CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE Cornell University Library The original of tliis bool< is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027694698 Heroes of the Nations. PER VOLUME, CLOTH, $1.50. HALF MOROCCO, tl.75- I. — Nelson. By W. Clark Russell. II.— Gustavus Adolphus. By C. R. L. Fletcher, M.A. tul5; III.— Pericles. By Evelyn Abbott, M.A. -^'"l IV.— Theodoric the Goth. By Thomas Hodgkin. ) "5 1 "5 Si v.— Sir Philip Sidney. By H. R. Fox-Bourne. VI.— Julius Caesar. By Warde Fowler, M.A. ^T| !» '^^l VII.— Wyclif. By Lewis Sergeant. ''^^ ^ *• VIII.— Napoleon. By William O'Connor Morris. IX.— Henry of Navarre. By P. F. Willert. H\\1.<\^ X. — Cicero. By J. L. Strachan-Davidson, M.A. t^-LaSZ XI; — Abraham Lincoln. By Noah Brooks. __ XII.— Prince Henry. By C. R. Beazley. 11 3-(f tr XIII. — Julian the Philosopher. By Alice Gardner. 37^^X1 XIV.— Louis XIV. By Arthur Hassall, M.A. Hll%fM' XV.— Charles XII. By R. Nisbet Bain. Mo\(o?' XVI. — Lorenzo de' Medici. By Edward Armstrong. . 't 'i ; t XVII. — Jeanne d'Arc. By Mrs. Oliphant. XVIII. — Christopher Columbus. By Washington Irving. XIX. — Robert the Bruce. By Sir Herbert Maxwell, M.P. XX.— Hannibal. By William O'Connor Morris. •i'&Ofr'B'fe! XXI.— U. S. Grant. By W. Conant Church. H 1 i (.f C XXII.— Robert E. Lee. By Henry A. White. ' ' ' t 'r XXIII.— The Cid Campeador. By H. Butler Clarke. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London. Iberoes of tbe IRations EDITED BY Bvel^n Xlbbott, /TO.H. FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD FACTA DUCIS VIVENT, OPEROSAQUe GLORIA RERUM.— OVID, IN LIVIAM, 866. THE HERO'S DEEDS AND HARD-WON FAME SHALL LIVE. THE CID CAMPEADOR £romciOeLi mmofo caoa Hero£(olfT\uyo(o campcaoo?/. TITLE PAGE OF CHRONICLE OF THE CID. THE CID CAMPEADOR AND THE WANING OF THE CRESCENT IN THE WEST H. BUTLER CLARKE, M.A. FEREDAY FELLOW OF ST. JOHN'S COLr.EGE, OXFORD ; CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACAHEMY OF HISTORY, MADRID; SOCIEDAD ECOn6mICA, MATRITENSE, ETC. with illustrations from drawings by Don Santiago Arcos G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK LONDON 37 WEST TWENTY-THIKD STREET 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND S^E § iiitlurboclitr JrtsB 1897 ^-< 1 1,313 Copyright, i8g7 By G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS Entered at Stationers' Hall, London Hbe Iftnlclierbocljec prtas, Hew ffiocft UslL cSii^^^lLS^'^MSMl^J^ik \ Ij^/^ifi^m ^llir^^^rrAy^ .jyp PREFACE. AS SPAIN differs from all other lands, so does the national hero stand out in strong contrast with the heroes of other nati5ns, embodying in himself the distinctive character of her people. Some there are among heroes who are so pecul- iarly the product of a race and age that to transplant them, even in imagination, would be impossible. Bayard, for instance, is the typical Frenchman of his century ; others, like Charles the Fifth, or Peter the Great, seem to belong only ac- cidentally to the place and time in which they won their fame. Had Peter the Great been born King of England, he would have been one of the greatest of her kings in the same way as he was one of the greatest of the Czars of Russia. The Cid belongs to the former kind of heroes. " Dura tellus Iberioe" sang one who knew the land well, for keen is the air, harsh and wild the scenery of the greater part of Spain, and grave even to grim- ness the frank and manly character of the Castillian Spaniard. Below the surface lie beliefs strong to fanaticism, a powerful if somewhat gloomy imagina- tion, and depths of passion and tenderness seldom explored, even as in Sierra Nevada the rich, warm iv Preface. valleys nestle unsuspected beneath the snowy peaks. And this imagination it is that, working upon an old and half-forgotten story, has produced the Cid, the national hero. In him the nation saw reflected its own bold, independent spirit, its valour and its man- Hness, and in course of time added from its own heart the religious fervour, chivalrous feeling, patriot- ism and loyalty that had sprung up in a gentler age than that of Rodrigo de Bivar. Thus it is necessary to understand both the Cid of history, a shadowy per- son the finer shades of whose character have faded in the past, and the Cid of legend, the creation as well as the model of Spaniards of a later time. The former, so far as we know him, is unfit to be the hero of a great nation, but his compatriots soon for- got his cruelty, his selfish ambition and lack of patriotism, and remembering only his heroic valour and his efforts in a great cause, they, by the mouth of the ministrels endowed him with all the virtues and graces. The Cid, then, is a name round which the Spaniards have grouped the qualities they most admire, rather than an actual person who possessed these qualities ; his legend is not the conscious crea- tion of one mind or one time, but a successive growth, in which may be traced, from the twelfth to the seventeenth century, the evolution of a popular ideal. Thus it is that the rough and turbulent free- booter, the destroyer of churches whose lance was equally at the service of Moor or Christian — provided the pay were good — has become with time the pat- tern of religious zeal, the mirror of chivalry, the type of patriotism, the champion of popular rights, and the Preface, v model of unquestioning loyalty, as understood by the Spaniards of the seventeenth century. Still stranger is the transformation he has undergone in literature, for Corneille sent him forth into the world at large, speaking and feeling as a French courtier. To at- tempt to reconcile these opposite characters and stories would be useless. To omit either would be to sacrifice history altogether, or else to leave unex- plained the Cid's claim to his position and fame. The age of the Cid has left us scarcely a monu- ment, inscription, or illustrated document bearing upon his history. In order to illustrate the present volume I have been obliged to have recourse to drawings of places by my friend Don Santiago Arcos, in whose company I visited the most famous sites connected with the history of the Cid, maps, and facsimiles of documents and coins. In telling the same story, though at much greater length, I have closely followed Professor R. Dozy. Those who are familiar with his works, the titles of which are quoted in my list of authorities, will readily see how much I owe to him. Wherever possible I have gone to original sources, Spanish, Latin or Arabic, but I have found that to differ from him was rash, to improve upon his work impossible. I trust I shall not be accused of presumption in giving my own translation of some passages from Arabic authors quoted in his works. I am aware that as an Arabic scholar he was unrivalled, but it has seemed to me that English often admits of a more literal rendering than French. My best thanks are due to Mr. Wentworth VI Preface. Webster and Miss Florence Freeman for many valuable suggestions and much kind help with my proofs ; also to Mr. Bernard Quaritch for generously lending rare and costly books from his splendid collection. COIN OF SANCHO RAMIREZ OF ARAGON. jirffl ll4=J^feflg>ail^lE.^[l.^?yramqmtai6rf and not long afterwards Alfonso found excuse for attack- ing his feeble successor, Yahya Al-kadir. His object was to gain possession of Toledo, and for this purpose he for seven years led his army every spring into the rich plain and laid it waste. Toledo fell in 1085, so that at the date of which we are speaking (1081) Alfonso was not at peace with Toledo. It is proba- ble that the Cid made his unauthorised attack on the Saracens in another direction. His banishment is certain, and from this time forward we find him leading the life of a freebooter, equally ready to turn his arms against Moor or Christian, until he won for himself an independent principality at Valencia. It is at the time of the Cid's departure into exile* that the fragment of the old Chanson de Geste, known as the Poema del Cid, takes up his story. It * Huber considers that this passage refers to the second banish- ment of the Cid. No second banishment is mentioned by the Poema; its narrative proceeds straight on to the siege of Valencia without alluding to the long years at Saragossa. The mention, how- ever, of the accusation of malversion {Poema, 1., 109-112) is enough to identify this occasion as the first banishment. 1081] Banishment of The Cid. 1 1 5 tells how he quitted his house at Bivar, and how he came with favourable auguries to Burgos, where lodging and food was refused him by the King's command (see Appendix II). Camping outside the city on the common land he was met and enter- tained by his faithful kinsman, Martin Antolinez, who recked little of the King's threats. The two took counsel together as to what was to be done, and between them they devised the celebrated trick of the chests of sand pawned to the Jews. This story does not reflect on its hero so much credit as was intended by its inventors, or recorders ; it is quite possible that it may be founded on fact, though the chest preserved at Burgos cannot be looked on as a genuine relic. As illustrating the manners and ideas of morality of the time and the popular poetry of a century later, we will tell the tale in the words of the Poema. The Cid in his tent outside Burgos thus addresses Martin Antolinez : "'I have spent the gold and all the silver; thou seest well that I bring with me no money, yet sorely do I need it for all my company. I am forced against my will, for by fair means I shall get nothing. If thou so approve me, I will make ready two chests. We will cram them full of sand, so that they be right heavy, covered with gilded leather and firmly nailed : the leather must be crimson and the nails well gilt. Go swiftly as I bid you to Rachel and Vidas (and speak thus) : " Since in Burgos they have forbidden me to buy and the King is wroth with me, I cannot carry away my wealth for it is very weighty. I will pawn it to them for such a sum as shall be ii6 The Cid. [1072- fair. They must remove it by night so that none of the Christians know it ; let God alone be witness with all his saints. No other means I have and I do it against my will." ' — Martin Antolinez quickly got him gone ; for Rachel and Vidas he speedily en- quired. He passed through Burgos and into the castle he came ; for Rachel and Vidas he hastily enquired. Rachel and Vidas are together in one place, counting up their wealth and all that they had gained. Up came Martin Antolinez, a right good man was he {aguisa de membradd). ' Where are ye, Rachel and Vidas, my very good friends ? I would speak in private with the two of you.' No time was lost ; the three withdrew apart. ' Rachel and Vidas, give me both of you your hands upon it, that ye will not betray me to Moors or to Chris- tians. I will make you rich for ever, so that you never be brought to need. The Campeador went to Moorish lands to fetch the tribute. Great wealth he got and very goodly, and he kept for himself a very pretty sum. This was the cause for which he was accused. He has two chests full of refined gold. Ye see now how the King is wroth with him. He has left his estates, his houses, and his palaces. This wealth he cannot carry off, lest it should be noised abroad ; the Campeador will leave it in your hands and do ye lend him in coin such a sum as shall be fair. Take ye the chests and put them in safe keeping : guard them with an oath and your united promise that ye will not look into them for a whole year.' Rachel and Vidas sit there taking counsel with each other. ' Needs must we make a 1081] Banishment of The Cid. 1 1 7 profit out of everything. Well do we know that he made rich earnings and that, when he went to Moor- ish lands, he brought out a goodly sum. He who bears coined money sleeps not undisturbed. Let us take these two chests and let us put them in a place where none will know of them. But tell us of the Cid, how much will satisfy him, or what in- terest will he give us for this whole year? ' Then answered Martin Antolinez, a right good man was he : ' My Cid will ask such a sum as shall be fair ; he will ask but little of you so that he leave his wealth secure. Frona all sides there flock to him needy men : he must have six hundred marks.' Then said Rachel and Vidas : ' Gladly will we give them to him.' ' Ye see that night is coming and the Cid goes in haste ; we must have the marks at once.' Said Rachel and Vidas : ' Not thus are bargains made ; giving comes first and taking afterwards.' Said Martin Antolinez : ' I am content with that. Let us go all three to the famous Campeador, and we will aid you, as is but right, to carry hither the chests and place them in your care, so that it be not noised abroad among Christians or among Moors.' Said Rachel and Vidas : ' We are content with that. So soon as the chests are brought, take the six hun- dred marks.' Martin Antolinez swiftly got to horse with Rachel and Vidas gleeful and content. He came not to the bridge, but through the ford he went, so that no man in Burgos might know what was going forward. And now they are at the tent of the famous Campeador. As soon as they enter they kiss the Cid's hands. The Cid smiled and Ii8 The Cid. (1072- spake to them : ' Now, Don * Rachel and Vidas, ye have forgotten me. I am going to quit the land, for the King is wroth with me. It seems to me that ye will get some profit by my wealth ; so long as ye shall live ye will never come to want.' Don Rachel and Vidas kissed the hands of my Cid. Martin Antolinez has arranged the terms: that upon those chests they should lend him six hundred marks, and that they should keep them safe even to the year's end. To this they had pledged their faith and had sworn an oath to him, that if before that time they should look into them, they should be counted faithless and the Cid should not give them so much as a bad farthing of profit. Said Martin Antolinez : ' Load up the chests quickly ; take them, Rachel and Vidas, and put them in safe- keeping. I will go with you to help to bring the marks ; for my Cid must be on his way before cock- crow.' As they loaded up the chests one might see their delight ; strong men as they were they could not get them up. Joyful were Rachel and Vidas over the goods, for they have got rich store for all the days of their lives. Rachel went to kiss the hand of my Cid : ' Nay, Campeador, happy was the hour in which thou didst gird on thy sword ; thou art starting from Castille for Paynim lands. Such is thy lot, great are thy gains. Cid, I kiss thy hands ; let me have as a gift a rich crimson Moor- ish pelisse ! ' ' Granted,' said the Cid ; ' herewith I * The title Don used by the Cid in addressing the Jews is intended to flatter their vanity. In early times only men of the highest rank had a right to it. THE COFFER OF THE DID PRESERVED IN THE CLOISTER OF THE CATHEDRAL OF BURQOS. 1081] Banishment of The Cid. 119 promise it. If I bring it thee from thence ['t is well], if not, do thou take its value from the chests.' In the midst of the palace they spread a carpet, and over it a fine white linen sheet ; straightway they cast upon it three hundred marks of silver. Don Martin simply counted them ; he took them with- out weighing. The other three hundred they paid in gold. Five squires had Don Martin and well he loaded them all : when he had done this ye shall hear what he said : ' Now, Don Rachel and Vidas, in your hands are the chests ; I deserve something to boot {calgas) who made this bargain for you.' Rachel and Vidas withdrew together apart : ' Let us give him a good gift for it was he who brought it to us ' : ' Martin Antolinez, famous Burgalese, thou hast earned it at our hands and we will give thee a rich gift wherewith to make thee boots, and rich robe, and good cloak. We will give thee freely thirty marks : thou must earn them, for so it is but just ; thou must see to the fulfilment of this bargain we have made.' Don Martin thanked them and took the marks. Then he bethought himself to quit their lodging and he took leave of both. Gone out is he from Burgos ; he has crossed the Arlangon ; he is come to the tent of him who was born in happy hour. The Cid welcomed him with both arms thrown wide. ' Thou art come, Martin Anto- linez, my faithful vassal ; may I live to see the day when thou receivest some gift at my hands ! ' 'I am come, Campeador, with all good despatch. Thou has gained six hundred and I have gained thirty. Bid strike the tent and let us begone has- I20 77^1? Cid. [1072-81 tily; at San Pedro de Cardefta we must hear cock- crow. Much useless discussion has taken place over this trick. Some say that the Cid in his conduct towards the Jews was guilty of deliberate fraud ; others that his good faith was buried among the sand with which the chests were filled and was sure sooner or later to be redeemed. We doubt if the gleeman, who in all probability invented the story for the Cid's glorifica- tion, would have understood these niceties. The Poema gives us to understand that the Cid dis- charged his debt and the chronicles relate how, after the taking of Valencia, the Jews who at the end of the year had discovered the trick, came to him weep- ing and complaining, and how he repaid them richly for the anxiety they had undergone. The age, how- ever, was not over scrupulous on points of morality ; to rob a Jew was scarcely considered wrong. If the Cid's expedition to Moorish lands had been a failure, we can scarcely suppose that the thought of the rage of the cheated Jews would have weighed heavily on the conscience of one who was versed in all the strat- agems of Moorish intrigue. rR7^,-'JL"II''.:L CHAPTER V. THE CID IN EXILE. IO81-IO85. OUR most trustworthy documents merely tell us that the Cid, on quitting Don Alfonso's territory, went to Barcelona where he re- mained only a few days. He probably offered his services and those of his followers to the reigning Count. But the men of Catalonia, a much more civ- ilised race than their Christian neighbours in the Pe- ninsula, had but small love for the Castillians, and the Cid marched away to Saragossa and took service with the reigning Saracen prince. The Counts of Barcelona, as we shall see later, had cause to regret this opportunity of turning into a useful ally one who afterwards proved their most formidable enemy. The chronicles and the Poema are rich in details of the Cid's exploits on his journey. These, though their chronology is confused* and their geography doubtful, are worth recording, for they are not incon- * Mr. Dory, himself the most careful of historians, has laid it down as a rule that " in treating of the history of the Middle Ages, that is to say, a history of which the sources are very incomplete, we must rely as little as possible on arguments drawn from the silence of chronicles and documents." 122 The Cid. [1081- sistent with more trustworthy accounts, and are not in themselves improbable. Alfonso the Learned who gives these details had certainly at his command sources of information that are lost to us. The Cid on leaving Burgos behaved as though he were in an enemy's country. He laid hands on all the property he could find, and drove off the large flocks of geese that wandered over the plain. Out of bravado he went along at the slow pace of the birds till he came to the monastery of San Pedro de Cardefla, a few miles from the city. When he found that none followed him or attempted to deprive him of his spoils, he took pity on his fellow-townsmen and sent their geese and other property back. At San Pedro de Cardefla he took leave of his wife and his two daughters, giving them in charge to the good Abbot and leaving a sum of money for their mainte- nance with promises of more if more should be re- quired. Here he was joined by Martin Antolinez who had come after him with a hundred and fifteen horsemen eager to link their fortunes with that of the bold exile. A night march brought them to Espinas del Can where their httle party was still fur- ther reinforced. They crossed the Duero and the Sierra de Nieves and came near to the Saracen town of Atienza. After another night march through the mountains, dawn found them in ambush near Castre- jon on the river Henares. Their numbers by this time amounted to three hundred horsemen besides a large body of footmen, but a party had been de- tached to harry as far as Guadalajara and AlcaU, for, in order to keep the little force together, it was t085] The Cid in Exile. 123 necessary at once to secure some brilliant success and some booty. Both ventures were successful. In the morning the gates of Castrejon were opened and the inhabitants came out to their work, little suspect- ing the presence of the bold and ready enemy who lay hidden hard by their gates. The town was sur- prised and taken at a single rush ; the foraying party returned from Alcald laden with booty to find the Cid in possession of the castle. The Cid was unwill- ing to remain at Castrejon ; the citadel was certainly strong, but it lacked a good supply of water, and could not be held if besieged "by a large force of the royal troops, as might naturally be looked for so near the frontier. The booty was fairly shared and the greater part of it, which would hopelessly impede the movements of the force, was sold to the Moors of Guadalajara and Hita who came, under the Cid's safe-conduct, to purchase it. Before the place was abandoned, the citadel was put in charge of certain of the inhabitants who had been set free without ransom on condition that they would hold it for the Cid. A half mocking message was sent to King Alfonso to say that though he had exiled the Cid he would serve him with the forces he had at his command. From Castrejon the freebooters marched unop- posed in an easterly direction till they came to the river Jalon, a tributary of the Ebro. Here they fortified themselves near the town of Alcocer on a rounded hill which had access to the water. The country was now thoroughly roused, so it was no longer possible to take towns by surprise as Castrejon 124 '^^^ Cid. [1081- had been taken. Nevertheless something must be done in order to Induce others to join the force and thus put it in a position to undertake more impor- tant operations. The Moors of Alcocer, seeing that the Cid shewed no signs of withdrawing, offered a bribe to persuade him to pass on his way and leave them unharmed. This he refused, and for some weeks he held the place under strict observation^ maintaining his troops the while by harrying the surrounding districts. At last he took Alcocer by a trick. Leaving some tents still pitched within his camp he suddenly marched away down the river Jalon with all his company. The Saracens saw them go, and judging by the haste and disorder of their departure that some calamity had befallen them, or that they had received some alarming news, they rushed forth from the city eager to plunder the deserted camp. A few picked men who had been left in hiding near the city secured the gate before the Saracens could return from their ill-timed sally. The Cid galloped back to find the whole population unarmed and shut out from their own gates. Orders were given that the defenceless people should be spared, not, however, from any motive of humanity, but rather that they might be turned to profit as slaves. At the news of the fall of Alcocer the whole Saracen population rushed to arms. A message, beseeching aid, sent by the citizens of Calatayud, Teruel, Cuenca, Daroca and Molina, brought up reinforcements from as far as Valencia. The district militia was called together at Calatayud, and the 1085] The Cid 171 Exile. 125 whole force appeared under the walls of Alcocer led by two generals whom the Chroniclers describe as two Moorish Kings. For three weeks the Cid lay quietly behind his walls ; at the end of the third he had allowed himself to be cut off from access to water. He probably did not care to risk a battle until he had his men in such a position that defeat meant total loss. Moreover we may notice that, on many occasions, the Cid, the boldest of men when once engaged, shewed great reluctance and hesitation in engaging on a decisive battle. Possibly too the auguries on which he depended for his guidance were unfavourable.* At a council of war held with- in the walls of Alcocer the leader's words were full of discouragement. " We cannot remain here," he said, " for they have cut us off from the water ; we cannot fight them because of their numbers." But he was merely acting a part and waiting for some other to propose the bold measure that was afterwards adopted. Then Alvar Fafiez Minaya stood up and pointed to their numbers ; they were six hundred desperate men and more : a sudden sally might well be successful against the besiegers whom their in- action had lulled into a sense of fancied security. The Cid was persuaded and declared that his kinsman had spoken after his own heart. His first step was to thrust forth the whole Moorish population of the * Not only do the Chronicles and Poema frequently allude to the auguries by which the Cid guided his conduct, but the Count of Bar- celona, in a letter quoted further on (p. 194), openly rebukes him for the practice. Even as late as the 17th century pilgrims on their way to Compostela consulted the sacred chickens and geese at Barcelona, Tudela, and Santo Domingo de la Calzada. 126 The Cid. [1081- castle and town, lest they should convey to their fellow-countrymen outside notice of what was going on. Such an action would scarcely surprise the be- siegers or put them on their guard, for the getting rid of useless mouths from beleaguered towns was a practice almost always resorted to when the supplies of food and water were low. The next morning was fixed upon for the sally, and careful instructions were given to the soldiers. Two only were left to guard the gate, the Cid remarking that they would not be able to defend it if the Moors gained the day, but at any rate they could keep marauders from the rich booty stored up within during the fight. The rest were bidden to keep well together and not to allow them- selves to be induced by any partial success to go too far forward. At the first onslaught the Moors fled in dismay, but encouraged by the sight of their vastly superior numbers, they quickly rallied and drew up their lines ; the serious fighting was still to come. The din of drums and trumpets was deafening as the Infidels advanced led by the banners of the two generals and by five others under which were grouped the militia of the several towns which took part in the expedition. The confusion of the first few moments had given the Cid an opportunity of tak- ing up a favourable position in which to receive their attack. So small did his force appear that the Saracens thought to capture the whole of it. They therefore extended their line so as to greatly out- flank their adversaries, thus sacrificing the solidity of their centre. As the Saracens advanced still 1085] The Cid in Exile. 127 closer, Pero Bermudez, the standard-bearer, could no longer restrain his eagerness. Bidding the Cid rescue his banner, he cast himself into the thick of the enemy. Then the fight became general : the Moors closed in around Bermudez and attempted to beat him and his banner to the ground, but his armour was good and he held his own manfully until the Cid himself came to his rescue. The impetuous charge of the main body carried them right through the enemy's line. Turning their horses they charged back again with equal success. The Cid himself behaved like a hero ; so many of the enemy did he slay or unhorse that, after a time, none were bold enough to face him, and in whatever direction he turned his horse a broad path opened before him through the enemy. Many a time he was in immi- nent danger and many a time he was rescued by his men. At last the Moors were broken and the two generals fled, one to Teruel and the other to Calat- ayud. The Chroniclers would have us believe that they barely - escaped with their lives, one of them receiving at the hands of the Cid the " three strokes " which are generally portioned out by gleemen to defeated generals or princes.* The defeated forces were pursued and overtaken, a rich booty was se- cured, and the inhabitants of Alcocer, who had been ♦These "three blows" are among the many commonplaces of the makers of the chansons de gcste. Compare the seven-years' sieges. Alfonso the Learned relates that some say that the siege of Zamora lasted seven years, but this could not be, as Don Sancho scarcely reigned so long. The siege of Toledo did last nearly seven years unless this is another instance of the traditional number quoted regardless of facts. 128 The Cid. LIO8I- set free on the previous day, were now recaptured and led back into the town to witness the rejoicing of the victors. The Cid in his prosperity bethought himself of his wife and daughters whom he had left scantily supplied with money at San Pedro de Cardefla. A goodly sum was now sent them together with a rich present for the abbey. A part of the spoil too was set apart for King Don Alfonso whose acceptance of it would show he still regarded the Cid as in some sort his vassal. The messengers who bore these gifts were warned that on their return they would probably no longer find the Cid at Alcocer. The country round had been so mercilessly harried that it could no longer maintain him. The cattle he had collected were now only a hindrance to him, so he offered to sell them to their former owners and to quit the neighbourhood. His proposal was gladly accepted and, after receiving a large sum for a place which he could no longer hold, the Cid marched away. His departure was regretted, we are told, by the inhabitants of Alcocer who had grown rich by trading in the booty which the continual forays brought in. It was the habit of the Cid to establish a market near his camp and to look well to the safety of those who came to buy and sell, for, with- out them, a great part of his booty would have been valueless and he would often have been in want of provisions. The Chroniclers are probably wrong in stating that the chief of the embassy that bore presents from the exile's force to King Alfonso was Alvar Faflez 1085] The Cid in Exile. 129 Minaya. They have seized upon the name of one of the greatest leaders of the time and have made him the companion of the Cid and the partner of his fortunes. We are told that when the messengers reached Castille they had an interview with the King who was very gracious to them. He told them, however, that three weeks * was too short a time to receive back to favour a man who had in- curred his anger. " This is no conduct for a king," he said, " for his anger to be so short lived, unless it be greatly to his advantage." He, however, declared himself pleased with the Cid's success, and, in return for his presents, he granted permission to the mes- sengers to come and go freely within his realms. The same privilege was granted to all who wished to join the Cid's banner ; the attainder that lay upon the Cid's property was removed. In the meantime the Cid himself had been cam- paigning successfully on the frontiers of Aragon. The next place that had the misfortune to be selected as the site of his camp was a hill above Montalban known to this day as the Poyo del Cid. Here he remained for some weeks ruthlessly levying black- mail, which the Chroniclers dignify by the name of tribute, on the surrounding districts as far as Medina Celi, Teruel, and Celfa. They tell how, after a night march, he appeared suddenly in the neighbourhood of Saragossa and levied tribute there also, but after- wards became the friend and ally of the reigning prince. We know for certain that he took service at * Even according to the account of these same Chroniclers the Cid had been much longer than three weeks in exile. 130 The Cid. [IO8I- Saragossa after his unsuccessful expedition to Barce- lona. Of this expedition the Chroniclers make no mention : probably they considered it would^tarnish their hero's glory to tell how he appeared as an ad- venturer of broken fortunes at the Court of a prince whom he afterwards conquered more than once. The whole of the exploits of the Cid from the time he left Castille to the time he reached Saragossa, with the single exception of his visit to Barcelona, rest entirely on the traditional accounts preserved in the Poema del Cid and copied by later chroniclers. We now get on to safer ground and henceforth some of our authorities are almost contemporary. The Cid arrived at Saragossa in 108 1 and took service with Al-muktadir, the second king of the Beni Hud dynasty. This prince had already reigned over Saragossa, sometimes independently, sometimes as a tributary of Castille, for more than thirty years, almost all of which had been spent in continual warfare. It has recently been proved that Sulei- man, father of Al-muktadir, and founder of the dynasty, divided his kingdom on his death between his four sons. Al-mudhaffar the eldest, a brave and learned prince, received L^rida and Tortosa as his portion ; two other brothers were made Emirs of Calatayud and Tudela respectively, while Al-mukta- dir— probably his father's favourite— inherited Sara- gossa. It was in his eldest brother, Al-mudhaffar, that he found his stoutest adversary. Like most of the degenerate Saracen princes of his day he employed Christian mercenaries. On one occasion, thinking to put an end to the struggle, Al-muktadir had engaged 1085] The Cid in Exile. 131 a large force of Catalans and Navarrese, but at the decisive moment they had displayed the proverbial faithlessness of mercenaries and deserted to his brother. Finding himself unable to conquer in the field, he had recourse to treachery. He arranged a private interview with Al-mudhaffar. The terms were that they should meet alone and unarmed, and try by amicable discussion to find some settlement for their differences. Al-mudhaffar appeared at the meeting- place apparently unarmed, but he wore beneath his robes a coat of mail. To this he owed his life. By order of Al-muktadir he was set upon by a Nav- arrese knight who thought to slay him easily. Al- muktadir of course disclaimed the attempt of his baffled emissary, and thus found an excuse for venting his disappointment by putting the Navarrese to death. Thus the war dragged wearily on as before, not so much by regular campaigns as by a series of destructive forays in which the people of the open country and undefended villages suffered severely, while the conclusion of the struggle was brought no nearer. But at last, during one of these inroads, Al-mudhaffar fell into his brother's hands. His dominions were annexed to those of Saragossa and he himself was shut up in the castle of Rueda. Continually pressed by his Christian neighbours of Castille, Aragon, Navarre, and Barcelona, Al-mukta- dir was not allowed to enjoy his ill-gotten territory in peace. When fortune brought the Cid to his gates he readily seized the opportunity of taking into his service one of the most skilful captains of the day. He lived but a few months to enjoy the pro- 132 The Cid. [1081- tection of the Cid, and on his death (Oct. 1081), following his father's dangerous example, he divided his kingdom between his two sons. Al-mutamen, the elder, became King of Saragossa, and Al-mundhir the Hagib or scholar (called by the Chroniclers Alfagib) became King of Denia, which had been lately added to the dominion of the family, and of Ldrida and Tortosa. The Cid took service again with the new King of Saragossa and was soon employed in the war that broke out between the brothers. In order to counterbalance the advantage that Al-mutamen possessed by having under his orders a body of Christian troops, Al-mundhir entered into alliance with his neighbours Sancho Ramirez, King of Aragon, and the hot-headed Berenger, Count of Barcelona.* Their united efforts however were un- able to check the ravages of the Cid whose name had become a terror on the frontier. On one occasion Al-mundhir and his allies had approached the terri- tory of Saragossa while the Cid lay encamped near Monzon. King Sancho of Aragon had taunted the Cid saying that he would not dare to enter the place in the face of a greatly superior force. This chal- lenge was accepted by the Cid out of bravado. When he marched past the allied army, the astonishment caused by his bold act and the fear of his arms pre- served him from attack. * Some authors have disputed the existence of Berenger, Count of Barcelona, the Cid's enemy. It is however certain that Ramon el Viejo left his undivided countship to his two sons. In December 1082 Berenger, known afterwards as el Fratricida or Cabcza de Estopa (tow- head), murdered his brother and became the guardian of his nephew Ramon III., el Grande, who was at the time only a month old. 1085] The Cidin Exile. 133 Not long after this, Al-mutamen, by the advice of the Cid, set to work to rebuild and fortify the dis- mantled castle of Almenara in the neighbourhood of L^rida. Al-mundhir saw that the possession of such a stronghold would give his enemies a base of opera- tions and a rallying-place for their forays, and would be a thorn in his side, as was the castle of Aledo in the side of the Saracens of the South. He deter- mined to prevent the completion of the work, and summoned to his aid his Catalan and Provencal allies. A powerful force was collected under the leader- ship of the Counts of Barcelona and Cerdagne, the brother of the Count of Urgel, the lords of Vich, Ampourdan, Roussillon and Carcassonne. The new castle was besieged while the Cid was absent at Scarps hard by. So strong were the fortifications of Almenara that, even with the large force at their command, the Provencal leaders were unable to take it by storm. After a siege of some length, however, the garrison began to suffer from scarcity of water and sent news of their plight to the Cid who imme- diately communicated it to Al-mutamen. Alarmed at the prospect of losing so important a position, the King of Saragossa hurried to Tamariz where he met the Cid and urged him to attack the enemy and raise the siege before it was too late. The Cid pointed out the imprudence of attacking so powerful an army and advised the King rather to offer a bribe to the besiegers. Al-mutamen agreed, and a large sum was entrusted to ambassadors with orders to do their best to break up the alliance by means of bribery. This proceeding was rightly interpreted by the allies 134 '^^'^ ^'^^- [1081- as an admission of weakness. Relying on their superior numbers and the advantage of their posi- tion, they refused to treat and continued the siege. Their boldness was speedily punished, for the Cid always shewed himself most formidable when ap- parently most diffident. Immediately on the return of the unsuccessful ambassadors he marched against the enemy. The armies met in regular battle array and, with no advantage of position to compensate for the inferiority of his numbers, the Cid utterly routed the force opposed to him. The number of the slain was very large. Count Berenger himself was taken prisoner and handed over by the Cid to Al-mutamen, who released him five days later after making a formal alliance with him. After their brilliant victory the King and the Cid returned to- gether in triumph to Saragossa. The King's grati- tude was shewn in the honours which he bestowed on his protector and ally. " Al-mutamen," says the Latin Chronicle, " exalted Rodrigo during his life, and set him over his son, and over his kingdom, and over all his land, so that he seemed to be lord of all his dominions ; he enriched him also with untold bounties and countless gifts of gold and silver." This victory must belong to the first or second year of Al-mutamen's reign (1082-3) though the actual date is uncertain. Shortly afterwards, there took place an event of so startling a kind that it gives us a landmark in the obscure chronology of the time. Impressed by its importance, the monks recorded it in their annals, rough lists of notable events, without detail of any kind, that were kept in some of the 1085] The Cid in Exile. 135 principal religious houses. These records are often silent for years together until some victory or dis- aster, or the death of a king, struck the monkish chronicler as being worthy of being jotted down on the blank leaf of a mass book. It will be remembered that Al-muktadir, the father and predecessor of Al-mutamen, had captured and imprisoned his brother Al-mudhaffar in the castle of Rueda on the river Jalon. In 1083, Al-mudhaffar found means to bribe his guardian, whom the chron- iclers call Albofalac, or Almofalar, and describe as a person of mean birth. Al-mudhaffar, once in pos- session of the castle, laid claim to the dominions of his late brother, and sent messages to Don Alfonso of Castille to beg his help. Ready as ever to inter- fere in the affairs of his neighbours, Alfonso, although engaged at the time in the siege of Toledo, found means to send a considerable force under the joint command of his cousin Ramiro, son of Garcia of Na- varre, and Gonzalo Salvadores, governor of old Cas- tille, whose prowess in the field had won him the name of Cuatro-manos (four hands). On their ar- rival at Rueda they were persuaded by Al-mudhaffar that, for the success of their joint undertaking, it was necessary that Alfonso should lead the army. Their representations were favourably received, and the King came to Rueda, where he found Al-mud- haffar at the point of death. Albofalac now became alarmed at the turn events were taking. No longer upheld by the bold spirit of Al-mudhaffar, he dreaded falling into the hands of a Christian prince who was likely to shew but small regard for a traitor 136 The Cid. [1081- when once he had reaped all the advantage he could hope for from his treachery. Accordingly, he en- tered into communication with Al-mutamen, and sought to regain his favour by inflicting some sig- nal blow on the Christians. As is the wont of cow- ards at bay, he acted with desperate boldness. He sought an interview with King Alfonso, and offered to hand over the castle to him if he would come in person to take possession. Whether Alfonso had any suspicion of the trap laid for him we do not know, but instead of going himself, he sent Gonzalo Salvadores and others of his captains to the castle. No sooner had they entered the gates than they were overwhelmed and slain by a hail of stones and arrows. Alfonso retired dejected and furious to his camp vowing vengeance against Rueda. When the Cid heard the news his first care was to convince the King that he had taken no share in the treacherous plot against his life. He visited the camp before Rueda and was honourably received ; on the King's departure he accompanied him to Castille. The later chronicles give a fuller version of the affair. They relate that after the murder of Gonzalo Salvadores the Cid declined to return to Castille until he should have first reduced Rueda. It was the readiest and most effectual means of con- vincing his fellow-countrymen of his innocence, and he set about it with his accustomed energy. So strong, however, was the place that it resisted all his attempts to take it by storm, and he was obliged to besiege it for a long time before he compelled its garrison to sue for terms. To those who had taken 1085] The Cid in Exile. 137 no share in the murder their lives were assured ; they came forth from the castle submitting to the heavy fine inflicted upon them for their obstinacy. There remained still within the fortress a small rem- nant of the guilty, now no longer able to hold out against the storming-parties. Not one of these es- caped ; many were slain, and those who fell into the hands of the Cid were sold as slaves. Albofalac himself with his chief men was sent to Alfonso who "did great justice upon them." The Cid now joined the King thinking that he had gained his confidence and forgiveness ; but it was not so. Signs of the suspicion and enmity still cherished against him were soon apparent, and he suddenly quitted Castille and took service again with Al-mutamen, who had borne as best he might the brief but violent outbreak of his powerful mer- cenary. We must suppose that Al-mutamen dis- claimed all share in the treachery of the governor of Rueda. Having thus shewn that his fidelity could not be depended upon by his Saracen employers, the Cid was the more desirous of proving his power and skill, in order to make them willing to overlook his occasional lapses. He had not long to wait for an opportunity of distinguishing himself. He accompanied Al-mutamen on a foray into Aragon, and for five days they spread devastation through the land, moving with such speed that all attempts to check them were in vain and they returned to Monzon with much booty and many captives. Such was the terror of the Cid's name that the King of 138 The Cid. [108I- Aragon, though his army was in the field, made no attempt to punish them. Emboldened by success, the Cid next accepted a commission to harry the lands of Al-mundhir the Hagib, brother of Al-muta- men. This expedition lasted longer than the former and was not less destructive to those against whom it was directed. The scene of its operations was the mountains of Morella which were rich in herds, and moreover were less likely to have been lately plun- dered than the open plain. In all this region the Cid "did not leave a house that he did not destroy, nor movable property that he did not carry off." He moreover attacked the castle of Morella and fought his way up to the gate. The defences of the place were greatly weakened, and it was on the point of falling into his hands when orders from Al-muta- men turned his energies in another direction. He was commanded to rebuild the dismantled castle of Alcali de Chivert near the coast to the south of Mor- ella. This he did and threw into it a well-equipped garrison. Common misfortunes and interests now brought about an alliance between Al-mundhir and Sancho of Aragon with the object of crushing the Cid. Having assembled their armies in which many French, Portuguese, Leonese, Navarrese and Gali- cians of gentle birth served as mercenaries, they pitched their camp on the banks of the Ebro hard by the place where the Cid lay. Thence a haughty and imperious message was sent bidding him with- draw at once.. The Cid's answer is curious : " If my Lord, the King, wishes to pass by me in peace, I 1085] The Cid in Exile. 139 will gladly serve him and not only him but also his men. Moreover, if he wishes, I will give him a hun- dred of my soldiers to serve him and accompany him on his way." This message, like that sent later to the Count of Barcelona, may have been meant, as has been supposed, to provoke the allied armies to attack. It may, however, be regarded as an attempt to avoid a pitched battle in which the Cid had all to lose and nothing to gain. The Cid was always reluctant to fight on such occasions ; he preferred harrying the country to fighting pitched battles. Sancho was irritated at the way in which his com- mand to quit the country had been disregarded. Breaking up his camp, he hastily advanced and took up a new position in sight of the Cid's army. The next day he was overthrown by the skill and valour of his adversary. At first the field was stubbornly contested ; but when once the Aragonese were broken, their defeat rapidly became a rout. As many as two thousand prisoners fell into the Cid's hands, among them fifteen noblemen of such consid- eration that their names are recorded in the Gesta. The rank and file of the prisoners were at once set at liberty, but the principal among them graced the triumphal return of the Cid to Saragossa. He was met some miles outside the city by Al-mutamen and his sons who had marched out with the glad citizens to do him honour. This happened in 1085, and shortly afterwards Al- mutamen died. He was succeeded by his son Al- mustain in whose service the Cid remained for some years. During this time we know little or nothing 140 The Cid. i1081-8S of his exploits ; for, as the author of the Gesta re- marks, " the wars and rumours of wars in which Rodrigo took part with his soldiers are not all writ- ten in this book." It is certain that the Cid served the Beni Hud of Saragossa almost continuously from 1081 to 1088. Meanwhile stirring events in which he had no part took place in the south. Of these some account must be given before continuing the Cid's story. CHAPTER VI. THE CONQUESTS OF ALFONSO AND CONDITION OF THE SARACEN PRINCES OF THE SOUTH. IO82-I085. IN 1084 it seemed as if the hour of Spain's deliver- ance from the unbelievers was near at hand. From his camp before Toledo, Alfonso imposed his tribute on the degenerate and turbulent kinglets of the south, or led his forays almost unopposed throughout their lands. Saragossa was at the mercy of its so-called protector, the Cid. The fate of Va- lencia hung only on the rivalries of those who saw in her an easy prey. Seville, the most important of the Saracen states, was ruled by Al-mutamed, a typical Andalusian kinglet, whose romantic story is inti- mately connected with the great events and persons of his time. Al-mutamed was the son of the statesman, con- queror, and voluptuary, Al-mutadhid who, by cease- less activity, had greatly extended his dominions.in Andalusia. To his father's valour and love of pleas- ure Al-mutamed added refined and scholarly tastes, which made his name celebrated even at a time 141 142 The Cid. [1082- when these were common among his countrymen. In his early youth his father, anxious that he should learn to govern, placed him in charge of the import- ant town of Huelva. Shortly afterwards he led the army which was besieging Silves in the Algarve. Here it was that he made the acquaintance of the man who was fated to have so far-reaching an influ- ence on the whole course of his life. Ibn-Ammar was a poet and scholar, who, after studying at Silves, his native place, and at Cordova, roamed from town to town, addressing his verses to any who were able and willing to pay for the formal compliments they contained. His wanderings had brought him but small honour and less profit, and prosperous poets, attached to the Courts of Kings, made mock of Ibn-Ammar's long gown and little cap. To such straits was he often reduced that, returning on one occasion to Silves in a penniless condition, he sought to remedy it by addressing a copy of verses to a tradesman. His efforts were re- warded by a present of a sack of barley. The poet did not consider himself insulted. When, years after, he rose to greatness, he sent his former benefactor a sack of silver in return. At the same time he shewed his sense of the meanness of the gift by de- claring that, had his fee been paid in wheat, it would have been returned in gold. Al-mutamed himself was a poet, and between him and Ibn-Ammar, his elder by nine years, there sprung up a close friend- ship founded on kindred tastes, and a romantic and elegant love of pleasure. When the town of Silves was captured, Ibn-Am- 1085] The Conquests of Alfonso. 143 mar, the poet, was made governor of his native place. From this time onward the intercourse between the two friends was of the closest kind. Ibn-Ammar instilled some of his own scepticism into his patron's mind, without, however, spoiling his naturally frank and gay disposition. At Silves, as afterwards at Seville, their life was given up to poetry, pleasure, and wine. It would have been unclouded save for the gloomy presentiments of the elder man whom early experience had taught to mistrust present prosperity, and who is said to have been warned in a dream that he should die by the hand of his friend and boon-companion. Al-mutamed used to reason with the poet in his moments of gloom, and seek to reassure him by laughing at his forebodings and de- claring that for him to murder his friend would be to commit suicide. Often like Harun-Ar-rashid and his Vizir, the prince and poet would disguise themselves and join the gay throng that at evening sought the Silver Meadow outside Seville. As they strolled along they discoursed pleasantly or capped verses after the Eastern fashion. One day, while thus employed, Al-mutamed uttered half a verse and waited to hear it completed in the same measure and rhyme by the friend who walked at his side. This time, however, Ibn-Ammar did not answer with his wonted glibness, and, while he hesitated, the lacking Hne was supplied by a beautiful girl among the crowd. Charmed by her appearance and her ready wit, Al-mutamed caused her to be followed. He learned that her name was Itimad and that she was also called 144 ^^^ ^^'^- [1082- Romeykiyyah, being the slave of a certain Romeyk. The prince married her and showed his affection for her by taking the name of Al-mutamed (derived from the same root as Itimad) in addition to that which he had hitherto borne. He had no cause to regret his choice. Romeykiyyah made up for her scanty education by her mother-wit and her gay yet charmingly petulant nature. Her caprices and ex- travagances were renowned beyond her own century and her own people ; nearly three centuries later they served to illustrate the moral maxims of the grim old warrior Don Juan Manuel, Prince of Cas- tille.* So the three lived pleasantly together, and Al-mutamed shared his generous heart between his wife and his friend, caring not a whit how the harsh faquihs stormed against his love of pleasure and his friend's openly avowed scepticism. But his father, Al-mutadhid, who still reigned, attributing his son's recklessness to Ibn-Ammar's influence, broke up the pleasant companionship by banishing the favourite. He retired to Saragossa and kept up a poetical correspondence with his patron till 1069, when Al-mutamed took advantage of his father's death to recall him and offer him the choice of positions in his kingdom. Ibn-Ammar chose to become governor of Silves, where he established himself with unheard of magnificence. He did not however long enjoy his government ; recalled by the friend who could not bear to live without him, he was speedily appointed to the highest offices of state. So the old life began again, and the Court became * See his Conde Lucanor, cap. 14, 1085] The Conquests of Alfonso. 145 an academy of poets presided over by Al-mutamed, whose delicate wit and generosity were extolled by all. Many are the stories of the quaint humour which lay on the surface of his passionate and manly nature. When he turned his thoughts from his verses and from his harem, in which Itimad still reigned su- preme, to graver matters, success almost always at- tended his efforts. The neighbouring republic of Cordova had fallen on evil days. In 1064 its wise president, Abu-'l-walid Ibn-Jahwar, abdicated, and his authority nominally descended to his two sons. The real power however remained in the hands of Ibn-As-sakka, the Vizir, whose prudence for a time saved the state. Intrigues, in which Al- mutamed had a considerable share, caused the fall of Ibn-As-sakka, and immediately afterwards Al-mamun of Toledo hurried to secure the defenceless prize. Al-mutamed however was beforehand with him, and, by sending a powerful army into the country under the pretence of supporting the younger son of Ibn- Jahwar, caused Al-mamun to withdraw. The Presi- dent of the republic and his family were seized, and Al-mutamed celebrated his triumph in verse under the allegory of a love-victory over a beauty long de- sired. This took place in 1070, and Al-mutamed conferred the government of Cordova on his youth- ful son Abbad. In the meantime Al-mamun was preparing to make good his failure. He appealed for help to the King of Castille and the two together ravaged the plain up to the gates of the city but failed to take it, thanks to the valour of the young governor Abbad. 146 The Cid. [1082- Al-mamun now took into his service a bandit chieftain named Ibn-Ukasha, who began by estab- hsiiing relations with the malcontents within the city. One winter's night, in the year 1075, the free- booter scaled the walls, surprised and slew Abbad, and handed over the city to Al-mamun, who imme- diately took up his residence in it. Six months later Al-mamun died, poisoned probably at the instigation of Ibn-Ukasha, whom he hated and dreaded, and who was now left in sole possession of Cordova. Grieved to the heart by the loss of his son, and exasperated at the ill success of his carefully laid schemes, Al-mutamed put forth every effort to re- gain possession of Cordova. After three years he succeeded. Ibn-Ukasha was slain fighting bravely and his body was crucified with a dog by its side. Together with Cordova all the lands of the kingdom of Toledo between the Guadalquiver and Guadiana fell into Al-mutamed's hands. King Afonso, meanwhile, watched with interest the suicidal struggle between the kinglets of the south, most of whom — including Al-mutamed — were his tributaries. The relations between the two are not very clear. We are told that Alfonso married Zayda, the daughter of Al-mutamed, and that she became the mother of his son Sancho who was slain by the Almoravides in 1108, when still quite young. That she cannot have been his lawful wife is made practically certain by the dates of his three other marriages and by documents relating to the lives of his queens. But through long residence in Saracen lands Alfonso had become half an eastern in manners. 1085] The Conquests of Alfonso. 147 The late chronicles mention a lady of great estate, Jimena Mufloz, as well as Zayda, as his mistress. They tell too a romantic tale how Zayda fell in love with the fame of the Christian King and how, when she saw him, her passion increased to such a degree that she gave herself to him with a rich dower in lands and castles. The existence of this Zayda and her baptism, under the name of Elizabeth, is vouched for by contemporary evidence. In the church of San Isidoro at Leon, somewhat lower than the tombs of Alfonso's queens, stood, until destroyed by the French in the time of Napoleon, one with the inscrip- tion, H. R. Elisabeth uxor Regis Alfonsi : filia Ben- abet Regis Sibilce, quae prius Zayda fuit vocata. The date of this marriage between Alfonso and Al-mutamed's daughter, if indeed such a marriage really took place, is later than the period of which we are treating. At this time no friendly relations existed, and when his tribute was not readily forth- coming, Alfonso was wont to appear in arms in Al- mutamed's kingdom. On one such occasion it seemed as though he were about to seize the de- fenceless city of Seville. He was prevented by a trick of the wily Vizir, Ibn-Ammar. The story, though strange according to modern and western ideas, is not so improbable as to warrant the rejec- tion of the testimony of the Arabic historian by whom it is told. When Ibn-Ammar saw the Sevil- lians in despair at the thought of the loss of their last shred of independence, he caused to be prepared a marvellous chess-board, the like of which was never seen before. The pieces were of ebony and 148 The Cid. [1082- sandal-wood, encrusted with gold. As soon as Al- fonso caught sight of it he longed to possess it; Ibn-Ammar had accurately gauged his love of finery. The Vizir (by means of bribery) had gained a prom- ise of support for his scheme from some of the King's followers. Relying upon their help, he con- sented to play Alfonso for the possession of the board. The King's stake was a vague promise to do whatever his opponent should bid him. Alfonso relied on his good play ; and moreover, whilst he had his army at his back, he knew that he was master of the situation whatever might be the result of the game. Ibn-Ammar, a skilful player like many of his countrymen, won the game and de- manded as forfeit the withdrawal of the army. Alfonso stormed and protested, but his followers in the Vizir's pay represented that his honour was involved in the fulfilment of his pledge. Finally he withdrew accepting as compensation for his disap- pointment a double tribute for the year. It was vanity and a passion for greatness that finally brought about Ibn-Ammar's fall. The poet was no soldier : yet he dreamed of conquest ; though his wits were sharp at capping verses they were no match for those of men to whom intrigue had been a lifelong study. His covetous eye fell upon the feeble principality of Murcia governed by the rich Abu-Abdu-r-rham Ibn-Tahir and he determined to win it for himself. To this end, whilst on a visit to the Court of Barcelona, Ibn-Ammar concluded a secret alliance with Count Raymond-Berenger II., a prince who was ever ready to lend an army to those 1065] The Conquests of Alfonso. 149 who could pay for it. The Vizir had already bribed certain malcontents in Murcia to betray the city, while the Count had agreed to help him seize it for the sum of 10,000 ducats. The Vizir offered Al- mutamed's son as security for the money ; the Count gave his own son as a guarantee of fidelity. The two started for Murcia together, but on the way the Count became suspicious that his allies had no intention of paying the stipulated sum. He straight- way turned his arms against them, and captured both Ibn-Ammar and the young prince Ar-rashid who accompanied him. News of the disaster was brought to Al-mutamed who had hitherto been kept in ignorance of the whole proceeding. A sum of 30,000 ducats was demanded for the ransom of the prince. He was set at liberty, and a disgraceful exhibition of bad faith on both sides ended with the payment of this sum in coinage so debased that it was only by an oversight that it was accepted. A series of touching verses celebrated the recon- ciliation between the Vizir and the King, for AI- mutamed's friendship was strong enough to stand still further shocks before it turned to hatred. Rein- stated in his master's good graces, Ibn-Ammar once more set to work to carry out his own ambitious schemes. This time he took Al-mutamed into his confidence and, by greatly exaggerating his own influence in Murcia, persuaded him to lend him an army. But he was not able to take the town at once as he had hoped. He grew weary of the siege and returned to Seville, leaving the troops in charge of a new ally, Ibn-Rashik, the governor of the castle ISO The Cid. [1082- of Balj. At Seville he received news that Ibn- Rashik's intrigues with some of the powerful inhabi- tants of the city were successful and that Murcia was ready to submit to him as her conqueror. Elated above measure by his good fortune, Ibn- Ammar, as soon as he quitted Seville on his way to Murcia, gave himself all the airs of a king. His ene- mies speedly informed Al-mutamed of his proceed- ings and Ibn-Ammar forthwith received orders to set free the ex-king of Murcia. His disobedience was followed by the escape of his prisoner to Valencia, and by a bitter reproof from Al-mutamed. Commu- nications between poet and patron were still carried on as of old in verse. Their tone grew less and less friendly until a scurrilous poem on Al-mutamed's family, written by Ibn-Ammar's own hand, and for- warded by an enemy to Al-mutamed himself, put an end to all hope of reconciliation. Al-mutamed had been grievously lampooned and insulted: his most intimate confidence had been betrayed. His wife and children who had been ridiculed in the verses were now among those who most eagerly sought Ibn-Ammar's downfall. This came speedily. Whilst he gave himself up entirely to pleasure. at Murcia his treacherous ally, Ibn-Rashik, had been plotting against him. At last Ibn-Rashik threw off the mask and threatened to hand Ibn-Ammar over to his injured master. The ex-vizir fled and sought protection at the Castillian Court. But the heavy bribe forwarded by Ibn-Rashik had already been accepted, and Ibn-Am- mar fled from Leon to Saragossa. His energy soon 1085] The Conquests of Alfonso. 151 procured him employment, and whilst in the service of Al-mutamen, he distinguished himself by the cap- ture of a revolted castle. Appearing before it with a small escort he demanded and obtained an inter- view with the governor. To this he went accom- panied by two faithful servants to whom he had given his instructions. As their master gave his hand to the governor they plunged their knives into his body. This stratagem he attempted to repeat at Segura but his treachery was now notorious, and he was seized and sold to the highest bidder. The purchaser was Al-mutamed, who sent his son to bring his former favourite to Cordova with all pos- sible indignity. Here he was confronted with his satire and overwhelmed with insults by those whom he had so brutally attacked. He did not attempt to excuse his conduct but merely begged for pardon. He was afterwards removed to Seville where he spent the weary hours of his captivity in addressing verses to Al-mutamed reminding him of their former friendship. He also wrote to the few friends still left to him, begging them to use all means to pro- cure his pardon. 'This he seems to have almost succeeded in obtain- ing when he committed the fatal error of writing a letter in which he spoke of the favourable impression he had made upon Al-mutamed during an interview that had been granted him, and boldly announced his speedy return to power. His enemies, to whom his pardon meant ruin, at once took advantage of his folly by bringing his presumptuous conduct, with many exaggerations, to the notice of Al-mutamed. 152 The Cid. [1082- All the King's pent up rancour at once burst forth. Seizing a splendid battle-axe, a present from King Alfonso, he made his way to Ibn-Ammar's prison and burst in. Ibn-Ammar knew that his hour was come, but he fell at the King's feet, and kissing them pleaded for mercy. The battle-axe fell and Al- mutamed, blind with fury, hacked the dead body until it lay cold before him. With Ibn-Ammar's death Al-mutamed's prosperity seemed to come to an end. Exasperated beyond measure by the overbearing conduct of the Spanish ambassadors who had come to collect the annual tribute, he caused them to be seized and cast into prison whilst the chief commissioner, a Jew who had made himself particularly hateful, was crucified. Alfonso's first care was to ransom his captive sub- jects. This he did by the surrender of the castle of Almodovar. After this his vengeance came swift and terrible. He burst into Al-mutamed's domin- ions at the head of a powerful army, plundering and burning as he went, and reducing all his captives to slavery. After besieging Seville itself, he passed on and wasted the province of Sidonia. When he came to Tarifa he rode his horse down into the sea ex- claiming, "This is the boundary of Spain and I have touched it." This took place in 1082 when Toledo was already practically in Alfonso's power. Al-mamun his former friend had been dead for seven years and had been succeeded after a brief interval by Yahya Al-kadir, a prince of feeble char- acter. Alfonso now considered himself free from any obligation that had bound him to the King of 1085] The Conquests of Alfonso. 153 Toledo. He did not, however, openly attack King Yahya but allowed him to bring about his own ruin. Ground down by the unbearable taxes raised to support a profligate court and to pay the enormous tribute that purchased the so-called protection of the King of Castille, and still further provoked by the capricious cruelty and tyranny of Yahya, the citizens of Toledo rebelled and called in a neighbouring prince, Al-mutawakkel of Badajoz. Yahya, now a fugitive, called upon Alfonso to reinstate him in his dominions. Alfonso must have been glad of this opportunity for armed interference, but before grant- ing Yahya's request, he exacted the harsh condition that all the wealth that the fugitive King had car- ried away in his escape from Toledo should be given up together with certain important castles as secu- rity for a further and still larger sum. This put the ex-king entirely at the mercy of his protector, and in 1080 the war against Toledo began. It was car- ried on by annual incursions, destruction of crops and continual harrying of the territory from strong castles within its borders rather than by a regular siege. After four years of this treatment, Toledo was forced to submit and Al-mutawakkel retired to his own kingdom. Yahya now became King again in name, but he was really more than ever the helpless tool of Alfonso's far-reaching schemes of conquest. His subjects hated him and despised his feeble authority propped by Christian arms. Alfonso became daily more exacting; his intention was, first, to extort all the money he could, and to obtain possession of all 154 The Cid. [1082- the strongholds by which the land could be kept in subjection, and, finally, to oblige Yahya to withdraw from a position that would be worthless even if ten- able. In this he was thoroughly successful. On the 25th of May, 1085, Alfonso entered Toledo as its master. The city had capitulated on the fol- lowing terms. That it should pay to the conqueror annually a fixed sum such as had formerly been raised in taxes by the Saracen kings. That the great mosque should be left to the Moslems together with the full enjoyment of their religion. That Yahya should be put in possession of the kingdom of Valencia, to which he laid claim on the ground that, from 1065 to 1075, it had formed part of the dominion of his predecessor Al-mamun. According to the Chronicles, it was also stipulated that Alfonso should have possession of the alcazar or citadel and the huerta or garden-lands beyond the gate of Alcan- tara. But little by little he established his throne in Toledo and built a stone wall around the citadel in place of the mud wall which had formerly defended it. Whatever the conditions were, they seem to have been granted rather as a salve to the wounded pride of the citizens than as a guarantee of their good treatment. The choice to fulfil them or not lay in Alfonso's hands and they were disregarded as soon as opportunity offered.* Two years after the conquest, a great council was held in Toledo, and Alfonso resolved, seemingly * I have found no good authority for the statement frequently repeated that the Cid himself was the first Christian governor (flkaide) of Toledo after its reconquest, 1085] The Conquests of Alfonso. 155 after some hesitation, to elect an archbishop to what had formerly been and now again became the metro- politan see of Spain. His choice fell upon Ber- nard, Abbot of Sahagun, one of the numerous French ecclesiastics who, at the request of the French Queen Constance, had been sent from the abbey of Cluny to reform the monasteries of Spain. The Archbishop was not to take possession of his see until his ap- pointment should have received the sanction of the Pope and he himself should return from his conse- cration at Rome ; moreover it was thought wise to respect for a time the susceptibilities of the fanatical Moslems. Such considerations weighed but little with the religious zeal of the Queen and Archbishop elect. During a temporary absence of the King, they won over the garrison of the city, broke into the great mosque, consecrated it and celebrated mass. Immediately the city was in an uproar, messages were sent to the King complaining of the violation of the agreement under which the city had been surrendered. Alarmed for the safety of his con- quest, and vowing vengeance against those who had dared to break his pledge at so ill-chosen a moment, Alfonso hastily returned. He was met by the Sara- cens outside the city and, thinking that they had come to demand justice, he exclaimed " Those who have broken my promise have injured me, not you." When however he found that the deputation had come in a pacific spirit, and could be satisfied by guarantees against further encroachment, he skilfully evaded the necessity of giving back to them their mosque. His interests once safe, he rejoiced to see 156 The Cid. tl082- the spot where of old the Virgin gave her cloak to San Ildefonso restored to Christian worship. Meanwhile Yahya, Alfonso's feeble dupe, was making enquiries at Valencia as to how his claim to the throne would be received. His messenger found the reigning King Abu-Bekr Ibn-Abdu-1-aziz occupied in celebrating the marriage of his daughter with Al- muktadir, King of Saragossa. Immediately after this event, Abu-Bekr died, leaving two sons who became rival claimants to the throne. A third pre- tender appeared in the person of the King of Sara- gossa. At this juncture Yahya, by the advice of his envoy, appeared before the gates backed by a pow- erful army sent by Alfonso under the command of his general, Alvar Faflez. In response to a flattering message from Yahya, the chiefs of the Aljama or Assembly came out headed by Ibn-Labbun (Aben Lupon) their alcalde or president and escorted him and his wives to the royal quarters in the Alcazar. His suite were billeted about the city, his body-guard encamped about the Alcazar, while Alvar Faflez and his troops took up their position in a village hard by. Yahya's first step was a prudent one. He had heard that Ibn-Labbun, foreseeing the storm that was about to break over Valencia, was intending to withdraw to Murviedro of which he was Governor. He won him over by making him Vizir and promis- ing to guide his conduct by his advice. This se- cured for him the possession of the castles which Ibn-Labbun had garrisoned at the beginning of the troublous times. Presents betokening submission 1085] The Conquests of Alfonso. 157 were sent by the local governors to the new King "with such humility as Moors know how to use." But, even if Yahya had been the most wise of monarchs, his position would have been untenable. The security of his throne depended on the presence of Alvar Faftez and his troops ; their salary was 600 gold pieces daily. In order to raise this large sum he was forced to burden the Valencians with excess- ive taxation. In vain did they represent to him that they would obey him readily and without con- straint. Even had he been willing to send away the troops, he would have been unable to do so, for they were his masters rather than his servants. The law- less soldiers of the north were joined by crowds of evil-doers and Moslems of the worst class. They lived as in an enemy's country, making slaves of the inhabitants ; " to such a pitch did things come," we are told," that the price of a Moslem prisoner was only a loaf, or a pot of wine, or a slice of fish. Such as could not ransom themselves had their tongues cut out, their eyes pierced, and were given over to be torn by trained dogs." The tax for the mainte- nance of this ferocious crew was called in Valencia the "barley money," barley being the chief food of the knights' horses. One chronicler tells how a butcher's dog had been taught to fall into transports of fury at the words " Pay up your barley " {Daca la ceuada) while a minstrel remarked " Thank God there are many in the city like that dog." At last the hated tax failed to produce the neces- sary sum, and lands had to be given to the savage mercenaries as a substitute. This afforded them a 158 The Cid. [1082- means of employing their superfluous slaves, while they themselves continued to plunder the impover- ished country. Amid all this misery Yahya had forsaken the prudent councils of Ibn-Labbun, whose advice was to attempt to get rid of Alvar Fafiez and his crew at any cost. He had also embarked upon a war which, with the slender and uncertain resources at his command, could only bring him discredit. When the govern- ors of the dependent castles had sent the customary presents on the accession of the new King, nothing had been received from the Alcaide of Jativa. In response to a summons to recognise the authority of Yahya, this man, whom the Chroniclers call Abe- magor, sent the customary gift together with a message, saying that he was unable to appear at Va- lencia in person, but was prepared either to give up the castle in exchange for a pension, or to serve the King and pay the usual tribute. Ibn-Labbun had given proof of his usual wisdom by advising Yahya to accept this offer, but the King distrusted him and preferred to be guided by the advice of the sons of Abu-Bekr, his predecessor on the throne. Marching out at the head of a large army, he easily made him self master of the undefended lower town of Jdtiva, but the citadel held out bravely, and after four months it was the besiegers who suffered most severely from lack of provisions. Yahya's wrath at the failure of his expedition fell upon those who had advised it ; he condemned one of the wealthy sons of Abu-Bekr to pay the barley- money to Alvar Fafiez for a whole month. He 1085] The Conquests of Alfonso. 1 59 moreover seized a wealthy Jew who had been major- domo to his predecessor, and confiscated all his prop- erty. Thus the Valencians found some temporary relief from their burden whilst Yahya still lingered about Jdtiva. Meanwhile the brave Alcaide became convinced that his stronghold must be taken unless speedily reinforced. In his extremity he sent mes- sengers to Al-mundhir Ibn-Hud, King of L^rida, Denia, and Tortosa, offering to surrender Jdtiva and the other castles in his power provided Al-mundhir would save him from falling into the hands of his enemies. In the misfortunes of his neighbour Al- mundhir saw his opportunity : he sent straightway into the beleaguered place his general el Ezquierdo (the left-handed), whilst he busied himself with rais- ing a Christian army for its relief, and took into his pay Giraud d'Alaman, the baron of Cervellon, whom the Chroniclers call Giralte el Romano. On the ap- proach of this army, Yahya immediately fled ; Al- mundhir took possession, not only of Jdtiva, but of all the land between it and Denia. The brave Al- caide obtained from his deliverer the honourable position that had been denied him by his own over- lord. The other Saracen states were in no better case. In 1085 a Castilhan army advanced, plundering to within a league of Granada and, though the inhabit- ants came out to meet it, retired unharmed with its booty. A party of eighty Castillians, cut off by four hundred picked soldiers from Almeria, had succeeded in utterly defeating them. The district of Lorca and Murcia was terrorised by the garrison of the fortress i6o The Cid. [1082-85] of Aledo, where Garcia Ximenez, a brave knight, had established himself as a vassal of the King of Cas- tille. In the north Alfonso himself had vowed to take Saragossa, and there is evidence to shew that he actually began the siege. Whether the Cid ap- peared in arms against him or withdrew for a time from the service of the Beni Hud we do not know. if' J^& c^^^HML^^mSMlS^^ i^^i^m4m^=