possession of the west gate, and the cross of St. 
 G-eorge was hoisted on the ramparts of a fortress whose days of glory were ended, and 
 which was destined very soon afterwards to disappear from the pages of history.' 
 
 ' Articles of capitulatiou between their Excellencies Admiral Boscawen and Major-General Amherst and his 
 Excellency the Chevalier Drucour, governor of the island of Cape Breton, of Louisbourg, the island of St. John 
 and their appurtenances : 
 
 " I. The garrison of Louisbourg shall be prisoners of war, and shall be carried to England in the ships of his 
 Britannic Majesty. 
 
 " II. All the artillery, ammunition, provisions, aa well as the arms of any kind whatever, which are at present 
 in the town of Louisbourg, the islands of Cape Breton and St. John's and their appurtenances, shall be delivered, 
 without the least damage, to such commissioners as shall be appointed to receive them, for the use of his Britannic 
 Majesty. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 7S 
 
 The English obtained possession of 221 cannon, 18 mortars, V.SOO muskets and a great 
 quantity of stores and provisions ; 5,937 officers and men, of whom 3,301 were soldiers 
 and 2,606 sailors, became prisoners of war. In addition to the men under arms there were 
 in the town a large number of inhabitants, merchants and fishermen with their families, 
 and these persons were eventually sent to La Eochelle, in France, and Louisbourg forever 
 bade farewell to the people who had been living for years under the flag of France and 
 sharing her fortunes on the American continent. 
 
 England had won her first great success on this contiaent in the campaign commenced 
 under the inspiration and genius of Pitt. The news was received in America and Eng- 
 land with many rejoicings, and the eleven stands of colours that were won at this gateway 
 of Canada were deposited in St. Paul's Cathedral amid the roar of cannon. Thanksgivings 
 were offered to heaven from the Puritan pulpits of New England, loyal toasts were drunk 
 round many a festive board in New York and Philadelphia, bells pealed from the towers 
 and steeples, towns were illuminated from Maine to Yirginia ; and in the English posts 
 
 English medal struck on capture of Louisbourg. 
 
 of Acadia, in the camp of Lake George, where Abercromby was fretting under the 
 humiliation of defeat, wherever the tidings came, Englishmen rejoiced and predicted a 
 speedy end to French power in America. 
 
 When we recall this victory of the Seven Tears' War let us not forget to do justice to 
 the men who achieved it. Wolfe distinguished himself from the beginning to the end of 
 the siege and was the soul and impulse of the enterprise. 
 
 " Wolfe where'er he fought, 
 Put so much of his heart into his act, 
 That his examcle had a magnet's force, 
 And all were swift to follow whom all loved." 
 
 " III. The governor shall give his orders that the troops which are in the island of St. John's and its appur- 
 tenances shall go on board such ships of war as the admiral shall send to receive them. 
 
 " IV. The gate called Port Dauphin shall be given to the troops of his Britannic Majesty to-morrow, at eight 
 o'clock in the morning, and the garrison, including all that carried arms, drawn up at noon on the Esplanade, 
 where they shall lay down their arms, colours, implements and ornaments of war. And the garrison shall go on 
 board to be carried to England in a convenient time. 
 
 " V. The same care shall be taken of the sick and wounded that are in the hospitals as of those belonging to 
 his Britannic Majesty. 
 
 "VI. The merchants and their clerks that have not carried arms shall be sent to France in such manner as 
 the admiral shall think proper." 
 
 Murdoch, " Hist, of Nova Scotia," ii. 343-344, and Bntinck, " Hist, of the Late War," iii. 246-247, give the 
 articles of capitulation in full. 
 
 ' From the collection of Mr. McLachlan, Montreal. See App. XIII to this work, No. 8 medal on list. 
 
76 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 Amherst and Boscawen conducted their expedition with skill and prudence, and the 
 number of their men killed and wounded during the operations was exceedingly small — 
 five hundred and twenty-one in all/ The French, on the other hand, lost according to 
 the English accounts upwards of one thousand, although the Chevalier Drucour repre- 
 sents the number at only three hundred and thirty, but he does not include the crews of 
 the ships. The French governor, it must be admitted, conducted the defence with great 
 energy, and he w^as well supported, according to his own statement, by the garrison, who, 
 despite the great dangers and discomforts to which they were subject during the opera- 
 tions, "did not display the least discontent." The governor could not praise "too highly 
 the exertions of the officers who had defended the town and had done their best to delay 
 the surrender." Frenchmen and Englishmen, all accounts of the siege tell us, emulated 
 each other in paying the tribute of their admiration to Madame Drucour, wife of the 
 governor, who, during the siege, eVen fired ofi" cannon with her own hand to nerve the 
 soldiery to fresh efibrts, and who was able when the fight w^as over to obtain some favours 
 for her countrymen in recognition of the respect entertained for her courage and patriotism 
 by the English general and admiral.^ If M. de Drucour was unable to prevent the town 
 falling into the hands of the English, at all events he succeeded in protracting the siege 
 so that it was impossible for the expedition to proceed up the St. Lawrence to attack 
 Quebec with any prospect of victory that year ; and indeed he states in his report of the 
 siege that he had this object steadily in view while engaged in the defence of the fortress. 
 Comparing the facts of the siege of IVSS with those of 1145, it must be admitted that 
 Pepperrell's success was the more remarkable of the two. In the one case we see a famous 
 admiral and experienced generals, skilled in the art of war on land and sea, at the head 
 of a great force of soldiers and sailors, of an army of twelve thousand well trained soldiers, 
 
 ' Killed, 21 officers, 150 privates ; wounded, 30 officers, 320 privates. Wright's " Life of Wolfe," 455, n. 
 
 ^ One must regret that Dr. Kingsford, in his History of Canada, should have thought it necessary to devote a 
 long foot note — a page almost — to throw doubt on the often quoted story of Madame Drucour's courage and devotion 
 during the siege. (See vol. iv. 142.) It is true, as he says, Pichon is the authority generally cited for the state- 
 ment, but there is no reason to doubt its truth since he was certainly not disposed to pay many compliments to his 
 countrymen, and had opportunities to hear stories of the siege from participants both on the English and French 
 side that the Canadian historian certainly has not had. Canadian history records the story of Madame de La Tom- 
 (Hannay's Acadia, 170-172), who defended the French fort on the St. John against her husband's foe, D'Aulnay 
 de Charnisay. An American writer, Mary Hartwell Catherwood, has recalled Madame de La Tour's devotion to her 
 husband's cause and the treachery of his relentless enemy in a romance, true to history, and full of the light and 
 colour of the past, — " The Lady of Fort St. John " (Boston, 1890). We find on record many other evidences of the 
 devotion of the Canadian women of old to King and Country. Every Canadian remembers the story of the heroine 
 of VerchSres. (See " The Heroines of New France," by J. M. LeMoine, in " Canadian Leaves," or a series of papers 
 read before the Canadian Club of New York; New York, 1887.) But Pichon is not the only French writer who 
 refers to this interesting episode. The Abb6 Raynal, who wrote his " Philosophical and Political History " at a time 
 when he probably heard the story from a French witness of the siege, refers to the incident. " Madame Drucour," 
 he says, " was constantly on the ramparts, with her purse in her hand, and, firing herself three guns every day, 
 seemed to dispute with the governor, her husband, the glory of his office " The words in italics (ignored by Dr. 
 Kingsford) are not in Piohon's relation, and go to show that Raynal had probably other authority for his state- 
 ment. Wright in his " Life of Wolfe," p. 444, quotes from " Anecdotes Americaines," Paris, 1776. Under all these 
 circumstances why doubt Madame Drucour's heroism when no statement to the contrary can be found anywhere? 
 That Wolfe did not mention the story in his letters is no evidence in favour of Dr. Kingsford's contention. Wolfe's 
 letters are hastily written and show irritability of temper. It is a pity that the Canadian historian was not more 
 chivalrous in view of the fact that he has no evidence on his side when he assumes the r61e of a doubting Thomas. 
 Parkman ("Montcalm and Wolfe") relates the incident and bears testimony to the courtesy with which the 
 English commanders treated the brave woman. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 77 
 
 and of a fleet of at least fifty war vessels, the noblest that ever appeared in American 
 waters ; with officers thoroughly trained in the use of artillery, and with a great store of 
 all the machinery and munitions of war necessary to the reduction of a fortified town. 
 In the other case, we see a relatively insignificant body of men, a little over four thousand 
 all told, without regular military training, unskilled in siege operations, poorly provided 
 with cannon, tents and stores, perfectly ignorant of the use of heavy artillery, and led by 
 men taken from the counting house and farm. These colonial troops were supported by 
 a few small vessels of their own, and an English squadron which consisted of only four 
 vessels at the commencement and did not exceed nine vessels, including the captured 
 Vigilante, at the close of the siege. It is true that in 1'745 the walls were not in as good 
 condition to undergo a protracted siege, and the French garrison was chiefly composed of 
 colonial militia. Duchambon had no fleet to assist him, but it must be admitted that with 
 the exception of the Arethuse the vessels in the harbour in 1158 were of no material aid 
 to Drucour. Still despite the great odds in favour of the second expedition the siege 
 lasted for as many days as that conducted by Colonel Pepperrell. M. Drucour was a 
 more efficient commander than Duchambon and had the assistance of a fine body of officers 
 and regular troops, and was able to prolong the siege much longer than the other could 
 possibly have done under the circumstances. The weather too was favourable for the 
 success of the colonial expedition, but curious enough during the progress of the second 
 siege it was remarkable for rain, fog, and wind. However, despite the good fortune that 
 attended the efforts of the colonists in this and other respects, their success deserves men- 
 tion among the most remarkable enterprises of the war. If we compare the operations 
 during the two sieges, it will be seen that Amherst and Wolfe closely followed, whenever 
 possible, the same plan of attack that was adopted so successfully in 1745. The siege of 
 1758 was conducted with that scientific skill and precision which were necessarily want- 
 ing in 1745, but the scheme of attack against the King's and Dauphin's bastions was on 
 the same basis as that of the first siege and led to similar results. It is on record that 
 "Wolfe's operations at Lighthouse Point and at Lorembec were in accord with the sugges- 
 tions made in 1757 to the British government by one of the officers who took a prominent 
 part in Pepperrell's expedition.^ 
 
 The capture of Louisbourg was but the prelude to a series of events which gave 
 Canada to England, and Louisiana for some years to Spain, and laid the foundations of 
 the United States of America and of the Dominion of Canada. These events are inscribed 
 in letters of gold on the pages which relate the triumphs of the administration of Pitt. 
 Abercromby was beaten at Ticonderoga, and Lord Howe, described by a great statesman 
 as " a character of ancient times and a complete model of military virtue," ^ met an 
 untimely, though a soldier's, death at Lake G-eorge. On the other hand, Forbes drove 
 the French from the valley of the Ohio, and Bradstreet, whose services are mentioned in 
 a previous page, won Frontenac and gave to the English the control of Lake Ontario. 
 After the conquest of Cape Breton the English took possession of St. John's Island, and 
 the greater part of its inhabitants were sent to France. Wolfe destroyed the French 
 settlements on the bays of GraspS, Miramichi and Ohaleurs, and when he had completed 
 
 ^ Samuel Waldo to the Et. Hon. W. Pitt. See Can. Archives for 1886 p. clii. For references to the authorities 
 on the operations of 1758, see App. IX and X to this work. 
 2 H. Grenville, " Correspondence," i. 262. 
 
78 CAPE BEETOE" AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 this unpleasant duty he could not refrain from writing to Amherst that they had " done 
 a great deal of mischief, to spread the terror of his Majesty's arms through the gulf, but 
 have added nothing to the reputation of them." Colonel Monckton destroyed the posts 
 and scattered the French in the valley of the St. John river. Amherst himself hurried to 
 Lake Ohamplain, on hearing the news of the disaster at Ticonderoga, and assumed the 
 command which had been so unfortunately entrusted to Abercromby. In the following 
 year he forced Montcalm to retire to Quebec, and here the latter met his death on the 
 same battlefield where " died Wolfe victorious." It is a memorable fact in the history of 
 Louisbourg, which may well be noted here, that within a year after the capture of the 
 fortress another noble fleet and army assembled in the port and made preparations for 
 the conquest of Canada. A fleet of twenty-two ships of the line and many frigates, under 
 the orders of Admiral Saunders, and an army of nine thousand men, gave life once more 
 to the harbour, which was still full of floating ice from the vast fields that had been 
 passing down the gulf for weeks previously and barring the entrance to the eastern ports 
 of the island. "When the colonial contingents had arrived and all the necessary arrange- 
 ments were completed, the last great fleet that has ever entered the harbour, once so 
 famous in history, sailed for the St. Lawrence with much enthusiasm and a stern deter- 
 mination in every heart to plant " British colours on every French fort, post and garrison 
 in America." ' Quebec fell, and the English by their ever famous victory gave a new 
 colonial empire to England, Levis, after the death of Montcalm, struggled to sustain the 
 honour of his country, but his victory over Murray at St. Foy could not save Canada from 
 her inevitable destiny, and in 1760 Montreal was surrendered to the English and Canada 
 was lost to France for ever. A remnant of Acadian French that still lingered by the bays 
 and rivers of the Grulf of St. Lawrence and by the St. John, caused some apprehension to 
 the government of Nova Scotia after the fall of Louisbourg and the destruction of their 
 settlements by Wolfe and Monckton, and it was found necessary to remove as many as 
 possible to the vicinity of Halifax. Subsequently a number of these people were sent to 
 Boston, but as the authorities of Massachusetts would not receive them, they were forced 
 to return to Nova Scotia. Many of them went to the French islands of St. Pierre and 
 Miquelon and engaged in the fisheries, but eventually they came back to Nova Scotia and 
 New Brunswick, and, having consented to take the oath of allegiance to the English 
 sovereign, settled down quietly in the country. So, after a century of uneasiness, and of 
 misery towards the close, the old colonists of Acadie found a resting-place for themselves 
 and families, and in these later times their descendants are a quiet, if not energetic, class, 
 engaged in farming and fishing in the maritime provinces of Canada. 
 
 VIII. Cession of Cape Breton to England by the Treaty of Paris in 1163 and its 
 
 History as an English Possession. 
 
 In I'TBS the treaty of Paris ^ was signed and France ceded to England : " Canada with 
 all its dependencies as M'^ell as the island of Cape Breton and all other islands and coasts 
 in the G-ulf and Eiver Saint Lawrence and in general everything that depends on the said 
 countries, islands and coasts with the sovereignty, property and possession, and all rights 
 
 ' Knox, " Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America (1757-1760)," i. 279. 
 ^ For text of this treaty so far as it affects Cape Breton see App. XVI to this work. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 79 
 
 acquired by treaty or otherwise which, the most christian king and the crown of France 
 have had till now over the said countries." From that day to this Cape Breton has 
 remained in the possession of England, and for many years after the remarkable event of 
 1758 the island was a forgotten spot in that vast colonial empire, which was won by 
 Olive, Wolfe and Amherst in Asia and America. A few months after the capture of Loui- 
 bourg the British government gave orders to raze the fortifications with all the works and 
 defences of the harbour so that none of the materials could be used for the same purpose 
 at any future time. It was also ordered that the houses of the town should not be des- 
 troyed except so far as might be necessary for the full and complete execution of the orders 
 for " totally destroying all and every the fortifications thereof," but " in the demolition of 
 all the works " an eye was to be " particularly given to render as far as possible the port 
 and harbour as incommodious and as near impracticable as may be." These orders were 
 carried out during the summer of 1760 under the directions of Greneral Whitmore who 
 was then in command of Louisbourg, and with the assistance of a company of engineers 
 who were sent for that purpose to Cape Breton.^ In a few weeks the work of many years 
 was destroyed and the fortifications were levelled to the ground. All the artillery, muni- 
 tions of war, and stores of various sorts were taken to Halifax, and considerable quantities 
 of fine tufa and Portland stone which formed the foundations and ornamental parts of the 
 best buildings were carried to the same place where they were used in the new town 
 which was slowly growing up on the slope of the hill overlooking the spacious harbour. 
 The citadel, the stone building partly destroyed during the siege, was temporarily repaired 
 for the accommodation of a few troops still kept at Louisbourg until further orders from 
 the imperial government. "With the destruction of this once famous town and the cession 
 of Cape Breton to England, Louisbourg eventually passed away from the memory of the 
 world, and half a century later an English minister of state during the war of 1812 actually 
 ordered " all American prisoners to be removed to Louisbourg as a place of safety." ^ 
 
 The history of Oape Breton since 1763, when it was formally ceded to England, can 
 be very briefly summed up. By a proclamation dated the 7th of October, 1763, King 
 George the Third annexed this island and St. John's " with the lesser islands adjacent 
 thereto to our government of Nova Scotia." The island was constituted one electoral 
 division with the privilege of sending representatives to the assembly of the province. 
 For years, however, no such representation was given to Oape Breton in consequence of 
 there being no freeholders in the country entitled under the provincial law to elect mem- 
 
 iSee Akins, " N. S. Archives," 476-478-486. Dr. Kingsford in his "History of >:;anacla," (iv. 141, n.) tells us 
 that " it was not until the 1st of June, 1760, that the uninterrupted destruction of the works was commenced under 
 Captain Muckett, of the company of miners, assisted by working parties from the infantry, of strength varying 
 according to thfl work, from 160 to 220 daily. The miners and artificers numbered a little over 100. The whole 
 work was completed on the 10th of November, 1760, there having been only two days' intermission besides Sun- 
 days, one being the king's birthday and the other midsummer's day. The reason for keeping this latter day is 
 thus mentioned in a M. S. diary of the mining operations at Louisbourg, now in the Royal Artillery office, which 
 belonged to Sir John Seymour. According to tradition among the miners, Midsummer was the first that found 
 out the copper mines in Cornwall, for which occasion they esteem this a holy day, and all the miners come from 
 below ground to carouse and drink to the good old man's memory." See " Hist, of the Eoyal Regiment of Artil- 
 lery " by Major Francis Duncan. E. A., pp. 203-204. 
 
 ^ See Haliburton, " Hist, of Nova Scotia," i. 293. This incident recalls the story told of the Duke of Newcastle, 
 — " Good gracious you don't say so, Cape Breton is an island, I must run and tell the king." See Wright, " Life 
 of Wolfe/' 487. 
 
80 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 bers. In 1*765 the population of the whole island does not appear to have exceeded one 
 thousand persons, chiefly of French extraction, living at lie Madame, at St. Peter's, on the 
 Bras d'Or Like, and on the harbours and bays between Louisbourg and St. Peter's. The 
 English garrison in the old town consisted of three hundred regular troops. At that time 
 the town comprised one hundred and fifty buildings, of which sixteen were of stone and 
 only twenty-five inhabited ; but nearly all of them were in a ruinous state. The popu- 
 lation of Cape Breton appears to have made no progress during the closing years of the 
 last century, for in 1774 there were only ten hundred and eleven persons on the island, 
 exclusive of the Micmacs about two hundred and thirty in all.' The English government 
 commenced at an early date to make surveys of the lands, but as they did not, for many 
 years, give grants, there was no encouragement whatever for settlement on the island, 
 although its valuable resources were becoming gradually known through the reports of 
 the soldiers and officers who were stationed there from time to time. A number of French 
 Acadians returned from St. Pierre and Miquelon where they had gone in 1761, and a few 
 loyalists came to Cape Breton during the war of independence and settled at Louisbourg, 
 Cow Bay, Bedeque and on the Marguerite Eiver. In Jl783, when Lord Sydney— the 
 Honourable Thomas Townsend — administered the affairs for the colonies. New Brunswick, 
 St. John's and Cape Breton were formally separated from the government of Nova Scotia, 
 and made distinct provinces, A lieutenant-governor was appointed for Cape Breton and 
 inasmuch as its "situation and circumstances" did not "admit the calling of an a.ssembly," 
 he could " until it appears proper to call such assembly in the meantime make such 
 rules and regulations, by the advice of our council, for the said island as shall appear to 
 be necessary for the peace, order and good government thereof" ; but nothing could be 
 passed or done " to affect the life, limb or the property of the subject, or to the imposing 
 of any duties or taxes," and all rules and ordinances had to be transmitted at the first 
 opportunity for the approval or disapproval of the king in council. The lieutenant- 
 governor of Nova Scotia remained governor in chief over the new colonial governments, 
 and had the right to hear appeals from any courts that might be established within his 
 jurisdiction.' The first result of this new system was the foundation of the present 
 capital of the island on the beautiful and spacious estuary, previously known as Spanish 
 River or Harbour, and which was given the name of Sydney in honour of the statesman 
 under whose auspices Cape Breton was separated from Nova Scotia. From that time 
 until this Louisbourg has remained a hamlet of fishermen, — the safe refuge of cruisers 
 in storms, and an object of curiosity to the few tourists who have found their way to that 
 remote coast, once so famous in historic annals. 
 
 The political history of Cape Breton, as a distinct government, is not in any sense in- 
 teresting or instructive. The first governor was Major Frederick "Wallis DesBarres, an 
 English officer who had served with distinction at the second siege of Louisbourg and 
 was in attendance on "Wolfe during the memorable engagement on the field of Abraham.^ 
 
 > Murdoch, " Hist, of Nova Scotia," ii. 529. 
 
 '' See App. XVI (D.) at the end of this work for substance of royal instructions respecting Cape Breton as a 
 separate government. 
 
 ■' Some American accounts of DesBarres' life state that he was aide-de-camp to General Wolfe at the siege of 
 Quebec, and "that officer received his mortal wound while DesBarres was making a report to him and fell, dying, 
 in the arms of his aide." (See " Appletons' Cyclopsedia," also their " Dictionary of American Biography.") 
 Captain Knox, a most trustworthy narrator, says in his " Historical Journal of the Campaign," (London, 1769.) 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 81 
 
 Subsequently he had been employed in surveying the coasts of Cape Breton and Nova 
 Scotia, and was, so far as acquaintance with the island went, well qualified to be the first 
 to administer its local aflFairs. Immediately after receiving his commission Lieutenant- 
 Governor DesBarres proceeded -to the island, and among his first official acts was the for- 
 mation of a council/ A great seal was sent him to affix to all acts of state. Courts of 
 justice were duly established, by ordinance of the 22nd of February, 1*785, and the laws 
 of England relating to the administration of justice declared to be in force in Cape Breton.^ 
 The appointment of DesBarres, however, was not in the end advantageous to the island 
 and its public service in many respects. He was jealous of the superior authority of the 
 governor of Nova Scotia, and also quarrelled with the military commandant at Sydney. 
 His conduct was disapproved by the authorities in England and his drafts on the treasury 
 for the payment of provisions which he had been obliged to purchase for therelief of the 
 inhabitants at a critical time when the little colony was threatened with starvation were 
 not even honoured, and he was obliged eventually to return to England where he remained 
 for years endeavouring to obtain payment for his losses ; but failing at last 1o receive that 
 consideration to which he seems to have been, on the whole, fairly entitled, he returned 
 
 that many officers claimed the honour of being Wolfe's supporters after he was wounded, but he states on incon- 
 testable authority that Lieutenant Brown of the Grenadiers of Louisbourg, whom Wolfe was leading at the time 
 he was fatally struck, Mr. Henderson, a volunteer in the same company and a private man " were the three per- 
 sons who carried his excellency to the rear, which an artillery officer seeing, immediately flew to his assistance, 
 and those were all that attended him in his dying moments. I do not recollect the artillery officer's name or 
 it should be recorded here." Both Wright ("Life of Wolfe," 586, 587, n.) and Parkman (" Montcalm and Wolfe," 
 ii. 296, 297, n.) consider Knox's report by far the best attested. Warburton, in the " Conquest of Canada," (ii. 349) 
 states that Colonel Williamson of the Royal Artillery was the officer who went to Wolfe's aid. DesBarres himself, 
 in an account of his services given in a work of his own (see App. XV), makes the following statement: " He 
 (DesBarres) received the king's particular commands (signified by the late Earl of Chatham) to attend 
 
 General Wolfe as an engineer on his expedition against Quebec In the field of battle on the 13th of 
 
 September he was making his report to the general on orders he had just executed, when the regretted hero 
 received his mortal wound." This statement would certainly show he was acting at the time, under special 
 instructions from Wolfe. But it is remarkable his name does not occur in any account of this memorable 
 scene. Bouchette, in his " British Dominions in North America," (i. 265, n.) makes a similar claim for Major 
 Holland, a friend and relative of his own, well known as surveyor-general of Canada, who was "at the taking of 
 Louisbourg, and subsequently at the reduction of Quebec in 1759, and stood near General Wolfe when that great 
 hero fell on the Plains of Abraham," The gallant general, adds Bouchette, " as a testimony of his regard, pre- 
 sented Major, then Captain Holland, with his pistols and left him the greater part of his plate." These circum- 
 stances certainly did not happen on the battle field. As a matter of fact, Wolfe had willed his plate to Admiral 
 Saunders (Wright, " Life of Wolfe," p. 574), and the presentation of the pistols is not mentioned by a single his- 
 torian, nor does Holland's name appear in connection with the last scenes in the hero's life. Bouchette's assertion 
 is probably mere hearsay and romance. Wright says with truth that " various persons, either from the vanity of 
 talking or the more pardonable desire of being associated with Wolfe, have asserted that they carried him from 
 the field or were present at his death." Appleton's " Cycl. of Am. Biog." repeats Bouchette's story of Holland 
 being near Wolfe and adds he was mentioned in the will. He was the same Samuel Holland who made surveys 
 of the coast of Cape Breton Island, published by DesBarres himself in 1781. (See " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am," 
 V. 440, n.) Both Holland and DesBarres could not have been present at the closing scene. It looks as if Major 
 Holland was mistaken for DesBarres by the writer in the " Am. Biog." It is certain that the mention of Holland 
 in Wolfe's will is an entire delusion, and so is probably the rest of Bouchette's statement. 
 
 ' For further particulars of the life of this remarkable man, see App. XV. 
 
 2 In 1805, the island was divided into districts of separate jurisdiction, by an ordinance of the 3rd of June,which 
 recited that the laws of England had been extended to that island by his Majesty, and provided that all sub- 
 sequent acts of parliament relating to the administration of justice in the courts of king's bench and quarter 
 sessions in England would extend to Cape Breton, so far as the same were in their nature applicable. 
 
 H 
 
82 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOKIALS. 
 
 to Halifax where he died at the remarkable age of 103 years.' Of his successors in the 
 government of the country until 1820 there is nothing of interest to say. Their ad- 
 ministration of affairs was simply noted for squabbles of the most contemptible 
 character with the members of their councils, some of whom seem certainly to have been 
 remarkable for irritability of temper, probably fostered by the inconveniences and discom- 
 forts of life in a little village so far from the great haunts of men. Many of them no 
 
 doubt, — 
 
 " Mistook the rustic murmur of their burgli 
 For the great wave that circles round the world;'' 
 
 and in the spirit of a little bureaucracy believed themselves so many magnates. Gov- 
 ernor, judge, secretary, attorney-general, and officials generally could not permit anything 
 to come between the wind and their dignity. Even so accurate an historian of the island 
 as Mr. Eichard Brown, who lived the greater part of his life at North Sydney, engaged in 
 the development and study of its mineral resources, dwells reluctantly on this period of 
 its annals, and is obliged (o admit, while referring to Lieutenant-Grovernor Ainslie," that 
 " like all his predecessors his reign was, from first to last, disgraced by continual quarrels 
 and disputes, alike dishonourable to all the parties concerned." Finally a question arose 
 us to the means of carrying on the government of the island. Amongst other laws, or as 
 they are strictly termed, ordinances, passed by the lieutenant-governor and council, was 
 one in the year 1801, for levying a tax of one shilling a gallon upon all spirituous liquors 
 imported into the island during two years. This ordinance was afterwards questioned 
 
 ' The following are the names of the first Councillors who were sworn in to assist and advise the lieutenant- 
 governor: Eichard Gibbons, chief justice, president ; David Matliews, attorney-general; William Smith, military 
 surgeon; Thomas Moncrielle, furt adjutant; J. li. Boisseau, deputy commissary of musters; Eev. Benjamin 
 Lovell, military chaplain; Thomas Uncle, William Brown and John Wilkinson; clerk of council and provincial 
 secretary, David Cuyler. Subsequently on account of difHculties between DesBarres and the commandant of the 
 garrison. Colonel Yorke, the fort adjutant and the chaplain resigned, and Alexander Haire and George Eogers 
 were appointed in their place. The names of the other civil oliicers of the province, in addition to tliose just given 
 in the list of councillors, were as follows : surveyor-general, Thomas ITurd ; comptroller of customs, William 
 Brown ; naval oflicer, George Moore ; postmaster, Thomas Uncle ; Eev. Eanna Cossit was appointed in 1786 first 
 rector of St. George's Church. He and all the officers of the civil government were paid out of an imperial grant 
 made by parliament for that purpose. By an ordinance of the 14th oT Feb. 1791, the whole island was constituted 
 one parish, and the minister required to be of the Church of England, with some provision for liberty of dissent. 
 (See Brown's Cape Breton for other information on this subject). The majority of the names here given have dis- 
 appeared, but there are still in the island representatives of the Dodds, Cossits, Gibbons and Moores, who took 
 part in the public aflfairs of the island when its government was first established. The Dodd family have given 
 three judges in succession to the bench., Numerous descendants of the settlers that came into Cape Breton in its 
 early days are found at Sydney, Louisbourg, St. Peter's, He Madame, Bedeque and other parts of the island. For 
 instance, Lorway, Kavanagh, Townsend, Martell, Bagnall, Eobertson, Tremain, Crawley, Ball, Ingraham, Hill, 
 Plant, McKinnon, Clarke, Dumaresque, Brown, Weeks and Crowdy. But with the coming of the Scotch settlers, 
 Macdonald, Eoss, MacKinnon and other names of "that ilk" began to prevail from one end of the island to the 
 other. 
 
 ^ The following ia a list of the lieutenant-governors of (iape Breton while it had a government of its own : — 
 Major Frederick Wallet DesBarres, 1784—1787 ; Lt.-Colonel Maoarmiok, 1787—1795 ; Attorney-General D. Mathows, 
 president of council, administrator. May 27, 1795— June 29, 1798 ; Brigadier-General Ogilvie, president of council, 
 administrator, June 29, 1798— June 21, 1799 ; Brigadier-General Murray, June 21, 1799— September 16, 1800 ; Major- 
 General Despard, September 10, 1800— July G, 1807 ; Brigadier-General Nepean, July G, 1807— June 1, 1813 ; Briga- 
 dier-General Swayne, January 1, 1813— February G, 1816; Lt.-Colonel Fitzherbert, February 5, 1816— November 4, 
 181G ; Major-General Ainslie, November 4,1816 — June 22,1820; Captain David Stewart, administrator, until 9th 
 October, 1820, when Cape Breton was reunited to Nova Scotia. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 83 
 
 as illegal on the ground that in consequence of the royal proclamation of I'TBS, and of 
 the letters-patent and instructions ' relating to the government of Cape Breton, no tax 
 could be levied in the colony except by consent of its representatives convened in an 
 assembly. On that ground, and after an exhibition of much public discontent, the pay- 
 ment of the tax was at length resisted, and an action brought in 1816 to recover it for the 
 crown by the King's collector against Messrs. Leaver and Eitchie, then lessees of the coal 
 mines. The cause came on for trial in the supreme court of the island in November, 
 1816, before Chief Justice Dodd, when a verdict was given for the defendant on the 
 ground that the tax was illegal. To this verdict and the judgment given thereupon 
 " the crown was advised to and did submit." This difficulty, involving important finan- 
 cial results, led to a radical change in the constitutional position of the island. "Wearied 
 with the squabbles of officials, finding that the island was making no progress under a 
 government of its own, informed by the crown officers that there was no legal provision 
 for raising a revenue in the island, and that some change was imperatively required in 
 the general state of afiairs, the English government took steps to reannex the island to 
 the government of Nova Scotia and to declare it a distinct county of that province, " to 
 be called and known by the name of the county of Cape Breton ; and to be represented, 
 and the civil government thereof to be administered, in like manner as the other counties 
 of the province are administered and governed.'' This action of the imperial government 
 created much discontent among the officials of the island, and strong remonstrances 
 againsj the union were sent to England, where they were supported by the famous agi- 
 tator, SasSd Hume, in the British parliament. The majority of the inhabitants of Cape 
 Breton appear, however, to have been quite indiff'erent to the measure, and its unpopu- 
 larity was mainly confined to the little capital. The constitutional point was raised by 
 the petitioners that the island had never been formally annexed to the province of Nova 
 Scotia after its cession by France as an integral part thereof, but that it had been for a 
 short time placed under the government of the province, and had been subsequently 
 given by letters-patent a distinct constitution, with a lieutenant-governor and council and 
 the right to call an assembly when necessary, and that this constitution having been once 
 solemnly granted by the crown could not be taken away, except by the consent of the 
 people or by an act of the imperial parliament. The question having been referred to 
 the judges of the privy council they decided that the inhabitants of Cape Breton were 
 not by law " entitled to the constitution purported to be granted to them by the letters- 
 patent of 1*784, mentioned in the above petition." ^' 
 
 For many years the progress of the island was retarded by the supineness of the Eng- 
 glish government in giving titles to lands, none being granted even to actual settlers. 
 Captain Holland's survey was completed in ITBT, but still no move was made to open the 
 large tracts of valuable land which were available for cultivation. Between IT'TO and 
 1*780, merchants from the island of Jersey began to establish fishing settlements on He 
 Madame, Cheticamp and several places on the Gut of Canseau, some of which grew to 
 considerable size. For some inexplicable reason, when free grants of land were offered to 
 
 ' See App. XVI, (D,) to this work. 
 
 ' See App. XVI, (E,) for proclamation reannexing Cape Breton to Nova Scotia. 
 
 " See Brown, Hist, of C. B., 458, 459, and App. XVI, (D,) to tiiis work, where a reference is given to the peti- 
 tioners' case. 
 
84 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 the loyalists who came to Nova Scotia at the close of the war of independence, the gov- 
 ernor of that province was not allowed "upon any pretence whatever to make any grants 
 in the island of Cape Breton or any other island com.prehended within his government 
 without express orders to that purpose." ^ With the establishment of a separate govern- 
 ment in Cape Breton, however, there was a decided improvement in this par- 
 ticular, and grants were freely made to immigrants. A great current of population 
 began to flow into Cape Breton from the islands and northern parts of Scotland 
 where the great landlords wished to rid their estates of their peasantry and turn them 
 into pasture lands for the raising of cattle and sheep, just as in these later times they 
 have driven off the humble crofters from lands which they wish to make preserves for 
 deer. This Highland migration settled the counties of Pictou and Antigonish, in Nova 
 Scotia, and then began to find its way to Cape Breton, at first to the western coast. 
 From the close of the last century, when this population first came into the country, until 
 the reunion with Nova Scotia when it began to cease, at least twenty-five thousand per- 
 sons are estimated to have settled on the public lands, waste for so many years. Cape 
 Breton from that time was no longer a French but a Scotch colony, whose old homes 
 must be sought in the Hebrides, on the rocky, windy shores of far away Lewis or Storn- 
 oway, or in some rude sheiling by the side of a lonely loch or stream amid the mount- 
 ains of northern Scotland. 
 
 For the greater part of this century Cape Breton has had but a sluggish existence. 
 The Scotch population in the early days of settlement led quiet uneventful lives on that 
 remote island of eastern North America. If sometimes their thoughts went back to the 
 islands and mountains of their native land, it was to remember their poverty and wretch- 
 edness and the greed of the great lords under whom they lived, and to congratulate them- 
 selves on the complete freedom which they enjoyed on lands which were now their own, 
 and which with industry and patience gave them at least a comfortable subsistence. The 
 waters that surround the island, and the numerous streams which everywhere find their 
 way to the sea abound in fish of all kinds, and it was easy for them to live in this new 
 land compared with the one they had left. As the country grew older, as its means of 
 communication increased — very slowly it must be admitted in this long neglected island 
 — as its great coal mines were developed, the appearance of Cape Breton improved much 
 for the better. Many of the children of the old settlers went to the American cities, and 
 returning from time to time to their old homes, brought with them fresh ideas which 
 have already made their influence felt, even in the remote Scotch and Acadian settlements. 
 In the beginning of the present century there were only a little over two thousand 
 persons, exclusive of a few hundred Indians, throughout the island, but at the present 
 time the population is close to ninety thousand,^ of whom between fifty and sixty thou- 
 sand are the descendants of the immigrants from the islands and highlands of Scotland. 
 It was not until well into the present century that the rich mines of bituminous coal 
 with which the island abounds, chiefly on the eastern coast, between little Bras d'Or and 
 
 1 Brown, " Hist, of C. B.," 386. 
 
 ^ The Census returns of 1891 show' as follows: Cape Breton, 34,223; Inverness, 25,781; Richmond, 14,400; 
 Victoria, 12,390. As in other parts of Canada there has been an exodus of young men and women to the United 
 States for the last forty years, and the increase of population from decade to decade is consequently not shown by 
 the Census. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 8B 
 
 Cow Bay. became developed to any extent. They appear to have been know^n to the 
 French even in the days of Sienr Denys, who was given the right to collect a small du-ty 
 on coal and plaster within the island. "While Louisbourg was occupied by the French, they 
 brought fuel chiefly from the cliffs of Morienue, now Cow Bay, and also from the little Labra- 
 dor as it was then called. The English from 1*745 to 1*749, when they occupied Louisbourg, 
 used the coal chiefly at Burnt Head, near Lingan or Bridgeport,' and the Labrador. After 
 1758, when Cape Breton became a permanent possession of England, the mines at Cow Bay 
 supplied the garrison and inhabitants of Louisbourg, and were for years protected by a 
 fort and block house, of which a memorial remains in the name of the "Block House 
 Mine." The coal deposits for seventy years were worked in a fitful and unsatisfactory 
 manner, either by the government itself or by small contractors, and the yearly output 
 did not average more than 4,000 chaldrons during that period. The British government 
 did not at any time take an active interest in their operations, or encourage their develop- 
 ment by commercial enterprise. A small tax or royalty was usually levied on each 
 chaldron of coal mined by the contractor for the time being, and it was the opposition to 
 the payment of taxes by Messrs. Leaver and Eitchie, who had the lease of the Sydney 
 mines in 1816 that helped to show the English authorities the necessity of making a 
 change in the government of the island in 1820.^ Some years after the island was again 
 united to Nova Scotia, the imperial government gave a monopoly for sixty years of the 
 mines of the whole province to a spendthrift royal duke — the Duke of York — who deeded 
 his rights to a famous firm of English jewellers, Eundell, Bridge and Eundell, who 
 formed an English association in 182*7, known as the General Mining Association. This 
 company worked the mines of Sydney, Bridgeport and other places in Nova Scotia for 
 thirty years, exclusively under their charter of monopoly. An agitation against their 
 sole use of such valuable property eventually ended in an arrangement by which all the 
 mines came into the possession of the government of the province, with the exception of 
 those at Sydney, Pictou and other places where the association had long been working 
 successfully.^ As a consequence of this important change in the proprietorship of the 
 mines of Cape Breton, there are now some ten collieries carrying on a large trade ' in one 
 of the richest sources of wealth which the island possesses. 
 
 The total output of coal from the mines of the island of Cape Breton has nowreached 
 about a million of tons, and the total export at about seven hundred thousand tons.'^ The 
 
 1 See infra, sec. IX. 
 
 ^ See supra, two pages. Also Brown, " Hist, of Cape Breton," pp. 433-435. 
 
 ^ Mr. Gilpin, inspector of coal mines for the province of Nova Scotia, says with much truth that " tlie energy 
 and wealth of this company were of great benefit to the province, and its conduct and that of its chief officers has 
 ever been honourable, and calculated to set an example of honesty and reliability. " The Association "has now 
 disposed of all the coal lands owned by it in Nova Scotia proper and retains its selections in Cape Breton, opera- 
 ting chiefly in the historical Sydney main seam, which has been drawn upon by the miner for over one hundred 
 years." See " Coal Mining in Nova Scotia," by E. Gilpin, M. Can. Soc C. E., p. 5 
 
 * See App. XV. (last paragraph) to this work for a reference to " Geological Reports of Canada " and other 
 books, showing the value of the coal deposits of Cape Breton. 
 
 ^ Mr. Gilpin, inspector of mines, in his annual report for 1890, gives the following statistics : Bridgeport raised 
 28,223 tons; Caledonia, 156,174; Franklyn, 723; Glace Bay, 111,472; Gowrie, 141,099; International, 143,091; 
 Ontario, 9,049 ; Reserve, 155,906 ; Sydney, 181,571 ; Victoria, 90,930. The total sales were 916,994 tons, against 
 738,250 in 1888. The home sales were 223,732 tons, and those in the province of Quebec, 480,462 tons Until the 
 imposition of a duty in 1867 on Nova Scotia coal coming into the United States ports, the greater proportion of 
 this product found its way into the American market, but since the commencement of Confederation and the 
 
86 CAPE BEBTON AKD ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 coal mines of Cape Breton have so far monopolized what capital and enterprise have been 
 directed to the island, but attention is now being gradually given to the other mineral 
 and natural riches it possesses. The gypsum is of excellent quality, and found at Mabou, 
 Bedeque and other places in large deposits. Copper is being mined in the neighbourhood 
 of Sydney, and good indications of iron are traced both in Cape Breton and Inverness 
 counties. The Marble Mountain at "West Bay, one of the picturesque inlets of the Bras 
 d'Or lake, has long attracted notice, but it is only now that an organized effort is being 
 made to develop this remarkable illustration of nature's handiwork. The deposit is 
 exceedingly extensive, and the marble is described as of the finest quality, " the white 
 being pronounced by experts equal to the best Italian for statuary, while the colored and 
 mottled varieties are very beautiful." ' As a matter of fact, the actual extent and value 
 of the mineral wealth of the island have hardly yet been fully investigated. Nova Scotia 
 and British Columbia, as the two extremes of the Dominion, must sooner or later be 
 among the largest contributors to the wealth ol Canada ; and it is safe to say that no sec- 
 tion of the former province is so rich in mineral resources as the island of Cape Breton, 
 whose magnificent water facilities give it a decided vantage-ground, so far as shipment 
 of all heavy products like coal, copper, iron, gypsum and marble is concerned.^ The trade 
 returns of the two principal ports of Sydney and North Sydney, for the fiscal year ending 
 on the 30th of June, 1890, showed that thirteen hundred foreign vessels, representing a 
 total tonnage of 405,93*7 tons, largely made up of steamers, cleared and entered, against 
 448 vessels in 179*7-98, with an aggregate tonnage of 19,7*70 tons. The fisheries of the 
 island now employ between 100 and 150 vessels, upwards of 4,000 boats and over 10,000 
 men, with an annual catch valued at over a million and a half of dollars ; but in this par- 
 ticular Cape Breton does not show as much enterprise and energy as some ports in west- 
 ern Nova Scotia, owing to a want of sufficient capital in this great branch of industry, for 
 whose successful prosecution the island, by its geographical situation, is specially adapted. 
 Once famous Louisbourg, which formerly employed in the fisheries about a hundred 
 vessels and boats and a thousand men, with an annual catch estimated at sixty thousand 
 quintals of cod, now only owns at most forty boats, employing about 120 men, while the 
 value of all fish products does not exceed twenty thousand dollars. 
 
 In the course of time the island was divided into four electoral districts, named 
 counties — the township system, which gave Sydney one representative for years, 
 being eventually abolished. These counties are Cape Breton, which includes the old 
 township of Sydney ; Victoria, so called in honour of the sovereign ; Richmond, in memory 
 
 opening up of an extensive trade with the country on the St. Lawrence, the intercolonial trade has steadily 
 increased, as the foregoing figures for Quebec show. Out of the total sales of the Nova Scotia mines in 1890, 1,519,684 
 tons, the United States took only 73,892 tons. Speaking generally the coals of Cape Breton are bituminous and 
 coking ; many of the seams yield large volumes of gas of good quality ; for domestic purposes they are everywhere 
 acceptable, as they kindle readily and leave little ash. For marine and railway steam-raising they compare 
 favourably with any foreign competitor. 
 
 1 Mr. E. Gilpin in his annual report on the Mines of Nova Scotia for 1890, p. 48. 
 
 '' The eminent geologist, Sir William Dawson, in a recent debate on the Mines of Cape Breton (see Trans, of 
 Can. Soc. of Min. Engineers, Montreal, 1888, p. 35) expressed the opinion that " mining was only beginning to be 
 developed, and he had no doubt that the time would come when Nova Scotia and Cape Breton would become the 
 England of the Dominion and great centres of population. Mining and minerals, unless a great change took 
 place, would undoubtedly form the basis of the wealth of the Dominion, and determine the position of the great 
 cities of the future." 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 87 
 
 of one of the governors-general of Canada ; Inverness, in memory of old Scotia. These 
 districts are represented in the parliament of the Dominion by five members, and in the 
 assembly of Nova Scotia by eight members. For many years of its history the island was 
 governed for certain local purposes by the old English system of quarter sessions, com- 
 posed of a grand jury and justices of the peace, who imposed the assessment and devoted 
 its proceeds to the public needs ; but this unsatisfactory and feeble system has at last 
 given place to municipal self-government based on that of the large and enterprising 
 province of Ontario. Still, despite this move in a right direction, the legislature of the 
 province attempts at times to be a great municipal council for the whole province in many 
 particulars ; for instance, in the construction of roads and bridges. This system, as it is 
 worked out by political managers, is susceptible of much political jobbery and wasteful 
 expenditure of the public moneys. 
 
 In 1829 an historian^ wrote of the schools of Cape Breton, " there are none worthy of 
 the name, not even for the acquirement of mere elemental knowledge, except one or two 
 at Sydney and Arichat, and these are chiefly maintained in questionable existence by in- 
 dividual exertion." For nearly thirty years and more the same remarks applied to the 
 educational condition of the island, and it was not until 1865 that the legislature of 
 Nova Scotia at last awoke from its indifference on the subject and adopted a school system 
 which, with the various amendments made subsequently in the original laws, has brought 
 about a great change for the better. Illiteracy was the rule in Cape Breton as in other 
 sections of Nova Scotia until this new school law, largely based on that of the great and 
 prosperous province of Upper Canada, now Ontario, was extended over the province from 
 one end to the other.^ Under existing conditions nearly all the children are brought in 
 Cape Breton within the reach of educational influences of some kind. In each of the 
 counties there is an academy, open to all young people who are able to pass the prescribed 
 examinations. In Sydney this institution has attained a high state of efficiency, and is 
 housed in a large and convenient building in remarkable contrast with the school accom- 
 modation in the town a quarter of a century ago and less. In addition to these academies 
 there are twenty-five graded schools in the island, a few of which are of a high order, par- 
 ticularly that at North Sydney. The number of common school sections throughout Cape 
 Breton in 1890 was 469, but of these 29 were without teachers — not a creditable state- 
 ment to make of communities in these days. The 471 teachers employed during the 
 summer ierm of 1890 in the island are classified as follows : — 
 
 Grade A. (Academic and Graded Schools) 8 
 
 " B. (First Class) 62 
 
 " C. (Second " ) 153 
 
 " D. (Third ") 25* 
 
 The third or inferior class of teachers still bears an undue proportion to the total 
 number in each county, as the following statement shows : — 
 
 Cape Breton Co 69 out of 161 in all. 
 
 Richmond 37 " " 74 " " 
 
 Inverness 98 " "169 " " 
 
 Victoria 50 " " 73 " " 
 
 1 Haliburton, " Hist, of N. S.," ii. 249. '' Rev. Dr. Smith, of Sydney, has given me the facts on this subject. 
 
88 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS liIEMOEIALS. 
 
 The school teachers, as a class, are very poorly paid in this island compared with those 
 in the western province of Ontario. The highest salary paid in the superior grades is 
 $370 (in Cape Breton county) and the lowest $193, but there is relatively little disparity 
 between male and female teachers. .The women's salaries in the higher schools range from 
 $318 to $193 a year, and the men's from $370 to $258. In the lower grade of schools the 
 salaries range for men from $212 to $122, and for women from $231 to $116 — those of the 
 latter being on the average in these classes higher than those of the men.' The teachers 
 in the academies, graded schools and larger sections are regarded as very com- 
 petent ; but in many of the smaller rural parts they are very inferior, and this is a fact 
 easily explained by the very low salaries that are offered. In some places there is said to 
 be a curious battle going on between the Graelic teacher and his English pupils who find 
 more amusement than profit from their instruction in a hybrid tongue. Nepotism prevails 
 in Cape Breton, as it does elsewhere in official circles, and the rural trustee finds it very 
 convenient to foist off' a poor relation on his district. In all the country sections, school 
 matters are administered by a board of three trustees, but in the incorporated towns the 
 municipal council appoint three of their number to act on a school board, and the govern- 
 ment select two other persons on the nomination of course of the local political manager 
 — a fact showing the tenacity with which Nova Scotian politicians cling to patronage, 
 however humble. All the people, irrespective of sects, contribute to the support of the 
 public schools, and a separate school system has practically no recognition in Nova Scotia. 
 In the larger towns there are convents for the education of girls, but these are supported 
 by the voluntary contributions of the Roman Catholics, and have no connection with the 
 public schools of the island. The academies and schools generally are supported by pro- 
 vincial grants and by local taxes. On the whole, the people of Cape Breton have a system 
 of schools which fairly well represents their material and intellectual development. As 
 the island increases in wealth and the people feel more ambitious impulses, education in 
 the rural sections will become of a higher order, and the teacher in his salary and qualifi- 
 cations will illustrate the intelligence and enterprise of the community where he pursues 
 his laborious and responsible occupation. 
 
 It is interesting to the people of Cape Breton to learn that at an early period of their 
 history an intelligent English officer wished to give their island a higher position in the 
 government of British America. Colonel Morse, of the Royal Engineers, in 1784, made a tour 
 of Nova Scotia under the orders of Sir Guy Oarleton, commander-in-chief of his majesty's 
 forces in North America, and stated in his " Observations " on the defences and security 
 of the province that he was " strongly impressed with the idea of uniting these provinces 
 (Nova Scotia and New Brunswick] with Canada, to the advantage of both countries, and 
 that by establishing the same laws, inducing a constant intercourse and mutual interest, 
 a great country may yet be raised up in America,, to facilitate which it may be found 
 proper to establish a seat of general government and protection," and for this end it 
 occurred to him that " the island of Cape Breton is very favourably situated." It is a 
 
 ' One gentleman to whom I am indebted for information on this point says that " miserably small as the 
 salaries of the lower class teachers are (especially in Inverness where they are nearly three-flfths of the whole) they 
 are, so far as the contribution of the section goes, in some few cases, I believe paid in the way of board, the 
 teachers being passed along from one house to the other." This shows the primitive state of things in certain 
 parts of Cape Breton. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 89 
 
 " promontory standing, as it were, between the three provinces, and happily situated for 
 communication with the several parts of all the three, besides being the most safe and 
 easy land for ships to make coming from Europe." ^ 
 
 IX. Some Picturesque Features of Cape Breton and Memorials of the French 
 
 Regime. 
 
 Leaving the subject of the varied resources of Cape Breton to the statist, let us now 
 turn to the picturesque aspect of the island, and to the memorials which still remain of 
 that old regime, whose history has been briefly written in these pages. From summer to 
 summer for many years the writer has visited this island endeared to him by the associa- 
 tions and memories of his boyhood, and always interesting for the fresh beauties revealed 
 on its grand coast, its beautiful rivers and its spacious bays, and for the opportunity it 
 gives of drawing the visitor from the prosaic present, with its cares and selfishness, to the 
 contemplation of other days when men and heroes fought and struggled for the supremacy 
 of two great nations on its storm-beaten shores. We find, still lingering on the bays and 
 harbours, the old names which existed in the middle of last century, when M. Pichon, 
 that discontented Frenchman visited the same places, and left us a description of their 
 natural features which in some respects is as true of these days as of his own time. He 
 Madame, Baleine and St. Esprit, are still familiar names of the French rule. But Micmac, 
 Portuguese, Spaniard, and Frenchman have in their turn left memorials of their presence 
 indelibly imprinted on the bays, rivers and headlands of this ancient island, — ancient 
 confessedly in American geography. The manner or the time of their baptism is now 
 buried in obscurity or absolute darkness, as I showed in the commencement of this paper, 
 and in many cases it is impossible to tell their exact meaning, and especially is this true of 
 the Indian or Micmac words. 
 
 Standing on one of the bleak hills vfhich overlook the Strait between Nova Scotia 
 and Cape Breton we recall its history since the days the Sieur de Fronsac was strug- 
 gling against the jealousies of rival traders and attempting to establish a seigneurie 
 for himself in its vicinity. His name, which for a while was given to this arm of the 
 sea, long ago disappeared from the memory of all except the historic student, and 
 the old title, whatever its meaning, clings persistently to these picturesque shores. 
 From time to time the graceful fishing vessels of New England glide over its waters, with 
 their white canvas and trim hulls, the envy and admiration of all sailors — so amazingly 
 in contrast with the clumsy'hulks of the Basque vessels of St. Jean de Luz which, three 
 centuries ago and more, frequented these coasts.^ The derivation of the name is now a 
 matter of conjecture. In the old maps and charts it is spelt Campseau or Oanseau, and 
 the present method is an English corruption of the original name. One writer will have 
 that it is derived from the Spanish Granso, and has reference to the great flocks of wild 
 geese which fly over the Strait at certain periods of the year, and which naturally attracted 
 
 1 See " Can. Archives," (1884) liii, for full text of these " Observations." 
 
 ' L'Esoarbot writes (" Hist, de la Nouvelle France," ii. 576) of an old Basque captain of St. Jean de Luz, one 
 Savalet, who had frequented the eastern ports of Nova Scotia for 42 years before the author saw him in 1605, and 
 whose name was given by the early French voyageurs to a little harbour a short distance from Canseau, probably 
 Whitehaven. See Abb6 Laverdifire in a note on this latter point in his edition of Champlain's works, ii. 277. 
 
 12 
 
90 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 the attention of the early Spanish navigators ; ^ but this appears to be a mere ingenious 
 effort of the same fancy which has given a Spanish origin to Canada, — apa nada — instead 
 of the generally accepted Iroq^uois deriviation, " kanuata " or collection of cabins. It has 
 also been urged that a French sailor by the name of Cause first gave his name to the 
 Strait, but this theory has been easily disposed of by the fact that the author who is men- 
 tioned as the authority for this supposition was actually writing of the "West Indies, and 
 referred to one Cause.^ As a matter of fact the name fisrt appears at the port of Canseau, 
 on the southeast coast of Nova Scotia — a great resort of Breton and Basque fishermen 
 from early times, and was subsequently extended to the arm of the sea between the penin- 
 sula of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton. L'Escarbot is no doubt correct in stating that it is 
 an Indian word ; and indeed on reference to the best work on the Micmac tongue we find 
 that it still exists in the old form of kamsok which means " a steep bluff" rising on the oppo- 
 site side." The Indians, in accord with their custom of naming places from certain natural 
 characteristics, probably so called the Strait from the steep bluff's on the Nova Scotia side 
 — one of which, Cape Porcupine, is especially conspicuous from its curious resemblance to 
 the back of the little animal from which it is named. The French who frequented the 
 port of Canseau at a very early date must have given it the Indian name applied to the 
 whole Strait. 
 
 St. Peter's — the French Port Toulouse — is the first place of importance after leaving 
 the Nova Scotia side of the Strait where we find ourselves on historic ground in Cape 
 Breton. This well-known place, which still retains its importance as a geographical and 
 commercial point, appears to have been named after the Count de Toulouse, who was an 
 illegitimate son of Louis Quatorze and Madame Montespan, and won high distinction 
 as a naval commander. The establishment formed at St. Peter's by Denys was situated, 
 as far as can be ascertained, on a rocky neck of land in a little cove to the right of the 
 entrance of the canal ; and in this same neighbourhood, from the days of the French, 
 there has been always a small settlement of fishermen and traders. The new village 
 which has grown up since the construction of the canal can be seen to the left of the 
 canal and is a collection of painted or whitewashed wooden houses, almost bare of trees. 
 In old times when Pichon wrote of this locality, it was a centre of communication for the 
 whole island, and the most important post after Louisbourg. Here one "could observe 
 the least motion of the English at Canso or in the passage of Fronsac, and advice could 
 be sent to the commandant of Louisbourg in less than eighteen hours." In 1*755 there 
 were in this place two hundred and thirty inhabitants exclusive of officers and troops, and 
 the people who were very industrious found constant employment in building boats and 
 vessels, in the cutting of timber, and in the fisheries. The name of Port Toulouse has 
 passed away since 1*758 and the older name of St. Peter's, which existed in the time of 
 Denys, has been restored, if indeed it ever disappeared from the vocabulary of the people 
 or of the sailors who frequented this port. It is claimed that the name was originally 
 Portuguese, and there is some authority for this claim in the fact that we find in the old 
 maps a cape San Pedro in the vicinity of an arm of the sea between the terra des 
 Bretones and Cap de Breton. One learned archaeologist is inclined to believe that it was 
 at St. Peter's, and not at Inganiche that the Portuguese made their first and only settle- 
 
 ' Judge Haliburton, (" Sam Slick ") in his " Hist, of Nova Scotia," ii. 223, n. 
 ^ See Abb6 Laverdi^re's note in his edition of Champlain's works, ii. 279, n. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MIMOEIALS, 91 
 
 ment in the Gulf, and goes so far as to make them the builders of a fort the ruins of which 
 can still be traced about one hundred yards to the westward of the canal ; ' but here we 
 enter into the realm of mere speculation and have really no facts before us except the 
 general knowledge that this was certainly a favourite resort of the early French, and was 
 probably visited by the Portuguese as early as, if not before, the Basques. "We have to be 
 content with the information given us by Ohamplain, who had the best means of knowing 
 something of the subject, that luganiche was the scene of the abortive attempt of the 
 Portuguese to establish a settlement in Cape Breton, and we should probably be grateful 
 to the learned antiquarian who favours the claim of St Peter's that in his zeal for the Por- 
 tuguese he does not tax our ingenuity too far, but allows the Micmacs to retain the pos- 
 session of the word Inganis or Inganiche — undoubtedly of Indian origin. But leaving 
 these interesting imaginings of the Old Mortalities of the countries on the Gulf,— and it is 
 amazingly easy to build up theories of the past on the slight evidence that remains to us 
 of the occupation of the island before the French — we come to the remarkable mediter- 
 ranean sea known in these times as the Bras d'Or lake. , Here we can sail or steam for 
 many hours on the bosom of an arm of the sea ever widening, ever lessening, with the 
 highlands of the north always visible, and the lowlands of the south receding as we find 
 ourselves on one of its great expansions. Anon we pass through a narrow gorge or channel 
 cut by some convulsion of nature, or more probably worn by the action of the waves 
 since primeval times, and pass from one lake to another. From northeast to southwest, 
 in the course of untold centuries since the world was young, the ocean steadily forced its 
 way through ihe rocky hills of the interior of the island and formed a series of lakes, bays 
 and channels affording safe and uninterrupted navigation for ships of large size for at 
 least fifty miles from Point Aconi, the most easterly head of Boularderie island, to the 
 narrow isthmus which long barred progress to the Gut of Canso, but which, too, must in 
 some distant future have yielded to the never ceasing action of the sea. Here at last the 
 enterprise of man has come to the aid of these inland waters, and given them access to St. 
 Peter's Bay by means of the fine canal already mentioned. The lake divides Capo Breton 
 into two sections, each distinguished by diverse natural features The northern division 
 is remarkable for its lofty mountains and cliffs, which end at last in Capes Lawrence and 
 North. The southern division has none of the ruggedness and grandeur of the country 
 on the other side of the lake, but here we find the most spacious harbours — of which 
 Sydney and Louisbourg are the best — and the richest coal areas of the island. From Port 
 Hawkesbury to the Strait of Canso as far as Cape St. Lawrence, there are no good harbours 
 on the picturesque western coast compared with those on the southern and eastern shores 
 of the other division. Between the eastern entrances of the Bras d'Or and the storm-swept 
 
 ^ Eev. Dr. Patterson in Trans, of Boy. Soc. of Can. vol. viil, 2 sec. Another Nova Scotian writer, R. G. 
 Haliburton, in ' Popular Science Monthly ' for May, 1885, p. 48, is also inclined to believe in a Portuguese colony 
 at St. Peter's. "Traditions " he writes, " as to an early settlement still linger among the Micmacs, who aver that 
 certain earth-mounds at St. Peter's, Cape Breton, were built by white men before the arrival of the French. This 
 belief received many years ago a confirmation by the discovery in one of these mounds of an archaic cannon 
 formed of bars of iron fastened with iron bands or hoops, those toward the breech being the strongest. This gun 
 attracted little attention at the time and waff broken up. My knowledge of this circumstance is derived from the 
 historian of that province [his father Judge Haliburton] who, for more than twenty years was on circuit in Cape 
 Breton once, if not twice, a year. * * * An inquiry into the date of the manufacture of such guns showed 
 clearly that it must have been brought out before the arrival of the French in Cape Breton. Were these remains 
 at St. Peter's vestiges of this early Portuguese colony ?" See infra, sec. X, similar cannon at Louisbourg. 
 
92 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 
 
 promontory of Cape North, there is the fine harbour of St. Anne's, which at one time was 
 nearly chosen the capital of Cape Breton, then He Eoyale, and is in its natural aspect 
 more interesting than Louisbourg on account of the sublime vistas of forest-clad hills and 
 of the great ocean far beyond. The Bras d'Or lake is connected at the east with the 
 Gulf by means of two guts or straits known as the great and the little Bras d'Or entrances 
 — one running to the north and the other to the south of the fine island of Boularderie 
 which is a long narrow tract of land now inhabited chiefly by Scotch settlers, and which 
 was also called in French times the He de Yerderonne, until it came to be better known 
 by the name of its first proprietor, a French gentleman who served with distinction in the 
 French na^^y and at Port Royal in Acadie.^ At several points on the lake from St. Peter's 
 to Sydney, there are many features of interest to attract the tourist. The picturesque nar- 
 rows which connect the two lakes, is now crossed by a graceful drawbridge of iron, over 
 which the railway passes from the Strait of Canso to the capital town of Cape Breton. 
 At this point you catch many charming glimpses of the expansive lake and the dim hills 
 which stretch far to the north and west. Baddeck, strictly speaking Bedek,^ an old Micmac 
 name changed by the French to Bedeque, is a charming little harbour where a sum- 
 mer retreat has been made on the slopes and plateaus of the hills which rise from the 
 water's edge. Here Charles Dudley Warner dipped his pen to describe its charms in his 
 humorous vein, and now science finds its representative in the inventor of the telephone 
 who has raised his laboratory in this sylvan retreat, and finds the rest he needs by cruising 
 in the devious channels and bays of these beauteous inland waters. The sail from this 
 pretty spot through the entrance of the great Bras d'Or offers many a charming vista of 
 cliffs where the gypsum " mingles its white with the dark green of the overhanging 
 spruce, and where the land rises into lofty hills, with their slopes dotted by cottages on 
 little patches of meadow. Churches, with tapering steeples, all of an unfailing type, 
 square, commodious and ugly, testify to the religious fervour of the inhabitants who 
 
 ^ The first Frenchman who obtained a grant to settle and develope the fine island at the entrance of the Bras 
 d'Or Lake was Louis Simon de St. Aubin de Poupet, Chevalier de la Boularderie, who had been enseignede vaisseau 
 in the French navy, and distinguished himself as commander of a company in the successful defence of Port Eoyal 
 in 1707 against the New Englanders under Colonel Wainwright. He appears to have been connected with a com- 
 mercial company for the settlement of the islands of Inganiche and Yerderonne (now Boularderie) and the lands 
 in the vicinity of the little entrance to the Bras d'Or. He died in October, 1738, and was replaced by his son who 
 was also in the French navy. The latter was appointed commandant of Inganiche or Port d'Orleans in 1741. His 
 establishment at Labrador was burned in 1747 by the French " in order to annoy the English in obedience to the 
 orders of M. de La Galissoniere," the English being then in possession of the island. Why it was necessary to burn 
 a Frenchman's buildings to annoy the English, the summary given in the Canadian Archives of the French docu- 
 ment relating to this affair, does not state, but it appears the French at that locality were submissive to Englisli 
 allegiance, and assisted in supplying the English garrison at Louisbourg with coal. It seems Boularderie and his 
 family were reduced to poverty and applied to the French government for relief, when Louisbourg came again 
 into possession of the French. He was given assistance, and was probably the same person who was captured by 
 the English on the day of the landing at Gabarus Bay in 1745, and afterwards released by Governor Shirley on his 
 arrival in Boston. He was appointed in 1746 a Captain in the French army in Canada. See Murdoch, "Hist, 
 of Nova Scotia, i. 293-360. "Can. Archives," (1887), ccxciv, ccci, ccciii-ccciv, cccvi, cccxv, cccxxiv-v, cccxxix, 
 cccxxxii, cccxxxiv, cccxlvi-vii, cccxlvii, " Quebec Doc," iii. 241-374-o92. 
 
 ' Dr. Eand (" Micmac Diet.") gives the correct name as ebfidfik. 
 
 ' In the marine limestone formation of the island " the gypsum is met rising like a ruined marble palace of 
 Eastern climes from the waters of the Bras d'Or, or frowning in a cliff hollowed into a thousand little caves and 
 recesses by the waves and ice. In the woods, from a distance, it recalls the tented homes of an army, or broods 
 like a dismantled castle over some quiet valley." See E. Gilpin's paper on the IMinerals of the Carboniferous (N. S. 
 Inst, of Nat. Sc, 1889.) 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 93 
 
 live by the side of this interesting lake. At vespers, we hear the peal of the bells coming 
 over the water, and finding an echo in the dark receding hills. Sometimes this sheet of 
 water takes a fancy of running deviously into the recesses of the hills and of forming 
 bays and basins, where the land rises precipitously from the water's edge, and only at 
 intervals offers places sufficiently level for the farmer to make his little clearing. Many 
 places on the lakes bear uncouth Micmac names — Whycocomagh, for instance — but still 
 there are not a few memorials of the old French days. One romantic basin, where the 
 entrance is barred by ragged islets, and the shores are indented by numerous little coves, 
 receives the waters of a stream which forces its way from the northwestern country 
 where we meet with a Sky Glen, a Mull, a G-len Dhu, Strath Lorn, Grlencoe and Brigend, 
 to remind us of the origin of the people who now live among the Cape Breton hills. But 
 this basin and river still bear the name of Denys, — in honour of the old seigneur of Cape 
 Breton, who during his residence at St. Peter's constructed a road to connect his post with 
 the Labrador. It was his practice to haul his boats over this road. 
 
 No one who visits the Bras d'Or lake but will readily confess that it is appropriately 
 called the Golden Arm, not merely on account of its picturesque features but equally 
 for the natural wealth that exists in its waters, its excellent farm lands, its plaster quarries, 
 and for the other riches that still lie buried in its mountain ranges. This poetic name, 
 however, appears to be quite of recent origin. All the old French and English charts of 
 the island give to the lake the name of Labrador. It is true the English and French 
 versions of Pichon's descriptive sketch, in one place, speak of the Golden Arm, — probably 
 the origin of the new name — but in every other part of the work he uses the old title.^ 
 In Denys's map of 1672 and in that of the Sieur de Bellin in 1144, we find " Labrador " — 
 the latter adding " appelee par les sauvages Bideanboch." It is still called by the Micmacs 
 Petoobook, which is the correct spelling of a word which the French reproduced as nearly 
 as possible from the sound. In all probability it is the same name given by the 
 Portuguese navigators to the sterile country, to the east of Canada, which they were the 
 first of Europeans to discover. How it came also to be applied to this inland sea of Cape 
 Breton, we have no conclusive evidence to guide us. It is generally believed that the 
 name was first given to the coast of the continent because Cortereal took away with him 
 a number of Indians who were described as well fitted for slaves. No such incident is 
 connected with the history of Cape Breton. If it were possible to believe that the name 
 Brador or Bradour is an Indian name meaning a deep and narrow bay which, like the 
 fiords of Scandinavia, stretches into the interior of a country, then the difficulty would be 
 solved, but there is no authority for this statement which is made by a writer whose 
 theories on such subjects have not generally stood the test of accurate inquiry.^ Bradore 
 Bay on the Labrador coast is considered to be of French origin — simply the Breton mode 
 of pronouncing Eras d'eau ; and if we are to accept this as a fact then it is easy to suppose 
 that the French who settled on this Cape Breton sea gave it the name which describes its 
 natural characteristics. It is a curious fact, which is worth mentioning in this connection 
 that a French privateer commanded by a M. de Brotz, which was captured by Captain Tyng 
 before the first siege of Louisbourg, while cruising in search of colonial vessels, was not only 
 
 1 In his description of the island of Cape Breton he always speaks of the Labrador. See App. VII, (5) to this 
 work. Jefferys' Atlas (1778) has also " Labrador." 
 
 " M. Jules Marcou, cited by Ganong in ' Trans, of Roy. Soc. of Can.,' vir., sec. 2, p. 52. 
 
94 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 built on the lake, but actually called after it, Labrador, — another proof of the general 
 acceptance of the name. It is just possible that among the early settlers in this part of 
 the island there were some French settlers from Bradore bay on the bleak northeastern 
 coast of the Gulf and that in this way the name was first given to this beautiful lake 
 which, in later times, so impressed its visitors that they changed it to the more poetic 
 appellation which it now bears with general approA^al. 
 
 If Bras d'Or is but a modern phrase, it is not the only example we have of the tend- 
 ency to give a French version to names, the original meaning of which has been lost in 
 the lapse of centuries. We see this illustrated in the name of the little bay of Mainadieu, 
 to the westward of the dangerous isle of Scatari, to which was also sometimes given the 
 name of Little Cape Breton. To the southeast of this bay is that cape from which the 
 large island itself has in the course of years been called. Nearly all the French maps 
 describe it as Menadou — rand Charlevoix gives us for a variation Panadou — in all prob- 
 ability an Indian name like Pictou' in Nova Scotia or Mabou in Cape Breton, or Oibou,'' 
 which was the Micmac name of either St. Anne's or Sydney harbour, if not of both. It 
 was obviously easy to coin Mainadieu out of the old Indian word, so akin to it in sound, 
 and to suppose that it was once given by some storm-tossed sailor who believed that he 
 saw the hand of God stretched forth to guide him into this little haven of refuge on the 
 rough Cape Breton coast. Nigh by are two little harbours on whose encircling hills fish- 
 ermen have dwelt from the earliest days of which we have any records, and whose names 
 appear frequently in the accounts of the two sieges of Louisbourg, especially in that of 
 1758, since it was at one of these ports that Wolfe established a depot for the support of 
 his batteries on Lighthouse Point. Some years ago a woman of the neighbourhood, while 
 passing a little hillock, accidentally discovered a small jar which had been hidden for a 
 century and a quarter or more, until the rains and snows had worn away the earth and 
 brought it to light. As she lifted it carelessly a little stream of gold coin poured forth — 
 louis d'or from the mint of the days of Louis Quinze, whose head was imprinted on the 
 metal. In all probability, in a hurried flight to Louisbourg, when the English came on 
 the coast in 1758, the treasure was buried and never reclaimed by the owner who met 
 his death behind the walls of the old town. The place where these coins were found is 
 now known as Little Loran in distinction from Great or Big Loran, the port nearest to 
 Louisbourg, where Wolfe made his post. Some contend that the name is only a corrup- 
 tion of Lorraine, but nowhere in any writing or map is there authority for such an hypo- 
 thesis. Billan, Pichon and others give us Lorembec, which naturally recalls Malpec, 
 Kennebec, Cascumpec, Norembeque or Norembec, and other Indian names of old times of 
 Acadie and the countries on the Gulf of St. Lawrence. In the Micmac tongue btk or bee is 
 a familiar termination to the names of places, and one or two French writers have called this 
 
 ' Sir W. Dawson is authority for the statement (Trans, of Can. Soo. of Min. Eng., 1878, Montreal, p. 35) " that 
 the name Pictou originated with the old Micmacs because of the gaseous emanations which were continually tak- 
 ing place on the outcrops of the coal seams." 
 
 ^ Grand Cibou is the old Micmac name generally given to St. Anne's (Brown's History, 77), but it appears 
 from the narrative of Mr. Charles Leigh, who visited Cape Breton in 1597, he entered a harbour called by the 
 natives " Cibou," which, from his description, is clearly Sydney. (See Hakluyt, Goldsmid's ed., xiii. 69.) It is 
 quite obvious that the early voyagers found the Micmac name of river, seeboo, applied indifferently to such fine 
 harbours as St. Anne and Sydney. We meet with the same name on the western coast of Acadie, in the beauti- 
 ful river of Sissibou. (See infra, third page, note.) Brown does not appear to have studied the Indian names. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOKIALS. 
 
 9S 
 
 harbour Laurentbec. In L'Escarbot's map we find St. Loran given to a cape at the north 
 of Cape Breton, but this was done to give a place to probably one of Oartier's names, Cape 
 Lorraine.' "We may assume that Laurentbec was simply an attempt to gallicise an 
 unknown Indian name whose sound to the ear naturally recalled the familiar title of the 
 great gulf and river of Canada. Loran ^ is only a corruption of the stately name of Lor- 
 raine, which was given it for years, when no one, after the occupation by the English, 
 could interpret the original word Lorembec, and there was a general tendency to fall 
 back on the French rdgime in such matters of perplexity. In all likelihood we see in the 
 strange and hitherto meaningless Lorembec a survival of an Algonquin word, which was 
 applied in some remote time of which we have no accurate knowledge to the ill-defined 
 region which was known as Norumbega or Norumbec, and even Arambec — though the 
 latter was generally given to Nova Scotia — and was believed by some mariners and geo- 
 graphers of ancient days to extend from Florida even to the eastern shores of Cape Breton. 
 The old French voyagers may have found the word on the coast of Cape Breton, and have 
 given it to the places where it lingered long until it became at last Loran. Thus we may 
 see in these obscure harbours of eastern Cape Breton a link to connect us with the past of 
 northeastern America — the land of shadows and mysteries, where the city of Norumbega 
 rose with palaces as substantial as those chateaux en Espagne of which all of us dream 
 in the buoyancy and enthusiasm of hopeful and early manhood.^ 
 
 The following verses on the Indian names of places in Acadie and Cape Breton, 
 written in a melodious rhythm by a Nova ScotiaD poet,' will interest my readers in 
 connection with the subject to which we are now referring. 
 
 " The memory of the Ked man 
 How can it pass away, 
 While their names of music linger 
 On each mount, and stream, and bay 
 While Musquodoboit's waters 
 Roll sparkling to the main ; 
 While falls the laughing sunbeam 
 On Chegogin's fields of grain. 
 
 " While Escasoni's fountains 
 Pour down their crystal tide ; 
 While Inganish's mountains 
 Lift high their forms of pride ; 
 Or while on Mabou's river 
 The boatman plies his oar. 
 Or the billows burst in thunder 
 On Chickaben's rock-girt shore. 
 
 ' Bee App. VII to this work. 
 
 ^ It is worth noting that at the mouth of the great Orinocco River there is an island named Loran. Perhaps 
 some may trace a connection between these names of Loran in North and South America and the voyages of the 
 early European voyagers to this continent. 
 
 ^ See App. IV to this work, where this interesting subject is still further discussed. Professor Eben N. Horsford, 
 of Cambridge, Mass.,— the enthusiastic exponent of the theory that the ruins of mysterious Norumbega underlie 
 Watertown, in the basin of the Charles near Boston, — traces in the ancient word a dialectic equivalent of an old 
 Norse form of Norway which has survived on the lips of the eastern Indian tribes. Certainly even those who 
 differ from him must arise from the perusal of his elaborate essays, so rich in valuable maps and illustrations, 
 with the feeling, " Si non 6 vero 6 ben trovato." " See " The Defences of Norumbega," pp. 20-25. 
 
 * Mr. Lighthall in "Songs of the Great Dominion" (London, 18891, like some others, attributes this frequently 
 quoted poem to the late Professor De Mille, a Nova Scotian, author of " The Dodge Club Abroad " in ' Harper's 
 Monthly,' " The Cryptogram," and several other works of light literature. I had often heard it was written by a 
 Mr. Richard Huntington, who was a journalist for a time at Sydney, C. B., and afterwards removed to Yarmouth, 
 N. S., where he followed his profession, and published the verses in question. The Rev. J. R. Campbell, in his 
 " History of Yarmouth " (St. John, N. B., 1876) mentions this fact. 
 
96 
 
 CAPE BEETOJSr AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 " While floats our country's banner 
 O'er Chebuotou's glorious wave ; 
 And the frowning hills of Soatarie 
 The trembling surges brave. 
 While breezj' Aspotogon 
 Lifts high its summit blue, 
 And sparkles on its winding way 
 The gentle Sis^ibou. 
 
 " The memory of the Red Man 
 
 It lingers like a spell 
 
 On many a storm-swept headland 
 
 On many a leafy dell; 
 
 Where Tusket's thousand islets 
 
 Like emeralds stud the deep ; 
 
 Where Blomidon, a sentry 
 
 His endless watch doth keep. 
 
 " It dwells round Catalone's blue lake, 
 
 'Mid leafy forests hid — 
 
 Hound fair Discousse and the rushing tides 
 
 Of the turbid Pisiquid. 
 
 And it lends Chebogue, a touching grace, 
 
 To thy softly flowing river. 
 
 As we sadly think of the gentle race 
 
 That has passed away forever." 
 
 The poet has certainly used much poetic license in the closing words of his charming 
 verses, for the records of history show that the Micmacs, during the wars between France 
 and England on this continent, were far from being the " gentle race " here described. 
 Indeed we have already read in a previous part of this monograph that they were con- 
 sidered among the most cruel and relentless of all the Indian nations. So far, too, from it 
 being true that they have "passed away forever" the fact is that while they do not 
 increase they are still numerous ' in the island of Cape Breton, where they live on reserves 
 by the side of the Bras d'Or, near the most picturesque parts of that beautiful sea. At 
 Escasoni, prettily situated on the north side of the east arm of the lake — one of the 
 poetic names given in the verses before us — the Indians own a fine reserve. On Chapel 
 Island, once called St. Villemai, at the entrance of St. Peter's Inlet, they have A good 
 chapel ; and here the whole tribe assembles every summer for two weeks to celebrate the 
 feast of St. Ann, and to attend the annual religious mission. They cultivate patches 
 of land, and live in small cabins, but a few of them are still nomadic in their habits and 
 periodically visit the towns and villages, near which they remain for a week in their 
 birch-bark wigwams, making various wooden ware for which they obtain a ready market. 
 But as a rule the Indians of the island are more steady and industrious than those of 
 Nova Scotia proper.^ Some of them still remember the stories that have come down from 
 their ancestors of the French res^ime, and it was not long since the present writer copied 
 
 - By the Census of 18S1 there were 250 Micmacs in Capa Breton County ; 100 in Inverness; 90 in Victoria; 
 110 in Richmond, or 550 in the Island. 
 
 ' In the report of the Indian department for 1890 (Can. Sess. P., No. 12), there is the following favourable 
 account of the Indians of Cape Breton : 
 
 " In the northern counties, notably in those of Cape Breton Island, they are more enterprising and thrifty than 
 their bretiiern in the southern counties, where the tendency to roam about the country keeps them from becoming 
 domestic in their habits, and improving their lands. The Indians of the southern counties are also more prone to 
 the intemperate use of intoxicants, as the temptations to which they are exposed in their wandering life are 
 greater than those the Indians of Cape Breton have to encounter. The principal sources from which the former (Nova 
 Scotia Indians) derive their subsistence are coopering, basket-making, and the other manufactures in which Indians 
 are especially skilled. On the other hand, the Indians of Cape Breton devote themselves for the most part to the 
 cultivation of the soil, and to employments which necessitate their remaining more at home ; and the superiority 
 of the one mode of life over the other is proven by the far more comfortable circumstances in which the latter 
 Indians are found than the former." 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEM.OEIALS. 
 
 97 
 
 the following testimonial of the fidelity of a well known Micraac chief of old times from an 
 ancient document which his descendant was in the habit of taking on board the French 
 men-of-war from the Newfoundland coast when they anchored at Sydney — as is their prac- 
 tice every summer— for the purpose of stimulating the generosity of the officers and men. 
 
 Jean Louis Comte de Raymond, Chevalier, Seigneur 
 d'Oye, La Tour, ey autres lieux, Marechal des 
 Camps et armies du Roi, Lieutenant pour sa 
 Majest6 des villes et du cliftteau d'Angoul^mo, 
 Gouverneur et Commandant des Isles Royales 
 Saint Jean et autres. 
 
 Sur If s bons t6moignages qui nous out 6t6 rendues 
 de la fidglitg et attachement aux Franjais du nomm6 
 Jannot Pequidoualouet et de son zgle pour la religion 
 et le service du roi nous I'avons nomm6 et ^tabli ; et 
 par ses presentes, nommons et ^tablissons chef des 
 sauvages de I'ile Royale. 
 
 En foi de quoi nous avons sign6 ces presentes et y 
 avons fait apposer le cachet de nos armes et contre- 
 sign6 par I'un de nos Secretaires. 
 
 Fait 3, Louisbourg le 17 Sbre, 1751. 
 
 (Seal) Lb Comte db Raymond, 
 
 Pour Monsieur le Comte, 
 (Signe) PiCHON. 
 
 John Louis Count de Raymond, Chevalier, Lord of 
 Oy6, La Tour and other places, Field Marshal of 
 the King's army, Lieutenant for his Majesty of 
 the towns and castle of Angoul^me, Governor and 
 Commander of He Royale, St. John and other 
 islands. 
 
 On account of the many evidences of fidelity and 
 attachment to the French given by Jannot Pequi- 
 doualouet, as well as of hie zeal for the religion and 
 service of the king, we have nominated and appointed, 
 and do hereby nominate and appoint him by these 
 presents. Chief of the savages of Isle Royale. 
 
 In proof of which we have signed these Presents, 
 and have appended thereto the seal of our arms, and 
 the countersign of one of our Secretaries. 
 
 Done at Louisbourg, 17th Sept., 1751. 
 
 Countersigned by 
 
 Count db Raymond, 
 
 PlOHON. 
 
 Scatari, Mabou, Discousse, Inganiche and Escasoni are, doubtless, Micmac names 
 which have come to us through the French vocabulary, more or less changed in form and 
 sound.^ Scatarie or rather Scatari, as given in Bellin's and other French maps, is a 
 
 - 1 have only mentioned in the text those names in the poem which belong to Cape Breton. The other names, 
 I may more appropriately explain here, still cling to the same places in Nova Scotia. Musquodoboit is a fine 
 river, flowing southeast into the Atlantic ocean, in the county of Halifax. Its meaning I have not been able to 
 learn. A famous Nova Scotia statesman and poet, Hon. Joseph Howe, spent " two of the happiest years " of his 
 life — to quote his own words — upon the headwaters of this river, where he " learned to plough, to mow, to reap, to 
 cradle," while he rested his brains wearied with the fierce contests of old times of responsible government. (See 
 Howe's "Speeches and Letters," i. 513.) Chegogin is a village on a river of the same name, eight miles from Yar- 
 mouth, and is the corrupted form of the Indian Isegogin or place for weirs. (Campbell, "History of Yarmouth," p. 4.) 
 Chebuctou, or Chebouctou, is Halifax harbour, and means in Micmac the chief or biggest harbour or bay— che-bookt. 
 Aspotogon is the name of a remarkable mountain on the southern coast of Nova Scotia, in Lunenburg county, fifty 
 miles west from Halifax. I cannot give its meaning. The Sissibou is the old name of an extensive and beautiful 
 river on the western side of St. Mary's Bay, in western Nova Scotia, and signifies " big river (cibou), an appellation 
 which was given to it, on account of its discharging the largast body of fresh water of any river in that part of the 
 province." (Haliburton ii. 170.) Chicaben appears to have disappeared from Nova Scotia geography, but Mr. Flint, 
 M. P. for Yarmouth, informs me that it is the Indian name for a flower or plant which once flourished at Church 
 Point, Clare township, Co. of Digby. Many years ago it was proposed to revive this old name of Church Point, but 
 the proposition fell through and the Indian word is now almost forgotten. Tusket is the name of a river, a village 
 and a cluster of rocky islets in southwestern Nova Scotia. Blomidon, which would always be remarkable for its 
 grand beauty if it had not been made famous by the great American poet, is probably a foreign word, some say 
 Portuguese. (See Dr. Patterson, Trans. Roy. Soc. Can,, viii, sec. 2, pp. 153, 154.) It was called by the French 
 in early times Cape Battiste. (Dr. Patterson, Trans. Roy. Soc Can,, viii, 2 sec, 153, 154.) Pisiquid is an 
 old Indian name which Dr. Rand gives as Pesegitk, meaning " to flow splitwise as the tide passes up near Windsor 
 and divides off into the St. Croix." Chebogue, called by some Indians (Campbell, " History of Yarmouth," p. 3). 
 Itebogue, or spring water, and by others Tecebogue, or cold water, is a well known village and river near Yarmouth, 
 N.S. 
 
 13 
 
98 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 triangular island, off the most eastern coast of Cape Breton, and one of the most dangerous 
 parts of the continent until the present lighthouse was erected. It is doubtful if it is 
 Indian — it is probably a corrupted European name since, like Cape Breton, and Porto 
 Novo, an island in the vicinity, it must have been first seen and named by the Basques, 
 Bretons or Portuguese who visited these waters so many centuries ago. Scatari was also 
 called Ponchartrain on some French maps, but it was never so known for any length of 
 time. Inganiche is believed by some persons to be a Portuguese word, but even so 
 earnest a supporter of the claims of that people to early discovery as Dr. Patterson admits 
 that it is Micmac, although the meaning is now lost. Mabou is a small harbour on the 
 western coast of Cape Breton, at the mouth of a river, of the same river which flows 
 through a beautiful and fertile valley, whose fine meadow lands, rich with grasses, and 
 shaded by noble elms and maples, afford a charming contrast with the rugged hills that 
 stretch from the picturesque bay of Whycocomagh to the waters of the G-ulf. Discousse 
 is a fishing village in He Madame, nearly opposite St. Peter's Bay, and called Decoux by 
 Pichon. Cataloue or Catalogue is a reference to the picturesque lake, situated in the hilly 
 country between Mira and Louisbourg, and only separated from the great Mira Bay by a 
 narrow sandbar. The correct spelling is really Catalogue, which, some contend, is clearly 
 the French version of the Spanish Cataluna or the ancient province of Catalonia in Spain, 
 of which the mountainous features might in some respects be compared to this section of 
 Cape Breton. It is claimed that both Catalogue Lake and Mira Bay, which are only 
 separated from each other by a mere sandbar, have been named by the Portuguese and 
 Spanish sailors that anchored frequently, centuries ago, in the bay. On the other hand, 
 it is a fact all important in the discussion of this point, that in several documents relating 
 to Louisbourg, still among the Paris Archives, there are references to a M. de Gatalogne, 
 who was an ofiicer of the garrison from 1128 to 1'735. A M'lle de Catalogue, either his 
 daughter or sister, was married to a M. de G-annes in I'ZSO, who wa§, sent to New York in 
 1738 to purchase flour for the use of the inhabitants of the town. M. de Catalogue died 
 about 1735, for there is an allusion in one of the official papers to some difficulties that 
 occurred in that year, respecting the disposition of his property.^ It is probable then that 
 Lake Catalogue received its name from this officer, though the archives so far accessible 
 give us no evidence that he had property in the vicinity. Mire,^ as the bay is invariably 
 spelt in French documents, it may be added, would be naturally the French adaptation of 
 Mira, the origin of which was probably unknown to the French of Louisbourg.^ 
 
 The origin and meaning of Grabarus — the name of the Bay so famous in the history 
 of the two sieges of Louisbourg — have perplexed inquirers. In all the French writers it 
 
 ^ " Can. Archives," 1887, cecv, coovii, cccxviii. 
 
 - It is an interesting fact tliat in the " Ulloas' Voyage to South America " we read of a village of Mira near 
 Quito, Chili, where the savants made some astronomical observations. A small river of the same name is also 
 situated to the N. W. of the village in question. See Ulloa, i. 239. 
 
 ^ Since the remarks in the text were in type, I have seen an entry in the Index to the Quebec " Collection de 
 Manuscrits," etc., which would intimate that a French officer, de Mir6, may have given his name to the bay and 
 river in Cape Breton. Two references are given of " de Mir6 " (iii. 284, 385) but one of them refers only to the 
 bay, and the other to a M. de Miry (not Mir6), a lieutenant ordered in 1746 to make a descent on the New England 
 frontier. I cannot, however, find there was ever an officer of the name of Mir6, or Miray (as the bay is generally 
 spelt in French maps) at Louisbourg. As in the case of Gabarus, however, it is just possible we may have an easy 
 solution of the whole question in the existence of a French officer or merchant who lived for a while in Cape 
 Breton. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MRMOEIALS. 99 
 
 has its present name, but in most of the English accounts of the sieges of 1*745 and I'ZSS it 
 appears as Chapeau Rouge. Some may think that there is a connection between the two 
 names ; that Chapeau Eouge was given by the English colonists in 1*745, as through an 
 error for G-abarus, these respective names sounding much the same in ordinary conversa- 
 tion. Dr. Parkman throws doubt on the identity of the names, but does not help us to 
 solve the problem. It is noteworthy, however, that the name Chapeau Eouge was not 
 uncommon in the French nomenclature of New France. It is still found in Placentia 
 Bay, on the southeastern coast of Newfoundland, directly across from Gabarus in Cape 
 Breton. During the French occupation of Plaisance, Chapeau Eouge was a post of some 
 importance and is frequently mentioned in the records of the time. It has been assumed 
 by some persons with whom I haVe discussed the question that Chapeau Eouge may have 
 been given to the Cape Breton bay by the settlers from Plaisance and its vicinity in 
 remembrance of their former home in Newfoundland ; but there is no evidence whatever 
 to support this mere surmise. In Bellin's map of 1*744 Gabarus assumes the still more 
 mysterious form of G-abori. As a matter of fact the bay appears to have been named at an 
 early period of its history after one Cabarrus, a Frenchman of Bayonne, who was the iirst 
 to visit its waters though 1 have not been able to find the exact date. This much, however, 
 I have learned on excellent authority. The family of Cabarrus — or G-abarrus as it was 
 sometimes called — had been for a long time engaged in trade at Bayonne, and for a number 
 of years in the fisheries of Acadie and New France. They had an establishment in the 
 bay which now bears their name.'^ 
 
 It is curious to note how in the course of time, under the English occupation, the 
 French names of places have assumed different forms, though retaining more or less the 
 original vocal sounds of the old words. We see this strikingly exemplified in the 
 present name of Lingan which has been given for very many years to a shallow bay 
 which is one of the several harbours and bays that indent the coast of Cape Breton between 
 Louisbourg and Sydney. On all the French maps it is marked L'Indiane or L'Indienne. 
 Pichon informs us that this was a remarkable bay on account of the English having 
 erected in 1745 a fort at a place called Cape Coal for the purpose of supplying the Louis- 
 bourg garrison with fuel. The French after they resumed the occupation of the fortress 
 made use of the coal in the same mine and the intendant frequently gaA'^e leave to his 
 favourites to load their ships from the pit instead of taking ballast. The mine, however, 
 caught fire in the summer of 1*752, and the fort was burned to the ground. Another 
 name which has been considerably or almost entirely changed in its vocalisation is that of 
 Arichat, an old and once prosperous town, famous for its large fishing establishments, 
 situated on He Madame — or Maurepas from a well known French statesman — an isla.nd 
 on the southeastern coast of Cape Breton where a large number of descendants of the old 
 Acadians and French still follow their occupations as sailors, fishermen and farmers. 
 The name " Madame " given for nearly two centuries to this well-known island, the prin- 
 
 ' I am indebted for this information to M. Alpti. Pinart of the Soci6t6 de G^ographie d Paris. In a catalogue 
 of the well known bookseller, Dufoss6 of Paris, appears the following entry which corroborates the statement in the 
 text: 
 
 "Cabarrus (Dominique de) Lettres de noblesse accordges au Sieur Dominique de Cabarrus, n^gociant k 
 Bayonne, donnges k Versailles au mois d'avril, 1789. Copie contresign^e par d'Hozier de Serigny, 4pp. in fol. 
 Cachet dii Cabinet d'Hozier. 
 
 Extr : ' C'est le frere du Sieur Dominique de Cabarrus qui a donn6 son nom a la baye Cabarrus a I'isle royale.' 
 
100 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 cipal home of the Acadian French in Cape Breton, provokes inquiry. Madame was the 
 title usually given to the eldest daughter of a French king or of a dauphin, or to the wife 
 of the king's brother. I have not been able to find the exact date, when, and consequently 
 the particular princess for whom, it was named. It must have been so called when 
 Louisbourg, Toulouse, Orleans, and other places received royal titles in honour of the new 
 importance that Cape Breton attained after the treaty of Utrecht. The old Indian name 
 was Nericka, but its origin is obscure. Eand gives the present Micmac name as Neliksaak 
 which is probably the original form.^ Many places on the coast have entirely changed 
 the names that appear in Bellin's and other French maps. Morienne Bay, for instance, a 
 large sheet of water adjoining Mira Bay, on whose banks the French opened a coal mine 
 in 1720, has assumed the humble title of Oow Bay from some insignificant incident or 
 other in the life of the early English settlers. The aristocratic name Port Dauphin has long 
 since been forgotten in that of the saint who has been so favoured in the French nomen- 
 clature of the province of Quebec. The names of de Eouville, de Costabelle, de Beaucourt 
 and de Soubras, which were given during the French regime in honour of well known 
 officers and officials at Louisbourg to certain places around the noble bay have been 
 replaced by the names that attest the presence of the sturdy G-aelic people who till the 
 mountain slopes or toil on the sea that is visible from every point of the picturesque 
 country that surrounds that once famous bay. Point Dauphin, however, still clings to 
 the southern head of the bay in memory of French times. Port of Orleans, however, is 
 long since forgotten, and no one except the historical student will remember that it was 
 intended to replace the old Indian name of Niganis or Inganiche. 
 
 As I write of Inganiche, amid the rocks of the stern northern coast of Cape Breton, I 
 recall the interest that was taken many years ago in a bell that was brought to Sydney 
 from the old port, where it had been discovered on the site of the chapel of the French 
 settlement. It had a remarkably clear tone and must have been often heard for a consid- 
 erable distance over sea and land when the wind was favourable. It had been baptized 
 in orthodox fashion as the following inscription showed : — 
 
 -' Pour la Paroisse de Inganiche jay 6t6 nomm^e Jean Frangoisse par Joliannis Decarette et par Frangoisse 
 Vrail, Parain et Maraine— la fosse Hvet de St. Malo m'a fait. An. 1729."^ 
 
 This interesting relic may have found its way to New England, where the most of 
 such relics have gone, but its fate I have forgotten. How often in days gone by the 
 sailors of some passing ship, on its way to the St. Lawrence, must have heard with joy 
 the peal of this bell as it was borne over the water from the headlands of Inganiche to 
 remind them of their home across the seas. 
 
 ' Probably the evolution of Arichat from Nericka came about in the same way as Anticosti was developed from 
 the original Indian names of Naticousta or Natiscotic, which was corrupted in one of Champlain's maps to 
 Antiscoty, and eventually to Anticosti. This would seem to be so from the fact that in French maps of 1750 and 
 1779 the harbour is called N^richac and N^richat; the transformation to Aricliat is easy. As to Anticosti, see 
 Ganong on the " Cartography of the St. Lawrence," ' Trans. Boy. Soc. Can.,' vii, sec. 2, art. 2, App. I. 
 
 '' M. Faucher de Saint Maurice, in " Sept. Jours dans les Provinces Maritimes," states that in 1886 the barque 
 Moselle wintered at Charlottetown. tier watch bell wore the date of 1674 and the following inscription : Franco 
 Nicolas Sol de Salvador Lorenzo. On each side there was a cross. In 1878 this bell was found among the ruins of 
 Louisbourg by the captain of the barque. No doubt it belonged to a vessel from the Spanish islands that traded 
 with Louisbourg. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS, 
 
 101 
 
 " Bell of the past, whose now forgotten music 
 Once filled the wide expanse, 
 Tinging the sober twilight of the present 
 With colour of romance. 
 
 I hear you call and see the sun descending 
 
 On rocks and waves and sand, 
 As down the coast the mission voices blending, 
 
 Girdle the heathen land. 
 
 solemn bell ! whose consecrated masses 
 
 Recall the faith of old — 
 Oh tinlding bell 1 that lulled with twilight music 
 
 The spiritual fold. 
 
 Your voice now breaks — now falters in the darkness, 
 
 Breaks, falters, and is still, 
 And, valued and mystic, like the host descending, 
 
 The sun sinks from the hill." ' 
 
 Other places between Oanseau and Oabarus Bay have retained their old French 
 names without change. Fourche or Forked Bay, Framboise or Easpberry Cove, L'Ardoise 
 or the Bay of Slate, and Petit Degrat, a famous " fishing place," in old times were all 
 named for certain natural characteristics to which Pichon in his Memoirs of Cape Breton 
 refers in detail. Flint Island, oS Cow Bay (Morienne) is only the translation of He a 
 pierre a fusil, as it is called on Bellin's and other French maps in allusion to the hard- 
 ness of its rock. 
 
 On the northeastern coast of the island, to the south of Cape North, is a crescent 
 shaped bay, with a fine beach of glittering sand barring the entrances of the barachois so 
 common in this vicinity. It bears on the maps the name of Aspy Bay, but in Bellin's and 
 other French maps of last century it was called either Havre Daspe or d'Achep6. Pichon 
 refers to it by its present name, and tells us that the country around it was not inhabited 
 and " hardly at all frequented." Its name is another of those questions which give an 
 opportunity for much speculation. Some may claim that it is a memorial of Basque 
 sailors who named the hilly country — perhaps the mountainous cape of Cape North itself, 
 which forms the northern boundary of the bay — from some fancied resemblance to the 
 Pic d'Aspe, among the Pyrenees, in a country well known to the people of the Basque 
 districts of Spain and France. Others may claim that the other name D'Achepe, given by 
 Bellin, is a Micmac term ; perhaps it is the Apege, the name given by L'Escarbot for the 
 codfish.^ The harsh Indian name might easily be softened in the course of time to Aspe 
 by the French, just as G-aspe is believed to represent a contraction of the Abenaki word, 
 KatsepiSi, meaning a separation from the other land ^ — a reference to the great rock which 
 was severed from the cape in the course of centuries, and was long conspicuous above the 
 waters, until at last it was worn away by the action of the ever restless ocean, and finally 
 hoisted from its place and hurled amid the waves.* 
 
 X. The Feench Aoadians, — their Condition and Prospects. 
 
 But it is not only in the name of some headland or river or bay that we find memorials 
 of the old French regime on Cape Breton. Though Louisbourg is a grassy mound and St. 
 Anne, Toulouse and Inganiche are no longer known by their royal titles, still, on the 
 
 ' Slightly changed from Bret Harte's " Bells of the Angelus." 
 
 ^ See A pp. V to this work. 
 
 ^ See a note to Abb6 Laverdiere's edition of Champlain's works, vol- i, p. 68. The Abb6 J. A. Manrault.is 
 given as the authority for this version of the name given to Le Forillon, the rock in question. L'Escarbot calls it 
 " Gachepe," (i. 270) following Champlain. For other meanings of the word see Ganong's article in 'Trans. Roy. 
 Soc. Can., vol. vii (1889), sec. 2, art. on Cartography to Champlain, p. 53. 
 
 * See Faucher de Saint Maurice, " De Tribord k Babord " (Montreal, 1877), 399-402. 
 
102 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 storm-swept coast, in many a landlocked harbour and sequestered bay, or by the side of 
 some lonely rirer linger a large and thriving body of the people who once owned 
 Acadie and He Eoyal'e. "War and its miseries, the animosity of the English goyernment, 
 the trials and privations of a pioneer life and all the difficulties of a rigorous climate com- 
 bined for years to drive the French Acadians from Cape Breton and leave it entirely to the 
 English settlers, but despite all the unfavourable circumstances that have surrounded 
 them they continue to increase in numbers and have attained a considerable degree of 
 prosperity. In the days when peace reigned and the people were able to follow their 
 industry and commerce with some vigour, the total population of He Eoyale was estim- 
 ated at between three and four thousand souls, men, women and children, — the greater 
 proportion of whom lived at Louisbourg. "When the fortress fell, the garrison and the 
 French and the people of the island for the most part were removed to France there still 
 remained on He Madame, on the Bras d'Or, on the northwestern coast, and in some remote 
 parts of the island a few people who were left undisturbed in their humble settlements, 
 probably forgotten or, if remembered at all, not considered dangerous to English dominion 
 on the island. It is impossible to give the exact figures, but it is estimated by competent 
 authorities on the subject that at the time of the deportation of the French from Louis- 
 bourg at least *700 were left undisturbed in other parts of the island.' Here they lived 
 uneventful lives, for years, " the world forgetting ; by the world forgot." It does not 
 appear that the Acadian people of Nova Scotia before or after their cruel expatriation in 
 1755 ever gave any large accessions to the inhabitants of the island. The French govern- 
 ment could not induce any number of them to come to Cape Breton, as it may be seen by 
 the complaints from time to time of the officials in the island.^ The population of Louis- 
 bourg was almost entirely composed of people from old France, and the only Acadians 
 were afew persons employed for the most part as servants in families. The Acadians 
 were found chiefly on the northwestern coast and in some sequestered spot by the Bras 
 d'Or. Of the remnant of French population that remained in Cape Breton after 1*758, 
 however, the Acadians formed a large proportion, so far as I can judge from the meagre 
 facts available. For some years after 1758 this little population remained without any 
 additions to their number worth mentioning. In 1766 a considerable number of Acadia as 
 who had gone to the French islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon a year or two before 
 became dissatisfied with the dreary prospect in those barren spots, and settled principally 
 on He Madame and by the little Bras d'Or. The total number of this immigration how- 
 ever did not reach 400 souls — 300, in fact, is the number generally given. In 1775 a few 
 Acadian families — 14 or 15 in all — came over from the mainland of Nova Scotia and settled 
 in the vicinity of Cheticamp on the rugged northwestern coast of the island. Already 
 there were some French families at Port Hood, which was formerly known as Just-au- 
 Corps, where the quarrying of stone for building was still carried on as in former times 
 of French occupation. Driblets of population flowed in from year to year from Nova 
 Scotia and Prince Edward Island where the English government appear always to have 
 
 ^ See App. XIV at end of this work, where statistical details of the development of the Acadian population in 
 Cape Breton since 1758 are given, with references to works on the subject. 
 
 ' See " Can. Archives" for 1887, colxxxvi. It appears that the British government after their occupation of 
 Acadie refused to permit the Acadian French to remove to Cape Breton and " strengthen our enemies when occa- 
 sion serves." See Akins, ' Nova Scotia Archives,' 6-9, 41, etc. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 103 
 
 encouraged the expatriation of the French when the island became an English possession. 
 So slow, however, was the progress of this class that in 1801 it is said that the total popu- 
 lation of lie Madame and of the northwest shore — exclusively French then — did not 
 reach ITOO souls.^ This count, however, does not include probably all the little settle- 
 ments on the Bras d'Or or on the Marguerite river, where a population was gradually 
 attracted by the good lands and the fine salmon fishery. No doubt for the first decade of 
 the present century a few families came over to the He Madame and the northwest 
 country, but at no time from 1158 to 1810 was there any noteworthy migration to any 
 part of the island except what I have already mentioned. It is safe to say that the fourteen 
 thousand or more French Acadians who now inhabit the island of Cape Breton are the 
 descendants of the 700 old French and Acadians who remained in 1758 and of the one 
 hundred families or so — certainly not more than one hundred families all told — that 
 came into the island from 1758 to 1810. Always a prolific race, like the French Canadians, 
 they increased largely, and their numbers would now probably be much greater were it not 
 that in the course of time their young men and women sought occupation in the New 
 England states — the former as sailors and the latter as servants or operatives in the mills. 
 Still despite the drain on this population — probably less than in the case of Scotch and 
 English inhabitants of some parts of the island — they show a slight increase from decade to 
 decade in the two counties of Richmond and Inverness where they have been most numerous 
 since the days of French occupation. I am informed by the authorities I have consulted 
 in different parts of the island,^ where the French Acadians still live, that in the county 
 of Cape Breton, where Louisbourg is situated and the only district retaining the old 
 French name, they are a very insignificant and apparently decreasing remnant. Louisbourg 
 is deserted by its old possessors, and it is only in the pretty sequestered settlement of 
 French Vale, at the head of a creek emptying into one of the branches of Sydney harbour, 
 and in the charming country, through which the arm known as the little Bras d'Or 
 connects the ocean with the great lake of that name, that we now find the descendants 
 of the families who first made their homes in those picturesque and fertile districts many 
 years ago. French Vale was settled by four brothers from Prince Edward Island in the 
 beginning of this century, and the little Bras d'Or chiefly by Acadian emigrants from St. 
 Pierre and Miquelon. With these came a number of old French people who left France 
 at the time of the French revolution and had none of the characteristics of the Acadian 
 French. Some years ago a few families came from the river Bourgeois in the county of 
 Richmond and joined their countrymen on the Little Bras d'Or. French Vale at onetime 
 was a flourishing agricultural settlement, and its Acadian population lived happy, con- 
 tented lives, but soon the younger people became discontented and while the young men 
 sought employment in the coal mines, the girls went to the United States. The result is 
 that the lands once tilled by the French Acadians are now for the greater part in 
 the hands of Graelic-speaking people. The Acadians are in Cape Breton undergoing that 
 transformation which must be expected in the case of a very small number of people situ- 
 
 ' See Brown (" Hist, of C. B.," 421,) which cites the statement of population sent to the English authorities by 
 General Despard, while lieutenant-governor. 
 
 2 1 must here express my thanks especially to the Eeverend Fathers Quinanof Sydney and of Arichat for the 
 information they have given me respecting the French Acadians of Cape Breton and Richmond counties. 
 
104 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 ated in the midst of a race speaking an alien tongue. The minority must sooner or later 
 from the necessity of things speak the language and follow the customs of the majority. 
 English is now the prevalent tongue everywhere, save in a few Acadian families where a 
 patois of English and French is still spoken. Even the old French names are dis- 
 appearing, and LeBlanc is now known as White, Le Jeune is Young, and Eoy is King. 
 All of them, however, appear to cling with tenacity to their old faith, though, as a vener- 
 able and well beloved priest of Cape Breton writes me significantly, " in a few years there 
 will not be a trace of French about them but their ill-pronounced and imperfectly under- 
 stood prayers." 
 
 It is in the southern and western counties of Richmond and Inverness that we 
 find the largest, most prosperous and best examples of the French Acadian race, for we 
 may leave out of the account altogether the few families that still claim a Freiich descent 
 on the northern and eastern shores of the now purely Scotch county of Victoria, where 
 on the hills of Ports Dauphin, and Orleans once floated the lilies of France. lie Madame 
 and the adjacent coast of Cape Breton, were always from the earliest times of historical 
 record a favourite home of the French. Its many bays, harbours and inlets, are well 
 sheltered from the tumult of ocean and the storms that rage so often on the coast, and are 
 relatively free from the dangers and inconvenience of the great masses of ice that come 
 down the giilf between Cape North and Cape Eay in the springtime, and often choke up 
 the eastern and southeastern ports and* bays. Here the facilities for carrying on the 
 fisheries, and engaging in the coasting trade have built up a large and industrious class 
 of population. 
 
 It was on He Madame that enterprising merchants of Jersey ^ in the English channel, 
 had for many years establishments for carrying on the fisheries. Nicholas Denys has had 
 many successors since his time, and his countrymen have found a rich harvest in the 
 waters that surround the island. Arichat was once the most important commercial town 
 in the island, but nowadays it has sunk into relative insignificance with the disappearance 
 of the old fishing-houses, and the growth of the outlying settlements. The adjoining 
 village of West Arichat or Acadiaville, had already outstripped it in importance, when it 
 too suff"ered from the fact that of late years the coal and coasting trade, for a long while a 
 source of lucrative employment to the people, has been for the most part transferred from 
 sailing vessels to steamers. 
 
 In the county of Eichmond there are five Acadian parishes of importance ; Arichat, 
 "West Arichat, or Acadiaville, and Descousse are on He Madame, and L'Ardoise and Eiver 
 Bourgeois on the mainland. A small settlement also exists on the west side of the basin 
 of the River Inhabitants. Counting these parishes and other places of minor importance 
 
 ' The old Jersey houses of Janvrin, DeCarteret, and Hubert that did a large business in the fisheries, giving 
 constant employment to the Acadian French, have disappeared, and tlie only signs of their existence are dilapidated 
 warehouses and worm-eaten wharves. The old house of P. C. Robin & Co., which was established over a century 
 Rfo may be regarded as the legitimate successor of Denys, since it does business still not only on Cape Breton, 
 but in different parts of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Their first establishment was erected in 1765, on Jersey Island, 
 at the south entrance of Arichat harbour. They did business there for some years when their premises were 
 burned by Paul Jones while cruising in the gulf, and destroying English property. Shortly after this occurrence they 
 built on the south side of Arichat harbour where they still continue doing a large fish trade. One of the stores 
 built in 1797 is still in a good state of preservation. I am indebted for the facts in this note to Mr. E. P. Flynn, 
 formerly M. P., for Eichmond. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOKIALS. 105 
 
 there are probably eight thousand persons of French and French Acadian descent in Eich- 
 mond. Desoonsse is now the most thriving settlement, and is outstripping Arichat and 
 Acadiaville in essential respects, chiefly owing to the fact that the people own a fine 
 fishing fleet which prosecutes the fisheries in the North Bay and elsewhere with enter- 
 prise and success. The shore fisheries, heretofore carried on in boats, have of late years 
 become relatively insignificant, and this accounts for the prosperity of a place like Des- 
 cousse which has shown enterprise in seeking fresh " sea pastures." Fishing and sailing 
 are the chief occupations of the majority of the men though there are few families who 
 do not own their little farms or plots of ground which they cultivate. Their villages are 
 neatly whitewashed, and have generally a thrifty appearance. As a rule according to one 
 who has long lived among them and from my own individual observation, they are plain 
 and simple in their habits. In this corner of the continent, remote from the great centres 
 of industry and activity, " they know little of the wants of the great world outside, and 
 consequently are content to live on in their frugal, simple way, not desiring, because 
 knowing nothing of the luxuries which are considered necessaries by the wealthy and 
 even the well-to-do classes elsewhere." Their dress is still very plain in the small settle- 
 ments and villages, though new fashions have begun to creep in among the young 
 women, who visit the towns of the provinces or of the United States. In places like 
 Arichat, where they live alongside the English-speaking people, there is little left by 
 which they are distinguished in dress from the people of other nationalities. In many 
 cases, elsewhere, they adhere to the primitive attire of their ancestors, the traditional 
 Norman kirtle which has many attractions on a pretty young girl, with a well formed 
 figure. In their domestic life they have retained a good deal of the original simplicity of 
 the Acadian French of old times. French is, of course, essentially the language of the 
 home. They go to bed early and are noted for their habits of early rising. " I may say," 
 writes the reverend gentleman to whom I am indebted for much information on this 
 subject, " that when going or returning from a sick call about day-break I can distinguish 
 at a distance the Acadian houses by the smoke curling skyward while in all probability 
 not a sign of life is visible in the homes of their English neighbours." While the men 
 pursue their vocations as fishermen or sailors — in the coasting or foreign trade — the 
 women contribute by their industry their full share to the support of their families. 
 They plant and sow, tend cattle, shear the sheep, spin and weave. In many families 
 nothing is worn which is not the product of their own looms. As in all other classes, 
 there are shiftless and improvident persons among them, but " on the whole they may be 
 said to belong to that middle, and let me say, happy class, which, without knowing want, 
 have little to spare of this world's goods, but are nevertheless content with their lot." 
 All of them, it is hardly necessary to add, have adhered loyally to the Eoman Catholic 
 church, and " rationalism " is a word unknown in their simple vocabulary. 
 
 Then we come to the adjacent county of Inverness which stretches from about the 
 middle of Canso Strait to the heights that end with Cape St. Lawrence, and includes the 
 westerly section of the great northern division of the island, so remarkable for its 
 mountains, and rugged scenery. It is a county presenting few harbours of value 
 compared with those in Richmond and Cape Breton. 
 
 Port Hawkesbury in the Strait of Canso has now become a more important place than 
 
 14 
 
106 CAPE BEBTOK AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 Arichat, and second only to the Sydneys as a port. The county, however, has fine 
 stretches of meadow lands, and on the grassy slopes of its uplands and hills there are 
 great facilities for grazing and the rearing of fine cattle. The Mabou and Margaree, 
 (Marguerite) in their courses run through a beautiful country, which has not only a charm 
 for the tourist "seeking fresh woods and pastures new," but shows to the practical eyes 
 of the agriculturist that energy and good farming could here, reap rich results. As I have 
 already said it is on the fine farming lauds of the Margaree that descendants of the French 
 Acadians have had their homes for a century and more. 
 
 Between Margaree and Cheticamp there is a considerable population of the same class, 
 while in the latter district we meet with probably the best types of the Acadians, with all 
 their simple primitive ways, entirely free from the influences of the large Gaelic popula- 
 tion that elsewhere, as in Cape Breton and Victoria counties, and even on the Margaree, 
 has intermingled with the Acadians and changed their habits and methods of life in 
 many respects. The total French Acadian population of the county is probably between 
 four or five thousand souls, and the number is not likely to decrease for the same reason 
 as in Richmond. 
 
 Indeed, the emigration of this people even from the rugged hills of Cheticamp 
 appears rather on the decrease compared with what it was thirty years ago. Since then 
 there has been a decided improvement in the condition of the people. While many of 
 them cling to their primitive habits, they display much more enterprise and energy than 
 their ancestors. As in Richmond the majority adhere to the French language, especially 
 in the Cheticamp district, though wherever they are in the neighborhood of large English 
 settlements they speak English with facility. Fishing and farming are the principal 
 occupations^of the people as heretofore, but as one well-informed person writes, " while 
 thirty years ago not a single individual among them was engaged in trade, now they 
 take a share in all the active pursuits of life, with energy, intelligence and enterprise, and 
 are no longer the apparently subdued, timid people they were for many years after the 
 possession of Cape Breton and Nova Scotia by England." 
 
 Inquiring into the intellectual position of this class in Cape Breton I find that they 
 are in this respect considered somewhat inferior to other nationalities. Though it is 
 shown they are displaying much more energy and activity in the various industrial occu- 
 pations of life, yet they seem in the majority of places to lag behind the English-speaking 
 members of the community from an educational point of view. One reAJ^erend gentleman 
 to whom I am so much indebted for information of the condition of this people in Rich- 
 mond, accounts for their educational deficiencies by the fact, that in forming the public 
 school law of Nova Scotia, " the legislature gave little or no recognition to the existence 
 of this important element of the population, and the consequence is that the young Aca- 
 dian children have to acquire knowledge in the public schools through the agency of an 
 unknown tongue." They must begin their elementary education, it seems, " by one of 
 the most difhcult of all tasks, the acquisition of an alien tongue, and then with an imper- 
 fect knowledge of that language they must proceed to acquire through its medium an 
 acquaintance with all the branches which form a course of education in the public 
 schools." In other words, English is the only recognized language of the public schools, 
 and the Acadians are necessarily subject to a great disadvantage compared with the English 
 
GAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 107 
 
 children who commence their education at the same time.' Of course the well-to-do 
 people, of whom there are only a very insignificant number in Cape Breton, may send 
 their children to special institutions where they can pursue their studies with every 
 facility ; but the reference here is entirely to the public schools, to which the French 
 Acadians as a class can alone have access. The character of the French spoken by the 
 Acadians depends, in a large measure, upon the locality and their surroundings. "Where 
 they are left to themselves they naturally speak better French, that is to say with less 
 admixture of the English than where they are in constant intercourse with other nation- 
 alities who use G-aelic or English. They speak it " ungrammatically of course, but still it 
 is pure French, and not a mere patois, though some of the words in use amongst them are 
 now obsolete in France as well as in the province of Quebec.'' As a rule they have no 
 knowledge of grammar, and /'a yows, j'allons, jHrons, je serons, and the like are familiar 
 expressions on all sides. Still they perfectly understand their language in its gramma- 
 tical forms and phrases. One gentleman who has had a good deal of experience among 
 them " has no hesitation in saying that the uneducated Acadian speaks French just as 
 well as the uneducated French Canadian habitant." Where these people live among the 
 English, as in the town of Arichat, they mix common English words with their ordinary 
 conversation. For instance, I have heard an Acadian lady say in my hearing while on a 
 visit to Arichat : " Quand j'etais a I'exposition a Halifax j'etais ' on the go' tout le temps, de 
 sorte que quand je suis revenue j'etais completement ' done out.' " The better classes have 
 in Arichat and "West Arichat or Acadiaville, convents managed by the Sceurs of the Con- 
 gregation de Notre-Dame whose mother-house is in Montreal.^ The sisters in both these 
 institutions are accomplished French, or French Canadian women, and the young Acadian 
 girls have consequently an excellent opportunity of acquiring a correct knowledge of the 
 language of their origin. A number of young Acadian women, graduates of these con- 
 vents, teach in diiferent school sections of the country, and are in a position to impart a 
 fairly correct knowledge of their own language to their pupils. But it must be admitted 
 that, though the Arichat convent was founded some thirty-five years ago, and that at "West 
 Arichat nine years later, little improvement can be noticed in the speaking of French, 
 owing mainly to the fact that when the girls go back to their homes, after having gone 
 through their course of studies, they return, in the majority of cases, to the ordinary 
 phraseology or vocabulary of their youth. The boys, however, have no special educational 
 
 - I quote the remaining portion of the remarks of my correspondent on this subject as it opens up an important 
 question. " Admitting, therefore, that our Acadian children occupy a position of inferioritj' in our public schools, 
 it is just such a position as our English-speaking children would be forced into if the case were reversed. Let us 
 suppose, by way of illustration, that no separate school system existed in the province of Quebec, that French was 
 the only language recognised in its public schools, and that the children of the English-speaking minority could 
 pursue their studies only through the medium of that language, what position would they occupy ? How would 
 they stand in relation to the French Canadians ? Precisely, I would answer, as the Acadians now stand in Cape 
 Breton. Yet this would be no proof, in my opinion, that the English children were really inferior from an intel- 
 lectual point of view, but rather go to show the effect of an unjust system which would place the two nationalities 
 in the schools on unequal terms. If then the Acadians are not always found up to the mark in the public schools, 
 the fault lies not altogether with them but largely with our system of education, and I venture to say that could 
 they but pursue their studies in their mother tongue, they would soon give a far better account of their mental 
 capacity." 
 
 2 See sec. HI. 
 
108 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 facilities like those afforded the girls alone by the Congregation de Notre-Dame. Male 
 teachers holding provincial school licenses, and at the same time capable of teaching 
 French, are not to be had except in a very few cases. Many parents are not at all anxious, 
 it is said on the highest authority, that their boys should be taught French in the schools, 
 as they find that a knowledge of English is under existing circumstances much more 
 useful to them. All these facts with respect to educational facilities and the use of the 
 French language go to show in a measure that English must sooner or later obtain the 
 mastery except in a few remote and isolated settlements. 
 
 Of course this question of two distinct languages in a community has its difficulties 
 if one wishes to arrive at a solution fair to all nationalities, and the legislator may reason- 
 ably hesitate to give extraordinary facilities to the perpetuation of race distinctions. A 
 small minority must always expect sooner or later to be absorbed into the majority, unless 
 it is given and guaranteed special rights and privileges which enable it to have a longer 
 existence. The question arises, whether it is wise in the case of a minority like the 
 French Acadians of Cape Breton — about one-sixth probably of the total population — to 
 surround them with special safeguards for the preservation of a language alien from that 
 of the great majority, and in that way interpose a powerful obstacle to the formation of 
 one people, speaking the same language. The strength of the English people, it may be 
 argued, arises from the gradual blending of the Anglo-Saxon and Norman French elements 
 of the population. It may be said — and indeed it has been said — that it would have 
 been wiser had England after the cession of Canada by the treaty of Paris in 1763 looked 
 forward to an amalgamation of the English and French nationalities in that country 
 instead of giving the French Canadian special guarantees for the preservation of his 
 peculiar institutions. In other words, it may be asked, if it is not the wisest policy for 
 governments to place all nationalities on an equality in every respect, and to let nature 
 and circumstances guide and mould their future. For my part, however, I am inclined 
 to think that G-reat Britain in a measure atoned for the expatriation of the Acadians from 
 Nova Scotia when she gave the French Canadians in later times the privileges they now 
 enjoy. The French Canadians, as a result of the generous concessions of England, have 
 become a powerful and distinct element of Canadian political, social and intellectual life 
 and the time when they will blend with the English has been indefinitely postponed. 
 Things, however, seem different in Cape Breton. 
 
 The Acadians where they are in a majority, as in Richmond, are likely to hold their 
 own for very many years to come ; but should a stream of English capital and population 
 come into the island, their language and habits as a distinct race must gradually 
 disappear whenever they become a small minority — as is the case now practically in the 
 district of Cape Breton — and the English tongue must prevail. The isolation of this 
 interesting people in this remote island has been heretofore their protection, but eventually 
 there must be an end of this when a wave of the world's great enterprise comes to Cape 
 Breton, and alters its material conditions in essential respects. Still, looking at the very 
 considerable number of this people at this time, and their tendency to increase despite 
 emigration, it is obvious that their absorption by the mass of the English and Scotch 
 population must be very slow, and in the nature of things a century hence there will be 
 probably small settlements like those at Cheticamp, still isolated from alien influences, 
 which will recall the old days of Acadie and He Royale. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 109 
 
 XI. A Short Description of the Port and Euins of Louisbourg. 
 
 I may appropriately close this sketch of an island, which in many ways merits the 
 title of Royale, by describing some of the present characteristics of the harbour which once 
 held the fortunes of France at the portals of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. We miist start 
 from Sydney, which is prettily situated on a peninsula well adapted for a fine city, and is 
 the headquarters of a large coal trade — one of those old places where, among the modern 
 improvements of towns nowadays, a few quaint one-storied houses, tumble down barracks, 
 and worm-eaten wharves, show it has had a history of its own. Sydney has one of the 
 safest and largest harbours of America, and has been from the earliest times in the history 
 of Cape Breton the constant resort of vessels engaged in the fisheries or in the commerce 
 of this continent. Its very spaciousness, however, prevented it being chosen as the site 
 of the fortress which the French constructed in the first part of the eighteenth century. 
 Its broad entrance, its easiness of approach from different directions by land and sea, and 
 its freezing for some weeks in winter, were facts that left it out of the competition for the 
 capital of He Koyale. During the French regime it had an uneventful history. A few 
 Frenchmen settled in its vicinity and engaged in fishing or farming in a small way, 
 but at no time until the fall of Louisbourg, in 1*758, did it engage the particular attention 
 of the French government. St. Peter's, St. Anne, Inganiche and various places in Lab- 
 rador were the places preferred by the French and the Acadians. One of the most note- 
 worthy events in its early history was the fact that it was in this spacious haven that 
 the Canadian Le Moyne d'Iberville, famous as the founder of Louisiana, and for his 
 exploits on land and sea, obtained the aid of a large band of Micmacs, and then sailed for 
 the Bay of Fundy and the coast of Maine, where he won a signal victory over a small 
 fleet of English cruisers, and destroyed, the fort of Pemaquid, one of the frontier defences 
 of the New England settlements. Here, too. Admiral Sir Hovenden Walker anchored his 
 fleet during the September of I'm after the great loss he sustained while on the way to 
 Quebec. It was here he came to the determination to sail to England without striking a 
 blow for her honour and gain in America. No memorial of this unfortunate expedition 
 remains on the shores of Spanish Bay. The following facsimile of the inscription 
 which he afiixed on a board among the forests, that in those times overhung the banks, 
 would never have been known to us in these days had not he himself boastingly told us, 
 in the memoirs of that ill-fated voyage that he has left behind, that he had in this way 
 asserted the claim of England to Cape Breton.' Having distinguished himself by this 
 
 1 " Being inform'd by several Officers who had been there, that a Cross was erected on the Shoar with the 
 names of the French Sea Officers who had been here, which I look'd upon as a Claim of Right they pretend to for 
 the King, their Master, the Island having been always in the times of Peace, used in Common, both by the English 
 & French, for lading Coals, which are extraordinary good here, & taken out of the Clifts with Iron Crows only, & 
 no other Labour ; I thought it not amiss therefore to leave something of that Kind to declare the Queen's Right to 
 this Place ; Having a Board made by the Carpenter, & painted, I sent him ashoar to fix it upon a tree in some 
 eminent place where it may most eassily be seen." Ex. from Walker's " Journal," p. 150. 
 
110 
 
 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 display of empty bravado' he sailed away without even striking a blow at the relatively 
 insignificant French port of Plaisance on the dreary shores of Newfoundland. 
 
 IN NOMINE 
 
 PATRIS FILtl ET SPIRITUS SANCTI 
 
 AMEN. 
 
 OMNieaS INCHRISTO FIDELIBUS SftLUTEM. 
 
 ANNA DEI GRATIA 
 
 MAG. BRITANNlvt 
 
 FRhtiClM ET HlBERNIyE REGtNA 
 
 TOTIUSQUE AMERlCvE SEPTENTRIONALIS 
 
 DOMINA. FIDEI DEFENSOR. &c. 
 
 IN 
 
 CUJUS HARUM (NSULARUM VULGO 
 
 CAPE BRETON 
 
 PROPRIETATIS 
 
 ET DOMINII 
 
 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 HOC 
 
 EREXIT MONUMENTUM 
 
 SUS. MAJESTATIS SERVUS 
 
 ET SUBDITUS FIDELISSIMUS 
 
 D. HOVENDEN WALKER EQl/ES AURATUS 
 
 OMNIUM IN AMERICA NAVIUM REGALIUM 
 
 PRSFECTUS ET THALASSIARCHA 
 
 MENSE SEPTEMBRIS 
 
 ANNO SALUTIS 
 
 MDCCXl. 1 
 
 From time to time French corsairs found shelter in the sheltered nooks and creeks of 
 this noble port, but we have no record of any event of moment that signalized its history 
 after the departure of the greatest fleet that ever anchored in its waters. In 1781, before 
 Sydney town was founded by DesBarres, a famous sailor, La Perouse, who, like Cook, 
 was to meet his death in later years, while on a voyage of discovery in the Pacific ocean, 
 commanded one of two large French frigates that fought an engagement off" the harbour 
 with four English ships of inferior strength, which were convoying some transports to 
 obtain a supply of coal for the use of the troops at Halifax. This affair was hotly contested 
 for some hours, but it does not appear to have resulted in any decided advantage to either 
 side.^ La Perouse is but one of the many great sailors like Dundonald, La Ronciere le 
 
 ' In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, Amen. Greeting: to all Christ's faithful suhjects, Anna by 
 the Grace of God, Queen of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, of these islands commonly 
 called Cape Breton, Proprietor and Sovereign. In testimony of which this monument has been erected by Her 
 Majesty's most faithful Servant, D. Hovenden Walker, Knight, Commander in Chief and Admiral of all her Royal 
 Navies in America. This month of September in the year of our Lord MDCCXl. 
 
 '' See Brown, " History of Cape Breton " (382-384), who cites the French and English accounts of the fight, 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. Ill 
 
 Noury, 01ou6 and others less distinguished, who have visited Spanish Bay in later times 
 and admired its commercial capabilities and its picturesque features. The history of Syd- 
 ney, after it became the capital, was for years the history of Cape Breton. Here DesBarres 
 fought his battles with the officials and the commander of the garrison, that occupied for 
 many years the barracks, of which a few ruined buildings still remain on the northern 
 end of the peninsula on which the town is built. Here and there one-storied, low-eaved 
 houses, often buried in the heavy snowfalls of winter, tell of the humble little town where 
 men fretted and fumed with all the importance of officials, or toiled to make a living in 
 that distant outpost of England's empire. The town has had a sluggish growth during 
 its century of existence, and it is only within a few years, with the development of the 
 coal mines in the vicinity, that it has thrown off the apathy of the past and taken a place 
 among the active mercantile communities of Nova Scotia. Now that this old place, situ- 
 ated on a peninsula admirably adapted for a large town, has direct railway connection with 
 the rest of the continent, it sees before itself a future which it could never have had whilst 
 it was practically isolated from the rest of the continent except by sea. At last Sydney, 
 from the Atlantic shore, can, in a metaphorical sense, clasp hands with its prosperous 
 sister town, amid its environment of mountains on the fair Pacific coast. It has an ener- 
 getic competitor in North Sydney, some six miles lower down the harbour, not far from 
 the entrance of the port, where the old mining association of Cape Breton has long done 
 a large business, and near which the first English historian of the island lived for many 
 years in a pleasant home, now showing the signs of age, but still charming for its flowers 
 and shrubberies and its vista of the great sea beyond the cliffs. In the summer days the 
 harbour of Sydney is visited by vessels of the French fleet ^ that protect the fisheries on 
 the coast of Newfoundland, and the descendants of the Basque, Breton and Norman 
 adventurers of old still drag up the riches of the sea on the Grand Banks where 
 the codfish appear as prolific, as in the days when those sailors first explored the unknown 
 waters of eastern America. By the irony of fate, the only remains of French dominion 
 now in the gulf of St. Lawrence are the insignificant islands of St. Pierre, Miquelon and 
 Langley, off the southern coast of the great island, to which the names of Baccalaos, Terre 
 Neuve, Avalon and Newfoundland have clung from the days of Oabot and Oortereal to 
 the present. Louisbourg is in ruins, and the French flag is no longer seen in that lonely 
 port, but floats only from the mastheads of ships of France in the very harbour which they 
 neglected in the days when her king was master on his royal island. 
 
 After leaving the old town of Sydney we have to travel for a distance of at least 
 twenty-four miles over a fairly good road which offers no particular attractions except for 
 a few minutes when we cross the Mira river, a noble stream which broadens, some 
 miles from its mouth, into a long expansive lake surrounded by well-wooded hills, and is 
 justly named Grrand Mira by the people. Grlimpses of Catalogue Lake and of the great 
 ocean away beyond to the eastward help to relieve the monotony of a rugged landscape. 
 
 ' Until a few years ago the French flag floated from a tall staff on a grass plot near the water's edge in front of 
 a large white house, with wide generous verandah and green shrubheries, which was and is still one of the con- 
 spicuous features of the harbour side of the town. Within a stone's throw of this old mansion— whose framework 
 is now nearly a century old — have anchored the vessels of ttfe Newfoundland squadron for forty years and more, 
 and in its quaiint, low rooms, fitted with mementos of French sailors, of many eminent men known in the naval 
 history and in the oflScial records of France, like Clou6 and La RonciSre Le Noury, have partaken of the hospi- 
 talities of the kindly owner, the late Senator Bourinot, long a vice-consul of France. 
 
112 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 We pass a number of not too well cultivated farms, each with its little homestead of logs 
 or sawn lumber, chiefly occupied by Scotch settlers. G-radually we can smell the fresh 
 salt air, that tells us of our nearness to the sea, and suddenly emerging from a desolate 
 looking country, covered with small spruce, or with stumps and rocks where there 
 happens to be a little clearing, we find ourselves on the hills which overlook the harbour, 
 which stretches before us from northeast to southwest. If the day be foggy and dull — 
 and there is a prevalence of such weather on that southeast coast of Cape Breton — the 
 feeling that comes to the visitor is one of iutense loneliness as he surveys the scattered 
 houses, the almost deserted port, the absence of any commercial activity, and the wide 
 expanse of ocean stretching away to the eastern horizon. This feeling is naturally inten- 
 sified by memories of the very diff'erent scenes that were witnessed on the same harbour 
 in the middle of last century. It is by such contrasts between the past and the present 
 that a place like Louisbourg makes the most impression on the mind. A large bustling 
 city would cause us almost to forget the historic days of old, and could not have the charm 
 of the lonely aspect that the site of the once famous town now wears. 
 
 This harbour, so full of memories, possesses natural characteristics which are peculiar 
 to itself and after a while briag with them a feeling of rest and isolation from the great 
 world which frets and fumes away beyond it, and has brought none of its activity to its 
 now relatively deserted shore. It is a striking feature of Louisbourg as of the coast 
 generally of Cape Breton, that the landscape ever and anon assumes a sad aspect, arising 
 from the misty clouds that at certain seasons obscure the sun, and give darker shadows 
 to the gloomy spruce that fringes the shores of the island. A similar feeling of sadness 
 passes over the spirit when we contemplate the great prairies of the northwest, which, 
 by their wide expanse and fitful shadows, recall the great sea that beats against the rock- 
 bound coast of Cape Breton. Louisbourg is, indeed, a place to see Nature in its varied 
 aspects. The very atmospheric changes, so sudden at times, somehow seem adapted to 
 the varying moods of life. One day is all bright and the waters of the port sparkle in the 
 sunshine, the gulls and seabirds take lofty flights in the pure atmosphere, the patches of 
 stunted spruce assume a deeper green, and the lights and shadows play above the ruined 
 ramparts of the old town to which the eye ever turns in remembrance of the past. Then 
 in a moment the wind veers round and as we look to the southeast we can just see above 
 the horizon a low bank of grey shadow which moves forward, and soon enshrouds the 
 islands at the entrance, and the lighthouse on its rocky height in a cloud of mist, which 
 increases steadily in volume until at last the point of land on which the old fortress once 
 stood is no longer visible to the eye. Then, a few hours later, the wind changes once 
 more and a cool breeze comes from the northwest, and the fog is driven out to sea again, 
 and the harbour is revealed in all its solitary beauty. Or perhaps the wind rises to a 
 storm, and then the waves dash with fierce velocity on the rocks and islets that bar the 
 ocean from the ports, which, despite the tempest outside, seems remarkably unruffled, and 
 affords a safe anchorage to the boats and vessels that are now its sole occupants instead 
 of the great fleets of stately ships that once whitened its waters in the days of old. 
 
 Let us walk around this harbour on a bright day when the fog, for once, has found 
 its way beneath the horizon, and take a brief survey of the natural features of this 
 curious landscape, and of the memorials that still remain of the old regime. The Light- 
 house Point, or rocky promontory that forms the northeastern entrance, is the terminus 
 of a great mass of rocks, where the inevitable spruce has obtained a foothold, and the 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 113 
 
 varied flora of this northern region bloom amid the crevices or on the swampy ground 
 which is a prevalent feature of the country. The beach is one great collection of rocky 
 debris which seems to have been thrown up by some giant effort of nature, and it requires 
 no slight effort to find one's way amid these masses of rock piled on rock, worn smooth as 
 marble, by the unceasing action of the waves, and covered at their base with great bunches 
 of entangled seaweed and shells which glisten like so many necklets of amber beneath 
 the sunlight as it peers into the little pools that have been left by the tide when it has 
 receded to the bosom of mother-ocean. Some few paces eastward of the lighthouse, a mound 
 or two of turf represents the battery which in Wolfe's time did so much execution on the 
 works at Groat Island, which is about a third of a mile distant in a southerly direction, — 
 a mass of rock and earth, where old cannon balls and pieces of artillery are now and then 
 turned up by the waves as they roll during the equinoctial gales on its rugged shores. On 
 these islands that guard the port seabirds without number still build their nests, and at 
 certain seasons of the year, when the visitor lands among the rocks, they rise by myriads 
 into the sky and hover like a great cloud above the islets. The lighthouse, a tall wooden 
 building with a fixed light, stands securely on a pinnacle of rock, — a dreary home in the 
 storms of autumn and winter, and the fogs of spring. A dark grey tower of stone would 
 better harmonize with the dull colours of sky and ocean that generally prevail in this 
 sad country than the white structure from which the signal is flashed to the passing 
 ship. More than a century and a half has passed away since the French built the first 
 lighthouse on the same spot, and with the exception of a year or so when the lantern was 
 destroyed by fire a light has burned unremittingly among the rocks of this prominent 
 point of Oape Breton.^ From here sometimes — but rarely at this point however — in early 
 spring one can see the vast fields of ice, stretching as far as the eye can see, blockading all 
 approaches to the port as in the days when Pepperrell's little expedition lay anchored at 
 Canseau. But the westerly winds soon scatter these ice-floes, and send them to melt in 
 the warm current of the gulf stream, and the keeper from his lantern tower looks once 
 more on the wide expanse of ocean, with all its varied moods in that uncertain region 
 where storm and sunshine are ever fighting for the mastery. A short distance from the 
 lighthouse there is a white modern cottage, a pleasant summer home, whose green lawn 
 slopes to the edge of a little pond guarded from the encroachments of the ocean by a 
 causeway of stone. Here is a vista of land and sea of rare attraction for the wearied 
 resident of the town, — solitude and historic memories, the sea in all its grandeur, — no one 
 can ask more in the summer days. 
 
 Following the sinuosities of the harbour we come to where once stood the careening 
 wharf of the French, and here, when the writer last saw the place, was a high and long 
 pier for loading vessels with the coal brought some twelve miles from the mines by a 
 narrow guage railway. In this neighbourhood when the railway was built there was to 
 be a new town of Louisbourg and a large coal business was to be prosecuted in summer 
 and winter, but the pier has fallen into decay —it is probably removed by this time — 
 the railway has been derailed in places, the wooden trestle work over Oatalogne Lake has 
 rotted away, and Louisbourg has again been deserted for the town of Sydney. The road 
 
 1 1 find the following notes by M. Marmette in the " Canadian Archives," (1887, cccxv, cccxxi, cccxxiii) :— 
 " The lighthouse lantern was kindled on the first cf April (1734). It was perfectly visible for six leagues out to sea 
 * * Nov. 10, 1736. The lantern ofthe lighthouse has been burned, and they have to rebuild it * * Oct. 30, 
 1737. Eebuilding of the lighthouse." 
 
 16 
 
114 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 round this rugged promontory runs through great rents blasted in the rocks, and nears at 
 times the very verge of the precipices. At intervals are fishing stages and mouldering 
 warehouses recalling old times of large business activity. We pass by the little north- 
 east harbour which forms so safe a haven for the trading schooners and fishing boats 
 that are always moored here as in the old times. As we walk down the west side 
 towards the site of the French town we notice that the land ascends gently from the very 
 edge of the harbour and forms a pleasant site for the present village of Louisbourg, a 
 collection of thirty or more whitewashed or painted houses, a canning factory,^ and two 
 or three churches.^ Some shops stand by the roadside or in the vicinity of the wharves, 
 where there are generally fish drying on flakes. Some meadows, covered with a spare 
 crop of grass, or late vegetables, represent the agricultural enterprise that is possible on a 
 thin soil, which receives little encouragement in this changeable atmosphere of fog and 
 rain, in this country where the spring is a delusion and the summer too often a mockery 
 since it is so short, though in July and August there are days whose cool soft temperature 
 is most delicious. The old ruins of the grand, or royal battery, about midway on the 
 west side are quite visible and as we survey them, map in hand, it is easy enough with a 
 little patience and an effort of the imagination to trace the lines of the works. Here, 
 however, as elsewhere, we can pay our tribute to the thoroughness with which the 
 English sappers and miners, one hundred and thirty years since, obeyed their instructions 
 to destroy the old fortifications, and leave not one stone on another lest they might at one 
 time be found serviceable by an enemy. Just before coming to the barachois, so often 
 mentioned in the accounts of the two sieges, we see before us a large wooden chapel with 
 a prominent steeple — the most pretentious ecclesiastical building in the place — and the 
 cross that points to heaven is so much evidence that Eome claims her votaries in her old 
 domain, and that the hatchets of the Puritan iconoclasts of Pepperrell's time were of little 
 avail after all, but that her doctrines still flourish in the island of Cape Breton. We cross 
 the barachois by a rude bridge and follow the road along the beach for a quarter of a 
 mile, or so, and come to a collection of fish stages and wharves made of poles laid on logs, 
 and all redolent of the staple industry of Louisbourg. Then we turn up a hill, and soon 
 find ourselves on the grass-covered mounds of the old town. If we take a position on the 
 site of the king's bastion, the most prominent point of the ruins, we see to the southwest 
 the waters of the spacious bay of Gabarus. Immediately below us are the remains of the 
 casemates' where the women and children found a refuge during the last siege. Looking 
 at the three that remain, it is easy to see that any number of persons must have been 
 huddled together in a very pitiable fashion. Sheep now find shelter within these rudely 
 constructed retreats. All around them in summer time there are patches of red clover, 
 mingling its fragrance with the salt sea breeze, and reminding us how often this grass 
 grows rank and rich in old graveyards, as it were to show how nature survives the memo- 
 rials of man's ambition and pride. The low rugged country that stretches for a league and 
 more to Grabarus presents all the natural features of rock and swamp, with patches of the 
 alders and the stunted fir, that seem to flourish best on this poor bleak coast. It is quite 
 
 ' This modern enterprise was managed for some time — perhaps is still — by a man from Maine; so Pepper- 
 rell's state still claims a place aftei this prosaic fashion in the old port which he won for England. 
 
 ^ See illustration of the modern village of Louisbourg, from an excellent picture by a Sydney photographer, Mr. 
 Umlah. 
 
 ' See illustrations at end^of this work. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. US 
 
 easy to follow the contour of the fortifications until they come to the old burying grounds 
 near Eochefort and Black Points, where hundreds of New Englanders and of French and 
 Ei^Hsh soldiers found their last resting place in 1*745 and 1158. No tombstone or cairn 
 or cross has been raised ; the ground has never been blessed by priest ; the names of the 
 dead are all forgotten ; Frenchmen, Englishmen and Colonists, Catholics and Puritans, 
 now sleep in close vicinity to each other, regardless of the wars of creeds, beneath the 
 green sward which the sheep nibble with all the avidity of their kind.' 
 
 The deep ditch near the king's bastion is still full of water, and the stumps of the 
 picket palisades which were raised in 1*745 between the Princess's and the Brouillon 
 bastions are visible in places. We can see too in the water the remains of the bridge 
 which stretched across the shallow pond between the Maurepas and Greve batteries. 
 The places of the numerous stages for drying fish in old times on the harbour front can 
 still be traced with a little trouble on the shore at low tide. On the site of the town 
 there are piles of brick and stone which have been dug up by the present inhabitants 
 when they require materials for building. Many of the chimneys in the humble cabins 
 of the fishermen are built of brick from France or perhaps from New England. Cannon 
 balls and bomb-shells are frequently found at low tide on the shores, and more than once 
 old cannon have been dug up in the sand and mud. It is rarely however, that any relics 
 of interest or value are now disco vered at Louisbourg. Delving in the debris of an old foun- 
 dation, probably that of the hospital, the writer once found some pieces of tarnished gold 
 lace which may have belonged to an officer wounded in the last siege. But such a trea- 
 sure as was found at Loran — to give the place its now familiar name — has, never to my 
 knowledge, been turned up among the ashes of the old town. All articles of value were 
 taken away by the people, if indeed there were ever many in a place which relatively 
 few persons regarded as a permanent home. 
 
 Those who- have ever paid a visit, of late years, to the city of Cambridge, in Massa- 
 chusetts, and lingered for a while under the noble elms that shade its wide streets, and 
 cluster around the buildings of Harvard, may have noticed a small gilt cross above one 
 of the entrances to Grore Hall, where the great New England univer- 
 sity has housed its principal library. One must, at first, wonder 
 why this religious symbol, only found as a rule on Roman Catholic 
 buildings, or Anglican churches of an extreme type, should adorn 
 the doorway of a seat of learning, in once Puritan New England. 
 On inquiry we find it is a historic link which connects the old Bay 
 State with the distant and almost forgotten port on the windy eastern 
 coast of Cape Breton. Nearly a century and a half has passed since 
 this simple cross was taken from its place on a Louisbourg church, 
 probably by one of the soldiers of Pepperrell's expedition at the com- 
 mand of one of the Puritan clergymen who regarded it as a symbol 
 of idolatry. It was carried to New England and forgotten among 
 other relics until an enthusiastic and scholarly historian brought it to light and gave it 
 
 ■ Mr. Faucher de Saint-Maurice, F. B. S. C, has written a little book, with the title " Sept jours dans les Pro- 
 vinces Maritimes," (Quebec, 1888), of which thirty pages are devoted to a bright description of St. Peter's, the Bras 
 d'Or, Baddeck, Sydney, and Louisbourg. He mentions a fact rot generally known, that the English had their 
 cemetery on Point Eochefort and the French theirs in the immediate vicinity, but nearer Black Point. It was in 
 this latter place the English Catholics were also buried. The graves of the New Englanders who died of disease 
 in 1745-6 took up most of the space at Point Eochefort. 
 
116 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 the prominent position it now occupies at Harvard. Here we hare iindoubtedly clear 
 evidence of the extreme liberality of these days that would make old father Moody lift his 
 voice in stern rebuke of the degeneration of his countrymen, were he permitted by a 
 higher power, to return to the land where he once denounced the Eoman Catholic religion 
 with so much bitterness of tongue. But now-a-days in the very state where Governor 
 Endicott cut the red cross from the English flag, the same symbol not only iuAdtes the 
 people to numerous churches but seems to offer a benison to the youth of New England 
 who pass beneath the portals of Harvard's spacious library.' 
 
 For many years after the destruction of the famous fortifications, and before the resist- 
 less action of the ocean had buried deep beneath the sand the remains of the vessels sunk 
 by Chevalier Drucour at the entrance of the port during the second siege, the fishermen of 
 Louisbourg often alleged they could see the cannon of the ships lying among the rocks 
 and seaweed as their little craft lay becalmed when the wind went down and the waters 
 presented an unruffled surface which revealed their secrets many fathoms below. But 
 such stories now are no longer heard in the old port, and the most imaginative eye can- 
 
 not penetrate the depths of the waters where gallant ships were sacrificed in a vain hope 
 to prevent the entrance of the great English fleet that blockaded the port. Cannon balls 
 and bomb-shells are at times tossed up by the sea from the sands and rocks where they 
 have been embedded for years, but it is rarely now that cannon are found. Nearly fifty 
 years ago there was one interesting " treasure trove " in the form of an old gun, which is 
 clearly a memorial of several centuries ago. The hooped cannon,^ of which I give a sketch 
 on this page, was dug up in the mud of the western shore of the harbour, nearly half a 
 mile to the west of the ruins of the Grand Battery.^ A distinguished Nova Scotian archse- 
 
 ^ In a letter to the author, Dr. Justin Wiusor, the librarian of Harvard, says : " The story is that the iron cross 
 above the door of our library was brought back to Massachusetts after the siege of Louisbourg (1 745 ) by the returned 
 troops. When I found it in 1877 in the cellar of the library, it had a label on it to that effect. I then placed it 
 above the door, and had it gilded. It is supposed to have been on the Catholic chapel in Louisbourg [in the citadel 
 or hospital church ?]. I say this much and give a cut of it in vol. ii. of Mem. Hist, of Boston ' " (frontispiece). 
 
 ^ See supra, sec. VI, for an account of a similar gun found at St. Peter's, C.B. 
 
 ' The exact place where this gun was found can be seen by looking at the plan of the city and harbour of 
 Louisbourg at end of this work. It was on the shore immediately in front of the little pond which is seen marked 
 midway between the grand battery and the barachois, where Hales's Regiment is marked. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 117 
 
 ologist has thought this memorial worthy of an elaborate paper/ in which he indulges in 
 a good deal of interesting speculation as to its original ownership. Its workmanship 
 shows it to have been one of those forged pieces of ordnance common in the early part of 
 the sixteenth century, and not unfrequently used until, and perhaps even after, the begin- 
 ning of the seventeenth century, when cast metal guns came generally into use. The 
 gun in question is made of bars of malleable iron, encircled by ten rings or hoops in 
 accordance with the fashion of those early times. It has a length of about five feet, and 
 a diameter A'arying from four inches at the muzzle to nine inches at the shoulder, behind 
 which is a chamber for the reception of a breech block, which was kept in its place by iron 
 bolts, and was placed in or taken out of its chamber by either a leather or iron handle at 
 the top. The gun otherwise is in excellent preservation, despite the corroding rust that 
 has eaten into the iron that was forged by a cunning gunsmith centuries ago in some 
 foundry across the seas. In speculating on the history of this ancient weapon, one soon 
 finds himself launched upon a sea of doubt. Now it is a Portuguese vessel that in the 
 early times of maritime adventure in eastern American waters carried this gun. Again it 
 belonged to an English ship, the Delight, the " Amiral" of the little fleet of three vessels 
 in which the gallant Englishman, Sir Humphrey Grilbert, sought to win honour and ter- 
 ritory for his country in those times when England was at last entering on that field of 
 maritime adventure which was to give her in the course of centuries the greatest colonial 
 empire the world has ever seen. The place where the Delight was lost is involved in 
 obscurity, though it has been hitherto generally supposed that she perished -in "the flats 
 and dangers " of Sable Island, until the Nova Scotian antiquarian, already mentioned, 
 shipwrecked the " Amiral " in a sheltered part of Louisbourg harbour.^ But if we study 
 the record of the voyage of the English adventurers we may admire the ingenuity of the 
 Nova Scotian writer, but can hardly come to the same conclusion.^ We have no conclu- 
 sive evidence that the Englishmen ever reached and entered a port in Cape Breton, though 
 it appears in leaving Newfoundland they shaped their " course unto the island of Sablon, 
 if conveniently it would so fall out, also directly to Cape Breton." They spent eight days 
 in the navigation between Cape Breton — that is to say the cape of that name — and Cape 
 Race in Newfoundland, but they never got sight of any land all that time, seeing they 
 were " hindered by the current," and at last " fell into such flats and dangers that hardly 
 any of them escaped," and where they lost their "Amiral with all the men and provisions 
 not knowing certainly the place." They were entirely out of their course, and although 
 they have left us several reckonings they are so much at A^ariance that even Dr. Patterson 
 despite his zeal to establish his point is obliged to admit the difficulty of coming to a 
 correct conclusion as to the exact situation of "the flats and dangers," and to fall back 
 on a series of surmises and probabilities to bring the Delight into Louisbourg harbour. 
 He would make us believe, for instance, when he is literally at sea, that the mate's 
 
 ' This paper was read by Rev. Dr. Patterson before the Royal Society of Canada during its May meeting, 1891, 
 at Montreal, but has not appeared in the ' Transactions ' for that year, owing to the pressure of other papers. The 
 writer has kindly allowed me the privilege of studying this essay, whose careful preparation all must admit, even 
 while differing entirely from its conclusions. 
 
 ^ In his paper on the Portuguese discoveries in 1890 ('Trans. Eoy. Soc- Can., viii. sec. 2) he thought it was 
 a Portuguese gun, but in 1891 he changed his mind. 
 
 ^ The account of the voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert will be found in Hakluyt (Goldsmid's ed.), xii. 345-350, 
 363-367. 
 
118 CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 reckoning was inaccurately copied in the printing, when it is clear on the face of the 
 record that all the reckonings were wrong. The master of the Delight, in the relation 
 which he has left behind, tells ns that Sir Humphrey Gilbert and all the captains " fell to 
 controversie " of the course, when within twenty leagues of the Isle of Sable. Sir 
 Humphrey contended that the reckoning kept by the master of the Amiral was untrue. 
 If the vessels had been off Cape Breton — the best known cape in those waters — there 
 could have been no difficulty as to the course. It is equally clear that they could never 
 have entered so safe a port as Louisbourg, for there is no mention of a harbour, but only 
 of "flats and dangers," where the whole fleet was nearly lost. All the details of the 
 shipwreck, as they have come down to us, show clearly that it must have been on 
 some unknown shore that the disaster happened. On an August day, when the rain and 
 mist prevented them seeing a cable length before them, they saw what at first they 
 thought were " white cliffs," but was evidently the sea breaking on the rocks, though they 
 could not descry any land. Presently the " Amiral struck the ground, and had soon. her 
 stern and hinder parts beaten in pieces, and thereupon the two other vessels made off 
 seaward." "We are told that there was not enough water upon the sand for the other ves- 
 sels, much less for the largest, the Amiral, that drew fourteen feet. A number of the crew 
 of the Delight succeeded in saving themselves in a pinnace of the vessel, but the captain 
 and many others were drowned. " And when the sixteen were in the boate," continues 
 the eye-witness of the wreck, Clarke, the master, " some had small remembrance, and 
 some had none, for they did not make account to live, but to prolong their lives as long 
 as it pleased God, and looked every moment of an hour when the sea would eat them up, 
 and the boat being so little and so many men in her." Not a word is said of the fleet 
 having seen land or entered a harbour — no such inference can be drawn from any of the 
 narratives before us. It is almost certain had they entered a port like Louisbourg they 
 would have given us an account of its natural characteristics and of the incidents of their 
 visit, just as they did in the case of the ports of Newfoundland, and in all probability Sir 
 Humphrey Gilbert would have claimed the sovereignty of his queen over the island by 
 some formal act. One knowing Louisbourg must feel that had the voyagers once reached 
 that port no such story of disaster would have been told. The Delight might have 
 been wrecked on the rocks that bar the entrance of the port, but then not an atom of her, 
 certainly not a piece of ordnance, would have been left to tell the tale. The place where 
 the old gun was found is on the western shore and within the peaceful haven, and how- 
 ever the storm might have raged outside, the fleet could have anchored safely and been 
 hardly tossed by the relatively slight commotion that prevails in times of the most furious 
 winds. The whole story of the wreck, and of the escape of the pinnace, speaks of shoals 
 and rocks, and not of one of the safest and calmest harbours in American waters. If the 
 fleet had found itself once moored in this fine port, we should assuredly have had a very 
 different story from the adventurers who have left the records of that disastrous voyage 
 behind them. It is idle to connect the finding of an old cannon in the mud of the Louis- 
 bourg shore with the ambiguous stories of sailors out of their reckoning, and unable to 
 see any land, but only the sea breaking on shores and rocks. In olden times vessels of 
 many nations sought refuge in Louisbourg harbour, and it was not unusual for many of 
 the large class to be armed that they might defend themselves against the savages of "the 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 119 
 
 new found lands," or against their rivals who were exploring those far distant seas.' It 
 is quite easy to believe that these vessels would often be armed with old weapons, which 
 could be bought cheap in the ports of Europe. Some storm-tossed vessel may have found 
 its way into the haven, and may have been left to rot on the shore, while the crew were 
 taken off on the vessels that began to frequent Louisbourg in the beginning of the six- 
 teenth century, or perhaps the old weapon was thrown overboard as useless. But the 
 facts, so far as they have come down to us, by no means establish that Sir Humphrey 
 Grilbert ever entered the famous old port. 
 
 As one looks carefully in these days at the natural position of the old fortress, it is 
 quite obvious that it must have been extremely weak on the land side, when once an 
 enemy obtained a footing on shore. The most dangerous point was, of course, G-abarus 
 Bay, and the French would have been wise had they built strong permanent forts or 
 batteries at every cove where there was a chance of an enemy landing. The history of 
 the last siege shows that the French were quite aware of the necessity for such batteries, 
 but they had no force strong enough to maintain even the works they were able to con- 
 struct with the materials close at hand. In endeavouring to prevent the landing they 
 had left the town itself almost undefended. Then, when the enemy was established in 
 force, the French were not able to prevent them taking possession of the northeast 
 entrance, and the green hills which command the town. The grand battery was never 
 of any use, and the one at Lighthouse Point was also deserted at the first sign of peril. 
 Both of these works, if held by the French, could have thwarted the plans of the English 
 for some time ; but as it was there were no men to spare for these defences, if indeed they 
 were in a condition to resist attack for many days. The town, then, from the land side, 
 stood isolated and dependent entirely on its own defences. From the sea on the other 
 hand, it was much less liable to danger. We have evidence of this in the fact that the 
 island battery at the entrance, during the two sieges, for weeks kept the fleet outside of 
 the harbour. If the Lighthouse Point had been defended by a powerful fort, garrisoned 
 by a sufficient force, the entrance would have been almost impregnable. 
 
 The rocky islands that lie between the ocean and the port and make it so secure a 
 haven in the most tempestuous season present a very picturesque aspect as we survey 
 them from the heights of the old town. They seem to form a sort of cordon of rocks and 
 shoals, on which the sea rushes in all its impetuosity, only to iind itself stopped in its 
 fierce desire to reach the peaceful haven. The spray rises in times of storm in great clouds 
 of mist on these dangerous rocky ledges, and then, as soon as the wind subsides, there is 
 hardly a ripple to tell of the danger that lurks beneath the unruffled surface that hides 
 these rocks where death ever awaits the storm-tossed or careless sailor. It was on one of 
 such rocks in the vicinity of Porto Novo, a short distance to the northeast of Louisbourg, 
 that the French frigate Ohameau on her way to Quebec, was shipwrecked one August 
 night in 1'725. All the ranks and professions were represented on the hapless vessel, 
 " grande et belle flute du roi, command6e par M. de Voutron." An intendant of Canada, 
 
 ^ See App. VIII (3) to this work, where an account is given of the visit of the Hopewell of London, in 1597, to 
 Louisbourg harbour, where a Biscay vessel, whose crew had robbed the Chancewell, the consort of the English 
 ship, when cast away on the coast of Cape Breton, " bent a piece of great ordnance at us." When we consider the 
 many armed vessels that visited Louisbourg for centuries it is not difficult to account for the appearance of an old 
 gun in the mud of the port. 
 
120 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 a governor of Three Rivers, black-robed priests, officers and soldiers, peasants and tbeir 
 wives, brave men and fair women, representatives of many families in New and Old France 
 perished, and " all Canada was placed in mourning and lost more in one day than she had 
 lost by twenty years of war." ^ Here Admiral Holbourne's fleet, surprised by one of those 
 furious gales that often visit the coast, expected every instant to be tossed on the rocks 
 over w^hich the sea rushed with great billows of foam, and only escaped at last with the 
 masts and rigging torn away by the fury of the wind, and the loss of one gallant ship 
 that was carried among the rocks of St. Esprit, on the southern coast of the island. The 
 shores of Oape Breton from Cape North to the most southern point on the Atlantic, could 
 tell many a sad story of disaster to the numerous vessels that have been hurled on itis 
 reefs from the earliest times since the gulf became a highway of commerce. Even the loss 
 of the Chameau has had a parallel in that of the Auguste, wrecked on her way to Europe 
 in the autumn of VJQI on some unknown part of the precipitous northeastern coast, with 
 a number of Canadian families, and many soldiers of the Beam and Eoyal Rousillon regi- 
 ments, who had escaped the dangers of war that they might meet an inglorious death 
 amid the roar of the breakers and the tempest on the desolate shores of the island which, 
 like the Canada they had left, had passed away from France for ever.^ 
 
 As we stand on the ruined ramparts, let us for a moment forget the prosaic scene 
 that forces itself upon us on every side in thes3 days of the old port's departed greatness, 
 and recall the history of the past with its enterprising adventurers and discoverers, its 
 bold soldiers and famous sailors, its squadrons of stately ships, and its regiments drawn 
 from France, England and the thirteen colonies, then developing into national life and acti- 
 vity. Cape Breton in these times is merely a fine island to the tourist who travels through 
 its picturesque lakes, and surveys its noble ports and bays only in the light of the prosaic 
 present. Its geological features and its rich coal deposits attract the scientist. Others 
 speculate with the eye and brain of the capitalist on the opportunities that its mineral 
 and other resources, and its admirable position at the entrance of the G-ulf of Saint-Law- 
 rence, offer to enterprise and energy. Some still look forward with reason to the time 
 when Sydney and Louisbourg will become great ports of the world's commerce, and more 
 than realize the conceptions of the astute Raudots nearly two centuries ago. But these 
 are not the only thoughts that will press upon the mind at times when we travel over 
 the historic ground that lies between the old site of Port Toulouse and the ruins of 
 Louisbourg. We can see in memory the sails of the Basque and Breton fishermen hovering 
 centuries ago ofF the bays of the island which had no name and hardly a place then in the 
 rude maps of the world. "We can see Spaniard and Portuguese venturing into its 
 unknown rivers and harbours, and giving them names which were so many recollections 
 of their homes across the sea. At times when the vessels of many nations anchor in 
 its safe havens we hear a curious medley of tongues ; the Saxon words of Kent and 
 Devon, the curious dialects of the Bay of Biscay, the sonorous Spanish and the softer 
 Portu<Tuese, the old Celtic language of Bretagne so closely allied to that of the old Britons 
 across the English Channel. The years pass by, and the island still remains a solitude 
 save where the wandering Micmac raises his birch lodge and lights his fire on the shores 
 
 1 Charlevoix, 'Journal Historique,' Ed. i, p. 69. A "flute " is a long vessel with flat ribs, and used generally 
 as a transport. 
 
 " See App. XVI to this worls. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 121 
 
 of the inlets and rivers of the noble lakes, then in the sublimity of their ancient beauties 
 — vistas of the great forests untouched by the axe, and of mountains where the foot of 
 European never trod. Then suddenly a town rises on its eastern shores — a town with 
 walls of stone, where the cannon and the lilies of France tell of the ambition of the nations 
 of Europe to seize the new world, with its enormous possibilities. Then it is no longer 
 the sails of adventurous fishermen that dot these waters. We see great fleets with their 
 armaments of heavy metal ranged for miles oiF the harbour that now represents the 
 power of France. We can hear the shouts of triumph as the flag comes down on 
 the Vigilante, surprised on her way to succour Louisbourg. We can see the dim hull 
 of the Arethuse stealing, amid the darkness of night, through the vessels of the 
 blockading squadron, to tell the French king that his dream of empire in America 
 is fast drawing to an end. We can see the old leaky Notre- Dame de Delivrance — no 
 longer a name of auspicious omen — carried into port with its rich cargo of gold and silver 
 from the mines of Peru, amid the cheers of the sailors on the English ships, and of the 
 soldiers as they crowd the ramparts of the town over which the French flag still floats in 
 mockery of the hopes of DeUlloa and his French companions when they sought the port 
 as a safe refuge after their storm-tossed voyage from the Spanish colonies of the south. 
 We can see the men working like so many ants in the trenches, and manning the batteries 
 from which the shot flies fierce and hot upon the devoted town, making great breaches 
 in its walls. Farmers, fishermen, and mechanics of New England, sturdy, energetic, 
 sharp-witted, full of wise saws and scriptural quotations specially adapted to themselves 
 and their own wishes ; men from the grass-meadows of Devon and the hop-gardens of 
 Kent ; stalwart highlandmen whose hearts still go across the water to Prince Charlie, or 
 linger in their Scottish glens which may know them no more ; sturdy English sea-dogs, 
 as ready to swear as to fight ; the. self-reliant, calm merchant of the Piscataqua ; the tall, 
 gaunt form of Wolfe, with his emaciated face on which illness had left its impress ; 
 Duchambon and Drucour with disappointment and care depicted in their eyes, as they 
 survey the ruins of their fortress ; silent sullen Frenchmen mourning their fate as they 
 see the red cross of England flying over their citadel ; a gentle cultured lady amid the 
 storm of shot and shell, showing Frenchmen that their women would, if they could, 
 fight for France and her honour to the last ; a sturdy sailor who, in later times, was to 
 give England the right to claim an Australasian continent in the southern seas. All 
 these pass in a rapid panorama before our eyes as we recall the shadowy past with its 
 associations of victories won on three continents. Here we stand on ruins which link us 
 with the victories of Plassy, Eossbach, and Minden — with new empires won in Asia 
 and Europe, with the rise of dynasties, and the defeated schemes of kings and princes, 
 once dominant in Europe. Three continents were here allied in the days of Pitt, and 
 whether we walk over these old ruins in Cape Breton or bow reverently before the 
 monuments that tell of England's famous men in her ancient Abbey, and see most 
 conspicuous among them all the stately figure of Chatham, with his outstretched arm, 
 " bidding England to be of good cheer, and hurling defiance at her foes," we feel that 
 though this land of ours be new and have few of those historic memories that make every 
 inch of England or of France so dear to the historian, the poet and the novelist, yet here 
 at least at Louisbourg as on the heights of Quebec, and on the banks of Lake Champlain 
 
 16 
 
122 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 we have a rich heritage of associations that connect us with the most fascinating and 
 momentous pages of the world's history. But we soon awake from this reverie to find 
 around us only grassy mounds, and in place of the noble fleets which once whitened the 
 ocean, from Lorembec to G-abarus, with their great spread of canvas in days when ships 
 were objects of interest and beauty, and not uncouth masses of iron and steel, we see now 
 but a little fishing-boat, running merrily with a favouring breeze through the entrance, 
 perhaps a sail or two in the distant horizon, or a lengthening pennant of smoke which 
 tells us of a passing steamer engaged in the commerce which long since left this port, 
 once the hope of France. 
 
[ 123 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL, HISTOEICAL AND CEITICAL NOTES. 
 
 In those notes it is the object of the -writer to give a complete summary of all the historical 
 and other works which relate, in whole or in part, to Cape Breton, or He Eoyale. The books and 
 pamphlets which refer exclusively to this island are few in number, not more than a dozen or so in 
 all; but there was a period in French, English and Atnerican history when it obtained an important 
 place in official and historical records. The historians of the wai-s between England and Pj'ance from 
 1'740 to 1'763 — ware for supremacy in America — give prominence to the struggle for the posses- 
 sion of Capo Breton, then a bulwark of French ambition on the continent. In the English and 
 French archives, and in the journals, memoirs and current literature of the time. Cape Breton takes 
 up no inconsiderable space. Eeferences are given to all this literature, which has been consulted by 
 the author, whenever accessible to him. Fortunately for him in Canada and New England the 
 public libraries or the collections of private individuals possess all the more important sources of in- 
 formation from which he has drawn in the preparation of this work. Ho has not deemed it neces- 
 sary to dwell at any great length on subjects whore there is much literature of a debatable and argu- 
 mentative character, like the Norse, Basque and Cabot voyages, but has confined himself to a meagre 
 reference to the books on such questions and to a few critical remarks on points touching Cape 
 Breton. In such cases the Narrative and Critical History of Ameiica affords, as a rule, all the mate- 
 rial necessary for a complete examination of the subject. In these notes it is not intended to do more 
 than make special allusion to works relating to Cape Bi-oton, and the various episodes of its history, 
 and to suiDplement as far as possible the information already collated by other writers. 
 
 I. The Voyages of the Northmen. 
 
 Here we come to a field of literature, replete with vague speculation, and remarkable opportunities for the dis- 
 play not only of archseological knowledge, but of imaginative power. In saying this, the writer must not be 
 understood as doubting the visits of Scandinavian voyagers to some part of northeastern America nine centuries 
 ago. Labrador, Newfoundland, Cape Breton, Nova Scotia, and even parts of New England may have been seen 
 by Biarne, Lief, and others of his countrymen, and there is obviously a historic substratum of truth in the sagas 
 of the North. But at the same time one feels that none of the writers on the subject have been able to lift the 
 veil of mystery that envelopes the lands the Norsemen visited, or to detract from the fame of Columbus, of the 
 Cabots, or even of the Portuguese and Bretons who have at least left the impress of their language on the coasts of 
 the Gulf of St- Lawrence. Without further preface, I may now refer my readers to the following works as afford- 
 ing them abundant materials for the study of this subject, which is very attractive in many respects, and 
 illustrates the remarkable original research that is given now-a-days to American history and its sources of 
 information. 
 
 " Antiquitates Americanee sive Scriptores rerum Ante-Columbianarum in America. Samling af de L Nordens 
 Oldskrifter indeholdte Efterretninger om de gamle Nordboers Opdagelsesreiser til America fra det lOde til det 
 14de Aarhundrede. Edidit Societas Regia Antiquarior. Septentrionalium. Hafniee (Copenhagen), 1837." This 
 work of Professor Carl Christian Eafn, was the commencement practically of the investigations and studies of the 
 Norse voyages for the past fifty years, although Torfseus, more than a century before, had written a book on the 
 Vinland Discovery (" Historia Vinlaudise Antiquae, etc-," Hafnise, 1705). With Professor Eafn, were associated 
 Finn Magnusen and Sveinbiorn Egilsson, but the former is really entitled to all the credit of the work. Eafn is 
 responsible for the theories respecting the Old Stone Tower at Newport, Rhode Island, and the Dighton Eock near 
 Taunton, Massachusetts, as relics of the Northmen ; but while the bold speculations and conjectures in which he 
 indulged are now pretty well discredited, his work must always obtain recognition as a standard authority to be 
 consulted on the main question of the Norse voyages. It has been translated intp several languages. 
 
124 CAPE BEBTON ANB ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 " The Pre-Columbian Discovery of America by the Northmen,with translations from the Icelandic Sagas," by B. 
 F. De Costa (Albany N. Y., 1869 and 1890.) This work has for its principal object, as stated by the author, a well 
 known American archseological and historical studenC " to place within the reach of the English reading public 
 every portion of the Icelandic sagas relating to the pre-Columbian discovery of America by the Northmen, and to 
 the steps by which that discovery was preceded." He is a firm believer in the historical value of these old 
 manuscripts, and in New England " as the scene of the Northmen's exploits." He is of opinion (like Bafn, p. 423) 
 that the description of Markland " agrees with the general features of Nova Scotia," p. 94, n. 
 
 " The finding of Wineland the Good. The history of the Icelandic Discovery of America. Edited and trans- 
 lated from the earliest records by Arthur Middleton Reeves. With phototype plates of the vellum mss. of the 
 Sagas," (London, Oxford University Press, 1890). This sumptuous work in 4to is the latest contribution to the 
 subject by an American scholar,who accepts the old Norse records as authentic. The work shows much erudition, 
 and is of great interest and value to the student since it gives not only the texts of the three sagas on which the 
 theory of the American discovery is based, but collects the numerous references to America and its discovery 
 which are found in the ancient literature of Iceland. Mr. Reeves, however, gives the date of Torfaeus's first work on 
 the Vinland discovery incorrectly (p. 97) ; it was first published in 1705 and not in 1715. He has obviously con- 
 founded the former with Histor.a Gronlandise Antiquse, printed in the year 1715. An excellent review of the work 
 is given in the Scottish Review for October, 1891. Mr. Reeves died in a railway disaster in 1891. 
 
 " Pre-Columbian Explorations, with critical notes on the sources of information," is the title of the paper by 
 Dr. Justin Winsor, in the Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am. (i. chap. ii.). Here, as in the case of all articles in this 
 historical work, is found a critical reference to the principal literature that had appeared on the subject previous to 
 1889, when the volume was printed. It contains among other illustrations copies of Rafn's maps of Norse America, 
 of Vinland, and of the Dighton Rock with its inscriptions. Dr. Winsor's conclusion is (pp. 67, 68) that " the weight 
 of probability is in favour of the Northmen's descent upon the coast of the American mainland at some point, or at 
 several, somewhere to the south of Greenland ; but the evidence is hardly that which attaches to well established 
 historical records." Both Reeves, and the writer in the Scottish Review, mentioned above, take exception to these 
 and other remarks of Dr. Winsor, as underrating the value of the sagas and the importance of the Norse voyages. 
 
 "The Vinland of the Northmen", in the ' Trans. Roy. Soc. Can.,' (viii. sec. 2, art. 3.) by Sir Daniel 
 AVilson, President of the University of Toronto, a well known archseologist, is especially interesting to readers of 
 this work on Cape Breton because it refers to a curiously inscribed rock (of which a copy is given in the Trans.), 
 found forty-six years ago at Yarmouth, Nova Scotia. The rock has been studied by various archeeologists, but, as 
 Sir Daniel Wilson shows, a close examination of it proves that it neither accords with the style or usual formula of 
 runic inscriptions, " and for this and other reasons, the Yarmouth stone must take rank with the illusory Thorflnn 
 discovered by the Rhode Island Antiquaries on their famed Dighton rock which still stands by the bank of the 
 Taunton River." The writer also discusses the theory raised by one of the new generation of northern antiquaries 
 (Professor Gustav Storm,) Professor of history in the University of Christiania, who would make Kjalaijnes, the 
 northern extremity of Vinland, to correspond with northern Cape Breton and the fiord into which the North- 
 men steered to have been Canso or some other bay of Guysborough County in Nova Scotia; but it does not 
 appear certain that grapes ever grew wild on the Nova Scotia coast, except perhaps, in some favoured part of the 
 present King's and Annapolis Counties. As a matter of fact. Professor Storm has not yet succeeded in weaken- 
 ing the weight of evidence in favour of some part of southern New England as Wineland the Good. His essays 
 on tlie subJ3Ct are given below : — 
 
 " Om Betydningen af 'Eyktarstaor ' i Flatobogens Beretning om Vinlandsreiserne ", published in Arkiv for 
 Nordisk Filologi, November, 1885. See Reeves, p. 6. 
 
 " Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, Vinlands Geografi og Ethnografi," in Aarb. i. Nord Oldk, og Hist. Copenh, 
 1887, pp. 293-372. See Reeves, p. 98. 
 
 Sir Daniel Wilson's art. refers to Storm's "Studies of Vinland voyages published in the M^moires de la Soci6t6 
 Royale des Antiquaries du Nord " for 1888, a partial translation of the foregoing " Studier." 
 
 Another article by a Canadian writer is a paper by R. G. Haliburton, (a son of Judge Haliburton, best known as 
 "Sam Slick,'') read before the British Association at Montreal, in 1884, in which he expresses the belief that the 
 vineclad country of the Northmen will be always sought in vain — a rather sweeping assertion, which Sir Daniel 
 Wilson, in the article just noticed, does not agree with. 
 
 In the ' Trans, of the Roy. Soc. of Can.' (viii. sec. I, art. 5,) there is also a paper on " Les Scandinaves en 
 Am^rique," by Alphonse Gagnon, which gives a meagre summary of the evidence in support of the claim of the 
 Northmen to the prior discovery of America, and concludes by summing up in favour of the Rhode Island theory 
 without, however, adding any new facts to the controversy. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 1 25 
 
 In the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society (Halifax, 1801 ) for 1889-91, there is a judicious paper on 
 Vinland, with two maps, by Hon. L. G. Power, which also shows how difficult it is for any person who studies this 
 vexed subject, to come to very definite conclusions. Mr. Power appears to believe, with Torfeeus, that the Vinland 
 of the old Norsemen was either in Labrador or Newfoundland—'' the probabilities being in favour of the mainland." 
 This writer, however, throws no new light on the question, which perplexes the most learned scholars. 
 
 Mr. Fiske, "Discovery of America," (Boston, 1892), vol. i, has judicious remarks on the Pre-Columbian 
 Voyages. 
 
 Dr. Justin Winsor, and other eminent scholars whose names are mentioned below, only see " a too confident 
 enthusiasm " and " incautious linguistic inferences " (See " Nar. and Crit. Hist." i. 98) in Mr. Eben Horsford's sup- 
 posed discovery at Watertown, Mass., of a Norse Norumbega " with its walled docks and wharves, dam, fishery, etc." 
 But nevertheless Mr. Horsford continues to support his theory with the same " confident enthusiasm," and not content 
 with publishing elaborate sketches of old maps, and illustrations of the alleged discoveries on the Charles, he has 
 actually builc at his own expense an antique ttone tower at the mouth of Stony Brook (a tributary of the Charles) 
 in honour of the Norsemen and in defiance of liis opponents. His principal work on the subject, in large folio, has 
 for title : " The Defences of Norumbega and a Eeview of the Reconnaissances of Col. W. Higginson, Prof H. W. 
 Haynes, Dr. Justin Winsor, Dr. F. Parkman, and Rev. E. F. Slafter," (Boston and New York, 1891.) See also 
 " Review of the Problem of the Northmen and the Site of Norumbega, by Professor Olson, Madison University, 
 [another doubter], and a Reply by E. N. Horsford," (Cambridge, 1891.) See Fiske, 220, n. 
 
 The Voyages of the Norsemen, Biarne and Leif. 
 
 Dr. De Costa gives the following translation (" Pre-Columbian Discovery of America," etc., p. 86) of Biarne's 
 voyage from Codex Flatoiensis, given, in " Antiquitates Americanse," p. 17 : 
 
 Heriulf was the son of Bard, Heriulf's son, who was a relation of Ingolf the Landnamsman. Ingolf gave 
 Heriulf land between Vog and Reikianess. Heriulf dwelt first at Dropstock. His wife was Thorgird, and their 
 son was called Biarne. He was a promising young man. In his earliest youth be had a desire to go abroad, and 
 he soon gathered property and reputation, and was by turns a year abroad and a year with his father. Biarne 
 was soon in possession of a merchant ship of his own. Tlie last winter (A. D. 985) while he was in Norway, 
 Heriulf prepared to go to Greenland with Eric, and gave up his dwelling. There was a Christian man belonging 
 to the Hebrides along with Heriulf, who composed the lay called the " Hafgerdingar Song," in which is this stave : 
 
 " May he whose hand protects so well 
 The simple monk in lonely cell. 
 And o'er the world upholds the sky, 
 His own blue hall, still stand me by." 
 
 Heriulf settled at Pleriulfness (A. D. 985), and became a very distinguished man. Eric Red took up his abode 
 at Brattahlid, and was in great consideration and honoured by all. These were Eric's children: Leif, Thorvald 
 and Thorstein, and his daughter was called Freydis. She wa? married to a man named Thorvald, and they dwelt 
 at Gardar, which is now a bishop's seat. She was a haughty, proud woman, and he was but a mean man. She 
 was much given to gathering wealth. The people of Greenland were heathen at this time. Biarne came over the 
 same summer (A. D. 985) with his ship to the strand which his father had sailed abroad from in the spring. He 
 was much struck with the news, and would not unload his vessel. When his crew asked him what he intended to 
 do, he replied that he was resolved to follow his old custom by taking up his winter abode with his father. " So I 
 will steer for Greenland if ye will go with me." They one and all agreed to go with him. Biarne said, " Our voy- . 
 age will be thought foolish, as none of us have been on the Greenland sea before." Nevertheless they set out to 
 sea as soon as they were read}', and sailed for three days, until they lost sight of the land they left. But when the 
 wind failed, a north wind with fog set in, and they knew not wliere they were sailing to ; arid this lasted many 
 days. At last they saw the sun, and could distinguish the quarter of the sky ; so they hoisted sail asain, and 
 sailed a whole day and night, when they made land. They spoke among themselves what this land could be, and 
 Biarne said that, in his opinion, it could not be Greenland. On the question, if he should sail nearer to it, he said, 
 " It is my advice that we sail up close to the land." They did so, and they soon saw that the land was without 
 mountains, was covered with woods, and that there were small hills inland. They left, the land on the larboard 
 side, and had their sheet on the land side. Then they sailed two days and nights before they got sight of land 
 again. They asked Biarne if he thought this would be Greenland ; but he gave his opinion that the land was no 
 more Greenland than the land they had seen before. "For on Greenland, it is said, there are great snow moun- 
 tains." They soon came near to the land, and saw that it was flat and covered with trees. Now, as the wind 
 fell, the ship's people talked of its being advisable to make for the land, but Biarne would not agree to it. They 
 thought that they would need wood and water, but Biarne said, " Ye are not in want of either." 'i'he men blamed 
 him for this. He ordered them to hoist the sail, which was done. They now turned the ship's bow from the 
 land, and kept the sea for three days and nights, with a tine breeze from southwest. Then they saw a third 
 land, which was high and mountainous, and with snowy mountains. Then they asked Biarne if he would land 
 here, but he refused ; " for in my opinion this land is not what we want." Now they let the sails stand and kept 
 along the land, and saw it was an island. Then they turned from the land stood out to sea with the same breeze ; 
 but the gale increased, and Biarne ordered a reef to be taken in, and not to sail harder than the ship and her 
 tackle could easily bear. After sailing three days and three nights, they made, the fourth time, land ; and when 
 they asked Bairne if he thought this was Greenland or not, Biarne replied : " This is most like what has been told 
 
126 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 me of Greenland, and here we shall take to the land." They did so, and came to the land in the evening, under a 
 ness [a cape], where they found a boat. On this ness dwelt Biarne's father, Heriulf ; and from that it is called 
 Heriulfness. Biarne went to his father's, gave up sea-faring, and after his father's death continued to dwell there 
 when at home. 
 
 Leif's voyage is recorded in the "Flato Manuscript," and is given in " Antiquitates Americanse," pp- 26-40. I 
 give Dr. De Costa's excellent translation, p. 92 : 
 
 (A. D. 984.) It is next to be told that Biarne Heriulfson came over from Greenland to Norway, on a visit to 
 Earl Eric, who received him well. Biarne tells of this expedition of his, in which he had discovered unknown 
 land ; and people thought he had not been very curious to get knowledge, as he could not give any account of 
 those countries, and he was somewhat blamed on this account. (A. D. 986.) Bairne was made a court man of the 
 earl, and the summer after he went over to Greenland ; and afterward there was much talk about discovering 
 unknown lands. Leif, a son of Eric Bed of Brattahlid, went over to Biarne Heriulfson, and bought the ship from 
 him, and manned the vessel, so that in all there were thirty-five men on board. Leif begged his father Eric to go 
 as commander of the expedition, but he excused himself, saying he was getting old and not so able as formerly to 
 undergo the hardship of a sea voyage. Leif insisted that he among all their relations was the most likely to have 
 good luck on such an expedition, and Eric consented, and rode home with Leif, when they had got all ready for 
 sea; but as they were getting near the ship the horse on which Eric was riding stumbled, and he fell from his 
 horse and hurt his foot. "' It is destined," said Eric, " that I should never discover more lands than this of Green- 
 land, on which we live ; and now we must not run hastily into this adventure." Eric accordingly returned home 
 to Brattahlid, but Leif, with his comrades, in all thirty-five men, rigged out their vessel. There was a man from 
 the south country called Tyrker with the expedition. (A. D. 1000.) They put the ship in order, and went to sea 
 when they were ready. They first came to the land which Biarne had last (Srst) discovered, sailed up to it, cast 
 anchor, put out a boat and went on shore ; but there was no grass to be seen. There were large snowy mountains 
 up the country, but all the way from the sea to these snowy ridges the land was one field of snow, and it appeared 
 to them a country of no advantages. Leif said : " It shall not be said of us, as it was of Biarne, that we did not 
 come upon the land ; for I will give the country a name, and call it Helluland, [land of flat stones]." Then they 
 went on board again and put to sea, and found another land. They sailed in toward it, put out a boat and landed. 
 The country was flat and overgrown with wood, and the strand far around consisted of white sand, and low toward 
 the sea. Then Leif said, "We shall give this land a name according to its kind," and called it Markland, [Wood- 
 laud.] Then they hastened on board, and put to sea again, with the wind from the northeast, and were out for 
 two days and made land. They sailed toward it, and came to an island which lay on the north side of the land, 
 where they disembarked to wait for good weather. There was dew upon the grass, and, having accidentally gotten 
 some of the dew upon their hands and put it in their mouths, they thought they had never tasted anything so 
 sweet as it was. Tlien they went on board and sailed into a sound that was between the island and a ness that 
 went out northward from the land, and sailed westward past the ness. There was very shallow water in ebb tide, 
 so that their ship lay dry, and there was a long way between their ship and the water. They were so desirous to 
 get to the land that they would not wait till their ship floated, but ran to the land, to a place where a river comes 
 out of a lake. As soon as their ship was afloat they took the boats, rowed to the ship, towed her up the river and 
 from thence into the lake, where they cast anchor, carried their beds out of the ship, and setup their tents. They 
 resolved to put things in order for wintering there, and they erected a large house. They did not want for salmon, 
 both in the river and in the lake, and they thought the salmon larger than any they had ever seen before. The 
 country appeared to them of so good a kind that it would not be necessary to gather fodder for the cattle in winter. 
 There was no frost in the winter, and the grass was much withered. Day and night were more equal than in 
 Greenland and Iceland ; for on the shortest day the sun was in the sky between Eyktarstad and the Dagmalastad. 
 Now, when they were ready with their house-building (A. D. 1001), Leif said to his fellow-travellers: " Now I will 
 divide the crew into two divisions and explore the country. Half shall stay at home and do the work, and the 
 other half shall search the land ; but so that they do not go farther than they can come back in the evening, and 
 that they do not wander from each other." This they continued to do for some time. Leif changed about, some- 
 times with them and sometimes with those at home. Leif was a stout and strong man and of manly appearance, 
 and was, besides, a prudent and sagacious man in all respects. 
 
 It happened one evening that a man of the party was missing, and it was the south countryman Tyrker. Leif 
 was very sorry for this, because Tyrker had long been in his father's house, and he loved Tyrker in his childhood. 
 Leif blamed his comrades very much, and proposed to go with twelve men on an expedition to find him ; but 
 they had only gone a short way from the station when Tyrker came to meet them, and he was joyfully received. 
 Leif soon perceived that his foster fatlier v,-as quite merry. Tyrker had a high forehead, sharp eyes, with a small 
 face, and was little in size and ugly ; but was very dexterous in all feats. Leif said to him, "Why art thou so 
 late,' my foster father? and why didst thou leave thy comrades?" He spoke at first long in German, rolled his 
 eyes and knit his brows ; but they could not make out what he was saying. After a while and some delay, he 
 said in Norse, "I did not go much further than they ; and yet I have something altogether new to relate, for I 
 found vines and grapes." ■' Is that true, any foster father ?" .=!aid Leif " Yes, true it is," answered he, " for I was 
 born where there was no scarcity of grapes." They slept all night, and the next morniug Leif said to his men : 
 " Now we shall have two occupations to attend to, and day about; namely, to gather grapes or cut vines, and to 
 fell wood in the forest to lade our vessel." This advice was followed. It is related that their stern boat was filled 
 with grapes, and then a cargo of wood was hewn for the vessel. Towards spring they made ready and sailed 
 away, and Leif gave the country a name from its products, and called it Vinland. They now sailed into the open 
 sea, and had a fair wind until they came in sight of Greenland and the lands below the ice mountains. Then a 
 man put in a word and said to Leif, " Why do you steer so close to the wind ?" Leif replied, " I mind my helm 
 and tend to other t'lings, too; do you notice anything?" They said that they saw nothing remarkable. " I do 
 not know," said Leif, " whether 1 see a ship or a rock." Then they looked and saw that it was a rock. But he 
 saw so much better than they that he dis-^overed men upon the rock. " Now I will," said Leif, " that we hold to 
 the wind, that we may comeup to them if they should need help; and if they should not be friendly inclined, it 
 is in our power to do as we please and not theirs." Now they sailed under the rock, lowered their sails, cast 
 anchor, and put out another small boat which they had with them. Then Tyrker asked who their leader was. 
 He said his name was Thorer, and said he was a Northman. " But what is your name?" said he. Leif told his 
 name. " Are you the son of Eric the Ked of Brattahlid?" he asked. Leif said that was so. " Now I will," said 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 127 
 
 Leif, " take ye and all on board my ship, and as much of the goods as the ship will store." They took up this 
 otter, Mid sailed away to Erieflord with the cargo, and from thence to Brattahlid, whore they unloaded the ship. 
 L.eit ottered ihorer and his wife, Gudrid, and three others lodging with himself, and oflbring lodging elsewhere for 
 11 ^AT ■ .■ . P®°P'®' "°"' o^ Thorer's crew and his own. Leif took fifteen men from the rock, and thereafter was 
 called Leit the Lucky. After that time Leif advanced greatly in wealth and consideration. That winter sickness 
 came among Jhorer s people, and he himself and a great part cf his crew died. The same winter Eric Red died. 
 Ihis expedition to Vuiland was much talked of, and Leif 's brother, Tliorvald, thought that the country had not 
 been explored enough in different places. Then Leif said to Thorvald, " You may go, brother, in my ship to Vin- 
 land it you like ; but I will first send the ship for the timber which Thorer left upon the rock." So it was done. 
 
 IL The Cabot Voyages. 
 
 Here we enter into the realm of earnest disputation, in which learned historians and archfeologists broach 
 their favourite theories. All the authorities that the writer has consulted, seem, in his opinion, to show that John 
 Cabot first discovered America in 1497, and not in 149i, as argued by M. d'Avezac (See his letter at end of Dr. 
 Kohl's "History of the Discovery of Maine"). The landfall of that famous voyage is still, and is likely to remain, in 
 dispute ; but as long as the Sebastian Cabot mappe monde of 1544, discovered in Germany in 1843 by Von Martins, 
 and deposited in the National Library of Paris, is believed by many authorities on such subjects to be authentic, 
 some point on the northeastern coast of the island of Cape Breton must be accepted as the actual "prima tierra 
 vista" of 1497. The delineation of Cape Breton, then considered a part of the mainland or the terre des Bretons, 
 and the position of the island of St. John, (P. E. Island) named by Cabot, and the language of the legend or inscrip- 
 tion on the map, referring to the discovery on the 24th June, go to support the Cape Breton theory. So much 
 depends on the legend. No. 8, that I give it entire, as it appears on the Paris map in Spanish. I may here add, for 
 the information of the reader who has not seen a copy of the original map, that it has numerous inscriptions or 
 legends, in Spanish and Latin — the latter presumably a translation of the former :— 
 
 " No. 8. Esta tierra fue descubierta por loan Caboto Veneciano, y Sebastian Caboto su hijo, anno del naacimiento 
 de nuestro Sauluado lesu Christo de M.CCCC. XCIIII. a ueinte y quarto de Junio por la mannana, a la qual pusieron 
 n6bre prima tierra uista, y a una isla grdde que esta par ladha tierra, le pusieron ndbre Sant loan, por auer side 
 descubierta el mismo dia lagente della andan ueetidos depieles de animales, usan en sus guerras arcos, y flechas, 
 lancas, y dardos, y unas porras de palo, y hondas. Es terra muy steril, ay enella a muchos orsos plancos. y cieruos 
 muy grMes como cauollos, y otras muchas animales, y semeiantemete ay pescado infinito, sollo?, salmoes, lenguados, 
 muy grandes de para enlarge y otras muchas diversidades de pescados, y la mayor miiltitud dellos se dizen 
 baccallaos, y asi mismio ay en la dha tierra Haloones prietos como cueruos Aquillas, Perdiccs, Pardilles, y otras 
 muchas aues de duiersas maneras." [See supra, sec. I.] 
 
 It is a strong fact in support of the Sebastian Cabot^claim to the authorship of this map, — of which the legends 
 could hardly have been written by one not present at the time of the discovery — that Hakluyt reprinted for the 
 first time in Latin, with a translation; "An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement 
 Adams, concerning his discovery of the West Indies, which is to be seene in Her Majesties privie gallerie at 
 Westminster, and in many other ancient merchants' houses." Clement Adams is said to have been a schoolmaster 
 by profession, not an engraver, but we have no traces of his map except the extract in Hakluyt. One learned 
 writer (Richard Biddle, in his erudite, though badly arranged, Sabastian Cabot Memoir, Philadelphia, 1831), 
 expresses the opinion that " the disappearance of this curious document may probably be referred, either to the 
 sales which took place after the death of Charles I., or to the fire in the reign of William III," but it is neverthe- 
 less strange that no copy of it has come down to us from the " ancient merchants," in many of whose houses 
 Adams declares it was to be seen in his time. That my readers may, however, see that the Latin inscription of 
 the Adams extract — we may assume it was taken out of the map by Adams himself, from the general tenor of 
 Hakluyt's introduction given above — is to all intents and purposes the Spanish inscription of the mappe monde, I 
 quote it below : — 
 
 Anno Domini, 1497, Joannes Cabotus venetus et Sebastianus illins filius earn terram fecerunt perviam, quam 
 nuUus priiis adire ausus fuit, die 24 Junij, circiter horam quintam bene mane. Hanc autem appellauit Terram 
 primCim visam, credo quod ex mari in eam partem primum oculos iniecerat. Nam quae ex aduerso sita est insula, 
 eam appellauit insulam Diui loannis, hac opinor ratione, quod aperta fuit eo die qui est Sacer Duio loanni Baptists;: 
 Huius incote pelles animalium, exuuiasque ferarum pro indumentis habent, easque tanti faciunt, quanti nos 
 vestes preciosissimas. Ciim bellum gerunt, vtuntur arcu, sagittis, hastis, spiculis, clauis' ligneis et fundis. Tellus 
 sterilis est, neque vUos fructus affert, ex quo fit, vt vrsis albo colore, et cernis inusitatse apud nos magnitudinis 
 refertasit: piscibus abundat, ijsque sane magnis, quales sunt lupi marini, et quos salmones vulgus appellat; 
 solese autem reperiuntur tam longee, ut vlnte mensuram excedant. Imprinais autem magna est copia eorum 
 piscium, quos vulgari sermone vocant Bacallaos. Gignunter in ea insula accipitres ita nigri, vt coruorum simili- 
 tudinera mirum in modum exprimant, perdices autem et aquilee sunt nigri coloris." [See Harisse, " Jean et Se- 
 bastian Cabot" (Paris, 1882) as to date, pp. 52-60, 151-6.] 
 
 The slight discrepancies between the Spanish and the Latin versions I have here given perplex students ; for 
 it would seem that if Adams had had the original map before him he would have copied the Latin version exactly 
 
128 CAPE BEETO]^ AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 as it was in the map he cut. Dr. Deane (" Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," iii. 45) supposes there may be another 
 Cabot map yet to be di.soovered, or Adams may liave translated from a map witii a Spanish inscription only. 
 Translators take liberties as we see even in Haliluyt's translation of the Ijatin text of Adams's extract, for be adds 
 even the following words in a parenthesis at the commencement, " with an Englisli fleet set out from Bristoll." 
 Biddle is particularly severe on Hakluy t for sucli liberties (" Memoir of Sebastian Cabot," pp. 53, 54). If there was 
 another edition of the Cabot map, with Spanisli inscriptions only, then the Adams version is fully explained. 
 Indeed, there is reason to believe there were other editions of the Cabot map (See " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," 
 iii. 21, n., where a reference is made to a map which appears to have been published in 1549, when in all pro- 
 bability Adams made his extract-) The whole subject, however, is involved in too many perplexities to merit 
 dwelling on it much longer, and my chief object in referring to the matter at all here is to show that both the 
 Spanish and the Latin versions of the legend, taken with the map itself, generally apply to the island of Cape 
 Breton. It is, however, the Spanish legend which, read as a whole, is the best evidence in favour of the Cape 
 Breton claim to have been the first discovered land. Adams's Latin version appears to describe the inhabitants of 
 the island, St. John, over against prima tierra vista, rather than the first discovered land itself, and Hakluyt's 
 English translation is to the same effect. It is not probable that Cabot in the inscription meant to ignore prima 
 tierra vista, and give undue prominence to the island. Adams here obviously shows he must have carelessly 
 translated the Spanish inscription, supposing he had only that in his possession, or he may have been a slovenly 
 copyist of some map in his possession. It does not appear that Hakluyt and Purchas both of whom quote it, ever 
 saw the Cabot map, but only gave the extract as made by Adams. The Spanish version I have given above from 
 the mappe monde of 1544 makes the whole matter more intelligible since the references are clearly to the inha- 
 bitants and natural products of the first seen land ilself In Adams's extract, a peiiod on the fourth line (see 
 extract above) instead of a colon after " loanni Baptistaj" would easily make " Hiijus incolse pelles animalium 
 etc.," refer to the prima tietra vista ; but we are again met in the tenth line (see above) by the use of " ea insula," 
 which would seem to show that in this version the natural characteristics of the island are alone described. In 
 the Spanish legend, on the other hand, we find " en la dha tierra," " in the same land " — obviously prima tierra 
 vista — and not " in that island " as in the Adams extract. Elsewhere I have stated my belief that the northern 
 part of Cape Breton is the prima tierra vista {supra, sec. I.) The Scatari theory would be quite justified by 
 the description in the legend, and the course a navigator would probably take from Bristol to the southern entrance 
 of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but the defined position of St. John's island in the mappe monde is against the theory. 
 If we accept Sebastian Cabot as the map-maker then he could not have misplaced the island " que esta par la 
 dha tierra." Eichard Biddle, who was the first scholar sixty years ago, to write learnedly on the Cabot Voyages, 
 chiefly as an eulogist of Sebastian, supported his contention in favour of Labrador as prima tierra vista by the 
 supposed existence of an island of St. John in the latitude of 56° immediately on the coast of Labrador; but the 
 discovery of the mappe monde is fatal to his theory, which had no authority except a doubtful map of Ortelius 
 borrowed from Mercator (See Deane in "Nar. and Crit. of Am.," iii. 34). If we could reject the supposed mappe 
 monde of Sebastian Cabot as a mere fabrication— as an attempt to reproduce a map shown by Clement Adams to 
 have bad an existence in his time,— then Scatari might with considerable reason be given as the island seen over 
 against the landfall in 1497. The maker of a spurious map, in later times, knowing of the existence of an island 
 of St. John in the Gulf would probably indicate it as the prima tierra vista. On these and the various other per- 
 plexing questions that surround the whole subject I refer the reader to the following most recent writings :— 
 
 " The Voyages of the Cabots," with a critical essay in the " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," (iii. 1-58), by Charles 
 Deane, LL.D., an authority on American history and archaeology. All the important works on the subject are here 
 cited with critical acumen. Dr. Deane believes that the weight of evidence is in favour of the authenticity of the 
 map, and that there is no good reason for not accepting the northern part of Cape Breton as Cabot's landfall. 
 
 " Jean Cabot," in Le Canada Frangais for October, 1888, (University of Laval, Quebec) by the Abb6 J. D. 
 Beaudoin, one of those learned men like Ferland, Casgrain, Hamel, and Cuoq, that the Roman Cathohc Church 
 of Canada can claim among its teachers. He goes over the ground travelled by all writers on the subject, and 
 combats the arguments of Biddle, and other supporters of the Labrador theory. He comes to the conclusion that 
 it is difficult to deny the authenticity of the Sebastian Cabot map, and that " there is no reason not to accept the 
 northern part of Cape Breton as tierra primum vista." But one cannot agree with the Abb6 when he goes so far 
 as to construe the legend respecting Cape Breton on a Portolano map of 1 620 or 1514— Terra que foj descuberta per 
 Bertomes— as referring to the English (Breton) discovery under Cabot, and not to the generally recognized claim 
 of the French Bretons to have given their name first to the island and the adjacent country. As to the white 
 bears seen by the voyagers he believes, with reason, they might have existed in 1497 in northern Cape Breton. 
 
 Harrisse (Cabots, 65, 85) favours Cape Perc6 (old name of north head of Cow Bay), but he himself effectively 
 disposes of this theory by stating it is 129 miles distant from Prince Edward Island. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 129 
 
 "The Landfall of Cabot," in the 'Transactions of the Geographical Society of Quebec ' for 1888, (published for 
 1886-87-88-89 in one volume in 1889), by James R. Howley, F. G. S., of Newfoundland. It was written mainly to 
 refute the theory raised by Professor Eben Horsford in a letter to the American Geographical Society (Bulletin 
 No. 2, for 1885, N. Y.), that the site of the landfall was Salem Neck, in 42°, 32n. lat., and that the town of Norum- 
 begue was on the Charles River. Tliis theory, in his opinion, shows how the imaginative faculty can be stretched 
 on questions on which the evidence is doubtful, and there is room for much disputation. Mr. Howley gives his 
 view in favour of Labrador, but he admits that the presence of the words " prima tierra vista " on the coast of Cape 
 Breton "is a difficult question to dispose of," and all he can conclude at last after the usual assumptions and at- 
 tempted applications of old and never reliable maps to the subject of controversy is that, though he does " not pre- 
 tend to have established the fact, that Cabot's actual landfall in 1497 could be no other land than some part of the 
 Labrador coast, yet the foregoing evidence tends greatly towards that conclusion." INIost students (see supra, App. I.) 
 agree with him when he says that " at all events it must be conceded that the grounds upon which that suppo- 
 sition is placed, are certainly of a more promising character than those which Mr. Horsford brings forward to 
 establish his theory for Salem Neck and Cape Ann." 
 
 " Cabot's Landfall," in the ' Magazine of American History ' for October, 1891, by the Very Reverend M. F. 
 Howleyi DD., a Roman C!atholic clergyman of Newfoundland. Here a scholarly dignitary comes to the rescue of 
 Bonavista or Cape St. John, on the eastern coast of Newfoundland, as the site of the famous discovery of 1497, " in 
 whose favour,'' in his opinion, " there still remains a strong presumption," despite the strength of tho evidence for 
 Labrador. It is impossible, ot course, to follow the writer in his disquisition, which, as usual, shows all the anxiety 
 to make old authors and maps — not a difficult task when we consider their vagueness — harmonize with his assump- 
 tions. He, like all others, canuot surmount the difficulty of the words "prima tierra vista "on the delineation of 
 Cape Breton, and is consequently obliged to fall back on the only possible way of getting out of the difficulty, by 
 snpposing that some person, not knowing much about Spanish, inserted the words on the map. But the fact that 
 the words "prima tierra vista" on the north of Cape Breton, corresponds verbatim, et literatim with the inscription 
 on the sides, — an inscription, as much a part of the map as the delineation itself of the coasts and their names — 
 shows that they were written on the same authority, if not by the same person, obviously Sebastian Cabot who 
 alone could know the facts. Dr. Howley is not always remarkably accurate in his statements, in discussing a sub- 
 ject on which one should attempt to follow the exact wording of the authorities, or evidence, on which the whole 
 argument is necessarilj based. For instance, he says that " Cabot is supposed to have sighted land at Cape 
 North, and at the same time, [the italics are mine] or shortly after, to have seen this island off the coast, insula quae 
 ex adverse est, an island just alongside, en face ou tout k c6t4" These are the observations he makes before going on 
 to advance his opinion that Cabot could not have sighted P. E, Island or St. John on the same day he made Cape 
 North. But, in the first place, " ex adverse," properly translated (See any good Latin-English dictionary, like 
 'Andrews),' is "over against," and not alongside. In 'Hakluyt's not very accurate translation of Adams's extract, 
 it is given, not alongside, but " that island which lieth out before the land." More than that. Dr. Howley could not 
 have consulted either Adams's extract or the inscriptions on the mappemonde, when he writes of the island being 
 discovered " at the same time." Adams's extract gives the discovery of prima tierra vista at five o'clock in the 
 morning, and of the island on the same day and not at the same time or hour. The Latin inscription on the 
 mappe monde of 1544, is " hora 5, sub. diluculo," (" Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am .," iii. 21, n.) which agrees with Adams. 
 
 The Spanish inscription refers to the first land being seen in the morning simply, without giving the hour— a 
 discrepancy which a mere fabricator of the map and its inscriptions would be anxious to avoid, if he desired to 
 deceive the world. It is clear, at any rate, that the discovery was early in the morning, at a time of the year, 
 when the daylight is longest — over 15 hours in that latitude,— and it was therefore quite possible for Cabot, with a 
 strong favouring breeze, to have sighted P. E. Island before darkness set in on the same day he discovered the 
 northern part of Cape Breton. Indeed, the inscription is clearly very general in its scope, and was written many 
 years after the discovery, but such as it is, it sufficiently explains the respective positions of prima tierra vista, and 
 of the island which the navigators next saw on the same day. One is inclined to doubt Dr. Howley's care in con- 
 sulting authorities, when he tells us in another place that Cartier discovered and named St. Paul's island, "le Cap 
 de Saint Paul." The relation of the second voyage to which I refer fully below, (See infra, App. VIL) does not speak 
 of an island at all, but only of some cape clearly to the south of Cape North or Cape St. Liwrence. It is such 
 mere generalizations, and careless references to the authorities that mar an otherwise scholarly article, and leads 
 us to ask, whether in his zeal to make his point he does not at times inadvertently mislead his readers. 
 
 In the " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am." (iii. 23 ; iv. 84) there are copies of a part of the Sebastian Cabot mappe 
 monde. A still clearer copy for consultation on the questions at issue, is given in the " Discovery of North America " 
 (p. 358) by Dr. Kohl, who endeavored to show how utterly impossible it is, that it was either drawn by Sebastian 
 
 17 
 
130 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 Cabot, or executed under his direction or superintendence, (pp. 385-377) but even this learned man concludes by 
 saying that he does " not pretend to speak decisively on the subject "—that the landfall was not Cape Breton. 
 The weight of his argument goes to show that the year of discovery must have been 1497, and not 1494, as urged by 
 M. d'Avezac in the Appendix to the same work (pp. 502-514) in support of the claim for the latter year, which he 
 had elaborately pressed for many years (See " Bulletin de la Society de G6ographie " of Paris, Oct. 1857, Note K, pp. 
 266-278). It now appears to be the opinion of scholars generally, that the two voyages were in 1497 and 1498. The 
 French Geographer, M. Jomard, who procured the mappe monde for the imperial library at Paris, on its discovery 
 in Germany, has given a facsimile of it in his elaborate work, " Les Monuments de la G^ographie," (Paris, 1854-56) 
 but it does not contain the inscriptions. Other sketches are given in Bryant and Gay's " United States " (i. 193); 
 Judge Daly's " Early History of Cartography " (New York, 1879) ; Julian de la Gravi&re's " Les Marins du Quinzieme 
 et du Sixieme Siecle " (Paris, 1879), and an essay on the subject, also published in the " Revue des deux Mondes " 
 for 1876. In Dr. Justin Winsor's " Christopher Columbus," (Boston, 1891 ) there is also a sketch of the map, (p. 626). 
 See " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," (iii. 21, r>.) for other references to copies of the map of which I give a sketch in 
 the text of this work. One of the best copies (coloured) is in Harrisse's Cabots. 
 
 In an article by G. Dexter, Recording Secretary of the Mass. Hist. Soc, in the "Mem. Hist, of Boston," (i. 30, n.) 
 on "Early European Voyages in Mass. Bay," he says "the best evidence points to Cape Breton," and cites in this 
 connection J. C. Brevoort's 'Hist. Mag.,' March, 1868; F. Kidder, 'N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg.,' Oct., 1878; H. 
 Stevens, " Sebastian Cabot— John Cabot, = 0," and Mr. Deane's paper on Cabot's " Mappe Monde " in the ' Proe. of 
 the Am. Antiq. Soc.,' for April, 1867, " where the earliest suggestion of Cape Breton (drawn from the map) is made." 
 
 Mr. Goldsmid of Edinburgh, (See iyifra, App. VIII 3,) in his addition of " Hakluyt," refers to a facsimile of a part 
 of the map, (facing page 23, vol xii) and adds : " As will be seen the words ' Prima Tierra Vista ' are opposite a Cape 
 about the 48th. parallel, which would be Cape Breton. In a letter written to the Duke of Milan, by Eaimondo de 
 Soncino, his minister in London, and dated the 18th Dec. 1497, a very interesting account is given of Cabot's 
 voyage. Archives of Milan. Annuario scientifico, Milan, 1866, p. 700." This letter, which is cited in full by Dr. 
 Deane, in " Nar. and Crit. Hist of Am.," (iii. 54-55) " throws no light on the landfall," though it is sufficient " to 
 show [the words quoted are Dr. Deane's] that North America was discovered by John Cabot, and that the discovery 
 was made in 1497." None of the copies of the Goldsmid ed. of " Hakluyt" I have seen contain the map referred 
 to above. 
 
 III. The Poetoguesb Voyages. 
 
 The critical essay on sources of information, at end of the essay on " Cortereal, Verrazzano, Gomez, and 
 Thevet " by George Dexter, in the " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am." (iv. 1-32) gives the authorities on the Cortereal 
 voyages, but since that work was printed the Reverend George Patterson, DD., F. R. S. C, has written an exhaustive 
 monograph on " The Portuguese on the northeast coast of America, and the first European attempt at colonization 
 there. A lost chapter in American History " ('Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada,' viii. sec. 2, art. 4 ; also ' Mag. of Am. 
 Hist.' April, 1891). It is illustrated by various maps, to support his claim that the Portuguese explored not only 
 the coasts of Labrador and Newfoundland but the shores of Cape Breton, Nova Scotia and the adjacent lands. 
 Among other facts he refers (p. 150) to the Portuguese origin of the name, Baya Funda, or Deep Bay, which the 
 French attempted to change to Bale Fran9aise. He believes in the existence of a Portuguese colony at St. Peter's, 
 Cape Breton, and not at luganiohe as stated by Champlain ; (see infra, App. VIII. 4) but he adduces no evidence to 
 make converts to this theory, however plausible. One can, however, fully agree with his general conclusion (p. 171) 
 that " this people occupied a foremost place in the exploration of this part of the continent, and for a long time had 
 a commanding influence along its shores. Portuguese influence in this quarter has passed away as an exhalation 
 of the night and a few names are all that remain to tell of their former presence." Dr. Patterson has long been 
 known for the ability and research he brings to archssologioal and historical work, and is among the Canadian 
 pioneers of this class of study. He is a resident of Pictou Co., N. S., of which district he has written a history 
 (Montreal, 1877, 8vo. pp. 471). See De Souza, "Tratado das Ilhas Novas," (1877) p. 5. See also Mr. R. G. 
 Haliburton's remarks on the same subject in ' Popular Science Monthly ' for May, 1885, pp. 46-50. He also refers, 
 in the same article (pp. 50-51) to a probable Spanish settlement at Sydney. 
 
 IV. NOEDMBBGA. 
 
 On the subject of the indefinite region known as Norumbega, the reader may consult Rev. Dr. DeCosta's 
 article and critical notes in "Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," v., c. 6, pp. 168-218; also, DeKohl, "Discovery of N. 
 A.," 35, 205, 230, 231, 235, 283, 304, 353, 420, 489. Dr. DeCosta's learned paper gives much information, and many 
 authorities bearing on this interesting subject of archseological research. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 131 
 
 Aranbega, or Norumbega, or Nonimbegue, or Terra de Norembega, or Norembeque or Norumbec is a name 
 known only in the dawn of geographical knowledge in America. In the map of Hieronimus de Verazzano (1529) 
 the district of Aranbega is a definite and " apparently unimportant locality." The great French captain whom 
 Eamusio cites (See infra, App. VI.) refers as early as 1539 to the Indian name Norumbega as including La Terrs 
 Fran^aise or the French country discovered by Verazzano, and the present State of Maine, and extending in its 
 entirety over a vast region from Cape Breton to Florida. In later times it was confined to the territory watered 
 by the Penobscot, and some imaginative intellects eventually built a fine city of crystal and silver on the banks of 
 that noble river. Arambee or Arembec— another form probably of the same name— appears to have heen confined 
 to Nova Scotia. John Rut in 1527 is said to have sailed towards Cape Breton and the coasts of Arembec. It is 
 quite clear that in the indefinite geography of the sixteenth century the northeastern limit of Norumbega or 
 Norumbegue was Cape Breton. The meaning of the word has perplexed all the geographical antiquarians who 
 have devoted themselves to its study. It is believed to be Indian, but olhers contend even for a Scandinavian 
 origin— a relic of the Northern voyagers. (See supra sec. IX ) It is most likely a survival of an old word in use among 
 the tribes of the Algonquin family that inhabit Maine and the Maritime provinces of Canada. The Micmacs of Cape 
 Breton and Abenakis of Maine show in their respective languages some evidences of their common origin. Beda- 
 badec which was the Indian name given to a locality at the entrance of the river Penobscot and to the Camden 
 Hills in Maine (See " Champlain," ii. 180-181) is obviously akin to Bedec on the Bras d'Or. The Abbe Mauranlt in 
 his " History of the Abenakis " (Sorel, Prov. of Quebec, 1866) enumerates the seven tribes in Maine, New Hampshire 
 and New Brunswick that composed the Abenakis, but leaves out the Micmacs on the ground that their language 
 was different. But such words as Masquacook (Maskgateku), meaning a river with plenty of bark, has the Micmac 
 aflix — Maskive, the general name for bark. The Micmac adjective, Sakskae, flat, is also to be traced in the Abenaqui 
 word, Skkadagk, (the Sagadahock), the place where the ground is flat and continuous. It is quite probable that 
 Norambec, Lorambec (in Cape Breton) and Arambee are memorials of an Algonquin word which was in common 
 use among the several tribes of the Algonquin family of Indians in northeastern America as the name of the 
 region extending from Cape Breton to beyond the Kennebec river. 
 
 V. Baooalaos on the Old Maps. 
 
 The ancient name of Baccalaos, like that of Terre des Bretons, seemed likely for many years of the early 
 history of this continent to fix itself permanently to a considerable section of eastern America. In the Ruysch 
 map (1508), it appears for the first time as an eastern projection of the old continent of Asia, as a cape or island 
 called Baccalaurus. In Reinel's map (1504 or 1505), it is applied to an island Y dos Bocalhos. In the Portuguese 
 Portalano map (1514-1520) Bacalnaos is given to the eastern coast of Newfoundland. Kohl (" Dis. of N. A.," 179) 
 considers it comprises Newfoundland, Labrador and Nova Scotia. In Ribero's map (1529) Ta de Baccallaos 
 is the designation of an irregular peninsula in eastern America. In Orontius Fine's globe (1531) Baccalar 
 is applied to the peninsula of Acadia. In Lazaro Luiz's map (1531) Bacalhaos is an islet off the east coast of 
 Newfoundland, and the same occurs in Hieronymus Verazzano (1529) where it appears as Baokaliaio — another illus- 
 tration of its variable orthography. In Carta Marina (1548) it is given to the eastern part of British America south 
 of Labrador. In Mercator's map (1538) Baccalearum regio is clearly Canada. In De Laet's map, it is the name of 
 a small island ofif eastern Newfoundland. On Ulpius's globe (1542) Baccalearum regio is the designation of Canada. 
 In the Frere map (1546) dos Baquaelthaos is an island off Newfoundland. In Gastaldi's map (1548) Tierra del 
 Baccalaos is an indefinite region north of Norumbega or Nova Scotia, and west of Labrador,— obviously old Canada. 
 The name of Los Baccalaos appears prominently in the Historia General de las Indias (1552) by Gomara, one of 
 the most distinguished v/riters of Spain. In the Ramusio Gastaldi map (1550) it is applied to the southern part of 
 Newfoundland. In Mercator's map (1569) it is given to the latter island. In Martines's (1578) it becomes a region 
 south of Labrador, and obviously the later Acadia. In Wytfleit's (1597) it represents Newfoundland and Labrador. 
 In Judajs's (1593) it is Newfoundland and it is the same in Quadus (1600). In About's (1610) Newfoundland is 
 Terre neuve, and Baccalaos is given to a portion of eastern America, west of Accadie,now designated by its Indian 
 name. In L'Escarbot's map (1609) Cape Breton becomes Baccalaos.- From that time it disappears from the maps 
 of the mainland of eastern America, and is confined to the small islet off the Bay of Conception on the east coast of 
 Newfoundland, and to a point, Cape Baccaro, on the northwestern coast of Nova Scotia. The last mention we find of 
 this ancient historic name in oflBcial documents is in the grant made in 1621 to Sir William Alexander of Nova 
 Scotia, and here it still clings to the island of Cape Breton. These references to the old cartography of eastern 
 America show, beyond dispute, that the name was of early application to this continent. Its origin is still a matter 
 of controversy, but the weight of evidence appears decidedly on the side of the Basque theory. Doubt is thrown, 
 however, on the statement of Peter Martyr (" De Orbe Novo " dec. iii., ch. ,6) that John Cabot introduced the name. 
 
132 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 which he found in use among the natives for " codfish." (See Kohl" Doc. Hist, of Maine," 188-189-481). Be that as 
 it may there is every reason to beheve that the Basques and Bretons ventured into American waters during times of 
 which we have no record, and it is quite certain that Bacealaos is a word long used for codfish among the people on the 
 Bay of Biscay and that it lingers still in the Spanish language, probably an inheritance from the Basques. L'Escarbot 
 is of opinion " il est de I'imposition de nos Basques lesquels appellent une moriie, Bacaillos," (i. 237). He adds 
 that the proper name of the codfish in the Indian tongue is " apege,"— which is obviously the present Micmac word, 
 " pegoo " (See Band's " Micmac Diet "). Kohl is a strong advocate for the German origin of the term— the root of 
 the word being, according to him, the Germanic " bolch" meaning fish. In his opinion the Portuguese fishermen 
 originated the term tiera de Bacalhas, the stock-fish coumry, which eventually assumed the Spanish form Baccal- 
 laos " Doc. Hist, of Maine, 188, 189 and n. But see Harrisse's Cabols, 75. The "Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am." 
 (vol. iii, especially p. 12, note 2) gives references to the various theories on the origin of the name, and after 
 studying the opinions and considering all the testimony adduced on all sides, one must come to the conclusion 
 the Basques can claim to have been among the earliest discoverers of eastern America. 
 
 VI. Cartography of Cape Breton, 1527-1G32. 
 
 Oviedo (" Historia de las Indias, ii. 148) who gives a description of the eastern coast of America in 1537 shows 
 no knowledge of the gulf but he refers to the four coasts of Cape Breton Island. In the Maiollo map (1527) the 
 cape (c. de berton) is laid down quite distinctly. In Bibero's (1529) the terra de Breto is the mainland. 
 In Eotz's map (1542) Cabo Bretos is a large island with a long narrow strait between it and the main land. 
 On the Ulpius globe Cavo de brettoni is defined. In the alleged Sebastian Cabot mappe monde (1544) J. Cabot's 
 landfall is given as the eastern cape of the mainland, but there is an island to the south named del berto. In 
 Allefonsce's sketches (1544-5) the island is well delineated. In Henri II map (1546) Terre des Bretons is given to 
 the country afterwards knovpn as Acadie and cap aux Bretons is represented by a small island oflF the coast In 
 the Freire map (1546) C. Bretain is the southerly cape of the mainland, and the same happens in theNic. Vallard's 
 (of Dieppe) the exact date of which is uncertain. In the Gastaldi map (probably 1550) Cape Breton is an island 
 off the mainland of the Tierra de los broton. In Jomard's (attributed to between 1550 and 1560) C. Breton is a 
 southerly point of a small narrow island oif the eastern mainland In the Baptista Agnese map (1554) 
 terra de los bertoms is on the mainland south of Terra de Bacalaos. In Bellero's map (1554) C. Breton is a cape of 
 the mainland. In Munster's (1540) C. Britonum is a cape of the continent and Cortereal is given to an island, 
 probably the present Cape Breton. In Homen's, the Portuguese map-maker, (1558) C. dos bertoens is obviously 
 Cape Breton, but no island is delineated. In Ruscelli's C. Breton is delineated off the eastern coast of Tien a de 
 los Breton. In Zaltieri's (1556) Cape Breton is a small island to the south of terra de bacealaos, clearly the present 
 maritime provinces of Canada. In Nicholas des Liens's (1556) cap aux Bretons is given to a long irregular penin- 
 sula to the south of Terra de Labrador, and to the northeast of Nouvelle France which appears to include the 
 present Eastern States. In Mercator's (1569) Cap de Breton is an island off the mainland of Norombega or Nova 
 Scotia. In Ortelius's (1570, Cape Breton is not named, but the map is evidently a reproduction of the former, and 
 the island appears off Norumbega. In Poroacchi's (1572) the delineations are even less correct, and Cape Berton is 
 an insignificant island off the southern coast of Terra del Laborador. Larcadia and Canada are both mentioned. 
 In Judseis's (1593) C. de brito is a mere spot off the mainland the configuration of which shows an enlarged 
 geographical knowledge of the coasts. In De Bry's (1596) C. de Bertam is an island, fairly delineated for those 
 days, off Nova Francia and Norombega. In Wyfliet's (1597) " Nova Francia et Canada," there is a large island off 
 the eastern coast, an excellent if rude delineation of the present Cape Breton but the cape is not accurately placed 
 as it is given to the mainland. In Quadus's (1600) C. de Breton is a small island off Norombega. From that date 
 there is a new interest taken in the exploration of eastern America, and the maps of Champlain commence a 
 new era in the cartography of Cape Breton. The reader who wishes to study the ancient geography of the Gulf of 
 St. Lawrence will find illustrations of the maps, cited above, and a great deal of critical knowledge on the subject, 
 in the " Nar. and Crit. Hist.," vol. iv. Excellent representations of many of the old maps are also given in Dr. 
 Kohl's Documentary History of Maine. Mr. Ganong, in the paper mentioned on the following page, reproduces 
 a number of these maps, and gives a learned dissertation on the subject well worthy of attention. It is interest- 
 ing to note how nearly the adventurous Bretons succeeded in establishing their name on a considerable portion of 
 Eastern America, including the present island. 
 
 The advocates of the Basque claim to the prior discovery and the naming of Cape Breton may urge in their favour 
 the fact that the name of its cape is that of a headland in the bay of Biscay, in a district originally inhabited by a 
 Basque population. On the other hand, in support of tbe Breton claim, there are the numerous maps, to which I 
 have already referred, which seem to substantiate the fact that the cape was really named the Breton cape or the 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 133 
 
 cape of the Bretons. The Italian Ramusio, in his well known collection of voyages, (Raccolta, 1556, iii. 359) gives a 
 discourse of a gran capitano francese, generally known to be Jean Parmontier of Dieppe, and written in 1539, in 
 which the Bretons and Normans are mentioned as having frequented the northern parts of America thirty-five 
 years before (probably in 1504) and to have named the now famous cape of the island of Cape Breton. The best 
 evidence is adduced to show that Jean Denys of Honfleur, and pilot Gomart of Rouen visited the gulf in 1606 and 
 Thomas Aubert of Dieppe in the Pens6e two years later. Gosselin (Documents, etc. 13) gives a list of several 
 vessels that made voyages to Newfoundland and the Gulf in 1508. Mr. De Costa, referring to these cumulative 
 facts in favour of the Breton claim, says, with obvious force, " how poor is the appearance of that scepticism which 
 has so long led visitors to look askance at the statements of Ramusio concerning Aubert and the Pens^e." See 
 " Nar. & Crit. Hist, of Am.," iv. 63, 64 n. A number of authorities are there cited in support of the Breton claim. 
 Consult also pp. 3, n, of the same volume ; Forster, " Northern Voyages," book iii. cc. ii, iv ; Kstancelin, " Naviga- 
 teurs Normands," (Paris, 1832) 216, 240; Parkman, " Pioneers of Prance in the New World," 170-174, and notes 
 especially ; Justin Winsor, " Columbus," 555-556. In the Portuguese Portolano map, 1514 or 1520, we find added to 
 Nova Scotia and the island of Cape Breton the Portuguese inscription " terra que foj descuberta por bertomes " 
 (land discovered by the Bretons) " Nar. & Crit. Hist of Am.," iii. 56. See also Kohl, " Doc. Hist of Maine," 201-205, 
 179-181. This map is a strong confirmation of the claim that Cape Breton was discovered by the Bretons before 
 the Portuguese themselves visited the island. See Harrisse's Cabots, 271. 
 
 VII. Jacques Cabtiee off Caph Breton. 
 
 Cartier appears on his return to Europe during his second voyage (1535-6) to have been within sight of the 
 northern coast of Cape Breton. One of these capes was Cape Loreine — which, one account says, he named — 
 and the other to the south of the former he called St. Paules. Much speculation has arisen whether cape Loreine 
 was Cape St. Lawrence or Cape North. Mr. Ganong in a carefully studied paper on the cartography of the St. 
 Lawrence '(Trans. Roy. Soc. Can.,' vii. sec. 2) believes from the similarity of names, that Loreine was the 
 present St. Lawrence, but on the other hand, Mr. Pope, in his excellent monograph on Jacques Cartier (Ottawa, 
 1889, pp. 109, 110.) is an advocate of the claim of Cape North. Brown, on the other hand, (" Hist, of Cape Breton," 
 p. 30) states that Cape Loreine was Cape Ray, in Newfoundland, and St. Paul's cape. Cape North, in Cape Breton 
 Island. On Maiollo's map (1527) there is a rio de San Paulo near Cap de Bertoni, and also a c. de San Paulo 
 delineated. In the Viegas map (1534) we see a San Paulo, on the western side of the gut of Canso, and Kohl (Doc. 
 Hist, of Maine, 349, 350) is of opinion that " S. Paulo is a name often met with on the east coast of Cape Breton," 
 and that " Cartier only adopted and confirmed the name previously given." Kohl also states, what is evident, 
 that S. Paulo, though appearing on the eastern coast of Nova Scotia, was " written by the map-maker on the place 
 where it stands, because there was more room for it than in the place where it belongs." Commenting on these 
 maps, Ganong points out that Cape S. Paulo in Maiollo's map is really in Newfoundland and a river St. Paul is 
 given to Cape Breton. He does not seem to agree with the conclusion to which Kohl comes why St. Paulo appears 
 on the mainland, though it is reasonable and likely. Ganong also believes that St. Paul's Cape was the present 
 St. Paul's Island. That my readers may see the difficulties surrounding the question I give the three following 
 versions of Cartier's second voyage, so far as they relate to northern Cape Breton. 
 
 I.— Feom Hakluyt, Navigatioks, Ameeica (Paet ii), vol. XIII., Goldsmid's Edition (Edinbtjegh, 1889) pp. 142, 143. 
 
 " Vpon Thursday being tlie twenty-sixe of the moneth, and the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, we coasted 
 ouer to a land and shallow of lowe sandes, which are about eight leagues Southwest from Brions Island, aboue 
 which are large Champaignes, full of trees and also an enclosed sea, wliereas we could neither see, nor perceiue any 
 gappe or way to enter thereinto. On Friday following, being the 27 of tVje moneth, because the wind did change 
 on the coast, we came to Brion's Island againe, where we stayed till the beginning of lune, and toward the South- 
 east of this Island, wee sawe a lande, seeming vnto vs an Island, we coasted it about two leagues and a halfe and 
 by the way we had notice of three other high Islands, lying toward the Sands : after wee had knowen these things 
 we returned to the Cape of the savd land, which doeth diuide itselfe into two or three very high Capes : the waters 
 there are very deepe, and the flood of the sea runneth so swift, that it cannot possibly be swifter. That day we 
 came to Cape Loreine, which is in forty-seuen degrees and a halfe toward the South: on which Cape there is a 
 low land, and it seemeth that there is some entrance of a riuer, but there is no hauen of any worth. Aboue these 
 lands we saw another cape towards the south we named it Saint Paules Cape, it is at 47 degrees and a quarter. 
 
 "The Sunday following, being the fourth of lune, and Whitsunday, wee had notice of the coast lying East- 
 southeast, distant from the Newfoundland about two and twenty leagues : and because the wind was against vs, 
 we went to a Haaen, which wee named S. Spiritus Porte, where we stayed till Tewsday that we departed thence, 
 sayling along that coast vntil we came to Saint-Peters Islands. Wee found along the sayd coast many very 
 dangerous Islands and shelues, which lye all in the Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwest, about three and twenty 
 
134 
 
 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS IIBMOEIALS. 
 
 leagues into the sea. Whilest we were in the sayd Saint-Peters Islands we met with many ships of France and of 
 Britaine. 
 
 II. — From the copy published by the Quebec Literary 
 and Historical Society in 1843. It is a reprint of one 
 of three manuscripts, in the royal library of Paris : 
 
 "Le Jendi, vingt-cinquieme jour du dit mois, jour 
 et fcste de I'Ascension de Nostre Seigneur, nous tra- 
 versames k une terra et sillon de basses araines, qui 
 demeurent au Su-Ouest de la dite Isle de Brian environ 
 huit lieues, parsus lesquelles y a de grosses terres 
 pleines d'arbres ; et y a une mer enclose, dont nous 
 n'avons veu aucune entree ni ouverture par ou entre 
 icelle mer. 
 
 "Et le Vendredi, vingt-sixifeme, parceque le vent 
 changeoit 3, la coste, retournasmes & la dite Isle de 
 Brian, ou fusmes jusqu'au premier jour de Juin, et 
 vinmes qu6rir une terre haute qui demeure au Su-Est 
 de la dite Isle, qui nous apparoissoit estre une Isle, et 
 la rengeames environ deux lieues et demie, faisans le- 
 quel chemin, eumes connoissance de trois autres Isles 
 qui demeuroient vers les araines ; et pareillement les 
 dites araines estre Isle, et la dite terre qui est terre 
 haulte et unie estre terre certaine se rabattant au Nor- 
 Ouest. Aprfis lesquelles choses conneues retournasmes 
 au Cap de la dite terre qui se fait k deux ou trois Caps 
 hauts k merveille et grand profond d'eau, et la marfe 
 si courante, qu'il n'est possible de plus. Nous nom- 
 masmes celui cap le Cap de Lorraine qui est en qua- 
 raLte-six degr^s et demi. Au Su duquel Cap y a une 
 basse terre, et semblant d'entrfie de riviere : niais il 
 n'y a hable qui vaille, parsus lesquelles vers le Su, de- 
 meure un Cap que nous nommasmes le Cap Sainct 
 Paul, qui est en quarante-sept degrfe un quart. 
 
 " Le Dimanche, troisieme jour du dit mois, jour et 
 feste de la Pentecoste, eumes connoissance de la cote 
 d'Est Su-Est de Terre-Neuve, estant k vingt-deux 
 lieues du dit Cap. Et pour ce que le vent estoit con- 
 traire, fusmes d un hable, que nous nommasmes le 
 Hable du Saint Esprit, jusques au Mardi qu'appareil- 
 lasmes du dit Hable et reconneumes la dite c6te jus- 
 ques aux Isles de Sainct Fierre. Lequel chemin faisans, 
 tournasmes le long de la dite cote piusieurs Isles et 
 basses fort dangereuses estaut en la route d'Est Su-Est, 
 et Quest Nor-Quest, a deux, trois et quatre lieue-i k la 
 mer. Nous fusmes aux dites Isles Saint Pierre, ou 
 trouvasmes plusieurs Navires tant de f ranee que de 
 Bretagne." 
 
 III.— From the Edition Qriginale rarissime de 
 1545, reprinted by Tross in 1863, Paris, with a learned 
 preface and notes by M. d'Avezac. 
 
 " Le ieudi 26, iour dudict moys, iour et feste de I'as- 
 cation nostre Seigneur, nous traversosmes a vne terre 
 et sablo de basses araynes, qui demeurent au Suro- 
 naist de ladicte ysle de Bryon environ huict lieues. 
 Pardessus lesquelles y a de grosses terres plaints 
 d'arbres et y a une mer enclose dont n'auons veu au- 
 cune entree ny ouverture pour entrer en icelle. Et le 
 vendredy, 27, parce que le vent cliangeoit t la coste, 
 retournasmes 4 .ladicte ysle de Bryon, ou feusmes 
 iusques au premier iour de luing et vinsmes qu6rir 
 vne terre haulte qui demeure au Suestde ladicte ysle, 
 qui naus apparoissoit estre vne ysle, et la rengeasmes 
 environ deux lieues et demye, faisant lequel chemin 
 eusmes congnoissance de trois haultes ysles qui de- 
 meurent vers les Araynes. AprSs lesquelles choses 
 congneuses retournasmes au cap de ladicte terre qui 
 se faict d deux ou trois caps haultz tl merueilles, et 
 grand parfond d'eaue et la mar^e si courante, qu'il 
 n'est possible de plus. 
 
 " Nous arriuasmes celluy iour au cap de Lorraine, 
 qui est en 46 degrez J au Su, duquel cap y a vne basse 
 terre et semblant d'entr^e de riviSre: mais il n'y a 
 liable que vaille, Parsus lesquelles terres vers le Su, 
 veismes vng aultre cap de terre que nous nommasmes 
 le cap de Sainct Paul, qui est en 47 degrez }. 
 
 " Le dimenche, 4 iour dudict moys, iour et feste de 
 la Pentecouste, feumes congnoissance de la coste Dest 
 Suest de terre neufue, qui estoit 4 enuiron vingt-deux 
 lieues du cap, et pource que le vent estoit contraire, 
 feusmes a vng hable que nous nommasmes le hable 
 de sainct esperit, iusques au mardi que appareiilasmes 
 dudict hable et rengeasmes ladicte coste iusques aux 
 ysles Saint Pierre, lequel chemin faisant trouuasmes 
 le long de ladicte coste plusieurs ysles et basses fort 
 dangereufes estans en la routte Dest, Suest et Ouaist, 
 Noronaist iL vne, vingt-trois lieues ^ la mer. Nous 
 feusmes esdictes ysles sainct Pierre, ou trouuasmes 
 plusieurs nauires, tant de France que de Bretaigne." 
 
 These three versions of the conclusion of Cartier's second voyage vary in minute details, which become important, 
 when we endeavour to indicate the exact course taken by the adventurous sailor of St Malo. Qn the whole, narrative 
 No. 2, published by the Quebec Hist. & Lit. Soc, appears the best for forming a conclusion on the points at issue. At 
 least, one with a knowledge of the northern coast of Cape Breton, can identify some of the leading features of the 
 gulf and island referred to in the account. Prion's Island still bears the same name, and the islands lying towards 
 the sands appear to be the Magdalens, which have many pand-flats around them. Cape Breton lies to the south- 
 east of Brion and the Magdalens. The northern part of Cape Breton is divided into several lofty heights, one of 
 which is remarkable for its sugar-loaf aspect. Indeed, approaching this grand coast from the northwest, there is 
 an appearance othihree capes, one of which, however, disappears as we draw close to the land. The headland 
 Cartier saw, was, no doubt, the present North Cape. The water is remarkably deep, and the currents powerful to 
 the north of Cape Breton, especially when the winds sweep up through the Gut of Canseau. The low land Cartier 
 saw to the south of Cape Loreine, was probably the neck which connects Cape North with the main. No harbours 
 of importance are found on the coast, until we get to St. Anne's noble bay. The voyagers may have mistaken 
 the many barachois, or salt water ponds, that are distinguishing features of Asp6 Bay, immediately south of the 
 northern promontory, for the mouth of a river. The cape towards the south of Loreine, was in all likelihood, one 
 on the east coast of Cape Breton. Versions 2 and 3, agree as to the degrees of latitude, but not with those in 
 Hakluyt. If we accept the latter as approximately correct, and make due allowances for the relatively inaccurate 
 marine observations of those days, we may conclude that Cape St. Paules may have been the headland known as 
 Asp^, or Egmont, — the southern promontory of Asp6 Bay. A foot note to the second version by the editor, gives 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 13S 
 
 this cape as probable. But the distance between the two capes of Carlier, would make it a cape further to the 
 south, and it may have been the cloud-wrapped height of Cape Enfum6, one of the moat prominent points of Cape 
 Breton, visible for thirty and forty miles from sea on a clear day. All depends on the exact position of Cartier's 
 vessel at the time he sighted the second cape, but the data before us are too vague to enable us to speak positively. 
 The degrees of latitude given in the French versions, we cite above, are not reconcilable wilh the course Cartier 
 took on leaving the Magdalens. Discrepancies, no doubt, crept into the various accounts of the voyages, and it is 
 only by careful comparison of one with the other, that we can make the data of the narrative of Cape Breton har- 
 monize with present geographical features of the island. It is a mistake, I believe, to take it as a matter of course 
 that Loreine, or l-orraine was St. Lawrence Cape from the mere similarity of name. L'Escarbot's and Champlain's 
 maps of 1609 and 1612 have very likely assisted in perpetuating an error. Both these writers, in order to give 
 Cartier's names to places in the gulf, actually place St. Paules on an islet to the south of Cape Loran, or the present 
 (presumably) Cape North. L'Escarbot also gives a Cape Loraine on the southwestern coaat of Newfoundland, and 
 that is how Brown has probably been mislead. Neither L'Escarbot nor Champlain ever visited northern Cape 
 Breton previous to 1612, and their early maps were largely tentative. In Champlain's later map of 1632, however, 
 he corrects his mistake with a better knowledge of Cape Breton and its coasts, and places the rocky islet of St. 
 Paul to the northeast of Cape North— its correct position. Brown evidently had not the advantage of studying the 
 several accounts of the voyage, or he would not have made the mistake of supposing that Cartier first made Cape 
 Ray, in Newfoundland, (Loraine in Brown) and then went towards Cape Breton, and named Cape St. Paul's, (Cape 
 North in Brown) when it is quite clear that his course was from the Magdalens to the northern capes of the island, 
 and thence to the Newfoundland coast. Here Hakluyt's version is perplexing, for it says that Cartier (see svpra) had 
 " notice of the coast lying east southeast distant from the Newfoundland about 27 leagues." But the French versions 
 (which see) make the course clear when we read that after leaving the capes of Cape Breton " we had knowledge 
 of the east southeast coast of Newfoundland, about 27 leagues from the said cape" (St. Paules). In this way by 
 reconciling certain little discrepancies in the several narratives, and making changes in the punctuation, we can 
 make Cartier's course perfectly intelligible from the time he left the " islands towards the sands " until he made 
 the coast of Newfoundland, and found shelter in a little harbour which he named St. Esprit, and is believed to be 
 either Port aux Basques or Lapoile. It is for thete reasons I should read the narrative of Cartier's voyage, as 
 follows ; but let mB say first, D'Avezac in his notes on the Edition originate (see next page) also points out the 
 necessity of comparing the several versions, and correcting obvious omissions, and errors that have occurred in 
 the original editing or copying : — 
 
 " AprSs lesquelles choses connues retournasmes au cap de ladicte terre, qui se faict a deux ou trois caps haultz 
 k merveilles et grand profond d'eaue et la mar^e si courante, qu'il n' est possible de plus. Nous nommasmes celui 
 cap le Cap de Lorraine qui est en 47J degrez, au su duquel cap y a une basse terre et semblant entree de rivifere : 
 mais il n' y a liable que vaille. Parsus lesquelles terres vers le su nous veismes une aultre cap que nous nommas- 
 mes le cap de Sainct Paul, qui est en il^ degrez." 
 
 The remainder of the narrative is not material here, as I wish simply to make the references to Cape Breton 
 clear and consistent. Without dwelling further on the subject, I shall only add, that with the appearance of Cham- 
 plain's second map, St. Paul's cape disappeared from the coast of Cape Breton ; and in the course of time, when the 
 geography of the island was well known, and the existence of two large capes was well established, Loreine 
 became St. Laurent and its name was transferred to the present Cape St. Lawrence, while Cape North was named 
 anew. 
 
 The statement that appears in some early French writers that Cartier or Eoberval erected a fort on the island 
 of Cape Breton, in the year 1540 in most cases, is obviously an error. L'Escarbot (1609, ii. 391) says that Eoberval 
 and Cartier together erected a fort in the island—" a mere obiter dicta, and flatly contradicted by theonly account of 
 Eoberval's voyage extant, with which probably neither Champlain nor Eoberval was acquainted." (Pope, " Jacques 
 Cartier," 125-126). Fournier in his " Hydrographie " (1667) and Charlevoix (1744, i. 31) and Mr. de la Chesnaye in a 
 memoir of 1676 (" Quebec Doc." i. 245) make the statement of Eoberval alone. Sir "W. Alexander in his " Encour- 
 agement to Colonies" (1624, p. 15) says that Eoberval lived "one winter at Cape Breton," but, as an authority 
 (" Nar. & Crit. Hist, of Am." iv. 58 n.) says with truth, " his style is loose and by Cape Breton he probably meant 
 Canada." Not a single modern historical writer attaches any importance to the assertion. Faillon (i. 43-44) is of 
 opinion that L'Escarbot and other writers clearly did not know anything of Eoberval's own account of his voyage. 
 It is now admitted on all hands that Cape Breton was clearly a mistake for Cap Eouge. In 1542 Jean Frangois de 
 la Eoche, Lord of Eoberval, a gentleman of Picardy, who was named " the petty king of Vinieu " on account of his 
 popularity in his province, built a fort (France Eoy) at Cap Eouge by virtue of his commission as lieutenant and 
 governor of Canada and Hochelaga. This fort " stood on that bold acclivity where Cartier had before entrenched 
 himself, the St. Lawrence in front, and, on the right, the river of Cap Eouge," (Parkman, " Pioneers," 205.) Car- 
 tier's fort was erected by September 1541 in the same neighbourhood and was known as Charlesbourg royaL He 
 
186 CAPE BEETOJST AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 was in France from 6th July, 1536, until 23rd May, 1541. Roberval erected his fort in the summer of 1542 and 
 remained on the St. Lawrence probably until some time in 1543, though De Costa ('' Nar. & Grit. Hist, of Am., iv- 
 58) believes he left France in August, 1541. It is quite clear, however, that Eoberval, like Cartier, was in France 
 in 1540, the time mentioned by several writers as the date of the construction of the supposed fort in Cape Breton. 
 
 The narratives of the three voyages of Jacques Cartier are found in the following works : 
 
 L'Escarbot, " Histoire de la Nouvelle France " gives an account of the first voyage taken, according to the best 
 authorities, from a French translation of Ramusio's narrative. It bore the title: "Discours du voyage fait par le 
 capitaine Jacques Cartier aux terres neuves de Canadas, Norembergue, Hochelage, Labrador, et pays adjacens, dite 
 Nouvelle France, avec particulieres meurs, langag", et c6r6monies des habitans d'icelle" (Raphael de Petit-val, 
 librarie et imprimeur du Roi, Rouen, 1598, petit 8vo., 64 pp.,) Jj'Escarbot's reproduction is not carefully made 
 (Harrisse, 2.) It gives Cartier's commission of 1540. L'Escarbot's works have appeared in numerous editions at 
 Paris, in 16C9, 1611, 1612, 1617, 1618, and the Tross ed. of 1866 in 3 vols. 
 
 Hakluyt gives three accounts of the voyages. The first is taken from an English translation of Ramusio by 
 John Florio : " A Short and Briefe Narration of the two Navigations and Discoveries to the Northwest Partes called 
 Newe France," (London, 1580.) Hakluyt follows Ramusio also in the second voyage. The account of the third 
 voyage is fragmentary and supplemented by a narrative of Roberval's voyage. 
 
 The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, in 1843, published a small volume containing: " Voyages de 
 Decoiiverte au Canada entre les Annies 1534 et 1542, par Jacques Cartier, le Sieur de Roberval, Jean Alphonse de 
 Xanctoigne, etc. Suivis de la description de Quebec et de ses environs en 1608, et de divers extraits relativement 
 ail lieu de I'hivernement de Jacques Cartier en 1535-36, avec gravures facsimile." The acccunt of the first voyage 
 is from the Rouen translation of 1598, though L'Escarbot's want of exactness is not corrected. (D'Avezac, xv.) 
 The account of the second voyage is taken from one of three manuscripts in the national library at Paris, its date 
 being apparently that of the middle of the 16th century. (I notice these manuscripts in the next paragraph). The 
 account of the third voyage is the fragment in Hakluyt. 
 
 The Paris publisher, Tross, printed in 1863, an account of the second voyage under the following title : " Bref 
 R6cit et Succincte i^arration de la navigation faite en mdxxxv et mdxxxvi par le Capitaine Jacques Cartier aux 
 Isles de Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, et autres. R^impression figur^e de I'^dition oiiginale rarissime de mdxlv 
 avec les variantes des manuscripts de la Biblioth^que Imp6riale pr^cld^e d'une br6ve et succincte introduction 
 historique par M. d'Avezac." The only copy now known to be extant of the "bref r6cit" of 1545, here reprinted by 
 Tross, is in the Grenville Collection of the British Museum. In the National Library at Paris, however, there are 
 three copies in MSS. of this original narrative (Nos. 5589, 5644, and 5653), and it is the third of these that the Quebec 
 Literary and Historical Society reproduced (pp. 24-69) in the collection just noticed, after having compared it 
 with the two others, and with L'Escarbot and Ramusio. M d'Avezac's historical introduction is excellent. His 
 notes of variations in the three manuscripts are of great aid to the student. 
 
 Another narrative was published in 1867, as an original account of the voyage of 1534, though the date is 
 given inaccurately as 1544 — a circumstance not easily explained if it is Cartier's original account: "Relation 
 originale du voyage, de Jacques Cartier au Canada en 1534 : Documents in^dits sur Jacques Cartier et le 
 Canada (nouvelle s^rie) publics par H. Michelant et A. Ram^, accompagn^s de deux portraits de Cartier, et de 
 deux vues de son manoir (Paris, Tross, 1867). 
 
 For further facts on the bibliography of Cartier's voyages, see Harrisse (Notes sur la Nouvelle France, no. 5 ; 
 Cabofs, p. 79, Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, no. 267), Sabin, (Dictionary, iii. no. 11,138). D'Avezac's 
 introduction, (xv-xvii); "Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," (iv. 63 et seq.) Warburton (Conquest of Canada) has for 
 frontispiece in the first volume, an engraving of the original portrait of Cartier at St. Malo. It is also reproduced 
 in Charlevoix, Historie de la Nouvelle-France. (Shea's ed., i. 110); Le Clercq's Etabhssement de la Foy (Shea's 
 ed.) ; Faillon's Historie de la Colonie Franjaise, vol i. ; Suite's Historie des Canadiens-Frangais, 1608-1880 (Mont- 
 real, 1882, vol. i). All follow the St. Malo copy. Two other portraits are given in the ed. of the first voyage, 
 published by Tross in 1867. 
 
 One of the portraits and sketches of the manoir at Limoilou given in Michelant and Rami's work are repro- 
 duced in " Jacques Cartier: His Four [?] Voyages to Canada. An essay, with historical, explanatory and philo- 
 logical notes," by H. B. Stephens, B.C.L. (Montreal, 1891, sm. 4to.). This is one of four essays that won the 
 medals offered by Lieutenant-Governor Angers of Quebec for the best paper on " Jacques Cartier and his Time," — 
 the others being by Joseph Pope (whose monograph has been already mentioned) ; by Dr. N. E. Dionne of Que- 
 bec ; and by Touon de Longrais, Rennes, France. Mr. Stephens's work is not, strictly speaking, an essay, but a 
 series of translations of the voyages, with copious notes, which have some value for the uninstructed reaJer. He 
 mentions the several editions of the voyages. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 137 
 
 VIII. Extracts fhom Nakrativbs of Eakly Voyages to Cape Bebton. 
 
 (1). Ill Hakluyt's 'Discourse of Western Planting,' written in 1584, (vol. viii) reference is made to a visit paid 
 to the coast of Cape Breton to 1583 by his friend Stephen Bellinger of Rouen, at the expense of the Cardinal de 
 Bourbon. Bellinger found a town of eighty houses, covered with the baric of trees, upon a river's side about a 
 hundred leagues southwest from the aforesaid Cape Breton. He reported that the country was of the temperature 
 of Gascoigne and Lyuyaun, and places it in Norembeque. It is obvious that he does not know that Cape Breton 
 is an island, for he refers only to the promontory from which it is named. The river of which he speaks may be 
 St. Mary's, in the present County of Guysboro, Nova Scofia. 
 
 (2). In 1594 Sylvester Wyet, a master mariner of Bristol, visited the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in the "Grace" of 
 that town, a vessel of thirty-five tons. He anchored first in St. George's Bay, Newfoundland, where he found the 
 wrecks of Biscayan ships, and then wont on to the island of Anticosti, called Naliscotec by the native Indians, 
 and Assomption by Cartier. As Wyet was the first navigator who describes Cape Breton as an island, the follow- 
 ing extract from his narrative, as given by Haklnyt (xiii. CO) will be read with interest. 
 
 " When we had dispatched our businesse in this Bay of S. George and stayed there ten dayes, wee departed 
 for the Northern point of the said Bay, which is nine or ten leagues broade. Then being enformed, that the 
 whales which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay, and yet escape the fisher for a time, are woont vsually to- 
 shoot themselves on shore on the Isle of Assumption, or Natiscotec, which lieth in the very mouth of the great 
 riuer that runneth vp to Canada, we shaped our course oner to that long Isle of Natiscotec, and wee found the 
 distance of the way to the Estermost ende thereof to be about fourty foure leagues ; and it standeth in the latitude 
 of 49. Here wee arriued about the middest of lune at the East end, and rode in oighteene fadome water, in faire 
 white sand and very good ankerage, and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found wonderful faire and great 
 Cod fish; we went also seuen of vs on shore and found there exceeding fayre great woods of tell flrre trees, and 
 heard and sawe store of land and sea foules, and sawe the footing of diuers beastes in the sand when we were on 
 shore. From the Easter end we went to tlie Norther side of the Island which we perceiued to be but narrow in 
 respect of the length thereof. And after wee had searched two dayes and a night for the Whales which were 
 wounded which we hoped to haue found there, and missed of our purpose, we returned backe to the Southwarde, 
 and were within one league of the Island of Penguin, which lyetli South from the Eastermost part of Natiscotec 
 some twelve leagues. From the Isle of Penguin wee shaped onr course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island 
 of Cape Briton : then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro, and so came into the Bay of Placentia, and arriued 
 in the Eastersido thereof some ten leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint lohn de Luz and of 
 Sibiburo and of Biskay, which were to the number of threescores and odde sayles, whereof eight shippes onely 
 ■were Spaniardes, of whom we were very well vsed and they wished heartily for peace between them and vs." 
 
 (3) In 1597 the Hopewell of I^ondon and the Chancewell of the same port, visited the eastern coast of the 
 present Dominion of Canada under the respective commands of Charles Leigh, one of the owners, and of Stephen 
 Van Berwick, a brother of the other owner. They visited the coast of Newfoundland, and then went on to Cape 
 Breton of which they left the following interesting account, given in Hakluyt (viii, 62) : 
 
 " The 14 of lune we sent our boat on shore ia a great bay vpon the Isle of Cape Briton for water. The 25 we 
 arriued on tlie West side of the Isle of Menego, where we left some casUeno shore in a sandy bay, but could not 
 tarry for foule whether. '1 he 26 we cast anker in another bay vpon the maine of Cape Briton. The 27 about 
 tenne of the clocke in the morning we met with eight men of the Chancewell our consort in a shallope ; who told 
 vs that their ship was cast awav vpon the maine of Cape Briton, within a great bay eighteene leagues within the 
 Cape, and vpon a rocke within a mile of the shore, vpon the 23 of this moneth about one of the clocke in the after- 
 noone : and that they had cleered their ship from the rocke : but being bilged and full of water, they presently 
 did run her vp into a sandy bav, where she was no sooner come on ground, but presently after there came aboord 
 many shallops with store of French men, who robbed and spoiled all they could lay hands on, pillagingthe poore 
 men'euen to their very shirts, and vsing them in sauage maner: whereas they should rather as Christians haue 
 aided them in that distresse. Which newes when we heard, we blessed God, who by his diuine prouidence and 
 vnspeakeable mercy had not onely preserued all the men, but brought us thither so miraculously to ayd and com- 
 fort them. So presently we put into the road where the Chancewell lay : where was also one ship of Sibiburo, 
 ■whose men that holpe to pillage the Chancewell were runne away into the woods. But the master thereof which 
 had dealt very honestly with our men stayed in his ship, and came aboord of vs whom we vsed well, not taking 
 any thing from him that was his, but onely such things as we coulde finde of our owne. And when we had dis- 
 patched our businesse, we gaue him one good cable, one olde cable and an anker, one shallop with mast, sailes, and 
 other furniture and other things which belonged to the ship. In recompense whereof he gaue vs two hogsheads 
 of sider, one barrel of neaze, and 25 score of fish. The 29, betimes in the morning we departed from that road 
 toward a great Biskaine, some 7 leagues off of 300 tun whose men dealt most doggedly with the Chancewels 
 company The same night we ankered at the mouth of the harborow, where the Biskame was. The 30 betimes 
 iin the morning we put into the harborow ; and approaching nere their stage, we saw it vncovered, and so suspected 
 the ship to be lone : whereupon we sent our pinnesse on siiore with a dozen men, who when they came, found 
 groat store of fish on shore, but all the men were fled ; neither could they perceiue -whether the ship should be gone 
 but as they thought to sea. This day about twelue of the clocke we tooke a Sauage's boat which our men pursued : 
 but all the Sauages ran away into the woods, and our men brought their boat on boord. The same day in the 
 afternoone we brought our ship to anker in the harborow : and the same day we tooke three hogsheads and a 
 halfe of traine, and some 300 of greene fish. Also in the euening three of the Sauages, whose boat we had, came 
 vnto vs for their boat; to whom wa gaue coats and kniues, and restored them their boate again. The next day 
 being the first of Inly, the rest of the Sauages came vnto us, among whom was their king, whose name was Itarey, 
 and their queene to whom also we gave coats and kniues, and other trifles. These Sauages called the harborow 
 
 18 
 
138 OAPE BEBTOlSr AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 Cibo [Sydney]. In this place are the greatest multitude of lobsters that euer we heard of: for we caught at one 
 hawle with a little draw net aboue 140. The fourth of luly in the morning we departed from Cibo. And the fifth 
 we cast anker in a reasonable good harborow called New Port vnder an Island some eight leagues from Cibo, and 
 within three leagues from the English port [Louisbourg]. At this place in pursuing certain shallops of a ship of 
 Rochel, one of them came aboord, who told vSj that the Biskainer whom we sought was in the English port with 
 two Biskainers more, and two ships of Rochel. Thereupon wee sent one of our men in the Rochellers shallop to 
 parle with the admiral and others of our friends in the English port, requesting them ayd for the recouery of our 
 things, which the other ship called the Santa Maria of S. Vincent (whereof was Master lohannes de Harte, and 
 Pilot Adame de Lauandote) had robbed from the Chancewell. To which they answered, that if we would come in 
 vnto them in peace, they would assist vs what they might. This answere we had the sixth day : and the seuenth 
 in the forenoone we arrived in the English port, and cast anker aloofe from the other ships: which done, I went 
 aboord the Admirall, to desire the performance of his promise : who sent for lohannes de Harte, who was contented 
 to restore most of our things againe : whereupon I went aboord his ship to haue them restored. This day and the 
 eighth I spent in procuring such things as they had robbed ; but yet in the end we wanted a great part thereof. 
 Then we were briefe with them, and willed them either to restore vs the rest of our things which they had, or els 
 we would both inforce them to doe it, and also haue satisfaction for our victuals and merchandises which by their 
 means were lost in the Chancewell. The ninth in the morning wee prepared our ship to goe neere vnto them. 
 Whereupon their Admirall sent his boat aboord, and desired to speake with me : then I went aboord vnto him, 
 and desired to haue our things with peace and quietnesse, preferring to make him and the Masters of the two ships 
 of Rochel onr vmpire, and what they should aduise I would stand vnto. Hereupon he went aboord the other sliip 
 to make peace ; but they would heare no reason, neither yet condescend to restore any thing els which they had 
 of ours. Then I desired that as I came in peace vnto them, they would so set me aboord my ship againe : which 
 they denied to do, but most vniustly detained me and Stephen van Herwicke who was with me. A while after 
 our shallop came witli foure men to know how I did, and to fetch me aboord : but so soon as she came to the 
 Admirals ships side, his men entred, and took her away, detaining our men also as prisoners with vs. Then 
 presently all the three Biskainers made toward our ship, which was not carelesse to get the winde of them all; 
 and hauing by the mercy of God obtained the same, shee then stayed for them : but when they saw that they had 
 lost their aduantage, they presently turned their course, making as great haste in againe as they did out before. 
 Afterwards I attempted twise to goe aboord, but was still enforced backe by the two otlier Biskainers, who sought 
 our lives so that in the end the Master of the Admirall was inforced to man his great boat to waft vs : and yet 
 notwithstanding they bent a piece of great ordinance at vs : for we were to passe by them vnto our ship : but we 
 rescued our shallop vnder our Masters great boat; and by that means passed in safety. The next morning being 
 the tenth of the moneth, we purposed if the wind had serued our turne, to haue made them to repent their euill 
 dealing, and to restore vs our owne againe, or els to haue suncke their ships if we could. But the winde serued 
 not our turne for that purpose ; but carried vs to sea : so that the same morning wee tooke our course toward the 
 bay 'of S. Laurence in Newfoundland : where wee hoped to flnde a Spanish ship, which, as we had intelligence, did 
 
 fish at that place The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland, but rather 
 
 better. Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower than the hills : as we did also at Laurence 
 in Newfoundland. The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land, as the West. We went 
 on shore vpon it in fine places : 1. At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away : 2. At Cibo : 3. At a little 
 island between Cibo and the New port: 4. At the New port : and 5. At Port Ingles, or the English port." 
 
 Four well known editions have appeared since 1589 of Richard Hakluyt's " Principall Navigations, Voy- 
 ages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, made by sea or overland, &c." The first appeared in 
 1589 (George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, London. 1 vol. sm. folio) The second in 1598-99-1600 with the original 
 suppressed expedition to Cadiz by Lord Essex, tliough it is wanting in some copies, (G. Bishop, E. Newberie and 
 R. Barker, London, 3 vols. sm. fol. and 3 sm. folio in 2.) The third, in 1809-12, edited by R. H. Evans. (G. 
 Woodfall, London, roy. 4to. 5 vols. The fourth, in 1885-90, edited by Edmund Goldsmid, E. R.H. S., (E. & G. 
 Goldsmid, Edinburgh, 20 vols. roy. 8vo.) This new edition which is well printed and carefidly edited, is based 
 upon that of 1598-99-] COO, Copies of the three first editions are now very rare and expensive. Quaritch in his 
 most recent catalogue offers copies from £40 for the 2 ed. in 3 vols., sm. folio, to £14 for the Woodfall ed. (Nos. 191, 
 192, 193, 194, 195 in cat.) The Hakluyt Society of London, since its foundation in 1848 to 1888, have printed a 
 number of the more valuable voyages. See Quaritch, No. 238, for a complete list of all the publications of the 
 Society to 1888. The copy in the Parliamentary Library at Ottawa is the edition of 1599-1600. The references in 
 these notes is to the Goldsmid edition, which I have compared with the original edition just named. 
 
 (4.) The following is Champlain's description of Cape Breton : 
 
 " Ceste isle du cap Breton est en forme triangulaire qui a 80 lieues de circuit, et est la plus-part terre montag- 
 neuse, toutesfois en quelques endroits agreable. Au milieu d'icelle y a une maniere de lac [Labrador, now le Bras d'or] 
 oil la mer entre par le coste du nort quart du nordest, et du sud quart du suest, et y a quantity d'isles remplies, de 
 grande nombre de gibier, et coquillages de plusieurs sortes, entre autres des hiustres qui ne sont de grande saveur. 
 En ce lieu y a plusieurs ports et endroits oii Ton fait pesche de poisson, scavoir le port aux Anglais [Louisbourg] 
 distant du cap Breton environ deux a trois lieues : et I'autre Niganis 18 ou 20 lieues plus au nort. Les Portugais 
 autrefois, voulurent habiter cet isle, et y passeient un hyver: mais la rigueur du temps et les froidures leur firent 
 abandonner leur habitations." (Champlain, ii, 280. Also iv. 107.) 
 
 The best Canadian edition of Champlain's works is the following : 
 
 "Oilavres de Champlain, pubh6es sous le patronage de rUniversit<5 Laval. Par I'abbfi C. H. Laverdifire, Pro- 
 fesseur d'histoire." (Quebec, 1870, 4 vols. 2 eds.) In this edition was printed for the first time the text of Cham- 
 plain's first American voyage, 1509-1602. It is a monument to the spirit and patriotism not merely of Laval 
 University and the Seminary of Quebec under whose patronage it was published, but of the publisher Geo. E. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 139 
 
 Desbarata, well known in Canada for his encouragement of literary enterprise, too often without adequate reward. 
 There is a perfect copy of the voyage of 1603 in the imperial library at Paris, and the edition of 1613 (Paris, Jean 
 Berjon) is so rare that there are only ten copies in Canada, and of these the one in the library of the University of 
 Laval IS alone perfect, since it contains the great map, and the two imprints of the small map. Abb6 Laverdi6re 
 says (preface, iii) he himself paid 500 frs. at Paris for a copy. Quaritch prices one (No. 75), Nvhich has only a fac- 
 simile of the large map and is otherwise imperfect, at £16. The edition of 1632 (Paris, Claude Collet) is priced by 
 him at £52.10 (No. 752), and another with a new title page at £50 (No. 754). Dufoss6 nrices two copies in his 
 possession-one of 1620 (Paris, Claude Collet) at 1000 frs. ; the other of 1632 at 450 frs. (Nos. 40974 and 40675). The 
 Prince society of Boston published in 1878-80 a small edition of 250 copies, translated by Ch. Pomeroy Otis, with a 
 memoir by Eev E. F. Slafter. The parliamentary library at Ottawa has copies of the edition of 1613, Jean Berjon, 
 4to.; of 1627, Claude Collet, 12mo. ; of 1632, Em. Souvestre, 4to. ; of 1610 in 4to., Claude Collet, same as that of 
 1632 with only a fresh title ; of 1830, in Quebec, 2 vols. 8vo.-which is not reliable, as it was printed hastily to make 
 work for printers-and the Laverdiere ed. of 1870. The Abba's notes give great value to the Quebec edition, whose 
 only defect is the very brittle paper on which the maps are given, and the somewhat inferior artistic character of 
 the illustrations in some cases compared with the originals. The " Nar. and Crit. Hist of Am." (iv. 119) gives 
 Champlain's autograph and portrait from the Hamel painting after an old engraving by Moncornet. Suite in " His- 
 toire des Canadiens Franfais" vol. i, has another portrait, not very well executed, evidently fromRoujat's woodcut. 
 The portrait in the parliamentary buildings (speaker's chambers) at Ottawa is by Hamel, a copy from Moncornet. 
 For bibliography of Champlaiii see an article by Mr. Slafter, author of the memoir in the Prince edition, in "Nar. 
 and Crit. Hist, of Am." iv. 130-134. 
 
 (5.) Translation from Nicolas Denys's '' Description des Costes de I'Am^rique Septentrionale," ^ vol. i, c. vi, which 
 gives a description of the island of Cape Breton, its ports, harbours, rivers and adjacent islands, the nature 
 of its land, its varieties of wood, its fisheries, hunting and all that it contains. 
 
 I return 2 to the island of Cape Breton before proceeding further. It is situated at a distance of ten leagues 
 trqm Cape Campseaux; is eighty leagues in circumference, including the island of Ste. Marie," which is contiguous 
 to it, and so situated that it forms two passages. One of these passages between the island and the mainland is 
 called the entrance of the little strait of Campseaux, of which I have spoken above,* and the other is a space of six 
 leagues between it and the island of Cape Breton, by which one can go from the little Btrait of Campseaux to Fort 
 St. Pierre. The voyage can be made only by boats or small vessels, but care must be taken in the channel of the 
 little strait. Proceeding along the shores of the island of Ste. Marie we find outside, three leagues away, a little 
 round island named Isle Verte,'' and to reach there you must keep off to sea. The coast is lined with rocks which 
 stretch well into the sea for a league, and on which a good many vessels have been lost. It is necessary to leave 
 this island to the right to enter the bay of St. Pierre, where we can anchor some little distance off a point of sand. 
 Ships cannot approach closer to St- Pierre than at a distance of three leagues, but small vessels can come nearer, 
 though it is necessary to know the winding channel, besides the situation of many rocks which do not show them- 
 selves. The fort is built at the foot of a mountain, almost perpendicular, and it is difficult to climb this coast. 
 There we find on the top a pond which is fed by several springs. The high land declines towards Labrador for 
 eight or nirie hundred paces of distance, and on the other side of the entrance descends for about five hundred 
 paces to a little bay or creek where a river flows, and many small fish,'' like a gudgeon, of excellent flavour, are 
 caught in winter. On the top of the mountain there is excellent land and anumberof fine trees. It is here I made 
 a clearing, and had eighty acres of land in cultivation every year before the occurrence of the fire which burned 
 me out. 
 
 The stretch of land at ihe foot of the mountain, where the fort is situated, is more than ten leagues long, but 
 there are no t'ees there except spruce, and the land is not worth much until we come to a little river, where we 
 find good land and a salmon fishery, besides some wild meadows. It is not difficult to carry goods towards the 
 Labrador, which is an expanse of sea cutting the island of Cape Breton in two, except for the eight hundred paces 
 or so of land which stretches from the Fort St. Pierre to the foot of the sea of Labrador, which forms a kind of gulf, 
 with its entrance on the east of the island and its termination in the direction of the fort. I have made a road in 
 this space " to bring my shallops from one sea to the other, and to avoid the circuit which would have to be made 
 by water. The tide comes up to the bottom of the gulf, of which the length is twenty leagues from its entrance to 
 within eight hundred paces of the fort, where it ends. When it is full tide in Labrador it is low water on the other 
 side opposite the fort. The opening of this little sea of Labrador is at the east, exactly on the opposite side. The 
 reason for the difierence in tide is the fact that the bay of St. Pierre has its mouth directly on tlie west, added to 
 the circumstance that it is never high tide in a harbour that the moon is not directly facing the entrance of the 
 harbour, either above or below the horizon. In Labrador there is a great basin or lake of eight leagues in length 
 and five in width, with little bays or creeks on each side, which stretch into the land. All around Labrador there 
 
 1 See infra, App. IX, for a reference to Denys's " Work on America." 
 
 ^ The previous chapters of the work had been devoted to a description of Aoadie, and after his account of Cape Breton in the present 
 chapter be goes on to refer to the country on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Baie des Chaleurs, etc. 
 
 ^ Isle Madame. His description of the various localities, it wilt be seen in this chapter, are very vague. His knowledge of the island 
 was chiefly confined to St. Peter's, the Labrador and St. Anne. 
 
 *He hadjast described the coast of eastern Aoadie from Campseaux to beyond Antigonishe, which he calls Articougnesche. 
 
 ^ Now called St. Peter's Island, 
 
 ° Probably smelts, 
 
 ' St. Peter's isthmus now out by a ship canal. 
 
140 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 are heights in which we find quantities of plaister in some places. The land is not very good, although the moun- 
 tains are covered with trees, chiefly consisting of pines, spruce and a few oaks and beeclies. The fishing is not 
 good, for we find chiefly oysters, which are not of the best flavour, on account of their freshness when they are 
 first dragged up, but they can be kept eight or ten days with their juice, and then when they are salted they lose 
 that sickly taste which arises from the fresh water of the rivers at the mouth of wliich they are taken. 
 
 Leaving the port of St. Pierre by way of Campseanx to make a tour of the island in an easterly direction we 
 come first to He Verte, and next to the rocks known as Isles Michaur,^ some three leagues off, where the codfishery 
 is excellent. Thence to the English harbour^ is a distance of tpn leagues, mostly of rocky ooast. At the entrance 
 of the port there is an island ' which must be kept well on the left, but once inside ships are safe, as the anchorage 
 is good. The land is mostly high and rooky, and at the bottom of the harbour is a pond * where one may catch a 
 great number of eel.=. The codfishery in this locality is good. The Olonnois'' formerly came here to winter that 
 they might be the first on the grand bank for the catch of green cod, and the first to return to France, as such fish 
 sells best when it is quite fresh. Three leagues further east is the port of Baleine, which is still a good harbour, 
 despite its difficulty of access on account of the number of rocks. We next reach the Fourillon," which is behind 
 Cape Breton. This cape is only an island,' and the part of the island which bears this name lies towards the 
 southeast, and is only a collection of rocks behind which vessels sometimes find shelter while they catch the fish, 
 which are exceedingly plentiful here. All the land of this part of the country is poor, although there are some fine 
 trees on the hills, like beech, birch, a few pires, and plenty, of spruce. Going on further we come to Spanish 
 Eiver,^ in the entrance of which vessels can lie quite securely. A mountain of excellent coal is found four leagues 
 up the river, and the land is for the most part pretty good. One side is covered with beech, birch, maple, ash and 
 some kinds of oak, besides pine and spruce. From tiie sources of this river we can cross over to the Labrador," 
 passing on the way at least three leagues of wood. Leaving Spanish river to enter Labrador we find for a distance 
 of three leagues many rocks, at the end of which is the entrance of little Cibou or Labrador, where there is a good 
 deal of coal. At this point commences a great bay which comes close to Inganiche ; it is eight or ten leagues 
 broad ; inside there are many rocks where the cormorants make their nests. Beyond these rocks on the right is 
 Great Cibou, which is the entrance of the harbour of St. Anne, which is good and spacious.^" Its entrance is between 
 two points and has not a hnndred paces of width. Vessels of three or four hundred tons can enter at all tides ; the 
 anchorage is good, and when the cable parts the vessel finds itself only in the mud. The harbour will hold a 
 thousand vessels, the basin is surrounded by mountains, the rocks are very high, ships can put their bowsprit on 
 the land at the right side of the entrance; that is to say, in entering they can approach the land so close that the 
 jibboom of the bowsprit can touch the rocks, which are quite steep. Some small rivers and brooks fall into the 
 harbour from the surrounding mountains. At the bottom of the harbour there is a mountain as white as milk 
 and as hard as marble. In another place there is some land full of pebbles of all colours. Some stones of con- 
 siderable size have fallen on the shores, ajid although the sea beats against them continuously they appear to 
 harden so much, both in the air and water, that tools make little or no impression upon them — a fact that makes 
 me believe that they will look as handsome as pclished marble, or as the white rock of which I have just spoken, 
 if any one should make the experiment. Salmon are caught in the harbour ; mackerel, which are also plentifuland 
 sometimes of great size, can be taken with the line at the entrance. There is a point of sand where one can find a 
 great many sL ells- At the base of the mountain there are some ponds where we find numbers of bustards, ducks 
 and other game, which offer abundant sport. 
 
 On the way to Inganiche we pass eight leagues of coast remarkable for its high rocks, as steep as a wall. If a 
 vessel should be lost there no one would be saved, for Inganiche, which is about two leagues from the point, would 
 afford little security, since it is little better than a roadstead lying between islands " which are somewhat in the 
 offing opposite a small sandy bay. Vessels anchor here between the islands and the land. Sometimes you see three 
 ships there, but they are not safe. Nevertheless it is a locality which is first made on this coast, because the fish- 
 ing is good and the fish take the hook readily. From the Fourillon or Cape Breton it is perhaps from eighteen to 
 twenty leagues as far as Inganiche, and thence to Cape North five or six leagues by a very rocky coast. At Cape 
 North there is room for a vessel to fish, and from the cape to Chadye ^'' the distance is about fifteen or sixteen 
 leagues. All the coast in this direction is extremely rocky and covered with spruce, mixed with a few small beech. 
 We see on this dangerous coast a few sandy coves and little bays where a shallop can hardly find shelter. Chadye 
 is a big bay about two leagues deep, at the foot of which is a sandy beach full of pebbles that the sea has worn, 
 and behind it is a pond of salt water. This bay is surrounded by rooks on the two sides. We find plenty of cod in 
 this locality to attract vessels, although they run much risk from want of suflicient shelter in case of storms. 
 
 Continuing the voyage along the coast, which is rocky and steep for four leagues, we came to a little island 
 opposite a little sandy bay where shallops can find shelter. In this bay there is a mountain of black stone, which 
 carpenters use to mark their work. It is hard and not of the best quality. We then pass about eight leagues 
 of coast until we find lower land and flats covered with all sorts of wood like ash, beech, birch, maple, pine and 
 
 ^ Now the Basque islands, off Michaux Point ; the Fame name was applied to those islands in Denys's time- 
 
 2 Louisbourg. 
 
 ' Goat Island, where the French had a battery to defend the entrance of the harbour when Louisbourg was founded. 
 
 ^ Reference is here made to the barachois at the southwestern part of the harbour, close to the town of Louisbourg. 
 
 "* The men of the Sables d'OIonne, famous for its sailors, are probably rrcant. 
 
 ^ Forillon is a name applied to a largo rock, split off the coast, as at Gaspd. 
 
 'Brown, in his "History of Cape Breton" (p. 179), gives a description of this point which explains what Denys here toll us: "If a 
 pessel is bound for Louisbourg, steering westerly with Scatari on the starboard, she will run close past a large rock covered with waving 
 grass, elevated some fifty feet above the level of the sea, called Port Nova [Porto Novo] Island, which is connected by a reef of sunken 
 rocks, with a low point about a mile to the northward. . . . This is the very onpo from which the island is named." 
 
 ^ Sydney Harbour. 
 
 " The East Bay of the Labrador— a beautiful inlet of the lake. 
 
 1" His description of St. Anne is necessarily more accurate and full than that of other ports and bays on the eastern coast, since he 
 had personal knowledge of it. 
 
 ^^ He must refer to Inganiche Island. 
 
 ^'' He refers probably to Cheticamp, but his description of the northwest coast of Capo Breton is too Viigue— obviously made up from 
 mere rumour — to enable us to identify the localities with any degree of exactness. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 141 
 
 spruce, but none are of the best quality. Then we enter a little river where shallops go and catch salmon. Here 
 we see a coal mine, and I am told plaister ^ is also abundant, but I have not found it. The wood in this river is 
 gooa and the land is not mountainous. From the mouth of this small river to the entrance of the little passage of 
 t^ampseaux, on the north side, there is only a distance of three leagues, and thence to the other entrance on the 
 soutli side, aboiit ten leagues, where I commenced the voyage, and now end it after having made the circuit of the 
 island. Ihe total distance around is generally given at eighty leagues ; both the coast and the interior are remark- 
 able lor their rocky and mountainous character, but the fine bays and harbours which vessels can frequent with 
 salety give the island great value for carrying on the fisheries. Mackerel and herring are abundant around the 
 coast, and hshermen can find plenty of bait for catching codfish, which are very plentiful Cape Breton has also 
 been lamous tor rnooso, which were found in great quantities, but at pre.sent there are none,'^ as the savages have 
 destroyed them all, and have mostly abandoned the island since it does not give them sufilcient game to live on. 
 i do not mean to say that there is not still in the island various kinds of game in abundance, but there are not the 
 Kinds the Indians prefer. Besides it costs them too mucli for powder and lead, for with the one shot with which 
 they can bring down a large animal like a moose they will only kill a bustard or two, sometimes three, and these 
 are not sufficient to satisfy the gross appetite of themselves and families. 
 
 IX. French Soukobs or Infoemation on Cape Bketon and Louisbodeg. 
 
 We find an interesting description of the fisheries, resources and natural features of Cape Breton in the work 
 published by Nicholas Denys, who was made governor and lieutenant-general of the French king " throughout the 
 country, territory, coasts and borders of the great bay of St. Lawrence from_Cape Canceau up to Cape Rosiera, 
 Kewfoundland, Cape Breton, St. John and other adjacent islands, in order to re-establish our dominion." After 
 his failure to sustain his rights in this wide territory, he devoted the close of his life to describe the country where 
 he had lived for about forty years. This book bears the elaborate title, " Description Ggographiquo et Historique 
 des Costes de I'Amgrique Septentrionale, avec I'Histoire Naturelle du Pais. Par Monsieur Denys, Gouverneur, 
 Lieutenant-General pour le Roy, et propri6taire de toutes les Torres et Isles qui sont depuis le Cap du Campseaux 
 JQsque au Cap des Rosiers. Tome I. 1 Paris, chez Louis Billaine, au second pillier de la Grand' Salle du Palais, 
 & la Palme et au grand C&ar. 1672. 16mo., pp. 267." The second volume is entitled : "Histoire Naturelle des 
 Peuples, des Animaux, des Arbres et Plantes de I'Am^rique Septentrionale, et de sea divers Climates. Avec une 
 description exacte de la Pesche dea Molues, tant sur le Grand Banc qu'a la Coste, et de tout de ce qui s'y pratique 
 de pins particulier, etc, Par Monsieur Denys, Gouverneur, Lieutenant-G6n6ral pour le Roy, & Propri^taire de 
 Toutes les Torres & Isles qui sont depuis le Cap de Campseaux jusques au Cap des Roziers. Tome second. A 
 Paris, chez Louis Billaine, au second pillier de la Grand' Salle du Palais, & la Palme et au Grand C^sar. 1672. 
 16mo., pp. 480." 
 
 This work is exceedingly rare and costly even in an imperfect form. A copy with the original map and two 
 plates, which appear always in the second volume, and which Harrisse (Nos. 136, 137) could not find in any of the 
 copies he examined, is put at 900 francs in Dufoss6's Catalogue (Paris) No. 51,038. Another, with admirable /ac- 
 sUmiles of the original map and figures (in the possession of the present writer), cost 300 francs. Another (No. 
 51,039), with inferior /acsimifa and two leaves in manuscript, is given at 150 francs. The same dealer oflfers fac- 
 dmiles on old paper of the map and the illustrations simply— the latter relating to the codfisheries — at 25 francs. 
 The copy in the library of the Canadian parliament is without the map. Harvard library has two copies— one 
 with the imprint "Chez Louis Barbin," but without the original map; and also has a Dutch version of 1688. It 
 seems Denys ceded his rights to both Billaine and Barbin (see '' Ex trait du Privilege du Roy" at end of first 
 volume). Copies are also found in the library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown collection (see " Nar. & Crit. 
 Hist, of Am.," iv. 153; "Carter-Brown Cat.," ii. 1,070; "Sabin," v. No. 19,615). Brown, in his "History of Cape 
 Breton," gives a sketch of Cape Breton and of the eastern coast of Acadie (p. 103), taken from Denys's map. Brown 
 says that it gives no place to Sydney harbour, though Denys describes it in the text, but it is obvious that Sydney 
 is named in the map " La R. Denys," which, in these later times, is a river in the northwestern section running 
 into the upper part of the Bras d'Or Lake. The map on the whole is accurate wherever Denys had special know- 
 ledge of the country. While his merit as a historian is doubtful, his description of the places he visited has 
 some value. Charlevoix says that " he tells nothing but what he saw himself" See " Charlevoix," ii, 195 et seq., 
 for an account of Denys, " whose departure from Cape Breton was a great misfortune for this part of New France, 
 which never had a more capable or energetic head." P. S. Hamilton has in the Toronto ' Week ' (Dec. 18, 1891) a 
 sketch of Denys's life, but he gives no new facts relative to his career, and incorrectly calls him St. Denys. 
 
 ' Denys had a right to levy a tax on all coal and plaister found vf ithin the limits of his grant- He may speak here of the place called. 
 Plaister Cove. The little river must be the Marguerite, always famous for salmon, but it is not a small stream. He was, however, ignorant 
 of this section of the island and speaks only by report. His distances, it is evident, are generally mere estimates. 
 
 ' He refers to those parts of the island with which he was personally acquainted. It is only within half a eenturj' or so that the moose 
 has nearly disappeared from the northern parts of the island, where, for a century and a half after Denys's time, it was found in great 
 numbers. Haliburton [''Hist, of N. S.,"ii. 243] speaks o 'itas still inhabiting the recessesof the forest, " though in diminished numbers," 
 in 1829. 
 
142 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 " Lettres et M^moires pour servir ft I'histoire du Cape Breton " (k la Haye, 1760), is the only early work, after that 
 of Denys, that gives a detailed description of the bays, harbours, resources, commerce, government and general 
 condition of the island as it appeared to the author from 1751 to 1753, when Count de Raymond was governor. It 
 also includes a description of the Island of St. John (Prince Edward Island) and of the habits of the Indians. A 
 large portion of the work, which is in the form of a series of letters, contains reiiections on the cause and origin of 
 the Seven Years' War, a statement of the French grievances against the English, a relation of the taking of the 
 Alcide and the Lys and of the surrender of Fort Beaus^jour, and an account of the siege of 1758. It concludes 
 with " a conversation between an Englishman of merit and the author on the importance of Cape Breton to both 
 powers." A translation of the work, now before me, was published in London, 1760, for J. Nourse, in the Strand, 
 under the title, " Memoirs relating to the Natural, Civil and Commercial History of the Islands of Cape Breton and 
 Saint John, from the first settlement there to the taking of Louisbourg by the English in 1758. By an Impartial 
 Frenchman. Quis nescit primam esse historise legem ne quid falsi dicere audeat ? Deinde ne quid veri non 
 audeat. Translated from the Author's original manuscript." He has an " epistle dedicatory " (^pltre dedicatoire) 
 " oflfered to the four illustrious personages who shared the honour of this glorious and important conquest." These 
 are " the able minister who formed the plan," William Pitt ; " the respectable director of the board of trade and 
 plantations," Lord Halifax (see Bancroft's "United States," ii. 471); " the admiral and general who displayed such 
 conduct and bravery in the execution," Boscawen and Amherst. The author was Thomas Pichon, alias Thomas 
 Signis Tyrrell — his mother's name — a native of old France, who was brought up at Marseilles, and studied medi- 
 cine in his early youth. From an interesting note by Dr. Akins in his " Selections from the Public Documents of 
 Nova Scotia" (p. 229), we learn that Pichon "possessed considerable classical attainments, and having been 
 employed as tutor in the family of a nobleman, obtained through his interest an appointment of inspector of hos- 
 pitals in Bohemia in 1743. While in that country he became acquainted with Count Raymond. When the 
 count was made governor at Louisbourg, in the He Royale (now Cape Breton), Pichon went with him as his secre- 
 tary, and lield that situation from 1751 to 1753. He was then transferred to Fort Beaus^jour (Chignecto) as a 
 commissary of stores. Having become known to Captain Scott, the commandant of the English fort on the 
 isthmus, he entered into a secret correspondence with Scott, Hussey, etc., the British officers in charge of the 
 English forts, and furnished tliem with all possible information as to the movements of Le Loutre, the state of the 
 garrison of Beaus6jour, etc., until the capture of the forts in 1755. Pichon was made (ostensibly) a prisoner with 
 the rest of the garrison. He was brought first to Pisiquid (Windsor), and then to Halifax. There he was appar- 
 ently a prisoner on parole, and under tiie surveillance of Mr. Archibald Hinshelwood, one of the officers of govern- 
 ment. Pichon, while in Halifax, made intimacy with French prisoners of rank detained there, and reported their 
 plans and conversations to the Halifax government. He received money and articles of dress, etc., which he 
 requested from the English commandants in exchange for his information. In 1758 he went. to London, where 
 he resided until his death in 1781. He wrote a book on Cape Breton and St. John Island (P. E. Island), containing 
 accurate descriptions. of the Indians and other valuable information. This work was published anonymously in 
 English and in French, in London, 1760, and in Paris in 1761. He claimed the name of Tyrrell, as that of his 
 mother's family." MS. vol. entitled " Tyrrell Papers," N. S. Archives ; Murdoch's " History of Nova Scotia," vol. 
 ii, pp. 261, 272, etc. 
 
 The "Biographie Universelle" gives us more information respecting M. Pichon, which does not appear in the 
 foregoing account. He married Madame le Prince de Beaumont in 1756, but did not live happily with her. He 
 died in London, where he engaged in literary pursuits, though the only work of his which appears to have been 
 printed, was the one on Cape Breton. It appears that he was "of a suspicious character, which rendered him 
 fanciful and capricious." He left a fine library to his native town of Vire. 
 
 " Histoire et Description g^n^rale de la Nouvelle France avec le Journal Historique d'un voyage fait par ordre 
 du Roi dans I'Am^rique Septentrionale. Par le P. de Charlevoix, de la Compagnie de J^sus." The edition used 
 in the text of this work was published in six volumes at Paris in 1744. The 4th volume contains Bellin's map and 
 plans of Louisboujg and Port Dauphin, (St. Anne) and his map of Cape Breton, besides an excellent, though brief 
 description of the island (pp.124- 142). It is not necessary to say that the famous old Pore's account of Cape Breton 
 is characterised by his usual clearness of style and accuracy of statement. 
 
 " Collection de Manuscripts contenant lettres, memoires, et autres documents historiques relatifs ft la Nouvelle 
 France recueillis aux Archives de la Province de Quebec on copies a I'^tranger" (1883-1885, Quebec, 4 vols.). In 
 this valuable collection of documents, arranged and published under the authority of the legislature of Quebec, 
 there are a number of commissions, memorandums and letters relating to Cape Breton. The most important are 
 the following:— 
 
 1. Commission of Nicholas Denys, governor of Acadia, as far as Virginia, i. 141-144, 
 
 2. Several letters respecting the evacuation of Plaisance, and the establishment of the new colony in " He 
 Royale," commonly called Cape Breton, ii. 559, 560, 565, 566. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 143 
 
 3. Capitulation of Canseau in 1744, iii. 201, 202. 
 
 4. Papers relating to the siege of 1745, including :— Correspondence between Duchatnbon and Pepperrell, and 
 Warren during the siege ; articles of capitulation; report of the Council of War, with respect to the surrender of 
 the town ; letter of M. Duchambon to the French minister, under date of 2nd September, 1745, giving his official 
 account of the siege and surrender of Louisbourg, in accordance with instructions sent him. iii. 220-257. 
 
 5- Royal ordinance of the first of November, 1745, providing for the trial of the French soldiers who took part 
 in the revolt at Louisbourg, in the month of December, 1744. At the foot of the ordinance there is the mem : "By a 
 letter from Mr. Karrer, commandiag the Swiss regiment, under date of December 11 ; a sergeant had his head cut 
 off, a corporal and a soldier were hanged, and others condemned to various punishments." iii. 262. 
 
 6. A short account of wliat passed at Cape Breton, from the beginning of the last war until the taking of 
 Louisbourg by the English, in 1758. iii. 465486. [A misprint is here corrected of 1748 for 1758]. 
 
 The writer of this interesting memoir commences by stating that he had served at lie Royale from 1750 until 
 1758 and then proceeds to relate " the most memorable events that happened there during the war with the same 
 truth and impartiality " that he had observed with regard to his other campaigns. He is certainly very frank in 
 his statements, and gives us some insight into the mismanagement and peculation that long prevailed at Louis- 
 bourg. He is the first writer who speaks favourably of the soil of the island, and its adaptability " for yielding 
 rich harvests of all kinds of grain if cultivated." But, he tells us, that " it would not have been for the interest of 
 the intendant that the island should produce the necessary subsistence of its inhabitants, as the means of their 
 heaping up riches proceeds from the immense number of ships sent yearly from France loaded with flour and salt 
 provisions whicli they embezzle (from France) for their profit, and often pass them twice in Consumation." " This 
 employment," he adds, "is the utter rain of the French colonies and the hindrance of their flourishing population, 
 as in the British establishments, by their Tyranny and Robberies." Speaking of M. Franquet " Engineer brigadier 
 general," be says that he " was sent to Louisbourg in 1750 as directeur-general of the fortifications. He passed 
 " several years there, raising plans, forming projects, concluding nothing and consequently nothing executing." 
 He lived " in good friendship and harmony with Prevost the intendant, enjoying a very great salary and undoubt- 
 edly sharing together the spoils." He gives many details of the siege of 1758, and shows the superficial character 
 of the work performed on the fortifications by Provost and Franquet " who had drawn M. Drucour, governor of He 
 Royalei in their cabal, a brave but very weak and ignorant man in the art of war." He does full justice to the 
 bravery of Vauquelain, commander of the Ar^thuse, and has only words of contempt for the officers of the fleet. 
 Franquet's head, he informs us, " turned upon his arrival in France and he died a few weeks after of chagrin. 
 The intendant Provost, " one of the greatest rascals that ever escaped the gibbet," was confined in the Bastile after 
 his arrival in Paris.but his influence and money soon liberated him, and he was afterwards employed as Intendant 
 at L'Orient. The same writer is also authority for the statement, " that unfortunate hero Vauclin [Vauquelain] 
 who having commanded a frigate during two years at the island of Bourbon and France, with the usual distin- 
 guished and remarkable good conduct, on his return to France by the unjust ill treatment which he received from 
 M. Boynes in 1773 [1760?], the then Minister of Marine, he shot himself through the head." The same officer 
 was in command of the French frigates that assisted L6vis in his efforts to regain Quebec in 1760, and distin- 
 guished himself on that occasion. The Moniteur de la Flotte in 1857 states that he was treated shamefully on his 
 return to France, and that despite his efforts to obtain justice he died in prison in 1763 without being brought to 
 trial. Some authors even say that he was assassinated in prison, but the Moniteur does not consider the fact 
 proved, (See Gariieau, " Histoire du Canada," ii. 369, n.) As I shall presently show from the latest authority, these 
 statements are not correct as to the place of his death. 
 
 The author of the memoir just cited is believed to be the^Chevalier Johnstone, a Scotch Jacobite, who is sup- 
 posed to have written it some years after his return to France from Canada. The original document is deposited 
 in the French war archives in Paris, and a copy was first made in 1855 and placed in the Library of the Legis- 
 lative Assembly at Quebec. Johnstone- whose life was full of remarkable interest served in America from 1748 
 until 1759-60, when he acted as aide-de-camp to Chevalier de Levis. His memoir, incorrectly written, but obviously 
 truthful in the main details was published some years ago with other valuable documents by the Literary and 
 Historical Society of Quebec, (See an interesting note with respect to the memoir written by Mr. J. M. Lemoine, 
 " Quebec Lit. and Hist. Society's Doc." 2nd Ser. 1866-7.) The same Society also pubhshed two other documents 
 attributed to Johnstone : One " a dialogue in Hades, a parallel of military errors of which the French and English 
 armies were guilty, during the campaign of 1759 in Canada " The other relates to " the Campaign of 1760 in 
 Canada : a Sequel." In the course of this last paper Johnstone gives an account of Vauquelain's brave defence of 
 his frigate I'Atalante in 1 760 against the English "who treated him with the regard which bravery can claim 
 at the hands of a generous enemy. It is added that the English Admiral had so great a consideration for 
 him that he sent him to France in an English vessel. " This noble and generous behaviour " says the writer, " did 
 
144 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 honour to their nation, by rendering justice to, and discerning tlie merit of an enemy, far beyond what Vaucjuelain 
 met with from Berryer the Secretary of the Navy, on his arrival in France " This memoir seems inconsistent 
 with the one above referring to Louisbourg, in which M. Vauquelain is said to have been ill-treated by M. Boynes 
 (or de Borgues as it is given in ' Quebec Society's Trans.'), minister of marine in 1773. Both names and dates are 
 different On i eference, however, to the memoirs, as copied in tlie "Quebec Documents (iv. 245-265) a note is 
 appended, which does not appear in the version as it is printed by the Quebec Historical Society. This note is 
 obviously appended by the author of the memoir, who speaks of Berryer as " an insolent scoundrel." It would 
 seem then that the Boynes of the first memoir is a misprint of the copyist for Berryer. The Quebec Society and 
 the CJuebec Govei'nment have obviously published their versions from the same copy deposited in the Legislative 
 Library of Quebec. Berryer was, in fact, minister of marine from 1758 to Oct. 1701, when Vauquelain was in 
 France. (See Extraits des Archives du Ministre de la Marine et des Colonies, " Quebec Doc." 1890, p. 8). 
 
 M. Faucher de Saint Maurice, in a paper read in 1885 before the Roy. Soc. of Can. (Trans, iii. sec. 1) on " Un 
 des Oubli^s de Notre Histoire" gives an account of Vauquelain's career, derived from authentic sources. It 
 appears that Berryer treatel him with neglect when he returned to France in 1760 because he was not a noble, 
 but subsequently M. de Praslin, while minister of marine, gave him an important mission to InJia, and it was on 
 his return that he v.'as thrown into prison when a new minister whose name is not given was in office. He 
 was only detained for four months; and immediately pn his release, while on liis way to Versailles to give an 
 account of his visit to India, he was shot by some unknown person. He was then only 37 years of age. His 
 name is speit in various ways both in French and English works and documents, but the writer just named states 
 that the correct spelling is Vauquelain. Parkman, '' Montcalm and Wolfe," gives it as Vauquelin. 
 
 James Hannay in 'Stewart's Quarterly ' for July 1868, (St. John, N. B.) reproduces the Chevalier's account of 
 the siege, of the authorship of which he appeared to be ignorant, though it had been in the same year printed by 
 the Quebec Literary and Historical Society of Quebec. 
 
 The Quebec collection also contains the following documents, with respect to the second siege of Louisbourg : — 
 
 7. Memoir of M. Chevalier de Drucour on Louisbourg from 1754 to 1758 ; iv. 145-149. This is a brief account of 
 the work done on the fortifications and outposts from 1754, and of the principal details of the siege of 1758. The 
 complete narrative and journal of the siege by M. Drucour mentioned by Parkman and other authors, and in the 
 " Can. Archives " (1887, cccxci) a.s " exceedingly interesting," is not given in the Quebec collection. 
 
 8. Letters from M. de St. Julien, who commanded the French troops atKennington Cove (Cormorandi^rein the 
 French plans) on the occasion of the English landing in 1758 ; iv. 159-161, 174-176, 193-195. 
 
 9. Letter of M. de la Houliere, king's lieutenant to the minister, 22nd June, 1758, referring briefly to the state 
 of affairs at that date. Another from the same, 6(h August, giving further details of the siege ; iv. 162, 163, 176-186. 
 
 10. Number and condition of the officers and men of the French navy at Louisbourg, 30th July, 1758 ; iv. 196. 
 These persons belonged to the vessels captured or destroyed during the siege. 
 
 11. Letter of M. Chevalier Desgouttes, brother of the officer commanding the French fleet in 1758; iv. 215- 
 222. This letter was written on board the transport which carried the sick and wounded French officers and a 
 number of other persons to France under instructions from Admiral Boscawen. It refers to the disposition of the 
 inhabitants of Louisbourg, and of the officers and sailors of the fleet. 
 
 The annual reports on Canadian historical archives show what a large number of valuable documents bearing 
 on the history of Cape Breton, and chiefly of Louisbourg, necessarily remain unknown in the Paris archives. M. 
 Marmette, F.E.S.C, in the volume for 18S7, gives an analysis of " La Correspondence G6n6rale," which relates to 
 Isle Royale and lie St. Jean, and consists of forty-seven volumes in the Archives Coloniales de la Marine at Paris. 
 This analysis takes up 110 pages of the volume, and extends from 1712 to 1758 inclusive. If Mr. Marmette's sug- 
 gestions are carried out, and the Canadian Government grants a sum of money sufficient to copy all or the most 
 valuable documents, much light will be thrown on the material and social condition of the residents of Louisbourg, 
 and the principal settlements like Port Toulouse and Port Dauphin. We shall have to quote the Canadian 
 archivist's words : " The details of the daily life of the stirring population— officials, officers, soldiers, fishermen 
 and seamen — placed as sentinels at the entrance to the great river, between Canada and their distant motherland 
 of Prance, a mother but too forgetful of her children beyond the seas." A few of these documents have been 
 already printed in the collection of documents recently published by the Quebec Government, but the great bulk is 
 unknown to the historical student. The following list will illustrate the value of these archives : — 
 
 1. Memorandum and plan indispensable in order to begin the fortifications of Louisbourg, 1714. 
 
 2. Memorandum about He Eoyale, with a sketch of the people and the establishments erected there, 1714. 
 
 3. Order on a memorandum by M. de Costebelle (governor), respecting disorders caused by the excessive num- 
 ber of taverns, 1716. 
 
 4. Order respecting the administration of justice in He Eoyale, 1717. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 145 
 
 5. Order respecting the trade and fisheries of He Royale, of Canjeaux in Acadie and of Newfoundland. 
 
 6. Memorandum respecting the poor success of the efforts to induce the Acadians to emigrate to He Royale, 171 7. 
 
 7. Unsigned memorandum respecting tlie benefit which would be derived from attracting the Roman Catholic 
 Irish now living with the English in the neighbourhood of He Royale, towards the settlement of this portion, 1717. 
 
 8. List of the inhabitants engaged in fishing off He Royale, with the number of their boats, 1718. 
 
 9. M. de St. Ovide (governor), respecting the fortifications and the engineers, and the relations sustained with 
 the English in Acadie, 1724. 
 
 10. Fishing and trade returns of the island in 1726. 
 
 11. The Company of La Boularderie for the opening up of Labrador (Bras d'Or) and Verderonne Island 
 (Boularderie), 1732. 
 
 12. Police regulations respecting fishing and trading vessels at Louisbourg, 1732. 
 
 13. Ordinance respecting fishermen, 1733. 
 
 14. Statement of the lands granted in Louisbourg and He Royale. The harbour works. The fortifications and 
 roads of He Royale. The public funds. 
 
 15. M. de St. Ovide to the minister informing him that the lighthouse light was kindled on the 1st of April, 
 1734, and was perfectly visible for six leagues out to eea, 1734. 
 
 16. Statement of the merchant vessels which have come to trade at Louisbourg from Canada, Martinique, and 
 those that have been fitted out in the island as well for the unbroken voyage to Quebec as for the trade from port 
 to port, in 1734. 
 
 17. Fishery and trade returns for 1736. 
 
 18. M. Verrier (engineer), on the condition of the work on the fortifications of He Royale, giving a description 
 of Louisbourg at this period, 1736. 
 
 19. Critical condition of He Royale on account of the famine which reigns throughout the colony, 1737. 
 
 20. M. de la Boularderie and his establishment at Inganiche (Inganish), 1740. 
 
 21. Relations with the Indians of He Royale and viciaity, 1740. 
 
 22. Product of the fisheries in 1739. Trade carried on by the English at He Eoyale and He St. Jean. Naval 
 works. 
 
 23. The news from Boston that the people are planning to reduce Louisbourg by famine, induce Duchambon 
 and Bigot to ask the minister for an increase of tlie garrison. Duchambon was the king's lieutenant, in command 
 on account of the death of the governor, Duquesnel. November 23rd, 1744. 
 
 24. IVlemorandum as to what remains to be done in order to complete the fortifications of Louisbourg. Feb. 
 8th, 1745. 
 
 25. Importance of Cape Breton to the English, as shown by the product of the French fisheries, 1748. 
 
 26. M. des Herbiers (governor), on the military buildings erected by the English at Louisbourg. French 
 families which have remained at that place, 1749. 
 
 27. Letter respecting trade and fisheries, 1750. 
 
 28. M. Prevost (intendant) to minister, showing that the total number of refugee Acadians on He Royale and 
 He St. Jean in one year (1750) amounts to 2,200 souls, 1751. 
 
 29. M. de Raymond (governor) and M. Prevost (intendant), respecting the sad plight of He Royale and He St. 
 Jean, owing to food having become scarce, 1752. 
 
 30. Memorandum on He Royale by M. de Raymond and his voyage to Canada, June 12, 1752. 
 
 31. General enumeration of residences, barracks, guardhouses, powder magazines and provision stores in 
 Louisbourg, 1753. [See App. XVI to this work.] 
 
 32. M. Franquet (engineer), on the fortifications and the defence of Louisbourg; nine letters, from May 15 to 
 
 Nov. 16, 1757. 
 
 33. M. Marchault de la HouliSre, commander of the troops, gives details respecting the surrender of Louis- 
 bourg, July 28, 1758. 
 
 34. Details respecting the siege of Louisbourg by M. Ardibus. 
 
 35. Reflections upon Louisbourg, Plaisance and the codfishery, Sept. 16, 1758. 
 
 36. Unsigned letter to minister blaming the sailors, and especially M. Desgouttes (admiral), for their conduct 
 during the siege of Louisbourg, and, on the other hand, bestowing praises on the land forces. Sept. 19, 1758. 
 Written at Rochefort. 
 
 37. Some thirty letters, official for the most part, respecting the siege of 1758. Some, like Drucours journal, 
 have already been cited by Murdoch, Parkman and Brown. 
 
 M. Marmette says in his preface that there still remain to be examined and summarized in the Colonial 
 Archives of th^ Marine at Paris 119 registers, nearly every one containing at least one cahier on Canada, Acadie, 
 
 19 
 
146 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 He Eoyale ; 6 volumes of civil status of He Koyale and He St. Jean ; 34 cartons, each containing two or three records 
 relating to the superior countil, the bailiwick, criminal proceedings, etc., of Louisbourg ; and lastly, 16 cartons, con- 
 taining each, at least, two notarial registers of He Royale and of Canada. One of the cartons cited by Marmette 
 contains a number of plans, chiefly of Louisbourg, its fortifications and environs ; also of He Royale, about 1723. 
 
 In the second volume of "Histoire du Canada depuis sa di^couverte jusqu' a nos jours" par F. X. Garneau 
 (4th ed. Montreal, 1882), Cape Breton obtains full recognition, on account of its importance after 1713, in relation 
 to New Prance. Chapter iii, sixth book, (pp. 59-70) narrates its history from 1713 to 1744 ; chapter ii of the eighth 
 book (pp. 169-189), the history of Louisbourg from 1744 to 1748 ; chapter iii of the ninth book (pp. 280-285), in part, 
 the capture of Louisbourg in 1748. Garneau is always a French Canadian, inspired with the most decided partiality 
 on the side of his countrymen, and consequently we must read his record of the old regime as that of a French his- 
 torian. He gives no account of the siege operations of 1745, and contents himself with a meagre narration of the origin 
 of the New England expedition, of the capture, and of its consequences. He devotes more space to the second siege, 
 but he concludes by citing some words from a letter of General Wolfe to Major Wolfe, (ii. 285) in order to show 
 that Louisbourg was, after all, but a wretched little fortress (bicoque). Yet this wretched little place, defended by 
 a relatively small force, resisted for nearly fifty days the greatest fleet and army that England had ever assembled 
 in America. Wolfe's letter was evidently written in bad humour— we all know his ill health made him exceed- 
 ingly irritable— and is not even accurate, for he says Louisbourg has but one casemate on it— a mistake, since 
 there are now visible the crumbling remains of four— certainly small in size, but still four in number. England 
 and France did not consider Louisbourg a wretcheil little place, judging from the rejoicings on the one side and the 
 dismay on the other. Garneau is obviously glad of an excuse, however weak, to underrate the importance of the 
 capture, and exaggerate the strength of the defence. The "Cours d' Histoire du Canada" by the Abb6 Ferland, 
 professor of history at the University of Laval, (Quebec, 1801, 2 vols., 8vo) has a few references to Cape Breton and 
 Louisbourg; ii. 395-396 (foundation of Louisbourg); 475-478 (taking of Louisbourg in 1745); 559-561, (taking of 
 Louisbourg in 1758). 
 
 In " Histoire du Canada," etc., by the Abb6 Brasseur de Bourbourg (Paris, 1852), there is a short description 
 of Cape Breton (i. 244) ; an account of its resources (ii. 169) with a special reference to the Abbe Maillard (see infra, 
 XIII.) and his death at Halifax ; the foundation, capture and destruction of Louisbourg (i. 244, 245 ; 274, 277, 278 ; 
 293-295. He also gives a brief account of a visit paid to the ruins in 1815 by Mgr. Plessis, bishop of Quebec (ii. 
 136-138). 
 
 " Le Canada sous la Domination Francaise d'apres les Archives de la Marine et de la Guerre," by M. Dussieux, 
 Professeur d'Histoir^ ft I'^cole imperiale militaire de St. Cyr, (Paris, 1855 and 1862,) has short references to Louis- 
 bourg, (pp. 1(1, 102, 104-106, 190-193), a map "pour servir a I'histoire de la Nouvclle- France, &c.," and among the 
 pieces justifioatives (pp. 327-329.) " Eepr&entations faites a M. le Chevalier de Drucour au Conseil de guerre tenu 
 a Louisbourg le 26 Juillet, 1758, par M. Provost, commissaire-gen^ral de la marine, ordonnateur, a I'ile Eoyale." 
 
 X. English Wokks. — Memoiks and Sources op iNroKMATioN Rjsspecting Louisbourg and the Two Sieges op 1745 
 
 AND 1758. 
 
 Diverse opinions have been expressed with respect to the origin of ihe expedition of 1745. Brown in his 
 "History of Cape Breton," p. 191, is of opinion that Mr. Robert Auchmuty, judge of the vice admiralty court of 
 Massachusetts, was " the originator of the enterprise," but the editor of the "Nar. and Crit. Hist of Am." (v. 434) 
 throws doubt on his claim of priority by showing that he developed his plan in an article on " The Importance of 
 Cape Breton to the British Nation," which was published in the " Gentleman's Magazine " only in July, 1745, — 
 " the same number in which was also printed the news of the attack and capture." Dr. Winsor goes on to say that 
 " when the paper was reprinted in a thin folio tract shortly afterwards, he, or some one for him, emphasized his 
 claim to the suggestion in the title itself, as follows : — The Importance of Cape Breton to the British Nation, 
 humbly represented by Eobert Auckmuty [sic], judge, etc., in New England, N. B. Upon the plan laid down in 
 this representation the island was taken by Commodore Warren and General Pepperrell the 14th of June, 1745 " 
 (London, 1745). Though the judge's claim cannot be substantiated, but is even contradicted by the date of the 
 publication of his essay, it is not at all unlikely that he was among those who suggested and supported the enter- 
 prise at a time when Louisbourg was in everybody's mouth. A paper of the title just cited, (" Nar. and Crit. Hist, 
 of Am.," v. 454, n.) as printed in the 'Mass. Hist. Coll.,' v. 202, is dated "From my lodgings in Cecil street, 9 April, 
 1744." A MSS. copy is in the Mass. Hist. Soe. library (Louisbourg Papers). The third ed. of " Curwen's Journal," 
 edited by AVard (1845), contains a sketch of his life. 
 
 The fifth volume of the " Nar and Crit. Hist, of Am." devotes chap, vii to " The Wars on the Seaboard : The 
 Struggle in Acadia and Cape Breton," by Charles C. Smith, of the " Mass. Hist. Soc," with a short critical essay by 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 147 
 
 the same. The most valuable feature of this chapter-for the references to Cape Breton and the two sieges are 
 necessarily meagre-are the notes by the editor, Dr. Winsor, on the authorities relating to Louisbourg, and the 
 island generally. It is the only bibliography that has yet appeared on the subject of the island from 1745-'58. The 
 strong feature of these notes is necessarily the complete references to the literature on the taking of Louisbourg 
 in 1745, the collection of books and documents in Harvard University, and other institutions in New England 
 being very complete. 
 
 " The History of New ITampshire" by Jeremy Belknap (Philadelphia and Boston, 1784-1792). It contains a 
 very readable and accurate account of the siege of 1745, which is particularly valuable since the author had 
 superior opportunities for obtaining direct information from the participants in the famous exploit. He was the 
 ablest historian New England produced in early times, and had - to quote the words of William Cullen Bryant - 
 the high merit of being the first to make American history attractive." See an article on his merits as an his- 
 torian in the ' Atlantic Monthly,' for May, 1891. 
 
 _" Accurate Journal.and account of the proceedings of the New England land forces, during the late expedition 
 against the French settlements on Cape Breton to the time of the surrender of Louisbourg." (Exon 1746) The 
 manuscript of this work, according to the " Nar. and Crit. Hist.," (v. 437J was sent to England by Pepperrell to one 
 of his friends, and as printed was attested by Pepperrell, Waldo, Gridley and others. According to the same 
 authority it appeared as "An accurate and authentic account of the taking of Cape Breton in 1745" London 
 1758; and in the ' American Magazine,' 1746 ; and with "some curious verbal differences," as an appendix to a 
 letter from W. Shirley, Esqr., to the Duke of Newcastle, with a " Journal of the Siege of Louisbourg," (London. 
 3746). It was reprinted twice in Boston in 1746 on the authority of the legislature. The full title of the copy in 
 the parliamentary library at Ottawa is this : •' A letter from W. Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts Bay to His 
 Lordship the Duke of Newcastle, with a 'Journal of the Siege of Louisbourg' and other operations of the forces 
 during the expedition against the French settlements of Cape Breton, drawn up at the desire of the Council and 
 House of Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts Bay and approved and attested by Sir W. Pepperrell 
 and other principal officers who commanded in the siege the expedition." (London 1746.) A copy of the same 
 ed. is also in the present author's possession. 
 
 "Journal of the late siege by the troops of North America against the French of Cape Breton," by Colonel 
 James Gibson, who took part in the siege. London, 1745. It contains a plan of the siege, reproduced in a reduced 
 form in the "Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," v. 4.37. It also appeared in Boston in 1847, as "edited by Lorenzo D. 
 Johnson, under misleading title of ' A Boston Merchant of 1745.' " 
 
 " A particular account of the taking of Cape Breton by Admiral Warren, and Sir William Pepperell, with a 
 description of the place and the articles of capitulation. By Philip Duroll, Esqr., Captain of His Majesty's ship 
 Superbe. To which is added a letter from an officer of Marines." (London, 1745. ) 
 
 " The importance and advantage of Cape Breton considered in a letter to a member of parliament from an 
 inhabitant of New England." (London, 1746.) 
 
 " Two letters containing some further advantages and improvements that may seem necessary to be made on 
 the taking and keeping of Cape Breton." (London, 1746.) 
 
 "The importance and advantage of Cape Breton, truly stated and impartially considered, with proper maps," 
 (London 1746.) The authorship has been ascribed to William Bollan, a friend of Shirley, and is also believed to 
 have been inspired by W. Vaughan, who, it says, "had the honour of reviving, at least, if not having been the 
 original mover or projector " of the expedition. The maps are Bellin's. 
 
 "The great importance of Cape Breton demonstrated and exemplified by extracts from the best writers, 
 French and English." (London, 1746). It reproduces Bellin's map and plan from Charlevoix. 
 
 " An accurate description of Cape Breton, Situation, Soil, Ports, &c., its importance to France, but of how much 
 greater it might have been to England, with an account of the taking of the city by the New England forces under 
 General Pepperrell in 1745." (London, 1755). 
 
 " Memoir of the principal transactions of the last war between the English and the French in North America, 
 from 1744 to the conclusion of the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, containing in particular an account of the importance 
 of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton to both nations." (London and Boston, 1758). 
 
 Dr. William Douglass, a Scotch physician of Boston, published in 1747, in quarterly numbers, " A Summary, 
 historical and political, of the first planting, progressive improvements, and present state of the British settlements 
 in North America ; with some transient accounts of the bordering French and Spanish settlements." The numbers 
 of this summary were subsequently collected in two volumes, published at Boston in 1749 and 1751, and in London 
 in 1755 and 1700. He was a man of strong prejudice, and had a violent antipathy to Shirley (See " Nar. and Crit. 
 Hist, of Am.," V. 158, 159). He gives an account of the Louisbourg expedition, which he calls "this infinitely rash 
 New England expedition, though beyond all military or human probability successful." Douglass's portraiture of 
 Admiral Knowles, the irascible governor of Louisbourg, whose conduct in the Boston impressment riots made him 
 
148 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 very unpopular to Bostonians, drew upon him an action for libel, and he felt compelled to make a forced apology 
 in the preface to the volume of 1749. 
 
 The Massachusetts Historical Collections, (i. 13-60, 120 ; x. 313), Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, 
 (v., 931, etc.), Rhode Island Colonial Records (v.), Colonial Records of Connecticut (ix.), Pennsylvania Archives 
 (i. 667), New England Historical and Genealogical Register (v. 88; xii. 263; xix. 225, &c.) contain a large 
 amount of miscellaneous official and other papers bearing on the origin and preparations for the expedition. 
 
 Seth Pomeroy left a journal of the siege which is quoted by George Ban- 
 croft, but it is not printed. See "Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," v. 437. 
 ^i^/f^ KJ C/r'f^'^0r^^y '^'^6 Belknap and Pepperrell Papers, (16 vols.) of the Massachusetts 
 
 Historical Society at Boston, contain a most valuable collection of the 
 leading official documents relating to the siege of Louisbourg, and tlie 
 events preceding and following the taking of the fortress. One volume, 
 Louisbourg papers, is especially important. 
 
 The reader may also consult Curwen's Journal, edited by Ward (Boston, 4th. ed., 1864), which contains a 
 sketch of the island battery, reproduced by " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am," v. 448. Also Curwen's Letters in Essex 
 Institute, Hist. Coll. iii. 18G; Craft's Journal in same, iv. 181; Adonijah Bidwell, chaplain of the fleet in N. E. 
 Hist, and Gen. Keg., April. 1873 ; Wolcott's J. in Collections of the Con. Plist. Soc. i. ; Hunt's Merchant's Magazine, 
 for July, 1858, which has Ward's account of Pepperrell; Magazine of Am. Hist., Nov., 1878 ; Mr. J. R. Bartlett's 
 Naval History of Rhode I., in Hist. Mag. for 1870; S. G. Drake's "Five Years' French and Indian Wars" (Albany 
 1870) ; C. Hudson's N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg., Oct. 1870, giving from the Belknap Papers a list of all the commis- 
 sioned officers in the expedition (See T. H. Higginfon's note, in "Mem. Hist, of Boston," ii. 117) ; Hudson, in the 
 same for April 1868, and July, 1871, names of the soldiers ; Potter in N. H. Adj. Gen.'s Rep. for 1866 (pp. 61-76), 
 subsequently published a " Military Hist, of N. H.," gives a list of the soldiers from N. H. (" Nar. and Crit. Hist, of 
 Am.," V. 438). Of the first Louisbourg expedition there are no rolls except as made up in copies from the Pepper- 
 rell and Belknap papers in the library of the Mass. Hist. Soc. {lb. 165.) 
 
 The reader may also refer to the following works for short accounts of the event of 1745 : — 
 
 1. " History of Massachusetts Bay," by Thos. Hutchinson. (Boston, 1749, 1767, 1795 ; London, 1750, 1768, 1828.) 
 
 2. " Continuation of the History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay," by Richard Minot. (Boston, 1798.) 
 
 3. " An Introduction to the History of the Colonies, giving from the State Papers a comprehensive view of the 
 origin of their revolt," by George Chalmers. (Boston, 1845, the first ed. of 1782 being suppressed, " Nar. and Crit. 
 Hist, of Am.," V. 35.3). 
 
 4. " Life of Washington," by Chief Justice Marshall. (Philadelphia and London, 1804-07). 
 
 5. " History of the United States," by James Grahame- (London, 1827, 1836 ; New York, 1830 ; Boston, 1833, 
 1845 ; Philadelphia, 1845, 1846 and 1852). 
 
 6. " History of Maine," by W. D. Williamson. (Hallowell, Me., 1832 and 1839), 
 
 7. " Life and times of Sir W. Johnson," by William L. Stone & Son. (Albany, 1865). 
 
 8. "Compendious History of New England," by J. Gorham Palfrey. (Boston, 1884, in a complete form, the 
 volumes having been first issued in 1866, 1872, 1873, " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," V. 161, 162.) 
 
 9. " Popular History of the United States," by Gay. (N. Y., 1876-80). 
 
 John S. Barry, " History of Massachusetts," (Boston, 1855-57, gives a clear accountin 15 pages (139-155), specially 
 valuable for the authorities he cites. The " Memorial History of Boston," (Boston, 1880-81, vol. ii.) has a chapter 
 devoted to French and Indian wars, by T. W. Higginson, in which there are some interesting notes to the short 
 account given of the siege, and a number of autographs of Warren, Pepperrell, and others who took part in the 
 expedition. The volume has for a frontispiece a portrait of Shirley, his coat of arms, his residence at Roxbury 
 and the Louisbourg cross given in the text of this work. 
 
 The following represent the religious phase of the affair of 1745 : 
 
 1. " Extraordinary events the doings of God and marvellous in pious eyes. Illustrated in a sermon at the 
 South Church in Boston, N. E., on the General Thanksgiving, Thursday, July 18, 1745, occasioned by taking the 
 city of Louisbourg on the Isle of Cape Breton, by N. E. soldiers, assisted by a British squadron." By Thomas 
 Prince, M. A., and one of the pastors of the said church. Psal. xcviii. 1.2. (Boston, London, and Edinburgh, 
 1745, 1746). 
 
 2. " Marvellous things done by the right hand and holy arm of God in getting him the victory," by Rev. Charles 
 Chauncey, brother-in-law of General Pepperrell (London and Boston.) 
 
 3. " A brief and plain essay on God's wonder working Providence for New England in the reduction of Louis- 
 bourg," by S. Niles, in versr- (London, 1747). 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 149 
 
 The Reverend Thomas Prince was a memorable figure in the history of those times. He was a voluminous 
 author besides an eminent if prolix preacher. (See " Mem. Hist, of Boston " for an account of his writings and 
 services, ii. 401, 409, 425; portrait, ii. 221 ; his "Chronological Hist, of N. E.," i. xviii; ii. 426; his library, ii. 221, 
 426. Also " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," v. 121, 137, 163, etc.) Another of his sermons is : " The Salvations of 
 God in 1746, in part set forth in a sermon at the South Church in Boston, Nov. 27, 1746, being the day of the 
 Anniversary Thanksgiving in the Province of Massachusetts in N. B., wherein the most remarkable Salvations of 
 the year past, both in Europe and North America as far as they come to our knowledge, are briefly considered" 
 (Boston, 1746). In this last sermon he makes special mention of the providential interposition which saved the 
 English colonies from the threatened attack by the Duk-e d'Anville'a fleet (See mpra, sec. VI.) In the first sermon 
 of 1745, Mr. Prince narrates the leading events from the commencement of the N. E. expedition until the capture 
 of Louisbourg, to show that " no one in common reason can deny a particular Providence in this great aflTair." His 
 closing words are that " as 'twas one of the chief disgraces of Queen Anne's reign to resign this Island to the French, 
 it is happily one of the glories of King George the Second's to recover it to the British Empire." I have not come 
 across any sermon of this divine, explaining the giving up of Cape Breton in 1748 by the same George II., on 
 whose glories he expatiated in 1745. 
 
 " A voyage to South America describing at large the Spanish Cities, Towns, Provinces, etc., in that extensive 
 continent, undertaken by command of the King of Spain," by Don George Juan and Don Antonio de Ulloa, both 
 captains of the Spanisb navy, fellows of the Royal Society of London ; members of the Royal Academy of Paris, &c. 
 Translated from the original Spanish, (3rd. ed., London, 1772, 2 vols.) The translation in my possession is by Mr. 
 John Adams of Waltham Abbey, " who resided several years in those parls." This work is cited because it contains 
 an interesting " account of the harbour and town of Louisbourg and the taking of it by the English (1745) ; together 
 with some particulars relating to the French fishery, and the trade carried on there." (See vol. ii. cap. 7.) The 
 complete work in the original Spanish is relatively expensive, 100 fr. in Dufosses Cat. ; it is in 5 vols. 4to., (Madrid, 
 1748) — the fifth volume being now rare. The author gives an account of the capture of the DSHvrance, by the 
 English fleet in 1745. 
 
 In "The Works of James Houston, M.D., containing memoirs of his life and travels in Asia, Africa, America 
 and most parts of Europe, from the year 1690 to the present time " (London, 1753), there is a letter from a corres- 
 pondent of the author, written at Louisbourg, Nov. 20, 1745, and giving a short account (pp. 357-385) of the taking 
 of the fortress in that year. The name of the writer is not mentioned, but the style of the narrative is that of the 
 author himself, and we have still more reason to believe that the correspondent is imaginary when we read the 
 closing pages which refer to the value of Cape Breton to England and the necessity of retaining it in her posses- 
 sion. The arguments have a striking resemblance to those we find in the pamphlets which were issued after the 
 taking of Louisbourg, and to which reference has just been made. In all probability the author compiled this 
 part of the book from the current pamphlets of the day. (See infra, App. XVIII.) The writer, in showing the 
 importance of Cape Breton, states that at least 3,400 men, 500 shallops, 60 brigantines, schooners and sloops were 
 employed annually in the fisheries from the Gut of Canso to Louisbourg, and thence to the northeast "part of the 
 island. The annual catch offish is estimated at 186,000 quintals, and the trade required ninety-three ships, with 
 an aggregate of 1,800 men. Other statistics are given to show the great importance of Cape Breton as an entre- 
 pot for the fisheries of the gulf. Houston was a Scotch adventurer who received a good medical education, and 
 passed most of bis life as surgeon to the Assiento company, and as a trader and negotiator in Central America and 
 the Spanish main. In addition to the memoir cited here there were two previous editions of his memoirs pub- 
 lished in London in 1747, one under the title of •' The Memoirs of the Life and Travels of James Houston," with 
 the name of Jacob Bickerstaflf, and the other, " Dr. Houston's Memoirs of his own Life-time." (See Sabin's Dic- 
 tionary, viii. 467.) 
 
 In the fourteenth volume of the voluminous collection of voyages, known as " Histoire G^n6rale des Voyages, 
 etc.," by the Abb6 Provost, the author of " Manon Lescaut " (Paris, 1746-1789), there is an account of the " Etab- 
 lissement des Fran9ois dans I'lle Roi'ale, autrefois le Cap Breton," extending over twelve pages (671-684). It is 
 borrowed almost entirely from Charlevoix and De Ulloa— the errors of the latter being reproduced. The author 
 was a mere compiler and editor in the case of this collection of voyages. He does not appear to have availed him- 
 self of the opportunity he must have had of consulting the colonial archives at Paris, which contained abundant 
 material for an accurate description of Louisbourg, and the resources and condition of Cape Breton. He does not 
 even give a sketch of the fortress, though his work contains many elaborate plans of places in America, Asia and 
 Africa. He has contented himself with a map, by N. Bellin, of Acadie and He Royale, which is thirteen years 
 later than that given in Charlevoix by the same engineer. Several places are spelt differently ; for instance Miray 
 becomes Mir^, and Gabori is Gabaru. The strait of Canseau is spelt Fronsac, showing how long Sieur Denys's 
 title clung to this well known " gut." Volumes xii-xv are devoted to America in this collection of voyages, the 
 
ISO CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 first nine volumes of which comprised the English collection known as "Astley's Voyages" (London, 1745-1747). 
 Before the completion of the work Abb6 Provost died, and four volumes were added by Querlon and De Leyre. 
 (See " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," i. p. xxxv, for references to other editions.) 
 
 " The Life of Sir William Pepperrell, Bart, the only native of New England who was created a baronet during 
 its connection with the mother country," by Usher Parsons (London and Boston, 1856). This work is the best and 
 only complete life of the famous leader of the New England expedition. In his preface the author states that the 
 idea of the work originated in the fact that became into possession of a package of papers, "which had been 
 exposed in an old shed on the Pepperrell estate, probably for half a century." They had been saved from destruc- 
 tion by Colonel George Sparhawk, allied by marriage to descendants of Sir William. After much difficulty he 
 accumulated sufficient material to write a biography. The plan of Louisbourg is taken from the early edition of 
 Bancroft's "History of the Colonization of the United States," as Dr. Parsons came to the conclusion, after a per- 
 sonal inspection of the ruins of that city, and after an examination of several drawings of it and its fortress, that 
 it ''admitted of no improvements." The " Narrative and Critical History " (v. 448) says that " it follows an Eng- 
 lish plan procured by Mr. Bancroft in London, and closely resembles the sketch owned by a descendent of Pepper- 
 rell and herewith given " (p. 437). This last plan is owned by Mrs. Howard, of Brooklyn, N.Y-, and is considered 
 authentic. 
 
 Sir W. Pepperrell's funeral sermon was preached by his former pastor, Eev. Dr. B. Stevens, and as Lady 
 Pepperrell published it, and sent a copy to every member of the house and council of Massachusetts, it is still 
 easily obtained. (See Parson's "Life," p. 321.) It has for title " A Sermon occasioned by the Death of the Hon. 
 Sir W. Pepperrell, Bart., Lieut.-General in Her Majesty's service, etc., who died at his seat in Kittery, July 6, 1759 " 
 (Boston, 1759, pp. 30). It has a portrait inserted in some copies. 
 
 '' Capture of Louisbourg by the New England Militia " is the title of a monograph that appears in the March, 
 April, and May numbers of the ' Atlantic Monthly ' for 1891, from the pen of Dr. Francis Parkman, who, in this 
 essay, as in all his other productions, displays that elegance of style, thoroughness of research, and judicial spirit 
 that are eminently his characteristics as an historian. He uses the testimony of a curious little work, not before 
 cited by the historians of Louisbourg. It is the "Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg, contenant une Relation 
 exacte et circonstanci6e de la Prise de I'Isle Royale par les Anglais. A Quebec chez Guillaume le SincSre, a I'Image 
 de la v^rite, 1745." Dr. Parkman says that " this little book, of 81 printed pages, is extremely rare. I could study 
 it only by having a literatim transcript made from a copy in the Bibliothdque National, as it was not to be found 
 in the British Museum. It bears the signature "B. L. N." and is dated " a" .... ce 28 Aout, 1745. Th'e 
 imprint of Quebec is evidently intended as a mask, the book having, no doubt, been printed in France. It 
 criticises Duohambon severely, and makes him mainly answerable for the disaster." 
 
 As these proofs are passing through my hands, Dr. Parkman's new work, -' A Half-Century of Conflict," which 
 fills up the gap between his " Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV " and his " Montcalm and 
 Wolfe," is announced for early in May. It covers much of the ground over which I have gone, very briefly on 
 the whole, in this work on Cape Breton. It contains chapters on " Louisbourg and Acadia " (i. c. 10) ; on " Louis- 
 bourg Besieged and Taken " (ii. cc. 5 and 6) ; and on " The Expedition of the Due d'Anville " (ii. c. 7). 
 
 In ' Harper's Monthly ' for 1864, vol. xxviii, p. 354, will be found an interesting narrative, suitable to the 
 readers of a popular magazine, of the siege of Louisbourg in 1745, by J. T. Headley. The writer is accurate on the 
 whole, but he makes an egregious mistake, when he states (p. 356) that " the Rhode Island troops, numbering only 
 a few hundred, were already " at Canso, when the Massachusetts forces arrived there on the first of April — the 
 fact being, that they never sailed or took part in the expedition. The statement that one-half of the rich treasure 
 taken in the D^livrance and other vessels captured by the fleet, went to the captors, is misleading. The Crown 
 and the English fleet alone divided the spoils between them. 
 
 In the 'Report of Canadian Archives' for 1886, (pp. vii-xii) Mr. Brymner, chief archivist, has a summary of 
 the leading facts relating to the capture of Louisbourg in 1745- It is generally accurate and impartial. It contains 
 the plans (Note A.) suggested by General Waldo to Pitt, for the reduction of the fortress in 1758, and " dearly 
 drawn from his experience while in command of the land forces, at the reduction of the same place in 1754." The 
 two maps that accompany the report, are made up from Gridley's and other maps in Jefierys' French Dominions. 
 
 In the fifth volume of the ' Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada ' (sec. ii), there is a long paper on the 
 "First Siege and Capture of Louisbourg" by the Honourable Sir Adams G. Archibald, P.C.,K.C.M.G.,D.C.L., who, 
 after a long life spent in the public service, has devoted the leisure of his declining years to historical studies. This 
 paper is an interesting contribution to the literature on the subject. 
 
 " The taking of Louisbourg in 1745," is a short account of the siege by Samuel Adams Drake, published in a 
 series describing "Decisive Events in American History," (Boston, 1891). It has no special historic value since it 
 is simply a narrative made up from the ordinary sources of information available to every one on the subject. 
 
CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 151 
 
 Smollett, in " The History of England from the Revolution to the death of George the Second"— a continuation 
 of Hume's history— has only a pago and a-half on tlie operations of 1745, and falls into the error of saying that " they 
 were wholly conducted by Iho engineers and oflicers who commanded the British marines." Parkman {' Atlantic 
 Monthly ' for May, 1891) puts it correctly when he states that " the whole work of the siege fell upon the land 
 forces, and though it had been proposed to send a body of marines ashore, this was not done. Three or four 
 gunners, intended, in the words of Warren, ' to put your men in the way of loading cannon,' were hie only contri- 
 bution to the operations of the siege." (See letter of Warren to Pepperrell, 11th May, 1745, in which he showed he 
 had no men to spare. lb. p C29,n.) Sinolljtt was, however, fully aware of the importance of Cape Breton, and of 
 the ignominy of the peace which gave it up " in exchange for a petty fortress in the Bast Indies." Smollett gives 
 more space, pp. 299-304, (London ed. of 1796) to the taking of Louisbourg in 1758, and describes " the noisy expres- 
 sions of triumph and exultation " in Londoa. 
 
 " Exodus of the Western Nations," by Viscount Bury, M.P. (London, 1865, 2 vols.). In the second volume 
 (pp. 179-186) a brief sketch of the siege of 1745 is given, but while it is incorrect in some particulars it does not 
 fail to do full justice to. the enterprise and bravery of the New Englanders. We know, however, that Warren had 
 not actually communicated with Pepperrell before the latter's preparations for sailing were complete, or bad 
 arranged for a rendezvous at Canso. As a matter of fact, Pepperrell sailed for Canso despite the knowledge that 
 Warren had refused to co-operate with him. Vaughan did not attack the royal battery and force the French to 
 spike their guns. The garrison did not become mutinous during the siege, but did their duty courageously. 
 Lord Bury was civil secretary for 1854-5, under Sir Edmund Head, while governor-general of Canada, and married 
 a daughter of Sir Allan McNab, who took for many years a leading part in Canadian aflfairs. The work in ques- 
 tion is a history of colonization, quite readable, but sketchy and not always accurate in its details. Another 
 example of his inaccuracy is his statement that the Due d'Anville died at sea. (See supra, sec. VI.) 
 
 The taking of Louisbourg, in 1745, appears to have inspired a poet in Nathaniel Ames's " Almanac " (Boston, 
 1746) to indulge in this poetic burst : 
 
 " Bright Hesperus, the harbinger of day. 
 Smiled gently down on Shirley's prosperous sway. 
 The prince of light rode in his burning car. 
 To see the overtures of peace and war, 
 Around the world ; and bade his charioteer. 
 Who marks the periods of each month and year. 
 Rein in his steeds, and rest upon high noon, 
 To view our victory at Cape Breton." 
 
 The victory is also commemorated in the 'Gentleman's Magazine' for July, 1745, in several stanzas, entitled a 
 " Hymn to Victory," of which the following is a specimen verse : 
 
 " Beyond the wide Atlantic sea 
 She rises first to crown our toils ; 
 Thither to wealth she points the way. 
 And bids us thrive on Gaelic spoils." 
 
 The inspiration in this case is decidedly of a mercenary character, and does not take as lofty a flight as the New 
 England poetic description of Hesperus smiling on the victory. Cape Breton does not appear to have called for 
 poelry in 1758. It was soon forgotten in the taking of Quebec and the death of Wolfe, to whom many poetic 
 tributes were paid. See Hawkins's " Pictures of Quebec " (Quebec, 1834), 379, 387, 388. 
 
 In N. Hawthorne's charming stories of history and biography for young people, " The Whole History of Grand- 
 father's Chair," there is a short chapter on the preparations in Boston in 1744-45 for the expedition against Louis- 
 bourg (see pp. 110-116, Patterson's Edinburgh ed. of 1885), and of the rejoicings when the news of the victory 
 arrived in the capital of New England. A little work of this style hardly calls for criticism, but it is noteworthy 
 that, though the author states in his preface he " has endeavoured to keep a distinct and unbroken thread of 
 authentic history," he ignores the second taking of Louisbourg in 1758, though the first in the series of great events 
 that relieved the Thirteen Colonies of fears of French aggression, and gave Canada to England. See also Haw- 
 thorne's "Fanshawe, and Other Pieces" (Boston, 1876), a work of little merit, but noteworthy here because it con- 
 tains a sketch of Pepperrell and of the expedition of 1745. 
 
 In ' The New England Magazine' (Boston) for October, 1891, there is a short paper (pp. 260-265), " A Glimpse 
 of the Siege of Louisbourg," by S. Frances Harrison, a Canadian poet, better known as "Seranus." As is very 
 common with most of the English writers, Loui8b(o)urg is anglicized by leaving out "o"-an inaccuracy, it seems 
 to me, in the case of a French name, especially in an historic paper. It occurs, however, in the maps and memoirs 
 by Gibson, Waldo, Gridley, and the New England writers generally of last century. Mrs. Harrison's notes— the 
 
1S2 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 paper is really nothing more— are chiefly made up from tlie letters of Brigadier-General Waldo, third in rank 
 among the oflicers of the New England expedition of 1745. WaMo, it appears, had a claim to large grants of land 
 in Nova Scotia, originally belonging to Sir William Alexander, earl of Stirling, lie proposed in 1730 to the Eng- 
 lish government to settle the grant, if his claims were acknowledged— the first settlement to be made "near St. 
 Mary's Bay, which is the nearest good land to the fort of Annapolis (Royal), by which the said settlements and 
 the garrison, in case of any emergency, may be mutually serviceable to each other." The British government, 
 however, never acceded to his propositions, which would have made him one of those great landlords, called 
 patroons or manorial lords, who for so long a time occupied so large a portion of the lands of New York. The 
 name has been perpetuated in a fine county of Maine, of which Belfast is the principal town, and the noble Penob- 
 scot Bay is the most picturesque feature. In Drake's "Nooks and Cornerti of the New England Coast" (pp. 60, 61) 
 tliere is an account of the Waldo or Musoongus patent, which extended over a good part of this county. (See 
 Williamson's " History of Maine"). Waldo's daughter was to have married Sir W. Pepperrell's only son, Andrew, 
 but the match never came off; through the indifference of the latter, whose eccentric conduct is inexplicable, even 
 after the attempted explanations of his apologist, Parsons (see " Life of Pepperrell," 220-229), who gives an account 
 of the whole affair. Appleton's ' ' Cy clopiodia of American Biography " falls into an error when it says both Samuel 
 Waldo and his father Jonathan took part in the Louisbourg expedition. It was the son who was brigadier- 
 general, and the father was never connected with the expedition. (See List of Officers of the Expedition, supra, 
 sec. IV ; Parson's " Life of Pepperrell, 349, 350). A portrait of Waldo is given in Joseph Williamson's " Belfast," p. 44. 
 The volume of '' Canadian Archives " for 18S6 (p. cliv, note B) gives a summary of the papers relating to the Waldo 
 claim in Nova Scotia. Mrs. Harrison's references to Louisbourg call for no particular comment, except that she 
 falls into an error in saying that the city and fortress extended " about five miles each way, from north to south 
 and from east to west," since the circumference of the whole place was hardly two miles and a half. (See supra, 
 sec. II.) 
 
 Accounts of the siege of 1758 are to be found in the despatches of Amherst and Boscawen to Pitt, extracts from 
 which were published (see " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am." v. 464) as a '' Journal of the landing of his majesty's 
 forces on the island of Cape Breton, and of the siege and surrender of Louisbourg," a third edition of which was 
 printed in 1758 in Boston. The N. Y. Hist. Society Col. (188 L) contain " An authentic account of the reduction of 
 Louisbourg in June and July, 1758, by a Spectator " (London, 1758). Entinck in his " General History of the Late 
 War" (London, 1764) used this excellent description without acknowledgment (see Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," 
 ii. 81). Thomas Mante, in his " History of the Late War in North America and the Islands of the West Indies,, 
 including the campaigns of 1763 and 1704 against His Majesty's Indian Enemies," (London, 1772) prints the so 
 called official " Journal of Amherst," which appeared first in the ' London Journal ' and in other periodicals of the 
 time. Mante also gives a very intelligible plan of the siege operations. He was an engineer officer, and was major 
 of a brigade during the campaign of 1764. His work which contains 18 large well executed maps, principally by 
 Thos. Kitchin, has a high reputation and copies are now so rare that they bring from $70 to $125 according to their 
 condition ; Quariteh sold a copy in 1891 for the latter sum. The copy in the possession of the present writer belonged 
 to the library of Baron Mulgrave, P. C, who died in 1798, and is complete and unsoiled in every particular. The 
 topography of the country around Louisbourg harbour is remarkably well marked in Mante's plan. The first 
 volume of John Knox's " Historical Journal of the Campaigns for years 1758, 1759, and 1760 &c.," (London, 1760, 
 2 vols.) contains a readable account of the siege, and is especially vahiable for the numerous authentic official 
 documents cited. See also J. Montresor's Journal, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. (1881). 
 
 Other authorities on the siege cited by Parkman and the editor of the " Nar. and Crit. Hist." are the following : 
 i' The Life of Major General James Wolfe," by Robert Wright, (London, 1864) which contains much original 
 matter in the shape of Wolfe's correspondence. " The Grenville correspondence " (vol. i, pp. 240-265) and Walpole's 
 " Memoirs of George the Second " (2nd ed. vol. iii. 134) contain useful material for the historical writer. Parkman 
 refers also to the " Diary of a Captain or Subaltern in the army of Amherst at Louisbourg," found in the garret of 
 an old house at Windsor, Nova Scotia, on an estate belonging in 1760 to Chief Justice Deschamps, and the use of 
 which he owed to the kindness of Mr. George Wiggins of the same place. 
 
 Dr. Francis Parkman's work on " Montcalm and Wolfe " (Boston, 1884, 2 vols.,) already referred to in the fore- 
 going paragraphs is a spirited account of the capture of Louisbourg. The narrative is found in the 19th chapter, 
 vol. 2, and contains 30 pages with an eclectic map, which is very clear though drawn on a small scale. As usual 
 in his works, the author cites at the end of the chapter the principal authorities which he has consulted. 
 
 "A History of Nova Scotia or Acadie,'" by Beamish Murdoch, Q. C, (Halifax, N. S., 1865-1867, 3 vols.) devotes 
 chapters v and xxiii of the second volume to descriptions of the sieges of 1745 and 1759. This work is valuable 
 as an accurate compilation of original authorities, but it can lay no claim to literary skill or style. The account of 
 the siege of 1758 is taken mainly from Entinck. 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 153 
 
 "The History of Acadia from its first discovery to its surrender to England by the Treaty of Taris," by James 
 Hannay (St. John, N. B., 1870,) ia distinguished by the literary merit wanting in the former worlf, but the author 
 has strong prejudices against the Acadians. In chapters xviii and xxiii there are short readable accounts of the 
 sieges of 1745 and 1758. 
 
 " A History of the Island of Cape Breton with some account of the Discovery and Settlement of Canada, Nova 
 Scotia and Newfoundland," by Richard Brown, F. G. S., F. R. G. S., (London, England, 1869) is the only complete 
 history that has ever been written of the island. It is a conscientious effort of a gentleman who lived many years 
 of his life in Cape Breton as manager of the largest and oldest association engaged in the working of the valuable 
 mines of Sydney. He was a man of considerable scientific knowledge, and devoted the closing years of his life in 
 London to the writing of this work and to scientific studies. He had access to the English archives, but does not 
 appear to have made any effort to use the vast amount of material to be found in Paris. As it is, however, the 
 work is fair and accurate. It reproduces Tliorne's map of the Atlantic (1S27) ; Mercator's map of the Gulf of St. 
 Lawrence (1569) ; Champlain's (1632) ; Denys's (1672) ; an excellent profile of the walls of Louisbourg ; plans of the 
 harbour and vicinity and of the second siege, as well as a large modern map of the island. 
 
 " An Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia," by Thomas C. Haliburton, barrister-at-law and mem- 
 ber of the house of assembly of Nova Scotia. (Halifax, published by Joseph Howe, 2 vols., 1829.) The author will 
 be best known for his famous humorous creation of " Sara Slick." The first volume contains the history, and the 
 second the statistical account. Like all of the judge's works it is written in a pleasant style, though in the times 
 in which he wrote he had not access to many original documents — not even to those in the Nova Scotia archives, 
 strange to say — and consequently the book is not distinguished by any deep historical investigation. Chapters 3 
 and 5 of the first volume give a brief narrative of the two sieges of Louisbourg. Tlie account of the siege of 1758 is 
 taken almost verbatim from Smollett's history. In the second volume (pp. 201-262) there is a graphic description 
 of Louisbourg in 1728-9, and of the natural features of the island. The work is also memorable as the first ambi- 
 tious historical effort of a Nova Scotian. Indeed in many respects it still merits a high place among Canadian 
 historiee. It is noteworthy that the printer of the book was a famous Nova Scotian, the Honourable Joseph Howe, 
 printer, poet and statesman; the father of responsible government in his province, who began life at the com- 
 posing case, and died in the government house at Halifax, a lieutenant-governor — in the same old stone government 
 house to which he had been denied admittance in the days of Lord Falkland, a royal governor, who showed his 
 unfitness for his position, and was the last of the old English officials who constantly interfered and had preferences 
 in provincial politics. 
 
 C. Roger's " History of Canada, etc." (Quebec, 1856) has a short account of the siege of 1745, pp. 39-43. 
 
 " The History of the United States," by George Bancroft (the latest revised edition of which appeared in 1888 
 in New York) contains short accounts of the two sieges in the second volume (pp. 305-310, 484, 485). The author 
 devotes, as it might be expected, the larger space to tl.e memorable event of 1745. 
 
 "The History of Canada," by W. Kingsford, LL.D., F.R.S. Can,, (Toronto and London, 1887-1890, 4 vols.) con- 
 tains an account of the siege of Louisbourg (iii. 309-324) which is accurate and does justice on the whole to the men 
 of New England, though it was hardly necessary for him to dwell on the insulting language of Commodore (not 
 then admiral) Knowles, who succeeded Warren as governor, in reference to the habits of the captors of the fortress. 
 Knowles was a surly sailor who was in a chronic ill-humor during his residence in the island, and devoted himself 
 to give the worst possible account of its resources, its people and everything connected with it. As I have already 
 said (supra, sec. VIII.) his prejudiced accounts of Cape Breton are believed to have had much to do with the readiness 
 with which England ceded the island in 1748. In the fourth volume of his work (chapter viii, pp. 120-142), Dr. 
 Kingsford gives an excellent account of the siege of 1758, and a true estimate of the importance of an event " which 
 was the first gleam of triumph reflected on the British arms in America." 
 
 " The Conquest of Canada," by the author of " Hochelaga " (London, 1849, 2 vols.), contains a short account (ii. 
 138-143) of the second siege, but the even more memorable event of 1745 is disposed of with the words : " In 1745, 
 the year when the power of France in Europe was exalted by the splendid victory of Fontenoy, a dangerous blow 
 was struck at her sovereignty in Amerjca by the capture of Louisbourg, and with it the whole island of Cape 
 Breton, by the New Englanders under Mr. Pepperrell aided by Admiral Warren." The author was George War- 
 burton,' who belonged to the British army, and was member of parliament for Harwich. He died by his own 
 hand, and his works were edited by his better known brother, Eliot, the author of "The Crescent and the Cross," 
 who perished on the " Amazon " when she was destroyed by fire in 1852, while he was on his way to explore the 
 
 isthmus of Darien. 
 
 In "Hochelaga, or England in the New World" (London, 1846-1851, 2 vols.), which was also written by the 
 unfortunate George Warburton, and edited by his brother Eliot, we have a few pages devoted to a short historical 
 and descriptive sketch of Cape Breton (pp. 325-330, 4th ed.). He pays his tribute to the New England expedition 
 
 20 
 
1B4 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIAIS. 
 
 in the words : '- In 1745 an expedition of the always brave, and then loyal colonists of England . . . took the 
 stronghold of Louisbourg in a very gallant manner." 
 
 In Hildreth's "History of the United States" (New York) three pages are devoted to the New England expe- 
 dition of 1745, and less than a page to the siege of 1758. (See vol. ii. 394-397, 482.) 
 
 In the " Carter-Brown Catalogue" (iii. 1299) there is mention of a " Letter to a great M r [Pitt,] on the 
 
 prospect of peace, wherein the demolition of the fortifications of Louisbourg is shown to be absurd, the importance 
 of Canada fully refuted, the proper barrier pointed out in North America, etc." (London, 1761). This is one of the 
 numerous essays and pamphlets that appeared between the fall of Quebec and the Treaty of 1763, with reference to 
 the respective values of Canada and the West India Islands, and the advisability of retaining such places as 
 Gaudaloupe in preference to the present Dominion. (See Bourinot, " Comparative Studies in Canadian Politics," 
 ' Trans. Roy. Soc. Can.,' vol. viii, pp. 39-40. ) 
 
 Reference to the importance of the taking of Cape Breton in 1745 and 1758 will be found in " A Review of the 
 Reign of George the Second in which a new Light is thrown on the Transactions, and the effects of Ministerial 
 Influence are traced and laid open " (London, 1762, pp. 259). The review is impartial though justly severe on the 
 men that administered England's affairs until the elder Pitt triumphed over the King's prejudices and the schemes 
 of his political enemies. The name of the author is not given, but he is a fearless and well informed critic. He 
 tells us what all writers admit— Tory or A¥hig — that " the restitution of Louisbourg (in 1748) was loudly complained 
 against by almost every individual." The references to Louisbourg are pp. 82, 101, 102, 215, 216. 
 
 In the first volume of the " Canadian Archives " (pp. 18, 46) there is a synopsis of papers in the Public Record 
 Office, London, (" America and West Indies," under subhead of " New England ") which relate to the expeditions 
 of 1745 and 1758 against Cape Breton. Among these are letters from Shirley to Newcastle giving accounts of the 
 expedition against Louisbourg and of its surrender in 1745, and giving proposals (in 1746) for the abandonment of 
 the fortress, filling up the harbour, and the establishment of a fort and town at St. Anne's. In the same docu- 
 ments there is correspondence from Admiral Saunders, General Wolfe, and Governor Whitmore, setting forth the 
 proceedings of the fleet of Louisbourg before the attack on Quebec. The " Massachusetts Archives " have muster- 
 rolls of campaigns of 1758. " Nar. and Crit. His.," v. 165. 
 
 The original authorities relative to the abortive expedition of Loudon and Holbourne against Louisbourg in 
 the summer of 1757 are given by Parkman, " Montcalm and AVolfe" (i. 472, v.), viz. : Despatches of Loudon (August, 
 1757) ; Knox (who was with the expedition), " Historical Journals of the Campaigns of North America" (London, 
 1769, 6-28; "Review of Mr. Pitt's Administration " (London, 1763); "The Conduct of a Noble Commander in 
 America Impartially Reviewed " (London, 1758) ; Beatson, -' Naval and Military Memoirs " (ii. 49-59) ; " Answer to 
 the Letter to two Great Men" (London, ii. 1760); Entinck (ii. 168, 169); Holbourne to Loudon (4th Aug., 1757) ; 
 Holbourne to Pitt (29th Sept., 1757) ; ibid (30th Sept., 1757) ; Holbourne to Pownall C2iid Nov., 1757) ; Mante (86, 97) 
 " Relation du Desastre arriv6 &, la Flotte Anglaise commandee par I'Amiral Holbourne ;" Chevalier Johnstone, 
 "Campaign of Louisbourg;" 'London Magazine '(1757, p. 514); 'Gentleman's Magazine' (1757, pp. 463, 476) 
 1758, pp. 168-173) ; ' Gazette de France ' (621), To these original sources may be added the following brief accounts 
 and references : '' History of Great Britain to the Conclusion of the Peace of Amiens " (London, 1806, ii. 371-372) ; 
 Walpole, "George II" (ii. 231); Mahon, "History of England" (xiv. 168); Smollett, "History of England" 
 (cxxvii) ; Warburton, "Conquest of Canada" (ii. 113-119); Haliburton, "History of Nova Scotia" (i. 200-202); 
 Murdoch, ibid (ii. 328, 329); Garneau, "Histoire du Canada" (ii. 206, 267); Brown, "History of Cape Breton" 
 (285-290) ; Kingsford, " History of Canada " (iv. 31-37) ; Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe " (i. 469-472). M. Faucher 
 de St.-Maurice, in "De Tribord a Babord " (Montreal, 1877) prints among the " Pieces Justiflcatives " (pp. 431-434) 
 the semi-official French account of Holbourne's disaster off Louisbourg, Sept. 24, 1757. 
 
 XL Maps and Illustba-tioks of Cape Bkbton and Louisboueg, Portraits of Wolfb, etc. 
 
 The most accurate early maps of Cape Breton and Louisbourg are those by Nicholas Bellin, an able French 
 engineer (author of ''Le Neptune franjois" and other cartographical works), under date of 1 744. They are reproduced 
 in Charlevoix's " History of New France." The " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am." (v. 440) has a copy on a reduced scale 
 of his Cape Breton map. Richard Gridley, who did such good work at Louisbourg in 1745, has left a plan of the 
 city and fortifications of the fortress, which appears in the " History of the French Dominions in America," by 
 Jefierys, London, 1760, and in his " General Topography of North America and the West Indies," London, 1768, 
 (No. 25). His plan has been largely copied in works relating to Louisbourg, the " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am." 
 (v- 443-4) among others. JeflTerys, in the first work, has also an elaborate map affording an excellent idea of the 
 siege of 1758, as well as of the natural features of the port and its defences. The "Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am." 
 (v. 464, 470) reproduces part of Jefferys' map of 1758, as well as Brown's plan of the siege given in his " History of 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 155 
 
 Cape Breton." It also gives a part of the plate, " plan of the attack," (v. 471), which is in Mante's " History of the 
 Late War." Jefferys' plans incorrectly call "Green" also "Goat Island," whereas the latter name was always 
 given to the rocky islet on which the battery defending the harbour was built. Good views of the town and 
 fortress are not in existence. Dr. Winsor gives three illustrations in the " Narrative and Critical History " (v. 447, 
 466) one of them from a painting in the possession of Mrs. Anna H. C. Howard, of Brooklyn, N.Y., which came to 
 her by descent from Sir W. Pepperrell, and the two others from the coast views that accompany DesBarres' hydro- 
 graphic surveys. These views were published in 1779, and an excellent copy of the whole work is in the Ottawa 
 parliamentary library. I give a sketch of one of these drawings. The view is supposed to be from the northeast: 
 a ship is coming through the entrance, and the lighthouse battery is on the right. It appears largely imaginary, 
 as the fortress was not in existence when it was printed, in 1779. It is curious that no elaborate French views 
 are in existence, so far as known. None certainly in Canada. 
 
 *i .- c3jSSWsLy^ ig».:r"t^' 
 
 %-ae' 
 
 Nicholas Bellin's plans of Louisbourg and Quebec were frequently reproduced in England, Holland and Ger- 
 many in the middle of last century. For instance, I have before me a sheet, 24 x 22 in., with the heading : 
 Vorstellung einiger Gegenden und Plaetze in Nord America unter Franzoesisch und Englische Jurisdiction 
 gehoerig zu finden bey den Homaennischen Erben in Nurnberg, A° 1756. It contains (1) " Plan du Port et Ville 
 de Louisbourg dans I'lsle Eoyale ; (2) plan de la Ville de Quebec." Both are the plans of Bellin given in Charle- 
 voix. The third is in English : " Plan of the town of Halifax in Nova Scotia," and is coloured like the other two. 
 It is a reproduction of a " Plan des havens von Chebuctou und der stadt Halifax (Hamburg!), 1751). The maps 
 being pirated the author's name is not given in any case. 
 
 The following is a summary of maps, plans and views, in addition to those mentioned above. 
 
 1.— Plan special de Louisbourg, N. Visscher, Amsterdam. 
 
 2.— Plan des fortifications des Louisbourg, H. de Leth, Amsterdam, 1750. 
 
 3.— Le Petit Atlas Maritime, Nos. 23, 24, N. Bellin, 1764. 
 
 4.— A map "lev6 en 1756," after a plan of Louisbourg, preserved in the D6p6t des Cartes de la Marine in Paris. 
 
 5.— Same, in 1779, in the "Neptune Americo-Septentrional, public par ordre du roi." 
 
 6.— In the same, under date of 1758, "lev6 par le chev. dela EigaudiSre," with a view, of which there is a copy 
 in the Mass. Archives : Docs. Collected in France, Atlas ii. 5. A similar plan and view by the same person was 
 published at Paris in 1755, "chez Le Eouge, ggographe." 
 
 7.— In this same (composite) atlas, (ii- nos. 44, 45) are maps of the town and harbour and a large plan of the 
 fortifications, marked " Tome 1, No. 23. 
 
 8.— Four sheets on " The Southeast coast of Cape Breton Island, surveyed by Samuel Holland," published by 
 
 DesBarres, in 1781. 
 
 9.— Map by Kitchen, London Magazine, 1747. 
 
 10 —Plan of the City and Harbour of Louisbourg, showing the landing place of the British in 1745 and 1758 
 and their encampment in 1758, in Jefferys' " French Dominions " and in his « General Topography." 
 
 11.— A set of plans and forts in America, reduced from actual surveys, London, 1763 or 1765. See " Nar. and 
 Crit. Hist, of Am." on the question of date, v. 444, n. 
 
 12.-Sketch of Island battery. Curwen's "Journal," edited by Ward, Boston, 4th ed., 1864; reproduced in 
 "Nar. andCrit. Hist, of Am.,"v. 448. ^ ^ ^. ,„„^ -u ^r 
 
 13.-Plans of the town and fortifications (1745) by Durell and Bastide; of town and harbour (1755) by W. 
 
156 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 Green; views by Bastide (1749), Admiral Knowles (1756), Ince (1758), engraved by Carnot (1762) and Thomas 
 Wright (1766). All in the British Museum. 
 
 14.— A view of the landing of the N. E. forces in the expedition against Cape Breton (1745), published by 
 Jeflferys. Dr. John C. Warren of Boston has a copy of this print. 
 
 15. — Plan of Louisbourg, by Geo. Fellings of Boston, gunner ; in possession of Dr. A. H. Nichols of Boston. 
 
 16.— View of the town, in Cassell's " United States," i. 528. See Jefiferys' copperplate engraving. 
 
 17. — Plans of the siege and fortifications in 1758, in Jefferys' "French Dominions," 1760. 
 
 18 — Plans in Mante's " History of the War." 
 
 19. — Map of siege of 1758 in " Abraham's Almanac," Philadelphia and Boston, 1759. 
 
 The reader will also find it profitable to consult the following work, although it contains no account of the con- 
 dition of the island, but is of a scientific character, as its title shows, and is valuable for its revised maps : 
 
 " Voyage fait par ordre du Eoi, en 1750 et 1751, dans I'Amfirique Septentrionale, pour rectifier les Cartes des 
 Cotes de I'Acadie, de I'Isle Royale, et de I'lsle de Terre-Neuve, et pour en fixer les principaux points par des 
 observations astronomiques. Par M. le Marquis de Chabert. 4to. A Paris, 1753-" It has only maps of He 
 Madame, Strait of Fronsac and the southeast coast of the island from Morienne (Cow Bay) to Gabarus, besides a 
 reduced chart of the coasts of Acadie and He Eoyale. 
 
 Later French plans and maps of important places in Cape Breton are the following: 
 
 " Carte r^duite de I'lle Eoyale assujettie aux observations astronomiques et nautiques, etc., faites par M. le 
 Marquis de Chabert. DressSe au d6p6t g^ngral des cartes de la marine, par ordre de M. de Sartine, 1783. Plans 
 particuliers dependans de File Eoyale." 
 
 " Detroit de Canseau on de Fronsac entre la Nouvelle Ecosse et I'Isle du Cap Breton, lev6 par les yaisseaux du 
 roi d'Angleterre en 1761. A Londres, en 1775 ; a Paris, chez he Eouge, 1778." 
 
 " Plan du Port Dauphin, de la rade de Ste. Anne, de I'entr^e de Labrador et de la Baie de Niganiche. Dress6 
 au d6p6t g6n6ral des cartes de la marine, par ordre de M. de Sartine. 1778." 
 
 " Plan de la Baie de N^riohac 4 la c6te sud de I'lle Madame. Dressfi au d6p6t general des cartes et plans de la 
 marine, par ordre de M. de Sartine. 1779." 
 
 " Plan du Port Toulouse k la c6te du Sud de I'lle Eoyale. Dresse au dep6t g6n6ral des cartes et plans de la 
 marine, par ordre de M. de Sartine. 1779." 
 
 "The Atlantic Neptune," published for the use of the Eoyal Navy of Great Britain, by Colonel DesBarres, 
 governor of Cape Breton, London, 1777, 2 vols., atlas fol. : 
 
 Vol. i, " Sea Coast of Nova Scotia." 
 
 Vol. ii, " Charts of the Coasts and Harbours in the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence, from surveys taken by 
 Major Holland, surveyor-general of the northern coast." It contains interesting coast views of ports and towns of 
 the province, contributed by British engineers. 
 
 Among the maps and views in this valuable collection are the following : 
 
 View of Louisbourg harbour. 
 
 Chart of northeast coast of Cape Breton, from St. Ann's bay to Cape Morien (Cow bay). 
 
 St. Ann's bay, Seymour cove and Indian bay. 
 
 Southeast coast of Cape Breton. 
 
 Harbour of Louisbourg. 
 
 Port Hood. 
 
 View of Port Hood. 
 
 Cape Breton and Sable island. 
 
 Lenox passage. Bay of Eocks to St. Peter's island. 
 
 Gut of Canso, part of Cape Breton and the Eichmond isles. 
 
 Gut of Canso, Bay of Eocks to St. Peter's island. 
 
 Views of Port Hood and Plaister Cove. 
 
 In addition to the maps and illustrations noted in the foregoing paragraphs the " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am." 
 (vol. v) gives the following : Pepperrell arms (see also " Mag. of Am. Hist.," Nov., 1878), Autographs of Auchmuty. 
 Boscawen, Pepperrell, Eons, Tyng, Vaughan and Warren, portraits of Boscawen and Wolfe, Entinck (" Hist, of 
 the Late War," vols, ii, iii, iv) has portraits of Pitt, Amherst, Boscawen and Wolfe. Wright's " Life of Wolfe" 
 has for frontispiece a photographic portrait of the general, from an original picture in the possession of Admiral 
 Warde, K.H., who inherited it from his granduncle. General Warde, Wolfe's dearest friend. It was painted by an 
 artist, unknown to fame, soon after Wolfe entered the army, and shows a boyish full face, not remarkable for 
 expression. Wright knew of only two undoubted portrait* of the hero of Quebec : the one just mentioned, and the 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 157 
 
 other painted by Highmore, now in the National portrait gallery. West's great painting of Wolfe as a boy study- 
 ing a map of the battle of Blenheim was made in 1775, but it is partly imaginary in some respects. Sen Wright, 
 604, 605. Knox's " Journal " has an engraved portrait reproduced in '' Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am.," v. 541. Hart, 
 " Fall of New France," has portraits of Boscawen, Wolfe and Amherst. See infra, last paragraph of this section. 
 Parkman, in '• Montcalm and Wolfe," reproduced the Warde portrait. Warburton, in "Conquest of Canada," has 
 a frontispiece representing him standing with his right arm extended and giving only his profile— a very common 
 picture in works relating to his times. It is described as " from a scarce contemporary print." There is an inferior 
 portrait of Wolfe in the Parliamentary library, in profile, engraved from Mr. Isaac Gorset's model by J. Miller. T 
 know of no portraits in Canada of Duchambon, Drucour, or Vanquelain, or other persons whose names are men- 
 tioned in connection with Louisbourg. 
 
 In " Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast " (New York, 1875), by Samuel Adam Drake, already men- 
 tioned as the author of a little work on the taking of Louisbourg in 1745, there is some interesting information 
 respecting York and Kittery Point, famous as the home of Pastor Moody and Sir William Pepperrell. Illustra- 
 tions are added of Kittery Point, of Sir William's old mansion and of a portrait of the latter, which is hanging in the 
 large hall of the Essex institute, at Salem, and is asserted by Drake to have been painted in 1751 by Smibertwhen 
 the baronet was in London. It " represents him in scarlet coat, waistcoat and breeches, a smooth shaven face and 
 powdered periwig; the waistcoat richly gold embroidered, as was then the fashion, was worn long, descending 
 almost to the knee, and formed the most conspicuous article of dress. In one hand Sir William grasps a truncheon, 
 and in the back-ground the painter has depicted the siege of Louisbourg." The "Memorial History of Boston" 
 (ii. 114) contains an engraving of the same picture, of which, however, according to the editor of the "Nar. and 
 Crit. Hist, of Am," (v. 435, n), the artist is unknown. The work just cited gives an engraving after a painting owned 
 by Mrs. Anna H. C. Howard, of Brooklyn, N.Y., which descended to her from Pepperrell, and was painted by 
 Smibert. It is also engraved in Parson's " Pepperrell," Drake's " Boston," and the " N. E. Hist." and " General 
 Reg.," Jan., 1866, where Dr. Parsons gives a genealogy of the Pepperrell family. He gives a list of Pepperrell's 
 descendants in his "Life," pp. 335-341. Also a view of the Pepperrell mansion at Kittery, p. 329. See Lamb's 
 " Homes of America, 1879," " Magazine of Am. Hist.," ii. 673 ; ' Appleton's Journal,' xi. 65. 
 
 Dr. Francis Parkman, in his papers in the " Atlantic Monthly " (March, 1891) gives a graphic description of 
 the present appearance of the picturesque locality in Maine made famous by its associations with Sir William. 
 Kittery Point bears the name of a little village in England, and as it was founded in 1623 justly claims the honour 
 of being the first and oldest town in Maine. See chapters iv and x of " Nooks and Corners " (Drake). 
 
 "The Fall of New France, 1755-1760," by Gerald E.Hart, with portraits and views in artotype (Montreal, 
 Toronto and New York, 1888), devotes six pages to the victory of 1758. So short an account gives little or no 
 opportunity for doing full justice to the momentous event, which occurred so opportunely for England. Mr. Hart's 
 book is handsomely printed and is chiefly interesting for the excellent portraits and illustrations it gives of men 
 and places famous during the memorable times of which he writes. The portrait of Amherst is a mezzotint by 
 James Watson, after a painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds, probably in 1763. That of Boscawen, from an engraving 
 by Ravenet from tlie original painting. That of Wolfe is the very rare mezzotint by C. Spooner, after a sketch by 
 Capt. Harvey Smith, his aide-de-camp. Entinck has similar portraits of Boscawen and Wolfe. See Hart, 166, for 
 references to Wolfe's various portraits. 
 
 XII. Louisbourg Medals. 
 
 In 'The Transactions of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society' for 1872-3, No. Ill, appears an interesting 
 paper by Mr. Alfred Sandham on " The Historical Medals of Canada." He tells us that in 1720 the French govern- 
 ment ordered a bronze medal to be struck to commemorate the foundation of the fortress of Louisbourg. Seven 
 medals, according to Sandham, were struck by the English government in commemoration of the taking of Louis- 
 bourg in 1758. Wright (" Life of Wolfe," 605-606) refers only to two of the medals commemorative of the siege of 
 
 Louisbourg. 
 
 A pamphlet on "The Louisbourg Medals," by Mr. R. W. McLachlan, an enthusiastic antiquarian of Montreal, 
 gives us more complete information on the same subject. His list comprises fourteen medals, or six more than 
 those enumerated by Sandham. Four of them appear in the same lists, but Mr. McLachlan doubts the existence 
 of two of Sandham's. Mr. McLachlan gives us the names of the makers of the medals in most cases, with an 
 estimate of the value of each. I give illustrations of two of the medals in his valuable collection, in another part 
 of this paper. (See supra, sees. II, VII.) Mr. McLachlan gives the names of Kirk, Pingo and Pinchbeck as among 
 
 the principal makers. 
 
 1. Obv. ; LuDOVicus XV. D. G. Fk. wr Nav. Rbx. Youthful bust of the king, with long hair. Under the bust, 
 
 which faces to right, Do Vivibr. 
 
1S8 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 Rev. : LiTDOvicoBUKGUM Fdndatum bt MuOTTirM. Ex r MDCCXX. A view of the town and harbour of Louis- 
 bourg. Bronze ; size, 41 millimetres. 
 
 2. Obv. : LuDOvicus XV. Rex Chhistianissimus. Laureated older head of the king to the right. 
 Rev. : Same as last Bronze ; size, 41 m. 
 
 3. Obv. : Pax Ubiqtjm Victeix ex: Galloeum bt Beitannoetjm (Concoedia) MDCCLXIII. Peace to tlie right, 
 standing with an olive branch in her extended right hand and a caduceus in her left. At her feet, seated on a 
 battering-ram, is War as a nude male figure, bound ; surrounding them are flags, battle-axes and other implements 
 of ancient warfare. Bronze ; size, 41 m. 
 
 Rev. : Same as No. 1. 
 
 4. Obv. : Gbokgius II. Rex. Laureated bust of the king to the left. 
 
 Rev. : Sbnigal Mai. 2. Maesh Mason. St. Malos Iun. 16. Maelboeo. Cherboueg Aug. 16. Howe. Louisboueq. 
 luL. 27. BoscAwiN. Amubest. Feont. Aug. 27. Beadsteebt. Doqubsnb Nov. 24. Foebbs. Goebe. Dec. 29. Kbppbl. 
 Britannia in a chariot drawn by a lion over ground strewn with fleurs-de-lis, by her right walks Justice, and on 
 her left Liberty. Above is a scroll inscribed Fobdusinvictum, and underneath the date MDCCLVIII. Brass ; 
 size, 43 m. 
 
 5. Obv. : GUADALOUPB Baeinq Mooeb. May 1. Niagaea Johnson July. 2.5. Quebec Wolfe MoNCKn TowNSd 
 Sbp. 13 and 18. Crown Point Amheest Aug. 4. Lagos Boscawen Aug. 19. Hawkb Qubbeeon Nov. 20. Mindbn 
 Fbrdinand Aug. 1. A shield, with a fleur-de-lis reversed, supports a lion to the left and a unicorn to the right. 
 Garter inscribed Pbrfidia Evbesa, and ribbons with W. Pitt. Ausp. Geo. II Pe. Mr. Underneath is the date 
 MDCCLIX. Brass ; size, 43 m. 
 
 Rev. : Same as last. 
 
 6. Obv. : 0. Fair Britannia Hail. A nude female bust to the left. From behind the bust appears the top of 
 a trident. 
 
 Rev. : LoviSBOVEQ Taken. MDCCLVIII. Victory to the right standing on the prow of an ancient war vessel. 
 In her right hand she holds a wreath, and in her left hand a palm branch. Copper ; size, 39 m. 
 
 7. Obv. . O' Faie- Bettannia- Hail. A nude female bust to the left, with a liberty cap before and a trident 
 behind. Underneath is I. Kiek. 
 
 Rev.: Lovisbuvbg' Taken* MDCCLVIII. Ex: I* Kirk" F. Victory to the right running; in her hand is a 
 large fish, with a number of smaller fishes above it, and in her left a palm branch on a pole, with a shield bearing^ 
 a fleur-de-lis and an ancient cuirass. Bronze; size, 41 m. 
 
 8. Obv. : A globe inscribed Canada Ambeica, resting on a nude female figure which is prostrate on a rook, and 
 is pointing to an inverted fleur-de-lis. On the left of the globe is a soldier, with musket and bayonet, pointing to 
 Canada on the globe, and to the left is a sailor waving his hat. Over the globe is a scroll insoiibed Paeitee. in. 
 Bella, behind it the Union Jack, and above Fame, with a wreath in her left hand, blowing a trumpet. In the 
 distance are five small boats and a high rook. To the left is T- Pingo' F. Bronze ; size, 44 m. 
 
 Rev. : LovisBOVEG- Taken- MDCCLVIII. View of Louisbourg harbour. In the foreground is a battery firing 
 on two war vessels, one of which is burning. To the right is the town, and in the distance are six vessels. On 
 the left is Lighthouse Point. 
 
 9. Obv. : Admi" Bosoawbn' Took- Capb- Beeton. Half length figure of Boscawen in mailed armour to the right. 
 Rev. : LoviSBOVEG" Ex : Iul- 26' 1758. A rude view, intended for but altogether unlike the town and harbour 
 
 of Louisbourg. To the right is a hill surmounted by a tower. A ball from a mortar is about to strike the tower, 
 and the flag seems to be about to drop or is being lowered. The town is clustered at the foot of the hill. To the 
 left is a small tower with six men around it. In the harbour in front of the town are five vessels, three small and 
 two large ones. Brass, or better. Pinchbeck ; size, 40 m. 
 
 10. Obv. : Same as last. 
 
 Rev. : LoviSBOVEG Ex: Iul 26 1758. Similar view, but the hill is larger and the mortar and ball are wanting ; 
 there are only two men beside the tower; to the right two small and two larger vessels. Copper or dark mixed 
 metal ; size, 41 m. 
 
 11. Obv. : Adml. Boscawen Took Cape Bebton. Three-quarters figure of Boscawen to the right in naval uni- 
 form ; in his right hand he holds a baton. 
 
 Rev.: LoviSBOVEG Ex: Iul. 26, 1758. Similar view, but the tower on the hill is to the left. There are five 
 small vessels and two larger ones. Brass ; size, 37 m. 
 
 12. Obv. : Similar to the last, but there are fewer buttons on the coat and the baton is shorter. 
 
 Rev. : LomsBOUEG Haeboue. Ex : Iul 26 1758. Similar view. There are three hills with the tower on the 
 one to the left. The other hills are each surmounted with a small building. In the harbour are four small vessels 
 and one large one. Brass ; size, 37 m. 
 
 13. Obv. : Similar to No, 11. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 189 
 
 Eev. : LovisuovKa Ex. Iul, 26. 1758. Similar view. Tower on rising ground to the left, otiier buildings scat- 
 tered over the field. There are no men standing beside the smaller tower to the right. In the harbour there are 
 five small vessels and two large ones. Brass ; size, 23 m. 
 
 14. Obv. : To Buavd Adml. Bosoawbn. Figure of Bosoawen as in No. 9. 
 
 Rev. : I Surrender Phisoner Ex: 1758. Drucour to tiie right on one knee, handing his sword to Boscawen. 
 Copper ; size, 26 m. 
 
 The " Annual Register " (London, 1762) gives a description of a magnificent building of the Ionic order which 
 the Earl Temple erected at Stowe and dedicated to " Concordiae et Victoriae." Among the fourteen medaUions on 
 the wall, representing England's victories on sea and land in the four quarters of the world, was one representing 
 the taking of Louisbourg in 1758. See " Conquest of Canada " ( Warburton, ii. 499). 
 
 XIII. T[iE MicMAc Indians and their Lanouagb. 
 
 It appears well established that " Acadie" is a French version of a Micmac affix, fdiade, signifying a place or 
 land or district, or other cognate term, invariably used in connection with another word to show some natural 
 characteristic of the locality. We find the first mention of the name in the letters-patent of 1603, granted to Sieur 
 de Mons, who was given the right to settle and inhabit " les terres, costes et pais de Gadie et aultres circonvoisins 
 en I'estendae du 40° degrg jusqu'au 40" " (see "Quebec Documents," i. 46). Forming part of a compound word 
 akade sometimes might be mistaken for kadie, as it may bo easily understood by reference to the following inter- 
 esting list taken from Dr. Rand's Micmac dictionary : 
 
 1. W6be-akitde Swan-land (now Broad River Lake in N.S.). 
 
 2. Apcheechkumoochwa-akade Duck-place (Canard River, N.S.). 
 
 3. Kitpooa-akade Cape Shubenacadie (meaning not given). 
 
 4. Booslooa-iikade Cape Traverse (" bouselooa " meaning to travel by water). 
 
 5. Ootkoodakilna-kMe Grave-yard. 
 
 6. Kulumoo^chwCpskwa-akitde Coal-mine. 
 
 7. Wikpea-'kade Elm-grove. 
 
 8. Niimachwa-'kade Fish-place. 
 
 9. Utkogttn-akade Indian harbour (meaning not given). 
 
 10. 'Mskegooa-'kade Grass-field. 
 
 11. Sooleaw-akade Silver-mine- 
 
 12. Kus^wogwa-akade Iron-mine. 
 
 13. Soola-'kade Mira river (meaning not given). 
 
 14. W6njoosoon-akade Apple- place or orchard. 
 
 15. Madooesw-akade Porcupine-place. 
 
 16. Bdslooa-akade St. Peter's island (meaning not given). 
 
 17. Segubun-akade Ground-nut place (Shubenacadie). 
 
 A note by the editor of Dr. Kohl's " Documentary History of Maine, in the collections of the Maine Historical 
 Society (i. 234. 235, n), on the authority of Porter C. Bliss, a thorough student of the Indian dialects, gives the 
 same meaning to Acadie, whose " origin is ahki, land or place, with da, a particle of admiration added ; translated 
 by Rale, voiia, there, implying abundance." Rev. Dr. Patterson, in his " History of the County of Pictou, N.S." 
 (Montreal, etc., 1877) tells us that " every prominent object, whether hill or river, streamlet or lake, headland or 
 island, had its appropriate designation in their [Micmacs] language," and he gives (pp. 31, 32) a few of the Micmac 
 names' with the meanings, obviously furnished by Dr. Rand, from whom I have quoted the foregoing list. See 
 also Gesner, " Resources of Nova Scotia " (Halifax, 1849), pp. 2, 31. 
 
 Reference has been made more than once in these notes to " The Dictionary of the Language of the Micmac 
 Indians, who reside in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, P. E. Island, Cape Breton and Newfoundland," by the Rev. 
 Silas Te'rtius Rand, D.D. (Halifax, 1888). The compiler of this valuable dictionary was for more than fifty years 
 a missionary among the Micmac Indians of the maritime provinces of Canada. He translated and published the 
 whole of the new and portions of the Old Testament in the Micmac language, and arranged as many as 40,000 
 words in alphabetical order. He also constructed a Micmac grammar and reader. Leland in his "Algonquin 
 Legends" gives a number of Micmac tales contributed by Dr. Rand. The Parliament of Canada made an 
 appropriation to aid the publication of the English-Micmac portion of his laborious studies, and the other 
 part-the Micmac-English-is also in their hands, and it is hoped will soon be published. His investigations have 
 been of great value to the philologist and antiquarian. Dr. Rand was a fine scholar and familar with Hebrew, 
 
160 
 
 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 Syriac and other tongues, modern and ancient. He translated a number of hymns into Latin — one of them, the 
 Rock of Ages, is especially meritorious. He was a native of Nova Scotia — of the beautiful country first inhabited by 
 the Acadians, and died at Hantsport, the entrance of the land of Evangeline, in 1889. 
 
 On the subject of the early history of the Micmac Indians consult L'Bsearbot, " La Conversion des Sauvages 
 qui ont 6te baptistes dans la Nouvelle France cette ann6e, 1610, avec un recit du Voyage du Sieur de Poutrincourt " 
 (see "Nar. and Grit. Hist, of America," iv. 150; Sabin, Harrisse, No. 21) ; "Champlain" (Laverdifire's ed.), 115, 181, 
 728, 743; Williamson, "History of Maine," p. 478; Denys, " Am(Srique Septentrionale," vol. ii; Le Cleroq, 
 " Nouvelle Kelatiou de la Gaspcsie" (Paris, 1691) ; " Relations des Jesuites " (Quebec, 1858), i. 2-31 (index is inac- 
 curate under head of Souriquois, year 1666 being given for 1011, Biard's Relation) ; ib. 42-44 (Cape Breton especially 
 referred to), iii. 7-10; Pichon "Memoirs," Letters Vll-X; Hannay, "History of Acadia," 13, 43-58, 90, etc. 
 Murdoch and Haliburton in their histories of Nova Scotia, and Garneau in his " History of Canada," have fre- 
 quent references to their habits and condition during the French regime. Brown, "History of Cape Breton," 
 Letter X, reviews their state very fully, and has besides numerous references throughout the work. Di^reville, 
 " Relation des Voyage du Port Royal, de I'Acadie, ou de la Nouvelle-France, etc." (in 1708), in prose and verse, 
 describes the manners, superstitions and pursuits of the Indians of Nova Scotia. 
 
 The condition of the Indians in 1757-58 is described by a French missionary in a pamphlet published in Lon- 
 don in 1758 as "An Account of the Customs and Manners of the M^icmacs and Maricheets, savage nations now 
 dependent on the Government of Cape Breton " (Field, Ind. Bibliog., No. 1062 ; Quaritoh, No. 29, 984 ; " Nar. and 
 Crit. Hist, of Am.," v. 452 ; J. G. Shea, in ' Hist. Mag.,' v. 290; ' Nor. Am. Rev.,' cxii, Jan., 1871.) The first Micmac 
 grammar was that by the Abb6 Maillard, a French missionary, for many years at Louisbourg and at St. Peter's, 
 and in eastern Nova Scotia until 1759, when he was induced to go to Halifax and use his influence to quiet the 
 Micmacs. He was in the pay of the British government from that time, and died in 1708. (See Akins, " Nova 
 Scotia Documents," 184, n.) His grammar was arranged by J. M. Bellenger and published in New York in 1864 
 (Cramoisy), but only a hundred copies are reported to have been printed (4to., 101 pp. ; Dufoss6's Cat., No. 49,203). 
 In the " Nar. and Crit. Hist, of America" (iv. 208, 269) there is a brief summary of the work done in the Micmac 
 mission from 1631-1708. In the 'Trans. Roy. Soc. of Lit.,' xiv. 1887, C. Godfrey Leland has a paper ou "The 
 Mythology, Legends and Folk-lore of the Algonquins," which subsequently appeared in a separate form. His 
 interesting work on " The Algonquin Legends of New England ; or. Myths and Folk-lore of the Micmac, Passama- 
 quoddy and Penobscot Tribes," was published in 1884 at Boston. He can trace in the legends and myths of the 
 Indians evidence of the old Norse voyages. The Micmacs are even believed by Professor Storm to be the Skrael- 
 lings of the Norsemen. (See ' Scottish Review ' for October, 1891, p. 361 ; Sir Ban. Wilson, in 'Trans. Roy. Soc. of 
 Can.,' viii. sec. 2, art. 3.) 
 
 XIV. The Acadian Fkbkcu in Capb Bkbton. 
 
 " La France aux Colonies : Etudes sur le developpement de la Race franQaise hors de I'Europe, par E. Rameau " 
 (Paris, 1859), contains an interesting account of the Acadian French population in the island of Cape Breton 
 (pp. o, 71-79, 147-149), with the view of showing its development since the days of the French rule. From this 
 work we obtain the following estimates of the French population of Cape Breton, at different dates after the taking 
 of Louisbourg and the removal of its garrison and inhabitants to France : 
 
 In 1758 1,000, two-thirds Acadian, Eettled on the 
 
 coast and the Labrador (Bras d'Or). 
 This is obviously an over- estimate. 
 
 In 1827 6,000 
 
 1838 9,500 
 
 1859 — Richmond County. 
 
 Ardoise 1,200 
 
 Bourgeois 700 
 
 Arichat and Descousse 5,700 
 
 St. Pierre, Riviere des Habitants, etc 1,500 
 
 9,100 
 
 Cape Breton County. 
 
 Little Bras d'Or 600 
 
 Inverness County. 
 Marguerite (Margaree), Cheticamp, etc 4,000 
 
 Total in 1859 13,700 
 
CAPE BiiBTON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 
 
 161 
 
 By the census uf 18S1 tbe French population of Cape Breton was given at 12,4L'0 souIb, distributed as follows : 
 
 Invjseness. 
 
 Marguerite (IMargareo) Harbour 1,039 
 
 Cheticamp •> 350 
 
 Young's Bridge and other places scattere'cl at 
 
 the North '^m 
 
 3,635 
 
 Cafe Breton. 
 
 Sydney, Ball's Creek, Lingan, Manadieu, Bou- 
 larderie, Catalogne and East Bay (Louis- 
 bourg claimed only nine persons of Freucli 
 descent), in all 1 33G 
 
 ElOHMOND. 
 
 Petit Degrat 1,626 
 
 D'Escousse 1,261 
 
 L'Ardoise 1,.501 
 
 Arichat and West Aricliat 1,844 
 
 Kiver Bourgeois 688 
 
 River Inhabitants (Riviere des Habitants) 244 
 
 St. Peter's '180 
 
 Other places 4 
 
 VicroEiA. 
 Inganiche 
 
 Bay North and Bay of St. Lawrence. . 
 
 7,348 
 
 107 
 4 
 
 It seems as if Mr. Rameau's estimates were considerably beyond the mark. For instance, the figures he 
 gives for 1859— 13,700— are contradicted by the census of 1861, which distributes the Acadian population as follows : 
 
 Richmond 5,733 
 
 Inverness 2,104 
 
 Cape Breton 362 
 
 8,199 
 
 No statistics are given for Victoria county, but they would not probably add more than 100 to the whole num- 
 ber. It is impossible to believe that there could have been such a decrease in two years as a comparison of the 
 figures for 1859 and 1861 would indicate. The French Acadians 6i Cape Breton then only emigrated year by year 
 in small numbers. Probably the census of 1801 was not very accurately taken. Indeed the report itself admits 
 that the enumerators found many persons unwilling to give information, " professing to believe that the object of 
 taking the census was for the purpose of imposing taxation." The Acadians were probably among this number. 
 A people who are in a minority, and form a separate isolated class in a community, are likely to look with sus- 
 picion on an enumeration of their numbers and property. Few of them in those days were well informed and edu- 
 cated. But maldng every allowance for the imperfections of the census returns they do not fully explain the large 
 discrepancies between 13,700 and 8,299. Indeed, making an allowance for a natural increase of 2 per cent, a year 
 based on the census, which showed an average increase of 20 per cent, in ten years over the whole province — and, 
 in fact, in Richmond it was 22 per cent. — we have a still greater difference between the two sets of figures. Con- 
 sequently we have no doubt that Mr. Rameau has greatly exaggerated the numbers, and contributed to create the 
 wrong impression that the race iu Cape Breton is decreasing in a large proportion from emigration and other 
 causes. A much higher authority in such matters, Mr. Tache, long connected with the department of agriculture 
 of Canada as deputy minister, and a liuiraleur of some note, has given us some interesting statistics relating to 
 the Acadian French of Cape Breton in tlie introduction to the census reports for 1871. He gives a table from 
 which we learn that there were in Cape Breton : 
 
 In 1749 . , 1.000 Acadian French. 
 
 1755 3,000 before and after the expulsion of the 
 
 Acadians from Nova Scotia. 
 
 1756 2,500 
 
 1758 700 after taking of Louisbourg. 
 
 1763 780 
 
 1765 800 
 
 1771 920 
 
 1871 10,864 
 
 Accordingly since 1758 the Acadians have increased from 700 to probably 15,000 souls at the present time, 
 supposing the rate of increase to have been the same during the decade ending in 1891, as it was in the decades of 
 1861-1871, and 1871-1881. For many years there has been a small migration of French Acadians from Cape 
 Breton, especially among young women who have gone to the United States for employment, but the rate, I think, 
 will be found small compared with the emigration of the English-speaking peoples from the island. For other 
 references to the French population of Cape Breton see Pichon's Mfemoires ; Haliburton's History ; Tache, « Projet 
 
 21 
 
162 CAPE BEETOJST AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 d'union f6d6rale pour les provinces de rAiii^rique Anglaise " (1858) ; " Census of Canada for 1871 and 1881 " (Gov- 
 ernment of Canada), Ottawa; Fontaine's edition of "De Di^reville en Aoadie " (Quebec, 1885). In an elaborate 
 paper by the Abb^ Casgrain on " La Dispersion des Acadieus," (' Trans. Eoy. Soc. Can.,' v, sec. 1) tlie 'reader will 
 13nd numerous references to tlie Acadians of Chetica-mp and oilier parts of Cape Breton. A paper in the ' Collec- 
 tions of the Nova Scotia Historical Society ' for 1889-91 (Halifax, 1891 1, by Dr. Allison, superintendent of educa- 
 tion (see pp. 55-59), estimates the number of Acadian French in Cape Breton at only 271 in 1767 — too low an 
 estimate, not supported by the information I have gathered from all sources. Dr. Tach6's estimate of all the 
 French in the island in 1765 at 800 is nearly correct. In 1766 a considerable number came into the island, as I 
 have shown in the text, sec. X. 
 
 XV. — General Bibhogbapiiical Notes. 
 
 Sir Hovenden Walker printed in London a vindication against charges of incompetency and peculation that 
 were made — and properly too, we can believe, as to the first count — against himself. His account of his visit to 
 the harbour of Sydney, mentioned in the text of this monograph, is necessarily brief, and evidently written to 
 show that he had asserted England's claim to Eastern America. This attempted vindication bad for its title : " A 
 Journal : or full account of the late expedition to Canada, with an appendix containing commissions, orders, 
 instructions, letters, memorials, courts-martial, councils of war, etc., relating thereto 
 
 " Rebus angustis animosus atque 
 Fortis appare : Sapienter idem 
 Contrahes vento nimium secundo 
 Turgida Vela 
 
 —Hor. Lib. 2, Ode 10, 
 
 London : printed for D. Browne at the Black Swan, etc., 1720." See an excellent resume of the journal in " De 
 Tribord 4 Babord ; Trois Croisieres dans le Golfe Saint Laurent," by Faucher de St. Maurice (Montreal, 1877). 
 
 The reader will be interested in the references to Cape Breton in " A concise account of North America, con- 
 taining a description of the several British colonies on that continent, including the islands of Newfoundland and 
 Cape Breton, to which is subjoined an account of the several nations and tribes of Indians residing in those parts," 
 (London, 1765, 271 pp., with a map). The author was Major Robert Rogers, a famous commander of the 
 " Rangers" during the old French war. He describes his adventures in his well known 'Journals' (London, 1765 ; 
 Dublin, 1769). He played a doubtful part in the war of independence, and finally raised the Queen's Rangers, who 
 were very eflTeotive on the EngUsh side. See Parkman's " Montcalm and Wolfe." 
 
 " Mtooire historique sur la negotiation de la France et de I'Angleterre depuis le 26 Mars 1761, jusqu'au 20 
 Septembre de la meme aimee avec les pieces justificatives," (Paris, 1761), sliows efforts made by France to retain 
 Cape Breton. 
 
 A curious and rare book is now before the writer: " A statement submitted by Lieut.-Colonel DesBarres for 
 consideration, respecting his services from the year 1755, to the present time — in the capacity of an officer and 
 engineer during the war of 1756 — the utility of his surveys and publications of the coasts and harbours of North 
 America, intituled, 'The Atlantic Neptune' — and his proceedings and conduct as lieutenant-governor and com- 
 mander-in-chief of his Majesty's colony of Cape Breton." The book is in large folio, and contains 108 pages, but 
 neither the date of publication nor the name of the printer appears on the title page. It contains a most minute 
 recapitulation of DesBarres's claims against the English government. It is obvious from the facts and documents 
 set forth that he was badly treated. The work gives some insight into the entire absence of interest in England in 
 the affairs of so insignificant a colony as Cape Breton. The nature of the squabbles between the governor and the 
 military at Sydney is set forth with elaborate detail. The governor, it is clear, acted for the best and deserved 
 more consideration than he ever received from indifferent officials in London. The biographical sketch of Governor 
 DesBarres in Appleton's " Cyclopaedia of American Biography " (New York, 1887) states that " he wrote a work on 
 Cape Breton, which was printed privately (London, 1801), but afterwards suppressed." I cannot verify the exist- 
 ence of any work by him on Cape Breton except the "statement" of his case under consideration, in which there is 
 a great deal of valuable information respecting the settlement, the natural advantages and the condition of the 
 island during his governorship. Brown (History, 388) makes use of this work in giving an account of his services 
 and of his ofiScial career in Cape Breton. In 1805 he was appointed lieutenant-governor of Prince Edward Island, 
 no doubt as an acknowledgment that he was deserving of better treatment than he had received for some years of 
 his life, and he remained until 1813 in this position, which the historian of the island (Campbell, 61) says he filled 
 with discretion, if not with the display of any signal ability. He died at Halifax in 1824 at the remarkable age 
 of 102. He was father of the late Judge DesBarres, of the supreme court of Nova Scotia (See " Murdoch, ii. 441 ■ 
 iii. 523.) 
 
CAPE BRETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 163 
 
 Hon. W. Smith, who was formerly surgeon on the military establishment of Cape Breton (see supra, sec. VIII) 
 and chief-justice in 1799, was author of " A Caveat against Emigration to America, Mith the state of the Island of 
 Cape Breton, from the year 1784 to the present year ; and suggestions for the benefit of the British Settlements in 
 North America " (London, 1803, pp. 158, 8vo.) See Morgan's " Bibliotboca Canadensis." 
 
 In the second volume of "The British Dominions in North America, etc.," by Joseph Bouchette, surveyor- 
 general of Lower Canada (London, 1832, 2 vols., pp. 72-92), there are two chapters gi\-ing a topographical and 
 statistical account of the island, including a description and three slietches of the dangerous rocky island, ten 
 miles northeast of Gape Breton, known as St. Paul's Island. Much of the information in these chapters is taken 
 from I-Ialiburton's and McGregor's accounts of the island. Bouehette's works in their day were of great value to 
 Canada— indeed the most accurate and complete of their kind ever published in the Dominion. He was the Eng- 
 lish surveyor who, with the United States surveyor, John Johnson, erected a new monument in 1817, under the 
 treaty of Ghent, at the source of the St. Croix river, which had been determined by commissioners in 1798, under 
 the treaty of 1794. (See vol. i, pp. 13-14.) 
 
 Valuable references to the importance and natural advantages of Cape Breton will be found in "The Indus- 
 trial Resources of Nova Scotia, etc.," by Abraham Gesner, surgeon, fellow of the Geological society, etc. (Halifax, 
 1849). Dr. Gesner was a scientific man of fair attainments. He visited Cape Breton in the flagship of the famous 
 Earl of Dundonald, who took much interest in the scientific investigations of the author. The admiral was an 
 uncle of the Dundonald who was surprised at a redoubt near the shore and killed by the French in a sortie during 
 the siege of 1758 ; for Dr. Gesner is wrong in stating that " he fell in approaching the fortress along the line of the 
 sea-wall." (See supra, sec. VII, and Brown, 310.) He devotes a number of pages (300-312) to a general description of 
 the climate, scenery and resources of the island, as well as to the appearance of Louisbourg in 1849. Like all other 
 persons who have visited and studied the island of Cape Breton, Dr. Gesner had a high opinion of its natural 
 advantages. " A glance at the map," he says on p. 312, " would almost satisfy the inveterate sceptic that nowhere 
 can there be found a position so favourable for maritime pursuits as that of Cape Breton. It was with this view 
 (hat France expended her millions of livres in fortifying Louisbourg. Where are there to be found such harbours, 
 mines, fisheries, facilities of inland transport and schools for seamen, and to these has been added a soil capable of 
 yielding the ordinary bounties produced by husbandry." 
 
 Judge Marshall, who was the first judge appointed to the island after its annexation to Nova Scotia in 1820, 
 left behind him a short monograph giving his personal reminiscences of the hardships and difficulties that 
 attended a judicial circuit in those days, " when large portions of my journeys were performed in Indian canoes, 
 in which I have sometimes passed the greater part or the whole of the night, occasionally paddling to lessen chilli- 
 ness, and to afford the poor, tired squaw a partial relief" The old judge — he died in his 94th year— describes the 
 lawless elements which existed during his time in this sparsely settled island. (See " The late Judge Marshall ; 
 or, the Record of an Earnest Life," by J. G. Bourinot, in ' Canadian Monthly,' 1880.) 
 
 The wreck of the Augusta, mentioned in sec. XI, is described in " Les Anciens Canadiens," by Philippe Aubert 
 de Gaspfi (Quebec, 1863, and Montreal, 1886), whose chief merit is that he has given us a faithful record of the 
 times of which he writes and preserved memoirs of events which otherwise would have disappeared with those 
 who had taken part in them. General Murray was responsible for sending the unfortunate people in the wretched 
 old hulk, which went ashore in the fall of 1701, apparently from the description, on the northeastern coast of Cape 
 Breton, a little south of Cape North. Only five or six passengers were saved ; these succeeded at last in reaching 
 the Acadian settlements, the names of which are not given. Among these was M. de la Corne de Saint-Luc, who 
 published an account of the disaster at Montreal in 1778, from which M. de Gaspfi corrected his own version, at 
 first largely drawn from the memory of stories told him by members of his own family. See an excellent trans- 
 lation of the book by Prof. Roberts, the jCanadian poet (New York, 1890) ; also LeMoine's " Maple Leaves," new 
 series, 79, 115 ; Faucher de St. Maurice, "De Tribord a Babord," 186-189. 
 
 " A History of Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, the Sable Islands, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, the Ber- 
 mudas, Newfoundland," by R. Montgomery Martin, F.S.S. (London, 1837), contains two chapters, of forty-five 
 pages in all, describing the history, the geography, the physical features, the geology and the products of Cape 
 Breton. The historical part, which is very imperfect, is made up of information furnished him by Judge Hali- 
 burton, the author of the history already mentioned. The description of the natural features and resources is 
 interesting and correct for the time when written. Martin wrote other works of the same character on the pro- 
 vinces of old Canada, and, like his book on the maritime provinces, their chief value lies in the statistical state- 
 ments. Works of the same class were J. McGregor's "British America, etc." (Edinburgh, 1832, 2 vols.), and 
 Hugh Murray's " British America, etc." (Edinburgh, 1839, 3 vols.) 
 
 Hugh Gray, in a series of letters written from Canada during 1806-1808 (London, 1809 ; 2nd ed. 1814), dwells 
 on the commercial importance of Cape Breton. 
 
164 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 " Journal of Visitation in Nova Scotia and Cape Breton, and along the eastern shore of New Brunswick in the 
 summer and autumn of 1843," by Rt. Rev. Joim Inglis, bishop of Nova Scotia (London, 1844). The author, who 
 gives some interesting details of Cape Breton, was a son of the first bishop of the Church of England appointed in 
 the British colonies in America (in 1787), and who had been previously rector of Trinity Church, New York. 
 
 In "Our Own Country, Canada, Scenic and Descriptive, being an account of the extent, resources, physical 
 aspect, cities and chief towns of the provinces of Nova Scotia, etc.," by Rev. W. H. AVithrow,' D.D., F.B.S.C. (Tor- 
 onto, 1889), we have a description of the scenery of Canseau, He Madame, Bras d'Or, Sydney,. Louisbouig, with 
 views of a fishing village, of Louisbourg, and of modern aspects of life and industry in the island. 
 
 " Baddeck and that Sort of Thing " (Boston, 1874) represents tho humour of Charles Dudley Warner, to whom 
 the pretty village on the Bras d'Or owes its present fame. The historian, like the tourist, will find the little volume 
 a source of amusement in summer days, when be and all the world seek relief from the ordinary vocations of life, 
 and have no desire to take books and things too much nu drieux. 
 
 '-' Picturesque Canada" (Toronto), edited by Very Reverend Principal Grant, and illustrated under the super- 
 vision of the Canadian artist, L. B. O'Brien, Pres. R.C- A., contains, towards the close of the second volume (pp. 
 841-852), a brief description of the island, its history, scenery and resources, and several illustrations of North 
 Sydney, of Caledonian mines, of the ruins of Louisbourg, of the new town near the railway pier, and of Lake 
 Catalogue. A sketch of the Tantramar marshes in Cumberland Co., N.S., however, is misplaced in a sketch of 
 Cape Breton. The writer suggests a memorial on the site of Louisbourg to commemorate the achievements of 
 1745-1758. 
 
 In 1873 a committee of the House of Commons of Canada was appointed (see Jour., App. No. 5) to report on 
 the shortest route for mails and passengers between America and Europe. Tables of distances are given between 
 points in Europe and the ports of Louisbourg and of Shippegan on the eastern coast of New Brunsw ick — a place to 
 which attention was being drawn at that time with a view of creating trade for the Intercolonial railroad. The 
 committee were in favour of Louisbourg, which " has the great advantage of being reported to be open and access- 
 ible throughout the entire winter season ; of being from sixty to one hundred miles nearer Europe than Shippegan, 
 in the direct line of ocean travel between Europe and the northern ports of the United States, and of possessing 
 large and valuable coal fields in its immediate vicinity where coaling could be effected at a lower rate than any 
 place in Britain or America." 
 
 An illustration of the eflbrts of the people of the almost forgotten island, many years ago, to compete for a 
 space of the great European traiBc is a little pamphlet before me with the title : " European and American Rail- 
 way Terminus — Sydney, Cape Breton, the nearest port in British North America to Europe," printed in 1851, on 
 very common paper, at the office of tlie Cape Breton News, for many j'ears the only paper published in the island. 
 It represents the advantages of the noble port of Sydney as a railway terminus compared with Louisbourg and 
 other places in Eastern America, but forty years have passed since the pamphlet was printed, and of the com- 
 mittee of twenty-five gentlemen appointed to draft a report only two have lived to see a railway in 1890 opened to 
 Sydney. In fact, of the 125 persons who signed the requisition to call the public meeting from which the report 
 in the pamphlet emanated only thirteen remain. The following are the names of the committee, with those living 
 in italics: Hon. 'Mr. Justice Dodd, Hon. J. MoKeagney, M.E.C., M.P.P., W. H. Munro, M.P.P., James McLeod, 
 M.P.P. ; C. E. Leonard, Custos ; P. H. Clarke, agent for Lloyds ; Richard Brown, agent for the Mining Association 
 (the historian of Cape Breton); T. D. Archibald (afterwards Senator), J. Bourinot (afterwards Senator), E. P. Arch- 
 bold, P. Moore, G. H. Gesner, Capt. Ouseley, H. Davenport, E. Sutherland, H. Munro, N. H. Martin, Wm. Gammell, 
 Thomas Brown, D. N. McQueen, A. F. Halihwton, L. Robertson, John Ferguson, D. B. McNab and J. Robertson. 
 The High Sheriff at the time was Richard Gibbons (now dead), a grandson of the first chief justice of the island, 
 and president of the first council under DesBarres. Several of the persons named, like Leonard, Brown, Moore, 
 Gesner, Gammell, were descendants of New England families. 
 
 Few romances have had their scenes in Cape Breton. W. C. McKinnon, a relative of the W. McKinnon 
 who was provincial secretary and clerk of the council in 1792, wrote several remarkably hysterical books : 
 "StCastJne: a Legend of Cape Breton " (Cape Breton, 1850); "Frances; or. Pirate Cove" (Halifax, 1851) ; "St. 
 George; or, the C!anadian League" (Halifax, 1852). See Morgan's "Bibliotheca Canadensis." Mr. McKinnon 
 subsequently atoned for his youthful vagaries in writing such tales of murder, rapine and intrigue by becoming a 
 clergyman of the Methodist Church. C. W. Hall, a member of the Massachusetts bar, who was born in Prince 
 Edward Island, wrote "Twice Taken: an historical romance of the Maritime Provinces" (Boston, 1867). It 
 records the fall of Louisbourg, and is an improvement on the former works. See ibid. 
 
 In the ' Canadian Archives ' for 1891 there is a hst of loyalist families who wished in 1784 to emigrate to Cape 
 Breton (p. 21). Also several letters from Lieutenant-Governor Macarmick with reference to the defenceless state 
 of the island in 1790-93 (pp. 41-44). 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MRMOEIALS. 16S 
 
 S. E. Dawson's ■ Handbook of tho Dominion ' (Mcntroal, 1888) contains an interesting historical and de- 
 scriptive sketcli of tlie island, pp. 88-98. 
 
 In 'Tlie Dominion Monthly' (Montreal, 18G9) tl.ere is an article on the island of Cape Breton, by John George 
 Bonrinot. In ' Stewart's Literary Quarterly Magazine ' (St. John, N.B., 1870) there is an article by the same writer 
 on " The Mand of Cape Breton : Its History, Scenery and Resources." In ' The Canadian Montlily and National 
 Review ' (Toronto, 1874) he has also a paper on "The Old Forts of Acadia," in which a brief description is given of 
 Louisbourg as it appeared in 1870. The same material is used in a paper in the ' Transactions of the Royal 
 Society,' "Some Old Forts by the Sea," vol. i, sec. 2 (1883). Tlie ' Transactions of the Geographical Society of 
 Quebec' (vol. i, No. 2, 1881) contain a paper read before that society by the same writer on "Cape Breton, tlie 
 Long Wharf of the Dominion," xiii, pp. 800. These several papers do not pretend to any special original research, 
 but are only intended to give a present view of an island so interesting for its past history and natural beauty. In 
 'Tlie Magazine of American History' for March, 1891, there is a paper by the same writer on "Once Famous 
 Louisbourg." See also Belfast (Maine) ' Republican Journal,' Jan. 14, 1892, for article on " Louisbourg, 1891." 
 
 The geology of the island of C'apo Breton has been investigated by eminent men like Sir W. Dawson and Mr. 
 Richard Brown before the confederation of the provinces, and by Mr. Hugh Fletcher, Mr. Robb and other mem- 
 bers of the able staff of the Geological Survey of Canada since 1807. Much information on the coal-fields of the 
 island, in a popular and practical form, is contained in "Coal-flekls of Cape Breton," by R. Brown (the historian of 
 the island, London, 1871) ; " Coal-flelds of Nova Scotia," by "J. Rutherford {Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1871) ; " Acadian 
 Geology," by Dr. (now Sir W.) Dawson (London, 18G8, and subsequent editions) ; " Mineralogy of Nova Scotia," by 
 Professor How (Halifax, 1809). Elaborate reports on the coal and mineral deposits of the island will be found in 
 the 'Reports of Progress' annually issued by tlie Geological Survey of Canada; see volumes for 1872-3, 1873-4, 
 1874-5,^1875-6, 1877-8, 1878-9, 1879-80, 1S80-1-2 ; 1882-3-4 (especially valuable since it shows the great number of 
 economic values in the inland), 1887-8 (coal statistics of Cape Breton during 1887, Part II, Rep. S., 15, 10), 1888-89 
 (coal statistics of Cape Breton, Rep. S., 16-19). Not the least valuable portions of these reports are the chemical 
 contributions by Mr. G. C. Hoffmann, chemist and mineralogist to the survey, on the work done in the laboratory, 
 with the object of showing the economic value of the various speciujens of minerals brought from the island. 
 Statistics of the production, value of exports and imports of minerals in Cape Breton, as well as in other parts of 
 Canada, are given annually in the reports of the survey. Geological maps accompany the reports whenever neces- 
 sary to illustrate the subject. The annual reports of the department of mines of Nova Scotia contain complete 
 accounts of the condition of the collieries of Cape Breton, with statistics of their output and sales. In addition to 
 these reports, the reader may consult with advantage " Coal-mining in Nova Scotia " (Montreal, 1888), by Mr. E. 
 Gilpin, F. R. S. C, M. Can. Soc. C. E, inspector of Nova Scotia mines, in which appear some interesting historical 
 details. Another paper on the " Geology of Cape Breton " appears in the ' Quarterly Journal ' of the Geological 
 Society of London for November, 1S8G. See also, by the same, a paper on ' Manganese Ores of Nova Scotia " 
 {'Trans. Roy. Soc. Can.' 1884, sec. 4), and a series of papers on the " Carboniferous of Cape Breton" ('Trans. 
 N. S. Inst, of Nat. Sci.,' 1886, 1887, 1888), and on the " Minerals of the Carboniferous" (Jan. 14, 1889), and on the 
 " Devonian of Cape Breton" (ih., April 14, 1890). 
 
 XVI. Treaties and Proclamations Relating to Cape Breton. 
 
 A. Exlracis from the Treaty of Utrecht, 1713. 
 
 The Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the Most Serene and Most Potent Princess Anne, by the Grace of 
 God, Queen of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and the Most Serene and Most Potent Prince Lewis the 
 XlVth, the Most Serene and Most Potent Christian King, concluded at Utrecht the 31st day of March, 
 [11th April, new style], 1713. 
 
 XII. The Most Christian King shall take care to have delivered to the Queen of Great Britain, on (he same 
 day that the ratiflcation of this treaty shall be exchanged, solemn and authentic letters or instruments, by virtue 
 of which it shall appear that the island of St. Christopher's is to be possessed alone hereafter by British subjects, 
 likewise all Nova Scotia or Acadie. with its ancient boundaries, as also the city of Port Royal, now called Annapolis 
 Roval and all other things in those parts which depend on the said lands and island's, together with the dominion, 
 property and possession of the said islands, lands and places, and all right whatsoever by treaties or by any other 
 way obtainedr which the Most Christian King, the Crown of France, or any of the subjects thereof, have hitherto 
 had to the said islands, lands and places, and the inhabitants of the same, are yielded and made over to the Queen 
 of Great Britain, and to her Crown, for ever, as the Most Christian King doth at present yield and make over all 
 the particulars above said ; and that in such ample manner and form that the subjects of the Most- Christian King 
 shall hereafter be excluded from all kind of fashing in the said seas, bays and other places on the coasts of Nova 
 Scotia- that is to say, on those which lie towards the east within 30 leagues, beginning from the island commonly 
 called Sable, inclusively, and thence stretching along towards the southwest. 
 
166 CAPE BEBTON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 B. Extract from the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelk, 1748. 
 
 IX. . . . Whereas it is not possible, consideriiio; the distance of the countries, tha.t what relates to America 
 should be effected within the same time, or even to fix the time of its entire exeoation, his Britannic Majesty 
 likewise engages on his part to send to his Most Christian Majesty, immediately after the exchange of the ratifi- 
 cations of tlie present treaty, two per.sons of rank and consideration, who shall remain there as hostages, till there 
 shall be received a certain and authentic account of the restitution of Isle Royale, called Cape Breton, and of all 
 the conquests which the arms or subjects of his Britannic Majesty may have made before or after the signing of 
 the preUminaries, in the East or West Indies. . . . Provided, nevertheless, that Isle Royate, called Cape 
 Breton, shall be restored, with all tlie artillery and warlike stores which shall have been found therein on the day 
 of its surrender, comformably to the inventories which have been made thereof, and in the condition that the said 
 place was on the said day of its surrender. 
 
 C. Extracts from the Treaty of Parin. 
 
 The Definitive Treaty of Peace and Friendship, between his Britannic Majesty the Most Christian King and the 
 King of Spain, concluded at Paris, the 10th day of February, 17G3. To which the King of Portugal acceded 
 ou the same day. 
 
 IV. His Most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions which he has heretofore formed, or might form to 
 Nova Scotia or Acadia, in all its parts, and guaranties the whole of it, with all its dependencies, to the King of 
 Great Britain ; moreover his Most Christian Majesty cedes and guaranties to his said Britannic Majesty, in full 
 right, Canada with all its dependencies, as well as the island of Cape Breton, and all the other islands and coasts 
 in the gulph and river St. Lawrence, and, in general, everything that depends on the said countries, lands, islands 
 and coasts, with the sovereignty, property, possession and all rights acquired by treaty or otherwise, which the 
 Most Christian King and the Crown of France have had till now over tlie said countries, islands, places, coasts and 
 their inhabitants, so that the Most Christian King cedes and makes over to the said king and to the Crown of 
 Great Britain, and that in the most ample manner and form, without restriction and without any liberty to depart 
 from the said cession and guaranty, under any pretence, or to disturb Great Britain in tlie possession above men- 
 tioned. His Britannic Majesty on his side agrees to grant the liberty of the C'atholic religion to the inhabitants of 
 Canada ; he will consequently give the most precise and most eilectual orders that his new Roman Catholic sub- 
 jects may profess the worship of their religion, according to the rites of the Romish Church, as far as the laws of 
 Great Britain permit. His Britannic Majesty further agrees that the French inhabitants, or others who have 
 been subjects of the Most Christian King in Canada, may retire with all safety and freedom wherever they shall 
 think proper, and may sell their estates, provided it be to subjects of his Britannic Majesty, and bring away their 
 effects, as well as their persons, without being restrained in their emigration under any pretence whatsoever, 
 except that of debts or of criminal prosecutions; the term limited for this emigration shall be fixed to the space of 
 eighteen months, to bo computed from the day of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty. 
 
 V. The subjects of the King of France sliall have the liberty of fishing and drying, on a part of the coasts of 
 the Island of Newfoundland, such as it is specified in the Xlllth article of the treaty of Utrecht, which article is 
 renewed and confirmed by the present treaty, except what relates to the Island of Cape Breton, as well as to the 
 other islands and coasts in the mouth and in the gulph of St. Lawrence ; and his Britannic Majesty Qonsents to 
 leave to the subjects of the Most Christian King the liberty of fishing in the gulph of St. Lawrence, on condition 
 that the subjects of France do not exercise the said fishery but at the distance of tiiree leagues from all the coasts 
 belonging to Great Britain, as well those of the continent as those of the islands situated in the said gulph of St. 
 Lawrence. And as to what relates to the fishery on the coasts of the Island of Cape Breton out of the said gulph, 
 the subjects of the Most Christian King shall not be permitted to exercise the said fishery but at the distance of 
 fifteen leagues from the coasls of the Island of Cape Breton ; and the fishery on the coast of Nova Scotia or Acadia, 
 and everv where else out of the said gulph, shall remain on the foot of former treaties. 
 
 D. Proclamation of ] 763 — Establishment of -Cape Breton as a separate colony — Royal instrvx:tions respecting 
 
 Cape Breton, etc. 
 
 A document of interest in connection with the later history of Cape Breton is: "The Petitioner's Case. In 
 the matter of the petition of certain inhabitants of the island of Cape Breton against the annexation of that island 
 to the province of Nova Scotia. In the Privy Council. George C Hardingham, Lincoln's Inn" (London, 1843). 
 This is the case of the island as presented to the Privy Council of England and set forth by Henry Bliss, colonial 
 counsel for the petitioners. It contains a long and accurate summary of historical facts from the voyages of Cabot 
 and Gilbert until the final annexation of the island to Nova Scotia. This document is rare, and the copy in my 
 possession was given me by the lale Mr. Justice Dodd, a resident of Sydney and a son of the first chief justice of 
 the island. I give from this document the following extracts from proclamations and other oflScial papers relating 
 to Cape Breton :— 
 
 On the 7th of October, 1763, the celebrated proclamation of the third year of the reiun of George the Third was 
 issued annexiiig the islands of St. John (now Prince Edward) and of Cape Breton to the government of Nova 
 Scotia. 
 
 The following extracts from this proclamation relate to the present inquiry : 
 
 " We have thought fit, with the advice of our Privy Council, to issue this our Royal Proclamation, hereby to 
 publish and declare to all our loving subjects that we have, with the advice of our said Privy Council, granted our 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 167 
 
 Letters Patent, under our Great Seal of Great Britain, to erect vvitliin llie Countries and Islands ceded and con- 
 flrmed to us by the said Treaty, four distinct and separate Governments, styled and called by the names of Quebec, 
 East Florida, West i'lorida and Grenada, and limited and bounded as follows, viz. : 
 
 " First, the Government of Quebec, bounded," etc, 
 
 " Secondly, the Government of East Florida, bounded," etc. 
 
 " 'I'hirdly, the Government of West Florida, bounded," etc. 
 
 '' Fourthly, tlie Government of Grenada, comprehending tlie Island of that name, together with the Grenadines 
 and the Islands of Dominica, St. Vincent and Tobago. 
 
 " And to the end that the open and free Fishery of our subjects may be extended to and carried on upon tlie 
 Coast of Labrador and the adjacent Islands, wo have thought fit, witli tlie advice of our said Privy Council, to put 
 all that Coast, from the River St. John's to Hudson's Streights, together witli the Islands of Anticosta and Made- 
 lane, and all other smaller Islands lying upon the said Coast, under the care and inspection of our Governor of 
 Newfoundland. 
 
 " Wo have also, with the advice of o'jr Privy Council, thought fit to annex the Islands of St. John and Cape 
 Breton, or Isle Royale, with the lesser Islands adjacent thereto, to our Government of Nova Scotia. 
 
 "We have also, with the advice of our Priyy Council aforesaid, annexed to our Province of Georgia all the 
 lands lying between the Rivers Attamaha and St. Mary's." ....... 
 
 In 1784 (IGth August), the province of Nova Scotia was divided by the king's letters-patent, constituting all the 
 parts north of the Bay of Fundy a separate province, named New Brunswick, and appointing Thomas Carleton 
 captain-general and governor-in-chief in and over the same. 
 
 In the same year (3rd September, 1784), letters-patent were also issued appointing Joseph Frederick Wallet 
 DesBarres, Esquire, lieutenant-governor of Cape Breton and its dependencies, and directing him to " exercise and 
 enjoy the said oflSce of Lieutenant-Governor of our said Island and its dependencies, with such powers and author- 
 ities, and according to such directions as are or shall be expressed in our Commissions and Instructions to our 
 Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief of our Province of Nova Scotia and our Islands of St. John and Cape 
 Breton, now and for the time being." 
 
 Afterwards and about the same time also (11th September, 1784), the commission of the Governor of Nova 
 Scotia was revoked and a new one issued to the same person, John Parr, Esquire, which, after reciting a former 
 commission to him as governor-in-chief of Nova Scotia, including the island of Cape Breton, and excepting the 
 island of St. John (Prince Edward), " which we had thought fit to erect into a separate Government;" and after 
 further reciting that '' His Majesty, in the ninth year of his reign, had been pleased to appoint Walter Patterson, 
 Esquire, to be Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief in and over our Island of St. John and territories adjacent 
 thereto in America," and had also " thought fit to erect that part of our Province of Nova Scotia lying to the north- 
 ward of the Bay of Fundy into a separate Province by tlie name of New Brunswick," proceeds as follows : " We 
 have thought fit to re-annex the Island of St. John and its dependencies to our Government of Nova Scotia;" and 
 then goes on to revoke a former commission to the said governor-general of Nova Scotia, and also a former com- 
 mission to Walter Patterson as governor-in-chief of St. John's Island; and, in the new commission to the governor- 
 general of Nova Scotia, the description of its boundaries includes the Island of St. John as well as Cape Breton 
 and all other islands within six leagues of the coast. And tliis new commission further thus pledges the faith of 
 the Crown, and confers as well on the island of Cape Breton as on Nova Scotia and on the island of Prince Edward, 
 separately, distinctly and respectively, full legislative power in these words: "And we do hereby require and 
 command you to do and execute all things in due manner that shall belong to your said command and the trust 
 we have reposed in you, according to the several powers and authorities granted or appointed you by the present 
 Commission and Instructions herewith given you, or by such further powers, instructions and authorities as shall 
 at any time hereafter be granted or appointed you under our Signet and Sign Manual, or by our Order in our 
 Privy Council, and according to such reasonable laws and statutes as are now in force, or shall hereafter be made 
 or agreed upon by you, with the advice and consent of our respective Councils and Assemblies of our Province of 
 Nova Scotia and our Islands of St. John and Cape Breton, under your Government. And we do hereby give and 
 grant unto you full power and authority, with the advice and consent of our said respective Councils, from time to 
 time, as need shall require, to summon and call General Assemblies of the Freeholders and Planters within your 
 Government, in such manner and form as has been already appoi nted and used, or according to such further powers, 
 instructions and authorities as shall at any time hereafter be granted or appointed you under our Signet and Sign 
 Manual, or bv our Order in our Privy Council;" and further the commission proceeds : "And our will and plea- 
 sure is, that the persons thereupon duly elected by the major part of the freeholders of the respective Counties 
 and Places, and so returned, shall before their sitting take the oaths mentioned in the first recited Act of Parha- 
 ment altered as above, as also make and subscribe the aforementioned declaration, which oaths and declaration 
 you shall commissionate fit persons, under our seals of Nova Scotia, St. John and Cape Breton, respectively, to 
 tender and administer unto them ; and until the same shall be taken and subscribed, no person shall be capable of 
 sitting though elected. And we do hereby declare that the persons so elected and qualified should be called and 
 deemed the General Assembly of our Province of Nova Scotia, of our Island of St. John, and of our Island of Cape 
 
168 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 Breton, respectively ; and that you, the said John Parr, with the advice and consent of our said Councils and 
 Assemblies, or the major part of them respectively, shall have full power and authority to make, constitute and 
 ordain laws, statutes and ordinances for the public peace, welfare and good government of our said Province and 
 Islands, and of the people and inhabitants thereof, and such others as shall resort thereunto, and for the benefit of 
 us, our heirs and successors." 
 
 An instruction appears also to have been given to the said governor-general of a corresponding date, to the 
 following purport, viz. : "And whereas the situation and circumstances of our Island of Cape Breton will not at 
 present admit the calling of an Assembly, you or our Lieutenant-Governor of our said Island shall, until it appears 
 expedient to call such Assembly, in the meantime make such rules and regulations, by the advice of our Council 
 for the said Island, as shall appear to be necessary for the peace, order and good government thereof, taking care 
 that nothing be passed or done that shall any way tend to affect the life, limb or liberty of the subject, or to the 
 imposing of any duties or taxes, and that all rules and regulations be transmitted by the first opportunity after 
 they are passed and made for our approbation or disallowance." 
 
 Further instructions from his majesty to the governor-general of Nova Scotia are found in the following words, 
 viz.: "It is nevertheless our will and pleasure that due care be taken in all laws, statutes and ordinances passed 
 in our Province of Nova Scotia that the same do not extend to our Islands of Prince Edward (formerly St. John's) 
 and Cape Breton, under colour or pretence that our said Islands are included in this our Commission to you and 
 are parts of our Government of Nova Scotia." 
 
 The same instructions add further : " And it is our will and pleasure, and we do hereby declare and ordain, 
 that all and singular the powers, authorities and directions in and by this our Commission given and granted to 
 you, so far as the same extend and have relation to our Islands of Prince Edward and Cape Breton and their 
 respactive dependencies, shall be executed and enjoyed by you, or the Commander-in-Chief of our Province of 
 Nova Scotia, at such times only as he or you shall be actually upon the spot in either of our said Islands, but 
 that at all other times all and singular the said powers, authorities and directions shall be executed and enjoyed 
 by such persons whom we shall respectively appoint to be our Lieutenant-Governors of said Islands." 
 
 E. Prochimalion re-annexing Cape Brelon to Nova Scotia. 
 
 " A Proclamation by His Excellency Lieutenant-Genual Sir James Kempt, G.C.B., Lieutenant- 
 " J. Kempt. Governor and Commander-in-Chief in and over His Majesty's Province of Nova Scotia and 
 
 its dependencies, etc 
 
 " Whereas his INIajesty, with a view to promote the welfare of his faithful and loyal subjects of Nova Scotia 
 and Cape Breton, hath been graciously pleased to direct that the island of Cape Breton should be re-annexed to 
 the Government of Nova Scotia, and the same island should from henceforth be and remain an integral part of 
 the Government of Nova Scotia, 
 
 " I do therefore in pursuance of his Majesty's instructions, and by and with the advice of his Majesty's coun- 
 cil, declare that the island of Cape Breton is, and from lienceforlh shall be and remain a several and distinct 
 county of the province of Nova Scotia, to be called and known by the name of the county of Cape Breton, and to 
 Be represented, and tiie civil government thereof to be administered, in like manner as the other counties of the 
 province are administered and governed. 
 
 " And in pursuance of his Majesty's instructions I have caused a writ, in the usual form, to be immediately 
 issued, directed to the Provost-Marshal or his deputy, resident in the island, for the election of' two members to 
 serve in the General Assembly of Nova Scotia, being the number directed to be summoned to such assembly before 
 the time when the said island was first separated from the province of Nova Scotia. 
 
 " And I do hereby, in obedience to his Majesty's commands, dissolve the council of the said island of Cape 
 Breton. 
 
 " And that the peace and good order of the said island may be preserved, and justice duly administered 
 therein, until more etfectual provision shall be made by the legislature of Nova Scotia, or until further order shall 
 be duly made tlierein, I do hereby authorize and require that all judges, justices of the peace, constables and other 
 civic officers in commission in the said island, do continue in the execution of their respective offices, agreeably to 
 the several ordinances passed by the governor and council of Cape Breton, and under which the colony, since its 
 separation, has been hitherto administered. 
 
 " Given under my hand and seal at arms at Halifax, this ninth day of October, 1820, in the first year of his 
 Majesty's reign, by his Excellency's command. 
 
 " Kui'ERT D. Gboegb, 
 
 " God save the King." 
 
 Downing Street, June 2, 184G. 
 " My Lord,— 
 
 " With reference to your Lordship's despatch of the IGth May, with its enclosure, on the question of the 
 legality of the annexation in 1820 of the island of Cape Breton to Nova Scotia, and to previous despatches on the 
 same subject, I have now to inform your Lordship that the petition addressed to the Queeu-in- council by certain 
 inhabitants of Cape Breton, praying for the separation of that island from Nova Scotia, having, by her Majesty's 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. ^qq 
 
 tioners ; and the attorney and solicitor^reral were Hl^^se ea^^^^ Z^uJT l'^'""^ on behalf of the peti- 
 been made, which her Majesty was please.l to annmv« m ?l,i ion °" ''^''f ^ of ^he Crown. A report lias since 
 Council, stating that' the inliabitants of Can«RmT^^ l\ ?"' *^''-^i ^J ^"'^ wiih the advice of the Privy 
 
 granted'tothembytholetters-Jatentofmf .^^^^^^^^ '"rr''^ ° ^'^ «°"«"'"''°^^ ^'''P^'^^'^ '^ ^^ 
 
 make known this decision to tL inhabitant^ oUhe colony und^z^^ourcba^g". ' ''''"' '° '"'''''' "^"' ^^^ ^'^^^''^ 
 
 " I have the, etc., etc., 
 " Lt.-Governor Viscount Falkland." "•^' ^- Gtladstonb. 
 
 XVII. An Official Fbbncii Statement of the Military Establishment at Louisboueg in 1753. 
 
 mJJ'IT^"^ "'^IT' 'TT"" '""^ "'' " ''"''''''' ^'°'°"'^''''^ ^' >^ ^^""^ '" 1^^"«' -"^d i« -mentioned in M. 
 Marmette s summary (" Can. Arch.," 1887, p. 371) as " an important document " :- 
 
 " Colonies-Isle Eoyale-General correspondence-1753-M. de Raymond, governor. Vol. 33, c. 11, folio 221." 
 
 LOUISBOURG, 1753. 
 
 "General enumeration of officers' quarters (pavilions), barracks, guardhouses, powder magazines, and all 
 other buildings except provision stores in this place." 
 
 '■ Officers' Quarters : 
 
 == th'7^r,*<?ii=if'''''® f^®*'" ■? only one building,! ^ pavilion, for the accommodation of officers, that generahv known 
 ll f^fi^n^ nnHThrl^n'"^'h'''f ^*?'^-°'' the pla form (terre-plein) of the Queen's bastion. It has a lenlth of 21 toises^ 
 
 14 ft. 6 in and a breadth of 5 toises, 4 ft. 4 in. It was built entirely of wood-double thickness-by the En<^Ush 
 
 7'*J T^ ''.°''y ?°'i ^ g\™t- " '« covered with shingles and divided into 32 rooms of 16 ft. 6 in. in length and 
 16 It. o in. in width each. " 
 
 _ "Opposite the foregoing officers' quarters is a building with a length of 22 ft. 8 in. and width of 18 toises 5 ft., 
 including a projection in front of 40 fD. in length and 3 ft. 10 in. in width. It was constructed in wood by the Eng- 
 lish, for the purposes of an hospital, and is covered with shingles. At the present time it is of no use, and in fa5t 
 
 15 not completed in all essential respects for the object contemplated. 
 
 " Barracks .' 
 
 " In this place there are three separate barracks for the accommodation of the soldiers. The two first gener- 
 ally known as the English barracks, have a length of 32 toises 2 ft. 6 in., and a breadth of 5 toises 3 ft. 6 in. each. 
 Ihey stand at the entrance of the Queen's bastion, and are built uniform with one story and a garret entirely of 
 wood and covered with shingles. They are divided each into 32 rooms of 20 ft. 7 in. in length and 16 ft 3 in in 
 width. Total, 64 rooms. 
 
 '_' The third block of barracks of the fort is ^tuated at the entrance of the king's bastion, and has a length of 
 42 toises 2 ft. and a width of 7 toises. It is built entirely of masonry with one story and a garret, covered with 
 shingles, and divided into 36 rooms, of which 26 are IS ft. square, and 10 are 12 ft. x 18 ft. 
 
 " Connected with the barracks are two pavilions, the one known as the government pavilion and the other as 
 the old commissariat or intendancy. 
 
 " The first pavilion has been always used by the government, and stands at the right end of the barracks. It 
 is constructed of masonry, 8 toises 1 ft. in length and 7 toises in width, with subterraneous cellars, kitchens on 
 the ground floor, and two stories for living rooms. It is covered with slate and is divided up as follows : On the 
 ground floor are the kitchens and two apartments for the council. 
 
 " The first story comprises an office, a large ante-chamber or waiting room, a sleeping apartment, a dressing 
 room, wardrobe and a ijrivate entrance for the master of the house. The second story is divided into three large 
 rooms for the use of the servants. From this statement it is easy to judge that the accommodation is roomy and 
 convenient in every respect. 
 
 " The second pavilion, known as the old intendancy, is situated at the other end of the barracks in question, 
 and is of the same size as the one just mentioned. Like that it is built with a ground floor, but it has only a story 
 and a garret above. It is covered with shingles and divided into eight rooms, of which four are low and four high. 
 " 'Two blocks of buildings, generally known as the Queen's gate barracks, were also built by the English, with 
 a length of 15 toises 5 ft. and a width of 3 toises 4 ft. 8 in. They are situated, one to the right and the other to the 
 left, on this side of the guardhouse of the gate in question. They are slightly built of wood with a garret only, 
 covered with shingles, and divided each into five rooms of 18 ft. square. 
 
 " It is noticeable that these barracks were built on a bottom of stone masonry, in a very flimsy manner and 
 entirely in wood. It is then easy to understand that they are very cold and only suited for lodging the soldiers 
 temporarily during the summer, and thirty-six men could not live in one of these rooms without sufifering many 
 inconveniences. 
 
 " At the entrance of each of these rooms is a front {avant-corps) 6 feet in length and of as many in width, raised 
 about 2 feet above the level of the street, and intended to modify the severity of the cold. 
 
 ' All these buildings are here referred to as numbered on an otEcial plan in the government office. I have not been able to obtain this 
 plan, but their location oaa be as a rule fixed by reference to the general plan of the town at the end of this work, 
 s A tpise was an old long measure in France, containing 6 French feet or 6 ft. 4.73 English measurement. 
 
 22 
 
170 CAPE BEETOIST AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 " Buildings used as Lodgings : 
 
 " The quarters of the commissary, facing the quay, are enclosed in a space of 33 toises 4 ft. 6 in. in length and 
 of 13 toises 5 ft. in width, and are covered with shingles. This building is not large enough for all the offices con- 
 nected therewith. 
 
 " The quarters of the engineei-, standing behind the storehouse for provisions, take up a space of 27 toises 1 ft. 
 6 in. in length and 1 6 toises 4 ft. 4 in. in width. This establisliment, composed of a ground floor of one story under 
 the garret, of a court, a backyard, a stable, a pigeon-house and a garden, has many advantages. 
 
 " The house of the executioner, behind the guardhouse of the Queen's gate, is built entirely of wood, with a 
 length, of 24 ft. 6 in. and a widtli of 13 ft. G in. This place is vacant in the absence of an executioner. 
 
 " The hospital takes up considerable space ; its several buildings contain four halls, two above and two below, 
 and seventy-four beds for as many sick. The establishment connected with this hospital is considerable ; apart 
 from the four halls, there are buildings for the accommodation of the Fathers of Charity and of the staflf generally. 
 
 " Guardhouses ; 
 
 " There are in this place nine isolated buildings used as guardhouses, viz. : 
 
 " The two guardhouses of the Queen's gate, one to the right and the other to the left, built in masonry, 30 ft. 
 in length and 20 in width, with a gallery of 6 ft. wide in front, and covered with slate. 
 
 " That on the right is divided into two equal parts, the one for the officer and the other as a storeroom for the 
 supplies of the post. 
 
 "That on the left is also divided into two parts; in one, 20 ft. in length, are the soldiers, in the other are the 
 latrines. 
 
 " The guardhouse of the Place d'Armes, in the covered way of the entrance of the King's bastion, is built of 
 masonry, 34 ft. 4 in. in length and 20 ft. 3 in. in width, with a gallery of 6 ft. wide in front. It is covered with 
 shingles, and divided into two parts, of which one, 9 ft. 6 in. in length, is used by the officers, and the other, 20 ft. 
 long, by the soldiers. 
 
 " The guardhouse on the platform of the Dauphin bastion is 48 ft. in length and 29 in width, built of masonry, 
 covered with shingles, and divided into two parts, of which one is for the soldiers and the other for the officer. 
 
 " The guardhouse at the right of the Dauphin gate is built of masonry, 16 ft. 6 in. in length by 15 ft. in width, 
 and is covered with shingles. 
 
 " Tlie guardhouse of the soldiers at the same gate, between the side face of the Cavalier or inner bastion and 
 the rear of the surrounding wall, is constructed of masonry, 22 ft. 3 in. in length and 19 ft. 6 in. in width, and 
 covered with shingles. 
 
 " The guardhouse of the Battery de la Greve, on the flank of the left face of the work in question, is built of 
 masonry, 24 ft. in length and 22 ft. in width, with a large gallery of 9 ft. in the front, covered with shingles, and 
 divided into two parts, one for the officer and the other for the soldiers, each of 24 ft. 10 in. In the rear, and 
 running the length of the guardhouse is a wooden lean-to, 8 ft- in length, used as a storehouse for coal for heating 
 the post. 
 
 " Two guardhouses at the Maurepas gate, one on the right and the other on the left, are built of masonry, 22 ft. 
 
 9 in. in length and 20 ft. 10 in. in width, -with a gallery of 6 in. wide in front, and covered with shingles. The one 
 on the right is divided into two parts; one of 18 ft. in width is for the use of the officer, and the other, of 7 ft., 
 serves as a storeroom for the supplies of the post. At the rear there is also a lean-to of 21 ft. in length and 8 ft. 2 in. 
 in width, built of wood, and used for the same purpose as the preceding. 
 
 " The other guard house on the left is set apart for the soldiers. 
 
 " Poxoder Magazines, Armoury, and other Buildings Used by the Artillery : 
 
 " The powder magazine u the Dauphin bastion has 30 feet 6 in. of length, and 34 ft. 8 in. of width, is built of 
 masonry, with a bomb-proof vault, covered with shingles, and can hold 30,000 lbs. of powder by piling up the 
 barrels as far as the vault allows, as is the case at present. 
 
 " The powder house on the platform of the Brouillan bastion was built by the English with brick of a half inch 
 thickness, and covered with shingles. It is 45 ft. in length and 28 ft. 4 in. in width, surrounded by pallisades set 
 at 12 ft. distance from its walls. It contains actually 98,000 lbs. of powder. The weak construction of this building 
 has always made it dangerous. 
 
 " The armoury of 11 toises in length stands in the building numbered 41 on the plan and was built entirely of 
 wood by the English, with 19 toises 3 ft. 6 in. in length and 5 toises ft. 6 in. in width. It is furnished with four 
 rows of arm racks, in which there are at present 4,018 guns. 
 
 " A shed standing opposite the building just named is built entirely of masonry, with a length of 28 toises and 
 a width of 4 toises 8 in. It is covered with slate and is used to store gun carriages, platforms and such materials. 
 Boom has been made in this building for the forge and gunsmith. 
 
 " Other Buildings : 
 
 " At the foot of the interior slope at the angle of the flank of the Grave battery is a covered place (convert) 
 built entirely of wood, 21 feet in length and 12 in width. 
 
 " A similar covered building, at the angle of the left flank of the Maurepas bastion, is built entirely of wood, 
 13 ft. 9 in. in length and 7 ft. 9 in. in width. 
 
 " Another building like the preceding is placed at the angle of the flank of the Brouillan bastion and is 12 ft. 
 4 in. in length and 6 ft. in width. 
 
 " At the angle of the flank of the Princess's bastion is a small covered place for the use of the staff of the bat- 
 tery ; it is raised to the height of the parapet of the right side of the bastion, for the purpose of exercising the 
 gunners. 
 
 " Above the arch of the passage-way of the Queen's gate is a small building of 12 ft. 7 in. in length and 11 ft. 
 
 10 in. in width, built of masonry, and covered with slate. This building [adds the writer of the report] is not of 
 any use at present ; it has been intended as much to protect part of the arch of the gate's passage-way as to serve 
 for munitions of war, and otherwise assist in the defence of this point. 
 
 " In the middle of the curtain between the Queen's and King's bastions is another building, over the arch of 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 171 
 
 the passage-way of a postern to the moat, constructed of masonry, 12 ft. in length and 18 ft. in width, and covered 
 
 » Ai ■ '^ intended to answer the same pnrpoae as the one last mentioned. 
 o,,^ . ''^ the Maurepaa gate is a small building, 12 ft. 7 in. in length and J 1 ft. 10 in. in width, built of masonry 
 tllh^f • J'* ^l^'f" , J^'^. bi'Wing must have cost a good deal, on account of the quantity of freestone with 
 whiehit IS decorated, but at present it is falling to pieces and will be probably erelong pulled down and its 
 materials used for other purposes. 
 
 " Ice-Souse : 
 
 " At the foot of the glacis of the angle of the right branch of the covered way of the entrance of the King's 
 bastion is an ice-houso of 22 ft. m diameter, built of masonry and covered with shingles. 
 
 " Vavits: 
 
 ■ "^u^^^;?^^^ ?^ *® *^° flanks of the King's bastion are six underground vaults of 32 ft. in length and 12 ft. 
 in width, and another extending from the two sides of the bastion. Altogether fourteen underground vaults, five 
 ol which are used as dungeons for prisoners. 
 
 " Wooden Sentry-Boxes : 
 
 ■ xi" •?^?'"®. ^""^ j'^ *''^® P'^f's forty-five sentry-boxes made of timber, placed at difierent parts of the rampart and 
 m the interior of the town. i- f 
 
 " Stone Sentry-Boxes : 
 
 " There are at the angles of the walls enclosing the difierent works within the place seven stone sentry-boxes. 
 
 " Sluices : 
 
 " There are in this place two sluices, one in the middle of the embankment (batardeau) of the Dauphin gate- 
 Its passage of 2 ft. in width and 2 ft. 2 in. in height is closed by a sluice gate. It is used to drain the waters of 
 the marsh which protects the curtain between the King's bastion and the Dauphin's bastion. 
 
 "The other is situated in the middle of the right face of the front, facing the port, with a passage of 3 ft. 6 in. 
 in height and 2 ft. 8 in. in width ; it serves at low tide to empty the waters of the pond. 
 
 "Wells: 
 
 " There are in the place nineteen wells, either public on the streets or private in the houses, all kept up at the 
 expense of the king. 
 
 " Brewery ; 
 
 " The allowance of beer each month for the soldiers renders a brewery necessary. As there was none in town 
 at the time the French regained possession of the place, it was necessary to rent a house at the.rate of 250 livres a 
 year. But this house was a tumble-down affair, and it was necessary to build another, 8 toises 2 ft. 3 in. in 
 lengthand 3 toises 4 ft. 3 in. in width, entirely of masonry, and furnish it with eight boilers. It stands on the 
 street in the vicinity of the English barracks. 
 
 " A storehouse for wood and coal, required for the heating of the garrison, is situated on the edge of the pond 
 opposite the wharf in that vicinity. 'The situation is exposed to the high tides, from which it is only protected by 
 palisades, and was only chosen on account of the neighbourhood of the wharf and to avoid any long carriage. 
 
 "The king's garden is situated at the foot of the glacis of the left branch of the covered way of the entrance of 
 the King's bastion, ard surrounded by a picket fence. It is 30 toises 5 ft. in length and 21 toises 5 ft. in width 
 
 " Done at Louisbourg, 9th Oct., 1753." 
 
 [The signature to this document has been cut by the binder of the archives and cannot be read, but it was 
 probably Commissary Provost's. On the margin of the documents there are remarks as to the condition of the 
 buildings, their furniture, and the accommodation tliey afforded. The writer states, in the course of his observa- 
 tions, that the garrison at that time (1753) was nominally composed of twenty-flve companies of 50 men each, 
 but five of these were constantly on duty elsewhere, even out of the island itself, and the total force was actually 
 1,000 men in barracks. The accommodation, according to the writer, was not suflioient for the comfort and con- 
 venience of the military. J. G. B.] 
 
 XVIII. Statements Ebspecting the Fisheries and Commerce of Cape Breton, 1745-1758. 
 
 From the " Archives Coloniales de la Marine," Paris. " Colonies— Isle Eoyale— General Correspondence— 
 1775-1748— M. Bigot, Commissary," vol. xxvii, c. ii, folio 312. 
 
 " The importance of Cape Breton to the English nation is shown by the following computation {supputation) of 
 the French fisheries, according to the latest data at hand. 
 
 " From the Gut of Canso down along the shore of Louisbourg, and from tlience to the northeast part of Cape 
 Breton, there was yearly employed at least 500 shallops. And these required, on sea and on shore, 5 men each, 
 which amount to 2,500 men, and 60 brigantines, schooners and sloops, each of 15 men, making 900 men more, 
 which together make 3,400 men. , . ,, , ,., . -, ■ -.r-^,.^^ 
 
 " Allow the 500 shallops to catch 300 quintals of fish each in the summer season, and the whole is 150,000 
 quintals, and the 60 brigs, schooners, etc., each 600 quintals, which make 36,000 more. So that there is made at 
 Cape Breton annually of fish 186,000 quintals. 
 
172 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMOEIALS. 
 
 " Now to carry this fish to Europe, to market, there must be employed 93 sail of ships of the burthen of 2,000 
 quintals each, one with the other, and each of these ships have at least 20 men, which are 1,860 seamen. And 
 these, added to the 3,400 fishermen above, make 5,260 men employed at Cape Breton only in the fishery. 
 
 " At Gasp6, Quadre and other harbours mentioned in the following estimation there are six ships yearly, 
 which, as they come out from France manned to catch their own cargoes of shallops, they haul up and leave in 
 the country every winter, till they return the next spring, one with another may be allowed 60 hands. And it has 
 always been allowed from St. Maloes and Granville they have at least 300 sail of these ships in the fishery, and 
 fish at Petit Nord,' Fishante, Belle-Isle and the Gulph, which will, all computed as above (allowing those ships 
 that so come out to make their own voyages to carry each 3,000 quintals), be as follows : 
 
 AtCapeBreton 93 5,260 189,000 
 
 AtGaspay 6 360 18,000 
 
 AtQuadre 6 360 18,000 
 
 At Port au Basques 6 360 18,000 
 
 At Les Foils [Trois?] Isles 3 180 9,000 
 
 StMalo'smen 300 18,000 900,000 
 
 414 24,520 1,152,000 
 
 " Here it may be objected that of the 300 ships above from St. Malo (which they insist upon) some of them 
 are of those ships above reckoned at Gaspay, Quadre, etc., which is well known to be so. But then no regard is 
 here had to the ships so employed, among the rest, from St. Juan de Luz, Bayonne, Nantz, Havre do Grace, etc., 
 which go annually into those parts on the same voyage, and are a great many more in number than those twenty- 
 one ships above, and would, could an exact list be had, much swell the account. 
 
 " Besides all these there have been constantly from the river Sendre, Olone,^ le Poiton, Havre, etc., 150 ships at 
 least, the French say 200 sail, employed in the Mud Fishery or Mort Vert (as they call it) from sixteen to twenty- 
 four men each, which carry home, upon an average, from 22,000 to 30,000 fish in number ; which make, on the 
 most moderate estimate, 150 sail of ships, and on a medium, at 20 men each, employ 3,000 men, and in the whole 
 3,900,000 fishes in Tale. These ships are fitted out in France for their voyages on the banks, and there tarry until 
 they are laden, unless they meet with any disturbance, in which case the}' resort to Cape Breton for shelter and 
 supplies, and from thence home to France. And it was thus frequent for them when they had made their voyages 
 to go into Cape Breton for water especially, as they had no other port. 
 
 " In regard to the value of this branch of the trade it is necessary here to observe that there is hereby pro- 
 duced a large quantity of train oil, which France has always an immediate demand for at home for their woollen 
 manufactures, lights, etc, and with which also their sugar colonies, that cannot do without it, are yearly sup- 
 plied. It is certainly well known that they either do, or may at least make one hogshead of sixty gallons of oil, 
 clear drawn ofl'from the blubber, out of every hundred quintals of fish. And this, out of the quantity of fish 
 before mentioned, will produce 11,490 hogsheads of oil. And, allowing that 4,000 fishes in numberare equal to 100 
 quintals when cured, then the 3,900,000 mud fish, by the same rule, will yield 975 hogsheads of oil, which, added 
 to the other, make 12,465 hogsheads of train oil, which are equal to 3,116 tons and a quarter. 
 
 " Now let the 1,149,000 quintals of fish be valued only at lOs. sterling per quintal, the £ s. 
 
 prime cost usually at Newfoundland, and it is worth 574,500 00 
 
 " And to this allow 3s. sterling freight per quintal of it, in English bottoms, to market. .. 172,350 00 
 
 " And then the fish only is worth 746,850 00 
 
 " And let the 3,116 and quarter tons of oil be valued at £18 sterling per ton, the amount 
 
 otitis 56,092 10 
 
 " As to the mud-fish, it is generally sold in France at 1,000 livresper 1,000 fish ; and then 
 
 at lid. sterling per livre their value is 178,750 00 
 
 " And thus it appears that one j^ear's fishery of the French only is worth, sterling 981,692 10 
 
 which great branch of trade in a manner depends entirely on their possession of the island of Cape Breton, as it is 
 impossible to carry it on without some convenient harbour of strength, etc., to supply, support and protect it; and 
 it is now with us to determine whether they shall enjoy it or not." 
 
 [The foregoing computation of the French fishery (as I have given it) is found in English in " The Works 
 of James Houstoun,M.D.," (London, 1753, pp. 370-376). Houstoun's correspondent, who gives an account of the 
 siege of 1745, says that the computation "was given to General Pepperrell on the spot by such of ourselves 
 who, at Canso and Louisbourg, have been eye-witnesses of it, and from their captains, etc., of their ships at difier- 
 ent occasional conversations on comparing the French fishery with the English, and transmitted by the General to 
 Great Britain, for the consideration of his Majesty in Council and our British Parliament." The computation 
 appears to have appeared in various English pamphlets after the capture of Louisbourg in 1745. The following 
 note on the subject from Dr. Justin Winsor corroborates the statement : 
 
 '"The Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton, etc.,' London, 1746 (which is by some attributed to Wm. 
 Bollan), says, p. 84 : ' Having in my possession ' A Computation of the I>ench Fishery as it was managed before 
 the Present War,' I should have inserted it here if I had not met with it in a pamphlet lately printed at Exeter 
 entitled ' An Accurate Journal and Account of the Proceedings of the New England Land Forces during the late' 
 Expedition against the French Settlements in Cape Breton.' 
 
 ^ Petit Nord was the name given to ttie nortliwestern waters ami coast of Newfoundl.and. See Bellin's map of Terre-Neuve Charle- 
 voix, vol. ii. Quadre, Port aux Basques, LeS Foils [Trois] Isles and Fishante were all places on that coast. 
 - Sables D'Olonne in France. The names in this computation arc as a rule inaccurately given. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 173 
 
 " ' The Computation,' etc., is also referred to in ' The Great Importance of Cape Breton Demonstrated and 
 Exemplified ' ( London, 1746), where (pp. 46-49), in a footnote, is given an extract from it, which corresponds exactly 
 with the paragraphs in ' Dr. Uoustoun's Memoirs,' which begin p. 370, ' From the Gut of Canso,' and end p. 376, at 
 the bottom of the page."] 
 
 The following are extracts from the French archives, which give official and reliable information as to the 
 value of the commerce and fisheries of Cape Breton at a later period than that in the mere computation or estimate 
 just mentioned : 
 
 II. 
 
 " He Royale— General Correspondence— 1753," vol. xxxiii, c. xi, folio 496. 
 
 " General statement of the vessels and shallops engaged in the fisheries of He Royale during the summer of 
 1752: 
 
 Place op Fishery. 
 
 On account of the inhabitants or vessels 
 engaged in trade. 
 
 Sloops and schooners. 
 
 Shallops. 
 
 
 46 
 
 24 
 47 
 29 
 11 
 16 
 
 4 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 
 T_ja Balpinfi 
 
 Tj« Petit Bras d'Or 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 46 
 
 148 
 
 " We, the officers of the Admiralty at Louisbourg, certify to the accuracy of the foregoing statement this 10th 
 of January, 1753. • « n. t.» Rn«n«. 
 
 III. 
 
 "Db la Boedb. 
 " Neyraoq." 
 
 " He Royale— General Correspondence— 1753," vol. xxxiii, c. xi, folio 49o. 
 " Addition to the foregoing letter of the officers of the Admiralty of the 10th of January, 1753. 
 "Statement of the vessels arrived for the fishing and trade of the island, and of those which have been titted 
 out for France, the islands of America, and Canada during 1752 : 
 
 Ports op Sailing. 
 
 Bayonne • 
 
 St. Jean de Luz 
 
 St.Malo 
 
 Nantes 
 
 La Bochelle 
 
 Sables d'Olonne 
 
 Bordeaux 
 
 L'Orient 
 
 Cherbourg 
 
 Isles d'Am^rique 
 
 Canada 
 
 Coasts of Boston [New England] 
 
 Places op Aeeival. 
 
 Louisbourg. 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 67 
 
 17 
 
 156 
 
 273 
 
 Niganiche. 
 
 Petit Degras. 
 
174 CAPE BEETON AND ITS MEMORIALS. 
 
 " Yessels fitted out at He Royale : 
 
 Europe 11 
 
 Canada 4 
 
 America 18 
 
 33 
 
 " We, the oflBcers of the Admiralty at Louisbourg, certify to the accuracy of the foregoing statement. 
 " loth January, 1753. 
 
 " Db la Boedk. 
 
 " Nmyeacq." 
 
 IV. 
 
 '' He Royale — General correspondence, 1753 — vol. 33, c. 11, folio 437. 
 
 '' M. Prevost, intendant, 24th December, 1753, on the state of the fisheries and trade of the island. To the 
 minister at Paris. 
 
 ***** « »* * 
 
 " You will see with pleasure that there is an increase in the fisheries of 1753 over those of 1752, since the total 
 product is 98,450 quintals of codfish and 1,154J barrels of oil. The general value of these fisheries ought to reach, 
 according to the present estimate, the sum of 2,084,450 livres, which exceeds that of 1752 by 312,490 livres — the 
 estimate for that year having been only 1,771,960 livres. 
 
 ****** * * * 
 
 " The commerce with France shows an increase in the imports, which are valued at 1,063,337 livres 6 sous 
 2 deuiers, and the exports at 735,805 livres 12 sous 2 deniers, or 327,5311. 14s. less than the imports. It does not, 
 however, follow that this whole sum is owing to the kingdom. The people of the island have an interest in the 
 cargoes of the ships from France, and a large quantity of goods is sent for sale on commission to supply the ware- 
 houses during the winter. Jt is quite possible, however, that the colonial merchants still owe something every 
 year to their agents in France, who are frequently in the habit of malting them advances. But this cannot be 
 done on a very considerable scale, for I have heard of no complaints on this score. 
 
 " Canada has not exported any goods during this year to the colony, but she has imported them to the value 
 of 111,1571. 19s. This amount has not yet been returned on account of an arrangement made for bills of exchange 
 in October, The correspondents of our merchants, however, hold out hopes that they will make remittances next 
 spring. It is to be hoped that this will be the case, for such delays can only tend to lower credit and derange 
 trade. 
 
 " You will also notice, my Lord, that the imports of merchandise from the Windward and Leeward islands 
 have reached the sum of 1,112,8831. 3s., and the exporfs to the same, 673,8631. 19s. 6d. The imports consequently 
 exceed the exports by 489,0191. 3s. 6d. This excess will always exist on account of the considerable equipment 
 that the people make nowadays for the islands. The outlays being of little importance compared with the returns, 
 especially when they make good voyages, it is absolutely necessarj' that the outfits of the spring form an 
 important item in the imports. Here we clearly see something of the advantages of the trade between Cape 
 Breton, Martinique and Gaudaloupe. This year the number of sails for these parts of America have been excep- 
 tionally large. Many sloops and schooners [batteaux et goelettes '] have been fitted out, and there are still some 
 ready to go out in January and February. They are only waiting to sail until the supply of cod made this autumn 
 is exhausted. 
 
 " This trade would be extremely lucrative and advantageous to this country, if the vessels of western New- 
 foundland (Petit Nord) and Gasp6 had not undertaken to send, since two or three years, a great quantity of codfisli 
 into the islands, and there is no other way of sustaining He Royale than by imposing a tax on American fish or 
 by increasing it on the fish of North Bay and Gasp6. 
 
 " As to the English trade, I have obeyed your orders, and you will see also by the statements you have asked 
 for that the imports exceed the exports by 258,3981. SOs. Id., including the price of the vessels bought, viz., 284,2301., 
 in the place of 270,0001., as estimated at first. ... As respects the purchase of vessels, our merchants still owe 
 the English on this account 129,3001., which is to be paid in the month of June next year in the shape of rum and 
 syrups." 
 
 > Chabert (" Relation du Voyage sur les Cfltos de I'Am^rique Septentrionale," pp. 44, 113) says that a batteau had a tonnage of from 80 
 to 100, and only one mast (a sloop in fact) ; a goelette was about the same size, but had two masts. This class was chiefly used in the Cape 
 Breton fisheries. A chaloupe was a large undecked fishing boat, with two masts and three sails, and fitted for rowing ; generally like the 
 " whale-boats " in use now on the coasts of the island. 
 
CAPE BEETON AND ITS MBMOEIALS. 
 
 175 
 
 The following important table — which I translate also into English — is appended to the foregoing report : 
 
 ISLE BOY ALE 
 1853. 
 
 Harres ou se fait la pesohe 
 et le oommerce 
 
 Harbours io which the 
 
 fisheries and trading have 
 
 been carried on. 
 
 Daspe 
 
 Anse du Bidsagne ■ 
 
 Nagassou 
 
 Niganiche 
 
 Port Dauphin 
 
 Petit Bras dor 
 
 L'Indienne 
 
 Scatary 
 
 La Baleine 
 
 Petit Laurentbec. 
 
 Louisbourg 
 
 Baye de Gabory. .. 
 Havre & fourch€. . . 
 
 Saint Esprit 
 
 Arch^oiii 
 
 Isles Michaax 
 
 Petit Degras 
 
 Nerichac 
 
 Port Toulouze 
 
 Isle St. Jean 
 
 Isles de la Magdeleine 
 L'ArdOise 
 
 PESCHE DE MOBUE 
 COD FISHING 
 
 Habitans 
 
 Belonging to the 
 
 Island. 
 
 Ohaloupes 
 Shallops 
 
 Goelottes 
 Schooners 
 
 Vaisseaux 
 Xo other places. 
 
 Chaloupes 
 Shallops 
 
 GoSlettes 
 ■Schooners 
 
 COMMEECE 
 TBADE 
 
 Vaissaux veiius de 
 
 France 
 Vessels from France 
 
 En Traits 
 et Pesche 
 
 Trading 
 
 and 
 Fishing 
 
 En Traits 
 seulement 
 
 Trading 
 
 only 
 
 Batimens 
 des 
 
 habitans 
 pour le 
 
 cabotage 
 
 et le com- 
 merce 
 
 Vessels 
 
 of the 
 
 Island, 
 
 coasting 
 
 & trading 
 
 Bati- 
 ments 
 venus 
 
 du 
 Canada 
 
 Cana- 
 dian 
 
 Bati- 
 ments 
 venus 
 dela 
 Nouvelle 
 Angle- 
 terre 
 
 Vessels 
 from New 
 England 
 
 17 
 
 25 
 
 16 
 5 
 
 16 
 18 
 51 
 19 
 3 
 
 35 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 10 
 
 37 
 
 57 
 
 54 
 
 150 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 ]4 
 8 
 
 Total. 
 
 209 
 
 36 
 
 41 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 
 37 
 
 80 
 
 54 
 
 150 
 
 Bemarques. 
 
 Quoy qu'il y ait des 
 ports" sur cette carte 
 oi il n'y a point des 
 chaloupes port^es il y 
 en k cependant plu' 
 sieurs qui y ont fait 
 la pesche d'automne. 
 
 II y a eu 5 Batimens 
 de construit cette an- 
 nie dans I'Isle et 34 
 goelettes et Batteaux 
 et un navire achet^ 
 des Anglais. Fait i 
 Louisbourg ce 24 xbre. 
 1873. Provost. 
 
 Bbmabes. 
 Though there _ are 
 some ports on this ta- 
 ble where no shallops 
 are given,nevertheless 
 in several of them a fall 
 fishing was carried on, 
 
 Five ships were built 
 this year in the island 
 and 34 schooners and 
 sloops, and one vessel 
 bought from the Eng- 
 lish. Done at Louis- 
 bourg this 24th of De- 
 cembr, 1753. Prdvost. 
 
 E^CAPITULATION DE LA PESCHE DE 1753. 
 
 250 chaloupes des habitans et vaisseaux ont peschfes pendant I'^t^ de la 
 
 pr^sente annfe 1753 et 230 qtaux— I'uns portant I'autre 57500 qtaux. 
 
 50 Batteaux et Goelettes des habitans et V'aux ont pesch^s pendt idem 
 
 720 qtaux— -L'uns portant I'autre 36000 " 
 
 110 chaloupes des habitans ont fait pendt I'automne de I'ann^e d're a 49 
 
 qtaux — L'une portant L'autre . • ; • • • 4:950 
 
 Les 98450 quinteaux de Moriie ont produit a Eaison d'une Barrique 
 
 d'huille par 100 quintaux 984J bariques. 
 
 Et il a 6t6 fait aux Isles de la Magdeleine par la tuerie des vaches mari- 
 nes 170 
 
 1154J " 
 Produit de la pesche en France :— 
 
 98450 quinteaux de moriie ont produit k 20 liv. le quintal cy 1,969,000 liv. 
 
 1154 bariques d'huille de poisson k 100 liv. la Barique 115,450 " 
 
 Total 2,084,450 " 
 
 SUMMAEY OF THE FISHERIES IN 1753. 
 250 shallops of the Island and elsewhere have fished during the summer . 
 
 of the present year and each has caught on the average 250 quintals. 57,500 quintals. 
 50 sloops and schooners of the Island and elsewhere have fished during 
 
 the same time, each averaging 720 qtls _ — ■••■,' * 
 
 110 shallops of the Island have fished in the fall, each averaging 49 qtls, 
 The 98,450 qtls of codfish (enumerated above) have produced at the rate 
 
 of one barrel of oil for 100 qtls ■ 
 
 At the Magdalen Islands, the sea-cows have produced 
 
 36,000 
 4,950 
 
 984J barrels. 
 170 
 
 liv. 
 
 1145^ 
 
 Product of the fisheries in France :-- ,. , ^, ^ q„q „„„ 
 
 98,450 qtls of codfish have brought @ 20 liv. the qtl ^'Tr/rJi 
 
 11,54 barrels of oil ©100 liv. the barrel 115,450 
 
 Total 2,084,450 " 
 
 rr,- •- *i,!= .,=0,. -^aa ronrHi nhniit 1 frano 66 cents. (See Cheruel, Dictionnaire historiciue des Institutions 
 ,1,^t,V/rc°e!arMonarinlg^^^^^^^^^ °f ^^e cktch of 1753 was about £50.000.] 
 
 The foregoing documents have been copied from the Colonial archives, under the direction of M. Gambecfl, to whom and Mr- Hector 
 Fabre, Agent-General of Canada, at Paris, the author is under obligations- 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTE. 
 
 The " Gentleman's Magazine and Historical Chronicle," (London), for 1745 and 1758, contains several short 
 accounts of the two sieges of Louisbourg (see vols. 15 and 28) and contemporary opinion of the importance of 
 Cape Breton. In vol. 28 there is a reproduction of part of Gridley's survey of the city and harbour of Louis- 
 bourg. — It is necessary to correct a statement made on p. 151 of the critical notes to this work. The same 
 magazine (vol. 28) contains extracts from poems by Rev. Mr. Pulloin and Valentine Nevil on the taking of 
 Louisbourg, the latter written " on board the Oxford man-of-war in that harbour." — Parkman's recent work, 
 "A Half-Century of Conflict," gives in the Appendix, "Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg contenant une Rela- 
 tion exaote et circonstanci^e de la prise de ITsle Royale par les Anglois." (See supra, pp. 43, 150). The account 
 of the siege of 1745 by Parkman is the same that appeared in the "Atlantic Monthly " for 1891. See supra, p. 
 150). — On p. 63, supra, line 4 from top, read '• New England " for " England " — Oa p. 80, 10th line from foot, 
 for Frederick Wallis Desbarres, read Major F. Wallet DesBarres. — To App. XV should be added ''Acadia " by 
 F. S. Cozzens, (New York, 1859), in which there is a pleasing description of Louisbourg, and Cape Breton scenery. 
 — Abb6 Casgrain in " Montcalm and L6vis," (Quebec, 1891), has a valuable account of the siege of 1758, with an 
 eclectic plan. 
 
Trans. E.S.t'., 1891. 
 
 LOUISBOURG. 
 
 Sec. II. Plate II. 
 
 VILLAGE OF LOUISBOURG, 1891 
 
 ,^^m^ 
 
 Wm^^ 
 
 '-■'S^*^;^ 
 
 RUINS OF CASEMATES AT LOUISBOURG, 189; 
 
 To illustrate Dr. J. G. Bourinot's Paper on Cape Breton. 
 
Trans. E. S. C, 1891. 
 
 Sec. II. Plate III. 
 
 To illustrate Dr. J. G. Bourinot's Paper on Cape Breton. 
 
Trans. R. S. C, 1891. 
 
 Sec. II. Plate IV. 
 
 !Ex|)I(uiation 
 
 1 Glacis 
 
 2 Cooeit Why 
 
 3 Tnioerses 
 
 5 /hnynet 
 
 6 Rampfut 
 
 7 Taltis or. Slope ^f' 
 
 fficJf/tttaiart' 
 
 8 Civgemars 
 
 9 Fo/tififd Cn xeirtnts 
 
 10 fiuanlHuiises 
 
 11 GevenwiJiAiHirhneHts 
 
 12 r^^/^"/ 
 
 13 Jiuj'inck^ 
 
 15 Foiii/iat/tofi House 
 1 b .Ansrn tU i-BaJte Hitufie 
 
 The R'ome 
 
 /•^. Glacis d Catintei'srarp 1/ JSmitiifff 
 
 b. liftnquef e THtrh 7/ HampMt' ' 
 
 c. C'oOi'HM^'' J^ Hiirojft' i Tahis 
 
 ^^^APLAJT of£he ClTV7acnaPonTrF'KATION^S,aP 
 
 L O Cri S n U R 6: 
 
 froirL a Survey made TjyHlCHARD Griduey; 
 IiUiil. CoU. (f thcTrain ofArtiUeryin Jy45 
 
 ^AiJim/iorl/wtYoT\j^n'(u)taA-enm^elf^(^ini. 
 
 /7'fi ■ y'i'/rf r/tye ,f/^^Q)/vM 6^u Nine :Jie^i?w/f& 
 
 f/A(tf UY/vIfaisedSzEqiiipedut SoDays m%wl}tiglani) 
 
 Fleet U'HaetweCotnniaindof Commodore Warreiv, 
 ir/(ii'i^>/(lfl J/O/^ He,/. M/et/kvnJ'!io t/iaft/ie(l^t/ 
 
 ^y^AixlaGhapd. ' 
 
 To illustrate Dr. J. G. Bourinot's Paper on Cape Breton. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abercromby, General ; his character as a soldier, 66 ; 
 his ill-success in America, 77 ; his autograph, 66. 
 
 Acadian French ; their expulsion from Nova Scotia, 62, 
 63 ; their settlement in Cape Breton, 80, 101-103 ; 
 their present condition in the island, ib. 103-108. 
 
 Acadie, old name of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, 
 16, 17 ; Indian origin of the name, 17. 
 
 Acadiaville, village in Cape Breton, formerly West 
 Arichat, 104, 105. 
 
 Alexander, Sir William ; known afterwards as Earl of 
 Sterling, 17 ; given grant of Nova Scotia and Cape 
 Breton, (Baccalaos), ib. ; origin of the baronets of 
 Nova Scotia, ib., 18. 
 
 Ames, Nathaniel; verses in his almanac of 1745 on 
 taking of Louisbourg, 151. 
 
 Amherst, General; commanding army in 1758 against 
 Louisbourg, 66 ; his autograph, ib. ; portrait, 157 
 
 "Anciens Canadiens," by P. A. de Gasp6 ; on the wreck 
 of the Augusto, 163. 
 
 Annapolis, once Port Royal ; old settlement in the Do- 
 minion of Canada, 16. 
 
 Arambec, old Indian name sometimes applied to Nova 
 Scotia, 95. See Lurembec and Norumbeque. 
 
 Archibald, Sir Adams ; on siege of 1745, 150. 
 
 Ar^thuse, gallant conduct of its commandant, Vau- 
 quelain, 72, 73. 
 
 Argall, Captain; captures Port Royal, 17. 
 
 Arichat, port in Cape Breton, 100 ; origin of name, ib. n. 
 
 Auchmuty, .Tudge; alleged to have suggested expedi- 
 tion of 1745 against Louisbourg, 146. 
 
 Auguste, wreck of; on northern coast of Cape Breton, 
 120,163. 
 
 Bacoalaos, probably Basque for codfish, 8, 132; an 
 indefinite region in early cartography, 131, 132 ; 
 name still lingers in eastern America, 131. 
 
 Bancroft, George ; " History of the United States " ; 
 his accounts of sieges of Louisbourg, 153. 
 
 Basque voyages to Cape Breton, 8, 12, 13, 132 ; 89 n. 
 
 Beaudoin, Abb6 ; on Jean Cabot, and the Sebastian 
 Cabot mappemonde, 128. 
 
 Beau86jour, fort, built by French on isthmus of Chig- 
 necto, 62 ; captured by Eoglish, ib. 
 
 Badeque or Baddeck, on the Bras d'Or, 92 ; Charles 
 Dudley Warner's summer haunt, ib. ; a Micmac 
 name, 92 n., 131. 
 
 Benin's maps and plans of Louisbourg and Cape 
 Breton, 154, 155. 
 
 Belknap, Jeremy ; gives account of siege of 1745 in 
 his History of New Hampshire, 147. 
 
 Belknap and Pepperrell papers, in archives of Mass. 
 Hist. Society, 148. 
 
 Biarne, Heriulfsson ; probably off Cape Breton in 986, 
 A. D., 7 ; account of his voyage, 125, 126. 
 
 Biddle, Richard ; on Sebastian Cabot, 128. 
 
 Bigot, Commissary at Louisbourg, 30; his sub- 
 sequent infamy, ib- n. 
 
 Bollan, W. ; supposed author of pamphlet on impor- 
 tance of Cape Breton, 147. 
 
 Boscawen, Admiral: commands fleet in 1758 against 
 Louisbourg, 66, 68, 74; his autograph, 66; 
 his portrait, 157. 
 
 Bouchette, Joseph ; " British Dominions," 163 ; refer- 
 ences to Cape Breton, ib. 
 
 Boularderie, de la ; name of French ofiicer, now given 
 to jslapdiat entrance of Bras d'Or Lake, 92 & n. 
 
 23 
 
178 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Bradstreet, Colonel ; serves in 1745 at Louisbourg, 40 n; 
 his subsequent services, 55 ; his autograph, 45. 
 
 Bras d'Or Lake ; its picturesque features, 91, 92 ; ori- 
 ginal name, Labrador, 93 ; Indian name, Petoo- 
 book, ib. 
 
 Brasseur de Bourbourg, his " Histoire du Canada " 
 and references to sieges of Louisbourg, 146. 
 
 Breton, Cape and Island of. See Cape Breton, 
 
 Breton voyages to Cape Breton, 8, 13, 14 ; Cape Breton 
 named by Bretons, 13, 16 n, 133. 
 
 Bretons, Terre des ; includes island and present Nova 
 Scotia, 13, 132, 133. 
 
 Brown, Kichard ; historian of Cape Breton, 111 ; his 
 works, 153, 165. 
 
 Brymner, Douglas; Canadian Archivist, refers to 
 siege of Louisbourg in 1745, 150. 
 
 Bury, Viscount ; in " Exodus of Western Nations " 
 refers to Louisbourg sieges, 151. 
 
 Cabot, John and Sebastian ; probably named Cape 
 North in Cape Breton, 8 ; Sebastian's mappe- 
 monde of 1544, and its authenticity, 16 , 127 ; re- 
 marks on the voyage of 1497, and the mappe- 
 monde, 127-130 ; facsimile of mappemonde in 
 text, 9; Spanish and Latin legends thereon, 10, 
 n., 127 ; translation of Spanish legend, 10 n. ; 
 references to literature of subject : Deane, 1 28 ; 
 Biddle, 127 ; Harrisse, 128 ; Kohl. 129 ; M. d'Avezac, 
 127; Hakluyt, ib.; Abb6 Beaudoin, 128; J. R. 
 Howley, 129 ; Dr. Howley, ib. ; facsimiles of 
 mappemonde, 129, 130. 
 
 Canadian Archives, collections of, at Quebec, 142- 
 144; summary of valuable documents at Paris 
 relating to Cape Breton and Louisbourg, 144, 145. 
 
 Canso or Canseau; fort at, surrenders to French, 37; 
 recaptured by New England expedition, 42. 
 
 CanSQ or Canseau Strait, once named Fronsac, 89; 
 origin of name, 89, 90. 
 
 Cape Breton, most eastern cape of island, 13 ; landfall 
 generally made by early European navigators, ib.; 
 named by French Bretons, ib, 16 n. 
 
 Cape Breton, island of; named after the cape of that 
 name, 13 ; time of naming indefinite, ib. ; visited 
 by the Cabots, 8 ; Cartier, 12 ; Champlain, 14 ; 
 early cartography of, 132, 133; becomes of im- 
 portance after treaty of Utrecht, 21 ; named Isle 
 Eoyale, ib. ; foundation of Louisbourg, 21, 24 ; 
 French and English governors of Cape Breton, 
 21 n. ; government and state of under French 
 Regime, 29 ; missionaries in, 30 ; fisheries and 
 commerce. 31, 32 ; agricultural state in French 
 times, 33 «.; Indians of, 34; taking of Louisbourg 
 in 1745 by New England expedition, 42-52; re- 
 view of its history from 1748,when Louisbourg was 
 
 Cape Breton, island of — Continued. 
 
 restored, until second siege of Louisbourg, 58-66 ; 
 Louisbourg, again taken, 66-78 ; island becomes 
 English possession, 78, 79 ; its subsequent history 
 after cession, 79, 80 ; as a separate government, 
 80-83 ; re-annexed to Nova Scotia, 83 ; names of 
 English governors of island, 82 n, ; slow progress 
 of island, 83, 84 ; its coal mines and other minerals, 
 84-86 ; its present population and commerce, 86 ; 
 state of education, 87, 88 ; municipal system, 88; 
 the Bras d'Or Lakcj and its picturesque features, 
 90-93; some memorials of the French Regime, 
 94 et seg. ; bibliography of, see Appendix, i-xviii ; 
 proclamation establishing Cape Breton as sepa- 
 rate government, 166 ; royal instructions respect- 
 ing, ib.; proclamation reannexing island to Nova 
 Scotia, 168 ; extracts from accounts of early voyages 
 to island, by S. Bellinger, 137 ; Sylvester Wyet, ib.; 
 Hopewell and Chancewell, of London, ib. ; Cham- 
 plain, 138; Cartier, 133, 134; Nicholas Denys, 139- 
 141. 
 
 Cartier, Jacques; names Cape Lorraine, probably 
 present Cape North, in Cape Breton, 12, 133-135; 
 never landed on island, 16. ; built fort at Cap 
 Rouge and not at Cape Breton, ib., 135 ; biblio- 
 graphy of, 136. 
 
 Catalogue Lake in Cape Breton on route to Louisbourg; 
 origin of name, 96, 98, 111. 
 
 Chabert, Marquis de; his maps of Isle Royale, 156. 
 
 Chameau frigate, wreck of ; near Louisbourg, 119. 
 
 Champlain's description and maps of Cape Breton, 14, 
 138 ; editions of his work, 138, 139. 
 
 Chapel island or St. Villemai ; Indian resort at, 96. 
 
 Charlevoix, Pere de ; on Nouvelle France, 142. 
 
 Charnisay or d'Aulnay ; his feud with La Tour in 
 Nova Scotia, 19 and n. 
 
 Cheticamp, Acadian French settlement at, 106 . 
 Coal mines of Cape Breton, 85, 86 ; reports on, 165. 
 
 Cibou, Mimac name for river, 94 ; applied to St. 
 Anne's in C. B., 94 n. ; also to Spanish or Sydney 
 river, ib. 
 
 Cobb, Sylvanus ; served in 1745 at Louisbourg, 41 n. ; 
 also in ] 758, 55, 56 ; his subsequent career, ib. ; 
 incorrectly named Sylvester in Usher Parson's 
 work, 41 n, 55. 
 
 Collection de Manuscrits relatifs k la Nouvelle France ; 
 published by government of Quebec, 142. 
 
 Commerce of Cape Breton ; in French times, 31, 32, 
 171-5 ; at the present time, 86. 
 
 Cow Bay. See Morienne. 
 
INDEX, 
 
 179 
 
 Curwen's Journal, ed. by Ward ; references to Louia- 
 bourg expedition of 1745, 148. 
 
 Daniel, Captain ; drives Lord Ocliiltree from Cape 
 Breton, 18; builds fort at St. Anne's, C. B., ib.; 
 attempt at settlement fails, ib. n. 
 
 Dawson, S. E., on Cape Breton, 165. 
 
 Dawson, Sir W., on mineral resources of Cape Breton, 
 165. 
 
 Deane, Dr., on the Cabot voyages, 128. 
 
 De Costa, Dr., on the Pre-Columbian Discovery of 
 America by the Northmen, 124. 
 
 D^livrance, Notre-Dame de ; ship richly laden, captured 
 oflF Louisbourg in 1745, 50. 
 
 Denys, Nicholas ; first land proprietor and governor of 
 Cape Breton, 18 ; his attempts to settle St. Peter's 
 and St. Anne's, ib-, 19; his misfortunes, ib., 20; 
 his book on Cape Breton, etc., " Amirique Septen- 
 trionale," 141. 
 
 Denys, Eonde de la ; relative of Nicholas Denys, 20 ; 
 his description of the island, 20 n. 
 
 DesBarres, Major Frederick Wallet; first lieutenant- 
 governor of Cape Breton under English Regime, 
 80: founds town of Sydney, ib.; his subsequent ^ 
 career, 162 ; his defence of his administration in 
 Cape Breton, ib. 
 
 Descousse, village in Cape Breton, 104 ; origin of 
 name, 96, 97. 
 
 Dominion of Canada ; its genesis at Port Royal (Anna- 
 polis), 16. 
 
 Douglass, Dr. William; his "Summary of British 
 settlements in North America," 147 ; gives account 
 of Louisbourg expedition, ib. 
 
 Drake, Samuel Adams ; on the taking of Louisbourg 
 in 1745, 150 ; his " Nooks and Corners of the N.E. 
 Coast," 157. 
 
 Drucour, Chevalier; governor in 1758 at Louisbourg^ 
 74 n. ; surrenders, 74 ; his brave defence, 76. 
 
 Drucour, Madame ; her brave conduct in 1758 during 
 
 siege, 76 & n. 
 
 * 
 
 Duchambon, governor at Louisbourg in 1745,43 &n.; 
 his incapacity, 43, 44 ; surrenders the fortress, 49. 
 
 Durell, Capt.; his account of the taking of Louis- 
 bourg, 147. 
 
 Dussieux, M.; his " Canada sous la domination Fran- 
 gaise" and references to Louisbourg, 146. 
 
 Duvivier, grandson of La Tour, 38, n ; captures Canso, 
 37 ; is unsuccessful at Port Eoyal or Annapolis, ib. 
 
 EscASONi on the Bras d'Or Lake ; Indian reserve at, 96. 
 
 English harbour, afterwards Louisbourg, 21. 
 
 Entinck ; History of late war, on siege of Louisbourg, 
 152. 
 
 Fauchke db Saint Maueice ; his references in several 
 works to Cape Breton and Louisbourg, 115 n, 144. 
 
 Fisheries and Commerce of Cape Breton, 31, 32, 171-5. 
 
 Fiske, John ; on the Norse voyages, 125 ; favours 
 identification of Markland with Cape Breton, 8 n. 
 
 Pollings, Geo. ; his plan of Louisbourg, 156. 
 
 French Acadians. See Acadian French. 
 
 French and English Colonies in America ; their con- 
 dition in the beginning of eighteenth century, 22 
 -24 ; in middle of same century, 58-61. 
 
 Freshwater, or Kennington, or Cormorandiere Cove, 
 in Gabarus Bay ; English effect a landing, in 1745, 
 44 ; in 1758, 70, 71. 
 
 Gabaeus Bay, sometimes called Chapeau Rouge: New 
 England expedition lands in 1745 at, 44 , Wolfe 
 in 1758 effects landing at, 70; origin of name, 99. 
 
 " Galley," or " snow" described, 41 n., 54 n., 
 
 Garneau, F. X.; Canadian historian, on sieges of 
 Louisbourg, 146. 
 
 Gasp6, meaning of, 101 ; may be same name as Cape 
 Asp6 in Cape Breton, i6.; name once given to 
 Cape Breton, 14 n. 
 
 Geological reports on Cape Breton, its mines and 
 minerals, 165. 
 
 Gesner, Dr. A. ; references to Cape Breton in his 
 " Industrial Resources of Nova t^cotia," 25 n. 163. 
 
 Gibson, James ; his journal of the siege of 1745, 27, n.\ 
 147. 
 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey; takes possession of New- 
 foundland, 15 & n : wreck of the Delight or "Ami- 
 ral," 116 ; theory that the disaster happened at 
 Louisbourg, and not on the Sable Island sands 
 and shoals, not tenable, 116-118. 
 
 Gilpin, Edwin; on mines of Cape Breton, 85 n., 92 »., 
 
 165. 
 Giraudiere's attack on Nicholas Denys, 19, n. 
 
 Goat Island, at entrance of Louisbourg Harbour, 29 ; 
 battery thereon, ib. ; its history in the two sieges, 
 47, 48, 72, 113, 119. 
 
 Grand Battery at Louisbourg; captured by New 
 Englanders in 1745, 45, 46 ; destroyed in 1758 by 
 French, 71. 
 
 Gray, Hugh ; on Cape Breton, 163. 
 
 Great Cibou, Indian name of St. Anne's in Cape Bre- 
 ton, 18, 94 n. 
 
180 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Gridley, Richard ; takes part in New England expedi- 
 tion of 1745 against Louisbourg, 40 ; his subsequent 
 services, 55; his autograph, 40. 
 
 Guysboro', or Chedabouctou bay; Nicholas Denys' 
 post at, 18, 19. 
 
 Haliburton, R. G. ; on the Norse voyages, 124. 
 
 Haliburton, Thomas ; " History of Nova Scotia," 
 accounts of sieges of Louisbourg, 153. 
 
 Halifax, City of ; founded by Cornwallis on Chebouc- 
 tou harbour, 61. 
 
 Hakluyt, Richard ; his " Principal Navigations "; sev- 
 eral editions of, 138. 
 
 Hannay, James ; historian of Acadia, 153; his refer- 
 ences to Nicholas Denys, 19 n. ; his remarks on 
 the French Acadians in Nova Scotia, 153. 
 
 Harrison, S. Frances (" Seranus ") ; on siege of Louis- 
 bourg in 1745, 151. 
 
 Harrisse, H. ; on John and Sebastian Cabot, 127 ; on 
 prima tierra vista, either Cape North or Cape 
 Perc6 on the coast of the island of C. B., 128. 
 
 Hart, Gerald ; his " Fall of New France," 157 ; por- 
 traits of Amherst, ii. ; Bogcawen, i6. ; Wolfe, i6. 
 
 Hawthorne, Nathaniel ; on siege of 1745 of Louisbourg, 
 151. 
 
 Headley, J. T.; on siege of 1745, 150. 
 
 Hildreth, Richard ; " History of the United States." 
 accounts of the sieges of Louisbourg, 154. 
 
 Helluland, probably Labrador, 7 ; so named by Norse 
 voyagers, ib., 126. 
 
 Hoffman, G. C. ; on economic value of Cape Breton 
 minerals, 165. 
 
 Holbourne, Admiral ; his unsuccessful expedition 
 against Louisbourg, 65 ; authorities on subject, 
 154. 
 
 Horsford, E. N. ; on the Norse voyages, 125 ; his 
 theory as to Norumbega, 95 n, 129; claims to 
 have discovered site of Norse settlements near 
 Boston, Mass., 125 ; titles of his works relating to 
 subject, ib. 
 
 Houston, Dr. James ; on the siege of 1745, 149 ; on 
 value of fisheries of the island, ib. ; note by Dr. 
 Justin Winsor on his works, 172. 
 
 Howley, James R. ; on the Cabot landfall, 129. 
 
 Howley, Monsignor ; on the Cabot landfall, 129. 
 
 Hutchinson Thomas ; his " History of Mass. Bay " ; 
 gives account of Louisbourg expedition of 1745, 
 148. 
 
 Ile du Cap ; name given to Cape Breton, 14. 
 
 Isle Roy ale ; former name of Cape Breton under French 
 Regime, 21. 
 
 Indians of Cape Breton. See Miemacs. 
 
 Inganiche or Inganish ; formerly port d'OrMans, 101 ; 
 old French bell found at, ib- ; probably old settle- 
 ment of the Portuguese, 12, 91, 138. 
 
 Inglis, Bishop ; episcopal visitation in Cape Breton, 164. 
 
 Jamestown in Virginia founded, 16. 
 
 Jefferys, Thomas ; his maps and plans of Louisbourg, 
 154. 
 
 Jersey, island of; merchants from in Cape Breton, 
 104 w. 
 
 Johnstone, Chevalier; his memoir on Louisbourg, 143; 
 on M. Vauquelain, ib. 
 
 KiNGSFOKD William ; " History of Canada, " his 
 accounts of sieges of Louisbourg, 153 ; his reference 
 to Madame Drucour, 76 n. 
 
 Kittery point, in Maine ; Sir W. Pepperrell's home, 39. 
 
 Kohl, Dr.; "The discovery of Maine; on Cabot's 
 mappemonde, 129 ; his remarks on Baccalaos, 132. 
 
 L'Aedoise, Acadian French settlement at, 104. 
 
 La Tour, Charles ; proprietor of Nova Scotia ; his feud 
 with Charnisay or d'Aulnay, 18, 19. 
 
 La Tour, Madame ; her heroism the subject of romance, 
 76 n. 
 
 Laverdi^re, Abb6 ; his edition of Champlain's works, 
 138, 139. 
 
 Lawrence, Fort ; built by English at Chignecto, 62. 
 
 Leif Ericsson discovers Markland, probably part of 
 Cape Breton, 7. 
 
 LeIand, C. Godfrey ; on Algonquin legends and Folk- 
 lore, 161. 
 
 L^ry, Baron de; bis futile attempt to establish a 
 settlement at Sable Island, — not at Cape Breton 
 as supposed by Fiske, 12 and n. 
 
 L'Escarbot's map of Cape Breton, 14, 1 31 ; " Histoire 
 de la Nouvelle France," editions of, 136. 
 
 Lighthouse Point at entrance of Louisbourg harbour, 
 26; battery, at, 29, 47, 48, 71, 72; its present 
 aspect, 113. 
 
 Lingan, corruption of L'Indienne, 99 ; mines at, ib. 
 
 Loran. See Lorembec. 
 
 Lorembec, near Louisbourg, 71 ; probable origin of 
 name, 95, 130 ; present name, Loran, 94. 
 
 Loudoun, Earl ; his character, 64 ; his abortive scheme 
 against Louisbourg, 65 ; authorities on subject, 
 154. 
 
INDEX, 
 
 181 
 
 Louisbourg, foundation of, 2J, 24; its importance to 
 France in America, 21 ; cost of its fortifications, 
 24, 25 ; French medal struck on commencement 
 of, 25 ; natural features of harbour, 26 ; sketch of 
 fortifications, 27, 28 ; maps and plans of, 154-6 ; 
 character of the town buildings, 28 ; expedition of 
 New England against, its origin, 34 et seq. ; state 
 of Louisbourg at this time, 38 ; surrendered, 48 ; 
 articles of capitulation in 1745, 49 n. ; rejoicings 
 in England and American colonies at taking of, 
 51 ; second siege in 1758 by Amherst aud Bos- 
 cawen,69 etseq.; medals struck in honour of event, 
 75 ; fortress destroyed by English, 79 ; descrip- 
 tion of port and ruins of fortress, 111 et seq. ; old 
 gun found at ; cross at Harvard University taken 
 in 1745, 115 ; illustration of present village, Plate 
 2 ; of ruined casemates, Plate 2 ; of the port and 
 fortress, Plates 3-4 ; French sources of information 
 on Louisbourg, 141 et seq. ; English accounts of 
 sieges of 1745 and 1758, 146 et seq. ; advantages of 
 Louisbourg as port of call between Europe and 
 American continent, 164 ; oflScial statement of 
 military establishment at, in 1753, 169. 
 
 Mabou Rivbe in Cape Breton, 94, 95, 97, 98. 
 
 Macarmick, Lt.-Col. ; second lieutenant-governor of 
 Cape Breton, 82 n. ; on defenceless state of island 
 in 1790 93, 164. 
 
 Madame, He ; named by the French also Maurepaa, 99. 
 
 Magazine articles on Cape Breton ; Bourinot, 165 ; 
 Harrison, 151 ; Headley, 150 ; Hannay, 144. 
 
 Mainadieu, fishing village in Cape Breton. 94; ori- 
 ginal form of the name, Menadou, ib. 
 
 Mante, T. ; " History of the late War," its rarity, 152. 
 
 Mappemonde of Sebastian Cabot; found in Germany, 
 8, 127-129 ; facsimiles of, 129, 130 ; copy given in 
 text of this work, 8. 
 
 Maps and illustrations of Cape Breton and Louisbourg; 
 Gridley's, 154; Jefferys, 154 ; Mante, 152; Pep- 
 perrell's, 155 ; Bellin's, 154 ; Kitchen's, 155 ; Nep- 
 tune- Americo-Septentrional, 155 ; Holland's, 155 ; 
 DesBarres, 156 ; Chabert's, 156 ; de Sartine's, 156 ; 
 rolling's, 156 ; de la RigaudiSre's, 156 ; Visscher's, 
 155 ; de Leth's, 153 ; Curwen's Journal, 155. 
 
 Marguerite or Margaree ; settlement in Cape Breton, 
 106. 
 
 Markland ; probably part of Cape Breton, 7, 8, n. ; 
 Leif Ericsson's description of, in Sagas, 126. 
 
 Marmette Mr. ; on Paris documents relating to Cape 
 Breton, 144, 146. 
 
 Marshall, Judge ; on early times in Cape Breton, 163. 
 
 Martin, R. Montgomery; on Cape Breton, 163. 
 
 Medals relating to Louisbourg, 25, 75, 157. 
 
 '' M^moire historique " on the, negotiations for reten- 
 tion of Cape Bretim by France in 1761,162. 
 
 " Memorial History of Boston " ; has account of siege 
 of 1745, 148. 
 
 Meserve, Colonel ; takes part in New England Expedi- 
 tion of 1745, 41, 55; his subsequent services, 65; 
 his death, ib: 
 
 Micmac or Souriquois Indians ; their characteristics, 
 34, 96 ; their reserves in the island, 96 ; literature 
 relative to ; Micmac names, verses on, 95, 96. 
 
 Military establishment at Louisbourg, 28, 29 ; its 
 state in 1753, 29,169. 
 
 Mines of Cape Breton, 85, 86, 165. 
 
 Mira or Mir6 river; its natural beauties, 111 ; origin 
 of the name, 98. 
 
 Miscou in New Brunswick ; post of Nicholas Denys, 18. 
 
 Moody, Rev. Samuel; accompanies New England 
 expedition of 1745 against Louisbourg, 42 n., 54; 
 his famous "grace,"' 54, 55; his epitaph, 54. 
 
 Morienne Bay, now Cow Bay ; mines at, 100 ; worked 
 in French times, 85. 
 
 Morse, Colonel; suggests, in 1784, making Cape Breton 
 seat of general government of aunion of provinces 
 
 Murdoch, Beamish, " History of Nova Scotia," accounts 
 of sieges of Louisbourg, 152. 
 
 McLachlan, R.W. ; his collection of medals of Louis- 
 bourg, 157. 
 
 New England expedition of 1745; land forces, 39, 41 
 n. ; colonial fleet, 41 n. ; its success against Louis- 
 bourg. 49, 52. 
 
 Norembegue or Norembeque ; an indefinite region, 95, 
 130; origin of name, ib., 131 ; survival of name in 
 Cape Breton, 95, 131. 
 
 Norse discovery of America, 7, 8 ; literature on — 
 Torfseus, 123 ; Rafn, ib. ; Storm, 124 ; De Coata, ib ; 
 Beeves, ib.; Daniel Wilson, ib.; Horsford, 125; 
 Fiske, etc., 124, 125. 
 
 Nova Scotia ; first settled as part of Acadie by French, 
 16 ; possession of England by treaty of Utrecht, 
 20, 21. 
 
 OcHiLTRBE, Lord ; builds fort at Baleine, C. B., 18 ; 
 driven away by the Frenchman Daniel, ib. 
 
 Parkman, Fbakcis ; on the siege of 1745, 150 ; on that 
 of 1758, 152 ; other references to his works, 150, 
 151, 154, 157. 
 
 Parson, Usher ; his " Life of Pepperrell," 150. 
 
 Patterson, Dr. ; on the Portuguese voyages, 11 n., 130 ; 
 claims that Sir Humphery Gilbert's vessel, the 
 
182 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Patterson, Dr. — Continued. 
 
 " Amiral," was wrecked at Louisbourg, H6-118 ; 
 believes the Portuguese built a fort at St. Peter's 
 C B., 90, 91 : 
 
 Pepperrell, Sir William ; a merchant of Kittery on the 
 Pisoataqua, 39; given command of land forces of 
 New England expedition of 1745 against Louis- 
 bourg, ib. ; hia character, ib. ; his autograph, 45 ■ 
 his journal of siege, 147 ; his success at Louisbourg, 
 52; made a baronet, 56; his career after expedi- 
 tion of 1745, ib. ; his death, ib. • his portraits, 157 ', 
 career of his grandson, William Pepperrell Spar- 
 hawk, who assumes the name and is given the 
 title, 56 n. 
 
 Petit Degrat; fishing settlement in Cape Breton, 101. 
 
 Pichon, alias Tyrrell; his work on Cape Breton, 
 " Lettres et M6moires," 142 ; speaks of white 
 bears in Cape Breton, 10. 
 
 Picturesque Canada ; references to Louisbourg and 
 Cape Breton, 164. 
 
 Pitt, William, (Lord Chatham) ; the success of his 
 plans in America, 65, 66, 121 ; his autograph, 65. 
 
 Plaisance or Placentia in Newfoundland ; surrendered 
 to England, 21. 
 
 Point Rochefort ; burying ground at Louisbourg, 53, 
 115 n. 
 
 Port Dauphin. See St. Anne. 
 
 Port d'0rl6ans. See Inganiche. 
 
 Port Hawkesbury; flourishing village at strait of 
 Canso, 105, 106. 
 
 Porto Novo ; island off eastern coast of Cape Breton, 
 13 n., 98. 
 
 Portraits, bibliography of; Charaplain, 139; Pepper- 
 rell, 157; Wolfe, ib. ; Pitt, ib. , Boscawen, ib.', 
 Amherst, ib. 
 
 Port Royal, in Acadie, 16, 17, 20 ; now Annapolis, ib. 
 
 Port Toulouse or St. Peter's in Cape Breton, 21, 90 ; 
 taken by the New England expedition of 1745, 51. 
 
 Portuguese attempt to colonize Cape Breton, 12 ; place 
 ef settlement probably Niganiche, ib., 138. 
 
 Power, L. G. ; on the voyages of the Northmen, 125. 
 
 Provost, Abbg ; in his " Voyages " gives account of 
 Cape Breton and Louisbourg, 149. 
 
 Provost, Commissary at Louisbourg, 143. 
 
 Prima tierra vista ; name probably given by J. Cabot 
 to Cape North in Cape Breton, 8-11, 127-130. 
 
 Prince Edward Island ; probably Cabot's St. John, 
 10,11,127,128. 
 
 Prince, Rev. Thos. ; sermons on Louisbourg and the 
 Duke d'Anville's expedition, 149. 
 
 Rapn, Carl Christian; " Antiquitates Americanse," 
 123. 
 
 Rameau, B.; on the Acadian French in Cape Breton, 
 160. 
 
 Rand, Dr. ; his works on the Micmac language, 159, 
 160. 
 
 Reeves, Arthur Middleton ; " Wineland the Good," 
 124 ; his death, ib. 
 
 Review of reign of George II : anonymous pamphlet, 
 references to siege of Louisbourg, 154. 
 
 River Bourgeois ; Acadian French settlement at, 104. 
 
 River Inhabitants ; Acadian French settlement in 
 Cape Breton, 104. 
 
 Roche, Marquis de la ; his abortive attempt at coloni- 
 zation, 15. 
 
 Rochefoucauld, de la, Duked'Anville ; his unfortunate 
 expedition of 1746 for recapture of Louisbourg, 
 and unhappy death, 57 ; place of burial, ib. ; his 
 remains removed to Louisbourg, 57. 58. 
 
 Roger, Charles ; " History of Canada,'' refers to siege 
 of 1745, 153. 
 
 Rogers, Robert ; " Concise account of (!ape Breton," 
 162. 
 
 Romances of Cape Breton ; by W. Mackinnon, 164 ; 
 by C. W. Hall, ib. 
 
 Rouse or Rous, Capt. J. ; commands Shirley galley in 
 1745, 41 n ; his subsequent career, 54. 
 
 Sagas, Icelandic ; their historical value, 7, 123. 
 
 Saint-Laurent, island of; name given to Cape Breton 
 by Champlain, 14. 
 
 Sandham, A. ; on medals of Louisbourg, 157. 
 
 Sartine, M. de ; his maps and charts of Cape Breton, 
 156. 
 
 Scatari island ; its position and natural characteristics 
 11, 94, 97. 
 
 Schools of Cape Breton, 87, 88. 
 
 Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts, 37; responsible 
 for expedition of 1745 against Louisbourg, 38 ; his 
 letter to the Duke of Newcastle on siege of 1745, 
 147 ; his autograph, 37. 
 
 Smith, C. C. ; on the struggle in Acadia and Cape 
 Breton, in " Nar. & Crit. Hist, of Am.," 146 ; his 
 error as to Tyng and capture of Vigilante, 64 n. 
 
 Smith, Hon. W. ; on Cape Breton, 163. 
 
 Spanish Harbour and River. See Sydney. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 183 
 
 St. Anne's Harbour ; a favourite resort of the French, 
 18, 20 n, 109 : named Port Dauphin by the French, 
 21 ; Denys' settlement at, 18-20. 
 
 Stevens, Rev. Dr.; his sermon on Pepperrell's death, 150. 
 
 Storm, Professor ; on " Norse Voyages," 124. 
 
 Sydney harbour and town ; former name of river, 
 Spanish river, 1.5; visited by Sir Hovenden 
 Walker, 109, 110 ; La P^rouse and other famous 
 navigators, 110 ; town founded by Des Barres, ib ; 
 capital of island, ib ; remarkable natural advan- 
 tages of harbour, 109, 111 ; North Sydney, 111 ; 
 its claims for railway communication urged fifty 
 years ago, pamphlet upon, 164. 
 
 TiTCOMB, Colonel ; serves in 1745 at Louisbourg, 41 n., 
 45 ; his subsequent career, 55. 
 
 Torfaeus on the Vinland of the Northmen, 123, 125. 
 
 Toulouse. See Port Toulouse. 
 
 Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 58. 
 
 Treaty of St. Germain-en- Laye, 17. 
 
 Treaty of Utrecht ; its importance to English interests, 
 20, 21 ; Acadie becomes an English possession, ib; 
 Cape Breton retained by Frauce, 21 ; text of same, 
 165. 
 
 Tufts, William ; his exploit at the grand battery, 46 
 & n. 
 
 Tyne, Capt. E. ; commodore of colonial fleet in New 
 England expedition of 1745, 41 n, 53. 
 
 Ulloa, Don Antonio de ; captured on Notre-Dame de 
 la D61ivrance oflF Louisbourg, 50 ; his account of 
 the fortress and the siege of 1745, 149. 
 
 Utrecht, Treaty of. See Treaty of Utrecht. 
 
 Vauqublain, commander of Ar6thuse during siege of 
 1758, 72 ; his subsequent career, 143, 144. 
 
 Vaughan, William ; one of the projectors of New 
 England expedition of 1745 against Louisbourg, 
 36, 38 ; takes possession of grand battery at Louis- 
 bourg, 42 n., 45. 
 
 Verderonne, tie de ; old name of Boularderie island. 
 See Boularderie. 
 
 Verazzano, discoveries of; give French claim to 
 Eastern America, 15, 
 
 Vigilante, frigate ; captured by English fleet in 1745, 
 47, 48. 
 
 Vinland, named by Norsemen, 8 ; probably part of 
 New England, ib. ; Leif Ericsson's voyage to, 126 ; 
 works relative to, 123-125. 
 
 Waldo, Samuel ; third in command of New England 
 expedition of 1745,40; his subsequent services, 
 55, 77 n. ; his death, ib. ; his land patent, 152. 
 
 Walker, Admiral Sir Hovenden; his unsuccessful 
 expedition against Canada, 23 ; his visit to Sydney 
 harbour, 109 ; erects a cross on its banks, 110 ; 
 his journal, 162. 
 
 Warburton, George ; " Hochelaga," and the " Conquest 
 of Canada," references to sieges of Louisbourg, 158. 
 
 r 
 
 Warren, Commodore; takes part in New England 
 expedition of 1745 against Louisbourg, 43; his 
 usefulness during the siege, 52; made admiral, 
 53; Knight of the Bath, ib; his naval services 
 after Louisbourg affair, ib. ; his death, ib. : his 
 autograph, 45. 
 
 Whitfield, Bev. George; takes part in " great awaken- 
 ing " of New England, 41 «.; consulted by Pepper- 
 rell as to expedition against Louisbourg, 41, 42 ; 
 gives religious motto for expedition, ib. 
 
 Wilson, Sir Daniel ; on the Vinland of the Northmen, 
 124. 
 
 Winsor, Dr. Justin ; on Cape Breton, 16'n. ; critical and 
 historical notes thereon, 146, 147, etc. ; on Pre- 
 Columbian explorations, 124 ; refers to Louisbourg 
 cross at Harvard University, 115 n ; his opinion 
 on EbenHorsford's speculations on site of Norum- 
 bega, 125; on the French "supputation" of 
 fisheries of Cape Breton, 172. 
 
 Withrow, Dr. ; " Our own Country," references to Cape 
 Breton, 164. 
 
 Wolfe, General James ; takes part in 1758 in siege of 
 Louisbourg, 66, 70, 71, 72, 73 : his great services, 
 75 : his death, 78 ; portraits, 157 ; life of, by 
 Wright, 152. 
 
 Wolcott, General, of Connecticut, 40 ; second in com- 
 mand of New England Expedition of 1745, ib. ; 
 his subsequent career, 54. 
 
 Wright, Robert; " Life of Wolfe," 152. 
 
\