OJatnell llntuersity 2Ithrarg attjata. Kmo Inrk CHARLES WILLIAM WASON COLLECTION CHINA AND THE CHINESE THE GIFT OF CHARLES WILLIAM WASON CLASS OF 1876 1918 The date shows when this Tolumewas taken. Lbogk copy the calL^WSTand give to Intentbraiy loan USE RULES Ail books subject to recall All borrowers must regis- ter in the library to borrow books for home use. All books must be re- tjirned at end of college for inspection and Limited books must be returned within the four week limit and not ren^ewed. Students must return all books before leaving town. Officers should arrange for the return of books wanted during their absence from town. Volumes "of periodicals and -of pamiihlets are held in the library as much as possible. For special pur- poses they are given out for a limited time. Borrov^ers should not use their library privileges for the benefit of other persons. Books of special value and gift books, when the giver wishes it, are not allowed to circulate. Readers are asked to re- port , all cases of books marked or mutilated. Do not deface books by marks and writing. HV 5816'g78" ""'™""'' '''""' '^'''*'..!i?R.9,(i!.,9,! ""^ "oyal Commission on 3 1924 023 451 234 DATE DUE ^^ Interiibrary Loan GAYCORD ■■ PBIMTED IN U5A /7n ^. \V> ■'K Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023451234 OPIUM COMMISSION. FIE8T REPOET OP THE ^-^^^!/^7^?<-<2'0'-t^ 4/3 ROYAL COMMISSION ON OPIUM: WITH MINUTES OF EVIDENCE AND xVPPENDICES, Preuctttea to botti ^ouu» of Uarliament Oy (ffommaulr of i^rv Mamtv^ LOlJiJDON: PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE, BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, PRINTERS TO THE QUEEn's MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. And to be purcliased, either directly or tlirough any Bookseller, from EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, East Harding Street, Fleet Street, E.G., and 32, Abingdon Street, Westminster, S.W. ; or JOHN MBNZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and 90, West Nile Street, Glasgow; or HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 104, Grafton Street, Dublin. [C .— 7313.J Price Is. 6d. 1894. Q C ■OkI ■J; M UH ' I V i . i w. i 1 V 1- (lih ;7u; Y G-715-' CONTENTS. Page Royal Commission. - . . . y First Report - . vii First Day's Evidence: — Sir Joseph Pease, Bart. - - 1-13 Rev. James Legge - - 13-17 Dr. Maxwell - . - . 17_23 r Second Day's Evidence: — Rev. J. S. Adams - - - 23-29 Rev. Hudson Taylor - - - 29-33 Rev. Christopher Eenn - 33-34 Rev. George Piercy - - . 35-36 Mr. Joseph Alexander - - - 36-38 Third Day's Evidence : — Mr. Benjamin Broomhall - - 38-44 Mr. George Graham Brown - - 44-46 Rev. A. Elwin - . 46-48 Mr. Marcus Wood - . - 48-50 Rev. Frederick Brown - 60-62 Brigade Surgeon R. Pringle, M.D, - 62-56 Rev. W. S. Swanson, D.D. - - 56-57 Mr. D. Matheson - - 57-59 Dr. William Gauld - - 59-61 Fourth Day's Evidence : — Sir John Strachey, G.C.S.I. - - 61-70 Surgeon-General Sir William Moore, K.C.I.E. .... 71-74 Page Dr. F. J. Mouat .... 76-77 Sir George Birdwood, K.C.I.E., C.S.I. - 77-80 Mr. H. N. Lay, C.B. - . - 81-86 Fifth Day's Evidence : — Sir Thomas Wade, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. - 86-99 Mr. Stewart Lockhart - . 99-102 Dr. F. Irvine Rowell, M.D., C.M.G. 102-103 Mr. Alexander Langman - 103-104 Sir Lepel Griffin, K.C.S.I. - 105-109 Mr. Henry Lazarus . . 109-110 Sixth Day's Evidencb : — Papers read from — Sir Joseph Fayrer, K.C.S.I. 1 10-1 11 SirHughLow, K.C.M.G. - -111 Messrs. Bush Brothers - - 112 Mr. T. W. DufiP - - 112 Evidence of — Mr. William Lockhart, F.R.C.S. 112-116 Dr. George Dods - - 116-117 Mr. David McLaren, with tables 117-123 Rev. T. G. Selby - - 123-124 Deputy Surgeon-General Partridge 124-128 Mr. Polhill Turner and Mr. Thomas Button - . 128-130 Mr. Alexander Michie 131-132 APPENDICES. I. Mr. George Batten's paper read before the Society of Arts on the 24th March 1891 II. Historical note on " Opium and the Poppy in (Dhina," by Dr. Edkins ; Shanghai, 1889 .... III. Memorial from the Anti-Opium Society to the Earl of Kimberley, dated Novem- ber 1892 .... IV. Correspondence with the Foreign Office regarding Sir James Fergusson's state- Page 133 146 162 ment in behalf of the Government in the House of Commons on the 10th April 1891, and the eflfect of existing Treaties regarding tlie importation of opium into China ... V. Extracts from an Australian Parliamentary paper concerning the effect of opium on consumers in Victoria, submitted by Sir George Birdwood VI. Memorandum handed in by Sir Thomas Wade, G.C.M.G., C.B., in reply to Question 1286 Page 165 167 168 ANALYSIS OF EVIDENCE Page 170 e 80970. Wt. P. 2150. a 2 ROYAL COMMISSION ON OPIUM. yiOTORIA, R.I. Victoria, by tlie Grace of Grod, of tke United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith, Empress of India, &c., to — Our right trusty and well-beloved Thomas, Baron Brassey, Knight Commander of Our Most Honourable Order of the Bath ; Our trusty and well-beloved Sir James Broadwood Lyall, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, Knight Commander of Our Most Exaulted Order of the Star of India ; Our trusty and well-beloved Sir Lakshmiswar Singh, Bahadur, Maharajah of Darbhanga, Knight Commander of our Most Eminent Order of the Indian EmpirQ ; Our trusty and well-beloved Sir William Roberts, Knight, Doctor of Medicine ; Our trusty and well-beloved Robert Gray Cornish Mowbray, Esquire, Master of Arts, Representative in Parliament for the Prestwich Division of the County of Lancaster; Our trusty and well-beloved Arthur Upton Fanshawe, Esquire, Director-General of the Post Office of India ; Our trusty and well-beloved Arthur Pease, Esquire ; * Our trusty and well-beloved Haridas Yiharidas, Esquire, late Dewan of Junargarh ; and Our trusty and well-beloved Henry Joseph Wilson, Esquire, Representative in Parliament for the Holmfirth Division of the West Riding of the County of York ; Greeting ! Whereas an humble Address has been presented unto Us by the Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, and Commissioners of Shires and Burghs in Parliament assembled, praying that We will be graciously pleased to appoint a Royal Commission to report as to — 1 . Whether the growth of the poppy and manufacture and sale of Opium in British India should be prohibited except for medical purposes, and whether such prohibition could be extended to the Native States : 2. The nature of the existing arrangements with the Native States in respect of the transit of Opium through British territory, and on what terms, if any, these arrange- ments could be with justice terminated : 3. The eflfect on the finances of India of the prohibition of the sale and export of Opium, taking into consideration (a) the amount of compensation payable (&) the cost of the necessary preventive measures ; (c) the loss of revenue : 4. Whether any change short of total prohibition should be made in the system at present followed for regulating and restricting the Opium Trafiic and for raising a revenue therefrom : 5. The consumption of Opium by the different races and in the different districts in India and the effect of such consumption on the moral and physical condition of the people : 6. The disposition of the people of India in regard to (a) the use of Opium for non- medical purposes ; (b) their willingness to hear in whole or in part the cost of prohibi- tive measures : — with the prayer of which Address We are graciously pleased to comply : Now know ye, that We, reposing great trust and confidence in your knowledge and ability, have authorised and appointed, and do by these Presents authorise and appoint, you, the said Thomas, Baron Brassey ; Sir James Broadwood Lyall ; Sir Lachhmeswar Singh ; Sir William Roberts ; Robert Gray Cornish Mowbray ; Arthur Upton Fanshawe Arthur Pease ; Haridas Yeharidas ; and Henry Joseph Wilson ; to be Our Commissioners for the purposes of the said inquiry. And for the better effecting the purposes of this Our Commission, We do by these Presents give and grant unto you, or any five or more of you, full power to call before you such persons as you shall judge likely to afford you any information upon the subject of this Our Commission ; and also to call for, have access to, and examine all such books, documents, registers, and records as may afford you the f uUest information on the subject ; and to inquire of and concerning the premises by all other lawful ways and means whatsoever. And we do by these Presents authorise and empower you, or any five or more of you, to visit and personally inspect such places whether in Our said United Kingdom or a 3 VI ■witMn Our Indian Dominions as you may deem it expedient so to inspect for the more effectual carrying out of the purposes aforesaid, and to employ such persons as you may think fit to assist you in conducting any inquiry which you may hold. And We do further by these Presents will and ordain that this Our Commission shall continue in full force and virtue, and that you, Our said Commissioners, or any five or more of you, shall and may from time to time, and at any place or places, proceed in the execution thereof, and of every matter and thing therein contained, although the same be not continued from time to time by adjournment. And We do further ordain that you, or any five or more of you, have liberty to report your proceedings under this Our Commission from time to time, if you shall judge it expedient so to do. And Our further will and pleasure is that you do, with as little delay as possible, report to Us, under your hands and seals, or under the hands and seals of any five or more of you, your opinion upon the questions herein submitted for your consideration. And for the purpose of aiding you in such matters, We hereby appoint Our trusty and well-beloved John Prescott Hewett, Esq., Companion of Our Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, Deputy Secretary to Our Government of India in the Home Department, to be Secretary to this Our Commission. Given at Our Court at St. James's, the second day of September, one thousand eight hundred and ninety-three, in the fifty-seventh year of Our reign. By Her Majesty's Command. KIMBERLEY. ROYAL COMMISSION ON OPIUM. FIRST REPORT. TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. May it please Your Majesty, We, the undersigned OommisBioners appointed to inquire into matters connected ■with the growth of the poppy and the manufacture, sale, and consumption of opium, desire humbly to submit to Your Majesty the following Eeport of the steps which we have taken for the prosecution of our inquiry. Prior to oiir departure for India, six sittings were held in London and 37 witnesses were examined. On the 16th September we adjourned. On the 1.8th November we re-assembled at Calcutta, where we have held 20 sittings and examined 102 witnesses. A section of the Commission has recently returned from Bnrraa, where it held seven meetings and examined 37 witnesses. At the commencement of the new year we intend to proceed on a tour through Northern and Central India. Our inquiry has not proceeded far enough to enable us to submit any recommendations upon the matters referred to us, but we think it desirable to present the Minutes of the evidence taken in London. All which we humbly submit for Your Majesty's gracious consideration. (Signed) J. P. Hewett, Secretary. Calcutta, December 30th, 1893. BRASSEY. J. B. LYALL. LAKSHMISWAR SINGH OF DARBHANGA. WM. ROBERTS. R. G. C. MOWBRAY. A. U. FANSHAWE. ARTHUR PEASE. HARIDAS VIHARIDAS. HENRY J. WILSON. a 4 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION. MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE THE ROYAL COMMISSION APPOINTED TO INQUIRE INTO " (1.) Whether the growth of the poppy and manufacture and sale of opium in British India should be prohibited except for medical purpose, and whether such prohibition could be extended to the Native States ; " (2.) The nature of the existing arrangements with the Native States in respect of the transit of opium through British territory, and on what terms, if any, these arrangements could be with justice terminated ; " (3.) The effect on the finances of India of the prohibition of the sale and export of opium, taking into consideration {a) the amount of compensation payable, (&) the cost of the necessary preventive measures, (c) the loss of revenue ; " (4.) Whether any change short of total prohibition should be made in the system at present followed for regulating and restricting the opium traffic and for raising a revenue therefrom ; " (5.) The consumption of opium by the different races and in the different districts of India, and the effect of such consumption on the moral and physical condition of the people ; " (6.) The disposition of the people of India in regard to (a) the use of opium for non-medical purposes, (b) their willingness to bear in whole or in part the cost of prohibitive measures." At the House of Lords, Westminster, S.W. FIRST DAY. Friday, 8th September 1893, PEESENT : The Bighi Honotjeable LOED BBASSEY, K.O.B. (Chairman, presidikg). Me. Aethue Eease. Sm Chaeles E. Beenaed, K.O.S.I., ActiTig Secretary. SiE James B. Ltall, G.O.I.E. SiE William Eoeeets, M.D. Me. B. G. 0. MowBEAY, M.P. SiE Joseph Pease, M.P., called in and examined. 5,-,. j 1. (Chairman.) Sir Joseph Pease, I believe you are beleft perfectly free to act witli regard to opium and levy ' a member of the House of Commons ? — I am. suoh duties on opium as she might choose, and that the g ggpt jggg 2. And you are the President of the Society for the Indian opium should be kept out of China i.s a source __ ' Suppression of the Opium Trade P-I have been of great demoralisation to the Chmese. President of the Society for the Suppression of the 3. "What description would you like to give us of the Opium Trade since the death of Lord Shaftesbury, in Indian portion of the opium trade P — As regards the 1886. He was my predecessor. I might say that the cultivation of the poppy and the manufacture of opium present Society for the Suppression of the Opium I do not think that it was ever more clearly laid down Trade was one that was re-cast, if I may so say, in 1873, than by the then Mr. Cecil Beadon, afterwards Sir Cecil or thereabouts, having in view principally the Chinese Beadon, in his evidence before the East India Com- portion of the question — not so much the Indian then mittee of 1871 which sat one or two years after that if I as the Chinese portion. We desired that China should recollect right. He is asked, " In what mode is the e 80970, A INDUN OPIUM commission; Sir J. Pease, M.P. 8 Sept. 1893. " land then selected tor cultivation P " — ''Wlieu any " ryot wishes to cultivate opium, he goes to the sub - " agent and asks to have his name registered, his land " measured, and to get a cultivation license and the " usual advaiUce. The sub-agent makes inquiries, " asoei tains that the man is really bond fith an owner " of the land which he proposes to cultivate with opium, " has the land measured, and then makes an advance " upon the security of the person himself to whom the " advance is made and his fellow-villagers. The " advance is made shortly before the sowing season. " The ryot then sows his land, and when the plant is '■ above ground the land is then measured by one of " the native establishnaents, and if the ryot has sown " all tliat he engaged to sow, he gets a second advance ; •' if he has not sown so much he gets something less " in proportiem , or if more, he gets a little more. " There is a sorb of rough settlement at the second '' advance. Xothiug further takes place till the crop " is ripe for gathering, and when the ryot has gathered " the crop he collects it in vessels and takes it to the " sub agent's ofBce, there he delivers it to the sub- " agent as the agent of the Government und receives " the fall price for it, subject to further adjustment " when the opium has been weighed and tested and " examined at the agent's factory. The opium is then " collected at the sub-agency and forwarded to the '■ factory; there it is exposed for a considerable time '■ in large masonry tanks, it is reduced to a uniform " consistency, and made fit for the market, some for " home consumption, and some for sale in Calcutta for " exportation — the greater quantity for exportation. " It is there packed in oases and sent to Calcutta, and ' ' in Calcutta it is Bold by auction at periodical sales and " exported by merchants for consumption abroad."' — " Is there any regulation by which the Government " limit the extension of land so cultivated, or do they " always accede to every request 't " — " It is limited " according to the financial needs of the (iovei-nment ; '" it is limited entirely upon Imperial considerations. " The Government of India, theoretically at least, if " not practically, decide how much opium they will " bring to market, and, of course, upon that depends the " quantity of land that they will put under cultivation '■ and make advances for." — "Are great precautious " taken to prevent any persou cultivating the land ' with opium without a license F " — " It is absolutely " prohibited." Now, my Lord, that being the state of things you will see that Sir Cecil Bcadon dis- tinctly states that it is limited according to the financial needs of the Government. And that is corroborated by extracts which I made some time ago from different messages from different local governors in India. On the 22nd April 1869, the Hon. W. Grey, Lieutenant Governor of IBengal, writing from Barrackpore to Mr. C. H. Campbell, said : " I " have a telegraphic message from Simla, urging that " every possible expedient that yon can approve should " be used even now to extend the opium cultivation " next season to the greatest poEsible exteut." Sir liichard Temple, in a minute dated 27th April, 1869, wrote : " I am clear for extending the cultivation and ' ' for insuring a plentiful supply. If we do not do this ■' the Chinese will do it for themselves. They had ' ' better have our good opium than their own indifferent " opium. There is really no moral objection to our ■' conduct in this respect." Mr. Grey, again, on the '-!9th April 1869, urged increased cultivation, re- marking; "This would just suiSce, and no more, to put " us on smooth ground again." Sir John (then the Hon. J.) Strachey wrote from Simla on the 20th April 1869: "It seems to nic that immediate measures of " the most energetic chanieti.r ought to be taken with " the object of increasing the production of opium." I think that that entirely bears out Sir Cecil Beadon's view that the oijium is eultival ed for the purposes of revenue only, and without any other considerations ihan those Imperial considerations. Then I find in the financial statement for lf-;8-l-8.L> . " The Government is " indebted to Mr. II. liivett CVruac, opium agent at " Benares, for strengthening its opium revenue during " th'' yeai' 188;^, and in a les.sei' degree in the ]n'evious " ye:ir, by the nianufacture ;ind prepariitiim oi' Malwa *■ opium into a form suilnd for loc:ileonsuiji|ition. Itis " <;i,lculated, so loii^- as the cost nf llio ]\lnlwa drug " ;ii. IJO do;.;rces consistence does not I'xcced Rs. 418 ' ' per niaund, and the selling ])rice lA' provision opium " is not less than Es. 1,202 for Patna, and Rs. 1,1-12 for Benares opium, th;:- scheme for substituting Llalwa for Bengal opium for manufactme into excise opium i.s, tinaucially speaking, lilvjy lo prove " BUCcesKful " Therefore, the Indian Government were not only taking care that their own opium, was made fit for what is called their local consumption, but it also went further, to buy the Malwa opium to manufacture into a form which is suited for local con- sumption. I also found from a friend of mine, who wrote a letter which afterwards appeared in some of the papers, that the Government-manufactured opium is ad^•e^tised in the carriage^ of the State railways. He says : "In travelling by the mail train on the State " railway between Bombay and Ahmedabad, for the " whole distance of 300 miles a curious advertisement " confronts the passenger. It is in three languages, " Knglish, Marathi, and Gujerathi, and informs him " that at Ahmedabad he can obtain 10 tolas of opium " at the licensed shop, just outside the station." The Indian Government had not only that mode of pressing the sale of opium, but they had also, until the other day, when, on the instigation of Lord Cross, it was re- pealed, or nearly repealed, a curious clause in what is called the "Bombay License:" "That if the " aggregate of the quantities of opium sold by him " by retail at his shops as shown in the monthly " statements rendered in accordance with the last pre- " ceding clause fall short, at any time during the term " of this license, of a quantity equal to " [one twelfth, one twenty-fourth, or one thirty-sixth if the license is for one, two; or three years, and so on] " of the mini- " mum number of pounds specified in clause I. multi- " plied by the number of completed months elapsed " 'from the date of the commencement of this license, " he will pay to ,the collector within seven days after " the end of the month up to which any such deficiency "■ may have accrued, penalty at the rate specified in " clause I. on every pound of such deficiency ; pro- " vided that the amount of penalty so paid will be " remitted afterwards by the extent to which the " deficiency may be made good by larger sales than" (that is the quantity by the license) " of the number of " pounds specified in clause I. in any subsequent " month or months during the term of this license." That clause the Indian Government have, I believe, abandoned at the instigation of a minute sent out by Lord Cross. 4. Ton aio putting these matters before us, I suppose, to support your contention that there is a more direct moral responsibility lying upon the Indian Government, which is directly concerned in tlie manufacture and sale of opium, than there ^vould be if the Govern- ment confined itself to the imposition of licenses and drawing a revenue from export duties? — "What I want to show is that there never was in the civilised world such a curious case as this opium trade of the Indian Government. I have shovin by Sir Cecil Beadon's evidence what it is ; that it is from first to last a unique trade, whether it is a drug or whether it is something which is riuite harmless or beneficial, and it is carried on as a cultivation, as a manufacture by the State ; that the State tried by every possible means to obtain fresh and large sales for the drug. I do not think that in the wide world there is such a curious case of a State, or anything like a civilised State such as ours, manu- facturing any article, much more manufacturing and dealing in a drug of this character. 6. You draw a distinction between a State's being directly concerned in the manufacture and the position which a State would occupy which simply levied licenses or imposed an export duty, and which, so far as its intervention in the trade is concerned, operated rather to check the trade than to encourage it ? — I think there is a very great deal uf dillerence between the two, but I cannot say that I am prepared to recommend that the Indian Govern. ment should merely be a licenser of the cultivation and mauuf:icture. I think there is still another and a wider difference between a State saying: "Here is a deadly " and it, poisonous drug which ought only to be used " under professional c;!re," and granting licenses for that, anda Sta(e promolhig iri e\ery possible way the sale, uncheckcii by nicdic:il influence and medical care, of that which I believe to be a, drug, ivhich ought only to be dispensed under medical supervision. fi. I believ'> vottr society has always considered that the opium trade ha;; been an immoral trade, has it n(jt?— We have ahvays considered it to be an immoral trade; that i.s the ground on which we have agitated against it. I own that ii. is a somewhat difiicult point to ai'gao what is moral and what is immoral; and therefore 1 ))ut down on my notes here the manner in tvhich 1 should best define the r..-ason why we thint thar the opium tr:ido does not come up to iho moral standard. The Anti-Opium Society always considered MTSTOTES Of EVI0BNCT!. it an immoral trade, tkat is, one that is carried on to the detriment of the human race. Without going into the question of ■what the Christian law would require, the moral law, which is after all, baaed upon Christian law, indicates that no man should carry on, and no State ought to carry on, a trade which is detrimental to their fellow men, whether belonging to their own or to a neighbouring State. I went to the Imperial Dictionary to find what was the meaning of the word "moral" there, and it was thus defined: "Relating to the man- " ners, practice, or conduct of men as social beings in " relation to each other, and with reference to right or wrong." "The word ' moral ' is applicable to actions '• which are good or evil, virtuous or vicious, and has " reference to the law of God as the standard by which " their character has to be determined." We say that the opium trade has a preponderance in it of evil over good, of vice over virtue, and that it does not come up to the standard on which communications between men, and especially Christian nations, should be based. 7. You have explained to us your opinion of the opium trade, regarding it from the moral point of view ? — Yes. 8-9. And considering it with reference to these prin- ciples, then, yon wish to show us that in your view the trade has been and is carried on to the detriment of people in India, and especially to those who use the drug in China ? — I want, my Lord, to show that it is a drug. First of all we say it is a drug, and it is treated by our law as such. By the Slst and 32nd Victoria, 1868, chapter 121, which is an Act dealing with poisons, the seller of opium in England must be a registered chemist ; if he dies, his death has to be reported. All articles in schedule A are poisons ; opium and all preparations of opium are in schedule A, Bottles, boxes, phials, wrappers, or covers, must be labelled with " opium, poison " upon them, with the address of the seller. In India it is a curious fact that the Indian drug, with very rare exceptions, has never been cultivated as a medicine, and I think Dr. Watts, in his article on the subject, states it, but that evidence will bo put in before you. The supply of medical opium for this country comes, not from India, not from our own colonies, but from Persia and from Turlsey. The Indian drug is ex- cluded as not up to the standard in our pharmacopcEia, so I am informed, but that you will get at first hand. It is a fact which no one can deny that whilst some races in India can take it to a moderate extent with apparent impunity, they are the stronger and the better fed races ; but the greatest quantity of Indian opium that we make goes to China and is used merely for idebauchery, and therefore we say that the Indian opium trade, hot being a medical trade, is an immoral trade. It is admitted by all Indian authorities that the Indian opium is not grown for medical purposes, and the great bulk of it goes to China. 10. The bulk of the consumption of the Indian-grown opium is not in India ? — It is not in India ; it is in China. 11. Have you any observations to make on the opium trade with China P — It is often argued that if we were not to supply China with opium, China would supply herself with opium. That is an argu- ment which is very well met in Dymond's "Essays on Morality." I have no right to do that which is wrong, if it is wrong, because somebody else is going to do wrong. Dymond puts it: — "If I were to sell a " man arsenic or a pistol knowing that the buyer " wanted to commit murder, should I not be a bad " man? If I let a house knowing that the renter " wanted it for the purposes of wickedness, am I an " innocent man ? " The argument that if I did not dt> it someone else would, Dymond treats as follows: — ' ' Upon such reasoning you might rob a traveller on '• the road if yon knew that at the next turning a foot- " pad was waiting to plunder him. To sell property or " goods" for bad purposes because if you do not do it " someone else will, is like a man selling his slaves " because he thought it criminal to keep them in " bondage." I wanted to bring that out that it might be on your notes, because it is an argument that is so often used in favour of the Indian opium trade, and I think has no defence in solid international morality. 12. Do you contend that the hoine growth — the growth of opium in China — has been stimulated by British influence ?— I have not the slightest doubt in my own mind, but it is a very difficult matter to prove. 13. That is a contention of yours? — We contend certainly that if the Indian opium had been kept out of China the home growth would have lacked a stimulus which it has had. It is perfectly natural for the Chinese, so long as Indian opium is going in upon them, to grow tho drug in order to keep their dolla.rs at home instead of going to India for opium. 14. I was asking you for the statistics of the trade ? — The Indian opium sales for export were in 1880-81, 56,400 chests for China; 1889-90, 57,000; 1891-92, 54,000 ; and the excise chests, I have not got the last year, run about 4,000, 5,000, and 6,000 chests a year. 15. So that by far the greater proportion of the whole quantity of opium produced in India goes to China ? — By far. I have here a table, sometimes you get these tables in chests, sometimes in cases, and sometimes in cwts., and, like many other statistics, which I daresay other members of this Commission have followed, you do not find G-overnment statistics the most easy to follow, in the constantly varying denominators. But here are the statistics of opium ex- ported from British India for several years, from 1880-81, in cwts. In 1880-81 it is 113,125 cwts. ; in 1881-82, 108,102 cwts. ; ia 1882-83, 110,512 cwts. ; in 1883-84, 114,514 cwts.; in 1884-85, 102,195 cwts.; in 1885-86, 103,638 cwts.; in 1886-87, 112,987; in 1887-88, 106,398 cwts. ; in 1889-89, 100,320 cwts. It does not vary greatly. It has rather fallen down lately. In 1889-90 the figures are 96,490 cwts., and in 1890-91, 97,863 cwts., as compared with 113,125 in 1880-81. The Straits Settlements seem to have increased from 14,113 cwts. in 1880-81 to 20,328 cwts. in 1890-91. The rest is comparatively small. Those are the large portions of the trade going to those places. 16. Now, looking at these statistics which you have given us, might I correctly take it from you that your Association is even more concerned to check or to stop the export trade to China than either to diminish or prohibit the consumption in India ? — We consider that by far the most important part of the subject. At the same time I think the evident tendency in India was to increase the local consumption, it is not a very great one, but there was evidently a tendency to increase the local consumption in India ; and I think I shall prove that there is a very large increased tendency on the part of the Government 'officers to acknowledge the evil and to keep down as much as possible the local sale. 17. And as far as you have had the opportunity of tracing the course of conduct of tho officers of the Government in India you .ire not prepared to say that there is any disposition on their part to give encourage- ment to the increased consumption of opium in India ? — I propose, my Lord, if I have time, to touch on that; I think I can show from Lord Cross's Blue-book that there is a very large amount of care now being exercised, which I do not think was previously exercised, on the part of the Government officers in India, in diminishing it, and I look upon that as one of the greatest proofs possible that there is a moral evil connected with an extended sale. 18. I was going to ask you if you wei'e prepared to give us some figures showing the revenue obtained by the Indian Government from the export trade ? — The highest opium revenue was in 1880-1; it amounted to 8,451,276 Ex. That was divided into the Bengal duty, 5,926,924 Ex.; the Malwa opium duty, which is a Pass Duty on opium manufactured in the native states formed 2,524,458 Ex. Then the Budget Estimate for 1892-3 was altogether 5,399,800 Ex., of which about 1,800,000 in round figures came from the Pass Duty; therefore that shows a falling off of 3,000,000 Ex. between the year 1880-1, and the Budget Estimate for 1892-3. 19. Is that all you wish to give us with reference to revenue? — Yes, so far as this portion of the subject is concerned. I should like, if opportunity oifers, to say a few words on the Indian Eevenue generally ; but that, I would rather take later. 20. I understand that you wish to proceed to deal briefly with the history of the Chinese opium trade ? — In 1834 there was a decree issued by the Emperor of China against opium and its importation. In 1839, we had the first Chinese war. In 1842, there was Sir Kopij Pottinger's Treaty of Nanken when we got 21,000,000 dollars from the Chinese, when Sir Henry Pottinger tried to get opium into the treaty, but failed. Then, in 1856, these was a seizure of the Lorcha Arrow ; and on the 3rd of March 1857 a resolution against Dr. Bow- rings's conduct was carried in the House of Commons by a majority of 19. Then Lord Palmerston appealed to the country, and was reinstated in power. Then came the Treaty of Tientsin, in 1858, when opium was A 2 Sir ./. Pease, M.P 8 Sept. I8U3. INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION: Sir J. admitted into China at 30 taels per chest. I do not Pease, M.P. want to go into the question whether this was forced on China or not ; because I think it is a very immaterial 8 Sept. 1893. question whether the Chinese wished to have it into tho treaty or did not wish to have it into the treaty. It is in the treaty, and has been there ever since. I Cduld go into the ?}uestion of force, but chat is a con- troverted question, and I do not think that it would add very much to the value of my evidence \i I gave my own view on the subject, because it is a history of the past which may be either the one way or the other. Bat there it is in the treaty. 21. Tou have been giving ns a general sketch of what has happened in the past ; it is old history, and Tou are, I assume, prepared to recognise that it is no longer the policy of this country to use force or pressure to compel the Chinese Government to admit the importation of opium from India ? — I am perfectly content with Sir James Fergusson's statement in relation to the treaty of Tientsin, made during the debate on the 10th of April 1891, though I have very great doubts whether Sir James Fergusson was quite right in his interpretation of ths treaty. Sir James Fergusson said: "The Chinese at ai\y time may '• terminate the treaty on giving twelve months' notice, " and to protect themselves they may increase the " duty to any extent they please, or they may exclude '' it altogether. This, I think I may say, that if the " Chinese Government thought proper to raise the " duty to a prohibitive extent, or shut out the article " altogether, this country would not expend 11. in " powder and shot or lose the life of a soldier, in an " attempt to force opium upon the Chinese." Now, my view of it, and I wish rather to put that upon the record, is, that the treaty of Tientsin (I have not read it for several years) can only be recast ever3' ten years. He is quite right if he were speaking of the convention of Chee-foo. I believe 12 months' notice does operate on the convention of Chee-foo. He used the word treaty. However, if that is the policy of the Govern- ment we are perfectly content; if the Chinese are to be left at liberty to put on such duty as they like on giving 12 months' notice, then I say that so far as China is concerned she is left free and perfectly independent, and I trust that is the policy of the present Government as well as the policy of the Government that Sir James Fergusson represented. 22. That is undoubtedly, we may take it from you, the national policy at this time ? — That is what I understand to be. 23. We leave China perfectly free to deal with the trade as her rulers may think fit P — That is what I understand to be the international policy. 24. You have already said that j'our interest is very deeply engaged in the suppression of the opium trade with China, and on the ground that you hold it to be an immoral trade? — Yes, and in that view we are corroborated. 26. Perhaps you would give us your position ? — We are corroborated I think, first of all, by the state of feeling in this country. We have had memorials and petitions to Parliament from, I think, the assemblies of every Christian Church. We have had them from the two convocations of York and Canterbury, the Wesleyans in Conference assembled, the Free Church Methodists, the Baptists, the Congregationalists, the Presbyterians of England, the Scotch Church, the Free Kirk, the Friends, the Unitarians. Then we have, in addition, the missionaries in China and in India; and I have here a telegraphic message I got from the Bishop of Bombay, on the evening of the 10th of April, 1891, in which Jie says: "Public meeting " at Bombay to-day. Eesolved, opium traffic of " Indian Government morally indefensible. — Bishop of " Bombay, Chairman." In addition to this we had a petition to Parliament signed by the late Cardinal Manning and all the Eoman Catholic bishops ; and one fi'orn the clergy of London ; and there was a memorial sent to Mr. Gladstone a year or tsvo ago from the two archbishops, twelve bishops, the archbishop of Dublin and thirty mayors and provosts. •26. Have you got lists of the towns whose mayors made those communication ? — No, I have not got a list here, but I can easily supply it, because I have a full copy of them among my papers. Then there were the clergy of London, the Dean of St. Paul's, the Arch- deacon of London, Canon jSTewbolt, Canon Eussel, Canon Larry, Archdeacon of Middlesex, Canon Farrar, fidwd. Carr Glynn. I also presented on that date to the House of Commons an Indian petition with 4,136 signatures. I presented petitions from the Chinese Christians of Hong Kong, the Christian churches of Shanghai and of Canton, and the Pekin Anti-Opium Society ; and one from the Straits Settlements, Singapore, had 1100 signatures to it. Then, the other day, there were 1073 Indian missionaries signed the following protest : ■' We are unalterably opposed to " the participation by the Government in the de- " moralising traffic in opium, and we record our " conviction that it is a sin against God and a wrong " to humanity." Then the petitions this year to the House of Commons have almost exceeded, I think, those on any other subject unless it be the drink question. 27. Will you give us some of the figures ? — In 1891, there were 957 petitions officially signed ; .1,363 petition with 192,000 signatures. This year there have been 331 petitions officially signed ; 2,563 petitions signed by 213,792 people. Some of those petitions were from towns that seemed to take a very special interest in the subject. 28. Would you give us some of the details ? — Black- burn sent a petition of 11,000 signatures ; JSewcastle, 6,000; Croydon, 4,000; Derby and district, 2,800; Birmingham, 3,000 ; Liverpool, 2,000 Preston, 1,800 ; and so forth. Then, may I proceed, my Lord, leaving this part of the subject and that which I may call the case of the Obristiau churches r 29. Well, we should be glad to hear anything that you have to tell us which indicates the views of our public men on the subject ? — I quoted in the House of Commons a very curious despatch from the East India Company to Lord Cornwallis in 1817, and he was one of the first of the Governors of India : " We wish it, " at the same time, to be clearly understood that our " sanction is given to these measures, not with a view " to the revenue which they may yield, but in the hope " that they will tend to restrain the use of this " pernicious drug, and that the regulations for the " internal use of it will be so framed as to prevent its " i)itroduction into districts where it is not used, and " to limit its consumption in other places as nearly as " possible to what may be absolutely necessary. Were " it possible to prevent the use of the drug altogether, " except for the purposes of medicine, we would gladly " do it in compassion to mankind." 30. What is the date of that .?— That is as far back as 1817. Then it was my duty to hear Under Secretary after Under Secretary. 31. We shall be very glad to hear what they said, whether speaking in the House of Commons, or else- where ? — First, I take Lord Salisbury in 1876, when we went to him as a deputation on the question of the Bengal trade, he said that : " The Government does not view with " any favour an extension of the system, and there is no " project of the kind in existence. Without taking the " view as to its moral condemnation which is held by " many persons present, I feel that there are incou- " veniences of principle connected with it"— incon- veniences of principle is rather a curious term — " which would have prevented any Government in the " present day from introducing it. I entirely disclaim " any intention to push the Bengal system farther." 32. 33, 34, 35 and 36. Have you any more similar quotations ? — Mr. Bourke said, in replying to our speeches in the House of Commons, he being then Under Secretary of State for India: "The opium " question had often been debated in that House, and " he never heard anyone say aught in favour of the " traffic from a moral point of view." The late Under Secretary of State, Mr. Grant Duff, now Sir Mount- stuart Grant Duff, said in the administration of 1868 to 1874. "There was a great deal to be said against " this Bengal monopoly on politico-economical grounds. " He supposed no one would invent such a system now- a-days ; but we did not invent the Bystem ; we " inherited it from the East India Company, and " carried it on in the same way." Mr. Gladstone, in 1879, says: "The opium revenue we may accept with " more or less compunction and regret, as ministering " to our present necessity, but we have no right to " reckon on its full continuance." Then perhaps the strongest of these statements was made by Sir James Feroupson, who at the time was Governor of the Bombay Presidency; Sir James Ferguson wrote, thus :—" The " Government consider there are very strong objections " to the introduction of an industry so demoralising in its " tendency as opium cultivation and manufacture into a MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. .H province where at present it is unknown, and, so far as " his Excellency in Council is aware, not asked for by the people. ^ If opium cultivation were allowed in '^ Scinde, it could not with consistency be prohibited ™. ^^^ '"®^* °f t^6 Presidency. It has already been tried at Gujarat, and the result was widespread I' corruption and demoralisation. A.t present the con- sumption of opium in this Presidency is very limited, but if the cultivation and manufacture of opium were permitted, every village might have its opium shop, and every cultivator might contract the habit of eating a drug which is said to degrade and demoralise those who become addicted to it. On the " ground of public morality, therefore, his Excellency the Governor in Council would strongly deprecate " the grant of permission to cultivate the poppy in " Scinde, or in any other part of this Presidency." I take the occasion to point out that Sir James Eergusson objected on the grounds of public morality. 37. On the ground that your society takes P — Yes, that we have advocated all along. 38. Have you any more statements of the same kind ? — I pass now from that to the House of Commons. 39. Some statements have been made in the House of Commons by the late Mr. W. H. Smith and Sir J. Fergusson P — Yes ; and Mr. Smith stated that : " The course which the Government of India had taken during the last five years was to diminish the area ' ' of cultivation in Iidia, by 20 per cent. That must be taken as an indication of the policy of the Govern- " ment in its administration of India." A little further on he said: " The policy of the Government " had been greatly to diminish the cultivation and " consumption of the drug in India. That had been " their distinct policy during the past five years, and " it would be preserved in the future," 40 and 41. Have you got the statistics showing the reduction in the acreage under the poppy? — The acreage under the poppy was reduced in accordance with the^e statements. _ In 1890 and 1891 there were 500,688 acres ; and in 1891-92 it had been brought down to 463.665 acres. The chests to be sold were reduced from 57,000 to 54,000. Again, I take that as a proof that the Government desired to discontinue the trade. The highest opium acreage in any year I see on these papers was 594,921 ; that was in 1885-86. That is the highest I find. 42. By whom were these statistics supplied P — ■ I received them from Mr. Curzon when he was at the India Office. 43. Have you got the statistics there from year to year ? — Yes, I have them from 1881. 44. Could you give them to us? — Yes, thev are as follow : 1880-81, 636,017 acres ; 1881-82, " 631,275 acres ; 1882-83, 495,740 acres ; 1883-84, 605,843 acres ; 1884-85, 565,246 acres ; 1885-86, 594,921 acres ; 1886-87, 662,052 acres ; 1887-88, 636,607 acres ; 1888-89, 459,864 acres (that is the lowest year I can find) ; 1889-90, 482,657 acres; 1890-91, 600,688 acres; 1891-92, 463.666 acres. 45. Does that embrace all that you wish to say to us on the point of the acreage ? — Yes, and they show that that which Mr. Smith has indicated had practically been carried out. Although in one or two years there are little jumps up, the quantity has been reduced from 694,900 acres in 1886-86 to (in the present year) 463,665 acres, because the Indian Government acted on the view thiit the trade was one that ought not to be pushed, but ought to be gradually refinquished. 46. We should be glad if you would state shortly the history of the opium question in the House of Commons. In what session was the question of the opium trade first discussed ; how many motions have been made on the question, when divisions have been taken, and what were the numbers on both sides ? — The resolution which I moved in 1891 (it was on the Friday, on the question of leaving the chair) was this. Tbe question proposed was: "That Mr. Speaker do now leave the chair," and my amendment proposed to leave out after the word " That" to the end of the question, in order to add the words : " this House is of opinion " that the system by which the Indian opium revenue " is raised is morally indefensible, and would urge " upon the Indian Government that it should cease to " grant licenses for the cultivation of the poppy and " the sale of opium in Briiish India, except to supply " the legitimate demand for medical purposes, and " that they should at the same time take measures to " arrest the transit of Malwa opium through British " territory." I think I shall prove to the Commission that the House of Commons aflRrmed the doctrine which is laid down in that motion, that it was morally indefensible. The f.|Ucation was put in the usual form on Fridays, when the motion is, " That Mr. Speaker do now leave the chair," in order, technically, that the House should go into Committee of Supply. To this resolution I moved an amendment in the usual Friday form, to leave out from the word " That " to the end of the question, in order to add the words I have just read. The Speaker put the question that the words proposed to be left out, that is, from " That the Speaker do now leave the chair " stand part of the question. The House divided. Ayes, 130, Noes, 160. (It was really 161). I want to show that the House of Commons virtually passed a resolution by a majority of 30, that the opium revenue was morally indefensible. The words of my motion were then added to the word " That," and the main question, as amended by me, was proposed by Mr. Speaker according to the decision of the House on the division. The question as amended was then in possession of the House, and before it was finally put, my words could have been altered by the consent or vote of the House, but no amendment to those words was proposed. If Sir Robert Fowler had not moved an addition, and no other motion had been made, the question as amended by the majority of the House would have been put, and the majority would no doubt have carried it. But Sir Kobert Powlef moved an amendment in the form of an addition, and an addi- tion only. That addition became the property of the House, and could have been amended, it could have been accepted or rejected as proposed or amended ; but the original words could not have been touched after the addition had been moved. This was the position of afiairs when the Speaker, at one o'clock, adjourned. Tlie only question of uncertainty was not my resolu- tion, but Sir Kobert Fowler's amendment. Had time allowed, other additions could have been moved, but not so as to destroy the meaning of the unaltered words. That statement is a correct statement, not altogether my own drawing up. 47. In what year was that? — That was on the 10th April 1891. 48. Was a division taken on that occasion ? — A division was taken on that occasion. 49. And what were the relative numbers ? — 160 to 130 is the chronicle of the division. When you look at the list it is really 129 to 160. We always call it 30 majority, of course. 50. For your motion ? — For my motion. Therefore I say that the House of Commons practically con- demned the trade in that year as morally indefensible. 61. Have there been any subsequent divisions? — There have been a great many debates, of course, where there have been no divisions. In 1870 the previous question was carried against Sir Wilfred Lawson on an opium motion ; 46 voted with him, and 151 against. In 1 875, June 26tii, going into Oommitteeof Supply, there was a motion moved by Sir Mark Stewart which was rejected, the figures were 67 to 94. The pre- vious question in 1883 was carried against me, 66 to 126. In 1889 Mr. Samuel Smith had a motion which was rejected ; 88 voted for and 166 against. With regard to my motion on the 10th April 1891 (the one I have just rel'erred to), 160 voted tor it, and 129 against it. Lastly, we had Mr. Gladstone's amendment embracing a Commission, and I beg to call your attention to the fact that this was only a question of which of the two Commissions, and the wording of the appointment of the Commission. There 105 voled with me, and 184 with the Government. But you will see, my Lord, these divisions have gone 46, 57, 66, and 88, and on the great question, the moral question, 160; and the last 105 on the question of the appointment of the Commission. 62. What was the issue between you and the Govern- ment with reference to the wording of the Commission ? — Well, 1 am not quite sure that I am at liberty to say exactly, but I can tell you my own point was that in my resolution I wanted that the trade should be declared as morally indefensible, and I refused to take any Com- mission that did not admit that. The appointment of your Commission has in it the word " whether." " Whether the growth of the poppy and manufacture " and sale of opium in British India should be pro- " hibited except for medical purposes, and whether " such prohibition could be extended to the Native A 3 Sir J. Pease, M.P. 8 Sept. 1893. INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Sir J. " States." I was quite ready (adding further words), Pease, M.P. to have voted with the Government if it had been ' ' when the growth," having due regard to the revenue of 8 Sept. 1893. India, &o. Of course that resolution does not admit, — by putting in the word " whether," the moral question, which is the question on which we stand. 53. Have you completed what you wished to say in reference to the position of the question in the House of Commons ? — I think I have, my Lord, entirely. .54. Tou have been in Parliament for many years, and you have gone through many contested elec- tions'. Would you tell the Commission that your experience would justify you in saying that con- stituencies take an interest in this question ? — I think they take a very great interest in it. I have attended meetings in Scotland and all through England, down as far as Plymouth. Other gentlemen in this room have attended still more, and I never saw meet- ings on any subject which were attended by such large numbers of people, and with so much enthusiasm. I was exceedingly struck with the numbers of the people attending, and the character of the people attending and the large platforms that we have had. 65. And do you find local speakers of ability and influence in their respective districts coming forward and speaking upon this question with deep interest and manifesting some close study of the question p — With very great interest. Tou will have gentlemen before you who, I think, have attended more meetings than even I have, but wherever I have been it has been very remarkable, that a large amount of information and knowledge of the subject has been displayed. Our society is a very small society as far as money is concerned, but we are strong in afBliated societies throughout the country. Each one looks after its own funds. We have comparatively small funds at our disposal. 56. Having completed what you wished to say with reference to the position of the question in the House of Commons, would you like at this stage to give us any evidence of the state of public opinion on this question in other countries ? — There are only three other countries, I think, that I ha^'e taken the trouble to inquire into. Eiist, in California. I doubt mysc.lf, I vnay say honestly, whether these laws are well carried out, but the Californians haM.' a State Law, section :;07: " Every person who opens or maintains, " to be I'esorted to bj' other persons, any 2>lace ivliere •' opium, or any of its preparations, is sold or given " away to be smoked at such place, and any person " who, at such place, sells or gives away any opium or " its said preparations to be there smoked or otlierwise " used, and every person who visits or resorts to any " such place for the purpose of smoking opium or its " said preparations, is guilty of a misdemeanor, and " upon conviction thereof shall be punished by a tine " not exceeding five hundred dollars, or by imprison- " ment in the county jail not exceeding six months, or " by both such fine and imprisonment." Statutes, California, p. Si, 188L 57. Are there any other countries which have legis- lation on this subject P — A Bill has passed through the Lower House of the colony of Victoria by a very large majority, very much like the Californiau law, only I think it is much more carefully drawn, so far as I know, than the Calif ornian law as regards dealing in opium. 58. In what session was this submitted to the A^ictorian Legislature p — It was read the first time on the 13th April 1892. 59. Have you any other countries ? — The Dutch have raised an anti-opium agitation against the sale of opium in Java, and there have been meetings at Amsterdam or Kotterdam. 60. Have you anything to tell us with reference to treaties dealing with the prohibition ol^ the importation of opium P— The Chinese treaty with America excludes opium ; the Chinese treaty with Russia excludes the importation of opium. 61. What are the dates of those treaties P — I cannot give you the dates of those. They have been for some time in efl'ect. And there is also the treaty of England with the Oorea. 62. That is recent, I suppose ? — That is more recent ; ifc prohibits the introduction of opium. '63. In your position I suppose you have heard a great deal from the medical missionaries and from others givingyou their impression with reference to the effect of the use of opium — ^perhaps you would give us something upon that p — I have got an enormous amount of evidence with regard to China. 64. Would you make your own selection of the moat important ? — There is so much of it that I am almost afraid I should not know where to stop ; bat I will first read from the papers called "The agreement " between the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the G-overn- '• ments of Great Britain and China contracted at " Ohe-foo, September 13th, 1876." Sir Thomas Wade says : " The evil of opium smoking in China I " do not contest. I do not abate it by a parallel between " it and the abuse of spirits even amongst hard-drinking " nations. The smoker to whom his pipe has become " a periodical requirement is more or less on a par " with the dram-drinker; but the Chinese constitution, " moral or physical, appears to me to be more in- " sidiously invaded in the case of the first. The con- " firmed smoker is not, or is seldom, at all events, " outwardly committed, like the drunkard, to " indecorum. The indulgence appears, at the same " time, to present a special attraction to the Chinese " as compared with other peoples. The use of it, in " my experience, has become more general in the class " above that in earlier times addicted to it." 64a. Have you any evidence from missionaries P — A petition from missionaries and ministers of the gospel in China was presented by my brother on the tith April 1883, at the time he was in the House. That " petition says: ''That opium is a great evil to " China, and that the harmful eflects of its use " cannot be easily Oi'erstated. It enslaves its victim, " squanders his substance, destroys his health, weakens " his mental powers, lessens his self-esteem, deadens " his conscience, unfits him for his duties, and leads to " his steady desoent, morally, socially, and physically." Then the petitioners go on to "pray that your " honourable House will early consider this question " with the utmost care, take measures to remove from " the British treaty with China the clause legalizing " the opium trade, and restrict the growth of the " poppy in India within the narrowest possible limits." 65. Do any of your autliorities make comparison between the elfects of opiuru and alcohol ? That is an argument I myself never cared much to go into, because, if drink is bad it does not follow that opium is better, or if opium is bad, that drink is better. M. Carne, in the Revue dcs Deux Moiides, 1870, writes : " I do not " believe that there ever has been a more terrible " scourge in the world than opium. The alcohol em- '^' ployed by Europeans to destroy savages— the plague that ravages a country — cannot be compared to " opium." That writer was M. Carno, a Erench traveller, in an article in the Bevue des Deux Mondes. The Reverend E. H. Graves, M.D., 13 years medical missionary at Canton, writes in 'the " Friend of Ghina " :— " The habit of opium smoking '•■ is more dangerous than that of taking alcohol, on " account of the insidiousness of its approach, aud'the " difficulty of escaping from its clutches. This vampire " seems to suck all the moral courage out of a man. " As to deeds of violence, opium must yield the palm " to alcohol." _66. At what date P— In 1870, I think it was. Then Sir George Staunton, who was the representative of the East India Company at Canton, said many years ago : "^ It IS mere trifling to place the abuse of opium on "^ the same level with the abuse of spirituous liquors. " It is (i.e., the abuse) the main purpose in the former •'case ; but in the latter it is only the exception." Then Dr. Dudgeon, surgeon to the Pekin Hospital, said ma paper printed in the transactions of the Social Science Association, Liverpool meeting, 1876, page 596: "Speaking generally, it may be asserted 1^ that it 18 next to impossible to give up the habit " when once it is formed. A very large number " of criminals die in Chma from deprivation of the drug while in prison. The well-nigh im- ''^ possibility of renouncing the habit is to be taken ' into account when considering the question of the " possible moderate use of the drug. We' cannot " get over the enthralling power of the druc the '' supreme ditliculty of renouncing it, the necessity of ^_ increasing the dose, the almost inevitable death that follows Its sudden deprivation, and the steady descent, moral and physical, of the smoker. With " spirits the harm may be said to be the exception, but with opium it is the rule. Many drink, but few "^ abuse; many smoke opium, but all abuse. With • ' the opium-smoker there is no intermission or fitg as MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. " in the case of the drunkard ; the victim must have " his. regular allowance." Then Sir Thomas Wade in a much earlier quota- tion than that which I made just now from him writes in a memorandum of 1858 : " It is to me " vain to think otherwise of the use of the drug " in China than as a habit many times more per- " nicious, nationally speaking, than the gin and " whiskey drinking which we deplore at home. It " takes possession more insidiously, and keeps its hold " to the full as tenaciously. I know no case of radical " cure. It has insured in every case within _ my " knowledge the steady descent, moral and physical, " of the smoker, and it is so far a greater mischief ' ' than drink that it does not, hy external evidence of " its effects, expose its victim to the loss of repute " which is the penalty of habitual drunkenness. " There is reason to fear that a higher class than used " to smoke in Commissioner Lin's day are now taking '' to the practice." 67 and 68. Ton have given us no very recent opinions P — We have an Indian authority. Dr. Huntley, in 1892 or 1893: "Alcohol has not been dragged " into the opium question by anti-opium agitators. " The agitation in this phase of the question was " started by the pro-opium agitators. The comparison " has been made, and will be made, and in justice to " alcohol, the opium eater or smoker in the Bast " should not be confronted with the alcohol drinker of " the West. It is somewhat surprising to read such a " statement as that of Dr. Lawrie : ' Alcohol destroys " ' the health and leads to crime. Opium does neither " ' the one nor the other.' The Lancet on this subject ' • says : ' The position of the two agents is by no means " ' identical. Alcohol doubtless is, in its pure gtate, " • a poison.' " 69. Is that all you wish to say with reference to that ? — ^"JSTo ; I have a great deal more that perhaps I would like to take. 70. We do not wish to restrict your statement ?— I am only afraid of taking up your time, my Lord. This ia 1882. The Eev. W. H. Collins, M.E.G.S., formerly Medical Missionary at Pekin : "After fully 20 years' " (furloughs deducted) experience of opium smoking " in China, I solemnly affirm that it is a most " deleterious practice ; far more so than either spirit " drinking or tobacco smoking. The man who smokes " opium becomes enfeebled both in body and _ mind. " The wealthy man may continue the practice for " many years, being able to vary his diet and to increase " the dofee of opium ; but the poor man loses both his " appetite and the means of procuring food at the " same time, and quickly becomes a total wreck. " When a man has been enabled, by the aid of " medicine, to break off the habit, he nearly always " yields to temptation, and resumes the habit. Self- " interest never enables such a man to abstain from " smoking, but he will resume the pipe, knowing well " that the result must be the starvation of his family, " and his own miserable end. I have only seen three " or four cases of permanent cure out of many " hundreds that I have treated." Then in 1892, Miss G-eraldine Guinness in " Four Tears' Sojourn in- China "= "had travelled through six of its " provinces, and was also personally acquainted " witli the opium question in Tonquin, the Straits " Settlements, Colombo, and Aden. She gave a " graphic account of some of her opium experience in " China. She spoke of how her heart had ached and " bled during the painful hours in which she had " worked by the bedside of women and girls who had " poisoned themselves by opium to save themselves ' ' from fates worse than death, to which they had been " sold because their fathers and husbands wanted " opium. The opium vice is not one crime simply, but " a concentration of all crimes. She spoke of the great " opium palaces of lust in Shanghai that she had ' ' visited, where hundreds of women were held in bitter " bondage. Crime of the blackest dye is directly " traceable to opium in China." There are only two more, my Lord. I have a great number, but I think these two will do. I have picked them rather pro- miscuously than wdth any special design at the present moment. This is Archdeacon Wolfe in 1888 :—" The " devil could not have invented a more pernicious vice "' for the destruction of soul and body than this of " opium smoking, and woe to the man who by; word or " deed gives any support or encouraeement to the hell- " born traffic ! It is necessary for every friend of the •' Chinese to speak out in the plainest and most decisi\-e '' manner on the evils of opium smoking. The people Sir J. " are being ruined by it, and it is indeed a lamentable Feast, M.P. ' ' spectacle to see professing Christian men speaking '' and writing in defence of this horrible crime. The 8 Sept. 1893. " pernicious results of this soul and body destroying " vice are apparent all around. Cadaverous looking " faces meet one on every side, and the slovenly habits " and the filthy appearance of the people generally " testify too plainly to the evil it is working on this " once-industrious and energetic population. The " rapid progress which opium smoking has made " during the last 20 years among all classes of this " population is a very serious matter for us mission- " aries. Humanly speaking, opium smokers are beyond " the reach of conversion, as the vice unfits them for " the perception of any moral or spiritual truths. Can " the Church of Christ in England do nothing to " influence the nation to withdraw from the abominable " traffic which is causing so much moral, spiritual, " physical ruin to this great people ? It is a sad re- " flection on the Church of Christ in England that it " seems powerless to influence the English people in so " important a matter as the Indian traffic in opium. " Men openly and without shame prostitute their wives, " in order to procure for themselves the means of in- " dulging in opium smoking. Little children are sold " as slaves and turned away from the embrace of their " helpless mothers in order that their degraded fathers " may have money to buy opium. All this and much " more may be told of the effects of opium smoking on " the miserable people; yet professing Christians in " England see no harm in it, and openly advocate the " abominable traffic which makes it possible and com- " paratively easy for the Chinese people to ruin them- " selves and their wives and children for time and for " eternity!" The next is a letter I received from Mr. David Hill. Mr. David Hill is the son of an old Yorkshire gentleman, and went out as a missionary to China, and I have had several conversations with him on subsequent dates to this letter, but this is one he wrote to me. 71. On what date ?— 1881. He says : " The effects " of opium smoking upon the Chinese generally have " again and again been depicted to the British public " in strong and earnest language, but never I think " too strong, and certainly never too earnest. No '' language can fully picture to others the deplorable " consequences of opium smoking which I have " myself seen in China even in the case of some of my " own Chinese acquaintances." Mr. Hill is a man after whom anyone can speak. 72. I presume your Association is in touch with a large body of missionaries in the Bast ? — Ton will have several of them before you, and I believe that our Association is in constant communication with them. 73. And would you undertake to say that so far as your knowledge extends the opinion of the missionaries is a unanimous opinion on the subject ? — I will not say it is unanimous, but almost unanimous. There are some, especially among the Indian missionaries, who do not take quite so strong a view as some of those that I have read. 74. Would you say of the missionaries in China that their opinion is unanimous on the subject, or nearly so ? — We do not know of any exception among the Chinese missionaries. 75. But is it the case in India that the unanimity is less pronounced ? — Might I give you, my Lord, an American one, the Bev. Howard Malcolm : ' ' No "person can describe the horrors of the opium trade. " That the Government of British India should be the " prime abettor of this abominable traffi-O is one of the " wonders of the nineteenth centuiy." (I cannot give you the date of this.) " The proud escutcheon of the " nation which declares against the slave trade is thus " made to bear a blot broader and darker than any " other in the Christian world." 76. Does that complete what you wish to give us as a fair general representation of the medical and missionary opinion P — 1 think I should be trespassing almost unduly upon you if I went on. 77. No, we are quite prepared to bear from, you the full casep — I believe you will have as a witness Dr. Maxwell who has .seen a great deal, and I hand him over my other extracts if he chooses to m.ake use of them. May I say that f have one or two more proofs with regard to India and the effects of opium, One of the most striking paports that ever was written I think is: "The Consumption of Opium in British A 4 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Sir J. Biii-miib,'' a copy of a memorandum by 0. U. Aitohison Pease, M. P. (now Sir Chai-les Aitchison), written in 1880 on the consumption of opium in British Burmah, and there 8 Sept. 1893. ho describes in extraordinarily strong language, but ' language which has been corroborated since by sub- sequent testimony, the effect of the introduction of opium into British Burmah hj the Indian Crovernment. He says : " It is no debateable question of the effect of " opium on the human frame that is here raised. " Under some conditions the moderate use of opium " may be beneficial. The Chinese population in " British Burma, and to some extent also the immi- " grants from India, especially Chittagonians and " Bengalees, habitually consume opium without any " apparent bad effects ; those of them who have " acquired the habic do not regularly indulge to " excess. With the Burmese and other indigenou.s " races the case is different. The Burmese seem quite " incapable of using the drug in moderation. A " Burmau who takes to opium smokes habitually to " excess. The habit once acquired can rarely, if ever, ■' be broken off, and this infirmity of temperament is " pandered to by the dealers in opium, who tempt '■ young and respectable men to their ruin by giving " them opium for nothing, well knowing that the taste " once acquired will be habitually indulged. The " papers now submitted for consideration present a " painful picture of the demoralisation, misery, and " ruin produced amongst the Burmese by opium " smoking. Responsible officers in all divisions and ' ' districts of the province and natives everywhere " bear testimony to it. To facilitate examination of " the evidence on this point, I have thrown some '•' extracts from the reports into an appendix to this " memorandum. These show that, among the Burmans, " the habitual use of the drug saps the physical and " mental energies, destroys the nerves, emaciates the " body, predisposes to disease, induces indolent and " filthy habits of life, destroys self respect, is one of " the most fertile sources of misery, destitution, and " crime, fills the jails with men of relaxed frame pre- " disposed to dysentery and cho'eia, prevents the due " extension of cultivation and the development of the " laud revenue, checks the natural growth of the " population, and enfeebles the constitution of suc- " ceeding generations." As the Commissioners 1 dare ■say are already aware, the Indian Government in Bu]mah has at leiiLj;th taken steps to extinguish the cur>e of opium in that country. And they say that because, " the use of opium is condemned by the " Buddhist religion" (tliey do not say anything aljout the laws of morality or the Christian religion) " the Government, believing the condemnation to be " right, intends that the use of opium by persons of " Burmese race shall for ever cease," That is being carried out in Burmah, making exception of the ('hiiiese and the Indians, who had according to the lirst issue, and I hope still have, to register themselves as smokers and continue to register themselves as smokers of opium in order that it may be kept from the Burmese. I dare say this copy of Sir Charles Aitchison's papers and the reports of the other officers in Bui'mah, which corroborate that very strong clause which I have just read, are or will be among the papers which you have or v ill have laid before you. 78. Does that complete what you have to say? — I should like to say one or two ^\ ords more. 79. We are ready to hear you on the medical aspect of the case ? —There is a very striking illustration that I am going to read from Lord Shaftesbury's speech in 1843 when he brought a motion before the House On the subject. 80. The House of Commons ?— Yes. He said : " I will " request to this the serious attention of the House. " The writer says: 'However valuable opium may " 'be '" 81. f-i2, S3, 84'. Who was the writer P— I will come to that directly, my Lord ; I am quoting now straight from Lord Shaftesbury : " ' However valuable opium may " ' be when employed as an article of medicine, it is " ' impossible for anyone, who is acquainted with the '■' ' subject, to doubt that the habitual use of it is " ' productive of the most pernicious consequences, " ' destroying the healthy actions of the digestive " ' organs, weakening the powers of the mind, as well " • as those of the body, and rendering the individual " ' who indulges himself in it a worse than useless " ' member of society.' Some people may think it is • ' a beneficial stimulus. This doctor says : ' I cannot ' ' ' but regard those who promote the use of opium as " ' an article of luxury, as inflicting a most serious " ' injury on the human race.' The first gentleman " who signs this letter is Sir B. Brodie, and to the " letter is attached this statement: 'The following " ' gentlemen state that they entirely agree with " ' Sir B. Brodie in the opinion expressed by him in " ' the foregoing letter, and have accordingly attached ' ' ' their signatures to it : Sir Henry Halford, Bart. , '• ' M.t)., P.E.S., F.H.S., President of the Eoyal " ' College of Physicians; Anthony White, Esq., " ' President of the Eoyal College of Surgeons, and " ' Surgeon to Westnatnster Hospital; W. F. Chambers, " ' M.D., F.E.S. ; Thomas Hodgkin, M.D. ; George " ' Gregory, M.D. ; C. Locock, M.D. ; Eobert Fer- " ' guson, M.D. ; Henry Holland, M.D. ; Anthony " ' Todd Thomson, M.D. ; Thomas Watson, M.D. ; " ' Charles J. B. Williams, M.D. ; John Glendinning, " ' M.D., F.E.S.; James Carrick Moore, Esq.; " 'Benjamin Travers. Esq., F.E.S.; John Ayrtou " 'Paris, M.D.; John Forbes, M.D., F.E.S. ; Eichard " ' Bright, M.D. ; Robert Listen, Esq., F.R.S. ; J. M. " ' Latham, M.D. ; Eoderic MacLeod, M.D. ; C^sar " ' Hawkins, Esq. ; James Johnson, M.D. ; Frederick " ' Tyrrell, Esq. ; and 0. Aston Key, Esq.' " All those are surgeons and physicians with whoso names we were familiar in our earlier days. That same view is entirely taken by the physicians in our time. I leave that in Dr. Maxwell's hands. We have a memorial of the same character signed by about 5,000 English physicians, and there is also another signed by a large body- of medical men in Bombay, native medical practitioners most of them. 85, 86, 87, 88. Does that complete what you wished to say on the medical question ? — Tes, on the medical question. Then there is a Blue Book of Lord Cross's which will also no doubt be laid before you. It is " The Consumption of Opium in India 1892." I will not touch on the Burmese part, because I think that may be called a settled question. But going into other districts of India there is a consensus of opinion on the evil effects of opium consumption. Colonel Clarke says : " The district magistrate, whom I have consulted, " considers that ' the use of opium and ganja does not " ' exhibit any abnormal sign of increase, alcoholic " ■ drinks, the consumption of which is increasing, being " ' a counter attraction,' but he is in favour of reducing " the number opium and ganja shops, as ' the evil '• ' effects of the indulgence in these drugs are percep- " tible in the large towns.' " Mr. F. C. Anderson, Officiating Secretary to the Chief Commissioner] Central Provinces, says : "I am to say that the " Officiating Chief Commissioner agrees with the " Commissioner of Excise in his remarks about " distinguishing opium eating from opium smoking, '• and the greater importance of discouraging the latter " in every legitimate manner." The Commissioner for Excise, Central Provinces, says: "Every effort ■' should, no doubt, also bo made to put a stop to the " smoking of opium in all its forms, practices which " are universally condemned as degrading and perni- " cious by all native opinion with which I have come in " contact." Colonel G. H. Trevor, Chief Commissioner, Ajmere-Merwara, says: "A man who frequents a " liquor shop is not so likely to become a confirmed drunkard as one who pays even a few visits to an " opium den is likely to develop into a confirmed 'I opmm eater or smoker; it is to the interest of the " vintner not to let him get intoxicated on the premises " for fear the license should be revoked, and for the " same reason not to encourage drinking that makes " men disorderly. The liquor having issued from a " Government distillery, its quality has been tested, " and as a rule, it does not pay the vintner to change' " the quality except by dilution, which is common " enough. These conditions do not, I believe, apply to " the case of the opium den, at any rate in equal " degree. There no attempt is made, or if made, it is 1^ more difficult, to check excess; and though excess may not lead to crime in the same way ;is liquor " does, it produces a more lasting effect upon the " individual, and through him or her on future genera- " tions." Mr. T. D. Mackenzie, of Bombay, says " the '^'^ object of the Government, apart from the moral duty " which rests on it to endeavour to encourage the people to detest ^ intemperance, is to prevent the illicit consumption of opium, and any measures compatible '' with that object which can be shown to be effectual in decreasing the consumption, or checking the " spread of the consumption of opium, will most readily MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. " be adopted." Then comes the Collector of Satara : " The vice of opiam smoking evidently possesses a " fearful fascination, when once it is acquired, and its " effects are deadly, depriving the victim of all moral " resolution. With these facts made palpable it is a " serious thing for Government to offer any facility " for acquiring the vice by licensing a shop, whore any " one is at liberty to make a trial." 89 and 90. Have the licenses for consumption on the premises been withdrawn ? — They have been prac- tically withdrawn, but Colonel Clarke says that the opium shops are the rendezvous of low characters and that such gatherings might well be interdicted by law. Mr. James, in Bombay, Northern Division (that is in Sind), says : " Some respectable persons " might continue to smoke privately by themselves, " while the lowest and most degraded would, as now, " frequent the shop." The consumption of opium has been or should be reduced. There are a great number of witnesses to that. A report from Madras says :— " The Government is aware that the opium traffic " is carefully watched by the agents and their assist- " ants, and that so far from 'teaching the people " 'to rely on opium as a febrifuge' we are doing " all we can to gradually wean them from their " hereditary habit of using it on all occasions." Wherever the prohibition has been tried it seems to have been attended with success. 91 and 92. Does this_ Blue Book to which you have referred and from which you have given us numerous extracts contain in any number opinions in another sense ? — It qualifies some of those opinions which I have stated. For instance, the Chief Commissioner of the Central Provinces says : — " Under these circumstances I ' ' venture to think that it would be a useless task for " the Government of this country to attempt to suppress " altogether the use of the drug. All that it can " properly do, and does do, is to secure the supply of a " good article, or by suitable arrangements to make " the retail price of this article as high as compatible " with the prevention of smuggling." I believe that that has been honestly done. One gentleman in Assam says that he considers opium is a necessity. 93. At any rate yon find a large body of opinion in support of the views put forward by your association ?— Tes ; and I will also, I think, add that I have quoted them in corroboration of what I stated in the com- mencement of my evidence, that I believe the Indiixn Government is alive to the evil, and is, at the present moment, doing a great deal more than it ever did before to restrict the local consumption. 94. Does that bring you conveniently to the question of finance P — K you please, my Lord. 95. I think I am right in suggesting that, as a man of experience in affairs, you will not fail (o recognise that the Indian Government are under the necessity of raising a certain revenue, and that in the present financial condition there would be a serious difficulty in substituting other sources of revenue for that which is drawn from opium ?— Of course, we all know that when we have not money to spend we begin to look at two things, one, increasing the revenue in other branches, and another, decreasing the expenditure. The case of the opium revenue has got into a much more easy shape than it was when I commenced with this subject. As I have shown the net revenue is now about 6,000,000 a year in tens of rupees, Ex. 5,390,000. It has gone down Ex. 3,000,000. The Indian Government in 1880-81, when it had the highest opium revenue, had a net income of 84,000,000 of tens of rupees : in 1892-3 the estimate for the net revenue of the Indian Govern- ment is 5,800,000 of tens of rupees. If the opium revenue had continued to grow, it would have been 9,100,000, but they have done without 3,000,000 of revenue ; and Indian expenditure has gone up, as your Lordship will see directly, 14,000,000 of tens of rupees. Now where has it all gone ? The army charges, exclusive of the Afghan war charges in 1881-2, were 13,800,000 tens of rupees ; in 1892-3 the army estimate was 21,159,000 tens of rupees ; in 1893-4 the estimate is 22,242,000 tens of rupees. The British soldiers were increased from 63,000 in 1885 to 71,000 in 1891 ; and the native soldiers are increased from 126,000 to 149,000; so that the army has gone up 31,000 men. 96. The native army ? — The two . armies have gone np 31,000 men, 23,000 of which belong to the native and the rest to the European army. There is an increased expenditure of something like Ex. 8,000,000 on the army. I am not in this chair to say that that e 80970. aimy expenditure is entirely useless or unnecessary, but it strikes any man looking at it that it is a very enormous increase, and whether the frontier policy of India is a wise policy or not — whether the annexation policy of India is or is not a wise policy —still I cannot help thinking that if reforms were properly carried out in the Indian expenditure, and if there should be a further development of the resources of India — I cannot help thinking that the opium revenue would form a very little item if it were all lost. There is a letter from Lord Lytton, dated from Malvern, in the " Daily Chronicle " of February 22nd, 1882, in which he says : "Wisdom, J suppose, is justified of her children in the " long run, but the run is sometimes a verv long one. " No Indian Finance Minister has ever left to his " successor such a aplendid financial legacy as Sir John " Strachey. No one who will take the trouble to study the finances of India without prejudice can doubt " that they are in a condition which might be envied by almost any country in Europe. I have the satis- " faction, such as it is, of feeling sure that this will bo " admitted srme day, if the financial policy of my " administration is not disastrously reversed. But I confess that I contemplate with considerable appre- " hen-ion Major Baring's adoption of Sir L. Mallet's " craze about handing over the public works of India " to ' private enterprise.' No such enterprise exists, " or can be created, at present in the country itself, " where the normal rate of interest is 12 per cent. '• And how would the people of England like to see all " their railways and canals in the hands of capitalists " living at the other end of the world, ignorant of and " indifferent to the conditions of English society and " government, yet exercising upon ttiet-e conditions, " through a distant Parliament, in which ttie English " people were not represented, a certain irresponsible " influence, naturally animated and guided only by a " view to their own exclusive interests as the pro- " prietors of all the means of inter-commnuication " throughout England? In'the Indian railways the " Government of India posseses a vast and annually " growing property — and expanding source of revenue " not derived from taxation, which exists in no other " country — and to me it is as clear as the sun in " heaven that the financial prosperity in India will in " future depend mainly on the development of her " railways and canals. People ask, " What would " happen if the opium revenue were to fail ? ' I reply, " ' Cover the country with railways, and neither the " 'loss of the opium revenue nor anything else need " ' seriously disconcert us.' " The population of India is 287,000,000, the railways are 17.564 miles. I believe the population of America is 62,000,000, and the rail- ways are about 170,000 miles. 97 and 98. The annual income of the inhabitants would be very different in the two cases, would it not P — No doubt, it would be exceedingly different. Sir William Hunter says in his book that there are 222,000 square miles of cultivated area in India, and that the uncultivated but cultivateable area is 101,542 square miles. Therefore, I say that the development of ' India ought to be our answer to those who object to part with the opium revenue. Let alone the question of army or any other economies, such development would soon make up for the comparatively paltry revenue which is now left from the opium trade. 99. Ton have given us the aggregate figures showing the large increase of revenue in recent years ; have you got the information as to the principal heads under which the increase has taken place, or may I take it from you generally that it was chiefly under railways and public works?— I have not the figures here. I think it was general, but railways contributed largely. I would hardly like to commit myself to a reply without looking further into the figures, but my general impression is that the main source was the increase from railways. 100. Have you any observations to offer with reference 1;o ohe uncertainty of the opium crop ? That seems to have been before Indian statesmen for a very considerable time. In the reply to Lord Hartington's Minute in June 1881 (I think Lord Eipon was then the Governor-General) there is the passage ; " It is difficult to speak with any confidence as to tUb " future of the opium revenue. Any opinion that may " be given must, of necessity, be very conjectaral. " At the same time, the facts which we have so fav " elicited, that is to say, the necessity of raising the " price paid for crude opium, the difficulty of extending >>in J. Pease, M.P. 8 Sept. 1 813. 10 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : . Sir J. " tho area under oultiTation in India, the necessity Pease, M.P. " -wliioli may be forced on us of reducing the quantity " of opium annually offered for sale, and the increase in 8 Sept. 1893. " the production and the improvement in the quality of — ■ " the Persian and Chinese drugs, which renders it " doubtful whether a diminished supply of Bengal " opium will enhance the price realised at the sales, " and may indeed render it necessary to reduce the " export duty on Malwa opium, all point to one con- " elusion, namely, that, although the total loss of the " opium revenue does not appear imminent, it is by no " means improbable that it may undergo a considerable " diminution." Then in 1881-82, " Moral and Material Progress," page 33, signed by Lionel Tennyson, " The " weather was, however, generally favourable to the " growth of the poppy, and the quality of the drug was " good. Fever was prevalent amongst the cultivators. " The poppy is being slowly banished from the most " fertile lands by the potato and the sugar-cane, as the " value of those crops is being gradually enhanced by " improved communication and European machinery. " The system of advances is reputed to be the chief " inducement to the cultivator to grow so precarious and " troublesome a crop as opium, and that system is now " being adopted by firms interested in other crops." December 1881, Letter from the Government of India on Finance, " On the whole, the evidence goes to show " that, although we may be able to retain the present " area of cultivation in the Benares Agency, we cannot " count with any certainty on being able to extend it." E. Baring in 1883^ quotes his own reports of 1878, " The process of depletion cannot continue indefinitely. " An exceptionally good crop may, indeed, again " replenish the reserve. But we cannot rely on a " fortuitous circumstance of this sort. An average " crop, or, at all events, a succession of average crops, " will oblige us to resort to one of two alternatives, " we shall be forced either to increase the production " or to diminish the amount offered for sale." Then he goes on again in 1883-4 (Financial Statement, page 41), " So long as the value of the rupee and the opium " revenue continue liable to such fiuctuations as those " which we have recently witnessed, the financial " situation of India must always contain some special " elements of instability." Then we have in "Moral and Material Progress, 1892," page 89, " It is reported " that cultivators of opium have lost heart, after experi- " encing three bad seasons in succession ; that new " cultivators are gradually withdrawing from the " industry, while there is a tendency on the part of " older cultivators to lessen the poppy area cultivated " by them in favour of the more robust and less pre- '■ carious cereals. The Behar opium agent adds that " ' the opium department have difficulty ia maintaining " ' their position, they cannot drop cultivation at will " ' without losing it permanently.' " The " Calcutta Englishman" states, in 1891 : — "The opium cultivator " in India is becoming uneasy concerning the future of " the industry. An idea \hAt Government contemplates " a cessation of opium manufacture appears to have " obtained widespread credence in the opium-growing " centres of Bengal, and many ryots, especially those near " the great towns, are reported to have aljandoned the " cultivation of poppy in favour of potatoes or tobacco. " The result is detrimental alike to the interests of the " cultivators and of the Department, for, in the words " of the Behar agent, 'When a cultivator has once " ' severed his connection with the Department, and has " ' begun to take advances from mahajans in another " ' line of business, it is difficult to get him back.' The " recent orders of Government reducing the area of " cultivation, together with the bad out-turn of the " past three years, have no doubt tended to accentuate " the feeling of inseouriiy, and it is hoped that a " successful season will go far to restore the confidence " of the ryot." This I cut out of the " Pioneer " of Allahabad. After commenting on the danger to the Indian opium revenue from the increased cultivation of the poppy in China, the " Pioneer " says : — " Another " cause which is slowly but steadily working against " Indian opium is the growing unpopularity of the " cultivation with the ryots, especially in 'Behar. They '' find that, with facilities of traffic and rise in the price '' of cereals, several other crops pay very much better '' than opium. Hence the cultivation of the poppy is '' gradually falling off. Tobacco, potatoes, sugar-cane, '' tui'meric, chillies, and other condiments are more '■' profitable in the long run than opium. The best '' lands of the village are no longer devoted to the <' poppy, as they once were, and if the ryots still adhere ' ' to the cultivation in poorly pijoductiyo villages, it is ' ' simply for the sake of the opium advances which are, " :ind liave nlways liceii, a great incentive, not only to " the cultivators, but to the landholders, who get their " rents in a lump sum without much trouble. The " process of decline cannot be arrested unless Govern- " ment is prepared to compete with the rise in prices " of other cereals, by paying a proportionately higher " rate for opium, and thus counterbalancing the advan- " tages of other more paying crops by its system of " advances. Moreover, this make-shift of sowing the " crop on inferior lands and getting the Government " advences is gradually producing a discouraging effect " on the cultivators. If there is one crop that needs ■' superior lands and careful tending, it is the poppy " crop. The cultivators find year after year that their ' ' labour and capital have been devoted in vain to a " crop which will not repay their efibrts, and they " naturally become disheartened. There is a growing " dearth, too, of good lands suitable for poppy in " Behar, after providing for other paying crops such " as those mentioned above, and for indigo." I have read these extracts to show that it is in the opinion of those best qualified to judge in India, not only what I believe to be an immoral revenue, but it is one that cannot be relied upon. 101. Have you any remarks to give us with reference to the revenue that is derived from the transit duty on opium from the Native States ? — That revenue is a revenue, as is well known, per chest, taken from the opium grown. The chests in 1879-80 that paid duty were 46,211, carrying a duty of 750 rupees. In 1880-1 that had fallen to 36,000 chests, but the duty then was 700 rupees. In 1883-4 the chests fell to 38,586, and the duty was lowered to 650 rupees. In 1 888-9 the chests fell to 30,000 (you see it had gone down from 46,000 to 30,000 in ten years), and the duty was 650 rupees. Now they only charge 600 rupees per chest, and the quantity, I believe, is still going down, or it is certainly at a stand- still. Now, a chest of Malwa opium, I believe, costs fally as much as a chest of Indian opium, which runs to 427 rupees per chest. The pass duty now levied is 600 rupees, which makes the cost of a chest 1,025 to J, 027 rupees. The sale price of opium is stated in 1891-2, in the East India accounts, as a probable 1,000 rupees ; therefore, there is not much profit out of it for the Native States beyond what the native princes obtain from a larger rent from the opium lands than from corn and cotton lands. 102. It is obvious that in imposing these heavy cha,rges upon the opium grown in the Native States the action of the Indian Government does not tend to encourage the growth ?— It looks to me as if it were a very falling revenue. The duty was lowered from 750 rupees a chest to 600 ; therefore, the Indian Govern- ment expected to get more opium from them, but the quantity has still been falling. Then there is a curious paragraph, to which I would desire to call the attention of the Commission. In the " Moral and Material Pro- gress of India, 1888-9," page 9 :— " The Native States ■' have engaged so to manage their opium cultivation " and production as to safeguard the British revenue, " and in exchange for this service they receive either " money compensation or other concessions." So it looks as if we were not only reducing the duty from 700 rupees per chest to 600 rupees, but that we were giving them either money compensation or other con- cessions. 103. (Sir James Lyall.) That was an arrangement, I think, to prevent its being smuggled into India?— lean only say what I have found— I think it is one of those points upon which the Commission would desire to have information. 104. {Chairman.) Are there any other points which you would like to bring before us in your evidence-in- chief P— I have exhausted the minutes which I have made, and I ha,ve to thank you for having heard me at such considerable length. 105. On the paper you place before me as the summary of your position, you allege that the opium trade is an immoral trade, and that if not an immoral trade it is as low a trade as can bo conceived, and you urge that it is a decreasing trade, and that the difficulties of cultivating the poppy have increased ; that China can upset the trade at any moment; and that as a source of revenue it , cannot be relied upon P— If Sir James Pergusson takes th&, oorr,ect view of tho policy of the British Government-^ that China may do in 12 months anything she likes wo are holding the Indian opium revenue evt tfee mercy of MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 11 China.' 1 would ventiii'e merely to say that if the' OommiBsion do not come to the donclusion that it is an immoral trade, I would lay before them the view that it is about as low a trade as you could possibly go into. For a great Grovernment to be trading in a drug nine- tenths of which, it must be admitted, is used for debauchery and not for any good purpose, I thint is about as low a position as could possibly be conceived. 106 and 107. (Sir James Lyall.) Is it a great G-ovem- ment that is trading in ! it P I mean as regards the Malwa opium, how can you say that it is the Govern- ment that is trading in the drug P — I did not say so, sir, I said that the Indian G-overnment is trading in the drug in the Bengal Presidency. The other is a transit duty, of course. I think there is a considerable difference between a transit duty from native states, provided that you have the difficulty always that if you have the cultivation in the native states you have very great diflSculty from the local position of the native states in dealing with the question of cultivation in your own country. 108. (Ohairman.) Moved by philanthropic considera- tions which I am sure wo must all appreciate, you have 'evidently taken immense pains and interested yourself very deeply in the consideration of this ques- tion'. I understand, Sir Joseph, that you have not personally visited India ? — I am sorry to say that I have not personally visited India or China. I have endeavoured to show, perhaps, at too great a length, the reasons which have actuated me in my humble share in the anti-opium campaign. I am accused of being a crazy philanthropist by sOme of my Indian friends, and can only say that I have felt it my duty to collate &cts and drav7 deductions from them. I do not think that I am one of those people who are carried away by enthusiasm on any given subject. I have endeavoured to lay before the Koyal Commission the views which have actuated me over a long period of years in endeavouring to do away with the share of the Indian Government in a trade which, to use Lord Comwallis' words, " ought to be abandoned out of compassion to mankind." 109. And in the capacity that you thought it your duty to take upon yourself as president of the Anti- Opium. Association, you have had, and no doubt are constantly having, placed before you communications from all parts of the Bast in which this trade is being conducted, and in which the opium drug is being used? — Well, i suppose that when a man takes the position that I have taken on this subject, I think every member of this Commission will know that he becomes the centre for letters of all sorts and shades of character, and out of that large correspondence there is often a difficulty in weeding out error from truth ; but I think that that which I have kept and preserved is that which carries to my own mind the conviction that it was based on truth and did not belong to the spurious or erroneous. 110. [Sir James Lyall.) You referred. Sir Joseph, to the anxiety of the Indian Government in 1869 and later to increase the growth of opium. I should like to ask you, did not that refer entirely to the supply for the export trade in Calcutta? That growth was in- tendeci to be for that p — I have no doubt it was entirely for the export trade in Calcutta, which was then at a much higher rate than it is at present, and was entirely confined to the cultiratian in Bengal. 111. Has not the Government of India given up the Iclebr ,6f extending the growth, and agreed to greatly diminish it if it makes any change ; that all change should Ije in the direction of diminution of the growth? —I hope so, but when I got those figures of the acreage it did not quite bear put that view, because, as I said in niy evidence-in-chief, in one or two years there was a li)/tle jump-up, but the Government resolution (which I siippose is practically binding on the Government of India) the other day was : — " That this House presses " on the Government of India to continue their " policy of greatly diminishing the cultivation of the " P0PPy> Eind the production and sale of opium." Th^t is in accordance with the policy enunciated by the late Mr. W, H. Smith, which, I suppose, is really the policy of the Government, and which was again pressed upon the Government of India by the resolution which was carried in June this year in the House of Commons at Mr. Gladstone's suggestion. 112. I think you admit, Sir Joseph, that the question has two entirely separate sides — that is the internal consumption side, and the export to China and other countries, the export trade side P — I have always taken Sir J. that view, that the Indian side of the question was Pease, M.P. not nearly so important as the Chinese side of tho question. 8 Sept. 1893. 113. I was going to ask, do you not admit that the system in India, as far as regards internal consumption, is a very strongly repressive system ? — I think it has become so lately owing to the agitation in this country increasing the vigilance of the Indian Governm'ent, and opening their eyes to the harm that was likely to arise from a larger local consumption. 114. Have you ever tried to think of any material improvement of that system which could be suggested ? — I do not see that there is any other mode than total prohibition of the cultivation of the poppy except for medicinal purposes, and the sale by license of medica opium. In this country no one can buy opium, but at a druggist's, and it has a registered sale. 115. Do you think that the English system of sale by druggists really stops anybody from getting opium who wants to get it for non-medical purposes ? — Of course it is very difficult to compare English habits and tastes with Indian habits and tastes, but I have no doubt the policy is restrictive. I camiot doubt that. 116. I went tho other day into a chemist's shop, and Ijeing suspicious that probably the system in England would not repress it if anybody wanted to get it for non-medical purposes, I asked him and he told me that anybody could get opium who likes P — Yes. 117. And he gave me instances of many people — one lady, for instance, who was getting from his shop 10 ounces a week of laudanum for her consumption, and he mentioned that in a few places in England, where the use of opium for non-medical purposes is common, the druggists had the opium made up in packets ready for their customers as they came in. Well, are you aware, supposing that to be correct, thai; the number of druggists' shops in an English town or an English neighbourhood is very much larger than the number of opium shops in any part of India with which I am acquainted ? — I have had no statistics before me, and i could not give an opinion, but what you state is perfectly true, that if you want to buy it you can buy it, but you buy it under these restrictions, that the man that sells it is a registered chemist, and he has to mark the thing as a poison. 118. He marks it as a poison, but that is a mere distinction in name. Anybody who wants to use it for non-medical purposes can use it. That is what I hear, and that is what naturally seems to follow ? — I think there is very great reason to believe that there ought to be further restriction in this country. 119. In India we have not even the chemists. I think you remarked that the growth of Indian opium is not only for the purposes of the di-ng, but for the purposes of intoxication ; but are you aware that opium is very largely used in India as medicine, and that, perhaps, with the exception of the few English, or people who are prescribed for by English physicians, and who are a mere mite amongst the mass of Indians, that the other Indians, if they use opium for medicine, use the Indian opium ? — Yes, I am quite aware that they use it, but whether it is used for medicine or not I do not know. 120. It is used largely for medicine by every native physician, every native Hakim, every old woman who prescribes in her own neighbourhood for medicine ? — Whether that is a judicious administration I very much doubt. 121. I know ; but it is very largely used F — I think Sir Benjamin Brodie's paper and other papers that I have read in the " Lancet " take the same view, that it is a drug, and must be treated as a drug. 122. You mentioned, Sir Joseph, the fact of an advertisement of an opium shop in a railway carriage on a State line ; have you any reason to tbink that that advertisement was put in by the Government and not by the owner of the shop ? — No, but the Govern- ment licensed the shop, I suppose. 123. Licensed the shop ? — Or licensed the seller. 124. The Government license a public-house in England, but that is repressive. As to the advertise- ment in question, have you any idea that that advertisement was jsut in by the Government and not by the owner of the shop ? — No. It does not make any B 2 12 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Sir J. matter in tho view I take who put the advertisement Veme., M.P. ■'ip- The man sells the Government opium, and the more he sells the better for the revenue and the worse 8 Sept. 1893. for the people, it seems to me. 125. There was a reference to a clause in the vendor's lease ? — License. 12(5. That they must sell a certain amount of opium, or else, at any rate, pay for that certain amount of opium ? — Yes. 127. That has been abolished? — Lord Cross recom- mended th'Bt it should be abolished. li'8. I', has been abolished, and I do not know that it is worth perhaps much referring to ; but are yon aware what the object of that clause was ? — I saw that in Lord Cross's blue book it is stated that the object was to prevent smuggling and the consumption of illicit opium. How that could do it I cannot tell. 129. Well, the object was actually to protect the revenue, not to ii crease the consumption ? — It says, "prevent the consumption of illicit opium." 130. You could not make a man sell more by jiutting that inP — Well, it makes him very desirous not to be fined, and to get the profit on what he had sold. 131. All these men are desirous to sell as much as they can I am afraid, but you would not increase their desire? — I think you would increase it very much. If you fine me for every ounce of the article that I do not sell, then you take away part or the whole of the profit I have got on the number of ounces that I do sell. 132. The object, both in the case of certain spirit licenses and the opium licenses, I believe the stated object was this. It was found by exjierience that the men sold a great deal more than they put down in their returns, and it ti as known to be impossible, and shown by statistics to be absolutely impossible, that they could pay the license duly which they did ])ay if they did not sell a great deal more than they admitted in their returns. To meet that, an amount was put down which was known to be well within the amount which they actually sold, so as to secure that Government should get that, the duty ? — To the unsophisticated mind it can only bear one view, that the man had to sell the amount in the license. Taking it for granted that you are dealing with an honest man, you would not give a dishonest one a license — at any rate the magistrates in England do not license a dishonest publican if they know it, and you immediately say, " you have not sold as much opium as you ought to have sold, and therefore you are fined," and you take away the profit of that which he has sold. It is a mysterious clause, rather. 133. I think you said that probably the Chinese only favoured, as it were, the growth of opium in China because they were under a certain amount of pressure or compulsion to admit our opium, and they preferred, if opium was to be used, that the Chinese should get the dollars and not the Indians ? — I think there is no doubt that what I consider to be the forced introduction of English opium into China stimulated very materially the home growth. I bolie\e the Indian opium is of a much better quality, and is liked by the richer class in China, and that the others not being able to buy English opium grow their own. 134 I want to ask you with I'eferencc to that, why do you think they admit Persian opium ? — Into China ? 13'j. Into China, because they never have beeii under any pressure or compulsion to admit Persian opium ? — I do not know; the Persian opium is Ijy far the finest quality of opium. 136. Well, Persian opium goes in largely ; why do they admit it ; if they only admit Indian opium, which is also ,a very fine quality, under pressure, why should they admit Persian opium P — I do not know. I must not ask you a question, Ijut Persian oj)ium comes through India. 137. You put groat weight. Sir Joseph, on the Go\crDment of Bombay's objection to permit the cultj ^'ation in Bombay, when the question was raised by the Government of India. Is it not the case that the Bombav Government never proposed to prohibit the supply in the ordinary form common over India, but that it only argued that the old Indian policy whereby cultivation was prohibited in Bombay and Wadra^, and tho;-.e provinces were made to rely on supplies drawn from the pojipy grown iu Ihe native states, should be maintained ? — It went a great deal further than that ; it said that if it was not maintained it would be attended with very detrimental results ; in fact the word " moral " comes into it. 138. Yes, but was not the reason that if you allowed cultivation which had been always prohibited — which has always been the policy of the Government of India in Bombay and Madras, there must be a certain amount of leakage and untaxed consumption. Was not that what the Government of Bombay meant ? — I do not know what they meant ; all I know is what they said that if it was grown there, it would be attended with moral disaster. 139. I think you referred to the Oalifornian law and the Australian law. I think those are both laws for the prevention of the consumption of opium on the premises ? — Yes, anybody selling and dealing. 140. For sale on the premises ? — The Californian law goes a great deal further than that. It evidently was passed under a sense of the demoralising efiect of opium on the Chinese population in the first instance, and that being communicated to the Europeans, and I had a call from a gentleman who is the present Prime Minister of Victoria, who told me that the feeling was exceedingly strong in the Colony, that the Chinese had communicated the habit to the younger Europeans, and that girls were seduced under the influence of opium, and that there was a strong feeling among the whites as against the Chinese and against the opium trade. 141 and 142. The Bill, I think, referred to consumption in shops on the premises P — I do not like to read a whole Act of Parliament, but these are the marginal notes : — " Opium not to be imported except by licensed importer " and for medical purposes." " Bestriction on importa- " tion." "Opium imported contrary to this Act to be " forfeited." " Importer not to sell opium except to " medical practitioners, chemists, members of College " of Veterinary Surgeons, or licensed persons." " Except under Poisons Act, no person to buy opium " without a license." "Commissioner may grant " annual licences to buy opium." " Entry of sales of " opium by importer." " No person to smoke opium." " No person to eat or drink opium, except as a medi- " cine." " No person to prescribe opium unnecessarily." 143. That is the Australian Bill P— That passed the Lower Chamber, but not the Upper Chamber, because of the dissolution. 144. You read. Sir Joseph, some terrible descriptions of the evils of opium-eating in China? — Of opium smohing. 145. Do you not think that those remarks apply mainly to cases of gross excess, and that perhaps, in cases of gross excess in spirituous liquors the same sort of terrible descriptions might be composed if the ques- tion were raised P — I am afraid it would be very diflScnlt to limit the descriptions of the damage done by excess in spirituous liquors, but I think that these quotations which I have read prove that opium is a much more insidious poison; but my objection is that we are trading in this poison for the purpose of raising revenue, and we are selling it for the purpose of raising revenue! Having found that it is detrimental to other nations and to other people, it is wrong for us to raise a revenue by contiiming in the trade. 146. I wanted to ask you this. Supposing it to apply fairly to opium consumption as a whole, how would you explain the fact that the Chinese in the Straits, in Hong Kong, and in Shanghai, which is a British possession or settlement in China, iu California, and in Australia, arc ;as regards a large proportion of them) opium smokers, and yet as merchants, clerks, tradesmen, agriculturists, artisans, and labourers they are admitted to be very shrewd, industrious, and successful, not only easily beating the Indians, the Burmese, the Malays and the Japanese who meet them, but you will find them also beating Europeans, and being notorious among all Asiatics for honesty in performing their contracts ?— My experience is that an excess cf stimulants, occasion- ally taken, has often characterised some of the very best workmen I have known. Of course, you do not get the same time out of the men as you do out of a steady and sober man, but it is unfortunately the case that amono- your very best workmen some will give way to habits of dnnkiBg ; but that does not take away what I call my responsibility in going into the trade, that is to supply them. They may do what they like, but I mufct do right. MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 13 147. I think, in coming to that, that your great objection is the position which the Government occupies in that particular Bengal opium growth ? — I say I have no right to be in a trade which is detrimental to other people. Other people may do it, but I have to form my own opinion of what is right. 148. It is the case, I think, is it not, that the Govern- ment is only in that position in Bengal, where it manages the growth, we may say, and certainly carries out the manufacture ? — The Bengal case is far worse than the other, though I have stated already that I should have thought, if the Malwa trade is to be purchased, and the native princes are getting very little out of it, that the duty of the Indian Government would be to try and give these concessions to Malwa for something which was much more valuable to them than the growth of the poppy. 149. What concessions ? — The concessions named in that blue-book, the purchase of opium concessions. 150. I believe those concessions are simply concessions given to some States upon condition that they would not allow opium to be cultivated at all ? — A very good concession, too. 151. And to another State the concession was given on the ground that it would actively exert itself in preventing smuggling. All this you would find pro- bably entirely unobjectionable ? — It says that some of them are cash. If the Indian Government could do without the revenue, the opium trade might be stopped ; because every one would admit that it is only on the ground of revenue that there is any excuse for carrying on the trade. 152. I wish to ask rather a hypothetical question. Supposing the Chinese Government were sincerely anxious to restrict and reduce, but perhaps found it could not absolutely prohibit the consumption of opium, but wanted sincerely to restrict and control the con- sumption, would not its most practical and natural way of proceeding probably be rather to follow the example of the Indian Government, as we say, what the Indian Government does in Madras and Bombay, that is, to begin by prohibiting the import of opium P — That would be, no doubt, the first step. 153. Excepting very limited amounts and under a heavy duty and then it would go on to prohibit the growth entirely in China, and so get the foreign opium into its hands as we do in Bombay and Madras. We allow no cultivation, we allow a certain amount to come in from the native States and with that carry on a very re- stricted supply to the people at an enormously high price, compared with the natural price of the article. Would not that be really the way in which the Government of China would probably act ? — It is a very hypothetical question, but I should think you have very likely depicted what the course of the Chinese Government would be, which would, of course, have my hearty co-operation with the view of steadily diminishing the quantity. 154. Might not the Government of China, if it began to do that, find it necessary to take up very much exactly the same position as the Government of India does in Bengal, except probably that they would not export it?— Might they not refuse to allow cultivation except by licensed cultivators, and to insist that all the opium produced should be made over to its government agents P — Yes, and if the Government of China pressed upon the governors of the provinces, as we are proposing Sir J to do upon the Government of India, to continue <^ Peate, M.P. policy of greatly diminishing the cultivation of the poppy, I should think the world was getting better. 8 Sept. 189;3. 155. (Ohairmcm.) You are not sure that the Ohinesb Government may not be influenced in their treatment, of this question by considerations of revenue ? — I think they are. 156. And though they recognise the moral dis- advantage to their people they may possibly bo governed by considerations of revenue, and hesitate to adopt a policy of prohibition on that account P — My belief is, from communications which have been made to me by those who have seen and called upon Li-hung Chung, who is the great Prime Minister of China, that the Chinese will not believe in the sincerity of the British Cirovernment in regard to giving up the intro- duction of opium into China. "If," they say, "we " were not going to send opium into China, their opium " policy might be considerably altered." 167. [Mr. Pease.) I only wanted to ask, was there not some limitation to the opium or poppy that could be grown in Malwa ? — I am not aware that there is any limitation, it is entirely, I believe, in the hands of the native rulers. 158. Is the reason why the quantity of poppy grown in Malwa has decreased because it is not profit- able ? — The price of the chest was at one time 1,300 rupees. It fell to 1,100 and stood about 1,100, and now it has been latterly 1,000 ; there was a little rise, then the other day there was a very heavy fall on the Govern- ment measure for the stability of the rupee, which I should imagine to be rather a temporary fall, and it is because instead of getting 100 or 200 rupees per chest above the cost of duty and manufacture, they can get very little out of it except that which the native ruler gets in the increased land tax for the better lands on which the poppy is cultivated. 159. Was the reduction of the transit duty made for the purpose of stimulating the cultivation of the poppy in Malwa P — I believe it was to meet the views of the native rulers, who said that they could not get their opium into the Calcutta market at the higher duty of 700 rupees per chest with a cost of manufacture of 425 rupees more. 160. And if the old transit duty had been maintained ? — Yes ; probably the trade would have died out ; it could not possibly, I believe, have existed with the 700 rupee duty. 161. (Mr. Mowbray.) I do not know whether we shall have any of the medical evidence of the medical mis- sionaries which you quoted ? — No, I did not quote any medical evidence. Dr. Huntley, I believe, will be called before your Commission in India. I did read, at your Chairman's request, an extract from Dr. Huntley. He has lived in the Eajpootana for a long time, and there is another medical man who has lived in Rajpootana. 162 to 166. Could you tell me when the manufacture by the Indian Government began what was the origin of the manufacture ? — I cannot speak as to the date, but I believe it was a manufacture which was carried on under the old East India Company, and was inherited by the British Government when they took possession of India, and the Company was dispersed. I believe it is almost from time immemorial. The witness withdrew. Eev. James Legge, Oxfor 166. {Chairman.) You are professor of the Chinese language and literature at Oxford, are you not P — Yes. 166. You resided many years in China P — Yes ; I resided in China, or rather I would say among the Chinese people, because I never resided out of Her Majesty's dominions. Three years and a half I lived in Malacca, which is part of Great Britain, and then about 30 years I resided in Hong Kong. 167. In what capacifcf ? — As a missionary, in connec- tion vnth the London Missionary ,^ociety. 168. Long residence in those cotintries has of course enabled you to form an opinion with reference to the opium question P — It certainly did ; and while resident in Hong Kong I visited many places in China, and lacterly I visited Pekin itself, and all the open ports and mission stations in the north. d, called in and examined. 169. So that you have had a wide observation of the people who are consumers of opium P — I have. 170. Will you tell us what is your view as to the effect of the Bracking of opium on the part of the people of China P — Well, let me say that during my first residence in Malacca opium smoking was not so common as it subsequently became. I heard much of it, but J saw little. I had an example that impressed me very much with the tenacious hold that the habit keeps upon its victim. As soon as I began to be able to talk in the language, I went every day vigitin'o- among the people, and encountered a young man of more than usual gentlemanly manners and address. I found he was from a very respectable family in China, but because he had formed the opium habit they sent him out of the country in the hope that a visit to Malacca might wean him from the habit. I became interested in the man, invited him to take up his abode B 3 Itev .J. Legge. 14 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION ; Rev. J. Legge. -witli me in the Anglo-Chines^ College at Malacca, "which was then under my care. He came, and we had 8 Sept. 1893. very friendly intercourse together ; but all at once he ■ disappeared. I had made it a condition with him that he should not smoke opium in the college. He dis- appeaved ; and never came back. On my asking about him among his friends, I found that he had died, or that he had disappeared altogether. He tried, I believe, earnestly to break off the habit, and thought throtigh his acquaintance with me, that he had au opportunity of doing so, but it was all in vain. Then, when C went on to (5hina, wherever I went I encountered opium smokers, and found that there wag no evil so much deplored by the respectable classes of the people as thif? habit. I found that no respectable man could tell me of any good that opium had done, but every man had his own narrative of evils, deaths, suicides, misery, ruin, that it had produced. And my own observation, as I became familiar with the people, and I had a large circle of acquaintances among them, confirmed the reports that I got from those around me. 171. Ton have been speaking of the opinion enter- tained by what yon call ths respectable classes ? — The respectable classes ; but I never, even among opiumists themselves, heard a man who had a word to say by way of apology or excuse for his habit. Tou will find no one in China, I believe at the present day you would not find one, who, however devoted he might be to the habit, would say anything in its favour. I may just mention, as having been a missionary, and come very much into contact with the Chinese, and associating with one missionary society and another, that there is not, among all the thousands of churches that are growing up and making a profession of Christianity, there is not one which would receive a man into its communion who was in the least degree addicted to the smoking of opium. When converts in connection with myself began to increase in number, so as to form a com- munity, I brought the subject frequently before them when all the principal members of our church were assembled together. I did so because 1 wished to train them into the way of feeling that the responsibility of receiving fresh additions to our numbers rested with themselves and could not and ought not to be devolved upon their missionary and pastor. On several occasions I acted the part of what we call the " devil's advocate." I would say to them, " Well, here " is this man who laakes application to be baptised and '■ to be admitted as a member of our community ; he '■ is said to have a good character ; but if any of you '■ know it to be otherwise, you ought to come forward " and declare it. I do not know that he is at all " addicted to the habit of opium smoking ; but if he " be, you must make up your minds whether you will " receive such opium smokers. And do yon think it " is worse to take a pipe of opium now and then than it " is for the members of many, perhaps, of most in other " churches, to take a, glass of wine now and then?" And they would reply to me, " Why, there is no analogy "' between the two cases ; you take your glass of wine " and it does ,'ou no harm ; you abstain from it, and " you do not feel any great craving for it ; but when a " man once begins the habit of taking opium, it grows " upon him, he cannot refrain from it ; he is miserable " until he gets his usual dose ; we cannot receive into " our communion one addicted to the least indulgence ■' in opium smoking ; if we did, the end would be our " own disgrace and injury." Such is the universal feeling on the part of all Christian oonveits in Chiua. 172. Is the practice of smoking opium one which prevails widely among the more well to do classes ? — It prevails widely, and it has increased very greatly within my own experience ; but without statistical information I am not prepared to say what percentage of Chinese may smoke opium. I do not think it is so large as some have asserted, and I do not think it is small. 17.3. Comparing the masses, is it with them rather than with the more well-to-do classes that the consump- tion of opium most widely prevails ? — Well, that also is a difficult question to answer. There is no class that is free from it. It manifests its presence sooner among the poorer classes than among the richer, for when a man is wealthy and indulges his desire for the opium pipe, and yet is able to live comfortably otherwise, have snfBcient nourishing food, good housing and clothing, the habit does not tell upon his physical condition, so soon as it does upon the poor man. I it^ve often had a dozen men brought before me to see whether I could telli which was an opium smoker and whish was not, and it was very seldom that I made a mistake. The sallow countenance, general appear* ance, emaciation of the opium smoker for the most part revealed his character. 174. The Chinese stand high, do they not, as a race, for their powers of industry P — They are the most industrious people I ever became acquainted with. 175. And physically a powerful race ? — Yes ; they are not generally so tall, perhaps not so muscular as Englishmen are ; but I have often come into contact with a Chinaman from whom I was glad very soon to get quit. 176. They are good workers F — They are good workers. 177. And I suppose many of those Chinamen who are good workers are to some extent consumers of opium P • — ITot many of the best workers ; no. When an opium smoker comes under the power of his habit, he cannot work so well unless he refreshes himself every day with his pipe. 178. And are you under the impression that it is exceedingly difficult to indulge to a limited degree in his form of indulgence, and that most people who take any opium at all take too much ? — That is my view. 179. Is there anything that you would like to say to us further with regai'd to the injury which is done to the Chinese people, physically, and mentally, and morally by the use of opium ? — No ; I might sum up what I have to say, that from all I have known and seen of the habit of smoking opium, I should say that the drug does evil, and nothing but evil, and that continually. 180. Have you anything to say to us with reference to the public feeling in China with reference to our policy in promoting a traffic between India and China in opium ? — I have written down what I should say on such a question. 181. Will you read it ? — I have often heard an indignant expression of complaint against England ; but few of the Chinese are sufficiently acquainted with the geography and history of our Indian dominion to complain specially of our Indian policy, of which they are the victims. They know that the use of opium, except for medical purposes, is forbidden here at home among ourselves, and why should we, they have often asked me, try to force it on them ? They have done so in the past, and still continue to do so. Their statesmen are better acquainted with our Indian policy ; but their suggestion to Sir Rutherford Alcock for a modification of our Indian policy was not received generously, and did not meet with acceptance. In con- cluding what I have to say in reply to your question, I may bo allowed to relate part of a conversation which I had with Kwo Snng-tao, the first Chinese ambassador who was appointed to this country. I called on him soon after his arrival in London, and he welcomed me to the Legation. Among other things which he asked me was this, "Whether I thought China or England was the better country." I told him at once that I thought England was the better country. He was disappointed, and said, "Well, I grant you that you ' ' have finer public buildings, finer offices than we have, " more engineering skill, and that altogether England " is a cleaner country than China., But that is not what I mean. 1 mean looking at the two countries from their moral standpoint;" and that moral standpoint, as he expounded it, was as to the appreciation of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, conscientious- ness, and good faith. I told him that was a more difficult question to answer; but while I knew what high ideas of those virtues the Chinese had, I thought many of the English took higher views, and tried to carry them out more than the Chinese did ; and, lookino- at the two countries or peoples from that standpoint I still thought England was the better of the two. I never saw a man more disappointed ; he anticipated quite a different reply. He took a couple of turns across his reception-room ; then planting himself before nie, he said, "You eay that England, looked at from a " moral standpoint, is better than Chiua ; why then ", let me ask you, has England tried to force upon China hei- opium, and still continues to do so ? " 182. At what date did this conversation take place?— Soon after his arrival ; more than ten years a<^o • I think it might be in 1877. ' 18o. This Chinese gentleman would hardly contend that at the jiresent day the pow.n- of England would be used to force the ti'ade in uDJnm on the Chinese"— I hope no such ideas are springing up on the subject regarding England. MINU^E^ . OF EFIPENCE. 1^ 184. Certainly not P— But when I had that conversa- tion with K^o Snng-Tao I suppose there were 70,000 chests of opium going from India to China. I suppose that the Indian Government this year will send at least 80,000 chests. 185. It was immediately open to the Chinese Govern- ment to exclude the Indian opium from China ; if they think fit they can levy a prohibitory duty P — The Ohi-fu Convention had not taken place when I saw him then, but still the legalisation of the opium trade after the Tientsin Treaty had taken place. 186. The position at present is that the Indian Government does allow the export of opium to China to take plaoe, subject to a very hea^y export duty imposed in India. It leaves it to the Chinese Govern- ment, if they think fit, to exclude the importation of opium into their ports, either by an edict of prohibition or by levying prohibitory duties ? — Well, I wish they would set about* doing so. It is not easy for them ; at least they do not seem to think it easy for them, because they have not done it. 187. The Chinese have not done it ?— And the pro- duction of opium among themselves has been increasing more and more. 188-9. Have you anything to tell us as to the. time when and the way in which the cultivation of the poppy and the use of opium were introduced into China ? — So far as I have investigated the matter, and it is a matter that requires a good deal of research, I think they first became acquainted with opium and adopted the name of it in perhaps the eighth century, during the period of one of their greatest dynasties, the T'ang dynasty, a powerful dynasty that attracted people to itself on visits of curiosity and of business from the west. Then the Arabs came into China. Mahomme- danism, if it had risen, had not become at all vigorous, but the Arabs came into China, and the Chinese took the name and became acquainted with the flower, though not with opium, I think, at that early time. A-phirn is not the proper Arabic name, but it is a name for it there ; and the Chinese call it ya-pien, and A-fu-yung, evidently in the imperfectness of their phonetic methods trying to reproduce the word. After the first introduction they were pleased with the flower as a matter of taste ; they began to cultivate it; by - and - by they became acquainted with its use as a medicine, and their atten- tion was specially taken by the capsule and its seeds, and they called then the poppy, the " jar-millet," comparing its hood, its top, the capsule to the form of a jar, and its reeds to millet or any other seed with which the jar might be filled. They became acquainted also with its medical use in dysentery and the power to produce sleep, and gradually they began to plant it ; and soon after the fifteenth century it had taken root, not earlier, I think, than the fifteenth century, in Sze-oh'wan, Kansah, and the other provinces in the west of China, and gradually they began to appreciate the sensations which the partaking of the opium juice gave them. I have read a comparison stating that it was like what we call nectar, that it furnished a drink fit for Buddha himself. As time went on, the habit of eating opium, 'and of drinking an extract from the seeds, grew, but not yet the habit of opium smoking. Opium smoking was introduced from Manilla or from Java by the Spaniards or by the Portuguese. 190. In the early voyages, do you mean ? — Yes, in their early voyages, and that was only discovered lately by a medical missionary in Pekin, Dr. Dudgeon, in his readings of a topographical volume, in which literature China is richer than all the rest of the world together ; and in an account of one of the small departments, half the size, perhaps, or the whole size, of one of our counties, he found an account of the introduction of this habit, which came in connection with tobacco. Pirst, they became fond of smoking tobacco. Just about the same time that the habit was introduced into this country, and king James published his Counterblast against Tobacco, then the Chinese were forming the same habit, and adding to their tobacco some more or less of opium in order to make their smoking more tasty, more pleasant to themselves. The habit spread from the Island of Formosa, and it passed over into Anioy '^nd other cities of Pu-kien ; and, in 1729, the attention of the Government was directed to the habit, and an ■ edict was published in that year, denouncing the habit . and forbidding, under severe penalties, the smoking of opium and the opening of houses for opium -smoking, as shown in Dr. Bdkin's historical note on opium. That was the beginning of the agitation in China against smoking opium, and of course, from the Rev. J. Legge. publication of the edict in 1729 the introduction of opium became a smnggling trade ; and the East India 8 Sept. 189.3. Company, from the time of its operation in China, was well acquainted with the Imperial edict against opium, well acquainted with the fact that to bring opium from India or elsewhere to China was an act of smuggling. It can be proved by various instances that the East India Company was acquainted with this, and forbade, in consequence, the sending opium to China in any of the Company's vessels, yet not interfering with the intro- duction of it elsewhere. Why, a good many years ago, when the question of opium smuggling to China came up in the House of Commons, a letter was read from a Mr. Pitzhugh to some gentleman connected with the direction of the East India Company, explaining its character, and expressing his great surprise that such a trade should be persevered in which was death to the smoker and absolute ruin ; and his letter con- cluded with expressing his great regret that, if England adopted this practice, the character in which the East India Company was held would go down in China, and the whole of the Europeans in that country would be disgraced. 191. (Bvr James Lyall.) What year was that P — Wc , have quite sufficient evidence that the prohibition was well known to the Directors of the East India Company. Mr. Pitzhugh, in China, in 1782, when it was being discussed in Calcutta whether a new departure should not be taken by the Indian Government by sending to China opium in a greater and , more open manner than had yet been done, replying to the inquiries ad- dressed to him on the subject, said: " The importa- " tion of opium to China is forbidden on very severe " penalties. The opium, on seizure, is burned, the " vessel carrying it is confiscated, and the Chinese " in whose possesion it is found is ptmished with " death. It might be concluded that, with a law so " rigid, no foreigners would venture to import, nor " any Chinese dare to purchase this article ; yet " opium has for a long course of time been annually " carried to China, and often in large quantities, both " by our country's vessels and those of the Portuguese. " That this contraband trade has hitherto been carried " on without incurring the penalties of the law is " owing to the excess of cormption in the Executive " part of the Chinese Government." His letter concludes with adverting to the high opinion of the East India Company entertained by the Chinese, and thus concludes : " How must this opinion change when ' ■ your servants are to deviate from the plain road of " an honourable trade to pursue the crooked path of " smuggling ! " This was written in 1782, 50 years before the occurrence of our first war in China, and for more than 60 years before that the smoking had been carried on with a knowledge of the position in which it was placed by the Chinese Government. 192. (Ghadrman.) Tou have given us an historical sketch going up to a very early period ; and I suppose we may take it from you that the habit of smoking opium and the cultivation of the poppy in China did not originate through the intercourse with Eng- lishmen, but it began long before there was any intercourse between England and China?— I do not believe myself, I have seen no evidence to make me think, that opium was ever produced in China, ex- cepting as a medicine, until after the rise of this habit of opium smoking in Formosa soon after 1700. It was at Amoy, in the fields about Amoy, that opium first began to be grown. 193. Is it within your personal knowledge that there has been any considerable increase in the cultivation of the poppy in China of recent years ? — Tes ; at present that is my own view. Of course every year the increase has gone on with accelerated rapidity, and to a greater extent ; but in 1873, as my departure from the country drew near, I went for a couple of months up to the north, visiting the difierent mission stations at Shanghai, Chi-fu, Tientsin, and went on to Pekin itself. In returning en route for England, I went from Pekin by mule cart to the province of Shan-tuug, and visited the old cemetery to see the grave of Confucius ; and all the way from Pekin I saw opium fields. 194. What is the distance P — Well, it took us 15 days, perhaps 40 or 50 miles a day, and as we drew near to ai village of Ch'u-f'ou, where Confucius had lived, and which is very much peopled by his descendants at the present day, I saw a field of opiumir bloom, and near by were a number of grey-headed men — old men — seated on a dyke, talkiug together. B 4 16 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION: iJeo. J. Legge. 8 Sept. 1893. I vrent up to tliem with my companion, -who was the Rev. Dr. Edkins, and we expressed to them our sorrow at seeing the field of opium, especially so near the grave of Oonfuoius himself. One of the old men, with quivering voice, said, " Tes, you are sorry ; but I am '■ more sorry !" He said, "My relatives, my friends, my " family, have long dwelt here ; our young people have " grown up in decent, industrious, respectable habits, " but they will not do so much longer." 1 was affected almost to tears by the feeling of the old man, — his feeling the injury that was being done by ihe growth of opium, and that the injury would extend to his descendants. 195. Was this man that you are speaking of one of the descendants of Confucius, do you say ; did he claim that? — I do not know, but soon after that I asked one of the descendants of Confucius, who was one of my barrow-men in travelling to the Grand Canal, and he said there were about 40,000 of the same surname. 196. It becomes a sort of clan or tribe ? — Then I went to the palace of his descendant, the only duke in China, who has got landed property. 197. Did you make any other journeys — inland jour- neys — in China, which would enable you to form an opinion as to the extent of the growth of the poppy ? — No ; but all along that way, from Pekin to Shanghai, there was the opium growing By that time the Tellow Eiver, the river of China's sorrow, had changed its course, and instead of falling into the sea where it had done for more than a century, it had turned its course north. After crossing it just on the borders of Shan-tung — ci'ossing its new course — then we went on and came to a high bank, from which we saw its old channel, through which for some 500 miles it had run on to the sea.- There was the hollow of the old channel filled with fields — not absolutely filled — but dotted here and there with fields of the poppy plant in bright bloom. That was my experience. But of late years, in the great provinces of the West, the growth of opium has increased, extended. I should think, now that the opium supplied fiom the native fields is perhaps five times as much as what they get from India. 198 (Sir James Lyall.) I would like to ask one ques- tion : Is any alcoholic liquor drunk in China ?— Very little. In 34 years, and often in very large cities, from Canton of a million and a half down to cities with a population of 200,000 and 300,000 persons, in those 34 years I never saw but one Chinaman drunk, and he was not very drunk. 199. What do you think is the reason that they avoid liquor and smoke opium ? Is there any idea that one is disgraceful and the other not, or anything of that sort ? — Their temperance is owing to their having drunk tea for 2,000 years, to the abundance of tea, and owing to the teaching of their schools. There is a great deal of moral training and moral feeling in China, much more than we are prepared to give them credit for. 200. Then with the moral training and moral feeling why does not that tell against the smoking of opium ? — It does tell against the smoking of opium. 201. Not so successfully as against the liquor ? — Though people have been enslaved, become victims to the habit themselves, they all speak against it, and lecture each other about it. Largely even as it has increased, I believe that the percentage of opium smokers in China is not more than 20 per cent, of the population ; but it is increasing very largely from year to year, and the ruin of China becomes more alarming, more threatening to be irrecoverable, 202. I was in .lapau last year, and in Japan opium is prohibited. — Yes, it is prohibited. 203. It always has been, but liquor is drunk every- where, is procurable everywhere, and the Government raises an enormous revenue out of it ? — If we could have had our way the .lapanese would have been customers for our opium as much as the Chinese. Fortunately, the day before Lord Elgin concluded his Treaty in .lapan, the American representative, who had seduced him into the legalization-action, at the tariff negotia- tions after the Treaty of Tientsin, completed his. Mr. Heed had concluded his treaty the day before Lord Elgin. In that treaty opium was prohibited, and an engagement come to by the Americans that they would not introduce opium into Japan. 204. Do yon know the Chinese labourers very well; do yon think there is any danger that, ifopiuna was prohibited, the Chinese would follow the Japanese example, and drink a great deal of liquor instead ? — I cannot tell; I do not think they would, so long as they could get plenty of tea. 206. You know the Chinese officials very well, you know their habits and their character; do you think here is any probability of the Chinese Government evei stopping the growth of opium in China ? Do you think it is probable ? — Well, who can tell about the future ? I hope, and I fear. I may bo allowed, my Lord, to just refer in connection with this to a kindred subject. The question has often been put to me whether I thought that the opium smuggling had made us accountable for our first opium war ; and I would like to give my view about that. The war was occasioned by two factors ; one was the intolerable insolence of the Chinese in refusing to have intercourse with the repre- sentatives of England on terms of equality, and the other was our habit of smuggling. England had this grievance against China, of its arrogant insolence ; China had this grievance against England, of its per- sistent smuggling ; and, as between the two, I say that the persistent smuggling of England was a greater crime against humanity and against God, than the abominable arrogance of the Chinese ; and we had no right to call by violence upon our country to make the Chinese Government change its insolent ways — we had no right to do that, until we could stand before them and say that we had given up this persistent habit of smuggling. In reading Sir John Davis's " History of China," in his account of the troubles that broke out after the arrival of Lord Napier, to supersede the East India Company's official supercargoes in the superin- tendenne of the trade, I find he says, " As soon as ever he (Lord Napier) arrived, the trade became free." The consequence was that nearly every — I do not say every — Englishman, but scores of Englishmen in that part of the world who could manage to muster enough to pur- chase a "ooaL of their own, went into the smuggling trade, carried on their business not merely in the waters outside the port, but went also into the interior waters, until even the Chinese merchants and the superin- tendent there (Captain Elliot) began to get alarmed, and, after consultation with the English generally. Captain Elliot issued an edict to all these little smuggling parties, ordering them out of the inner water within three days, and he communicated to the Governor that he had done so, and offered him his assistance to suppress that abominable system of smuggling that was everywhere going on. Sir John Davis says that this was the only occasion on which the Canton Governor dispensed with the absurd practice of requiring the English superintendent to address the Mandarins, through the intervention of the Hong Kong merchants. He granted terms of equality on that occa- sion, so conscious was he of the virtue of the English superintendent in the offer which he had made to them. 206. (Ghairman.) We may take it that we all regard that policy of the past with great regret, and that we accept the statement which was made on behalf of the late Government by Sir James Ferguson, that such a course of policy as that would never be permitted again ; that I think is agreed ? — I wish it were so, my Lord, that we all look back with shame and regret upon the past. I believe you have stated correctly, that the question which is before us now, is the present and is Is the opium a thing th.at is 2 28 INDIAN OPCUM COMMISSION : Jiei " opium mediuine, and use all means to stop the trade J. S. Adams. " in opiuin ; and if there were any so degraded as to '■' refuse to listen to the voice of reason, we would 9 Sept. 1S93. ■■' employ force with them." With that he drew his sword as he spoke, probably meaning that he WDuld out off their heads. I cannot say that I would recommend such extreme measures, but it iudioate'l that in his mind any measures ought to be taken in order to pre- vent the spi-ead of opium smoking in China. I ought 10 say this — I feel it of very great importance — that I think many merchants and officials in China do not see the inner life of the Chinese as we do ; tihere are com- paratively few among the merchants who can speak Chinese. Our English Consuls, as a rule, speak Chinese thornughly well, but they do not mix much with the people. We have constantly gone in and out among the Chinese, and we find, from the evidence given us by the wives and the children of often wealthy officials who have lost money, that opium is causing an immense a.mount of misery, not only among the working classes, but also among the higher, that is to say, among the lower clas,ses of the mandarins. The wife of the official governing our own city lamented to us that her son had become au opium smoker ; and that for yL-nr.s he had been losing, by opium smoking and the things which come with it (the gambling, and the consorting with bad characters, and so forth), more money than his father was making in liis oflfice every year. We have people outside our East Gate, living m the beggars' quarter, who ten years au,o, when I first went to Kin-hwa, were living in the west end of the city, in some of the finest houses in the place, and these fimilies have come down entirely through opium. I am con- vinced that the more closely we study the question, and look into the facts among the people, the more deeply we shall feel the greatness of the evil. •350. Have you any comments that you would like to offer in conclusion with reference to the evidence taken from previous witnesses? — I have already trespassed so much upon your time that I hardly venture to say that 1 think our political influence in China suffers through the opium traffic, and also that legitimate trade is hindered very much by it. I think other evidence will be offered to the Commission, or that ihere is no need for me to go into that question. I would merely hke to indicate that at the time when telegraphs were discussed in China we had in Pekin representatives of English firms, American, French, German, and others ; but, to the surprise of everyone, this great telegraph system in China has been com- mitted to the Scandinavians. Every provincial city in China, with the exception of Hunan, is now con- nected with Pekin by telegiaph, and Scandinavians have done the whole work. Of course I do not say that that has been the i-csult of our opium trade, but it is quite possible that it does prejudice us in the eyes of Chinese officials — it does in the eyes of Chinese merchants, I know. 351. It makes England, you mean, generally un- popular p — I think so. Thou, in preaching, we have often had the Chinese throw it in our faces that we are Englishmen ; they sometimes will do it in our chapels, for we have everyday preaching in our own chapels; and the connnon objection — the stock objec- tion — is ; " Oh, you are the people who bring us the " opium ; you are the English people who deal with " us in opium, and yet you come here to teach us " morality ! We do not believe in any such morality.'' And again and again, in preaching in the open air in large towns, where I have been for the first time, directly the people have heard that 1 am an English- man, opium smokers have got up, shown their rags and emaciated forms, and denounced us as the people who have caused all their misery. The result has been that we missionaries have had no hold upon the people— the people have been disgusted with us. Then, your Lordship asked Sir Joseph Pease a question about the public meetings that have been hold in various parts of the country. 352-3. In Great Britain and Ireland P — I believe at the present time there is a very deep interest all over the country in this question. 354. Have you attended any meetings yourself? — I have. I came home for a holiday, but I have turned my holiday into a year's campaign on this subject, at considerable inconvenience and loss to myself; but I am convinced of this, that, especially among the Midlands, and in the North, and in certain parts of Ireland, there is a deepening interest in this question. The membership of the various Anti-Opiura Societies is about 12,000 persons, and they are all earnestly seeking to spread information on this subject. The political aspect has been steadily kept out of view ; it is nut in any sense a party question, but it is one in which most Christian people fee' a deep interest. 055. The anti-opium movement in Great Britain and Ireland, I presume, is as much an object of general support as is the movement to prevent the use of alcohol P — Well, the support is very general, and people do recognise that it is a kindred subject, and they have given us very good help and encouragement. 356. (Sir J. Lynll.) Do you think that the Burmese native Government was really able to prohibit opium smoking among the Burmese before the annexation — I mean before we took Upper liurmah ? — During the four years I was there I never saw a Burman smoke opinni. That was during the reign of King Mmdoon and the first year of the reign of King Theebaw. 357. But wiih other opium-smoking people all round them, and with the great opium-producing districts of Western China near them, do you think it is possible that it could have been absolutely prohibited P — I think that if the conscience of the Burman nation had not been at the back of that prohibition, they probably could not have prevented it, with their broken-down machinery. 358. As a matter of fact you think none of the Burmese smoked opium p — As a matter of fact, I think that none of the Burmese, to my knowledge, smoked opium. 359. The description you give of the effects of opium smoking is a very terrible one. I suppose you know that there are other people who have lived in China, and other countries in the East, who hold a different opinion P — Yes. 360. A much more moderate opinion ? — I know that, for instance, the merchants at the ports would perhaps have an opium-smoking compradore, and they jiroduce him to you, and they say : " There, that man " smokes opium, and he is as bright a man in business " as I am ; he is always up to his work, and he has " smoked opium for a certain number of years." But that man has probably been primed with opium before he comes to his work, and when he goes to his luncheon he is again filled up— wound uj), like a musical box, to go for a certain time until he is run down, and unless he takes his three daily doses he cannot do his work. Such a view as that is very misleading. 361. Is it not a fact that in a great part of China, particularly the part which Europeans see most or, opium smoking is just about as common among the men (except perhaps among the very poor who cannot afford it) as tobacco smoking is among Englishmen — very little less common. I have heard it frequently asserted ; do you think it is true or not p — In some cases it may be true, but China is a very large country, and the practice differs very much. In those places that I am acquainted with it is not so common as tobacco smoking. During my absence from Englaird I notice that tobacco smoking has increased very greatly in England. 362. I was on board a ship, now, the other day, with a great number of Chinese going from China to Cali- fornia. As far as I could see, every Chinaman of the lot smoked opium p — Very probably. 363. They spent the day, or part of the day, in tmokmg opmm p— They do in some places— they do so 0)1 the ttiver Yangtse. 30-1'. In California; and Australia the Chinamen are such good labourers, such good workers that, as yon know, savage assaults have been made upon them by English working-men, and excessive jealousy has been aroused because they have really cut out the English working-man. Is it possible, if opium smoking is such a dreadful vice, I do not mean to say it is not a vice and a bad habit, but if the consequences of opium are anything like what you have described, is it possible that these people (who nearly all smoke opium) could work, and make money, and succeed, as the Chinese do in Australia and California ?— I think that on close examination we should find that the great majorif-- of opium smokers are not the people who do the work, and that they are really parasites among the common crowd of Chinese workers. In cases where a man is an opium smoker, during the time that he is under the infiuenco of the drug, he can do his work as well as anybody, and probably, owing to the extra stimulation, a httle better than most Chinese. But the system is MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 29 affected in this way : it is an intense stimulation and an intense depression, and when the man is under the influence of the depression he is absolutely worthless. It is only while he i'l under the influence of the stimu- lant that he is of value, and a great deal of their hard work is performed under the influence of the stimu- lating effect of the drug, and therefore people say that opium has no evil efiects because they see the man at his beat and not at his worst. That is my view of the question, and L may perhaps say that the evil effects of opium are sometimes long in developing themselves. In many cases that I have known, opium smokers have taken the drug for 8 or 10 year.s, and have shown very little emaciation, but the mischief has been going on, and directly hard times liavo come, and they have not been able to get good food and stimulants (wine and so forth), then they have gone rapidly to the bad. 365. The great bulk of moderate opium smokers live as long as anybody else, do they not ?— So far as opium smokers are concerned they may live as long as any- body else, but I find this. Sir James, that in the famine times, and when epidemics of fever take place, the first to die are the opium smokers ; they are predisposed to disease, and their bodies seem to invite the attack of any wandering disease that comes along. 366. These Kachyins and Shans — you mentioned those tribes that are on the borders of Burmah — they are confirmed opium smokers, are they not P — Many of them are. 367. Well, they are people of very strong physique, and very energetic, are they not — compared to the Burmese rather remarkably so ? — Tea; I think that, as a rule, the HiU men are strong in comparison with the dwellers in the plains. We have the same thing in other countries, but I have come across many Kach- yins and Shans who have suff'ered severely from the effects of opium smoking.- 368. The Burmese Government, on religious grounds, through the influence of the Buddhist priesthood, pro- hibited the use of opium, aod our Government, finding it prohibited, carried on the prohibition? — Yes. 369. Was spirit drinking also forbidden by the Burmese Government ? — The canon of the Buddhist law is, " Thou shalt not touch anything that intoxicates "; therefore spirit drinking was also forbidden. 370. When you were in Upper Burmah did you ever see the Burmese drinking spirits ? — Not in Upper Burmah. The difference is very marked between Upper and Lower Burmah, coming down across the frontiers ; in fact, as I remarked in my evidence In chief, I only saw one case of a man being punished for drinking spirits ; he had a thousand blows with a small rattan. 371. The Mahomedan religion also prohibits, or at least strongly condemns, the use of spirits, and there are a great many Mahomedana in India, particularly in some parts, where they are in fact the great majority of the population. I suppose you would think that we ought to prohibit the use of spirits too ? — I think, if the use of spirits is doing as much harm as the use of opium is, that it would be a very pertinent duty for us to pro- hibit the use of spirits. I notice in the Report of the Excise Department in Burmah for 1891-92, in certain places the Deputy Commissioner notices the good effect prodaced by the spread of the Mahomedan religion in putting down intoxication among the natives. 372. Now the question is, should these things be en- forced by Government or should they be left to religious influences ? — I hardly know wliether I am prepared to define the duties of Government. It seems to me that it is the duty of the Government to protect its people from anything that is injuring them if possible. The tendency in the past lias not always been to protect the people, but rather, I fear, to push the trade. 373. (Mr. Pease.) I just wish to ask whether the con- sumption of opium in Burmah is confined to smoking, or whether it is partly consumed by eating, partly by smoking?— In Burmah, I believe, they smoke very largely; in China it is smoked, and then the ashes of The witness the opium are taken and mi-xed with fresh opium and again smoked ; and very frequently the third burning of ashes is smoked. In some cases, with working men who have not time to spend over smoking (which is a very tedious business, taking about an hour to satisfy an ordinary craving), they take it in the shape of laudanum dissolved in spirits, or take it simply as a pill, washing it down with a cup of tea. 374. Is it your experience that the Chinese look upon the smoking of opium as an indulgence of which they have no cause to be ashamed ? — I have never yet met a Chinaman who defended opium smoking or eating. They all look upon it as a thing to be ashamed of; in fact, on several occasions when I first went to China I nearly got into trouble by asking the question, " Are you an opium smoker," and to this day, if you wanted to insult a Chinaman, you would have no need to say anything, hut simply put the finger and thumb to the mouth, and waggle the hand, and it means, " Ton are a confirmed opium smoker," and it is taken as an insult. The boys often insult their parents in that way. 375. (Mr. Mowbray). I have only one question to ask, arising out of what you told Sir James Lyall. Tou said. I think, that the Burmese Government had succeeded in restricting the consumption of opium, not to the Burmese, but to the other inhabitants of Upper Burmah P — No, they let these resident Chinese smoke opium. Strictly speaking, it was not recognised as a public thing. In cases where Chinese travellers brought down opium in any quantity it was always seized, and the travellers themselves were punisued for smoking it ; but they did not seem to care so much to enforce the prohibition upon people of other races as they did upon their own people. 376. In fact, I rather gathered that they had succeeded in drawing the distinction which you seemed to think the English Government would not be able to draw, between consumption by the Burmese and consumption by other races in Upper Burmah p — The number of strangers in Upper Burmah at that time was very limited indeed. As I have said, 500 or 600 travellers came through in the course of a month ; so that really there was very little opium smoking seen except when the Shans came over in the dry season to sell their iron ware and then go back again. Those people the Burmese authorities were really afraid to meddle with. 377. Then is it the increase of what you call foreigners in Upper Burmah which leads you to think that the English Government could not do that which the Burmese Government did in their time P — I think the English Government could suppress the use of opium among all classes of people in Upper Burmah, and I think that ia the only remedy at their disposal. 378. I quite understood you to say that; but I wanted to Imow what was your reason for thinking it impossible that they could prevent the Burmese con- suming it and at the same time allow others P — Simply because of our experience and the statements in the lieport of the Excise Department in Burmah. The law itself is altogether inoperative. If you will allow me I will read two extracts from the Report of the Excise Department in Upper Burmah, page 21. " The " consumption of liquors and opium is theoretically " confined to the above-mentioned population, but there " can be no doubt that a considerable amount of both ' ' finds its way into the hands of Burmese." And again on page 22, " The licenses for the sale of opium and " liquor are intended for the convenience of the non- " Burman population of Upper Burmah, and sale of " either liquor or opium to Burmans is prohibited by '' lavr. But there can be no doubt that the prohibition " is, in practice, inoperative." 379. I understand from what you have just said that you think the increasing diflBoulty of restricting the me of opium to foreigners in Upper Burmah arises veiy much from the increased number of foreigners now in Upper Burmah as compared with the difficulty under the late Burmese Government? — Prom that increase and also from the fact that our licensed shops are there. withdrew. Jtev. J. S. Adam 9 Sept. 1893 The Reverend Hudson Tai'lok called in and examined. 330. {Ghairman.) To what communion do you belong, Mr. Taylor P— Personally I am a Baptist; (but the mission' I represent is "interdenominational, its mis- sionaries being members of all sections of the Christian Church). 381. And are you also a member of the Royal College of Surgeons ? — Yes. 382. I believe that you are the founder and general director of the China Inland Mission ? — That is so, my Lord. D 3 Rev. H. Tayh 30 INUIAX (JFIUM COMMISSION lieo. 383. Can you givo us very shortly what is the scope H. Taylor. of the work undertaken by that Mission? — We have at ■ the present time about 530 missionary worlcera of both 9 Seut. 1893. sexes in 14 of the 18 provinces of China, and also a " ' station at Bhamo in Upper Burmah. 384. You yourself have had personal experience in Ohina ? — I went out in 1863, 40 years ago, and have been a missionary ever since. '■>&. How many years were you out in China ? — I could not now tell how many I havo Ijeen in (Jhina, as I have been backwards and forwards a good deal latterly ; but my connexion with the work has been of 40 years, standing. 386. In what districts have you laboured in China ? — Personally I have lived in a number of towns fur several years. I may say, Shanghai from 1854 to 1856, and the intervals of time not mentioned below when in Ohina ; in Swatow in 1856; in Ningpo, 1857 to 1860; in Hang-ohow, 1866 to 1868 ; inTang-chau, 1868 and 1869 ; m Chin-kiang, two years, 1870 and 1871 ; in Chefoo, 1879 to 1882 ; and I have made visits of several months' duration to other towns. 387. The Commission may infei' from what you have told us that you have had wide opportunities ot forming an opinion as to the questions which were referred to us ? — I thought it might be helpful, my Lord, if I marked by a red line on a map the districts that I personally visited, and am acquainted with, either from visitation or residence, \_Mr. Taylor here handed the map to the Chairman.'] I have not been further west than Hanchung (Shen-si province), as you will see. These provinces I visited. [Mr. Taylor here pointed out on the map the provinces he had visited, viz., Shen-si, Shan- si, Ghih-li, Shan-tung, Kiang-su, Gnu-hwuy, Hu-peh, Kiang-si, Cheh-kiang, Kwang-timg.} I spent a great deal of mne in Cheh-kiang and Kiang-su, and more or less in Kiang-si. 388. Can you give us, in a general statement, what is your experience as to the effects of opium, and espe- oially Indian opium, on Chinese consumers, whether regarded morally or physicallj' ? — I do not know that I am able to discriminate much between the effects of Indian and Chinese opium, because in the many cases of Chinese opium smokers with whom I have had to do, one has not attempted to trace which opium they were using. I might say that probably in my earlier experiences Indian opium was the drug used, and latterly Chinese opium has been more largely used by those I have had to do with. As to the effects of opium on the Chinese I should like to speak definitely. 389. The Commission would wish you to give a pretty full description of your views on this question ? — The effects on the Chinese, I., physically, are (a) to interfere with the nutritive system. A man who s-mokes opium has a lessened appetite. If he be in a good position, able to stimulate the stomach by nutritious food and stimu- lating dishes, he might continue using a moderate quantity, sometimes for a considerable period, without showing that emaciation which is one of the most marked features where those advantages are not pos- sessed. When a man is unable from any circumstances to get the highly-spiced dishes and nutritions food that are necessary for him as an opium smoker, he becomes very thin and spare and runs down in physical strength very steadily as a rule Then (b) opium affects very seriously the nervous system. Of course you know the delightful sedative effect of opium ; and this is a very delicious effect to the Chinese — it is a sort of Blysium to them ; b Li t it is followed by nervous irritability and sleep- lessness when without opium. It is a proverb among the Chinese, and it is well known, that the opium-smoker turns night into day and day into night ; he is sleep- less at night, iind unless under the influence of con- siderable doses he does not get his proper rest ; but he is sleepy daring the day, and that effect is one that can only be kept under Ijy increasing the dose ; and hence the tremendous temptation for men who want to work during the day to increase the amoiint of opium taken. Then (c) it has a very serious effect, bearing upon national welfare, in its efl'ect on the generative system. In the first instance it is a stimulant, and it very frequently leads to immorality. One of the greatest difficulties, often met with, when a Chinama.n wants to break off the use of opium is spermatorrhoea, which comes on, and is a very troublesome symptom. I have had a great number of opium smokers under my care at onr time or another, and this is a very frequent symptom, just as diarrhoea comes on in the absence of opium, so spermatorrhooa. will also come on ; and this is a, serious effect. If the opium smoking is continued, and the system allowed to run down, impotence and sterility are the consequence. Where both husband and wile are opium smokers you find the children are ^ery feeble, of low vitality, and are easily carried off by infantile diseases. If the opium smoking is carried by both parents to excess, there usually are no children. Then (cZ) the general effect of it is to lower the vitality of men who, perhaps, may seem to be fairly well, and get along under ordinary circum- stances, Ijut in fever or any epidemic they seem to have such lessened power of resistance on the one hand, or of recuperation on the other hand, that many lives are lost. I do not think that opium smokers, as a rule — • there are exceptions — live as long as the rest of Jthe population. Of course you find cases of men who have smoked opium for many years and do reach to old age J but thej' are exceptional, according to my experience. Then, II., as to the mental system. The first effect of opium is stimulative. An opium smoker will oftentimes do his best work when under the influence of the drug ; and that is a great temptation to young and middle-aged students who have to go in lor prolonged examinations. They often do better work through the use of the drug than perhaps they would do without it. But there follows a depressing effect, and there surely ensues a dulled, ultimately a very dulled, mental state ; and unless the stimulant is kopt up men get sleepy and neglect their work and go down. But, III., the most terrible effect is on the mmal system. Opium smokers have always a dulled conscience. I do not think that there is any exception. They have dulled moral perceptions ; and if they smoke to excess, as the system goes down, generally the moral system in pai'ticular goes down, and there is nothing that an opium smoker will not do to get the drug : his natural affection seems as a rule to be first loosened and then to disappear; and in very, very many cases, where poverty comes on — which is a very natural result of opium smoking — the children are disposed of ; the wife may be sold, or, still worse, kept for immoral purposes ; and it is one of the greatest difficulties to rouse the conscience of an opium smoker, and when it is roused the poor fellow's will-power is so entirely gone that he is very frequently unable to resist temptation. I think that these are the principal points. 390. Would you say that the opium habit was very generally prevalent among the Chinese ? — "When I first reached China it was comparatively rare ; but it has spread very rapidly during the last 20 years, still more rapidly during the last 10 ; it is frightfully prevalent now. 391. The Chinese have had a good reputation, have they not, as workers ? — They are most industrious people as a race, but the opium smoker is as noted for laziness as the other Chinaman is for industry 392. Is it not the case that a great number of the Chinamen who emigrate, and whose services are found to be of great value in carrying on the industries of the place where they are temporarily employed, are opium smokers more or less ? — I have no means of judging what proportion of the emigrants from China are opium smokers. I have met Chinese in Australia and in America ; those whom I happen to have come across were not opium smokers ; and the Chinese whom I have met, especially the better classes of them, in Australia, are bitterly opposed to opium being allowed to be introduced among them. Now, surely they ought to know their own race, and the effect upon their own people. If it were beneficial, why should the moral and better men among them be unanimously and bitterly opposed to it ? :juO._Will you tell us how you find that the assumed connexion of the British Government with the opium traffic constitutes a hindrance to ihe acceptance of Christianity by the Chinese?— It makes us very unpopular. 1 would give anything many times to conceal my nationality, if one could legitimately do it, because I know inevitably the use that will be made of it. As I have mentioned, I have travelled extensively in China. I have never been in a province in which the question of the action of the British Government with regard to opium has not been brought up as an argument against the truth of the beneficial result of Christianity. 3' If. Do you consider that the unpopularity which you believe attaches to the British Government for its connexion with the opium traffic impedes the work of other Christian missionaries, such as those coming from MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 31 the United States, or from France, or from other countries P--One of the most common remarks to be met with is one _ which affects them as much as us. ^'^If Christianity is worth anything, why do you not go horae and preach to your own Govemment." If Christianity is worth nothing, of course it does not matter whether an American or a German missionary is propagating it, if it be a powerless religion. What. ever is the real state of the case, there is no question that amongst the officials, amongst the literary classes, and amongst the common people, we are believed to be the authors of their national ruin and curse through opium. 395_. Are there any other matters bearing on this question that you would like to bring before us ; you have given us very clearly your general i^ibw of the case, resting on your long experience ?— Is it not a very serious thing that we have by this opium trade alienated the sympathies and the friendship, not of the worst classes of China but of the best P I cannot conceive a Chinamen to be a patriot, and not hate England ; and as an Englishman it is very painful and very humiliating to feel this— that the best Chinese are those who dislike us most, and not the worst Chinese — that the best feel that we have inflicted upon them an irreparable injury. Then, again, the poor victims. We have in our own Mission — other missionaries do the same thing— a large number of small hospitals for the reclamation of opium smokers, and a very large number of Chinese come under our care in this way. Men. when I had charge of a hospital, came as far as 200 miles, in order to be cured. Their feelings are very strong ; and when we appeal to these refuges to them as evidence that Christianity has no sympathy with evil-living and evil-doing, they say, " Ah ! but you cure by tens and you poison by tens of thou- sands ; " and our efforts to bring about a better state of feeling are neutralised by the fact that our nation is believed by the Chinese unquestionably, whether* rightly or wrongly, to be the cause of their national ruin and degradation in this respect. 396. So far as you know among the Chinese, generally, it is not understood that an entire change has come over the public opinion of this country with reference to the opium question, that we should certainly, not as a nation, be prepared by forcible means to compel the Chinese to receive importations of opium from India ; that is not sufficiently recognised among them ? — It is not generally known, my Iiord. and I think some of us would feel very much afraid of assuring the Chinese, that if they were to exclude opium there would be no warlike measures taken. I dare not tell the Chinamen so. I am not at all satisfied that it would be 80:' I am quite sure there would be no war nominally on the ground of opium. But I am not at all satisfied. 397. Tou are aware, are you not, that a statement was authoritatively made in that sense in the House of Commons, by Sir James Eergusson, as representing Her Majesty's Government ? — We have heard of that statement ; but many things take place in the House that are not very much confirmed. 398. There was no dissentient voice in the House of Commons when Sir James Eergusson gave that assur- ance? — I think ic would not be easy to convince the Cliinese, unless they had an authoritative declaration from our Government, that we were likely to reverse onr whole policy since the first war with China. 399. The statement in the House of Commons is, as you know, an authoritative declaration on the part of the British Government ; there is no more effectual way of making an authoritative statement on behalf of the British Government than to make a statement officially in the House of Commons ? — -Would it not be well if this were conveyed to the Chinese officially P 400. They have a, legation in London, whose duty it would be to take cognizance of a statement of that kind in the House of Commons ? — I think it would be very difficult to convince the Chinese, unless definite, measures were taken, that we had reversed, our whole policy. 401. Well, what kind of " definite measures " would you suggest? — Communica/tion to the Chinese Govern- ment w6uld be a definite measure ; and I think it would be very widely published in China. Of course, every missionary Would be, only too thankful to do all he could in spl-eading it for his own sake, and for the eakg' of the 'work With which he is connected ; and I maty sa)^ we- have made very widely known the fact that there is an Anti-Opium Society, and a large anti- opium feeling in the country ; but the Chinese say to us, "Well, you have talked a great deal; why do " you not do more ; why do you not act ? " 402. I think the Chinese Government have every means of knowing from the statement.*, w'-ach have been made upon authority in the House of Commons, that it is open to them to adopt any policy which they may think fit with icference to the importation of opium from outside sources P — They would scarcely be prepared at present to deal with our Treaty, I imagine, as the Americans have dealt with their IVeaty in the matter of the Geary Act. 403. Do you not think that the Chinese Government are restrained from taking any action on the lines that you would wish rather by considerations of revenue than by any apprehension, if they prohibited the importation, that we should take warlike measures to resist that ? — To what extent, at the present time, the Chinese Government may bo influenced by qaostions of revenue, I have no means of judging. We are well aware that they have in times gone by refused to make revenue from this source. 404. {Sir W. Boberts.) 1 should like to ask, Mr. Taylor, as a medical man, do you consider that you can distinguish in the case of opium smokers and opium eaters, as we do with regard to the users of fermented drinks— between an opium sot and a mode- rate user, as we distinguish between a drunkard and a moderate drinker ? — The term a " moderate user of opium" is a little indefinite, and it is very difficult to know exactly what one or another may mean by that. If you mean by a "moderate user" one who has it within his power to desist from the use, or to give it up, the number of those, I should say, was very small indeed, after the first few months of taking it. If you mean by opium-sots those who are living in a condition of the utmost degradation, well, then, one could not really give any statistics as to the proportions. 405. You have told us that you have known of opium smokers who have reached an old age ? — Oh, yea. 406. I presume you would say that only those who ' use opium moderately could reach old age P — I do not remember anyone over 70 or 80 who has taken very ' large quantities. 407. Seventy or 80?— Yes. 408. Well, that is a pretty good span, is it not? — It ' is ; and, as I say, such persons are very rare. 409. We have been told that in cities chair bearers and coolies are nearly all opium smokers ? — I am afraid that it is so now. 410. Then how is it that they are able to do their work ? — In the first place, their work is not neioessarily continuous and exhaustive. A chair bearer for in- stance, in a city, will very seldom be on duty consecu- tively for a couple of hours, and under the infiuence of the stimulant he can do pretty hard work for that time. There is another class of chair bearers who S/Te employed on long journeys, and it has been my misfortune to , have sometimes in a gang of bearers some opium staokers. They are a terrible trouble to one. When the stimulating effect of the opium ceases they are absolutely unable to go on, and your progress will be interrupted from one to two hours however inconvenient it may be. These men are never very old ; they break down and die very eiiily. 411. I was going to ask you with regard to that recurrence. You say they do their work well under the infiuence of the stimulant; how do yon, distinguish between the drosvsy effect of a stimulant and the drowsy effect of a meal; we are obliged to take our meals periodically? — The rest of our bearers who are not opium smokers take their meals at the same time. 412. Does the opium smoker take his smoke with his meals or. after? — He will usually take it Avith his meal or after it, or sometimes instead of it, when the poor wretch has not anything else to take. 413. Would a dose of opium enable him to go on with his work without eating P — Eor the time being. But it is like borrowed money — when you borrow money, you have got to repay with interest. 414. Of course you know, as a medical man, that we do everything — all our functions are performed — under the effect of a stimulant of some sort or other ? — A proper, normal, vital stimulant, of course, is one thing, and a poison is another. D 4 Rev. H. Taylor. 9 Sept. ] »4'i. 32 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION; Rev. T1. Taylor. Sept. 1893. 415. You know the paradox is here — we hear on the one hand that these Chinese arc extremely strong, perform tueir work well, and nevertheless take opium ; and yet we are told these terrible tales of the effect of opinm on the system. Have you not distinguished between the sot and the moderate user of opium ? — One has distinguished constantly between those who are already going down under it, and those who are well nourished and sustained. 416. I presume you could not give the Commission any idea of the ratp of mortality— the death rate ? — I am afraid not. 417. I suppose no statistics exist? — None exist; and it would be sheer guesswork. But amongst these labouring classes you very rarely meet with men, who have taken opium and run down, living for many years. They do not, of course, die of the opium, that is as a rule, but of diarrhcsa, or dysentery, or fever, which they have no power to rally from. I ma}' say that in one part of the journeys that I frequently have had to take I used to come in contact in earlier years with a large number of coolies who were engaged in con- veying vegetable tallow over the hills of Cheh-kiang. These men used to carry about LISO lbs. avoirdupois over those high hills. Now, I have never seen an opium-smoking coolie who could carry above 100 lbs. That will give you some idea of the difference in strength. 418. And the other will carry 360 lbs ?— 330 lbs. avoirdupois — tremendous burdens. 419. Do you think that your experience in that respect would be verified by others ? — Oh, there is no doubt about it. 420. I presume these effects that you have enume- rated, arising in opium smokers, are not conspicuous in all cases — they are not inevitable, but you see them, more or less, occasionally, amongst opium smokers — I mean the degeneration of the conscience, and the effect on the nervous system, on the sexual system: 1 presume that that is not true with regard to the bulk of opium smokers p — I should say that in the case of nine out of ten persons who take opium in what may be called moderation — if you may use the term for those who only take a drachm or two, say daily — that in nine cases out of ten you will find a deadening of the con- science, you will find inability to sleep without the opium, and very frequently inability to sleep for a good part of the night with it, and more or less impairment of a full fair day's work. 421. That is in about 90 per cent, of the opium smokers ? — I should think so, as far as I can recall. 422. So that it is only about 10 per cent, of opium smokers that can be said to be in fair health ? — In whom the evil effect is not apparent. There may be a good deal of undermining which is not apparent, may there not ? And of course some constitutions, I need not tell you, resist adverse influences longer and more strongly than others. Constitutions iiro not alike, at home or abroad. 423. Then in your view, Mr. Taylor, it cannot be said, even speaking very broadly, that the opinm habit is at all on " all fours " with the alcoholic habit — with the use of alcoholic beverages ? — I think it is far worse. 424. {Sir James Lyall.) Yon mentioned the taunts which the Chinese are apt to use in speaking to the missionaries and which are said to be a serious impedi- ment in the way of ChrisDianiciing efforts. In the pro-opium literature on the subject, I have seen it stated, on the other hand, that the Chinese are a very conceited people, very proud of their own civilisation and of their own philosophy, and all that sort of thing; that they resent strongly — the patriotic sort of Chinamen — the attempts to alter their habits and cus- toms and their religion ; that their conceit is very much injured by missionaries addressing them and trying to impress upon them that their religion, that their ideas, were all wrong and that they muse take a new religion and that these assertions of theirs about opium is a Chinese way, and a very characteristic way, of showing their resentment and of meeting the missionary; that it is not a thing really felt and believed in by the Chinese generally, but that it is a mere argument used by them. Do you think there is any truth in that ? — I do not think there is much truth in it. I have, during my long residence in China, had the personal friendship of a large number of Chinese — some officials; a larger number of non- officials ; some of the literati, a larger number of the ii'.ddlfc and lower classes — and I am quite satisfied that there is an honest conscientious belief in the minds of these people generally that we are the enemies of their counti-y. 42 .-I. On the ground of opium, are the enemies of their country ; or generally because we have forced ourselves upon them ? — Largely on the ground of opium ; but also because we have forced ourselves upon them, undoubtedly. I had a friend — I may really call him a friend — who was an official, and in friendly intercourse with him I said to him, " I am surprised " that you do not discriminate more between the " friendly attitude of the Protestant missionary and " the assumption (which at that time was very com- " mon) amongst the Roman Catholic missionaries of " official rank, and their endeavour to foicp things " with a high hand." He said to me, "Well, now, " you know, it does very well to talk to the common " people about these things, but it will not do to talk " to educated people in this way ; and we cannot " believe that Britain is the friend of our country." "Now," I said, " how do you account for our inter- " course with you ; what is your own honest view of " it; tell me as a friend what is the commojily received " view among the oflBcialsP" "Well," he said "of " course we know the history of your ab.sorption of " India, and we know how you first came to India — " very quietly, and 3'ou have gradually absorbed the " country. We believe you have come to China and " found it to be a still more desirable country '' — (of course they think their own country is ]3erfection)— " and you see that contrary to the state of India we are " a united homogeneous people. You demoralise our " people with your opium, and get up a large class " all over our country who care for no moral principle " whatever. You also win over your religious adhe- '•■ rents in every part of the country and prepare the " way for the absorption of China." I give this as a very natural idea that is very widely prevalent. 426. But is not this a mixed idea with the Chinese ? If you could remove that — all the ground that there is in the opium cry — would you not, still leave us as far as possible, I should imagine, obnoxious to the Chinese ; would they not still be as opposed as ever to our forcing ourselves upon them, or breaking up their own civilisation and their own customs p — It is much easier to raise a prejudice than to remove it, I need not say ; and it would not be the work of a day to remove the prejudice that our stimulus and en- couragement and cultivation of the opium traffic through all these years has caused, making it is reasonable for them to suppose that wo are not their friends. 427. (Glutirman.) Does the past history of our relations with China and the wars we have fought, the battles that -we have won, and the Treaties that we have imposed upon them ; do these considerations, apart from the opium question, explain to some extent that kind of feeling which you say is enter- tained by the Chinese in regard to their relations with Great Britain p — They might; but when, in the native mind, at any rate, whether rightly or wrongly, there is added to that that the wars have been fought to introduce opium, and that the opium has been the thing of all our manufactures and imports that we have been most eager to protect and push — when you add to what would otherwise still remain, the idea that this was at the bottom and behind it all — of course there is a very serious difficulty. If we could wash our hands of the whole thing, it is not yet beyond the limits of possibility that China might be able to suppress the home cultivation of opium to a very largo extent, if not absolutely ; and it is a very sad thing if wo do not give them every opportunity of trying to do it. 428. (Sii- James Lyull.) Do you think that if the Indian Government stopped the export of opium from India to China, the Chinese Government would stop the import of Persian opium. There would be a great demand, you know, then?— I really have nothing beyond what would be a mere opinion to say with regard to that. 429. Your opinion is that they would, or have you no opinion P— I should rather think that thoy would try to stop the introduction of all foreign opium, and to lessen the home cultivation of opium, and MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 33 gradually to stamp it out; but opinions, I need not say, are not always correct. I have not a doubt in my mind that if a few years ago we had removed all pres- sure, the Chinese would never have allowed the culti- vation to have reached the point it has, and would have Rev. stopped it ; whether they can do it now or not, T would 11. Taylor not venture to say. We ought to give them a chance to try. 9Sept-]89S. The witness withdrew. The Ksv. Oheistopher Fenn, M.A., called in and examined. 430. {Cliairmany. You are, I understand, one of the secretaries of the Church Missionary Society and have been for many years past in charge of the correspon- dence with the Society's missionaries in China ? — Yes, my Lord, I have been secretary since 1864, and have had charge of the China correspondence for the last 12 years. 431. How many missionaries are now at work in connexion with your society in China, and in what pro- vinces do they labour ? — We have at the present time 66 European missionaries (29 clergymen, 6 medical men, 5 other laymen, and 26 unmarried ladies) besides the wives of missionaries. Of these, 28 have been con- nected with the Mission five years, and more. Of these 28 missionaries, 3 are in the Kwan-tung province, 9 in the Fuh-kien province, 14 in the Cheh-kiang province, 1 at Shanghai, and 1 in the interior province of Sz-chuen. 432. Can you give us the opinions of some of your most experienced missionaries as to the efi"ects of opium consumption upon the people of China, physi- cally, mentally, and morally ? — Archdeacon Moule, who has been a missionary in China for 32 years, wrote in 1891 as follows : — " I doubt whether you would find a " single father or mother in China who would regard " their children's addiction to opium-smoking, even in " a moderate degree, as anything but a cause for " shanae and most grave apprehension. Listen to a " heathen Chinaman's dying command to his children : " 'Touch not opium. "If you smoke the drug, you " 'may worship me after my death, you may tend " 'and beautify my tomb, you may perform all " 'ftmeral and ancestral rites; but I shall take no " ' pleasure io what you do, and calamity will overtake " ' yourself and youi- family. If, on the other hand, you " ' abhor and renounce opium, I can well overlook and " ' pardon negligence as to my tomb, the sacrifices and " ' offerings.' " At a meeting in Exeter Hall, in 1882, the same missionary said:— "In the opinion of every " respectable and moral person in China whose opinion " is worth having it is a vice, and nothing but a vice, " to touch the opium pipe at all, whether in moderation " or excess. In the case of alcohol, intoxication is the " exception. In the case of opium-smoking, it is the " rule and the object." At the same meeting, the Rev. W. H. Collins, 'who had been a Church Missionary Society's missionary in China for many years, and who, before ordination, had been a medical man, said : — " Nothing can possibly be harder to_ abandon than the " habit of opium-smoking. [In this respect] the habit " of drinking cannot compare with it." Bishop Moule, who went out to China in 1857, and is there now, wrote in 1891:— "Opium smoking and swallowing is very " prevalent indeed among all classes down to the " lowest. TBut yet] a shopman, a clerk in all the " middle and lower walks of trade, has a black mark " set against his name [by his countrymen] if he takes " his pipe. Any movement against the use of strong " drink originates with the European missionary. But " it is his Chinese flock and assistant preachers who " warn him that it is not safe to receive an inquirer if " there is any suspicion of his smoking opium." Archdeacon Wolfe, of Fuh-kien, referring to villages where opium-smoking is much practised, wrote in 1883: " The pernicious results of this soul and body " destroying vice are apparent all round. Oadaverons- " looking faces meet one on every side, and the slovenly " habits and filthy appearance of the people generally " testify too plainly to the evil it is working on this " once industrious and energetic population. Almost " the entire population in some places is abandoned to " the use of this poisonous drug. The effects are " witnessed in the extreme poverty of the people, in "the broken-down and dilapidated dwellings all " through the villages, and in the gross immorality " which prevails among the inhabitants." Lastly, Dr. Duncan Main, the very able head of the Mission Hospital at Hang-Chow, has remarked quite recently :— " Opinm-smoking is admitted by all to be a vice ; nothing " can be said in its favour. It destroys the health and e 30970, " shortens life, for an opium-smoker falls an easy prey " to disease ; and it leads to crime and ruin. When " anyone says the Chinese can smoke opinm with " impunity, he talks pure and undiluted nonsense." I have inquired of several of our missionaries, and they assure me that the above opinions are held by them all unanimously. As regards the physical efi'ect of opium- smoking, it does not so much generate any particular disease, but, if not checked, it utterly ruins the bodily constitution. 433. Have you ever been in China yourself ? — No, I have not. 434-6. What do your missionaiies tell you is their experience with reference to the action of the British Grovemment with the opium trade. Do they consider that it operates as a barrier to the reception of Christianity by the Chinese P — I wrote these remarks at home yesterday; at first sight they may seem to differ from what has been said this morning, but I do not think they do really so much. My answer is this: — Yes, very distinctly; but not so much in the way that is commonly supposed. It may be doubted whether the net result is to prejudice the Chinese against the missionary personally. The prejudice against him as an Englishman is often more than counterbalanced by the satisfaction which they feel on seeing that in this respect he protests against the con- duct of his own Grovernment. Archdeacon Wolfe on one occasion gained a friendly reception in a previously hostile town simply through having, accidentally, as it were, shown his strong feeling on the subject. But it is a barrier, nevertheless. The success of the Christian missionary depends on his being able to appeal to the conscience of his hearers ; and it is exactly this moral sense which is destroyed by opium smoking. " Hiimanly speaking," remarks Archdeacon Wolfe, " opium smokers are beyond the reach of conversion, " as the vice unfits them for the perception of any " moral or spiritual truth.'' Of course there is a large part of the population untouched as yet by this vice ; and as a matter of fact Fuh-kien, where the Arch- deacon labours, is one of the most successful of our Missions. Our missionaries long and sigh and cry for the suppression of opium smoking, not because they are propagandists, but because they are philanthropists, and because they see the misery caused by it. 436. You have, I believe, recently endeavoured to ascertain whether the Chinese authorities would be induced to make use of the right conferred on them by the " Additional Article " of 1885 to increase the duty on Indian opium to a prohibitive point, steps being taken at the same time to suppress or limit the growth of opium in China. Will you state the results of this effort ? — I was led to ask one or two of our missionaries whether the Chinese could not be stirred up to make representations to their own Grovernment on the subject. One of them, the Rev. J. S. Collins of Nangwa, in North-west Fuh-kien, replied on the 30th March last as follows: — "I lost no time in consulting those most ' ' likely to know the^ usual mode of obtaining such " an expression of popular opinion as would correspond " to a petition to the Throne with us at home. " Having learned that the proper course would be for " the mandarin governing the district to issue a pro- " clamation desiring the local gentry assembled in " their local council to send him an expression of " opinion which he might forward to his superiors, I " took an opportunity yesterday to lay the matter " before one of the Kien-ning (or Kyong-ning) city " mandarins. There was no mistaking his interest " in the cause. We explained carefully what you sug- " gested, namely, raising the tax on imported opium, " but he smiled and said, that uo matter how high the " tax was, if people wanted it, some way -rrould be " found of smuggling opium into China. No one who " knows the[Btate of things here] can doubt this. He " said most emphatically, 'England must move first, " ' England must move first,' and then he added with " a meaning smile, ' but your Queen would not be " ' willing to allow so profitable a trade to be stopped ' ; Rev. C. Fenn, M.A. 34 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Rev. C. Fenn, " neither -vrould lie believe a word in contradiction of M.A. " thatidea. TJie fact is that until the opium traffic with " India is stopped, the natives will not believe a word 9 3ept. iK93. " -yfQ gay ag Iq Jjno'laud not being willing to force " opium on China by another opium war. The man- " darin in question neither smokes opium himself nor " allows anyone among his retinue to smoke ib." I would only remark on the above that, while we in England feel sure that England will never attempt by ■'var, or threat of war, to force the admission of opium into China, the Chinese are well aware that almost every British official in China would do his utmost to prevent its exclusion, and that the exclusion could not be effected without giving offence to these officials. On the other hand, when once the British G-overnment has forbidden the expoit of Indian opium, evei-y such official will promptly become an anti-opium man^ because he will desire to push, in opposition to the use of opium, the use of other articles imported from British India and the British Isles. There seems no doubt, therefore, that such a change of policy would immensely promote the suppression of opium-smoking in China. 437. Does it at all occur to you that your missionaries might do a good deal to counteract this, as I think, erroneous impression which exists in China with reference to the attitude which would now be taken by the British Government on this opium question. Could they not do a great deal by making public such an authoritative statement as has recently been made in the House of Commons by Sir James Fergusson on the subject. You are awaie, of course, to what I am alluding? — Oh, perfectly aware; I should hope that they might be able to do something in that way, but still you see here the attempt was hond fide made. Mr. Collins is a, missionary there ; he can speak the Chinese language well ; he is on friendly terms with this mandarin ; he did his utmost to persuade him, but he totally failed ; and I una afraid that if an intelligent mandarin could not be convinced by a missionary who was almost closeted with him, or at least close to him, it would be very difficult indeed for missionaries generally to persuade the Chinese public. 438. Well, we know that new ideas permeate but slowly through public opinion, even in such a country aa our own. And we must recognise that the Chinese, looking back to past history, may be sensible that we have taken warlike measures in times past to force the opium trade upon China, and it may be a work of time to establish a contrary view ; but still do you not think that the G-overnment of this country has gone a long way in instructing Sir James Fergusson to make the declaration, which he did make, that " never again " would a shot be fired by Enghind to force the opium " upon China " ? — I think that is so. One might hope that as years passed away continued effort might produce some result in the desired direction ; but that would be a very slow process which would be immensely accelerated by the measure of stopping the export of opium from India to China ; and as every year now is hurrying its millions away into moral and mental and physical ruin, it seems a thing to bo extremely lamented and deplored, that we should not take steps which would accelerate its suppression. 439. It is the case, is it not, that in so far as the Indian Govei'nment takes any action whatever with reference to the trade in opium between India and China it is rather in the direction of restriction, by imposing a very heavy export duty P — It is a Government monopoly. 440. Yes ; but I mean the action of the Government in relation to the trade is that of imposing a heavy export duty on the exportation of opium from India to China ? — Well, I have not gone into that part of the ouostion so much, but I have certainly read in past years, (and I do not think there is any marked change of policy), that the financial authorities in British India suiDposed that the best plan financially was to push the production of opium as much as possible, and thus got more exported into China, and thus increase the aggregate return to the revenue). I have no doubt that of late years in consequence of the gro ving feeling in the House of Commons that would be different. 442. (Ghairman.) As a practical man, you are com- pelled to recognise that a considerable change of fiscal policy under such a Government as that of India, must necessarily be gradually adopted. It would not be possible, or it would be extremely difficult, to make a sudden reversal of policy ; and therefore, even though you might be hopeful, that at some future time this trade might be further restrained, and perhaps altogether cease, yet an interval must elapse before an entire reversal of policy can take place. In the meantime, does it not occur to you as obvious that something effective might be done by the missionary body, in insisting, perhaps more than they have hitherto done, upon that declaration made by the Government through Sir James Fergusson, to which I have already called your attention? — That was the very point I wrote about urging them to do so. I may say that Mr. Collins was one who has taken it up ; but his letter which I have quoted certainly conveyed to my mind the impression that he almost thought it would be useless, that the step he had taken showed it would not be_ of much good ; and Bishop Moule wrote at once and said that he thought that nothing could be done. I think that something could be done but I think the difference is this, that if the British Government in India were to take the step of directing that, Indian opium should be no longer exported to China, it would be an immense help, and would immensely accelerate a process which under any circumstances, would be extremely diflScult. 443. We were told last night in the House of Lords by eminent politicians on both sides, that in their view the only thing to be done was to keep pegging away P — Yes. 444. If that is the case with this country, with all its enlightenment and knowledge of political matters, and the wide circulation of an active Press on both sides, I think we must recognise, and the missionaries shoidd recognise, that they must not expect to convey a new view to Chinese minds with reference to the attitude of England on the opium question at once ; that there must be a good deal of pegging away on their part, and insistanoe upon such statements as Sir James Fergusson made, before they can gradually establish in the Chinese mind the true view of the altered attitude of our Government in i-elation to this question?— I quite agree with your lordship. What I would still say is this, — that under any circumstances, it is immensely difficult ; even if at the present moment the export from India to China was stopped, the task would be Herculean, but without that it would be a hundred times more difficult ; I quite think that they ought to make every effort in that direction. 445. {Sir J. LyalL) I quite admit, of course, that nothing would be so efi'eotive in convincing the natives of China of the change of policy as an order — prohibit- ing the export of opium from India to China. Do you recognise that that would cost about 5,000,000L or 6,000,000i. sterling a year ?— Is it not between 3,000,OOOZ. and 4,000,OOOZ. ?— the nett revenue I think is under 1,000,000Z. now. 446. More than that ? 447. {Ghairman.) It is a serious sum for the Indian Government ?— It is a serious sum. 448. (Sir /. Lyall.) For producing an effect upon people's minds that is u, very expensive measure ?— But I consider that the export of opium from India to China, knowing as we do the immense evils which result from it, is wrong. 449. That is another point P— That is a moral question to which material considerations must give way As I put it in addressing a meeting at the Exeter' Hall the other day, a mac says : " I believe that this opium ^'^ traffic 18 doing immense injury to China, but I '.! object to its being stopped because it might'lead to " the necessity, say, of a subvention of 4,000 OOOZ a "year," the extreme need from England to ' India Now that 4,000,000i. a year would be more than made up by twopence added to the income tax— twopence in the pound— a man Avho says : " I believe it is a o-reat moral injury, I believe it is a crime, but I object 441. (Sir J. Lyall.) No, it has never been that, I think ; it has always been to keep the price up ? — Well, I remembbr reading a remark by Sir John Strachoy to the effect tnat I have juHt mentioned. ^^ to giving it up because it may mean that I shall lose ^^ twopence m the pound— a one-hundred-and-tweutieth part of my income "—such a man— such a man I cannot understand. I think it is perfectly plain that If we English wish to govern India, and believe that the Indians cannot pay for it, we should pay for it our selves, not certainly try to make the Chinese pay it by a mode which does them far more harm than if we required them to give us the 4,0-00,00-OL a year in cash. The witness Avit'hdrew. liIINUTES, OF EVIDENCE. 35 The Rev. Geokge Piebcy called iu and examined. 450. (Ohairman.) You are, T believe, the founder of the Wesleyan Mission in China ?— Tea. • ^nh ^'^^^ y°^ spent any considerable portion of time in China yourself P— I was 32 years connected with the mission, from its foundation until the year 1882. Since that time I have been in London looking after the Chinamen who come here, so that I have been con- nected with the Chinese every month of every vear since 1850. 452. In what parts of China did you reside P— At Canton and Hong Kong, in the south of China. 453. Wo shall be glad to hear what your personal impressions are with reference to the evils resulting from the use of opium among the better class of the Chinese P— I may say, my Lord, that I have heard the evidence that has been given here, ' yesterday and this morning, the whole of it. Now, I have two points that I should like to lay before the Commission which have not been touched upon, I think, at all. I wish to be as brief as possible, and yet wish to give emphasis to those two special poiuts. The first is a short account of a body of merchants in China, in Canton, who existed under the old regime as a very important body of men. There was a time, as all know, when Canton was the only port open to Western commerce in China. During that time there was a body of merchants in Canton upon whom the Chinese Government devolved respon- sibility as to the conduct of all the trade, giving them the monopoly of importation and exportation. These were termed in those days and the name by which they still go is the Hong merchants. The number was from 12— varying no doubt at different times— from 12 to 18 or 20. In China, as all know, the rulers, the official class, is the highest, and then comes the scholarly class of the Chinese ; but in Canton we had what I do not think has ever existed since in any of the ports of China, and what I think cannot exist again — it was before my time I may say— there was a body of merchants who conducted the whole of that trade between all outside nations and China. I wish to say respecting that body of merchants that they were princely men ; the wealthiest of the commercial class in China. They were in numbers, I should say, nearer 20 houses than 10 ; they were men who, accord- ing to Chinese customs, had large families. Polygamy is an institution in China, and they were men with large I'amilies. Now, the families of this Cohong, as I term them, being the wealthiest, though not the highest in position in China, would be recognised by us Englishmen as being in the category, on account of their wealth, aiid on account of conducting this monopoly of the trade, of men in eminent position ; and their families as the largest, and of course, in some aspects the most respectable and most influential class that existed. What I have to state about them is this : that there were many of the sons of these men — I need not give their names, because those names are rather difficult to English ears ; but I may mention two families, as of those two one of them survives to the present time. Those two families were called respectively Puntingkwa and Howkwa. The other merchants had somewhat similar names, their family names, or names of their firms. What I wish to bring before the Commission is this : that of these large families, consisting, some 50 years ago, of many sons and of a host of grandsons — all those families, with the exception of one, are all but extinct ; that they are reduced to extreme poverty and distress. The hoards of wealth which their fathers gathered when they held that monopoly, and the property they acquired, and the gardens of pleasure and the palatial residences, all these have gone to wreck and ruin, and there is only the one family of Howkwa left in Canton of those 16 or 18 Cohong merchants. That name may be re- membered and known somewhat in England by a certain blend of tea in the old time that was called " Howkwa's mixture." That I have no doubt the ladies appreciated. Now here is a case in point in which there was great wealth, high respectability, position in society, and in which that wealth was bequeathed to sons and to grandchildren ; and it has almost entirely disappeared, and disappeared because the sons and the grandsons took opium, — in large quantities, — beginning, of course, with small doses when smoking it, and going on to larger doses, until in some of those families a man was kept to prepare the opium for smoking — to bring it from its raw condition by repeated processes into the state of prepared opium for smoking purposes ; a man was kept on purpose to supply six or eight sons, not merely young men, but middle-aged men, who had the confirmed habit of opium smoking, and this went on until at lastt hese families have been entirely ruined. That seems to me, so far as I have known and so far as I have learned also of the results of the mischief that opium has done in China, to be the most prominent example of the evils wrought among a body of people who were exceedingly well-to-do, and who were also mentally trained and scholarly to a certain degree, at all events. 454. And the example which you quote includes a very considerable number of individuals P — Yes, my Lord, more than a hundred. A great many more than a hundred.- 455.. And among that total number you would only name one who has been able to resist this course of degradation ? — Only one family. The other house that I named Puntingwa's. That house owned L»rge and extensive pleasure gardens in the western suburbs of Canton, and for many many years during my resi- dence in China those gardens were visited by foreigners, by missionary families, and by many wealthy Chinese as beautiful pleasure grounds. Within the last 20 years those gardens have all been destroyed ; they have been sold, the buildings have been pulled down, and in con- nexion with other extensive house property in the western suburbs of Canton all has been scattered to the wind. I know myself of no case in China in which there was so significant a proof of the mischief wrought by opium smoking. 456. And you connect all this which has happened with the kiss of energy and with the loss of ability arising out of the consumption in excess of opium ? — Yes, my Lord ; and there are numbers of other gentlemen, some who are in this country and some who are in China, who would speak to the very letter as to the truth of that to which I have referred — that the sons of these families, with the rare exception of perhaps one or two, were all useless and became more or less abandoned, owing to this evil habit, and their property was entirely scattered as the years rolled by. 457. {Sir J. Lyall.) Whenever a commercial monopoly like that for a time gives a certain number of families an enormous advantage over the i-est of the public, and raises them to great wealth and then is suddenly broken up as this monopoly was, I believe that the state of those families is apt to decay and to fall into that sort of condition that you describe, although, no dou))t, opium was also a very great cause. But I have seen exactly the same thing in other parts of the world, where a family had for some certain reasons possestcd a monopoly for a certain time and became through that monopoly very wealthy, and when suddenly that mono- poly, for some reason or other, was broken down, they proved unable to support themselves or to carry on industry iu an open market p — I can quite readily believe that ; in fact, I have some knowledge of great riches, especially when suddenly acquired, almost as suddenly disappearing ; but the statements which came to our ears from time to time, and the results which we sometimes actually saw ourselves were such re- lative to the enormous consumption of opium in those families — not merely by the sons and grandsons but by the servants — as to show that they were given up entirely to the consumption of opium. 458. {Chairman.) While you recognise the possible operation of those other influences and the change of circumstances to which Sir James Lyall has alluded, you remain of opinion that in the case of those families to whom you were referring the personal degradation and the personal incapacity of those concerned arising out of the opium habit was the principal cause of their destruction ? — That is my own full conviction ; and it was also the conviction of all the intelligent friends that I had for many years in Canton. 459. Now what have you known of the use of opium and of its efi'ects among the masses in China p — Most of my life was spent in the city of Canton, but the last two years that I was in China I was resident in a large town, a city you might probably call it, 12 miles froiix Canton of the name of Patshan. In China we only gi^^s the name " city " to walled cities; this is an unwailed town, but with 400,000 inhabitants. It was an immense place, and we Vfere residing in the outskirts of it. Now in speaking with some of my Christian friends there about opium, I said to one of the most intelligent E 2 Res. G. Pieictf. 9 Sept. 1893. 36 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION ; Rev. among thorn : " You ought to give us more iuformatiou G.Pierci/. " about ODJum thau you do;" and ho said, "but you " hardly dare to examine into the great evils it is '.) Sept. 1893, " doing in China, and doing in this place.'' I said, " I think we dare do it. What is there that we do not " know yet that you can make known to us P " "Well," he said, " I can take you to a place in the heart of this " gi'eat town where you would see opium and the " mischief it is working, and especially the stimulus " that it is giving to other vices." I replied: "I " am ready to be taken there, whenever you ^^'ill take " me." And as soon as I expressed my willingness to go with him, then he seemed desirous to back out of it, and began to say that it would be very dangerous, in fact that it would be perhaps at the risk of some broken limb, or even of our lives if we visited the place. I said to him : " But you have said that we don't know, " and are afraid to examine into the full extent of this " evil. Now, for one, I am not afraid, and if you will " take me, I will go." So he took mo. He informed me as we set out, and on our way, that it ^vas a series of buildings surrounding an open square, and that on the one side were opium houses — large places — and on another side that there were gambling houses, and that it was especially from the gambling houses that he feared difficulties. Then at another side of the square there were brothels, and he said : " I am taking you " at a time ivhon in all probability there will be less " danger than at any other time — certainly much less " danger than in the evening or at night. Where I " am taking you, you will see the extent of these " gambling houses, and some of the people that are " in them, but many more will be there at night, and " you will see the exterior of the other places." We looked through a series of buildings where there was every arrangement for opium smoking, and where I have no doubt that 300 or 400 persons could be ac- commodated day after day, and night after night, to take opium. The other buildings of course I did not go into. Into one it would have been improper for me to have gone, and into the other it would not have been worth risking it. I had seen numbers both of small gambling places and innumerable houses in Fatshan where opium is smoked, but this was on a larger scale. We came away, and he was exceedingly glad when we got away without any danger whatever. But that incident impressed me more fully than almost everything that I had seen in China as to the evil working of opium. Congregated in that place there would be from 200 to 400 or 600 men assembled — smoking opium. From this place they -n-ent to the other places. I don't say that no other per.sons went to the other places, but I say that this was a focus of evil ; and as we recognise in this country that the public-house and the intoxicating glass is a provocative, and is the source of many evils and leads to a great deal of work in the police-courts and gaols, and houses of correction, KO I found there on a scale that I had not seen in any other place what seemed to me to be the strongest proof that I have had of the mischief that opium smoking was doing among the lower class of the population. That is all I need say on that point. I will add one word, if you will permit me, my Lord . it is this, that whereas occasional speakers against opium and anti-opium agitators, as they have been called, have been spoken of as exaggerating, as immensely exaggerating, the evils of the trade and the evils of smoking, in China ; just allow me, my Lord, to say that I believe that it is entirely impossible to exaggerate these evils. I believe it is possible to make great mistakes when we come to figures. When we come to state numbers I think we can be wide of the mark, but as to the total amount of evil done to the opium smoker himself, and the evils which flow from his wrong-doing, to his family, to his relatives, to his friends, I think, a Commission sitting in all the leading cities of China would fail in summing up the total of all the mischief and ruin and death that is wrought by opium in China. I believe, from that point of view that there can be no exaggeration what- ever. It is beyond the powers of one, or of one hundred people to gather together, to tabulate, and to estimate the evils that are wrought in China by opium. 460. Tou have summsd up the results of all that experience in China in that concise and powerful state- ment which of course will have very great weight w ith the Commission, audi do not know that I can press you to go into details. You have given us, in a compre- hensive view, your impression. The Commission is much obliged to you. 461. (3Ir. Pease.) You have said that you have listened to all the evidence that has been given, and you wished rather to enforce one or two statements ; may we understand that you generally approve of the evidence that has been given P— Yes, but I have studiously avoided taking up points which have been brought up before. 462. (Glfjirman.) We are very much obliged to you for your consideration of the necessity of moving forward?— I wish, however, to bo ]jerinitted testate that almost entirely I agree with the evidence which was given yesterday and this morning also. In many points, if necessary (which it is not), I could corrobo- rate and strengthen that evidence, but I do not consider, myself, that it is necessary to do so. Those two particular points have been raised in my mind since I have been before the Commission,," and I challenge any man to overturn the evidence now given as to the entire ruin of the Hong merchants in Canton, during the last 50 years— and in regard to the other iioint also. The witness withdrew. 2[r. J. G. Alexander, LL.B. Mr. Joseph G. AlexaNdee, LL.B., called in and examined. 463. (Gliairmaii.) I believe you are a graduate of the University of London ? — A Bachelor of La^vs, yes. 464. And a barrister of Lincoln's Inn P— Yes. 46"i. And you hold the office ol secretaiy lo the Society for the Huppressiou of the Opium 'I'radc? — Yes, 1 have been secretary lor the last four years. I had previously, for about six years, been a member of the executive committee of the society, and had taken a great interest in its work. 466. I believe that yon are in the witness' chair this morning chiefly for the purpose of putting in the publications of the society, which shows the various practical proposals which your society has made from time to time, and which it has put forward for dealing with the opium question P — Yes, my Lord, partly arising out of a question or two put by Sir James Lyall yesterday. I thought it might be convenient for the Commission, before it separates, to ha\ (■ beibre it our Society's views on one or two points which have been opened up, particularly as to the distinction between the Bengal and the Malwa systems. 467. Will you put those papeis Ijofore us, or will you give us a list of them ? — 1 will just mention them one by one, and mention briefly, too, the points. 468. And you will, no doubt, take care to supply to the members of the Commission (each of them) a copy of those documents P — Yes, my Lord, I have arraugea that, and ii copy for each member of the Commission will bo forwarded. The first is a book which was connected ivith the foundation of the society, and was written by my predecessor, the first secretary of the society, the Eev. Storrs Turner. I may mention that it is a very great matter of regret to me that he is unable to give evidence before the Commission ; he IS only recovering from a veiy serious illness, other- wise I am sure he would have been most glad to come and speak to some points with which he is much better qualified to deal than I could be. This was an essay written by him in response to an advertisement that was issued by the late Mr. Edward Pease (Sir Joseph and Mr. Arthur Tease's brother) for an Hssay on the question of the Opium Trade, in connexion, I think, with its elfeet on missions in the East'. Mr. Turner was one of the prize essayists. He had been a missionary in China fur a number of years. His essay led to the formation of the society in the autumn of 1874. There had previously 1 leen some com- mittees— a committee in Loudon of which the late General Alexander was honorary secretary, — but they had fallen through. Our society was founded in the autumn of 1874 ; and Mr. Tm-ner, was appointed the first secretary. He held that position until 1885 shortly after the signing of the Additional Article which I will refer to later. The chapter to which I want specially to refer here is the eighth chapter of his book— the closing chapter— m which, after dealing with the history up to that time, he puts forward propositions for an amended opium policy. I should, perhaps, say that the MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. ^f society ne-ver had any dofinite constitution. I think one may say that those who united to form it rather were in search of a definite policy which they could suggest, than actually proposed anything upon which they were agreed. In fact, there were those who sup- ported three different measures. There were those who supported the total and immediate suppression of opium except for medicinal use. There were those who were in favour of a gradual suppression, as being what they thought the only practical means of putting it down, and, if possible, with the co-operation of China ; and there were also those who favoured the suggestion (which I think was thrown out by Sir James Lyall yesterday) of assimilating the Indian Government's system in Bengal to that which exists already in Bom- bay, in order that the Indian Government might no longer be a monopolist in the position of actually carrying on the trade, but in the position of regulating the trade and imposing duties, and therefore that such action as they took should be in the nature of repression. 469. {Sir J. Lyall.) I did not, as a matter of fact, make any suggestion of that kind. .» 470. {Chairman.) That is a suggestion which has been made. 471. {Sir J. Lyall.) Yes, it has been made, but I did not make it. 472. {Chairman.) It is a suggestion which has been made P — Sir James hinted at it rather than made it as his own. 473. {Sir J. Lyall.) You may have deduced it from some remarks of mine, but I am not conscious of having made such a suggestion. 474. {Chairman.) We are conscious of other people having made it ? — In this book Mr. Turner did not go for total prohibition. There is a passage at page 205 in which, after referring to the proposal of Sir William Muir, he says: — "Does Sir William Muir's " proposition entirely satisfy the demands of justice ? " We think not. Are we then shut up to Sir E. " Temple's re^Mciio aA absurdum of total prohibition ? " Again we think not. Justice and morality demand " that the Government should withdraw altogether " from encouragement to the opium manufacture ; ' ' and, if it takes revenue at all, take only that amount " which accrues from, taxation honestly meant to have " a restrictive force." That modified view was the view that was put forward in this prize essay. 475. What date was that?— In 1874. Sir WiUiam Muir's proposal had been made in 1868, and I will just lay on the table, if you will allow me, a publica- tion of the society entitled " Sir William Muir'sMinute " and other Extracts from Papers published by the *' Calcutta Government." Sir William Muir's pro- position was the adoption of the Bombay system of imposing a tax m Bengal in lieu of the monopoly, and I should like to call attention to the principal reply to that proposal of Sir William Muir's. It is at page 13 of this tract. It is a short Minute signed with the initials "H.S.M.'' Of course that is the late Sir Henry Maine. He says : — " The true moral " wrong, if wrong there be, consists inselling opium " to the Chinese, and the only way to abate it " would be absolutely to prohibit the cultivation " of the poppy iu British India, and to prevent the " exportation of opium from the native States. The " British Government is sufficiently despotic to effect " thi.-i, and for moral purposes there is no distinction " between what a despotic Government does itself, and " w-hat it permits its subjects to do. I am satisfied " that Sir W. Muir's policy would greatly add to the " supposed moral wrong by largely increasing the " quantity of opium introduced into China, while the " revenues of India would be seriously diminished. I " would not, therefore, base any action on his Minute." I think I had better not attempt to argue the question now, but simply put this in as narrative. I do not wish to commit myself to agreeing entirely with the state- ment that there is no distinction whatever ; but I will only say that the society has since repudiated Sir William Muir's plan as an unsatisfactory one. 476. {Sir J. Lyall.) You used the word " encourage- ment." You can hardly say that the word " encourage- ment " applies to the Bombay system P — Well, not of late years. 477. I mean to say the system itself, which is a system of levying a heavy duty, is not encouragement surely ; not inter fering in other ways except levying a heavy duty p — The system itself is not, I quite grant. I believe, however, that in the very early days the system was so worked as practically to amount to an encouragement. 478. The Malwa system p — The Malwa system. 479. How P — I am speaking of 50 or 60 years ago, when the Government desired to promote the use of opium, provided it did not go so far as to injure its Bengal monopoly. That was of course rather a delicate operation, but that appears to have been the desire at that time. Then the next document I will put in is an address to Mr. Gladstone when he was Prime Minister, which was referred to by Sir Joseph Pease. It will be observed that the great object urged upon the Government in that memorial is the ratification of the Chefoo Convention, and that really became the main subject of the society's efforts for a number of years. Dr. Maxwell, I think, mentioned yesterday that there were nine years of negotiation on the Chefoo Conven- tion before it was finally ratified under the Additional Article of 1885. During those nine years the society was constantly agitating for ratification, and there was a very strong feeling as to the injustice that was being done to China by not allowing her to have her own way, and by not ratifying the Opium Clause of the Chefoo Convention. It was towards the close of that period that an important meeting was held at the Mansion House in connexion with our society, and that that memorial, signed by a great many influential men, was presented. 480-81. {Chairman.) This is under what date — this letter to Mr. Gladstone P— The date is 1882. 482. I may take it that this communication to Mr. Gladstone was an embodiment of the view entertained by your association at that time on the subject p — Yes, my Lord. 483. And that the signatures (which are numerous and highly influential) to this document are a sort of gauge of the movement of public opinion on this subject at the time ? — -Yes. 484. I think it is a very important document, and I think it would be well that it should be printed as part of the Appendix to our Report ? — Yes. 485. So that it might go forward among other papers to the Indian Government for consideration P — We have copies. Perhaps I ought to point out that that really dealt with a point which is now passed over. At that time the negotiations with China, which issued in the Additional Article of 1885, were still pending. 486. Yes, but I think it still is of living importance. Would that not be your view — that this still has importance as showing the growth of public opinion in regard to this question in Great Britain p — Well, my Lord, I am anxious not to attach too high an importance to it — because it was dealing with a phase which has passed away, and probably some of those who signed under the conditions that then existed would not afterwards have signed such a memorial when they considered that China had her own terms and had been satisfied. 487. I will not further press the suggestion that it should be printed as part of our Blue Book? — I am anxious in that respect not to overstate our case. Well, then, it was no doubt under the strong pressure of public opinion that Mr. Gladstone's Government (Lord Gran- ville being Foreign Secretary) finally accepted the terms proposed by the Chinese Govern"u\ent — terms, as Dr. Maxwell said yesterday, which were modified as compared with those that they had originally put forward, but they were the ultimate terms of the Chinese Government, which Lord Granville in prin- ciple accepted ; and Lord Salisbury, then coming into office, carried out that which had been decided in principle by Lord Granville before. And that caused something like a crisis in our society. There were those who had attached very great importance to the question of not putting pressure upon China, and thought that that phase of the question had passed away, and who were not disposed to continue the agitation, and in consequence a conference of tha members of the society was held, at which I was present, and that conference ultimately adopted a new programme, which is the next document which I will put before the Commission, viz., a " Statement of Facts and Principles." In that document the society took the view (although there were dissentients from that view) that a portion of our case as regards the forcing of China must very much be dropped, but that the Bengal monopoly was absolutely indefensible (that will be found in the closing paragraphs); that the E 3 Mr. J. G. Alexander, LL.B. 9 Sept. 1898. 38 INDIAi« OjPIO^ COMWIS^fiON : Mr. J. G. society sliould thencDfortli direct its efforts to the Alexander, stoppage of the growth and manufacture in Bengal, LL.B. leaving the Malwa question in a somewhat undecided state, concentrating attention on the question of the 9 Sept. 1893. suppression of the Bengal monopoly. And we have worked on those lines ever since. Then the next docu- ment I put in is not actually a publication of the society. I hand it to the Commissioners as being by far the best and clearest statement of the general history of the opium trade, and it is rather interesting as having been a prize essay which was written (as the writer says in his preface) by one who approached the subject with a prejudice against the anti-opium movement, but whose study of the facts, and of the history of the case entirely convinced him. So that really, although written entirely independently of our society, it is a very able statement of our case. The book is entitled " The Indo-Ohinese Opium Trade " ; by Mr. J. Spencer Hill. 488. Shall we be supplied Tsith copies of that? — I will send them round to each of the Commissioners. In addition to a very clear statement of the history, and a discussion of the morality, of the question, it contains rather a specially valuable chapter on the effect of the opium trade on British commerce with China in general. 489. "Would you say that your society, as a body, would adopt and subscribe to the views which are con- tained in this publication of Mr. Hill's ? — Yes, my Lord, certainly. 490. Tou would like the Commission to consider that that is part of the evidence which you have to offer in support of your case, for the consideration of the Com- missioners ? — I should be very glad to do so, my Lord. 491. We will take care to make ourselves acquainted with that book, and to con sider it. It will be present in our minds in the consideration of our Report ? — Then, to turn to a somewhat different point, the ques- tion of opium in India. Up to that time our society liad almost exclusively turned its attention to the evils of opium in China, and the very name of our organ, the " Friend of China," shows that that has always been our prominent view. We have, however, had oui' attention turned to the question of opium in Burmah, and I will present one of our tracts dealing with that special subject. It is rather an old one, and the latter part of it is simply excerpts from Sir Charles Aitohison's memorandum, which you already have before you, but it contains, in the earlier pages, some introductory matter, taken mainly from the evidence before the House of Commons' Committee on Indian Finance, which may be useful as an introduction to Sir Charles Aitchieon's memorandum. It was shortly after I became secretary, four years ago, that our attention was called to the repoits of Mr. Caine, M.P., and others of what they had seen of the evils of opium in India itself, and we thought that the reports were such that we ought to call the attention of the Indian Government to the matter. We embodied the evidence which we had received, together with facts collected from the Indian Government's own Blue Books, in an Address to Lord Cross. That memorial to Lord Cross will be found at the close of this Blue Book, on the " Oon- " sumption of Opium in India," which is in fact a reply to it. Sir Joseph Pease has put in the letter that he wrote to Lord Cross commenting ou those despatches, and I now present another memorial to Lord Cross which is the official reply of the society to the des- patches of the Indian Government. 492. This paper to which you have referred is in the Blue Book, I suppose. Of course, in drawing up our Report, we shall be called upon to consider ourselves in possession of any information which has been already nresented to Parliament in previous Blue Books— it will be our duty to take that into consideration as part of the case? — No. The original memorial to Lord Gross is in the Blue Book, as I have said, but this reply has never been published in any Blue Book. And then, my Lord, after the last general election, we presented another memorial to Lord Kimberley, in which we stated our case fuUy. We had reason to hope, from the votes given by members of the Govern- ment during the last Parliament, and from a speech made by Mr. Gladstone during the General Election, that the present Government very much shared our views ; and therefore we put our case before Lord Kimberley, putting before him definitely and clearly our proposals, on the different questions arising out of the trade. Therefore that may be treated as the latest official exposition of the society's views on the whole question. 493. And that, perhaps, it would be well to print in our Minutes ? — I think so, my Lord. 494-5. Has it been sent to the Government of India ? — It was addressed to Lord Cross as Secretary of State for India, and no doubt he has sent it to India. 496. {Chairman.) I think this letter which you addressed to Lord Kimberley should be printed with our proceedings ; it would cover the whole ground, would it not, u]) to the present time ? — Tes, my Lord, I think so. It is perhaps hardly worth while to publish the reply to Lord Cross, but the last memorial to Lord Kimberley does express our present views. 497. It is the position you take to-day ? — It is. And then the only other paper is a pamphlet of my own, on the revenue question " Substitutes for the Opium Eevenue." I may ,■^ay that I put that in with great diffidence, feeling that I have not Sii' Joseph Pease's qualifications for aiscussing financial affairs. I think it will be found that there are no suggestions in the pamphlet with regard to Indian revenue which have not been adopted from more or less authoritative sources, that is to say, from the writings of men who are eminent in connexion with Indian affairs. Perhaps I may reserve my evidence on other points. I merely wished this morning to put in these documents at this stage. The witness withdrew. Adjourned till Wednesday next at 11 a.m. At the House of Lords, Westminster, S.W. THIRD DAY. Wednesday, 13th September 1893. Mr.B. Broomhall, ]3.Sept. 189S. PRESENT : The Eight Honotjrabie LORD BRASSBT, K.C.B. (Citaibman, presiding). iSiK .James B. Lyall, G.O.I.E. Sib William Roberts, M.D. Mr. R. G. C. Mowbuay, M.P. M.R. Arthur Pease. Sia Charles E. Bernard, K.C.S.I., Acting Seoreta/ry. Mr. Benjamin Bhoomhall, General Secretary of the China Inland Mission, called in and examined. i'.'S. (Cliriirman.) Mr. Broomball, you are, I believe, the Genei'al Secrotaiy of the China Inland Mission ? — I am. 499. Will you tell us in what parts of China the work of the China Inland Mission is carried on P — It is carried on in the provinces of Yun-nan, Kwei-chau, Si- • MJ'iii'iW'i!!S'"'bF "li^iSiENCEj' S9 pbuen, Kan-snli, Shei-si, Shkn-si, OMh-li, Siian-tung, Gan-hwuy, Ho-nan, Hu-peh, Oheh-kiang, KiaHg-si and' Kiang-su. It may be helpful possibly to members of the OommiBsion if they have a map— the red names on which indicate the stations of the Mission, showing that they are scattered all over China. 500. Have you resided yourself in China ? — ITo. 501. Will you tell us in what way the effects of opium smoking have been brought before you?— By com- munications from missionaries in China, and by personal statements from missionaries who have been, home , on furlough. 502. Will you give us your impressions generally, as formed from these communications, with reference to the effects of opium smoking ?— The information that I have from time to time received and obtained has left upon _ my mind the profound conviction that opium smoking in its effects— physically , morally, and socially— is one of the most awful vices that ever afflicted the world. Second : that our encouragement of the opium trade has been in its results — commercially, politically, and morally — one of the greatest blunders, and one of the greatest crimes ever committed by any nation. Third : that the rapid extension in China during recent years of the growth of the poppy, and of the habit of opium smoking, threatens the very existence of the Empire. Fourth : that there is absolutely no hope for any effective check to the rapid increase of opium smoking in China, while the export of our Indian opium is continued ; and Fifth : that the habit of opium smoking is one of the greatest, if not the greatest hindrance to the work of Christian Missionaries in China. 503. Well, now you have given us your general view and the impressions that you have formed from the correspondence that you have received as a whole ; have you any further evidence to give distinguishing the reports according to the provinces from which they are received ? — I propose to put before your Lordship and the Commission,, testimonies received from the various provinces of China, to some extent selecting only portions which bear upon several points already alluded to. I may say these are extracts from a very voluminous amount of correspondence and testimony. Prom Tun-nan, Mr. Curnow writes: — "The ravages " of opium in this remote quarter are very great. " I suppose little or no Indian opium finds its way " here. The Hunantise come here in large num- '■ hers and take away the native-grown opium to be " mixed with the imported opium, further east. Nearly " every house heeps it as a common reguisite. A. most " horrible development of the evil is the constancy " with which the opium pipe is olfered you in the " homes of the people as a matter of courtesy. Under " the garb of a social "whiff," it 'is spreading and '' sojpping the whole superstructure of Society. Ko class is " exempt. Poor shrivelled wretches by the score may " be seen on the streets getting a coin where they can " to purchase opium. China is being whirled to its ruin • " iy a means more subtle and ferocious than any hitherto " recorded in the annals or ruins of ancient Empires. " Nothing but the Spirit of the Almighty can stay the " plague. I do not believe China is able to save her- " self. The evil has now grown to such a terrible " form that the Government is powerless to arrest it, " be it ever so desirous." From Ta-li-fu, Mr. George William Clarke says that he has had experience both in Yun-nan-fu and Ta-li-fu, an important city, and he says, that in Yun-nan-fu 60 per cent, is the proportion of the .idult male popula- tion who smoke ; in Ta-li-fu about the same. Among the coolies in the provinces 80 per cent. He thinks that in. these towns about 15 to 20 per cent, of the women smoke, and the people begin to smoke from the age of IS to 23. He has seen boys 10 or 12 years of age smoking. Mr. Anderson, writing from Yun-nau, says : — " I have nearly crossed this kingdom at its centre and " have had good opportunities of watching this people, " on long overland journeys, or protracted boat jour- " neys, resting at native inns, visiting opium dens, " visiting the people in theiv own houses, talking with " them in towns and villages, mission halls, hospitals, " dispensaries, and opium refuges, and there can be " no doubt of the awful injury caused by the opium " vice." 504. Have you any other provinces? — From the adjoining ptovinoe of Kwei-ohau Mr. Bromptbn writes: — ''Opium is ferown' "very largely in this .pro- Mr. B. " vince (Kwei-chau), though in the immediate neigh- Broomhall. " bourhood of this city there is but little cultivated. " Opiiim is the largest source of revenue to Kwei-ohau. 13 Sept. 1893. " Kwei-chau opium finds its way to Kwang-si, Kwang- " tung,' and Hu-iian, in great quantities. Kwei-ohau " indeed exports little else worth speaking of." And " he further says, in answer, to the question, "What, " in your opinion, is the percentage, of the adult male " population who smoke?" "Natives of this city " (Kwei-yang) whom I have asked the above question " answer ' 50 to 70 per cent, of the ' adult males smoke.' " From my own observations I should judge the latter " to be nearer the truth, i.e., 70 per cent." From the province of Si-chuen, the largest pro- vince by far in China, Mr. Faers says : — " Opium " smoking as it exists to-day in this prefecture" —he is writing from Sui-fu, in the south-western part of the province— "is one of the greatest foes we, as " missionaries, have to contend with. Idolatry is as " nothing compared to it. It demoralises all who " either smoke or swallow it, to such an extent that they " cannot be trusted, neither can their word be relied " upon. The evils resulting from this habit are too " numerous to mention, and almost every day oases of " one description and another come before our notice " of its appalling destruction. Amongst the poorer " classes its power is far more dreadf al than amongst " the monied prople, as the latter are able to counteract " largely the baneful influences of the drag by other " things, BO that those who only move among the upper '' classes in China are unable to give a proper estimate " of the destruction which the opium causes among the " larger proportion of the nation; hence the confiiot- " ing reports from time to time we see published." Mr. Frank Trench, writing from Ch'ung-king, the important port of Si-chuen, says : — " My conviction is " that opium smoking is an unmitigated evil, and has " proved a terrible curse to this land. It has enor- " mously added to the sin and misery of the country, " and appears to me to be one of Satan's most powerful " methods for the destruction of soul and body of this " people. The Chinese, I consider, are perfectly " nnlrustworthy in word, but the effect of smoking " opium increases the apparentness of this and every " sin many fold. It weakens every physical power " before long, and makes a wreck of the man or woman " eventually, for certain. When once the craving is " excited, they are, so far as I am aware, its complete " slaves, and, so far as I know, any method of setting '■ them free is unknown to the natives. They are " doomed for life unless foreigners assist them. I do " net know whether the Central Government pould " succeed now in crushing the further growth of " the poppy. I fancy that but very very little of the " revenue collected as ' li kin' from the native-grown " drug ever reaches the Imperial Treasury; it is ' ' probably a,lmost entirely engrossed by the provincial " officials." He refers to a statement which has appeared in some publications that opium smoking pre- vailed in Yun-nan for 200 years. He says : " I have " visited all the cities but three in that part of Yun-nan " lying east of its capita], and, as the result of many " inquiries made from the oldest men I sought informa- " tion from in many villages of the south-east part, the " overwhelming atid invariable statement made to me " was. that previous to some 40 years ago, opium ' ' smoking, as we now speak of it, was unknown, in that " part of the province at least. When asked how long " it had been smoked, the constant reply was about 40 " years. When I asked if it had been smoked previous " to that date, I was told that here and there it was " smoked, but Ijy a very few. that then it was thought " disgraceful to smoke it, but it is not thought so now ; " that when the custom of smoking began to spread, ■' the opium used came from abroad in part. Poppy " is now grown to an enormous extent in that part " of Yun-nan. The opening of refuges for opium " smokers by missionaries in every part of the country " would certainly be a very philanthropic action, and " would, I have no doubt, be much appreciated by the " Chinese ; though until Christianity takes a firmer hold " on the country, they would probably misunderstand " the object of those who established such refuges, and " think that they had been sufBciently rewarded by the " secret merit which they had been successful in " obtaining for themselves. In the absence of decisive " action and direction from Pekin, I do not think the '• people or officials are capable of taking measures " themselves to open such refuges, or otherwise assist " themselves in the matter. I think that I'efages E 4 40 INDJAK OPIUM COMMISSION ! Mr.B. Broomhall. ]3 Sept. 1893. " made here might be almost, if not altogether, self- " supporting, the rent of the building excluded. One " of our moHt reliable native Christians here thinks " that in 80 per cent, of the houses in this city opium " is smoked. This exclusive of opium dens." This statement of Mr. Frank Trench's was made 10 years ago. 505. Tou have now been referring to the province of Si-chuen, have you not p — Yes. 606. That is a province in the extreme west of China? — Yes. 507. And I gathered from what you read to us that the supply of opium for that province is drawn from local sources ? — Chiefly grown in the province itself. The population is variously estimated at from 40,000,000 to about 67,000,000 ; the Statesman's Year Book gives it at 67,000,000. 608. Now you go to the province of Kan-suh ? — From Kan-suh, Mr. George Parker writes : " The most " respectable families are brought to abject poverty, " and degradation by opium smoking. The poor are " kept continually in rags through it. Children go " naked, and starve because the parents smoke opium. ■' Wives sit on the bed-place crying with the cold " because their husbands have pawned their clothes to " get opium. In cases of sickness remedies fail because " of the counteracting influence of opium. British " oflicials and merchants only come in contact Avith " their well-to-do compradors, servants, and tradesmen, " who, by faring sumptuously, show less of the evil " effects in their bodies and minds, than their less " fortunate countrymen. It is the poor who sufl'er the " pain; the indigestion; who feel melancholy; who " hate their very lives. The commonest acts of *' Christian charity are frustrated in their purpose be- " cause opium must bo had, and the pawnshop is near.'' Mr. Parker further says : " Opium smoking is a " hindrance to the evangelist and pastor equally. It " pvodiices lethargy and inertness of 7nind ; the rp- " qiiisite attention cannot be securcil. The liar, thief, " and fornicator, no loss given up to the work of '■ the ilcsh, are mentally on the alert, but the mental " torpor and indifference induced by opium become ■' doubly a blind to the mind." He says : " The popu- " lation of East Kan-suh wa.s almost exterminated in " the Mohommedan rebellion. Kingiang-fu had 400 " families within its walls when I visited it. The sub- " ordinate Cheo and Hien cities had each less than 100 " families within their walls, and no suburbs. In " answer to my inquiries as to the opium smoking, it " was stated how many families had kept out the opium. " In each subordinate city the noninfected families " were counted on the fingers of one hand. The girls " in the fields were pointed to as smokers. It was in " this district I received the expressive answer that " ' Eleven out of ten smoked opium.' Kingiang-fu was " the capital of the ancient Cheo dynasty, and until the " rebellion had been the chief granary of Kan-suh. Now " the poppy is its only glory." Mr. J. C. Hall, writing from another city of the same province, the city of Si-ning, says : — " I do think England must surely be ■' lying under a curse for her part in the introduction " and foi'oing of opium upon the Chinese. Mven here " you get it east in yourteeth. ' It comes from England.' " The latter end of next month we up in this province " (Kan-suh) looh forward to with terror, I might almost " say, for then the opium is ingathered, and the opium- " poisoning cases are almost innumerable in the country " just outside the North Gate. We here in China " cannot do much more than present plain facts to our " friends in England, who with these facts, and the " prayers of earnest Christians, and the blessing of God, " may rouse up sluggard England to the heiuousness of " her .sins." Mr. Laughton writes from the same province but from the city of Liang-chau : " This is a " dreadful ]5lace for producing and smoking it. It is " worse than either Lan-chau or Si-ning. When we " came here first, I did not meet with a man for about " three weeks after our arrival who did not take it; " and about nine-tenths of the women smoke, and OA'en " children. " .509. One of the missionaries whose communications you have read to us refers to the season of the in- gathering of the opiam crop as a period to which he looks fortrard with great dread? — Yes. .510. I iafer fn.ni that that the poppy is largely grown ill this province ?-- Very largely grown indecfl. ! uiiderslac' tluit I.hd c:'ij[ii; a }'cp,r are secured in some [.'arls. 511. And being an inland province you would be of the opinion, no doubt, that the main sourcoB of supply are local ? — Oh, yes ; it is the North- Western province of China, and I should presume that scarcely any opium whatever, except native-grown opium, ever reaches that province. But I may be permitted to add one more testimony from Kan-suh, from Mr. Hunt, who writes from Ts'in-ohau : "As a missionary labouring a great " distance from any of the Treaty ports, and doing a " good deal of medical work amongst the people, I " would like, in as few words as possible, to give my " testimony as to the woful effects of the drug, and the " hindrance it undoubtedly is to the spreading of God's " truth, This testimony is founded on mi/ own careful " observation, as I have during 10 years gone in and out " amongst this benighted people. The opium is known " here, as in most parts of China, by the name " Foreign " Tobacco" {or Foreign Smoke), so that our name is " insepa/rahly connected with the curse. In the city quite " 70 per cent, of the men are smokers, of whom the "' greater half cannot afford the indulgence. This means " a misery in the latter case, equal or worse than equal " to that in the homes of confirmed drunkards in " England. Of the women in the city about 10 per " cent, are smokers. In the country smoking is less " common among both sexes ; we might safely estimate " it at 40 and 6 per cent, respectively.'' 512. {Sir J. Lyall.) Foreign opium, the opium im- ported from India, is supposed to be of a better quality and fetches, therefore, a higher price, does it not, than the native product ? — It is assumed to be of a better quality. 513. And therefore, presumably, of a higher price ? Because of the greater skill in its manufacture. 514. Of a higher quality, and therefore of a higher price ?— Oh, a nmch higher price. The difference is very disproportionate indeed as to cost ; but the Indian opium, the general testimony is, is worse in its eflfects upon the people than the native grown. 515. It is possible that some of the cases containing thenative opium might bo labelled wrongly " Forein-n" ? — No doubt, for purposes of gain, it will often be sold as foreign opium.* 516. {Chairman.) Now we turn to the province of Shcn-si ? — From the province of Shen-si, Mr. Easton writes : " The evil results are apparent on e\-ery hand. Sad and sickening are some of the cases one has met " with, but they are so common that they slip from the " memory as an ordinary afi'air. At present we have " an old woman, living in our house, aged 70 ; she is " respectable, and has been well-to-do ; she has three " married sons, all, I think, over 30 years of age. Two " of them and one of their wives are amongst the most inveterate and despicable opium smokers in the city. They have ruined the family, sold everything, even to the garments off the poor old teaman's back, and " the bedstead from umJrr her, and left her on the floor to " starve. Two years ago Miss Fansset discovered her " in this condition, and as she dared not give her cash, " she daily sent her cooked food. She is now in our " house domg little odd jobs of needle-work for her food; we have sometimes given her a garment; but '■ her sons, who watch her constantly, got it from her " within a few days. This is a sample of what is very " common here." He says that native-gmwn opium is chiefly used; in fact, he says: "All native. I have " never seen foreign opium; the natives in these " provmces do not know it. The majority do not know '^'^ that foreign opium is still brought to China ; they " regard our guilt as consisting in first introducing it. "It IS, however, always called "Foreign smoke" Mr. Easton, says further: ''This h a great opium- 1'^ producing district ; the quantity grown is enormous. The whole population suffers much; wheat, oil-seed, and beans being so little grown as to make them " dear. Dealers come from all parts to buy cpium, "^ brmging silver for the purpose. This influx of silver depreciates the value, and the exchange becomes very low, seriously aff'ecting ourselves as well as " many natives ; a, tael fetching about 200 cash less " than usual, say 3s. 2d., instead of 3s. lOtZ. ;" and he says, " Ignoiance is the only excuse one can find for " the Europeans who pretend to defend it." rhe\yitiiess jlrsiicslo st:ilo that lasrs or chests of native opium ecu d not lie sold a« ■• foveiini." The l!n,mil opium ball is beautifullv mndr, mid mnn.Yyrarsaf.0 a London opiiun raerclmnt in bhowins- him ono, ,s;n(l Ilia, the ruler ^■o^onn(J! or shell eould not be imitated in ('liiii;i iMiiail quantities ol thffiinhve opium when in the condition lyiHly liii- iinuii'diiilr iisc mitrht lu s..iiic cnscs b.. sold as forciffii and llnis n.-.sHlia|. IlKMviliicfiSiiuraiUhy l,,s;i„,-,Hvr. ioiuf,ii,ana MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 41 517. You havu now doalt with the province of Shon-si?— Yes. 51d. Do you know ab all from what sources the demand for opium is supplied in that province P— From Mr. Easton's testimony, and ho i.s at a point where he would be likely to know, he s;iys, that the Indian opium is not even known in that province. 519. What is your next province P— The next province IS Shan-si. I have a statement from Mr. Hoste, who is the son of Major-G-eneral Hoste. He says that " Native II tracts are occasionally issued by individuals against the use of opium. Last winter some were being sold •' m this city. I enclose translations of four, with the " originals of three." I may possibly later on be allowed to read one of them, but this is one of the opium tracts circulated in the district, of which he has sent me a translation. {Tract put in.) He says that '■ opium is grown in this neighbourhood on irrigated " land. As a rule, about thi-ee-fourths of the land is " grown with opium." In answer to the question, " Do the officials prohibit the cultivation of opium? — " In what way and with what result?" He says: " Occasionally a man of more than ordinary goodness " and force of character may enforce, rigorously and " effectually, the prohibition of it. Till within three or " four years proclamations forbidding the cultivation of " opium were annually put up, but wore simply a dead " letter. Now the cultivation is legalised, auda heavy " duty of over 3 dollars an acfo is placed upon it ; " but this does not check the cultivation." He says that only native-grown opium is used in his district. Mr. Bagnall, Avho has been a missionary for 20 years in China, says, concerning the province of Shan-si, and he has travelled about it very greatly : " The people " of Shan-si are hiucorically a quiet, law-abiding people, " possessedof good bnsiness qualities; but now,throuph " the opium, are becoming m thousands of cases, so " reduced botti as regards physical strength and " energy of mind, that one cannot but be alarmed at " what must be the condition of most of them in the " early future. . . . The effects are seen in the " neglected appearance of the people and property; " for many of the finest houses in the cities, and many " which might well be termed mansions in the vilJago.s " on the Tai-ynen plain, are literally crumbling to " pieces. ... In the valley of the Pen liver (a " very fertile district), the best land is almost entirely " given up to the culiivation of the poppy. Travelling " on the main road from the south towards Tai-yuen " Fu, I stayed at an inn a few miles from the city. " During the evening and in the morning I heard " children's voices, 'i'hese I supposed were from the " younger members of a family who were travelling. " But while the mules were being harnessed, and the " many carts were being packed previous to starting, " I saw that eight little girls, ranging from seven to " twelve years of age, were being placed in a cart. " Enquiring about them from a, fellow-traveller whoso " cart stood next to mine, he replied, ' These children " ' have been bought cheaply in Ta-t'ong JTu [a city in " ' the northern part of the province], by the man you " " see with them, who is going to sell them at T'ai-l^u " ' [a city about forty miles from T'ai-yuen Fu] for a " ' high price. This has become very frequent lately, " ' and is what your opium is doing.' By way of expla- " nation he said the people in the north of the province " being poorer, the opium habit reduced the victims " to extremities more rapidly, and that selling their " daughters was one resource to get money in order to " procure the drug." 520. What was the name of this last province ? — The province of Shan-si. 521. So far as yon know, the main souice of supply of opium in that province would be local ? — Very much so. I have hiid a daughter, in fact, two daughters residing in that province, and a son, and the opium growing. from their testimony' a.s well as that of others, is \erj extensive — it is luininy; the province. 522. And you wonld hold that both the central ami, the provincial governments of China were largely to blame in this matter ? — Distinctly so ; but there are in some of these parts attempts, every now and then, to destroy the opium, and when " the runners " arec jming there is everything done to divert their attention from parts where it is being grown, and, in fact, where they have been destroying it the people have said : " Kill us, kill us," because they would rather suffer injury them- selves than lose their money by the destruction of the ■ opium crop. e 80970, 523. What is the next province that you deal with P — The province of Gan-hwuy, one of the central provinces. This is from one of the most careful and most reliable men for accuracy that we could give any statement from — Mr. Cooper, of Can -king. He says : "A fearful " case was brought imder my notice the other day, " which I am assured by the natives is of no uncommon " occurrence. A man, formerly in business as an " engraver, through opium smoking eventually became " lazy, and lost all his business ; one article after " another was sold, until he had nothing left but his " wife; instead of selling her — which is frequently " done — he did far worse." I read this to- your Lord- ship and the Commission : it is a statement we could not make public. He says : " Instead of selling his wife, " he did far worse, viz., invited his opium-smoking " friends who had money to his house, where he " encouraged them to commit adultery right before his " eyes, in return for which he received sufficient money " to feed his lust for the opium. Alas! alas!! these ' ' cases are too numerous ; when opium comes in self- " respect and integrity go out. I believe that opium " is the greatest curse on the face of the earth to these " poor benighted Chinese, who have too little moral " strength to refuse the bait so nicely put before them " by so-called Christian England." 524. In this particular province have you reason to suppose that the importations from nbroad of opium are considerable, or do you imagine that as in the other cases the principal sources of supply are local? — I am not so well able to speak as to that province, but Mr. Marcus Wood is here, who has lived in that province, and will be able to give more dependable statements in regard to it than I could. Prom the same province (though this letter is dated from Kiu-kiang), my son, Marshall Broomhall, who had been living in the province of Gan-hwuy, gives a statement which I think will be worth the attention of the CcmmiRsion. He says in a letter which I received about a fortnight ago) : " The China- ' ' man's conscience needs no education upon the question " of opium. I have never yet met a native who has not " acknowledged that opium smoking was a sin. . Were " any native asked, ' What constitutes a sin ? ' almost " invariably he would answer: 'Profligacy, opium " ' smoking, wine drinking, and gambling.' I wonld " that those Avho speak lightly of these things could " have stood in my shoes a few weeks ago. "WTien " speaking to a few natives who were around me, about " the Gospel, a gentlemanly Chinaman addressed me. " He proved to have been private secretary to one of " the Embassies, and had visited England, France, and " America. Never before have I been made to feel " such real shame for my country, as on that occasion, " as for fully two hours he spoke without reserve of " what he had teen and knew. The opium trade, and " the wars consequent, were the chief subjects of his " talk, on which subjects he was thoroughly conver- " sant I having .also been to India. He said he had " noticed that the opium merchants themselves did " not smoke — they knew b3ttcr — but their greed made " them willing to get rich by the ruin of another " people. In vain did I endeavour to show that many " of our people abhorred the trade. 'Yes,' he said, ' I " ' know all about the Anti-Opium Guild, but what's " 'the good of always talking; why don't, you do " 'something.' In concluding he said. 'Now, if the " ' Gospel that you come to preach can accomplish ' ' ' what you profess, then the best thing you can do is " ' to go home and preach it to your own people, for " ' they need it.' What could I say, but acknowledge " — as every honest English missionary must do — that " to us beiongeth shame and confusion of face. This " conversation was heard by, and retailed to, over a '• hundred piople. One felt it was no wonder, as he " said, that we were hated. These things cannot but " be causes of ill-feeling and indignation. It grieves " one deeply to meet hundreds who have been cursed, " to every one who has been blessed, through contact " with the foreigners. The awful habit has gained an " incredible hold on this people, and is gaining ground " everywhere. In place of the ancient custom of " assembling at the tea shops to drink tea over the " making of a bargain, or the contracting for coolies " or boats, it is not at all uncommon to resort to the " opium den instead. In places where one can hardly " obtain food, opium can be bought. Last year when " going westward (up the Siver Yangtse) to the city " of Chung-king, in Si-chuen, 1 was often astonished " to find where it could be obtained. No matter if the " boat stopped in the gorges where only rocks were to Mr. B. Broomhall. 13 Sept. 183.3. 42 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Mr.B. Broomhail. 13 Sept. 1893. " be seen, and where at first sight no house was dis- " cernible, the men would go ashore forthiqr pipe, and " one wo-jld find on some small plot ol: land a small hut " or similar place where opium and wine were to be had. " In other places small boats would come and fasten " .alongside, which proved to be floating opium dens. " In many of these small huts and boats there was " nothing for sale save the opium and wine." 525. What would your next province be? — Honan. Mr. Coulthafd, a nephew of mine, writes from Chau- kia-keo, and he says : — " There are about 1,000 opium " dens in the cities and towns near here, irrespective of " tbe private arrangements provided in places of busi- " iiess and guest halls, and be thinks the average num- " ber who visit each of these dens daily would be 30.'' He says, " Scarcely any, if any, really foreign opium " is used bere. Ho-nan opium is very superior; cer- " tainly not the tenth of one per cent, used is foreign. " During tbe last two years, owing to tbe cheapness of " fliour and millet, cases of cruelty to procure opium " bave been rarer. Still, cases are known where " wives are sold to satisfy the craving, and children '' sent out to beg to procure the daily supply of opium. " Everything available is sold, and in some families " it ' is impossible for any member of tbe family to " keep an article of clothing which is not in wear at " tbe time ; all is seized by the voracious consumer to " supply tbe deep craving." 526. Now what is your next province — Cheb-kiang, is it not ? — I have with me only a brief note from Obeh- kiang. Mr. Randle writes : " That he had never met a " Chinese who bad attempted to justify opium smok- ' ' ing ; but, on the other band, I have met and conversed " vtitli hundreds who liave both condemned it and deplored " it." And he also says, " Ono very evil result of the " 6pium trade with China ix thut it makes sniride so and, alas ! so common." 527. Chih-li?— The extract from Chih-li that I pro- pose to read is given by my son Hudson Broomhail, who lived in the city of Huai-lnh. It shows the difference between tbe condition of things now and many years ago. "At Huai-luh (in Chih-li), in 1851, the Man- " darin tried to prevent the introduction of opium. It " was discovered that an innkeeper had privately " provided opium and pipes, and after trial he was " convicted. The mandarin gave him the option of a " public beating, or the mending of tbe city north " wall ; be chose the latter, which cost him 10,000 taels " (say 2,600?.). While Ihe wall was being repaired, my " teacher was born, and received tbe nick-name ' Sin- " cheng' (New Wall), and since has been called Mr. " Cheng (Mr. Wall) to distinguish him from bis " brothers. Opium-smoking is now very common in " tbe city, and there is now no public protest against " it." 528. No public protest P— No. 529. Then do you mean by that that the public opinion of the locality is no longer hostile to the intro- duction and use of opium ? — That is so. The incident he mentions as occurring 40 years ago shows what was done at that time to check it, but now it is common and 1)0 attempt is made to stop it. And in connection with that same thought I would venture to quote the words of the Beverend Dr. Happer, not of our own mission, who says : — " I can testify from my own obser- " vation, during forty-seven years' residence in Canton, " lo the distressing evils of opium. In the year 1844 " the facilities for opium smoking were not seen in " any Chinese bouse. Now the opium couch is seen in " nearly every well-furnisbed bouse." 530. You bavB now gone through the evidence, province by province ? — Yes. 631. What you wish further to say is iif a more general nature, is it not P — I think perhaps it might be permissible to me to say a few words which bear upon tbe remarks made at the opening, as to the effect of this upon the welfare of the country and as to tbe rapid extension of the vice. 632. We shall be glad to hear any general statement that you wish to put before us as representing your society P — As showing the effect upon the country as a wbole tbe Eeverend William Muirhead, of the London Missionary Society, says : " Opium smoking is rampant •' in all riarts, and is eating out the vitals of the " nation." And Dr. Griflith John, of the London Missionary Society, one of the most able men in China, says : — " Opium is not only robbing the Chinese of " willirtno of more)' year by yea.r, but is i\c-t!ifinv " destroying them as a people. It undermines the " constitution, ruins tbe health, and shortens the life " of the smoker ; destroys every domestic happiness and " prosperity, and is gradually efEeoting the physical, " mental, and moral deterioration of tbe nation as a " nation." The Beverend E. O. Williams, of the China Inland Mission, writing from Western China, says: — " Oh, that our statesmen in England could see a little " of tbe effects of this poison which we have forced, " and are forcing still, upon the Chinese that wa may ' ' make a little money. The poor Chinese ! No wonder " they hate the foreigner. How can we ever make " amends for the awful wrong we have done them? " You come across it at every turn. If you go on a " journey very probably your coolies are opium " smokers, or your boatman; you see it and smell it " in the inns; you come across it everywhere." And as was stated in a leading article in the " Times " some little time ago, "25 years ago, the only marketable " opium came from India ; but now," it says that " China is no longer compelled to resort to India for " its opium. The huge crop of Cbinese opium is raised " for the supply of scores of millions who never smoked " before." And it further says, that " seven-tenths of " the adult male population, it is computed, now are " opium smokers. Probably 26 years ago only a, ■' fraction had contracted the habit. The propensity, " which is understood to have a total existence in " China of no more than a short century, has of recent " years spread like wild-fire among the nation." Dr. (Griffith John fears that no legislative measure on the part of the Chinese would put an end- to it ; but he says, " Be that as it may, our path as a Cbristian " nation is plain enough. We have inflicted a terrible " wrong on the people of China, and it is our solemn " duty to try and undo it by abandoning the trade at " once and for tver ourselves, and by giving tbem " every sympathy and aid in our power in their attempt " to banish the curse from within their own borders." 533. This deplorable increase in the consumption of opium in China has, it would appear from the various statements that you have read to us, been chiefly fed by the enormously increased growth of the poppy in China itself? — It has been ^o. 534. And there has been great laxity on the part of the Imperial and local provincial governments in enforcing the edicts which have been put forth to prohibit or diminish the consumption of opium ? — The reason for that bas been that money was going out by millions a year ; their silver for the Indian opium, and that bas caused the authorities to be lax in enforcino- tbeii' own regulations, which 60 years ago were ex- tremely strict ; men were put to death then for selling and smoking it. But another reason, no doubt, which we cannot shut our eyes to, is the fact that it is an opportunity which corrupt officials may take advantage of to accept bribes for allowing the growth in these interior provinces. I have not gone into the state of things in all the provinces because of the time. 538. T think you have given us abundant evidence to show the ill-effects of opium, and to show that the vice widely prevails and is increasingly prevalent in China P — My own conviction is very strong that if this thing goes on for another 50 years as it has gone on for the last 50 years, it will bring China into a most awful condition. Prom all parts it seems that during the last 40 or 50 years the growth bas been immense, and the increase of its use immense. Mi-. Morris, a deputation from the Baptist Missionary Society, who visited China more than 17. Whether the Clunese Government will take action themselves, or not? — I feel, as Dr. Griffith John put it very powerfully some time ago, that our action should not depend upon anything which the Chinese Government may do. He says : ' I cannot close my " eyes to the fact that opium smoking in China has " become so common and that the habit has such a hold " on its victim, that in my most calm and solemn " moments I can see no hope except in God. There are " millions in China to whom tlie drug is dearer than " life itself. Even if the foreign trade in the drug " were given up, it i-i more than probable that opium " smoking, and consequently opium growing, would " go on in the provinces. Yun-nan, Kwei-chau, and Si- '■ chuen are covered with the poppy every year, whilst " in several of the other provinces it is extensively " cultivated. The evil is now one of enormous magni- " tnde ; audi am inclined to think that no legislative " nieasnre-; on the part of the Chinese Government, " however honestly adopted, will put an end to it," and then he said what I ht.ited just now : — "Be that as it " may, our path as a Christian nation is plain enough. " We have inflicted a leirible wrong on the people of " china, and it is our solemn duty to try and undo it " by abandoning the trade at once and for ever our- " selves, and by giving them every sympathy and aid " in our power in their attempt to banish "the curse " from within their own borders. Would to God it " were possible to bring the British Government to see " the wicked character of the traffic, and to induce " them to sacrifice their opium revenue un the altar of " our national Christianity and China's well being." 648. Then you do not look to practical results ; yon think that whether there are any practical results to bo expected or not, it is the duty of the Indian Govern- ment to stop the export P — Unquestionably. But I should hope that in view of such action being taken by the Indian Government, it would be a direct encourage- men i to the Chinese Government to take immediate action, and I believe it would be that. The witness withdrew. Mr. G. BrowVt Mr. Geokge Graham Brown called in and examined. 549. {CJiiiir until.) Are you a member of anj' Univer- sity P — I was a private student of Glasgow University, my Lord; but 1 am not a graduate. 550. You have been a missionary in China P — Ye.<. 561. How many years have you been labouring in China, and in what districts have you been stationed? — For more than six years and since 1888 in the city of Lan-chau, my Lord. If you will look at the map you will find in the north-west corner the city of Lan-chau, capital of the province of Kan-suh. My testimony is only valuable because of my having been in a somewhat inaccessible district. 562. Will you tell me what is your experience of the district of Lan-chau, as lu the efi'eots of opium on the Chinese consumer, whether regarded morally or physically P — Distinclly bad in both ways, my Lord. 65:!-4. Is there anything you would like to add in anyway? — I hiive made inquiriea as to the amount of Indian opium sold in the city. Being a capital city, there is a large number of expectant officials from the south residing there, but only two sfcoi-es sell Indian opium in that city. The distance from the coast is 2,400 miles, so that of course the price of Indian opium, as compared with the native-grown product, is as ten to one. The cost as ton to one ; the strength of Indian opium as eight to one of the China drug. 555. And the proportion in which Indian opium is consumed as compared with the Chinese I suppose is merely fractional ? — Absolutely fractional. The point here which I wish to mention tri your Lordship and the Commi.ssicui, is that no Persian opium is known in the city, although a great trade route passes through it. The trade route fmm Turkestan gne.s iloun tliroii higher classes, and they latterly showed considerable friendliness towards us. 577. Did you I'eceive adequate protection from the first from the Goverament ? — All that we required we received, my Lord. It was not necessary under these circumstances. 578-9. (Sir J. Lyidl.) What do you think would be the practical results from the opium habit — the vice of opium smoking, if the Grovernmeut of India were to stop the export of Indian opium ? — My candid belief, especially v\ith reference to the mandarins fi'om the Hu-nan province, and they are practically the dominant power in China, is that they would do their utmost to put down the evil. 580...You think they would be encouraged by the example ?— I am certain of it, sir. 5S1. Do you think they would be practically able to carry it out ? — If they had the free hand that Yiceroy T'so had it would be very simply done — I refer to the slitting of the lips. 582. As far as you have seen and know, Indian opium, I gather, is now a luxury of the rich opium smokers in China P — It is more economical to buy the native opium in that district. Ton must excuse me guarding myself — my evidence only refers to the district under the Prefect of the capital of the district of Kan-snh. Where the strength of native opium is as one to eight of the Indian di-ug, and the price as one to ten, the advantage is in favour of the native opium. 583. I should think that is rather a doubtful fact, that of the relative strength — one to eight ? — It is not, of course, chemically ascertained; but it must mean something very like that, when one lady could smoke three Chinese ounces, nearly four English ounces in a day. 584. But practically Indian opium is now in China, I understand, a luxury of the rich, just as French brandy is a luxury among English spirit drinkers ? — Yes ; on the same analogy that, if you were to stop the native whiskey and leave the door open for French brandy, there would be difficulty about abstaining from spirits. 686-6. In practical smoking, just as in practical drinking. Indian opium is very much like French brandy is in England at the present moment ? — The use of it, as a comparison. 587. Yea ?— Not the effects. 688. Wo, not the effects, the use of it P — In the extreme north-^vst it is so. 589-90. Supposing spirit drinking is a great evil, do you think it would be incumbent upon the French Government to stop the export of French hrandy ; would there be any moral obligation ? — If I were a member of the French Government I should have no doubt as to my action in this matter, sir. 591. IMr. Pens/'.) You mentioned that the Indian opium had eight times the strength. Is the dose that is taken one-eighth of the dose that is taken of the Chinese opium ? — Y'ee; that was the experience of the man of whom I have spoken to-day. 592. (Mr. Mowhray.) Do I understand that when this Viceroy disappeared things relapsed at once ; that he had no public opinion behind him in putting down the smoking ? — I understand that he had tho subor- dinate officials with him ; but the official who followed him as Viceroy was a venial man, and he was bribed. That is merely given upon the statements of the people. I was not present at the time; but the Hu-nan mandarins, as a class, profess themselves distinctly antagonistic to opium. 593. But one Viceroy having shown himself strong enough to put it down, his successors did not carry on the same policy? — No, sir. 594. [Sir W. Boherts.) I think I understood you to say that in Lan-chau fully nine-tenths of the adults — the adult men — smoked or used opium? — The native opinion is that eight-tenths or nine-tenths ; I consider that that refers to adult men, 595. It is a large city, I presume ? — I'pon my own calculation it contains about 200,000 souls. 596. And how long has opium been used, do you think, upon that scale ? — The growth is increasing every year ; they are laying down more Ifjnd every year. 597. yo that the habit is practically a generalised habit in that city ? — Unfortunately it is so. 698. Not being a medical man, perhaps, your atten- tion was not called to what I might call the vital statistics, as to the death-rate, or probable death-rate and birth-rate of the towns ? — I was at the time we were there under very considerable surveillance on the part of tho mandarins, and it was with great difficulty that I secured any reliable statements. On the death-rate and birth-rate it has been impossible for me to secure statistics. 599. In walking about the streets did the population appear decrepit ? — Very much so. 600. Your impression was, speaking generally, of the officials, the better classes themselves, that they were in a loAV state of vitality? — Yes, I might put my answer that I grew to recognise the men who were opium smokers by the look upon their faces. 601. Did you say nine-tenths of them ?— .Eight-tenths or nine-tenths of the adult men. 602. Then the exceptions would be the persons who did not smoke opium ?— I include under the words '• smoking opium " those who smoke a little and those who smoke to excess. 603. And you draw a sharp distinction then p — No, where the craving is established I hold that a man is an opium smoker. 604. Are all such persons then persons of weakened health ?— In the case of the rich, who have sufficient food, they arc not. They may continue the habit without showing perceptible injury physically, but in the case of the poor, where they have very little food, and must smoke, they show it very quickly. The in- fluenza epidemic atlected the poorer classes in much greater numbers than the rich. 605. But your general impression was that the public health was deteriorating in that city ?—Be}ond doubt and question. 606. (Sir J. Lyall.) I suppose the poverty is very great there, is it not ?— \"cs, as a general statement it may be said to be so. 607. The people ai c, a large proportion of them, under- fed, do you think ?— From a British standpoint, underfed ; from a Cbmese standpoint, satisfied; the Emperor has almshouses in the city, where any people who wish to go may get food gratis. 608. (Chairman.) Y'ou heard the statements made by Mr. Broomhall with jefereiice to the action he would desire to see taken by the Government of India in relation to the opium trade. Do you support his recom- mendation P— Distinctly. My desire would be to know for the credit of England, that it could not be cast in our teeth that we carried opium in one hand and the Gospel of salvation in another. It injures one's life- work as a missionary. The witness withdrew. Rev. A. Ebnn. The Reverend A. Elwin called in and examined. ^^^°n, ' ■ ''"''■'■™""-^ ^1'^' yo"^ ^ member of any university, little more than '23 years ; and I have resided I mav Mr. Llwiu .^-No. say, all^ the while at Hang-chau, the chief city of the 610. How many years have you been a missionary in Oheh-kiang Province, although of course I have China and in what district.s have yon resided P — For a worked from tliat city into the countrv districts. MINUTES OF EVIDENCE, 47 611. Will you tell us what you have specially noticed as arising from the use of the opium P— I have been connected for about 20 years with a large hospital that Me have in Hang-chau, where at present we have about 100 beds, and a certain proportion of those beds are assigned to opium smokers, so tbal. we see the physical effects brought before us continually in the persons of those who come to be cured of opium smoking, and certainly the effects are most disastrous. My own work, in the country away from Hang-chau, consisted largely of itinerancy, travelling about among the people, and it was the greatest difficulty, in the country districts, to find any coolie or chair-bearer who was not an opium smoker, and over and over again I have noticed the following results : I have started in the morning with the coolies and chair-bearers, we will say, and after travelling for about three hours I have noticed that the men began to get weak and were hardly able to move ; and then I have been told, " We " must stop because the men wish to smoke opium." Well, we would stop for perhaps an hour, while the men would go to an opium den ; and they would come out of the opium den new men — the load that a man could hardly carry before he went into the opium den he was able to pick up and carry with the greatest ease. Of course this only lasts for a time, as long as the opium effisct lasts, and then, once more, he gradually gets weaker and weaker, until he can do nothing at all until he smokes once more. They are perfect slaves to the opium habit. That, as I have noticed, is the physical effect upon these people. 612. What would you say with regard to the physical condition of the agricultural population — are they able to do that amount of work which a labpurer in good physical condition ought to be able to perform P — An opium-smoker cannot. While he is underthe influen(!e of opium, he may do a great deal, and perhaps may do more than another, but the effect soon wears off, and then he becomes practically helpless, and can hardly do anything at all. I have met with a great many of these men, both opium-smokers and others, and, as I say, I have for the last 23 years had considerable experience in this way. 613. Would you say that the agricultural population ill the district in which you have lived in China was insufficient in physical ability ? — Not at all ; they are very strong indeed, and with regard to the general agricultural labourers, so far as I have met them, not many of them smoke. It is chiefly those I have met with in the cities that I think have smoked, and those whona. I have engaged in the cities to go into the country ; there is a great difficulty in getting men who are not smokers. 614. And would you say that the artizans of the towns are wanting in physical ability ? — Not at all. t)15. So that neither in the towns nor in the country, generally, would you say that the physical ability of the people was unsatisfactory ?— No, I should not ; but I should like here to say, as the gentleman who pre- ceded me said, that I speak entirely of what I have seen myself in Hang-chau and in the vicinity. I know perfectly well that it is very much worse in some of the interior districts, but with regard to Hang-chau we did not see quite so much evil among the people ; there are not quite so many smokers as there are in some of the interior cities. 616. What proportion do you think that the habitual or excessive smokers bear to the whole number of the population in Hang-chau P— Well, I should be very sorry to say— it is so very difficult to find out; I really should not like to say what the proportion is, but with regard to tbe special class, I can say that it is the greatest difficulty to find a coolie or a chair-bearer who is not a smoker. They nearly all smoke. 617. Perhaps there may be a larger proportion of smokers in that class than in the mass of the popula- tion ?— I think their temptations are greater. 618. Do you think that the practice is increasing generally in your district, in the district of Hang- chau?— I have not the slightest doubt about that. When I went to Hang-chau, I will say 20 years ago (I was there before that, but will say 20 years agoj, as we went through the streets of Hang-Ohau it was com- paratively a rare thing to see an opium shop ; that is to say, where opium was sold and smoked. We could always tell an opium shop by a curtain in front of the door ; it is tbe only shop in that large city that would have a curtain in front, and when I asked why the curtain was in front, I was told that it was so that the magistrate, when he went his rounds through the city, would not see the opium being smoked — he could shut his eyes to it — but if the man in the shop did not pay the " squeeze " which was demanded, the magistrate would very soon discover that there was an opium- smoking shop there, and the man would be had up and severely punished. And now I know for a fact that there are more than 1,000 opium-shops in Hang-chau, in that one city. 619. Would you consider that the officials show culpable laxity in not enforcing edicts which it is their duty to enforce in relation to the practice of opium- smoking ? — I am quite sure they do. I believe they look upon the opium question — many of the officials look upon the opium question — as a means of receiving bribes. It is known among the people generally — they all say so — that if the people who own the opium shops are willing to pay, tliey can keof) the opium shops without any difficulty at all, but if they will not pay, they are sure to be discovered and punished. 620. {Sir J. Lyall.) But is there not, nowadays, some recognised system of licensing opiurn shops in your part of China? — There is ; there is a system of licensing the opium shops, bub I do not know what that system is. 621. {Chairman.) What have you to tell us as to the sources from which the opium consumed in Hang- chau is supplied ; is it mainly from local sources — mainly Chinese opium — or is there any considerable proportion imported ? — I should think by far the larger proportion comes from Shanghai and Ning-po, Indian opium. We have not got so great a cultivation of opium — of the poppy — round us, as there is in some of the interior places. My friend, who has just spoked, lived in a place 2,400 miles from the coast, and you can easily understand the difficulty of conveying opium so far when it is taxed so often ; but Hang-chau is near the coast — we are only about 3 days' journey from Shanghai — and, therefore, it is easier to get the Indian opium, and, of course, if the people can get the Indian opium they prefer it ; it is stronger, and they seem to like it better. May I add one word with regard to the increase of opium smoking? I suppose, up to 10 or 12 years ago, I had never seen the poppy grown at all. I had never seen such a thing ; but when I left China, a few months ago, if I went into that district I saw the poppy on all sides; the field prepared for the poppy. It is extending there very much ; the growth of the native opium. 622. You wish to say something, I believe, to give us your view as to the effect of the alleged connexion of the British administration with the opium trade in relation to your special work as a missionary ? — With regard to that I can only say this, that we hear so frequently the remark made by the natives ; when we speak to them they say : " Ton have brought us the " opium, and therefore we do not want to hear any- " thing else ; we do not want anything else from you." And, with regard to that hospital which was started originally to cure Chinese of smoking opium, I have heard them say this : " First of all you bring us opium, " and now you start the hospital in order to cure us of " smoking it." 623. Have you any further general statement to make ? — With regard to the moral question I should like to say a few words. f!24. Yes ? — Missionaries are accused of exaggeration ; it is said that they exaggerate the evil of opium smoking. Well, I must say this with all my heart, that I believe it is impossible to exaggerate the evil of opium smoking in China. I do not wish to repeat what you have heard already from those who have spoken this morning ; but I will only say this, that I can endorse every word that has been said with regard to the dreadful curse that it is to the Chinese peojsle. There was a letter in the "Standard" this morning which I should like just to make one remark upon. Perhaps you have already read it; but there is just one sentence I shonld like to read. The writer of this letter has been abroad for no less than 35 years, and has had great experience, it would seem, amongst opium smokers and ethers. He says, " And are the " consequences to others as injurious from opium as " from alcohol ? The drunken European artizan or " labourer returns from his home well-nigh mad from " drink; attacks wife and children, and in his fury " maims and often kills them. The opium eater or " smoker, when he indulges to excess, sleeps off the " effect 01 the drug, and though he may injure his own F -1 Rev. A. lilwin. 13 Sept. 1893. 48 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Rev. A.F.twin. 13 Sept. 1893. " health, is compiinitivoly harmles.s to others." And then lower down he says, "I never saw any person ao " affected by the drug as to be dangerous to others" : and here I think we ought to remember that although it is quite true that the drunken European artizan or labourer returns to his home well-nigh mad from drink, attacks wife and children, and m his fury maims and often kills them, here the opium smoker does what I consider is quite as bad, he will sell his wife for gain. A man who is a drunkard gets the money, and he buys the drink, and then kills his wife ; the opium smoker first of all sells his wife — he bogins at the other end; he sells his furniture, his children, and his wife, and his home ; and when he has disposed of them all then he drinks, and has no wife left to kill. Of course it nas not the maddening efl'ect ; but still the money must bo obtained, and the opium must be smoked, everything must go in order that the travijig for the opium may bo satisfied. 02-5. (N/c W. Roberts.) I was much interested in what you said about these coolies. You sa}- that after working about three hours they wore exhausted, and that they had their pipe of opium and revived? — Kevived. 626. Did Ihuynot take a meal at the same time ? — No. 627. No nourishment at all ? — Very often none at all, as I know for a fact. In many of the opium dens where I have seen them go in there is nothing to bo had but the opium, and I should just like to state here that I believe that is the reason why there is so much dis- crepancy in the testimony with regard to the effect of opium smoking. These poor people (and the great mass cf the people are poor) literally live on the opium ; it is their meat and their drink, and consequently they very soon must come to grief altogether ; they cannot stand the strain upon the system. But on the other hand we find gentlemen stating that they have known people smoke opium for years, and that there has Vjeen no ill-efl'ect at all, and I think the reason is not far to seek. These people have had food, — good food and nourishing food. — and therefore they have been able to stand the strain of the opium smoking, and have stood it for years, because the good and nourishing food has to a great extent counteracted the ill-effects of the opium smoking. 628. These coolies, I undeistand, are stronc^, mus- cular fellows ?— They arc strong, muscular men, and many of them had been, perhaps, licld labourers or farm labourers before they had taken up the special work of carrying these loads. 629. One impression was thiit they are short lived ? — Undoubtedly, because they keep ou increasing the dose, and they gradually go lower and lower. I have seen it. I have known men myself strong, muscular men — I have known them lake the first pipe, and gradually, year after year, get lower, a.nd weaker and weaker, uniil at last they have been good for nothing, and when I have wanted a coolie, I have said, " ()n no '' account send so-and-so," because I have known the man was no good at all, and would only be an hindrance instead of a lielji when I was travelling. 630. I asFume n good many of these coolies will con- tinue their opium eating in moderation.'' — I do not think so IVom what I have noticed, they increase it. The craving is something so terrible— it is something so awful — anil a man will take so much in ordei' to satisfy the ciaving we will say this month, but next month he increases it just a little in ordei' to got more enjoyment out ol' it, .ind, to satisfy the craving, will daily increase the dose. 1 do not know any such thing really as a moderate opium smoker. The dose is always, I believe, increased by degrees. 631. Is that more the case among the lower classes than among the more educated classes, do you think ? — No, I do not think so. I have seen it among all classes — among mandarins, officials, and what are called the literati (the scholars), and I believe it is practised among all classes. 6:i2. No; I mean as to the deleterious effect and the necessity of increasing the dose .'' — I do not think it shows so much where a man has food, ajid nourishing food, which to a certain extent counteracts the effect of the opium ; but, unfortunately, many of those people we have to deal with almost live on the opium. I have known many, many men who have I'cally been expend- ing half their income on opium. The ordinary rate of wage-i (that was in the Chinese money) is 2UU copper cash a day ; well, they Avill spend 100 of these copper oa«h in opium, and the rest they will spend in food, or iu helping their families, as the case may be. 63;1. I suppose you have not had any opportunity of noticing the difference in the 0]iium habit as it affects persons of different races ? — No, I have not, but I think from, what we read it must have a different effect in some parts. A Chinaman we can tell directly hy his eyes when he takes the opium, you can toll by the look of his eyes and his face — he becomes pale and cnnrci- ated. You can always, as a rule, tell the opium smoker. Many years ago, when I first went to Chinn, it was the gre^otest disgrace to be an opium smoker, and to accuse a man of opium smoking was a serious thing. Now, if you accuse a man of opium smoking, ho simply laughs ; he will not defend the custom, but he will laugh and* turn it into a joke. 634. {Mr. Pease.) You did not mention with what missionary organisation you are connected ? — The Church Missionary Society. 635. (Sir J. Lynll.) You say you iiever saw the poppy grown in the country which you know till about I'J yeais ago P — Ten or 12 years ago, yes. 636. Do you connect thai growth of the poppy then, in that countr}', with any action that our Government has taken, or what do you think is the reason ? — 1 think undoubtedly if the Chinese in this district had not had the Indian opium to begin with they would never have needed the native opium. Of course the question of gain comes in, because I was told on good authority that a man in a certain piece of ground, we will say, might get two dollars by growing rice ; he could get six dollars by growing opium, and therefore the temp- tation to grow opium is so great that the people naturally give way to it. 1137. lint the habit — the opium habit — is of con- siderable standing in the countiy, is it not? — Un- doubtedly, where we arc this hospital that 1 have ]-eferred to was originally started by a gentleman giving 2. DUO/, for that very ]inr]!ese, to stait an opium iel'ugc wlnre opium smokers could go and be cured, it was opened first of all at Ning-po. but about 20 yeai-s ago it wiis removed to Hang-chau, and there it has been ever since, and it is out of that opium refuge, or opium hospital, that this larger hospital has grown. (i38. 'Ihc haliit being of long ttanding, I mean, what has happei ed (o enconiage the growth in the last 10 years? — The numbers of the people now ; tlujc aiu so many more smokeis, and of course the native o]iium is much cheaper than the Indian opium, and so there is a demand for it, and natuially (he people try to ^n])ply that demand Ijy growing it. The witness withdrew. 3Ir. M. Wood. Mr. Mabcus Wood called in and exaiiuued. 639. iCIiriirman.) Will you tell ns with what mission you are connected, Mr. Wood ? — The Chiiui Inland Mission. (i'fO. How many year,, have you liceii in China ?-- S.ven yi'ars. 641. And what was the district in wliioh you pre- sided ?— P) incipally in the province of Gan-hwuy, in the capital city of Gan-king— there for five years ; and one year wns spent in Chung-king, the capital — not the capital, but the open Treaty pjrt of Si-chuen ; the other ye;ir was spent mostly in tiavelling thj-ough Ilu-peh, and in taking missionary journeys into Si- chuen and Yun-nan, So that through these journeys I have passed through several provinces in Central China. (i-J2. Will you give us your observations with regard to the use of opium ; is that a common practice in all classes of the community where yon have resided ? — Uxccs&ively commnn in all classes with the exception, perhaps, of the agricultural districts ; it is not so common Iheie as in the large cities and thickly popu- lated districts, MINUTES OP EVIDENCE. 643. What would you say as to the effects of the opium habit, whether you look at it morally or physi- cally ? — I should say most destructive to the consumer, both morally and physically, and that in all classes of society wherever it is used ; the only difference being, as has already been referred to, in the higher classes, where one has more opportunity of nourishing the system by good food. There it does not tell so quickly, but I consider not less really in the long run, only longer time may be allowed because of the nourishment that is taken. 644. What do the Chinese say themselves upon the subject of opium; what is the state of public opinion with regard to this question P — Well, I may say that in my seven years' experience of the different pro- vinces I have never met any of the Chinese who de- fended the practice of opium smoking in any way whatever. In fact opium smokers would not them- selves defend the practice, but would rather deplore that they have been affected by the use of it, and seek help from us to break off the habit. So that even the smokers themselves will not defend it, having already experienced its evil effects upon themselves and families ; and those who are non-smokers are frightened lest their young people should become addicted to this fearful habit, which they look upon with such a terror. 645. There is a wide difference of view, is there not, with reference to the effects of opium? There are some who would tell us that though certain tribes and races are habitual smokers, still they are well nourished and that they have got good physical ability ; and that, in fact, there is such a thing as a moderate use of opium, which is not injurious as compared with the admitted evil effects of excessive consumption. What would you say about these statements P — I have seen these state- ments in public papers since returning to this country; but I must say I have no sympathy with them ; from my own experience I cannot endorse them. My experience is more like that of the Eev. Mr. Elwin, who has just preceded me — I do not consider that opium can really be used in the way that has been mentioned in these articles ; that is to say, it cannot be taken in moderation. It is always increased week by week, or month by month, as the case may be, the only difference being, as has already been stated, that where a person is healthy and able to procure good nourishing food, it may not tell so quickly upon the constitution, but no less really. I do not consider' that opium, can be compared to alcohol in that way. In this country we know of thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, who may be able to use alcohol without any injurious effect, as far as anyone knows. That, at any rate, is an open question. But, speaking generally, we may say that thousands use alcohol without excess, but in China my experience is that the opium cannot be used in the same way at all — that as soon as a man becomes an habitual opium smoker he increases his dose, and whenever he touches it he is obliged to go on, xmless he stops immediately. If he allows a month or two to elapse, he becomes addicted to the habit, and increases the dose as time goes on ; so that I do not consider that they can be compared on the same plat- form at all. 646. Will you tell us from what sources the opium consumed in your district was chiefly obtained; was it obtained from local sources, or was it by impor- tation P In the province of Gan-hwuy where I resided lono-est five years — it is now a mixed article. Seven or eight years ago, when I first went to the country, a great deal of Indian opium was used in Gau-hwuy ; because, as you notice, it is on the Yangtze river, between Hankow and Shanghai— the large Treaty ports easily got at. But in recent years, say, within the last 10 years, the natives of these tracts have taken to growing the poppy. When I first went to China, in that province there was very little poppy seen any- where ; it was very scarce ; indeed you might travel through the province and not observe it. But now it is a common thing to see the fields covered with the red poppy. It is quite common in recent years, and indeed the retail merchants are mixing the two articles, the native opium, which is the cheaper, and the Indian opium, which is the better quality; by mixing the two together they make the native opium a little more palatable, having the Indian mixed with it.^ 647. Have you anything to say to us with reference to the effect which you consider is brought about by the alleged connexion of the British Government with the opium traffic, in regard to your own work as missionary ?— Well, I may say with the other speakers, e 80970. that it IS always brought before us whenever^ we are Mr. M. Wood. speaking to the natives as being the one thing which makes them hate us. I believe there is a hatred tc 18 Sept. 1898, Europeans among all the Chinese, as has been seer recently in these riots ; but I have great reason to believe from my own experience, having passed through one of the riots myself in Chung-king, that the natives hate us who belong to Britain more because they know of our connexion with the opium trade ; and that is one great factor in the present hatred of the Chinese to Europeans, and especially British subjects, That has been my own experience. I simplj give it as evidence. 648. Can you connect that feeUng of hostility more particularly towards the English with the memories of the wars of the pastP — Memories of the wars of the past, and more particularly the present condition of China on account of the use of opium so extensively. They credit us with that ; whether rightly or wrongly they do not know, many of them. They hear it from others, repeat it, and pass it on from one to another ; and I would like to say in this connexion that, as a missionary, I would make a distinction between the reception we have as individuals and as nationalities. I should say that the Chinese hate us as a Nation, largely because of our connexion with the opium, but as. missionaries we are received in many parts more hospitably. Aftei' they get to know us individually, they distinguish between the missionary and his country. That often takes years, in order that they may be able to learn that distinction. They look upon us when we first arrive in a new town as foreigners ; they find out that they have to do with the foreign nation, and they do not want us there ; they hate us, and try all they can to put us out of the place ; and when these riots take place I may say that the common people are very often not at all anxious to take part in them, they are generally instigated, I think, by the mandarins, the the higher officials and the literati. 649. The riots ? — The riots. In the riot I saw at Oh'ung-king, I entirely believe that the common people were only too sorry that the missionaries were turned out of the station. They were glad to have us there ; and they had no reason to disUke us. Personally they were our friends ; and it was the literati and the officials who wished to see us out of the place. That was because they knew least about us. 650. To sum up your evidence in one short statement, I may take it from you that you are here to-day to urge that the Government of India should prohibit the exportation of opium to China P — Certainly. 661. Nothing less than that would satisfy your view as to what ought to- be done P — No, I see no other way out of the difficulty as regards China from a missionary's point of view. 652. (Si/r J. Lyall.) Ton say you see no other way out of the difficulty as regards China from a mis- sionary's point of view ? — None whatever. 653. I suppose you mean by that, that you think the measure would diminish the hostility of the Chinese to the foreigner ? — I think it would be a very great factor toward that. I cannot see how it would be otherwise. The Chinese would see then that we had some interest in their welfare, and were willing to show it by doing away with the revenue which we derive from it, as they know, in order to give them the opportunity of putting down this terrible evil in their own country. 664. Do you think we should be really able .to convince them of that, or do you think that, the Chinese mind and intellect being what it is, they would not find some other ground for a general hostility towards foreigners — do you think they would not find some other explanation of our action P — That I cannot say. But it seems to me that the most reasonable way of looking at it would be that it would suggest itself to their minds, knowing as they do the agitation that is going on just now in the country about it, they would surely say that it was an attempt, at any rate, to show that we were desirous of their welfare. 666. [Mr. Mowhray.) Is it the opium smokers who show this hostility to you on account of opium or the non-opium smokers P — Both classes ; but I should say perhaps the opium smoker first. But I do not know that we can very well distinguish. All classes of the people seem to hate us, until they get to know us individually. As a nation they seem to hate us. 656. The opium smoker loves the drug, but he hates the person who brings the drug P — No ; I should say he hates the drug as well as the person who brings it ; but G 50 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Hr. M. Wood. lie has become addicted to it to such an extent that he cannot give it up. He is in such a position that he 13 Sept. 1893. hates the drug itself, although ho is clinging to it. 657. He takes it against his own desire P — He takes it against his own desire — his own best inclinations. It IS really a habit which he has himself got into, and one which he would gladly break away from. I may say, as an evidence of this, that we have constantly in our Mission stations — daily, I migbt say — tens of men coming to us, dozens of men coming to us, asking us CO give them something which will break off the opium habit; some medicine to counteract it and free them from it. In many stations we have opium refuges on purpose for receiving these. 658. I do not know whether you have given us what, in your opinion, is the proportion in your own experi- ence of smokers and non-smokers P — It is very difficult to give any accurate figures in China. My own im- pression of Gan-hwuy is, that about 60 per cent of the male adult population in the city of G-an-king — a capital city — smoke opium. 659. And you believe that, if the import of Indian opium was stopped, that that would really induce the Chinese to put down the growth of their own poppy P — That is my personal impression. 660. That, is all I am asking p — I mean to say by that, that while there may be much to be said on both sides, yet it seems to me that such action on England's part would give the opportunity for the Chinaman to do as he often says he wants to do, to stop the opium habit altogether. He is always saying that, and we can only believe what they say until we see what they will do. But I think that would be the best opportunity for them to act. 661. (Sir J. Lyitll.) You say that you can only believe what they say ; but how is it consistent with any real detestation of the habit and condemnation of it, that as one of the previous witnesses said, and as I have also read elsewhere, it is the common practice for Chinese Society to offer every guest who goes into the house a pipe of opium p — That is becoming common ; but it has not been very common in my part of China. Only three or four years ago, no Chinaman was considered a respec- table member of society, that is from their own stand- point, if he was an opium-smoker at all. It was quite a disgrace if he was pointed out as an opium-smoker. 661a. No gentleman would have liked it to be known even though he smoked it p — I cannot say that ; in my province I know that custom is greatly on the increase ; and, therefore, I consider that it is merely the continual use of the drug which is taking away the moral sense of the people. They know what is right if they are left without the opium, and when the opium becomes such a habit, then it demoralizes them to such an extent that they do not look at it in the same light. 662. It is against the Buddhist religion to smoke opium ? — It is ; and I would just like to make this statement before I retire, that my experience in all the provinces I have been in, is that none of the Chinese native churches — Christian churches — will admit to their membership anyone who touches the opium in any shape or form. Whether he grows it, sells it, or smokes it, they consider it is a distinct barrier to mem- bership in a Christian church — not the missionaries but the natives. 663. Is not that among the Protestants ? — I mean the Protestants, yes. 664. But among the Eoman Catholics it is not a bar, is it P — I have no personal experience of that matter. 665. I have read so in some books ?— Perhaps some of the other missionaries might touch upon that point. I have not had personal experience enough to say. I know that in all Protestant Christians it is so — native Christians ; and that without any interference upon the part of a missionary ; it is quite spontaneous. 666. {Si:- W. Boberts.) Might there not be another reason why those connected with opium, whether as smokers or producers, should not be admitted to the Christian churches ; does not the very fact of this refusal — is it not intended to be a sort of counter- demonstration against the charge that is made that the English brought the opium into the country P—No, I do not see how it can be that, sir ; because in this way, it is always the native Christians themselves who have the right of keeping back any one from the member- ship of the church. So you see they are altogether friendly to the Europeans. 667. What I mean to say is, would it not be al- most necessary for them to take that attitude, other- wise if opium smokers were taken into the churches they would say, " Oh, here you are ; you encourage the " thing; it is here in the churches; as well as by " introducing it " ? — Of course iu is essential that they should not allow a native to become a member of the Christian church for that reason ; and that is, of course, taking the highest ground they can take ; the native Christians would not consider it right for any- one to touch opium who professes to be a Christian ; it is altogether contrary to Christian principles because it is so harmful. 668. Tou seem to have travelled through the country a great deal in the last six or seven years P — Seven years. 669. Are you a medical man?^ — Not a medical man. 670. Then you would not, perhaps, form any opinion as to whether there was evidence of degeneracy of race in China, in the community at large P — From my own experience, as non-medical man, I should certainly say there is a great deal of evidence. Wherever the opium is more grown and more used, there the people are far worse physically. 671. So that you do not think China is awakening, but gone to sleep ; that is your impression p — China is certainly not awakening. China is becoming more and more demoralised as the opium habit increases. That is my impression. 672. That is your strong impression? — That is my strong impression. The witness withdre^^•. Jiev. F. Broum. Eev. Fkedbrick Beown called in and examined. Jo73. (Glmirman.) You are a missionary of the Metho- dist Episcopal Church Mission, are you notp — Yes. 674. How many years have you been a missionary in China? — lOJ years. 075. In what districts have you served P — In the pro- vinces of Chih-li, and Shan-tung, coast provinces. 676. Will you tell us briefly what is your experience as to the effects of opium on the Chinese consumers, whether you look at it from a moral standpoint or the physical standpoint ? — I look at it from both stand- points as distinctly bad. The moral effect on the heathen seems to be to rob them of all that little moral sense they seem naturally to have ; and it turns them into thieves, liars, fornicators, and it seems to turn them into everything that is bad. I speak now espe- cially of the heathen. 677. In what way have you found the alleged action of the British Government, or the Government of India, with the opium trade, to prejudicially affect your work P — I find that I am frequently ashamed of my nationality ; during my 10\ years' residence in China it has been my privilege to travel extensivel}- in the two provinces I have named, and to go over the same ground frequently ; and I have often been taunted and ashamed of my nationality, bringing the Gospel of Jesus in one hand, and in the other hand opium — my nation was sending the opium into the provinces in which I travelled. The moral effect of opium on our native Christians (or the immoral effect) is very marked. We have distinctly cases in which we are greatly puzzled— we are obliged to excommunicate several each year, possibly five or six. I returned to England in jMay, and in January one of our native ministers had been charged with opium smoking. He had taken it to relieve his pain, he had been sent to a most out- of-the-way place, and without being able to consult a medical man in his illness, had been advised to take a whiff of opium. He had done so, and possibly more than once. The man became a smoker in his capacity as a Christian minister, he was disqualified. He to-day, while regretting it more than anyone else probably, is not preaching the Gospel, but feels himself morally unfit, and the Church feels bound to relieve him of his MINUTES OP EVIDENCE. 51 office. I give this as an instance of the way in whicla we, as Christian missionaries, are afifeoted throngh the opium. If you would allow me to speak of the physical deterioration, I would mention that I have taken some prominent part in famine relief work, and I would distinctly state that I have noticed that the opium smokers were the first men who seemed to fall under the strain of scarcity of food. I would also state that the mission with which I am connected is possibly the largest educational mission in China. We have colleges in four or five different cities, and we find that when the son of an opium smoker enters the college, he is really unfitted to compete with the sons of non-smoking men. I may state that the colleges are not strictly kept for the sons of Christians, there is admittance by paying ; they get a thorough good Western education. We find that we occasionally get opium smokers' sons, and they are unfit to endure the ordeal which is placed upon them in that place, and frequently withdraw. I would also state that I have resided close to the Ex- amination Halls in Pekin city, where each year there are a large number of graduates go in for the metro- politan examination, and men are carried out from the Examination Halls, during the time of examination, dead, and invariably, when you ask who the man is, the reply is, " Oh, he is an opium smoker." No smoking is allowed, I understand, in the Examination Hall, and he dies under the strain. In answer to the last question on the paper which I had placed in my hands, as to the effect it had upon my work, I would put in three petitions. The native Christians knew of my return to England, and as the mission with which I am connected is an American mission (though I am engaged to travel the district, and have full charge of the work in the Shau-tung province) our members asked me to bring a petition to England, and try to stir up in the minds of the English people a feeling on this matter. I represent to-day an aggregate of over 1,000 native Christians, and i have three petitions here, one representmg 448 Christians of four different missions, two English and two American. I have another representing 600 Christians in the Shan-tung district, who spon- taneously got together and wrote a petition on satin to the Qoeon of England. It has seemed impossible to present it to the Qaeen. I have shown it often. I have translations of the petition, which, if thought advisable, I might read in your hearing. 678. Yes, we shall be prepared to hear it ? — This petition distinctly states : — " We the members of the " Christian Church in Shan-tung see all around us " evidences of the destructiveness of this deadly drug, " and desire to see the use of opium suppressed in ' ' China. Opium has long been the bane of our country, " through folly and ignorance many of our people " have been taken in the snare. This is no light " calamity, opmm slays the smoker, wastes wealth, " scatters mothers, renders wives homeless, the nation " is impovej'ished, families are destroyed, and very " many lives sacrificed. Happily for us the holy " religion of Jesus came to China, taught by mission- " aries who expounded to us the doctrines of truth, " dispersed the cloud of delusion, and helped us to " escape from the paths of error, thus it is that we " have avoided the sin of the opium smoker. We have " established an Anti-Opium Association, and with one " accord we pray God, morning and evening, to bring " about an end to this calamity. We now with all " respect pray the Sovereign of England with her " ministers and magistrates mercifully to pity China, " whose ignorant and foolish people have suffered the " mischief wrought by opium. We also pray all " merchants and traders dealing in opium to cease " from bringing it to our shores in response to our " humble ,cry for our people, our homes, and country, " and we will ever remain your grateful petitioners. " This favour we natives of China beg at your hands. " Signed by native ministers of the Methodist Epis- " copal Mission, and eighty leaders of the Church in " the Shan-tung District and representing nearly 600 " Christians. Translated by P. Brown. 679. The petitioners in that petition seem to assume that the great evils of which they speak are due entirely to the importation of opium. They do not appear to recognise the much larger quantity of it that is supplied from local sources ?— I would say that in the provinces of Shan-tung and Chih-li, so far as I am able to jud^e, the local production is limited compared with other provinces. It is nearer the coast, and the foreign opium is more accessible. 680. Would you say taat the foreign opium repre- sents the half of the consumption P — I would certainly say so. 681. Is there any other petition that you would like to bring before us P — There is another petition here. 682. Is that numerously signed ? — This represents about 300 Christians from the province of Chih-li ; the ODher is from the province of Shan-tung. 683. Would you read us that P — It is signed by the native ministers only : — " We the ministers and officers of " Methodist Missions sign our names to this petition the " begging that measures may be taken to stop the use " of opium, and save the Chinese from the ruin which " it causes. From the entrance of Christianity into " our country many missionaries have been putting " forth efforts for the elevation of our people, and we " native Christians are striving to copy their example " and virtuous deeds. As to tobacco and wine most of " our congregations have adopted prohibitory rules " after careful discussion. Even non-Christians in " many cases gladly yield to exhortation and follow the " same rule as the Christians. But as to opium smok- " ing it has prevailed for many years, the habit has " been formed, and although the craving is less in " some cases than in others, yet the mischief wrought " is intense and to check it is impossible." (This is a " literal translation of their petition.) " Time after " time has China's Sovereign and high officers issued " prohibitory proclamations. The missionaries with " the ministers and laity of Christian congregations " have repeatedly exhorted the people on the subject " of opium smoking. But opium traders have been " eagerly coming and going all the time, rendering it " most difficult to eradicate the evil by stopping the " supply. The poppy has been grown in China in " limited quantities. But the bulk has been coming " from India without intermission." (This statement will be accounted for by the fact that they grow it in limited quantities in this province, in the province of Ohih-li). "There is no evil from which Our country " suffers that can be compared with this. It is our " humble opinion, which we state with all modesty," " ' that he. who confers a benefit should first cease to do " hurm ' and stop the inflow of evil. The source of " mischief should by all means be purified. We take " the opportunity of the return to England of Pastor " Brown to append our names to this petition and " entrust it to his care in the hope that measures may " be taken to stop the export of opium from India to " China and secure the lasting benefit of our people, " whose gratitude will never cease. Here follow the " signatures of the chief pastor and 67 ministers and "leaders. January 1893." The ministers and leaders represent about 300 native Christians. 684. {8ir W. Roberts.) Have they memorialised their own authorities in the same sense ? — No, I am not aware that they have. 685. That would not be safe for them, I suppose ?-— It might not be safe for them. Moreover the high official Li Hung Chang, the Viceroy of Chih-li, I think has distinctly stated that he has not much sympathy with the putting down of the growth of opium in China while the Indian opium is allowed full sway. That is distiotly understood by the natives in both provinces, and consequently the English Government get the benefit (possibly more than they deserve, but the full benefit,) of all that can be said against opium. 686. (Sir J. Lyall.) Is it a fact that the Chinese Christians (converts, you know) are taken in any sense under the protection of the European Govemments_ to which the missionaries belong ? — That the native Christians are taken under the protection of Euro- pean Governments ? 687. To which the missionaries belong P— I am sorry to say that in some cases it is so. In other cases it is not so, for the missionaries distinctly give the native Christians and churches to understand that they will not interfere in matters appertaining to the Govern- ment — Government cases, law cases. There are ample opportunities, but in most cases, I think, they do not interfere. 68b. Sofar as it is the case, is it not alone sufficient to account for any hostility on the part of the Chinese people, and particularly the Chinese offi^'ials, to foreigners ?— To take the native Christians u'zder our wing 68 Yes, the fact of the converiyion of a can makes him no longer fully the subject of the Chinese Govern- G 2 Rev.F. Brown. 13 Sept. 1893. 52 INDIAN OltlUM COMMISSION. iim. F. Brown, ment ? — If it were so, it certainly would be very macli opposed by the heathen. The heathen would look on 13 Sept. 1893. such a man as half a European, but it is not so in most cases. We distinctly give them to understand that we do. not interfere with their Government or their law oases. A Chinaman becoming a Christian is still a Chinaman. 690. If he is backed by a foreign Grovemment, as it were, if he becomes a Christian, he is no longer fully a Chinaman P^If he was backed hy ment he would not be a Chinaman ; do not interfere in their law cases. The witness withdrew. a foreign Grovern- but it is not so, we Brigade- Surgeon R. Ptingle, M.B. Brigade-Surgeon E. PBiNaLE, M.D., called in and examined: 691. {Ohai/rman.) Are you a member of the medical profession P — Yes, my Lord. 692. Ton were in the service of the Grovernment of India ? — Tes, Brigade Surgeon. 693. How long were you in India ? — I served for 30 years in India. 694. What parts of India are you acquainted with p — Orissa for eight years, two years in Central India, and 20 years in the North- West Provinces. 695. What does your experience convey to you with reference to the question which has been committed to this Commission — what is your general impression with regard to the opium habit, with regard to its effects . Take, first of all, the physical condition of those who are opium eaters and smokers P — In this re lation I would note first of all the medical aspect, and then the religious aspect ; the difficulty of the natives doing without it, and the possibility of the effect upon the people of the withdrawal of it. First of all, the medical aspect. As a medicine opium is invaluable when pre- scribed medicinally. As a dietetic substance I consider it is absolutely unsuited for dietetic purposes. Its action on the digestion is such as to remove it entirely from the category of dietetics. With reference to the febrifuge properties, it is merely febrifuge on the principle that it is sudorific and sedative. It relieves the system by the skin, and it gives rest and relief from pain and sufi'ering, and thus admits of restful sleep at night, both as regards malarial rheumatism and malarial dysentery. With reference to its effects upon the people themselves, I can only say, and say it most thankfully, that as regards India, in the dis- tricts that I have seen, the effects of it are not visible to any extent whatever upon the agricultural population. The cases in which the effects of opium are visible are those, who, by the habit, have drifted from higher into lower positions, and have thus collected in large cities, in what might be called the slums, as the dregs of the populace. I consider that India as yet is pro- tected by its very high moral tone of self-respect from becoming victimised by opium. Habitual indulgence in opium is so absolutely ooiitrary to any notion of self-respect, that I cannot nnderstand any native — any respectable native — ever giving way to it without feelini;- that he has lost position, lost influence, and lost caste. 696. You were in the North-West Provinces, you say P — -For 20 years, my Lord, as sanitary officer. 697. That would bring you in contact with the Sikhs, would it not p— To a certain extent, but not so much !i.s in the Punjab. 698. Had you anything to do with any of the races which consume opium in India p— Yes, as medical officer in charge of a native regiment on sei-vioe — in a very malarious district ; when their constant request to me was for quinine. I prescribed quinine verj' largely, but never was once asked for opium ; thougli .1 am afraid my demands upon the Store Department in Calcutta were so large with reference to quinine that I was called upon for an explanation for this large expenditure, and the civil officer in charge of the expedition stated that the large expenditure of quinine was absolutely necessary to maintain the force in any efficiency for the hard, long marches in these malariotis districts. I consider that opium was never suggested as a febrifuge under any condition whatever. Of course I prescribed it as a medicine in combination with others, but never used it as a febrifuge. 699. {Sir J. Lyall.) What country was that ex- pedition in P — In the hills of Orissa, near Cuttack. 700. And what were the troops P — The Bengal Native --the 53rd Native Infantry. 701. What province did the sepoys come from ? — They came mostly from, Oudh and the North- West Pttmnces. Thai was in 1834 and 1855. 702. (Chairman.) From the evidence that you have already given, I suppose I may take it from you that you do not hold that opium has had a wide effect in bringing about a state of moral degradation in India P — I consider that the population, as such, is practi- cally untouched by the opium habit, as we see it in the villages and in the respectable portion of it. Of cotirse I am not alluding to those who are drifting into the lowest classes of the people, or who may be found collected near coolie depots, or men who, from a good strong physique, have fallen under the influence of opium, and thus have had to give up their regular work as palanquin-lsearers or as workmen. Because, if a man once takes to opium, his 1}ime of immunity under the influence of opium is merely a question of the power of digestion, if that Is seriously interfered with, the drug is too apt to supply the place of food, and while a man lives under the stimulation of opium, though he can carry on a very considerable amount of work, yet he gets lower and lower under its stimulating influence until the depression comes, when he feels that he prac- tically cannot live without it. Those people arc not to be met with in villages. Then' is no place in an Indian villagi' that I have oxer seen lor a drone. Unless he is a wealthy man he must Ije a worker, and if ho ceases to ^vork ho naturally di'ops 7. Well, do you confirm fl-hat you heard said by the several n-iti lesses with reference to the physical , moral , and social effects of the opium hal^itp — I do most fully. 758. And what are the opinions of the people in China themselves on the opium habit? — I have mixed with all classes of the people, my Lord, and I have never found a single Chinaman or a Chinese woman that did not say that opium was evil, and only evil, and that continually. I am thoroughly acquainted with the language of the people and have made myself acquainted with the conditions of their family and of their social life, and we often get the opinion of the people of China in a rhythmical couplet or triplet, and tnere is one rhythmical couplet that I may quote : " The '• man who smokes opium begins by seUiug his bed- '■ stead ; he ends by selling his rice - bowl, and his " chop-sticks, and then the two legs of him run away " with one stomach." Between these extremes eveiy- thing that a man has goes — house, lands, wives, children ; and I have again and again heard mothers say that when one of their sons begins to smoke opium, so far as they were concerned, he was dead to them. I have never heard any but one opinion ; but I am bound to say this, that so far as my own Government is con- cerned, it has done nothing in China except what was a blessing to it, except in this one particular, and I am perfectly certain that, if this blot were taken away from us, we would have the Chinese people with a friendly feeling to Great Britain that that people possess to no other European country. 759. What action would you desire that the Indian Government would take with reference to the opium trade ? — The entire suppression of the export of opium to China. 760. If that recommendation of yours could by possi- bility be adopted, what eff'ect do you think it would have upon the attitude of the Ohiuese Government ?— So far as the Chinese Government now is concerned, I should not like to say very much ; but if you had asked me 20 years ago, I would have said vrithout fail that the Chinese Government would have taken steps to put an end to the trade in their own country. I think even yet it is worth the trial ; and it would do two things, it would ^c-t us right— the British Government — in the eyes of the Chinese people, and, in the second place, I think that the moral efCect of it would be such as to force the Chinese Government to take some steps to protect their own people, because they know perfectly well, that so far as there is any public opinion in China, it is entirely and totally against the use of opium, and that those who are strongest in this opinion are victims of the habit. 761. Have you reason to apprehend that at the-pre- seut time there is great laxity on the part , of the Chinese Government and their ofiicials in regard to the enforcement of rules and regulations limiting or prohibiting the use of opium ?— I really could not say anything very definitely upon that point, but I can say definitely upon another point which bears upon it, that those ofiicials say: " What is the use of us doing' any- '■ thing ; what is the use of us doing anything here so long as we are compelled to receive this large import of ^^' opium from India P Stop that, and then we will do something ; but what is the use of us doing anything " so long as that is pressed upon us p " MINUTES OF EVIBENCE. 57 762. They are no longer entitled to say that they are compelled to receive the opium P — I do not consider, my Lord, that they are free in any way. If the pro- visions of the Che-foo Convention are not carried out, then we fall back upon the old treaty. That is the position so far as I can apprehend it. 763. Tou are aware that Sir James Fergusson has disavowed, on the part of the Government, any inten- tion to use pressure on the part of the British Govern- ment to impose the consumption of opium upon the Chinese P — "Pressure" is a word with a very wide meaning. There are several kinds of pressure. I flo not believe that there might be military pressure, but there is another kind of pressure. 764. Tou know what the state of public opinion in this country is on the subject, do you not ?— I do know ; but I do not think that it is thoroughly awakened on the subject. 765. {{Mr. Pease.) Have you ever heard the Chinese defend the practice? — I have never heard a single Chinaman, so far as Chinese Christians or heathens are concerned, defend the practice. Every single one of them condemns it ; and I may mention for the infor- mation of the Commission, that about 12 months ago the Pope sent out a rescript to the Catholic Missionaries enjoining them to condone in no wise the participation of their Chinese converts in the opium habit. 766. {Sir J. Lyall.) How do you explain this growing prevalence of the habit accompanied by a general condemnation and detestation of it ? — ^To the weakness of human nature — that is the way in which I explain it. 767. Is Chinese human nature especially weak p — It is epecially weak on the point of opium. 768. In your experience of China, did you see any spirit drinking— dram drinking? — I have known of spirit drinking ; but the Chinaman never goes to the street when he drinks spirits ; he does it inside his own home, and it is a very rare thing to see a drunken Chinaman in the streets of a Chinese city. I am acquainted with three large cities, one that had 500,000 people in it before the rebels visited it ; my own city, the city of Amoy with 250,000 ; and the city of Ohiu-ohew with 300,000. I am thoroughly acquainted with them, and I have very seldom seen in them a drunken Chinaman. I know perfectly well that there was a great deal of drinking of the Ohinese raw spirit ; but it was always done in the privacy of their own homes. No one in China would compare the two for a moment ; the tyranny of the one habit is entirely different from the tyranny of the other. 769. The Chinese raw spirit is, I think, a mild spirit, is it not P — No ; it is the very opposite ; it is a very coarse ardent spirit. 770. It is made from rice, is it not P — It is made from sweet potatoes to a large extent in our part of the country. 771. {Sir W. Boherts.) Are there tobacco smokers in China ? — The Chinese are almost all tobacco smokers. 772. The tobacco-smoking habit is general in China P — Oh ! I would go beyond that — universal I would say. 773. {Sir J. Lyall.) Among women and children P — I have not seen children smoking, and I have very seldom seen women smoking tobacco. 774. {Mr. Pease.) Would opium smokers smoke tobacco P^ — Yes, they do. 775. {Chairman.) Has any estimate been formed of the number of Chinese converts to Christianity ? — In my own mission, which has been one of the most successful in China, we have about 4,000 persons in the full communion of our church. 776. Do you know what the figures are with regard to the other missions P — I should say somewhere about 50,000. 777. The total for the whole of China?— I should think so. I mean the Protestants. 778. And the Roman Catholics P — I cannot form any estimate of them. The Roman Catholic Mission with us is almost a purely traditional one. It is not aggres- sive ; it has simply descended from previous genera- tions. I have never met with a Roman Catholic priest that preached in the streets of any Chinese city. I have been acquainted with some of them, and have one or two of them amongst my own personal friends. 779. {Sir W Boherts.) Are the converts drawn from one class of society, or pretty evenly? — The converts in every case are drawn principally from the agricultural and the artizan classes. 780. The artizan classes ? — The artizan classes, yes. 781. Do many of the literati come within the influence of the missionaries ? —A very few indeed. We would never have any trouble with the Chinese people, but for the literati and the mandarins. An ignorant people, they are hounded on by vile stories about our making habies' eyes into opium, and by other stories of that kind ; but as far as the people themselves are concerned, I have moved up and down amongst them for 21 years and never was more kindly treated in my own country than I was treated in China. 782. But there are. I presume, some of the merchants, and of the higher shopkeeping class? — Not many with ua. Our mission is almost entirely composed of the agricultural classes. 783. And artizans P- former. Rev. W. S. Sioanson, D.D. 13 Sept. 1893. -And artizans, but more of the 784. {Sir J. Lyall.) The peasantry ?— They arc all proprietors, the peasants there, of their own fields. 78.5. Mr. Moiuhray.) Is that so all over China ? — I only speak of my own part of China. I would not dare to speak of any other part of China. 786. I mean the 4,000?— That is within the area which I have already indicated. 787. Exactly ; it does not represent all your com- munion all over China in point of numbers ? — We have, fortunately, confined ourselves to one part of China. 788. Well, then, it does practically represent your total strength p. — Practically it represents the member- ship in connexion with the Presbyterian Mission of the Church of England. 789. {Mr. Pease.) There is a considerable number of adherents, I suppose P — Oh, twice as many, if not three times as many, and we have about three thousand at least of baptised children. The witness withdrew. Mr. D. Matheson, called in and examined. 790. {Chairman.) We know your name well in con- nexion with Chinese commerce. You have been con- nected with a Chinese house of business, have you not ? Yes, I have. I went out to China in the year 1837, after a preparatory training in business, with the in- tention of entering the office of Jardine, Matheson, and Co., and with the probability in due time of being pro- moted if I was fit lor it. The business then was carried on in Canton. A general business was carried on by the firm of Jardine, Matheson, and Co. They acted as commission agents in goods from all parts of the world, and besides that, they had a large business in the con- traband opium trade. Being contraband, it was out- side the Port of Canton. There was a receiving ship at the mouth of the Canton river which received the cargoes of opium from India, and then from the receiv- ing ship the clippers carried cargoes to stations at different parts along the China coast. e 80970 791. It was a smuggling trade ; as described by you it was more or less a smuggling trade, the trade that the house conducted in opium ? — It was, in a sense. I was going to explain, because I wish to do all credit to those who were then in business there. The opium was taken by the clippers to the different stations, and then at those stations the Chinese opium dealers came out and purchased the opium and paid silver for it as the most convenient medium. It will be seen, from what I have said, how easily the charge of smuggling was evaded by transferring it to the shoulders of the Chinese opium dealers. 792. They did the act of smuggling ? — Yes, it reminds me of ^Esop's fable about the boys and the frogs. The boys were amusing themselves by throwing stones at the frogs in a pond until a number of them were killed. At last a frog came to the top and said, H Mr. D. Matheson. 58 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSiaN Mr. D. Matheson. 13 Sept. 1893. " Stop your cruel sport, for -what is play to you is death to ns." And so in the same wny what enriched the British merchants and the Bast India Company was death to the Chinese. This is merely an lUus- ration of what was really the fact ; it was smuggling, undoubtedly. 793. What is your opinion as to the effect of the opium habit upon the Chinese people P — I have not come to testify so much about that ; but rather about the way in which the Governnaent acted in the matter. 794. In the early stages p — Yes. 795. Of course it is of the past, but we would be glad to hear a brief statement from you about the circumstances connected with the seizure of the opium in 1839 P — I will be quite brief, my.Lbrd. The Kmperor Taou-Kwang in the year 1839 became very uneasy about the spread of the opium traffic. I believe one of his sons had died of opium- smoking ; but I am not quite sure if that is the case. The consequence was that edicts were issued all over the country that it should be put a stop to. As this failed, he took the course of sending Commissioner Lin to strike at the root of the evil, by imprisoning the merchants in Canton, and by compelling them to deliver up all the opium that was on the coast. I may say also that at the same time there was an order that all Chinese opium smokers should be punished by death, and I, myself, saw a Chinese opium smoker hanging on a cross in the agonies of death, only a little distance from the factories. We were imprisoned in the factories for a sbort time, until the whole of that opium was given up — all that was on the coast ; and I was one of 16 who were specially marked out as being connected with the opium trade, but we were allowed to go on condition that we should never return to Canton again. 796. Have you anything further to say about the early history of the question? — Soon afterwards, in 1841, Hong Kong was occupied, and all the mer- chants, foreign and British, went to Hong Kong, and that became the depot for opium, and the place from which the clippers were despatched to the coast — just as before, to the different stations on the coast. 797. Prom your experience at Canton and from your experience at Hong Kong, have yoa any recollection of any particular incidents that influenced the view that you took upon the opium question ? — At that time I had not formed any opinion as to the character of the traffic. I tried vo do my duty to the partners, and I did not think more about it. But in due time i was made a partner in Hong Kong, and then I felt a responsibility which brought questionings, and con- victions upon my conscience that compelled me to say that I could not continue in this traffic. One of the JPikst Incidents was as follows : — I went in a clipper to visit Fuh-ohow, one of the stations, and I was very much struck with this fact, that here were two opium-receiving ships selling opium to the people of Fuh-chow, and ou the other hand there was the mission station and several missionaries working away trying to bring the same people to the knowledge of the truth. On going ashore, I was struck with the wretchedness of the people from opium-smoking, and with the two opposing forces — the opium trade on the one side, and the missions on the other. It was almost impossible to have any missionai'y work there at all, and I lately met with an extract from the letter of Archdeacon Wolfe, now at Fuh-chow, confirming this. He wrote in the year 1S91 : — " One of the towns held " as a mission station for 2o years or more by an " American Board of Missions has at last to be " abandoned, and, I think, very properly, for the ' ' degradation of an opium-smoking town is of that " peculiar and intensely low and hardened type that, " humanly speaking, it seems almost impossible to " make any impression of a moral or spiritual nature " upon the inhabitants of a place given up to the " degrading vice of opium smoking." A Second Incident was : — I went down to see Singa- pore, and visited my friend Dr. Little, who was a leading doctor at that time. He showed me some of the opium dens and spoke of the lei'rible havoc opium- smoking was making among the Chineso population. 798. Is this recent P — No, but it goes on now. I be- lieve the principal rerenue for the support of Singa- pore comes from opium and drink. 799. But what you saw was some years ago P — Yes, many years ago. Then I have often spoken to the Chinese, who have said that the vice is just as bad as it can be, and I remember one opiuiri dealer coming to tne to buy opium, who remarked : •' the people. say '' that the than who is a smoker of opium is 'making his " coffin." ' He was doing so himself. A Third Incident was : — When managing partner for a short time I sent a man to Bombay to be ari' inspector of opium before shipment to China. !9!e was a fine young fellow and we had great confideaoe in him. He did his work well, but after two years he began to get emaciated and miserable-looking, he wa^ an opium victim, and at last he was obliged to give up his employment, and I do not suppose that he had long to live. I felt it rather on my conscience. A PouETH Incident :— In 1847 when I was part- ner one of our clippers on the coast was .boarded by pirates and plundered, and the offi.cers were -mtir,. dered and nearly all the crew. There was a notitjp in the newspapers of it, and they said that the opiiim clipper and the cargo belonged to myself, instead of using the name of the firm. I thought it was rath'er unfair to do that, but it stung my conscience, and convinced me that as a C'hristian I could no longer continue in the opium traffic. It was intolerable to me to continue in such a business, and I sent home my resignation to the senior partner who was in this country. I left China finally in 1849. 800-1. What is your recommendation with reference to the policy you would like to see adopted by the Government of India in relation to opium P — Well, it would be very like what others have said. I should wish to sweep away the poppy plantations from the plains of India and to sweep away that unrighteous and paltry revenue of four millions, and then to give India the opportunity of a new career of prosperity, which would also give the same to China and allow of her taking a great deal more of British manufactures than she has been doing in the past. And we have a remarkable illustration of that I think. There is Bur- mah on the one side of China, and Japan on the other. Opium in Burmah is giving constant trouble now': whereas Japan, in having secured its exclusion by treaty, is pursuing a prosperous career. 802. Are there any other observations that you would like to make P — I did wish to say that when the opium was given up under Taou-Kwang it was a heroic attempt (.m the part of a Government ignorant of international law, but it was a sad failure. The opium merchants appealed to our Home Government, and a succession of grevious wars began, slaying thousands of innoct'nt Chinese, from 1841 to 1868, when opium was finally legalised by the treaty of Tientsin, and the United tStates Minister said on that occasion to the Bishop of Vietoria, ''It is the triumph of successful crime." Let me add that dtiring the first war of 1811 the British nation was struck to the heart by the terrible disaster of the Cabul massacre, and in the year 1867-8 — ivhen opium was legalised — the British nation was agonised by that terrible Indian mutiny. I do not make any reflections in the matter, but that is so. Then I just wish to add that Lord Shaftesbury, who took a great interest in the question, said, " The opium '• traffic is a sin and a shame to this country. Do not " cease to testify to this. Sooner or later they will " have to give it up. It is a sin and a shame." I was struck with those words and I have never forgotten them, and I trust we shall go on endeavouring to get this matter put right. 803. (Sir J. Lyall.) I have seen it stated that the opium-suiuggliug system, which you began your evidence by describing, gave rise to a great deal of piracy, and that that was one of the bad features of it; can you explain how that was ?— The valuable cargoes of opium were a great temptation to pirates. There was an enormous number of pirates. When our navy was there I think they destroyed about 250 pirate ships. 804. They were looking out for these clippers P— Yes. I wish to say, by the way, which I did not before, that the houses of Jardine, Matheson, and Co. and Dent and Co., who had nearly the whole of this coast business, were honourable men, and that the captains of the clippers and the receiving ships were honourable men. We must not suppose that the^- were a lot of scoundrels or buccaneers or anything of that sort. The Chinese opium dealers bribed the mandarins always, and things went quietly and smoothly, and the only people that the clippers had to be afraid of were those pirates; and, as I told you, one of those clippers, the '• Omega," was plundered and nearly the whole of the crew murdereii. MINITTES OP EVIDENCE. 69 805. 13verybody, I think, at the present day is sorry, so far as it is true you know, that force was ever used to open the Chinese market to opium ; but do you not think as a mSrchant that it would be enough to make *^?. Chinese Government now absolutely free to pro- hibit the import of opium, or do you think it necessary to go further P — I should be very sorry if the Indian Grovernment did not take the first step and endeavour to cease to grow the opium. 806. Part of the opium exported from India is grown directly under the direction of the Government P — Yes. 807. But a great part is merely the growth as it were of the native States, which has been always more or less exported to China -and other countries from time pre- ceding our rule even ?— But they are also under the Government influence ; they must grow so much or so little according as it is wanted. 808. No, they may grow as much as ever they like P — I was under the impression that considerable influence was brought to bear upon them. 809. (Mr. Pease.) If we lowered the tariff that would induce them to grow it P — Yes. 810. {Sir J. Lyall.) We began by putting on a very low tarifi'upon it originally. It began at 125, it went up to 175, and has gone on gradually to 400, 500, 600, and sometimes it has been 700. Now it has gone back again. Would it not be a very unusual thing for a Government to absolutely stop the export of an article of commerce P — Well, it is the immorality of the thing, that is the question. 811. You think that the immorality of the thing would justify that course ? — Certainly. 812. But would not the same ground of immorality then ma,ke it obligatory upon the English Government to stop the export of spirits P — There is no comparison ; they would not compare at all. 813. No comparison in Africa, for instance ? — Oh, well, the natives of Africa have no power of self control. 814. No comparison in Australia and New Zealand, where a population has been actually wiped ofl' the ground by the use of spirits ? — I will not allow in my own mind any comp risen between spirits and opium. Opium is a curse. Spirits can be used in modera- tion ; opium cannot. 816. We know that spirits have swept populations absolutely out o< xistence in various parts of the world P — Tes, those po j r and ignorant savages. 816. Well tl en would not the same grounds — I may say the same moral grounds — make it incumbent upon us to stop the export of spirits ; and I suppose nothing has done greater harm in India under our rule, par- ticularly in more recent years, than the growth of the habit of drinking wine and spirits among the upper classes in India P — We know that that is only in Mr. D. moderation ; at all events, it is perhaps like the Matheson. drinking of wine 30 or 40 or 50 years ago — when gentlemen sat down to the table with their wine. That 13 Sept. 18P3. fashion is going out now, and I suppose it is only the same thing in India with the upper classes, but I am not sufficiently acquainted with India to speak with confidence as to that. 817. A missionary gentleman who gave evidence just now said, that the Chinese were weaker in those re- spects than we are : that is in resisting any kind of intoxication, that if they did use it at all they used it to excess ? — I think he meant chiefly the opium. 818. Well, he said it of all, and Dr. Pringle said the same thing of the Indians, that is, he said it was equally the case with them, whether it was wine or whether it was opium, or whether it was hemp, they never took it except to get drunk ? — Yes, of opium and hemp. 819. That being the case is there any strong line of distinction between the morality of allowing wine and spirits to be exported from England, and our allowing for instance the Malwa opium to be exported to China P — I think there is a very wide difference. Hemp, of course, does not go with the whiskey, it goes with the opium, the hemp is used to make the opium more deadly. 820. Is there not one incident in which our practice in India as regards, for instance the Malwa opium stands out in a very advantageous light in comparison to the English practice of importing spirits. I mean, I think in England when spirits are exported they are exported free of duty, the duty is not imposed ; in India when the Malwa opium is exported it is subject to a very heavy duty ? — Well, that ' does the Indian revenue a great deal of good. 821. Yes, but if that, I mean to say, is morally wrong, surely it is still more morally wrong to export spirits free of duty P — I cannot put spirits and opium together at all. 822. (Mr. Pease.) You are aware, I think Mr. Matheson, that the English Government have recog- nised their responsibility by prohibiting the importa- tion of spirits in Africa, as parties to the Brussels Anti- Slavery Convention p — Yes, the people in Africa are of course of a very low type. 823. The English Government has placed the restric- tion upon the importation as parties to that conven- tion P— Yes. 824. I believe by your obedience to your convictions upon this question of opium, you have prejudiced your own pecuniary position to a very considerable extent. That is so, is it not p — Well, as far as that goes it has, but it has not injured my position in society I hope. The witness withdrew. Dr. William Gauld called in and examined. 825. (Ohawman.) You are a medical missionary, are you not ? Sir William Roberts has kindly undertaken to conduct your examination P— I am. 826. (Sir W. Boberts.) Where was your experience P — At Swatow, in the Canton province. 827. Is it confined to China P — Well, the last 12 years I have been in London in medical work, in charge of the Mildmay Hospital, Bethnal Green. 828. You have no experience of India P — No ex- perience of India. 829. Btit you have some years' experience at Swatow ? — I was for 16 years a missionary in Swatow, with an interval of two years home on furlough between. 830. Had you a dispensary there ? — I had a hospital there with the largest in-patient practice of any hospital at that time in China. 831. It was not merely an outdoor dispensary P — No, I had a dispensary practice as well ; the last year I was in China we had over 2,000 in-patients in the year. 832. You were, in fact, engaged in these duties con- tinuously' all that time P — All that time. 833. What is your experience in regard to the use of opino) ; was it yery prevalent there ?— It was very pre- valent in s6me p'artfe of the district. It Was very pre- valent amongst the literary classes and the Mandarin classes. It was almost universal among the chair coolies, and we could scarcely get; a teacher who did not smoke opium. 834. It was what you would call a generalised habit then ? — It was very largely prevalent, but not so prevalent as in some parts of Ohina. 835. Scarcely so prevalent as drinking beer in this country ? — Not so prevalent as drinking beer, I should say. 836. In what ways did you find that the Chinamen used opium p — They used it chiefly in smoking a pre- pared mixture of the opium, and I may mention that at Swatow it was almost wholly Indian opium that was used, scarcely any native opium, when I first went to China ; it is 13 years since I left. There wei-e times when the Chinese opium smokers could not get their opium, and then they bought pills or morphia to tide them over the difiicnlty ; for instance, one year we sold about 50,000 pills at our mission, ostensibly to cure opium smoking, but I found after a while that these pills were not to such an extent used to cure opium smoking as to warrant me to go on selling them to the Chinese. I never charged anything for any other drugs, but for these pills we charged them, simply because they had the taloney to spend on opium' H 2 Dr. W. Gauld. 60 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION; Dr. W. Gauld. 13 Sept. 1893. and ^ve thought it right to charge them for the pills which they wanted to cnre it. But we found u, large number of these pills were used simply to tide them over a difficulty. I think that is important in connexion with this — it has been a question whether smoking opium has the same effect as eatina; opium. TSTow, as a matter of fact, the craving for the opium is allayed by the eating of these opium pills, and by the eating of morphia, and the use of morphia is larsrly increasing in China. I may say in that connexion that from one of our leading firms of druggists, one of the partners of that firm says 50,000 ounces of morphia are sent out in one year to China. 837. I daresay you are aware that it has been said that it is impossible as to opium, that the alkaloid of the opium — morphia — can be taken in by smoking? — I believe that is the theory. At the same time we know that there are other alkaloids in opium besides the morphia, and the fact remains that whatever of the opium is non-volatile there is still enough left to do the mischief, because that we see before our eyes. The fact that a craving is aroused of such an intense kind by the smoking of opium, which craving is allayed by other preparations of opium, shows that in essence the nature of these is the same; they may not be the same in degree but they are the same in essence. 8."ii-!. Has it been suggested that it may be partly carried mechanically ? — I never heard any statement to that effect. 839. No explanation has been given in fact ? — TSTo ; but the fact remains. 840. The fact remains ? -Tes. 841. Then these habits are really in your view inter- changeable p — I believe they are. 842. Morphia eating? — Morphia eating and opium smoking and opium eating. 843. Would you regard that fact as having a bearing on the mischief done by the opium habit ? — I do not exactly understand your question, sir. 844. Well this is the question : What is the import- ance of this in considering the evil of the opium habit ? — I have already given my explanation of tha.tin saying that the different kinds of opium have the same effect essentially on the system, and that it is not sufficient to say that because morphia is non-volatile therefore the opium does no harm ; som-jthing in the opium does the harm. S (."i. It may be some allied alkaloid produced by the heat on morphia ? — Yes. 8!6. Now what experience have you had of malaria : is Swatow a malarial district ? — It is; there is a great deal of malaria in the district. 847. Do you think that the use of opium there is practised in any way as a prophylactic or prohibitive against fever ? — .\s a prophylactic I do not think it is in existence practically, and as a cure for malaria I think it is very little used. The natives use different kinds of drugs for their fevers, and what they do use is so inefficient that they are only too glad to get our quinine. 848. Then in your experience opium smoking is not a prophylactic against malaria ? — I do not think so ; more than that, I think the opium smoker when he does take the fever is less likely to get well over it than a a man who does not smoke opium. 849. What is your opinion of opium smoking on the literary class ; you said that a good number of them smoked ? — It is very prevalent amongst them. I have a letter which has lately been received from one of our ablest missionaries at Swatow, a man who is not at all given to exaggerated statements, and he mentions one or two facts which it will not take longer than a minute or two to read. 850. We shall be very glad to hear them P — He says : " If you are not tired of facts about opium, I will " note one or two incidents of the last few days." (This letter was written on the 1st August.) " 1. A " young non-Ohristian teacher of the language was " lately employed here. He had been staying away " fur some days from his work. I sent to inquire the " ciuse, he having sent a message to say that he was " ill. The Chinese here did not think his word could " be taken for it, ' for he is an opium smoker.' " (That is their remark.; "A man was therefore sent to see. " His report was, ' He says he is ill.' I asked, ' Is he " 'ill.' Answer, 'an opiunj-snioking mar), how can I " ' tell ? ' ' Did he seem ill? ' 'A man who smokes " 'opium as he does is always ill.'" (That was the native verdict.) " 2. Another teacher, my own writer, " who is an opium smoker, has been absent for a week " from his work. He is assisting me in Scripture " translation, and his Chinese scholarship and tact " make him indispensable to me. His illness is the " direct and significant result of opium smoking. It is " accompanied with a complete lack of rallying power, " which is another of the characteristic results of the " habit. 3. A Chinese friend, not a Christian, or " rather not a Church member, wrote to me the other " day, asking me to get the mission to undertake the " guardianship of two of his sons, and the management " of the funds which he is providing to meet the " expense of giving them a good English education. " He is not likely to live long, and says he cannot trust " his Chinese friends, but has complete confidence in " us. The sons whom he wishes to commit to our cave " are the two youngest, and his chief anxiety is so to " arrange matters that the money shall not come into " the power of his eldest son ; and why does he so dis- " trust the son ? Because, although he is not a regular " opium smoker, he has begun to take it occasionally " (I think that is an important point), " and ' therefore,' " says the father, ' he is no longer of any use, and if " ' he got control of the money wouid speedily squander " "it,"' (that is his idea of a son who is only beginning to take it). " For this reason the father deliberately ' ' chooses to will the bulk of his money out of the family, " and to leave it to the care of the missionaries, as the " only way of securing that the youngest boys shall, " after his death, get the benefit of it." One instance more: "4. Just as I write a fourth instance occurs. I " learn that another teacher on our staff is also absent " from illness. When he first came to the mission he ■' was a rather heavy smoker of o])ium. He was thin " and emaciatt'd, with a bad colour. After a time he " \va.s induced to break off the habit. With the help of " special treatment in our hospital he succeeded in doing " so, after a period of struggle and severe suffering. " An immediate and very marked improvement in his " appearance was the result. He became fatter, and a " new look of health and energy appeared in his fea- " tures. No one who knew him could fail to notice the '■ change. This went on for two or three years until, " in an evil moment, he was tempted to resort to opium " again for relief from some temporary pain. The habit " returned, and his healthy look disappeared again. " His health became unsatisfactoiy and uncertain. Ho " would fain have back his liberty, and socaks of " trying to recovering it, but it will cost him a harder " struggle even than jjefore. With three teachers dis- " abled in our staff, we ourselves lose much time, and " suffer not a little inconvenience. Why then do we " cmpldv opium sm ikrr.? ? Partly. I am sorry to saj-, " because it is difficult (o find a lit-'r,;ry man here who " is not an opium smoker, and partly because cmploy- " ment by foi-eigners, especially in a sea-p.)rt town like " Swatow, is not much coveted, and men iu an inde- " pendent position will not come. We can only com- " mand the services of men to whom the small salary " we give is a strong inducement, and such men are '■' nearly always opium smokers, men who have for- " felted their independence, and are under strong com- " pulsion to find money wherever they can. The " smoker is heavily handicapped." That is a letter written in the beginning of August last. 8,^1. Is it your own experience that the literary classes .are a good deal addicted to opium smoking ? — Tes, most of the literary men that I came across in my experience at Swatow were addicted to opium smoking. S.'J'J. I suppose you could not possibly give us any general idea in per-centages ? — No, I cannot give per- centages. I remember on one occasion asking a patient what was the proportion in his village smoking opium. He said " Ten per cent, of the adult males." 853. Have you noticed whether among the opium smokers at Swatow there are some who smoke opium regularly but moderately ?— The term moderate is mis- applied when used in reference to opium smokine. I think that in that respect opium essentially differs from alcohol. I do not think that we would hold wine, for instance, to be a poison in itself, or beer, but I hold that opium is a poison, essentially a poison, and that there is no moderate use of it apart from what is used as medicine, that the moment a healthy man takes opium he has taken something that will injure him. 854. Apart from theory is that your experience? That is my experience, and there is a peculiar seduo- MINUTES OE* EVIDENCE. 61 tion about opium whicli carries a man very rapidly into the habitual use of it. I can sympathise with a man because in my own experience, before J left Swatow the first time, to come home, I was ill from chronic dysen- tery, and for a good many nights I had to take an opiate medicinally. I determined to stop it. The first night I stopped it I remember the perfect misery I was in, the utter feeling of helplessness and misery all over, as if I were going to die. I know what it is in opium smokers, when that was my own experience from one little dose a day for some time. 855. You would not recognise that the effects of opium on one race differs very profoundly from the effect of opium on another ? — I do not believe it does ; I believe that its effect in different races may differ in degree, but not in essence. 856. In that respect it must differ very much from alcohol ? — I think it does differ from alcohol, and that brings up a point which I think my experience of the past 12 years enables me to speak upon with sonae confidence. It has been said that opium and liquor are of the same nature, and that the one is as bad as the other or as good as the other. Now, I have been working for the last 12 years in Bethnal Green, in one of tbe worst slums in London, and I have seen what drink is. I am not here to say that drink is a good thing ; it is a horribly bad thing there, and I could not speak too strongly upon it, but the difference between the hold which opium, has and alcohol has. upon the human being is not to be compared. I remember a Chinese graduate coming to me at Swatow once, he was one of the leading men of his village. He came and stayed in the hospital and asked me to try and get him cured of the opium habit. He had been smoking for a long time, and I did my best, but the man, in spite of all my efforts, was brought to death's door and his misery was great He was evidently dying. I said you cannot go on with this, you must have your opium pipe, or you will die. He got his pipe and he recovered. Again he came to. me and said "I want you to cure me of this opium." I said " Graduate, you saw how it was before. You were " at death's door, I dare not venture. I will not " take the responsibility." " Well," he said, " I will " take the responsibility, whether I live or die, try and " get me cured of this opium." We tried again, and I am happy to say that by care and nursing and drugs, he did get round ; he recovered from his opium habit, but the suffering of that man from intense irritability, diari-hcea, feverishness, and sleeplessness was very great. I do not wish to see again anything of the kind. That is with the opium. Then with regard to the alcohol, I believe I have got down at Bethnal Green specimens of drunkards of the very worst type, men and women saturated with drink. When they come into the hos- pital, we at once cut off the alcohol — it is as nearly as possible (being right in the slum) a temperance hospital. We only use alcohol in rare cases. We cut off the alcohol at once, and I have never seen any apparent distress from doing so like what I have seen in China with tbe opium, and I hold that the opium takes such Dr. W. Gauld a grip of the system as alcohol never does. 857. Even in those i)ersons who use opium moder- 8 Sept. 1893. ately, habitually, it is difficult ? — The smaller the quanr tity, of course, the less the mischief, but there is mischief, and the longer they use it, the larger the quantity they use as a rule. It shows itself in the sallowness of the complexion and the appearance of the eye, and emaciation eventually. I remember a young man coming to me in a dying state. He died of uncon- trollable diarrhoea in a few hours, just simply from excessive opium smoking, nothing else. 858. I suppose you confirm the evidence that we have had before, that there have been no organic diseases like cirrhosis, or other degenerations with opium as with alcohol ? — The appearance of the con- firmed opium smoker, the hectic look, and the dark blue of his lips, and the jaundiced look of the eye, show that there must be some disorganisation some- where. I do not think that it has been as yet scientifically gone into. I do not think any medical missionary has as yet gone into that investigation, as to whether there are particular diseases caused by the opium alone, but the opium smoker is more ready to fall a victim to diseases than the healthy man. 859. I presume that you found that your missionary labours were rendered more difiioult by the prevalence of the opium habit P — They were so. In the winter time I have very often left my hospital for a time in charge of the native assistants of my own training, and travelled into the country with a brother mis- sionary, a preacher. We used to preach in the open air, in the towns and villages, and almost invariably there would be someone in the crowd who would start this objection about the opium, " You bring us the " opium, why do yon come to teach us righteousness ? " 860. I mean, you did not think it was what jou might call a specious or colloquial objection p — ~So, they really felt it, I believe. The large part of the hatred the Chinese have to us is owing to this opium question. I remember, as an illustration of how they connected opium with the English nation, one day in the street opposite the hospital door there was a man selling beautifully-made figures, all nicely painted, of Chinese warriors and others. Amongst them there was one figure of an Englishman with an umbrella over his head (they usually associate us with the umbrella used as a protection from the sun) , and in his other hand he had a large ball of opium. That was the idea of the Englishman in the mind of the Chinese. 861. That was at Swatow ? — A ball of opium in one hand, aud in the other an umbrella. That was how he was represented to the crowd. 862. I think you said that the opium used at Swatow was Indian opium P — It was Indian opium. I think now it is mixed, but at that time it was Indian opium. 863. Have you any further statement that you would like to make to the Commission P — No, sir, I think that is all I wish to say. The witness withdrew. Adjourned till to-morrow at 11 a.m. At the House of Lords, Westminster, S.W. FOURTH DAY. Thursday, 16th September 1893, Peesent : The Eisht Honoubable LORD BEASSEY, K.O.B. Sir James B. Lyall, G.O.I.E. Mb. Akthub, Pease. Sir William Robbets, M.D. Mr. H. J. Wilson, M.P. Mr. E. G, C. Mowbray, M.P. Sir Charles E. Beenard, K.C.S.L, Aotimg Seoreta/ry. Sir John Steachet, G.C.S.I., Member of the Council of India, called and examined. 864. (Ghairman.) You have had a long residence in India, I believe ?— Yea. 865. How many years were you there P-^ About 38 years. 866. And you have filled numerous posts, ultimately reaching the very highest posts in the service P— It is hardly an exaggeration to say that. I filled pretty weJl every post that a member of the Civil Service Sir J. Strachei/, G.C.S.I. 15 Sept. 1893. H 3 62 INDIAN OPITJM (IJpMJIISijS^IOJjr I Sir J. Straehey, G.C.S.I. 15 Sept. 1893. could flu, from the moBt sabordinate posts to those of a district officer, and commissioner, and chief commis- sioner of Oudh, and Lieutenant-G-overnor of the North- West Provinces, and I was twice Member of Council ; altogether I was nine years a member of the G-overn- meiit of India, and for the last eight years I have been a member of the Council of India. 867. It goes without saying that you have been brought into personal communication with all classes of our native fellow subjects in India P — Yes, I ought rather to say the parts of India with which I have Tjeen personally acquainted. I have never been in Bombay or Madras except passing through. 868. Still you have had very wide opportunities of being brought into personal communication with the natives of India ? — Certainly. 869. Can you give us, before you turn to other sub- jects, any statistics of the opium revenue, or shall we obtain that through another witness p- — I think I can give evidence upon that point regarding the revenue. 870. Tour last post in India was in charge of the finance, w^s it not P — Tes. 871. Well, having been in charge of the finance in India, it has necessarily been your duty to consider the question which is before the Commission in all its bearings, and we should be glad to hear your views on the various matters which are included in the Order of Reference to the Commission. We will take first the general question. I believe your views were compre- hensively stated in the memorandum which you wrote on the occasion of the reading of a paper on the opium question by Mr. Batten, which paper was read before the Society of Arts in April last P — Yes ; if you would allow that to be read I do not think that I could express my opinion on the general subject more fully than 1 did then. 872. I know that you have been kind enough to attend to-day at considerable personal inconvenience, and the Commission would be glad to lighten your labours in every possible way ; and understanding as we do that that memorandum represents your views on thi.' general question, I think it would be a relief to you and very advantageous to the Commission that the memorandum should be read to us P — Yes. Sir G. Berntird read the memorandum, which was as follows : — " I passed some thirty-eight years of my life in India., and I should not be very greatly exaggerating if I were to say that, during that time, I held almost every office which a member of the Civil Service in India can hold, beginning from offices of little importance to the very highest posts in the service of the State. I was brought into personal communication with all classes, from the greatest princes to the humblest ryots. I am entitled to say that I can speak with some Icnowledge of the facts, as they regard the people^ of India and the policy of the Government. Now, I have always felt in regard to this controversy that the object to be aimed at in to learn the truth and to act upon it. Thousands of excellent people in this country, of whom I desire to speak with all respect, because although I know them to be mistaken, I must iully recognise the perfect honesty and nobility of their aims, believe that avo are ruining with a horrible poison millions of Chinese, and that, not content with this iniquity, we are encouraging the consumption of opium among our own sabjeots in India with similar terrible consequences. If this were true, I should say for my part that whatever might be the reFults to the Government or to the people, pecu- niary, or economical, or political, or otherwise, however difficult or dangerous it might be to find substitutes for the loss that the suppression of opium cultivation in India might entail, there could be no doubt about our duty. I am confident that when Mr. Batten tells us that the total value of the poppy crops of India exceeds 13,000, OOOZ. sterling a year, he understates rather than overstates the fact, i lcnov^' that all that Sir Lepel Griffin has told us about Sikhs and Bajpufcs — the most martial races of India— and the political dangers that >vould follow on the attempt to interfere with the con- sumption of opium, to which they have been accustomed for centuries, is perfectly true. Nevertheless, if I believed that the Government was committing the abominable iniquity with which it is charged, of de- moralising and destroying millions of people, I should say that, whatever be the consequences, this iniquity ought not to be allowed to last for a single day during which we can prevent it. But what are the facts P It is impoBsiblfe forme now to enter into the ovidpnce on which my conclusions have been based, T can onlT give the conclusions themselves, wiiteh the experienpo of a lifetime has impressed upon me. I believe it to be) proved to demonstration that opium is not this terrible poison. The vast majority of those who consume it consume it in moderation, and so consumed there is no one of the stimulants that enter largely into the con- sumption of the world that is more innocent. I will go further, and say more beneficial. It is as innocent as the wines of France or Italy are to the people of those countries, or as uudoctored beer is to the people of Bng- land or Germany. Like all other good gifts of nature, it may be abused, but even when this happens, wUateve^ it may be to the individual, it is less harmful to society than the alcohol, which is the curse of our own coun- try. This opium question has two aspects ; one as it concerns the people of India, the other as it concemB the Chinese. As regards the people of India gene4 rally, I would ask you first to remember what India is. It is a vast continent as large as the whole of civilised Europe, with a greater population, for it contains some 280,000,000 of people. It consists of a multitndd of countries differing from each other far more widely than the countries of Europe difi"er among themselveB/ In some of those countries, as we have been told, and as I shall have again to mention, certain classes of the people have from time immemorial consumed opium. But these classes constitute, numerically, an absolutely insignificant proportion of the population of India. Speaking in general terms, the consumption of opium in India is so infinitesimally small, that I may say, without exaggeration, that no opium question exists at all. We are told, however, that the consumption of opium has been rapidly increasing, and that it has been fostered by our G-overnment. These statements ard absolutely baseless. The mcrease of population under British rule has been enormous ; but there is every reason to believe that the consumption of opium in India, under native rule, 160 years ago, was actually greater than it is now. However this may be, end without attempting to go back to times of which we know comparatively little, this at least is certain, that, although the population goes on rapidly increasing, the consumptiun of opium, instead of increasing, has diminished. It is certainly smaller now than it was, for instance, ten years ago. This has been the result of the policy of the Government of India. By a vigorous system of excise, it raises the price of opium as far as is consistent with the prevention of extensive smuggling, and reduces consumption to a mmimum. The sole present danger is that this policy may be carried too far ; and some authorities believe that this is already happening. The danger is that by making opium too dear and difficult to obtain, we may not only encourage smugglini<, a comparatively small evilj but may cause people who have been content with the moderate use of opium to have recourse to cheap and noxious stimulants procurable from weeds Which, I may almost say, grow near every man's doOr. Although, as I have said, the consiamption of opium by the people of India generally is infinitesimally small, it has been consumed for centuries by certain classes in Northern India. It is an indisputable fact, as Sir Lepel Griffin has told us, that these classes, especially the Kajputs and Sikhs, are precisely the finest races physically in all India. I have often thought that the best practical answer to those who inveigh against the use of opium would be, if such a thing were practicable, to bring one of our crack opium- drinking Sikh regiments to London, and exhibit them in Hyde Park. There is no more vigorous, manly, hand- some race of men to be found, not only in India, but in the world. They are the flower of our Indian army, and one of the bulwarks of our empire, and yet the use of opium among them is almost universal. It has always seemed to me a significant fact that among all the passionate appeals to British ignorance, we never hear one word about the Sikhs. We hear a great deal aboui, so-called opium dens, which, after all, are \ ery few and far between, but we hear nothing about the conataut. consumption of opium among the finest populations of India.' People talk glibly about suppre.'ising by law the growth and consumption of opium in India. I have great faith in the power of folly and ignorance, but I trust that I may not see the day when the attempt is made to deprive Sikhs and Rajputs of— I will not say a luxury— but one of the innoeeut and beneficial necessaries of their lives. I read the other day, referring to this subject, some remarks by a most accomplished writer, who speaks on Indian subject s with high authority— I hope Sir William Hunter ■'ki>srti^S*'bF''iSF'titei*<5t' # wiir pardon me for quoting him. He said that a law Buch as that to which. I have just referred could only be enforced in British territories by liloodshed and arms, while in native States it could not be enforced - at all. I might enlarge much more on such considera- tions. They involve issues of political gravity, the existence of which appears to be unknown and unsus- pected in this country. I repeat, however, that these classes which consume opium, highly important as they are politically, are numerically an insignificant fraction of the Indian population, and that, so far as the people of India generally are concerned, no opium question really exists. I must now say something about China ; but Mr. Batten and other gentlemen, who have spoken with the highest authority, have said so much on this part of the subject that I shall add very little, tod I can add really nothing that is new. There can be no greater delusion than to suppose' that China depends on India for her supply of opium. If no opium were exported from India, the consumption of China would remain practically unchanged. Indian opium in China is a luxury of the comparatively rich. If they were deprived of it, they would suffer as the richer classes would suffer here if they were deprived of the choicest vintages of Bordeaux and Burgundy, or if tobacco smokers got no more cigars from Cuba. In such a case, in this country, the frequenters of beer- shops and gin-palaces would be conscious of no hard- ship ; and the population of China would be equally unconscious if it received no opium from India. A single province of China produces more opium than the whole Indian Empire. Whole provinces are covered with the poppy ; the cultivation goes on increasing, without any interference on the part of the Government of China. Even, therefore, if it were true that the people of China are being mined by opium, the cessation of imports from India would not diminish the evil. But it is certainly not true. The vast majority of the con- sumers of opium in China consume it in moderation ; and it is, as I said before, as harmless as the wine and beer of Europe. Moreover, as Mr. Batten has told us, if the Government of China should wish to undertake tbe task of stopping the consumption of opium, and preventing the importation of opium from India, it can do so if it pleases. It can pi'ohibit the importa- tion, or can impose any restrictions that it likes. Meanwhile, thi>re is nothing with which we need re- proach ourselves. If, as I wrote myself some years ago, India is, in deference to ignora.nt prejudices, deprived of the revenues which she now obtains from opium, an act of folly and injustice will be perpetrated as gross as any that has ever been inflicted by a foreign Government on a subject nation. India now possesses the rare fortune of obtaining from one of her native products a great revenue, without the imposition of taxes on her own people ; and we are asked to sacrifice the manifest and vital interests of those people, to whose good we are pledged by the highest duties, in hope of protecting others, against their will, from imaginary evils ; in other words, to inflict certain injury in pursuit of a benevolent chimera, which must elude us. Truly, to use the words of Condorcet, ' L'enthousiaste ignorant ' est la plus terrible des betes f eroces.' I wish to say only one thing more, and it is that with which I began : what we want is the truth. How, I may be asked, if this widely-spread belief regarding India is erroneous, what is the explanation of its prevalence ? My answer is, that the ignorance that prevails in this country regarding everything Indian is enormous. The ignor- ance about opium is on all fours with the ignorance on every other subject connected with India, and this ignorance is not confined to those who we expect to be ignorant, but extends to the most highly educated classes. It extends to all Indian subjects, history, geography, the condition and habits of the people, the constitution of the Government, in fact to everything. I will give an illustration which always seems to me to have an useful bearing on this opium question. There are many curious delusions about India which it seems impossible to kill. When I hear educated Englishmen talking about opium, I am often reminded of some admirable remarks of Sir Henry Maine on Mr. Buckle's ' History of Civilisation.' Mr. Buckle derives all the distinctive institutions of India, and the peculiarities of its people, from the fapt that the exclusive food of the natives of India is rice. It follows from this, he tells us, that caste prevails, that oppression is rife, that rents are high, and that customs and law are stereotyped. i have no doubt that if Mr. Buckle had been asked he would have said that the same cause accounted for the consumption of opium in India. I sometimes ask my English friends w;h6n they talk a,bout opiiim what tljey Sir suppose to be the ordinary food of the people of India. J- Strachey, The almost universal answer given, perhaps with some G.C.S.I. air of displeasure that they should be asked such a foolish question, is that of course it is rice. I believe ^5 Sept. 1893. that nine-ienths of the educated men and women of this country believe this to be true. When they have not learnt such an elementary i?act as this, that throughout the greater part of India rice is no more the ordinary food of the people than it is in England, how can we be surprised if they do not know the truth about opium. I cannot pretend to be hopeful that this ignorance will be dispelled before it has inflicted some ruinous injustice on the unfortunate people of India. In conclusion, I would ask those who have accepted these views about the iniquity of the" Indian Government in regard to opium, to ponder the words of a wise and benevolent man— John Stuart Mill. He had better m.eans of knowledge and knew more about India than almost any Englishman that I have heard of who had not hved long in that country, and he declared his conviction that our Government there had been ' not only one of ' the purest Governments in intention, but one of the ' most beneficent in act ever known among mankind.' This was true when it was written, and it is truer now. I believe that there is no Government in the world that strives so honestly and resolutely to think of nothing but the highest interests of the people it governs. I -believe that there is no country in the world in which the men who carry on the administration are more able and upright, or have a more true regard for the welfai'e of those committed to their care. We who have spent our lives in India are not all fools or impostors. It is, as Mr. Batten has most truly observed, remark- able that no sinfifle instance can be quoted of an Englishman who has been directly responsible for the well-being of India, and who has had an important voice in its administration, who has held the views against which I have been protesting. That, as Mr. Batten said, has been left for irresponsible persons in this country, whose want of knowledge is patent to everyone who has studied the question on the spot. When I hear the Government of India charged with the abominable wickedness of poisoning its own sub- jects, and poisoning millions of Chinese for the sake of filthy lucre, there is only one reason which prevents me from being filled with indignation, and this is that I know that these charges are the offspring of ignorance alone. Unfortunately this does not make them less serious, for of all the enemies to human progress ignor- ance is the most formidable, and is especially formid- able when, as in this present case, it is combined with honest enthusiasm and an anxious desire for that which is right.'' 873. (Ohairman.) Sir John, I understand it was your wish that the paper which has just been read to us shoidd be accepted by the Commission as your general answer in relation to the first matter named in the Order of Reference to tliis Commission ? — Yes. 874. Then I understand that it would save you some of the great strain which you might suffer from appearing before us to-day if we could take from you in another general answer the statement of your views with regard to the remaining matters included in the reference to the Commission. Perhaps it may be con- venient that I should lead up to your answer by reading over the remaining clauses in the Order of Reference. We are asked to inquire into " the nature of the exist- " ing arrangements with the native States in respect " of the transit of opium through British territory, and " on what terms, if any, these arrangements could be " with justice terminated.'' We are asked " to con- " sider the effect on the finances of India of the " prohibition of the sale and export of opium, taking " into consideration (a) the amount of compensation " payable ; (6) the cost of the necessary preventive " measures ; (c) the loss of revenue," and so forth. We are asked to consider "whether any change short of " total prohibition should be made in the system at " present followed for regulating and restrictmg the " opium traffic, and for raising a revenue therefrom." We are asked to inquire as to " the consumption of " opium by the different races, aud in the difierent " districts of India, and the effect of such consumption " on the moral and physical condition of the people. " The disposition of the people of India in regard to " (a) the use of opium for non- medical purposes; (6) " their willingness to bear in whole or in part the cost " of prohibitive measures." Upon those matters you are prepared, I believe, to offer us a general state- H 4 64 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Sir ment, and I think it would be more convenient that J. Strachey, you should be allowed to make that general statement, G.C.S.I. without interruption in the form of questions, reserving our questions unbil you have made your statement, and 15 Sept. 1893. ^g j-j-|g_y g^gj. gj. p^jj quostions upon any point which is necessary for the purpose of elucidating the subject P — Yes. Before I begin to answer these particular points, I should like to say that I feel that it is extremely diffi- cult, in fact, impossible, really to say anything on this subject thac has not been said over and over again before, and I have learned with much regret that Mr. Batten, who is absent from England, will be unable to give evidence before the Commission, for I think that his paper before the Society of Arts gives a more complete and accurate summary of all the facts con- nected with this question than anything I know. 875. Then we may take it from you that you support and endorse the view of the question which was pre- sented in Mr. Batten's paper P — Entirely, without a single exception. 876. We shall take care that the paper prepared by Mr. Batten is circulated to the different members of the Commission ? — The first of the questions which your Lordship has now put is "the nature of the e.xisting " arrangements with the native States in respect '■ of the transit of opium through British territory, " and on what terms, if any, these arrangements " could be with justice terminated." I am afraid that I cannot say very much upon the first part of the ques- tion — for I have very little personal knowledge of those States. 877. No doubt we shall be very fully informed upon those points when we are in India P — Yes, I under- ■ stand that the existing arrangement under which an export duty is levied on every chest of opium, when it leaves the native States in transit to Bombay, was substituted in 1831 for an arrangement under which the opium-producing States sold to the British Govern- ment all the opium produced in those States, but that arrangement was found to work in a very unsatis- factory way for both parties. It involved very great and objectionable interference in the internal afiairs of the States and was extremely distasteful to the chiefs, consequently the present system was substituted and agreements were entered into with the chiefs by which they agreed to prevent smuggling, and that all opium intended for export to Bombay should be sent by certain specified routes. I believe that those are the only real points of great importance which are provided for. On the one hand, we have no concern whatever with the cultivation of the poppy or the manufacture of the opium or the consumption of the opium in the native States, and they, on the other hand, have nothing at all to do with the opium after it passes the scales, as they are called, where it is weighed. 878. {Mr. Pease.) Could you give us the date of the altered arrangement P — -1831, I think it was. 879. I thought the first one was 1831, and that was altered subsequently p — No, I think it has been in force ever since. I believe the existing system under which the transit of the opium is managed is provided for by rules passed under the Opium Act, No. 1, of 1878. In accordance with that Act the cultivation of the poppy was prohibited throughout the Bombay Pre- sidency, and agreements were entered into with the small native States included within the Bombay Presidency, under which they also prohibited the cul- tivation of the poppy, and they undertook to prevent smuggling and to adopt necessary measui'es for pre- venting the illicit importation of opium into our terri- tories. 880. [Ghairman.) Is the opium brought to its final state of preparation for consumption in the native States P — Yes. 881. The participation of the Governmi'iit of India in the cultivation and preparation of opium in the native States is limited to the imposition of an export dutj', is it not? — Absolutely nothing else. 882. In Bengal the Government occupies a somewhat difi'erent position P — Quite different. 883. There the Government is a producer of the article ? — Yes, or a manufacturer ; virtually yon may almost say a producer. 884. A manufacturer P — Yes. 835. Then we will not further interrupt yon. Will you kindly proceed with your statement p — The second part of Clause 2 says, " on what terms, if any, these " arrangements can be with justice terminated." Well, with regard to that question I can make no suggestion. The question, I presume, signifies: — Is it possible to make any arrangement by which the pro- duction of opium in the native States could be stopped or by which its export could be prevented. I can make no suggestion at all upon that subject, for it appears to me to be quite impracticable. These States have, as Mr. Batten says in his paper, a population of some 22,000,000. They cover an immense area ; the habit of consuming opium has prevailed among the people of those States, particularly the Rajputs, for centuries. No restrictions have ever been placed upon the cultiva- tion of the poppy or on the sale of opium within the Ijoundaries of those States, and although it is very difficult to attempt to give any accurate statistics on such a point, the annual value of the crops of these native States has been estimated as being at least 9,000,000 of tens of rupees. ' I can suggest no means by which, if such a course were thought expedient, the cultivation could be suppressed. It appears to me that political difficulties of the gravest nature would be the inevitable result of any attempt of the kind. I was referring to the arrangements which were in force before 1831. I do not know much about them in detail, but it has been stated that they were in the highest degree distasteful, both to the people and to the chiefs; that they were most harassing to the people ; that they invohed all sorts of inter- ference in the internal affairs of the States ; and I think there can be no doubt that an attempt to suppress the cultivation altogether would lead to results of the same kind buc of an infinitely more serious character. I believe, as Mr. Batten has said, that nothing short of an army of British officials scattered over the States supervising agricultural operations could prevent the cultivation. It has been sometimes said that we might prevent the export of opium into our own territories by a customs line, but that customs line would be between 2,000 and -{.OOO miles long, and the establishment of such a line would be quite out of the question. We have most ample evidence in India to show the results of the existence of such a line in the Inland Customs line which was formerly in existence for the taxation of salt, and which was only abolished when Lord Lytton was Viceroy. There is no doubt that that line was one of the greatest disgraces of our Indian Administration, and it is quite im|)0ssible, 1 think, that anyone acquainted with the laots could ever wish to see anything of the kind restored. 886. Did they maintain a cordon round the Portuguese territory of Goa in connexion with the salt duty ? — Only within the last year or so, I think. 887. Did we take over the salt manufacture at Goa P — Our treaty with Portugal has come to an end, and we have, I believe, been obliged to put a cordon, but that is on a very small scale, and we may hope temporary. The next point, my Lord, is the effect on the finance of India. 888. The effect on the finance of India of the pro- hibition of the sale and export of opium p — With reference to this, I think the first thing that I should like to say is that the question of the five or six crores of rupees which constitute the annual net revenue at the piescnt time of the Government of India, is a com- paratively small part of the question. I think the real essential question is — what is the value of the Indian crop P The Government revenue is, as Mr. Batten has clearly shown in his paper, a comparatively small part of the annual profits derived by India from the cultivation of the poppy. It no more represents the interests involved than in this country the 26,000,000?. sterling that we raise by duties on spirits and wine and beer represent the value of all the liquors consumed in the United Kingdom. I believe the so-called Drink Bill is called 14.0,000,0002. a year. In India, besides the Government revenue aad the revenue derived from opium by the native Stales, there are the profits of perhaps a couple ol million cultivators, these are the profits of the land-owners, of the merchants, the dealers, and the middle- men, and it has also to be remembered that although opium is by far the most valuable product of the poppy, it is by no means tho only product. Poppy seed and poppy oil contain no opium at all, and are perfectly wholesome products, and they are very largely con- sumed both in India and in Europe. Mr. Batten in his paper estimates the total value of tho poppy crops at about 19,150,000 tens of rupees. As far as I can MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. C5 judge, their actual viiluo exceeds rather than falls ahort of that amount. Poppy seed is an important article of trade. It is largely used throughout India as a condi- ment -with food and for making oil, and for the latter purpose it is also used in Europe. The exports of poppy seed from India are valued at nearly 600,000 tens of rupees, and the value of the internal and external trade in the poppy seed is believed to be not less than 4,000,000. I cannot criticise Mr. Batten's figures, but I think it would be amattei' of great interest and importance if the G-overnment of India were thoroughly to investigate the question of the annual value of the popy crops and were to come to some conclusion on the subject, for they have very much better means than any private individuals of arriving at the truth. Until we know something with tolerable confidence on this point it is impossible to say what would be the probable cost to India of suppressing the cultivation and the sale of opium, supposing always such a thing to be practicable and desirable. Mean- while I can only say that my own belief \j8 that the total value of the crops is probably greater than the amount estimated by Mr. Batten. 889. May I ask whether the 19,000,000 represents the value of the crop in tbe market? Is that the case; that is its market price P — The profit that is got by all classes out of the crop. 890. {Mr. Mowbray.) Does that include the jjrofit in the native States as well us the Bengal opium ? — Yes. Mr. Batten in his paper gives all the details by which he arrives at his conclusions. Mr. Batten also said, converting these 19,000,000 tens of rupees at the then rate of exohans^e the equivalent in sterling was about 13,000,0002., and it would be very much the same now ; but I should like to say on that point that it seems to me that these conversions of rupees into pounds sterling — the same thing applies when we come to the question of the net revenue — have very little useful meaning. Not many years ago, for instance, these 19,000,000 tens of rupees would have been equal to 19,000,000L sterling. We have been un- commonly near seeing the rupee worth Is. ; in that case these 19,000,000 would be worth only 94 millions sterling instead of 19 ; and it must be remembered that these immense fluctitations in the gold value of the rupee have not for practical purposes much afi'ected the value of the products of the poppy crop to the cultiva- tors of India. 891. (Chairman.) Of course the loss to the cultivator in India in the depreciation of the rupee might be met by an enhancement of the price of their article ? — As a matter of fact, during all these great changes in the gold value of the rupee, prices in India have hardly been affected. I think it also is important to remember, as Dr. Watt has observed in his very excellent artice in the Dictionary of Economic Products, that this industry has existed in India for centuries, and that from the time of Akbar to the present day it has been recognised and indeed protected by the Government. This revenue that we derive from opium we inherited from the Mogul Government. The next point in the next clause is the amount of compensation payable, but it seems to me rather idle to talk of compensation for the suppression of such an in- dustry as this. It is conceivable, though I have not the least idea in the world how it could be done, but still it is conceivable that a powerful Government like our own might absolutely suppress the cultivation and the trade in opium ; but how compenKation could be given for it I cannot conceive. My own belief is — again it is an impossible supposition — that if England were to make a free gift to India of 100,OOU,OOOZ. sterling, it would be no compensation to India for the loss of one of the most valuable of all her natural products, for the destruction of a great industry and the extinction of one of the principal articles of her trade. The next question is, " What would be the loss of the actual revenue ? " 892. Yes? — This question, it is not easy to answer with certainty, because the fluctuations in the amount of tbe opium revenue have been very great. Some j'ears ago it was as much as 8,500,000 tens of rupees, but of late years it has greatly diminished. The princijial cause of this, I think there can be no doubt, has been the lapid increase of cultivation in China, and the lower prices of Chinese opium. Other causes have, no doubt, contributed ; probably the increased taxation in China has been one cause. 893. In the form of an import duty do you mean ? — Yes. A few years ago an additional import duty e 80970. was imposed in lieu of the inland likin duties as they were called. Then there has been for several years a partial failure of the opium crops in India and that also has led to a great diminution in the sale of opium and in the revenue. The last year for which wo have approximate figures is 1892-3. In that year the net revenue credited under the head of opium — I am speaking in tens of rupees always — was 6,371,000 to which have to be added the duties credited under excise 720,000, making a total of 7,100,000, and, this was about the average amount for the five years ending with 1892-3. For the present year 1893-4 we have only the Budget Estimate, and that, including the excise, has been reduced to 5J millions, but to the extent of nearly 1,000,000 ; this large reduction is not due to an anticipated great fall in the demand for opium but to the expecta- tion of a better crop and of increased expenditure, which will enable the reserve stock of opium which had fallen very low to be replenished. It must be borne in mind that the fluctuations in the opium revenue are, as in the present year, often due not to fluctuations in the Chinese demand or in the price obtained, but to the greater or smaller outturn of the Bengal crop, and the expense of gathering it. But the immediate prospects of the opium revenue I think are certainly not favour- able. In consequence of a succession of bad seasons in India and low prices in China, and the constant increase of cultivation in that country, the quantity of opium exported has been much reduced, and other causes are, no doubt, operating in the tame direction, but for present purposes I think if we take the amount estimated in the Budget of the present year of 5f millions that is as reasonable an estimate probably as we can make for the present. But as I have said before, this sum represents only a comparatively small part of the interest of India in opium. If I am asked whether any means could be suggested, if it were considered expedient, by which the loss of 5|- millions of revenue or even a smaller sum than that 894. That is not 5| millions of pounds sterling ? — No, I am always speaking of tens of rupees. If I am. asked if I could suggest any means by which that could be made good I certainly could suggest no means. I think there is no doubt that it is useless to talk about possible reduction of expenditure. I think it certain that, speaking in general terms, there is no probability of its being diminished, but that it will go on increasing as appears to be the case in every country with an elaborate system of government. In 1881 the Government of Lord Bipon wrote very fully upon that subject, and declared that it appeared to them impossible to suggest any means by which the loss of the opium revenue could be recouped, and I think that all that they said then is quite as true at the present day. Tbe next clause of the Order of Reference to the Com- mission is : "Whether any change short of total pro- " hibition should be made in the system at present " followed for regulating and restricting the opium " traffic, and for raising a revenue therefrom." 895. Would you draw a distinction in relation to the moral responsibility of the Government of India between an active participation in the trade as a manufacturer and the imposition of duties on export or charges in the form of license duties ? — In an- swering this question I assume the object in view to be the restriction within the narrowest possible prac- tical limits of the consumption of opium. I think it is certain that no system which could Le in British territory substituted for the present system could be so effective in restricting the quantity of opium pro- duced, and therefore in restricting the consumption. I assert very confidently that the Government of India has never been influenced by any desire to encourage the consumption of opium either in China or in India. On the contrary, its whole action has been in the direction of restricting the consumption by imposing the highest amount of taxation which can be imposed without defeating the objects in view. It appears to me that there can be no question that of all fiscal restrictions that can be imposed the State monopoly is the most repressive and severe. I think it is con- ceivable, though not at all probable, that the abolition of the opium monopoly in Bengal and the substitution for it of a heavy export duty such as that which we now have on the other side of India might if it were practicable involve no loss of revenue, but I think it would inevitably lead to an increase of con- sumption, and the difficulty of making such a change of system in Bengal would be extremely great indepen- dently of the question of the effect on the consumption. J J. Strachey, G.C.S.I. 15 Sept. 1893. ()6 IXrUAX OPIUM COMMISSION Sir J. Stracher/, G.C.SI. 15 Sept. 1893. Bengal is intersocted in all directions with rivers, the outlets to the sea are v rv numeron?, and the facilities for smugglirg are enormous. The Bengal Grovernment some years ago gave their opinion that they could see no limit to the cost of the preventive establishment that would be necessary. I should think that no country could be found where the difficulty of prevent- ing smuggling would be so gnat; and I suppose that there is no article which it is easier to smuggle. I am not quite sure of the fact, but if I remember rightly a. single pound of opium will last a consumer of opium a whole year. T cannot conceive the possibility of regulating any export duty with that maximum of severity of pressure which is secured by a monopoly ; therefore I think, if it be true that the interests of mo- rality are involved, then those interests are best served by the maintenance of the monopoly. Then, as regards China in particular. If the object at which we ought to aim is the reduction of consumption by the Chinese, it appears to me clear that to whatever extent we diminish the export of opium from India, we stimulate the extension of opium cultivation in C^hina, and the substitution of the choapoi- Chinese for the dearer Indian opium, and that is a iaet that has always been recognised by the Grovernment of India. The G-overn- ment of India has always seen, as,-uming what I think is an indisputable fact, that the Chinese will have opium, that a I'eduction in the supply of Indian opium instead of leading to reduced consumption in China leads inevitably to inei'eascd production and iuci'cascd consumption in that country. The present monopoly system therefore, it appears to me, by which the price of Indian opium is increased to a maximum, not only checks consumption in India itself, but it checks con- sumption in China also. So far as India is concerned I believe, as I have said in the paper of my owii which w;ir read, that really the only question is whether our restrictive measures have noc sometimes beeii too severe, and whether they have not to a very objection- able extent encouraged smuggling, and by making opium very dear and difficult to obtain, whether they have not encouraged the use of drugs which are infinitely naore noxious. My opinion, therefore, is that so far from the present system being open to the charge of stimulating the consumption of opium, whethei' by Chinese or Indians, that no system could be devised by which the consumption could be so severely checked. And as a question of morals, if it be held — which I myself am very far fi'om admitting — if it be lield that the consumption of opium for other than medicinal purposes is necessarily a vice, then I think it is clear, as 8ir Henry Maine said long ago, in refer- ence to obis very question of substituting an export duty for the monopoly : " For moral purposes there is no " distinction between what a despotic government does " itself and what it permits its subjects to do. What " possible diti'erenee can it make from a moral point of " view, whether they take a jiart of the profits from " the hands of the dealer or the whole of the profits " fi-om the monopoly?'' Sometimes the objection is made on economic grounds that it is very undesirable for a government to engage in the operations of private trade. I cannot say that I attach an}' particular im- portance to that. As a matter of fact, there is no ci"\'ilised government that lor the purposes of raising revenue has not established some monopoly or other, and for my part I see nothing more objectionable in the monopoly of ojiium than in the monopoly of tobacco. 896. Yon have exhausted what you wish to say on the fourth article in ihe Order of Eel'erence ? — Ye.T. 897. Now we come to the question of the consump- tion of opium by the difierent races in the «l-01>K)'M !OOMMB3SION : Mr. 'neard of any of our people being epgaged in piracy at H. JY. Lay, all, there was no motive whatever for it. C-^- 1216. I suppose a lot of armed boats fighting with , the mandarins and police of the country, and perhaps 14 Sept. 1893. ygj.y ^ftgn successfully fighting with them, was very likely to lead to a kind of pu'aoy, was it not P — It is not recorded, even in the " Middle Kingdom," a book by which all the anti-opiumists have been utterly misled. This book was AATitten by an Ameriran. The Americans of that day were very hostile to us, and we were not as i\'itc then as wo are now, and did not attach the same value to a friendly feeling between the two peoples ; and this l)Ook, from which the anti-opinmist.'^ derive all, or the greater part, of their arguments, is full of con- tradictions and mis-statements. It does not give a true account at all. This note is from the of&cial docu- ments 1111 record, without omitting any. 1216. Tou say in the note, I see, that in 1830 the cul- tivation of the poppy was already widespread p — Tea. 1217. " Half the province of Che-kiang was covered '■ with the poppy, which was also extciisively grown in ■' the provinces of Kwei-chow and Yun-nan." But that is rather contrary to some of the evidence which we heard yesterday and the day bel'ore from some of the Chinese missionaries — contrary to their impressions. I should like to know what is your authority for those statements y— The authority is the Bine Books; you will find it in the Blue Books between 18o9 and 1840. 1218.- {(Jhainiicui.) Of course the conditions might be different to-day from what they were at that time P — The conditions are very largely different to-day ; but they had begun tu grow opium years before — I believe concurrently with the early introduction of opium into China. This is admitted again and again by Chinese officials. 1219. {Sir J. Lyall.) I suppose Oheh-kiang is a pro- vince quite close to the sea, is it not?— Yes. 1220. I suppose if the province of Oheh-kiang was growing opium in 1830, and it was not doing so at a subsequent time, it must have been repressed by some Government order ? — I do not think so. The Chinese Government have nominally repressed the cultivation of opium, but practically they have allowed it to go on. I shall submit evidence to you presently that it is now cultivated in every province in the Empire, and was cultivated in every province so long ago as 1864. I A-isited Pekin for the last time in 1869, and saw poppy- tields in flower right up to the wall of the city. 1221. In the Tai-ping Rebellion did not the rebels attempt the suppression of the opium cultivation ; they stamped it out for a time, did they not? — No, they never had sufficient mastery of the country. The Chinese Government, at the tune of the Tai-ping Be- bellion, tried to put down opium cultivation, in order that they might get a large importation of Indian opium, because, whereas Indian opium paid (since our treaty at all events) 30 taels per picul, native opium paid much less because it was so easily smuggled; it was not like millet, grain, or rice, but being portable in small parcels, the Customs barriers could easily be evaded. 1222. Has it not been stated that the policy of the rebels was to put down opium cultivation ? — Well, I saw a. good deal of the rebel", and I never heard any of them pnt tViat forward. There are a ;;o(jd many arguments pnt into the mouths of the rebels, and of the officials, which were never employed. You asked me just now, sir, about the Imperial duty fixed on opium in 1722. At page 1 of my note, September 7, 1836, you will find it stated tl.at : "In the reigns of Y^ung Ching " and K'ienlung (1722 to 1736) it was included in the " tariff of maritime duties, under the head of ' medi- " cinal drugs,' and there was then no regulation " against purchasing it or inhaling it." 1223. The general purport of your note seems to be that the Ohiiiese Government declared war first in 1839, and foi'ced on the war ? — Certainly. The war has been misnamed an "opium war " — altogether mis- named. The war arose out of the hostilities of Lin, comTuenctd lour months after his demands had been mot, and crmliuued for live months when he declared war. Ho seized the opium in March 18;j9 ; it was not till April 1841) that Lord Palmerston took action. 1224. You quote in your note something which Cap- tain Elliott faid to the olfect that the foreign smugglers wore becoming so desperate and lawloKS as tu force the (Jhincse (rovoriiment to take some strong action? — Where is that ? 1225. I read it mst now somewhere in your paper, quoting Caplain nSliott, I think? — Yes, sir, I have it. It is at page £ : " ':The manner of the rash course of " ' traflnc ' " (meaning the opium trade on the river., sir,, as I said, not the forced introduction of the article from abroad) '''within the river had probably con trilmted ''• ' most of all to impress on the Chinese Govei-nment '• ' the urgent necessity of suppressing the growing " ' audacity of the foreign smugglers, and pi'eventing " ' their associating themselves with the desperate and " ' lawless of their own city. It was the opium trade " ' within the Bocca Tigris, not the mere o-xistence of " 'the trade, which had exasperated the Pekin Govern- " ' ment.' " The fees which were levied on opium were very largo indeed. Opium was extremely valuable, and they mulcted it to an extraordinary extent in those days. The authorities used to charge it ad libitum. In 1837 (at page 5, second paragraph) the Chinese Government determined to legalise opium of their own accord. 1226. That was in what year? — 1837. Opium was legalised throughout the year 1837. 1227. What was Lord Palmerston's attitude in 1838 to 1840 with ree-ard to the prohibition of the opium trade ? — At the end of 1837 the Chinese Government again altered their policj-. They had been wavering for a long time between forbidding the import of opium and interdicting the export of the precious metals. They were actuated purely Ijy fiscal considerations, not by any moral sentiments. Opium further served as a handy weapon against the foreigner, whom they hated ; but, if you look at all the despatches, the real ])i;int is the interdiction of the export of silver. They would have continued to let opium in but for the drain of the Sycee silver. Captain Elliott informed Lord Palmerston that at last the Chinese Government had made up their minds to re-enact the prohibition against opium, and upon the receipt of that information Lord Palmerston on June 1-5, 1838, wrote : " Her " Majesty's Government cannot interfere for the " purpose of enabling British sulijects to violate the " laws of the country in which they trade. Any " loss, therefore, which such persons suffer in conse- " quence of the more effectual execution of the Chinese " laws on this subject must be borne by the parties who " have brought that loss on themselves by their own " acts." Upon this I say in my note : " This despatch, " standing alone, refutes the charge made that England " has forced opium on China. The moment Chinese '' prohibition is announced, instructions aro issned to " respect it." And those instructions wen' implicitly obeyed by Captain Elliott throughout. 1228. Then what was the reason that the Avar actually did break nut, if it was not upon the opium question ? — " The Special Commissioner, Lin " (I am reading from page 6 of my note), " arrived to carry out the change " of policy. Ignoring her Majesty's Minister, Lin " addresso(.l the foreign merchants at Canton direct, " requiring them to surrender ' every particle of opium '■ onboard their ' storeships.' " He laid hands upon Captain Elliott, who was Her Majesty's Minister, he barricaded the factories, took away all servants, and cut off provisions. That was on March 15th, 1839, and within 14 days Captain Elliott had surrendered all that wo had, and the transaction was closed. Lin violated his promise that when the opium was given up permits for sliips and subjects should be given. Captain Elliott gave up the opium on March 28th. On that date ho " sends Lin dolivoiy order for 20,28)5 chests of " opium, and asks to be set at liberty according to " promise. Liu replies same day, declining to accede " to his request." Captain Elliott was detained a prisoner for seven weeks. On April 6th Captain Elliott tells Lord Palmerston : "'The late frequent changes " ' of policy of the Government in relation to this " 'trade left it a matter of perfect doubt to the very " ' day before the Commissioner's first edict appeared, " ■ whetlici- the avowed purposes were to be depended " 'upon or not, or whether the object was merely " 'the extensive check of the trade by subjecting it " ' toheightened temporary inconvenience, and exacting " ' some considerable fees as the price of its future relax- " ' ation.' He mentions ' the great impulse it had so " ' lately received by the public preparations of the " ' Imperial Government to legalise it,* and adds : ' Up " ' to a, very late dati^, my Lord, no portion of this trade " ' to Cliina has so regularly paid its fees to the officers " ■ of this and the neighbouring provinces, high and low, " ' as that of opium ; and under all the circumstances I " ' am warranted in describing the late measures to be " ' those of public robbery, and of wanton violence on the MMiaMffiBSi: OB/ OCWHDBJfCEl '/. '* 'Quedn'sioffiGenB.aaid. aubjeOts.' 'Ui'viwu' ' The utmost " ' conceivable; encouragement, direct and indirect, ■" 'upon tbe one hand,, and sudden violent spoliation on " ' the other, ar^ the charaoterietics of the Chinese " ' measures concerning opium.' ,'\ , 1229. Well, I mean to say, what was the 'actual cause of war, if Lord Palmerston was determined not to support the opium business. Was it because the merchants were imprisoned, or was there anything else ? — No. The opium had been surrendered in March, and Captain Elliott had been released in May. On June 21ist, Captain Elliott addressed a letter of remonstrance to Lin for his breaches^ of faith, which Lin answered by organising a force to drive Captain Elliott out of the Portuguese settlement of Macao, whither he had retia?ed. Lin directed- Captain Elliott's expulsion, and a second time cut ofl ihis .supplies and withdrew 'his native servants. (In those days the Chinese officials had much more power over the natives than they have now, at all events in the place where Captain Elliott then was.) In the meantime Captain Elliott kept writing ' to Lin entreating him to enter into friendly relations with him, but Lin declined, and having threatened Macao at the head of 2,000 men, compelled Captain Elliott's retirement to Hong-Kong, whence he wrote, September 24-, to Lin, detailing elaborate recom- mendations for the prevention of the introduction of opium into China, and offering his assistance to effect that object. He says: " All opium has been delivered " up, all vessels engaged in the trade have be,en " required to depart. The flag of his couutry does not " fly in the protection of a trjjffic declared to be unlaw- " fnl by the great Emperor, "and therefore, whenever " Chinese officers desire to examine all or every " particular ship or vessel suspected to have opium on " board, Elliott will take care that they are accom- " panied by officers of his establishn;ient, and if after '' strict search any be found, assuredly Elliott ;will not " presume to offer the least objection, lihougb the " whole cargo be immediately seized and qonfiscated. " He will not oppose expulsion from the " country of offending merchants." He proposes " that no English firm shall in future be permitted to " transact business, or to reside in China, till Elliott " shall have forwarded to the high officers a plain " declaration signed by each member thereof, and " countersigned and sealed by officers of the English " nation, setting forth their solemn determination to " have no concern, direct or indirect, with the opium " traffic, neither to permit or knowingly sanction any " persons under their control to have any, and further, "their full knowledge of the new regulation" (you observe, it is "the new regu] ation ") " that they will " be forthwith expelled from the Empire if ib shall be " proved to the satisfaction of Chinese and English " officials that they have broken faith in the least " degree Every vessel ariving shall " make solemn declaration that she has no opium on " board, otherwise she shall not be permitted to " trade, &c." 1230. Then Lin, refused that, and declared all trade closed, did he not P — Yes ; that was in December. He ignored that proposition altogether. On October 9th, Captain Elliott again appeals to Lin that British sub- jects may be allowed to return to Macao ; in reply to which he issued orders to attack some of our ships. 1231. What was Lin's object in I'efusing Captain Elliott's overtures? — Hatred of the barbarian. 1232. He wanted to expel us altogether ? — He wanted to expel us altogether. The moment you prostrate yourself before a Chinese, his answer is the knif§. ,. It is no use whatever giving way to them ; you' must insist on an "equal and a' proper' footing with them, and the moment you depart from' that attitude they become aggressive and overbearing. 1233. I see that after th,is war of 1840-41, in the Treaty of JSTankin, opium was not mentioned?' — No, sir; there is no mention of it in, either of .our treaties of 1842-3 or tariff of l843. ' I should say that in reply to Lin's communication to British rnerohants, calhng upon them to deliver up the opium, they said : "If yon " do not wish to have it, we will pledge ourselves not " to bring' in any opiu,pi in future." That was on the 25th March 1839. 1234. 1839, just before the war?— Long before the w^r— 12 months. W^ar was not declared by us till April 1840. 123f'. I suppose one reason why the Ohinq^eiprf^fen-ed not to have opium mentioned in the treaty was that it was understood atnonig the- Chinese! people! that the war arose about opium P — No ; I think not at all. 1236. You think not ?-^Not at all. , They had broken faith with Sir Henry Pottinger in the first instance, and been guilty of great treachery. When he introduced the subject of opium the Chinese Commissioners pro- fessed their disinclination to enter upon the subject; they were perfectly indifferent to the importation of opium. That is proved by the fact that in the following year, 1844, they entered into a treaty' with the United States, G6vernHi'^lit, who fancying it would please them, added a clause making opium contraband. The Chinese never gave effect to the stipulation, though the Amerioans were as great importers of opium as we were. 1237. Does not the fact ■ that the Americans entered into that undertaking seem to show that" they thought 'it would be' gratifying to the Chinese? — Yes; the surmise was that if'W'ould be — it was intended as a Slap in the face for the English. 1238. Do you think that if the Chinese G-overnment had considered, at the Treaty of Nankin, that, they could safely, and without danger of getting into further quarrels, and possibly -war, with ourselves, hive prohibited the import of opium, they would not have done it P — No ; I think they were utterly indiffer- ent ; they did not care one jot about it. 1239. You think they cared about the loss of their " squeezes" and duties on the opium smuggled up the river, but they did not care about the prohibition of the import of opium ? — Yes. That Lord Palmerston was inspired by the most friendly intentions towards China is proved by the precise instructions he gave Lord Napier in 1834, as is confessed in this book, " The Middle Kingdom " (Yol. II., p. 470) : " You will " adopt no proceedings' but such as may have a general " tendency to convince the Chinese authorities of the " sincere desire of the King to cultivate the most " friendly relations with the jEmperor of China, and to " join with him in any measures likely to promote the " happiness and prosperity of their respective sub- " jects." If, therefore, the Canton authorities had met Lord Napier in a proper way, if they had ever spoken a word against opium, their representations would have received immediate attention, there is no doubt. During the whole time of my official connexion with China I never heard any Chinese official or otherwise complain of our action in regard to opium. Of course if jou go to a, Chinese — it takes a man seven or ten years to acquire the language sufficiently to be able to get at or near the mind of a Ohinese^if you say to him, "Opium is a " dreadful thing," he will say, " Oh, yes, opium is a " dreadful thing." But if you say to him, "Why, " you grew it years and years before we imported " it ; you have been growing it for 200 years," he " will, it is safe to say, answer , " Oh, it is all fudge " about opium being a dreadful thing; these people " like to ask us that question and get the answer " suited to their own views, and to please them we " give it." 1240. I think that is a common characteristic of all Oriental peoples ? — Yes, 'with all Orientals. It requires some skill to know what is really in their minds. 1241. I understand that after the war and after the Treaty of Nankin the trade in opium continued quite quietly down to the beginning of the next war, the time of the seizure of the " Arrow " ? — Yes, till the seizure of 'the " Arrow." But first there is a passage which I would like to read from, " The Middle Kingdom," which confirms what I have been saying. It is in Vol II., p, 500 : " No one was more desirous of putting " a stop to this destructive traffic than Captain Elliott, " but knowing the impossibility of checking it by laws " he naturally wished to see the many political and " commercial evils growing out of smuggling done " away. It was. indeed, much to be desired, that the " Chinese would take this course ; and it is very remark- " able that the- great reason why the Emperor and his " jidvisers did not '"do so was because it would be " detrimental to the people." The Chinese are thus avouched to have acted with open eyes and without constraint. The amount of fairness which this book deals out to usi is illustrated by its perverse animad- version upon Lord Palmerston who, the moment he heard that the Chinese Government wished to stop opium, issued positive instructions, which Captain Elliott carried out. L 2 Mr. U. N. Lay, C.B. 14 Sept. 1893. 84 INDIAN OPTDM COMMISSION : Mr. 1242. That is going back to the old war P— At page H. N. Lay, 502, Lord Palmerston's despatch of June 15th, 1838, is C'-B. iBStanced as "a most paradoxical hut convenient " position for this 'honourable' officer of the English H Sept. 1893. " Grovernment to assume!" An utterly pi-ejudiced ' comment, I submit. 124;!. Then what was the cause of the second war P — The cause of the second war was the question of the seizure of the " Arrow." It had no relatium to opium at all. One of tho man-of-war brigs had left a few days before. The " Arrow " carried the British flag, as she was entitled to do. After she had been lying there for eight days 1244. I do not think we need go into that ? — Very well, sir. She had nothing whatever to do with opium ; she was not an opium ship, nor was she carrying a pound of opium. No apology could be obtained from the Viceroy by our Consul, and the matter was put into the hands of the Admiral, Sir Michael Seymour. Hos- tilities then ensued, into the details of which I need not, perhaps, enter. 1245. Opium, then, was formally recognised in the tariff that was drawn up after that war ? — Tes. Lord Elgin went up to the north, and at Tientsin a treaty was concluded. The word opium was never mentioned at Tientsin upon our side or upon the Chinese side, although at that very time the American Minister was, as he told us afterwards, at Shanghai, offering the armed assistance of the United States to put down the traffic. The United States adopted that line, as they did a similar course when they made opium contraband by treaty in 1844, to curry favour with the Chinese. But what was the result ? The omission in the new treaty of the provision of the treaty of 1844 ! In our treaty, the 26th and 27th articles, it was agreed that the tariff should be revised, and that an officer of the Board of Revenue should be deputed on behalf of the Chinese Government to meet officers deputed on behalf of the British Government. The only remark I would make here is this : An officer of the Board of Revenue ! If our motive had been to force opium on China we should have dealt with the Imperial Commissioners themselves ; but this fact proves that we had no such intention — that all we cared for was to have someone (any oflBcial they pleased) sent down to Shanghai to consider the tariff with us. 1246. Lord Elgin's instructions, I suppose, were that you were not to raise the question of opium? — He never gave me any such instructions, and throughout the whole course of my connexion with the treaty negotiations opium was never mentioned. 1247. But in drawing up the tariff you must have thought of opium — such an article as opium could not have been altogether absent from your mind? — Tes, but that was five months after the conclusion of the treaty. The treaty was signed at Tientsin on June 26th, the tariff was considered at Shanghai five months later, when the forces were all withdrawn. 1248. Yes, quite so ; what I meant was that with regard to the tariff it would have been impossible to have overlooked the subject of opium at Shanghai ? — Yes. The 27th article of our treaty reads.- "it is " agreed that either of the high contracting parties " to this treaty may demand a further revision of the " tariff, and of the commercial ai'ticles of this treaty, " at the end of 10 years; but if no demand be made " on either side within six months after the end " of the first ten years then the tariff' shall remain " in force for ten years more, reckoned from the end " of the preceding ten years ; and so it shall be at the " end of each successive ten years." Now, the point of that is that our treaty having been made in 1858, the Chinese were entitled to revision of the tariff in 1868, 1878, and 1888. Why did they not ask for it P 1249. Well, I see you say they did not raise any question about opium, but I thiok I have seen some- where that at an interview with Sir Rutherford Aloock that question was brought forward, and that rather a moving appeal, as he said, was made by the Chinese Commissioners on the subject of omitting opium from the tariff schedule, to prohibit altogether its import ? — They made no appeal whatever in 1858. In 1868 they sent Mr. Burlingame (the United States Minister at Pekin) home to this country as the chosen exponent of their views and sentiments, and he never mentioned opium at all. In the following year we find Sir Rutherford Alcock puggesting, I suppose, to the Chinese Miuisterw to address him on the subject, tho result of which was that he undertook, I Ijclieve, a self-imposed misiiion to the Grovemment of India on the subject. That was in July 1869 ; they wrote a letter to Sir Rutherford Alcock, in which they say 1250. (Mr. Pease.) Who are "they" who write?— The Chinese Ministers — the members of the Foreign Board, Prince Kung and others. There are a number of them. ' ' The writers hope that his Excellency will " memorialise his Government to give orders in India " and elsewhere to substitute the cultivation of cereals " or cotton. Day and night, therefore, the writers " give to this matter most earnest thought, and over- " powering is the distress and anxiety it occasions " them." But the distress and anxiety notwithstanding, within three months they sign a Convention (which I hand in) with Sir Rutherford Alcock, under which they obtain an increase of the tariff duty on opium equal to 60 per cent., showing the reality of the Chinese objections. 1251. (Sir J. Lyall.) Well, but from Sir Rutherford Alcock's account I understand that the British Com- missioners as it were received this in a way which showed that they did not at all like the proposal P — Which Commissioners ? 1252. The Englishmen who were meeting the Chinese Commissioners. When this proposal was put forward by the Chinese Commissioners they were silent, and showed that they did not like it P — There could have been no reality on the cart of the Chinese in penning such a letter, when three months afterwards the duty was increased 66 per cent. 1253. It shows that they were not very earnest, but it shows that if they could not get one thing they would take the other, does it not ? — It was all fustian, their objection was manufactured to meet a supposed invitation for it. The treaty concluded with the United States, 11 years before this date, attests inoon- trovertibly the real views of the Chinese Government. The United States Minister offered armed assistance to stop the import of opium. What was the Chinese reply ? To deliberately omit from the Treaty of 1858 the provi- sion of the Treaty of 1844, which had declared opium contraband. 1254. Another thing a good many witnesses who have appeared before us have said is that at that very time the Chinese Commissioners hinted broadly that if that was not done (that is, if the British Government did not join with them in putting down the Indian opium,) the Chinese Government would be driven to a policy of withdrawing all the restrictions from the growth of the poppy and the manufacture of opium in China, in order to kill out the import there and then and deal with the other trade with a free hand. Do you think that that is correct ? — ^No, I think that is an utterly untrue assertion. There is no evidence whatever to support it. In 1864 (that is eight years after the treaty of 1858) we have the Inspector-General, my successor, ad- dressing the Commissioners at the several ports and asking them as to the growth of the native dru". 1255. Which year is that P— 1864, five years before the date under consideration. It was grown, you will find from the return made to him in that year, in every one of the provinces. In my note I say it was grown, in 1858, in 16 out of the 18 provinces. That was duo to no interposition on our part ; we had no voice in the matter at all. I will lay that return before the Com- mission if you please. I should like, were I to be allowed, to comment on one of the documents in the " Friend of China." I think it is a good sample of the sort of evidence presented by them. 1256. Whom do you mean by " they " p— The Anti- Opium Society. They have continually assailed us ; they have been reckless in their mis-statements with regard to our action on the opium question. There were no men of higher character than Sir Henry Pottinger or Mr. John Robert Morrison. Then there was Lord Elgin, and as to the subordinates under him, not one had any wish whatever to support opium ; and the anti-opiumists have no right to use language like the following, which I offer as an illustration of the kind of statements they make : " The foulest stain upon our "^ Imperial history is the way in which, at the point of the bayonet and at the mouth of the cannon, we have forced the Indian poison upon the unhappy Chinese. No words are strong enough to describe the cowardice " and diabolical cruelty of our wars with China." This language is as disgracefully unjust as it is utterly false. 1257. (Mr. Pease.) Where is that statement made, may I ask P--It is in the " Methodist Times," written. MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 85 I suppose, by Mr. Hugh Price Hughes, who seems to have taken up the championship of the anti-opiumists for the last four or five years. 1258. {Sir J. Lyall.) Is there anything more you ■wish to say as to the history of opium in China p We have now brought it down to the attempt to revise the treaty in 1868 ? — I may observe that when Mr. Burlin- game came to England in 1868, it is a very singular thing that, if the Chinese had felt this strong pressure alleged to have been exercised by us in the matter of opium, they did not charge Mr. Burlingame to complain to Lord Clarendon. Mr. Burlingame was silent on the subject. He negotiated a treaty with the United States, the articles of which I lay on the table, but in that treaty there is no allusion to opium. 1259. What did Mr. Burlingame come here forp — As Chinese Minister, to represent Chinese views, and to announce that " China finds that she must come into " relations with this civilisation that is pressing up " around her ; feeling that she does not wait, but comes " out to you, and extends her hand." 1260. The object was to fulfil the conditions of the Treaty of Tientsin, was it not p — Yes ; they appealed to Lord Clarendon to give them time ; but that was mere pretence. Why did not Mr. Burlingame think of opium ? There is a pile of evidence to prove that we never at any time forced opium, or used the slightest pressure whatsoever with respect to it ; and I should like to be cross-examined so that I might bring out the evidence I am able to produce. 1261. (Chairman.) I think your general statement will be sufficient. Under the Order of Reference under which the Commission is constituted we are not called upon to pronounce a judgment upon the matters which have teen in issue between you and the writers to whom you have been referring ; and it will be sufficient for our purpose to hear what you have said in general terms. I do not think we should go into any greater detail ? — Quite so, my Lord ; but is it not of the highest importance to our national credit that we should be delivered from the stigma unjustly fixed upon us P 1262. Ton have had the opportunity of tracing the history of these questions in the statements that you have been making to Sir James Lyall, and we accept what you have said as a statement of your views of the real course of policy which has been pursued P — There is one omission which I should like to supply. The Le Hungchang states, in answer to the Anti-Opium Society, " China views the whole question from a moral stand- " point ; England from a fiscal " (which is a downright misrepresentation). " The ruling motive with China is " to repress opium by heavy taxation everywhere ; " whereas with England the manifest object is to make " opium cheaper, and thus increase and stimulate the " demand in China." They have encouraged our opium, and we, by allowing the Chinese to overtax it, have stimulated the growth of the native article enormously in every province. I think that the most short-sighted policy that ever was pursued on our part. In the Agreement of 1876 they ask Sir Thomas Wade to move his Government to agree to an arrange- ment the efiect of which was to increase enormously the charges on Indian opium, and yet in the face of this affirm that they act from a moral standpoint while we act from a fiscal standpoint, whereas it is from a fiscal point of view alone that the Chinese G-overnment have treated the article from first to last, as the evidence is cumulative. 1263. That is all the evidence you have to give P — That is all the evidence I am permitted to give. There is one matter I should like to produce, and that is the evidence of Mr. Selby, a missionary, who writes in the "Methodist Times" of the 8th June last. "He is " hopeful that if the Indian growth was forthwith " suppressed, China would be glad to carry out her " own proposal." Where is her proposal? Has she ever addressed a proper proposal to our Government P 1264. {Sir J. Lyall.) You mean a proper form of proposal P — Yes ; to join in putting a stop to it. 1266. May I aek what you think would be the result if we made a proposal now to China ? — It has come 200 years too late. 1266. As a man of great knowledge and experience of Chinese officials, what do you think would be the result P — Nil. They would do nothing. It is grown in every province, and they would do nothing. 1267. But supposing we ofiered to prohibit the im- port of opium P — They have declared they would not entertain it. You will see what they said in answer to Sir Thomas Wade (p. 16 of my note) : " Meantime, in " 1881, Sir Thomas Wade made a special application " to the members of the Chinese G-overnment for a " declaration of oheir policy in regard to opium. The " Minister addressed, Sir Thomas Wade states, re- " plied ' that the question was not an easy one to " ' answer; he did not think that the central Govern- " ' ment had gone so far as to formulate a policy at " ' all." This so recently as 1881, after all the talk of " their having been forced to take our opium ! ' Speak- " ' ing from a general point of view, however, he might " 'say that if the habit of opium smoking could be " ' universally and at once abolished, the Chinese " ' Government would be ready and willing to sacrifice " ' the revenue that was at present derived from opium. " ' All sensible men were nevertheless agreed that this " ' was an impossibility. The habit of opium smoking " ' was beyond the reach of prohibition, and the idea " ' was how to turn it to account ; the only way in " ' which it could be turned to account was by making " ' it a source of revenue, and the revenue thus derived " ' was indispensable. There were, moreover, so many " ' other matters that needed reform before the opium " ■ question was taken in hand, that it might safely " ' be said that the abolition of opium had not entered " ' the minds of those entrusted with the Government " ' of the Empire.' Sir Thomas Wade then put the " question 'whether a gradual diminution of opium " ' import from India, until the trade was abolished " ' altogether, would meet with the approval of the " ' Chinese Government.' The Minister addressed, who " again protested that the question was a difficult one " to answer, replied that in his opinion ' such a jjlan " ' would be useless ; as long as the habit existed, opium " • would be procured somehow, and if it did not come " ' from India it would be procured elsewhere.' " 1268. It is rather inconsistent with your view, is it not, that certain leading Chinese officials have appeared who have taken very strong measures indeed to stop the growth of opium P — I am not aware that they have. 1269. Did not that man who reconquered Kashgar take such measures P It has been stated so in evidence to us P — It may be so, just locally ; but as a Govern- ment they have never done anything of the sort. I was in the most intimate relations with the Chinese Government, and if they had said to us, " Can you not " help us in the matter of opium ? " I should have told Lord Elgin, who would doubtless have made an attempt to meet their wishes ; but they never mentioned it at all. This gentleman (Mr. Selby) adds correctly : " The " grounds for that hope " (the hope that China would suppress the poppy in her own territories) " are not " satisfactory, for the Emperor has given his sanction " to the cultivation of the poppy." 1270. (Mr. Pease.) You, no doubt, are acquainted with this Yellow Book of 1889: "Opium: Historical " Note, or The Poppy in China " ? — I do not know, I am sure, whether I have seen it or not. 1271. There is a statement in it that the first prov hibition was in 1729, and that moral grounds were assigned for the prohibition P — (On heing shown the pamphlet) I have not seen it. 1272. This Yellow Book says, at page 36, "In the " year A.D. 1729 an edict was issued on opium smoking, " prohibiting the sale of opium." This is Dr. Edkins' Yellow Book, published at Shanghai in 1889 P— Well, it is contradicted by this statement, in page 4 of my book, copied from the Blue Book: "In the reigns of Yung " Ching and K'ienlung (1722 to 1736) it was included " in the tarifl' of maritime duties, under the head of " medicinal drugs, and there was then no regulation " against purchasing or inhaling it." 1273. It is also staled in an article by Dr. Legge, in the " Pall Mall Gazette " of August 16th, 1893, that the importation of the article was stopped in 1764. He says, " We find the following case in Auber's " 'China,' pp. 176, 177) : His Majesty's ship "Argo" " arrived in the Canton Waters in 1764 with treasure, " and it was suspected with opium also. In con- " sequence of the disputes which arose between the " mandarins and the captain the trade was stopped for " four months. With reference to this collision the " Court wrote for information. ' They had been in- " ' formed that opium had been shipped on her, and " ' other private trade, and desired a full account to " ' be sent home of the matter, as opium was pro- " ' hibited, and the importation n^ight be most detri- L 3 Mr. H. N. Lay, C.B. 14 Sept. 189». 86 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : " ' mental to tho company's interests ' seen that article. - -^ " ? — I have never Mi. H-.-N.-Lay, C.B. 1274. In 1782, Mr. Fits; Hugh, a merchant of Canton, ■ ■wrote remonstrating against the Bast India Company 14 Sept. 1893. engaging in tlie smuggling trade? — No, I have not seen the letter. 1275. You have stated that various incorrect charges have been made against you by the Anti-Opium Society, and you gave one instance, which proved to be a statement not made by them at all. I do not know whether you have any others P — They have declared that we have engaged in two cruel and unjust wars in order to force opium upon the Chinese. Both secre- taries of the Anti-Opium Society have stated that in the press, and Mr. Storrs Turner stated that in 1880 we were then engaged in forcing opium oi. China. As I was responsible under Lord Elgin for the insertion of opium in our tariff, with the voluntary assent, I may add, of the Chinese Minister, I consider that it is gross defa- mation of the characters of officials to advance charges so untrue. 1276. Well, we have statements made by the Chinese authorities, but those, you say, were fustian ? — I did not say the documents you have just referred to were fustian. 1277. No, but the statements made by the Chinese authorities ? — -The pretence that we have forced opium on the Chinese is fustian, and they are only making those statements for the purpose of damaging the English. There is no solidity or substance in their complaints, and that can be proved to the hilt. 1278. The matter arises as to the credibility of state- ments made by different persons, and the respective value of their opinions p — No, it is a question of historic evidence entirely, and my opinion, or that of anyone else, is a matter of no moment whatever. It is the historic facts from which the}' canuot escape, and they must order their utterances now in accordance with those facts, which we can prove. 1279. Then there has been another suggestion made, that the Chinese Government are rather afraid to open this question, because they think that the Indian Government will not be prepared to relinquish so im- portant a source of revenue, and that therefore, if they enter into negotiations with the idea of giving up that source of revenue they would do so with the idea of getting that recouped in some other way, which the Chinese Government would object to still more. Do you think that that is the cuseP — No, sir, I do not. They bad an excellent opportunity of dealing with the question at Tientsin, when the American Minister made his offer of assistance. Dr. Williams, the author of the " Middle Kingdom," who was stubbornly anti-English and pro-Ohinese in his views, was present as Chinese The witness Secretary to Mr. Reed, who concluded a separate Con- vention with the Chinese formally legalising opium,, and said it had received their willing assent. Why did they not impart to their friends then that they were opposed to opiun ? — Why, Mr. Boed would have come to us at once. Mr. Beed was bitterly opposed to us under the influence of false impressions, and he kept us at arms' length at Tientsin ; but when, he came tp Shanghai he became most friendly. He came to under- stand us and the Chinese better. There are m.any of our friends the missionaries who do not understand the Chinese in the least, and they go upon all sorts of rubbishy evidence which men who knoiy the facts laugh at. 1280. (Sir W.Boberts.) I was only thinking of asking you if you have observed what are the effects of opium smoking on the Chinese, with regard to their morals and health ? — Well, I think most extravagant charges are made as to that. In my first introduction to Hong- Kong I was a pupil of Dr. Gutzlaff's, who had a number of men who wished to be Christians. I should think about 250 to 300 of them, and from them my "teachers," as they were called, were taken. They were all opium smokers, with rare exceptions, and they did not appear to suffer at all from it when taken in moderation. I had other teachers later on ; they suffered when they smoked to excess — certainly it makes a man suffer when immoderately indulged in ; a powerful narcotic, taken in excess, must have a weakening effect on the system, I should say. 1281. Generally speaking, do the Chinese use opium smoking in what I may call persistent moderation? — Yes, a good many do. There is no finer race, in physique, than the Chinese. They are beating, as the Americans and Australians have found, the white people altogether. In the mid-provinces and the southern provinces there is a great deal of malaria. There a man's food consists entirely of a vegetable diet, and the ground is manured by human ordure, the odour from which is terribly offensive. The people live not in the hill country but in the low country. There is a large boat population too whose lives are spent over bilge water ; but for opium as a febrifuge, they could not live. I never heard from any officials or others who smoked opium that they suffered evil effects from the habit. 1282. (Chairman.) Now, to sum it up in a sentence, I suppose you would wish it to be considered that the general purport of your evidence may be taken to be this : that in all the negotiations with which you were concerned in China, and the wars which occurred during your residence in China, it was not the object of the British Government to force the Chinese authorities against their wiU. to receive importations of opium from India P — Quite so : emphatically so. withdrew. Adjourned till to-morrow at 11 o'clock. At the House of Lords, Westminster. FIFTH DAY. Friday, 15th September 1893, Sir T.F. Wade, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. lo Sfept. 1«93. Peesent : The Right Hongitrabm LORD BEASSEY, K.C.B., (Chaibman, peesiding). Sir James U. Lyall, G.C.I.B. Sir William Roberts, M.D. Mr. R. G. 0. MowBEAY, M.P. Mr. Aeihtje Pease. Mr. H. J. Wilson, M.P. Sir Charles E. Beenaed, K.C.S.I., Acting Secretary. Sir Thomas E. Wabe, G.O.M.G., K.C.B 1283. (Ohawman.) Sir Thomas Wade, it is a matter of common knowledge that you have spent many years in China ? — d'O years. , 1281. Ard during the latter portion of your service yon were British iVtinister at Pekin p — Yes. called in and examined. 1285. You are doubtless aware that this Commission was appointed primarily to consider the opium ques- tion as it affects India, but we have been allowed to exercise our discretion with reference to the question as it affects China, and wo have thought it our duty MINUTES OF EVIDENCli. NT to receive some evidence from those who are chiefly interested in > the opium question as it affects China. I may say that much has been urged. before us by the witnesses who have appeared before us from China, which goes to show that the excessive use of opium is a widely extending vice in China, and is doing great injury to the population. I do not Imow that I can convey to you better what has been put before us by the witnesses to whom T refer than by reading to you a passage from the memorial recently addressed by the Anti-Opium Association to the Earl of Kimberley. In. that memorial the following passage occurs, "In " China, the results to be anticipated from the stoppage '' of the export trade in opium from Calcutta and "Bombay are thus stated in a letter received by us, about a year ago, from one of the most competent "^ aud experienced observers, the Eev. Griffith John, " D.D,, of the London Missionary Society, who has " been for upwards of 35 years a missionary in the " great commercial centre of Hankow." Mr. John writes " Let China see that we are capable of saorifioing " millions of pounds annually for her good, and that " of our own free will, in obedience to the dictates of conscience, and from a sense of humanity, and she " will not be alow to acknowledge the worth and " dignity of the act. Nay more she may begin to " glorify God in us. Our intercourse with the people will become more friendly. Commerce will extend " and develope, one of the greatest obstacles to the " progress of Christ's kingdom in the land would be " removed." Then he proceeds to ask^ "Have the " Chinese the ability to put down the vice,'' and then he urges, " As long as the Indian trade in opium " exists, the hands of the Chinese Government are " tied, and paralysed. They can simply do nothing, " but allow things to go on from bad to worse. Their " best efforts, however sincere and energetic, would " prove abortive. If the Indian trade in the drug " were abandoned, the Chinese would, I firmly believe, " make an honest effort to stop the native growth, and " the event would eventuate at once in a diminution " of the evil. It might eventuate ultimately in its " complete suppression. But whether the Chinese " Government can put down the native growth or not, " our path as a Christian nation is. plain enough. It " is for us to wash our hands clean of the iniquity." I have read that passage to you. Sir Thomas Wade, that you may have a general impression of the testi- mony which has been put before us by those who have appeared as missionaries in China and of the arguments by. which their recommendations have been supported. Having heard so much on this subject, we felt that we should not be discharging our duty if we did not geek the counsel and information which we know you are so competent to give us. Can you give us a general view as to the history of the introduction of opium smoking in China, and can you give us what yon know of the antiquity of the use of opium, and generally speak to us on that aspect of the question p — I should like to premise that I find myself in a very disagreeable position in relation to this question. No man who has lived the time that I have in China, and who has been in contact with Chinese of all kinds, can deny that the excessive use of opium in that country is an exceeding misfortune to that country, and I myself have stated that proposition, perhaps more positively years ago than I should be prepared to do at this moment. That is to say, that without at all pretending to abate the statement that many people, — many thousands of people — do suffer from the excessive use of opium, it is to a great number of people precisel}' what the use of alcoholic stimulanis to people in our country, taken moderately, is; that is to say, that it will cheer the workman just as our workman is cheered by his glass of beer. You will find people who are engaged in the most intellectual employments, and people who are engaged in the very commonest employments, using opium with impunity, aud using it for years with im- punity ; and the difiiculty I refer to is this — that with- out being at all a dreamer, I hope being really disposed to do all that in me lies, and to see my countrymen do all that in them may lie, to abate what evil there is, the treatment of the question by the Anti-Opium Associa- tion engages me on the other side. I think there are various contentions of the anti-opium people to be combated. And first, as regards the question which your Lordship has just put to me, that is most completely answered by the work of a most respected missionary. Dr. Edkins, who by desire of Sir B,obert Hart, of whose literary staff he is a member, prepared a historical review of the subject by collecting a number of extracts from the greater histories of China and from lesser , works. From. this, to make short work of it, it will be seen that the introduction of opium is not, as the anti- opiumists, — several of them, — I have heard, frequently contend it is, to be set down to our charge, but to the charge of Asiatic neighbours and Asiatic mei'chants. Without assuming with Dr. Edkins that they were directly beholden to the Arab and the Persian, it is incontestible that they became acquainted with the poppy — as a medicine — very early in their history ; as much as, say, ten centuries ago ; and as for the practice of smoking it, according to Dr. Edkins's data, this was very possibly introduced from Manilla via, Formosa ; and that, at a comparatively recently date, I will not say before our trade commenced, for I should be afraid to assign a precise date to the commencement of that trade, but certainly before our trade had at all de- veloped itself. From early in the last century, they were beholden to their own production of opium even for a supply, which they in the opinion of the Govern- ment, or of certain Government officials, so abused as to call forth interdicts on the part of the Government, or those officials. All that you will find iu Dr. Edkins's statements. But as regards the introduction of opium, we have a further corroboration of my statement that it was not introduced first by us from a source which is certainly unassailable, the testimony of the Grand Secretary Tso Tsung-tang, the Chinese official who was credited with the reconquest of the far west dominion in China, that is to say who reocoupied that country, after Yakub Khan had been poisoned. He was in the first place a furious anti-opiumist himself; he took the credit of having suppressed all poppy cultivation in the west of China ; a sheer fiction ; he was a furious hater of English and French, though ho patronised some other foreigners in his employ. He told my German colleague, in 1881, that it was brought in by the Portuguese towards the close of the Ming dynasty ; that is before the middle of the 17th century. The Ming dynasty expired in 1644. As regai'ds our own connexion with the supply at all, I will not trouble you with a reference to the statistical tiibles which all those interested in it would find easy of access ; but at the time that we began to send anything like thousands of chests from India, we were even then supplying so small an amount that it could not have supplied one per cent, of the population with opium if they had been all opium smokers ; and further on , later, whilst I was in China, I read in a pnblis lied. .paper by a, mis- sionary — I do not mi-'ntion his name, because I am not perfectly sure that it was he — that the then — it must he between 30 and 40 years ago — that the then supply would not be sufficient for 2 per cent. of the whole Chinese population, whom we are reported to have been poisoning for all these j-ears. Now the use of opium to the disadvantage of the popu- lation from their own supplies was noted long before our opium troubles began. You will find in the State Papers forwarded hj Captain Elliot, magistrates com- plaining that it is in use, and one censor declaring, that it was then grown in four or five provinces. (See Blue Book 1840. Correspondence relating to China, p. 171.) I had not in my early days studied these Blue Books, as I have since, and without any knowledge of what any Ohineee official authority had said to the above effect, I set to work myself, in 1847, when I was study- ing at Canton, to acquire information on the subject. I was aided by a young Chinaman of a most respectable family, who was much connected with trade, — no opium smoker himself, indeed a strict Roman Catholic — he obtained for me information from various mercantile friends of his, which showed that the poppy was being cultivated in no less than 10 provinces of China. Now remember that was in 1847. Our war with China, our first war, came to an end iu 1842. For many years before that time we had had no access, except during the troubles contraband access, we had had no access as a trading people to any port in the empire but Canton. Now one of the quotations I had heard, and that so far back as 1842 or 1843 , was a quotation of the extent and value of the opium — I mean its value as a drug, not its pecuniary value, its power, — one of the quotations was from the far north-west of China, certainly 3,000 miles from Canton, where the opium was quoted as being very nearly as good as Indian opium, very nearly as powerful. But the fact that it was then cultivated in 10 provinces is certainly worth remembering, the more so that my friend gave me — I have the paper here which I compiled from his data — L 4 Sir T. F. Wade, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 15 Sept. 1893. 88 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Sir T.F. Wade, G.CM.G., K.C.B. 15 Sept. 1893. my friend gave me all tho data for its preparation and its value in the market. 1286. Perhaps you would like to put that document in ? — With great pleasure.* (Memorandum was handed to Chairman.) Farther, and as Captain Elliot observed, so far back as 1837 (See Blue Book 1H40, p 154. Captain Elliot to Viscount Palmerston, 2 February 1837. See also on true position of opinm trade, pp. 137-138.) it was as regularly taxed in certain localities as any other import, which was brought in, in the regular native trade ; and without then having seen Captain Elliot's observation above quoted, I made precisely the same remark to Lord Elgm when he first con- templated approaching the question. I think that as far as relates to our connexion with the intro- duction of opium you will consider that I have said enough, and as regards the native supply I do not think it would be necessary for me to add more. As regards the nature and the extent of its efl'ects upon smokers, I also said sufficient perhaps in my pre- liminary remarks. I have known people of every degree, I may say, using it with impunity. I have seen most deplorable victims of it in every degree just as I have in my own country of the use of alcohol. I have seen for instance, in the Army, brother cflBcers driven from the Service by the use of drink ; and I have seen tho unhappy private brought to punishment by the same caase. I have been into an opinm den and I have been, on rare occasions, into a gin.palace, and the spectacles of the two are singularly alike. I do not say that the one is to excuse the other. I do not say that our having such a vice as general drinking, and the deplorable scenes that one has witnessed in the gin- palace, are in any way to excuse the other thing ; but, in my opinion, experience of that sort should bar gentlemen from turning upon their own countrymen to denounce this or that particular practice, or this or that particular prosecution of a particular trade as if it was a thing exceptional and so frightful a sin that we are bound at once to make the kind of expiation for it that we did, say, for the negro traffic. And I am bound to add this, that when I find statements and argu- ments on the part of the anti-opiumist people, orally sometimes, sometimes in the little periodical which they publish, neither more nor less than what I must characterise as exaggerated, and when I find them putting in doubt the truth of men like myself, or other people giving testimony, I ara compelled to think that a cause that requires any such propping up cannot have under it so secure a basis as these gentlemen are disposed to imagine. 1287. You have given us a very interesting sketch of this question in relation to the antiquity of the user of opium in China, and you have given us your general view as to the nature and the extent of the eff'eot of opium smoking upon those who have indulged them- selves in that habit. Does that exhaust what you wish to say in your evidence-in-ohief on that subject P — I think so. 1288. Well, then, Sir Thomas, yon have had, as we all know, a very intimate connexion with the negotia- tions which were carried on for many years between our Government and the Chinese Government with reference to this and other matters, and you were serving in China for many years at a time when our relations with China were far less friendly than they are at present ; and, therefore, you are in a good position to tell us how far our wars with China were connected with the opium question. We shall be glad to hear your view, on that point P — Well, it is a point which I naturally could not pass by, for I know no point upon which what I am compelled to consider exaggeration on the part of the anti-opiumist pleaders is more conspicuous. You will bear, — at least I have heard more than once on public occasions, — gentlemen talking of the first opium war, and the second opium war, and then the third opium war. The first war, unhappily, will always inevitably be described as the opium war, for the seizure of the opium by Commis- sioner Lin was an act which led to the disappearance from Canton of our then representative, the super- intendent of trade, Captain Elliot, and of the English community, In their absence from Canton there was a collision out in the outer waters, — a collision, perhaps, in itself insignificant ; for I fancy it was a drunken brawl of sailors — in which a Chinese was killed ; and you had following upon that the persistence of the High Commissioner Lin in a demand for A. or B.— it did not matter which, — of six people, who were supposed to • See Arpendii VI, for this Memorandum. have been present, who were indeed found to have been present on this occasion, but to not one of whom was the homicide traceable. The upshot of that certainly was a declaration of hostilities, and the result of it, — seeing that the Chinese negotiators who treated with us came forward and went backward and re- treated more than once from agreements which were supposed to have been concluded, — was that the war was prolonged, you may say, up to its termination in August, 1842, when the Treaty was signed at Nan- king. But I consider, — reading the whole of the history of our relations, say from the middle of the last century, but at all events for t)je period immediately preceding this which is known as the opium war, — I consider that those wars were directly traceable to the insolence and injustice of the Chinese in their, — I was going to say, relations with us, but I should more cor- rectly say in their determination to ignore relations with us altogether. I am sorry to have to go so far into historical detail ; but it must be remembered that when our Government had made up its mind to abolisb the East Indian monopoly, in 1834, the Chinese were given to understand in 1831 that it was about to be abolished ; and that thereupon there came from the Chinese chief authority at Canton a, communication on that subject. In those days he issued edicts. His only relation with the East India Company's officials was as if they were below his servants. He issued an edict to the effect that if the British Government was going to undo the East India Company's establishment it must send some- one to control British subjects who might be in China. That "someone'' was sent in the person of Lord Napier, in 1834, but the local government declined to have anything to do with him — declined to recognise him as a public servant ; went out of its way, in the petty Chinese fashion, (which is even yet not impos- sible, I am sorry to say) to belittle him by using offensive characters for his name, and in other ways to insult him. Lord Napier, — read his despatches to Lord Palmerston, — Lord Napier was ready at once to proceed to hostilities. If he had had a force he would have proceeded to hostilities. For what purpose P Not in the interests of the opium trade, — not in the interests of trade at all, — but in order to put relations on a footing which would be tolerable. He had no force to support him. He was, you may say, fairly driven out of Canton, and dying sick and broken-hearted, he was replaced, first of all by Sir John Davis, whose name must be known to everybody interested in China, and later on by Sir Charles Elliot, who for three or four years certainly strove hard if ever a man strove hard to avoid war ; to avoid a quarrel. You will find through- out that period that whenever the question of opium crops up, — -his word, if anything, is against it. Sir Charles Elliot, it should be remembered, was simply a species of chief magistrate, — for we had our experience to acquire, — he was chief magistrate for the Port of Canton ; and to the best of his ability he did endeavour to keep down all irregularities in that port. Powers to go beyond, or force to go beyond, he certainly had not j but he strove to repress irregularities within his juris- diction. He condescended, — for it was a condescension and nothing else, — he condescended to accept a con- tinuance of correspondence with the chief authority in Canton, which placed him in the same position as that in which the East India Company's servants had formerly been placed. You will find that his chief, Lord Palmerston, — reputed a most belligerent Foreign Minister, — not only reprobates the trade in opium ; he not only reminds Sir Charles Elliot that those who engage in it are accepting entirely their own risk ; but you will even find later on that when, amongst other insults which they were then in the habit of heaping upon the community, the Chinese had brought down an opium smoker and strangled him in front of the British factories as a simple insult to that community, Lord Palmerstoa does not recognise it as an insult. He wishes to be "informed whether the foreigners to whom yon allude in your despatch as having resisted " the intention of the Chinese authorities to put a " criminal to death in the immediate front of the " factories were British subjects only, or the subjects and citizens of other countries also. I also wish to know upon what alleged ground of right these " persons considered themselves entitled to interfere " with the arrangements made by the Chinese officers of justice for carrying into effect in a Chinese town " the orders of the superior authorities." (See Viscount Palmerston to Captain Elliot, 15 April 1839. Blue Book 1840, p. 325. But see also p. 193* his Lordship's Despatch 20 September 1837 and of p. 258 Despatch of 15 June 1838.) You will by-and-bye find, my Lord, MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 89 Lord PaJmerston holding very diffevent language. And why ? Because it was borne in upon him that the relations of the British representative with the Chinese authority were simply intolerable. But now that hosti- lities, one may say that war, had really begun, what was the announcement from the Throne in 1810 ? What was the scope of our expedition as defined by Lord John Russell? "It was to obtain reparation for " the insults and injuries offered to Her Majesty's " superintendent and Her Majesty's subjects by the " Chinese Government ; and in the second place, it " was to obtain for the merchants trading in China an " indemnification for the loss of their property incurred ' " by threats of violence offered by persons under the " direction of the Chinese Government; and in. the " last place it was to obtain a certain security that " persons and property in future trade with China shall " be protected from insult and injury, and that their " trade and commerce be maintained upon a proper " footing." You must remember that when Captain Elliot was compelled, in order to save the lives and to secure the persons of the British community at Canton, to surrender the opium, he protested throughout against the violence that was employed and the general treatment of the community. I contend that the war even of 1839, — the misunder- standing which led up to it, — would never have occurred had there been relations, even suck relations as Bir Henry Pottinger subsequently obtained. Wo had no access whatever of an official character to the Chinese authorities at Canton. The only channel was tVio association of the Hong monopolists, many of them hostile to us, many of them our bankrupt debtors, h-iving an eye to securing the monopoly of their trade, but also having an eye to that which was so dear to the Chinese mind as then informed, — having an eye to the fact that the barbarian was a barbarian and that he must be kept under control. I say that it was owing entirely to that disposition that the first war came about. There were no means of negociation or adjust- ment. What was more, as Captain Elliot, (with the sincercst desire to prevent all irregularities,) complains in one of his letters to Lord Palmerston, it was vain to call it smuggling opium. And why? Because all the olficials were engaged in it. Now, remember, that there is a wide difference between that position, whether of a trading community or of its official chief, and the position of people who are endeavouring to force a trade into a country vi et armis, as it has been alleged we did ill the first war, and have been doing ever since. As I said before, the seizure of the opium is the salient in- cident of that war. But it is by no means the whole war, it is but an incident of it, and in support of that I quote a gentleman not likely unduly to favour England. In the year 18il, John Quincey Adams, a sufficiently well-known name, a distinguished member of a distinguished political family in America 1289. What volume are you quoting from. Sir Thomas ? — This is a missionary publication, the '• Chinese Eepository," which ran for 20 years in Canton, and was, at the time I speak of, edited by Dr. Elijah Bridgman, an excellent American mis- sionary, who gives Mr. Adams's lecture in extenso. I shall read a short extract. There are also some notes of his, the editor's own, which I wish to read. He printed Mr. Adams's lecture in 1842, but it was delivered before the Historical Society at Massachusetts December 1841. It is hardly necessary to quote than a short passage of it. After tracing his- torically what had occnrred up the year 1841, he says : " And here I might pause ; — Do 1 hear you inqtiire " what is all this to the opium question cr the taking " of Canton? These I answer are but incideuts in " that movement of mind on this globe of earth of " which the war between Great Britain and China is ■' now the leading star. . . . The justice of the ■' cause between the two parties — which has the " righteous cause ? You have perhaps been surprised " to hear me answer Britain — Britain has the righteous ■' cause. But to prove it I have been obliged to show •' that the opium question is not the cause of the war. " My demonstration is not yet complete. The cause " of the war is the kotow !" I do not mean to say that anybody was asked to kotow ; pray let me impress that upon gentlemen who are very exacting of verbal accuracy ; but that the cause of the war was the kotow, -'tho arrogant and insupporia' ly pretensions '• of China that she will hold commercial intercourss '•' with the rest of monkind, not upon terms of equal " reciprocity, but upon the insulting and degrading " forms of the relation between lord and vassal." (' sOflTO. .Sir l.F. Wade, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. in more . Dr. Bridgman, after an ample recognition of the title of a man of Mr. Adams's experience, proceeds judicially with the following comments : — ... " While, however, we difi'er from the lecturer with " regard to the influence the opium trade has had —— " upon the war, for it has been without doubt the great 15 Sept, 1893, •' proximate cause, we mainly agree with him as to the ~ " effect that other remoter causes springing from " Chinese assumption, conceit, and ignorance have " also had upon it . . . We do not see how the " war could have arisen had not the opium trade been " a smuggling trade. We think it would never have " gone on as it has, were the Chinese better acquainted with their own and others' rights . . . " — "Chinese Eepository, "Vol. XI., pp. 288-9. Dr. Bridgman cannot, of course, be expected to take so lenient a view of the opium trade as Mr. Quincey Adams ; that I do not in the least wonder at. Dr. Bridgman had been resident for many years in Canton and Macao and he had had a personal experience of the evil attending the excessive use of opium which Mr. Quincey Adams could not have had. But when he urges that but for the opium the war would not have arisen, my view, I confess, is more nearly Mr. Adams's, The origin of the war lay in the fact that we had no relations. The origin of succeeding wars lay in thb fact that onr relations were very imper- fect, and still needed perfecting. How many wars havb we had with China ? We had il;e war known as the opium war terminating in 1842. We immediately established ourselves within the walls at the different ports, but at Canton we were still not admitted into the city. It was the only place at which there was a high authority to whom the British Plenipotentiary could appeal. This wxs an Imperial Commissioner sent down' to Canton to reside there vis-a-vis our Minister Plenipotentiary, who resided at Hong Kong. He was inaccessible to our Minister. We were not admitted into the city, and the promise that we should eventually be admitted was put off and put off, and a succession of outrages occurred during the five years succeeding the peace of 1342, the consequence of which was that Sir John Davis, perhaps with more zeal than discretion, in the spring of 1847, went up with a few ships of war and demanded a settlement of the city question. Kiying, the then Imperial Commissioner engaged that it should be settled in two years. In 1849, accordingly, the two-years' term having expired, Sir George Bonham approached Kiying's successor. The high authorities at Canton said they must refer to the Emperor. They ascertained that we were not going to strike, and then came a grand fulmination from the Emperor and a grand approval of the attitude of the Cantonese; and we were shut out of Canton once more. Throughout those events, if there was any- thing to find fault with on our side, it certainly was the weakness we displayed ; but as regards the charge I am endeavouring to rebut, be it remembered that not one of our grievances had anything whatever to say to opium. This decree of exclusion from the city was issued in 1849. After an interval of some few years, we established at Hong Kong, — which had of late con- siderably developed itself in consequence of the influx of Chinese, driven thither by tteir own rebellion or trouble of one form and another, — we had established a system of registering vessels o*" Colonial build, of Chinese make, which should run between Hong Kong and the open ports. One of these vessels, the "Arrow," had entered the Port of Canton, Allow me to say, first, that a Chinese translation of the Ordinance which was passed for the purpose of empowering the Colony to give papers to vessels of this kind had been forwarded by Sir John Bowring, then Governor of Hong Kong, and Minister Plenipotentiary, to the then High Com- missioner, Yeh, months before. The whole Ordinance was forwarded to him ; he was perfectly in a position, if he liked, to protest against it as an order of proceeding possibly likely to interfere with the arrangements of the Empire. He simply took no norice of it whatever ; but early in October 1290. Of what year ?— Of 1856. I beg your pardon. Early in October of 1856, on the 6th of October, 1856, one of these vessels, byname the " Arrow," having gone into the Port of Canton, having been duly entered by the Consul (Mr. Parkes), had lain there for eight days. On the eighth day, the day unfortunately that Her Majesty's brig "Bittern" disappeared on a cruise from the inner waters, the Imperial Commissioner's executive pounced upon that vessel, tore down the flag, carried the people into the city, and alleging t'nat they were pirates refused to return them. Of course this brought on a very hot discussion; and though at an M 90 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION: Sir early stage of this, he ceded in part, and finally went T. F. Wade, 'to greater lengths. Sir John Bowring insisted upon the G.C.M.G. opening of the city as a guarantee of better relations. K.C.B. His plea implied or expressed was simply that we had _: no access to the one authority appointed by the 15 Sept. 1893. Emperor to deal with foreign affairs. If anything occurred at one of the ports it had to be referred down to Canton through the Plenipotentiary. I may say, except a visit of ceremony on his arrival, the Plenipo- tentiary never had a, chance of seeing this great man. Our Plenipotentaries went up or sent up, on more occasions than one, to the mouth of the Pei-ho to communicate with Pekin to endeavour to establish a better order of things. What did the Court of Peking say? " Go back to Canton; consult the Imperial Com- missioner," — whom we could never see. That was our position ; and in the usual way this led to a collision which, in the usual way, was largely misunderstood and misrepresented. 1291. It was not a war arising out of a desire to force opium upon the Chinese? — Ihe opium had nothing earthly to do with it ; no more than tobacco. But I will be candid. It is very possible that these men were precisely what the Imperial Commissioner described them as being. In the drifting population of Hong Kong, through which, at that time even, some 200,000 people came and went annually, who did not reside there, — with a coast such as is opposite Hong Kong, — you could not fail to have piracy in all directions, and at one time piracy was rife, and we were continually engaged in putting it down ; because the Chinese would do nothing whatever. There is another thing I should be prepared to admit. There had been Tory possibly some smuggling of salt, which was and is a prohibited im- port. All these things may be admitted. But the great fact remains that Sir. Quincey Adams hud insisted on as the cause of the first war, and which I contend was equally the cause of the second war. What was wanting was relations. There was no possi- bility of getting grievances redressed, or of coming to an understanding upon any given point. The result of that was wai'. Though there was no declaration of war. there were hostilities which were as like a war in character as hostilitips could bn ; and, the result of that was Lord Elgin s naission to China, and, of cwurn', the discrediting of Sir .Jnhn Bowring, Now, it has been said that Loi'd Elgin received instructions from Lord Clarendon to do 1 do not know what with the opiiim t|pestion ; but 1 have heard the stalement madi.' as part of an argument that this war, like other wars, was I'nr the purpose of pushing trade, and particularly the opium trade. The instructions, if read at length, it will be seen, point particularly to residence at Peking ; they point particularly to the improvement of relations. When they come to opium, which it would be scarcely possiljle to avoid coming to, with the knowledge of the extensive irregular traffic that was being carried on, — what does Lord Clarendon say? — "It will liu for Your " Excellency when discussing commercial arrange- '■ inents with any Chinese Plenipotentiaries to ascer- ■' tain whether the Government of China would revoke " its prohibition of the opium trade which the high " officers of the Chinese Government never practically " enforce. Whether the legalisation of the trade would " tend to augment that trade niay be doubtful as it '■ seems to be carried on to the full extent of the " demand in China with the sanction and connivauoe " of the local authorities. But there would be obvious " advantages in placing the trade upon a legal foot- " |ing by the imposition of a duty instead of its " being carried on in the present irregular manner." That is the j-ole allusion in Lord Clarendon's instruc- tions to Lord Elgin. I was attached to Lord Elgin from the moment that he arrived in China, in the summer of 1857, and until the spring of 1859. I may ;-ay I was almost in daily contact with him ; indeed, except for two or three broken months, I was always on board the same ship with him ; and it is very natural that with a person attached to him in the capacity of Chinese secretary, which was my position, he should talk very freely about everything. I can safely say that for the first eight, nine, or ten months he never referred to opium as a possible item of negociation at all. He referred to it as a thing deplorable, from what he saw, — from what ho saw in the streets; from the emaciation and wretchedness of the opium smokers he came across. He could not un- derstand — I remember his observation on one occasioh, — he could not understand how it was that such a practioo should be so ^cueial and vet not universal, bci auic while he -aw very i-espeetabJe people who did not smoke at all, he saw also some who did smoke who were perfectly respectable too. But to the best of my recollection he never alluded, during the whole time that I speak of, until a date which I shall mention, — which was rather more than a year after his arrival, — he never alluded to it as a subject of negociation. We left Shanghai for the mouth of Pei-ho in April, 1858, and after a collision we got up to Tientsin, and at Tientsin we and the Erench and the Americans and the Bussians concluded Treaties. Mr. Reid, the American, withdrew from his Treaty a certain clause prohibitory of the opium trade which had been in the earlier American Treaty of 1845 ; he withdrew this clause to oblige Lord Elgin. (See Mr. Keid's letter in Blue Book, China and Japan 1857-1859, p. 394.) I forget precisely how any discussion led up to this act on his part, but as a fact he certainly did it. But a few mouths later in the excellent letter above referred to, — this same letter being prompted by a letter from one of the leading American merchants, also given in the Blue Book, — he urged Lord Elgin to regularise the trade, that is to say, to legalise it. And why p For the very same reason that Lord Clarendon gives : — It is an irregular trade, which everybody knows and everybody ignores ; audit was upon that, more narticu- larly, th.at Lord Elgin formulated his propositions regarding the legalization of the opium trade. Now, I think Mr. Lay has remarked, and it is perfectly jttst, that the one thing that the Chinese showed any real concern about — the one thing they felt any real eorcern about was the residence of a Foreign Minister in Peking. They had a most distinct objection to that ; and as soon as Lord Elgin had gone away from Tientsin in July, they had set to work to undo the concession. Lord Elgin went over to .lapan to make a Ti-eaty, and was absent there two or thj'ce months ; but the moment ho returned to Shanghai, the two high officers who had negooiated this Treaty were sent down to Shanghai as Imperial Commissioners, ostensibly to settle tariff and trade regulations. But settlement of the tariff was a kind of work that would not have devolved on two mandarins of their position at all. It had been quite undei-stood that the Chief Snpciinlendeut of Customs at Shanghai, M'liowas the maiidaiijt with whom Mr. Lay was associated as inspector ol' Customs at Shanghai at the time, vras to take it in hand. The coming down of these men boded something else. And what did it bode P It boded revocation of the clause that would establish a resident Minister atPckin; the. ono im- portant provision, in my opinion, of the wholo Treaty. As lo the ojiium duty, when it was projoseil, it would be almost a laroe to Say .--itwoiddbe an aljusu of words to say,— that there was any negotiation at all. There was certainly no objection raised to its insertion as a dutiable article in the tarifl'. This was put in the hands of two mandarins of more than ordinary position with Mr. Lay as their natural co-adjutor, "hu being Inspector of Customs; while, on the other ] art, Mr. Lawrence Oliphant, Lord Elgin's private secretary, and myself, represented the Ambassador. 1292, [Mr. Pease.) Was Mr. Lay in tho ("hiuesc service may I ask P^Yes, Mr. Lay had been Consular interpreter at Shanghai. He was then made A'ico-consul, and when in 1855, after nine months, during which the Customs Iirspectorate was on its trial under myself and a French and American colleaguo, I retired, Mr. Lav was put in my place, and for Ihc three years followuig, that is up to the time of Lord Elgin's arrival, he had been m the above oflice. At my instance ho was attached to Lord Elgin, when the mission went north from Shanghai in April 1858. I have no hesitation in saymg I fhmk— it may not be exactly relevant, not in the direct order of these proceedings,— that if it had not been for Mr. Lay's presence, for the confidence that the Chinese naturally had in him as their own employ^, and for his own admirable command of the .spoken language, I doubt whether Lord Elgin would have got ,1. Treaty at all; at least not a Treaty with the pro'vi- sions It contains. The mere commeicial matters which the Chinese conceded, with scarcely vrrbal deviations to the other Powers, to the Americans and the Russians and finally to the French, were to them a matter of mdiflerence. What was of real importance, was what wo really went to get and what that war of 1850-68 was really about; the improvement of relations with the Chinese. They hesitated, not merely on account of their pharasaical upliftedness, that allectation of pre- cedence over all nations, which is one oi their "reatest misfortunes, but they hesitated, as a Chinese" in my couhdence mformed me, Ijoeauso once we were along- side of them, they would not be able to get away and MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 91 instead of making a buffer of the Imperial Commissioner at the other end of the Empire, vhom a Foreign Minister ■was never to see, they would see us face to face, and be compelled to talk things over. This w as humiliating to their , pride , no doubt, bnt they also felt a material inconvenience in the change before them. I contend that ^vithout that change we should have been just where we had been before when the insults to Lord Napier were first offered, 20 years before ; and that the one thing for which we did make war was the improvement of relations. About the means to that end there were differences of opuiion. Lord Elgin was not keen, when he had seen the whole position, for the establishment of a Minister at Peking. Sir Frederick Bruce, who knew orientals both in China and elsewhere, declared that there was nothing else worth having. He said, " Our difficulty has been with these people all along the " imperfectness of relations. What do yon mean by relations P How are you going to have relations per- fect ? " You cannot have relations perfect (he argued, quoting classical authority), unless there is a recognition of equality. And what really occasioned that war, that lasted from 1856 to 1858, was the fact thatithere was no equality — that there was no recognition of relations. Well, the following year, Lord Elgin's brother, Sir Frederick Bruce comes out himself, as Minister, and he finds the river blocked. He is not to go, except under impossible conditions, up to Pekin. In the interim, what had happened ? As I have said, these High Commissioners came down to induce Lord Elgin to revoke the concession of residence, and he did undertake to make residence conditional. He modified the provision to the effect that there should be but an annual visit to Pekin, and that so long as the Chinese conducted themselves in a way satisfactory to us, we would not claim the permanent residence there. When we came up in June 1859, it appeared that the admis- sion into Pekin for the simple purpose of exchanging ratifications was so limited that it was not to bo accepted without humiliation. Mind, the Chinese had a splendid opportunity of proving that we were wrong in that assumption, for we arrived at the Pei-ho with a French and with an American Minister. The French Minister's position was precisely the same as our own. But wo said, " We have a right to go in, and go in we will." We did attempt to go in, and wc were fired upon and beaten. The French and ourselves were thus thrown back, but the Americans, who remained there as noutrals, and against whom the fire of the forts was consequently never directed, did accept what was offered. Their Minister, Mr. Ward, was taken up to Pekin ; but under what conditions P Under conditions that were positively, I should say, rather worse than those with which Lord Napier had found himself dealing when he arrived at Macao in 1834. He (Mr. Ward) was carried up to Pekin in a common con- veyance ; while he was in Pekin, there were guards placed around his residence ; both he and his suite were prevented from going anywhere. As one of the Bomish missionaries residing in Peking in disguise at the time, wrote to his Minister, '^ humilissime ■intravit " ; and he went out as he had come in. Now, if the Chinese had had any sense they would have put us in the wrong by conceding to Mr. Ward a reception that he could not have complained of. But they did not ; and they simply let us see that we were perfectly right in insisting upon admission into Peki'.i under circumstances of which we should not bo ashamed. The result of their conduct was the third and last war ; in order, then to force our way into Pekin ; in order once more, to secure endurable relations. 1293. That war closed in 1860, did it not P— I was just going to say, sir 1294. The second war? — Well, I consider the second war, the war which arose out of the " Lorcha Arrow " affair — . — ■ 1295. That was in 1856 ; Lord Elgin arrived in 1857 ? — Yes. Hostilities had been going on, you may say, from the moment tlie Chinese seized the "Lorcha " ; at least, from about twenty days after her seizure. 1296. And the close of that warp— I consider the close of that war was when Lord Elgin signed his Treaty in 1858. 1297. (Mr. Mowbray) The Treaty of Tientsin ?— Yes ; the Treaty of Tientsin. Then (in the following year) we went up to bo admitted into Pekin, and we were shut out and defeated. 1298. [Ghairman.) And that gave rise to the third ;yar ?— That gave rise to the third war ; to Sir Hope Grant's expedition of 1860. We did then make our way up to Pekin, the Emperor flying to beyond the' Great Wall when we advanced upon Pekin, From the day we were established in Pekin, from that day to this we have had no more wars. 1299. Well, Sir Thomas Wade, you have given us a very intei'esting sketch of these nnfottunate wars with China, and you have made it clear to us that in your view those wars were largely if not mainly traceable to the insistence of the Chinese in refusing to enter into friendly relations with us, and you contend that those wars were not prompted by a desire to force the Indian opium upon China P — Not even to force trade. 1300. You remained in China a considei-able numbei of years after the last war was brought to a close,, and were conoemed in the moat responsible positions with the many negociations which were carried out between the British Government and the Chinese Government. Now would you say to us that in those negociations it was not in the contemplation of the British Government to coia pel the Chinese authorities to receive importa- tions of opium from India against their will ; that in those various negociations other important matters were in view, but this particular object of forcing the importation of opium was never an object with the British Government ? — On the contrary. You may say that the first time that it (opium) came up again at all in formal discussion was in 1868. In a casual way I have myself often talked the opium question over with different high officers, — one of them being a great opium, smoker himself ; bnt so far from there being any- thing like a suggestion that the opium trade, or that the opium taxation, should be re-arranged to our advan- tage, the first time that it appears after the war of 1860 is when Sir Rutherford Alcock was revising the Treaty in 1868. 1301. And under what circumstances does it re- appear .P — A suggestion was made on the part of Sir Rutherford Alcock to the Indian Government to increase the duty upon it. You will find that in the papers recording Sir Ruthefford Aloock's revision of Treaty ; in fact, it was one of the two causes which broke down his revised Treaty. There were two con- ditions, one affecting silk and one affecting opium. The Indian Government objected to that affecting opium, and both the French and various of our own merchants objected to that affecting silk. As regarded the opium, that was I think the only time that it came formally before negotiators until I took it up in 1876. And why did I take it up in 1876 P Simply because at Shanghai a judgment had been given in respect of the taxation of opium which I considered to be , unfair*" to the Chinese Government, our engagements with it considered. The article agreed to by Lord Elgin supplementary to the tariff which was signed in 1858 says that opium shall be saleable only at the port, and Lord Elgiu, I cannot quote his despatch, but I can state his observation, repeated again and again to me, that his opinion of opium was such that he would not be a party to obtaining for it a participation in the favour- able conditions of other articles of import. All other articles of import were subject in those days to a great deal of irregular taxation which one clause of his Treaty was intended to regularise ; but he said: "I " will not be a party to flinging opium broadcast " through the Empire," and for that reason he. would not claim the transit duty certificate which, by an additional pajntnent of half the tariff duty, was to secure our general import trade against this abnormal *^ax- ation inland. It must have been about the year 1874 that a case was tried at Shanghai between the agents charged with collecting opium revenue, or estimating it, — charged consequently with visiting the stocks and estimating the revenue in the interest of the Chinese Government. On the occasion referred to they came into collision with a body raised and paid by foreign residents, the quasi-municipal police, which takes care of Shanghai, gTcatly to its advantage, and the case being examined into by judicial authority, the judicial authority' decided that as according to Lord Elgin's Treaty opium was saleable at the port, therefore we had in fact a right to hawk it about at the port. I hfeld precisely the contrary opinion ; Lord Elgin's appeal to the Chinese Government, in 1858, put in a few words, was this: "It is an irregular trade of which you have " the fullest cognisance, regularise it, and' put What " tariff you like upon it ; and I will not ask for the '• limitation of inland duty upon it. Once it passes " from British hands we shall have no more to say to " it." Well, T consider that that being our engagement, M 2 Sir T. F. Wade, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 15 Sept. 189c. 92 JNDLAN OIMIJM ColUMJSSION Sir a decision -which would justify t.he quasi-municipal T. F. Wade, police in interfering with tbe Chinese overseers of opium G.C.M.G., revenue to the prejudice of the inland dnty collection K.C.B. was not fair to the Chinese; and for that reason I volunteered in the Ohe-foo ap;rcement — an agree- 15 Sept. 1893. ment primarily concerned no doubt with what it known as the Yun-nan outrage ; bat incidentally, as my despatches show, made to include other matters, — I volunteered a suggestion that just as the foreign inspectorate now collects the tariff duty of 30 taels, (30 ounces of silver) upon the drug when imported, so it should be empowered to collect also the abnormal inland revenue to which the Indian opium lit, traaKxiii was liable. Of this we had very imperfect information. We knew that it was exceedingly onerous to all trades, but I knew also that the Central Government was itself very imperfectly informed regarding the aiuount collected. It was vain therefore to endeavour to get accurate news from the provinces, but what I wanted to accomplish was not simply a regularisation of the trade, — the regularisation of the trade in opium as an import was not my business, — but I did desire to insure to the Chinese Government a defence against the foreign importer; a defence that I consider the Chinese were legitimately entitled to. Thus you will sec opium, in my belief, was never alluded to in negotiations, except upon the two occasions that I have referred to ; first, in 1868, when Sir Rutherford Alcock was revising his Treaty, and proposing an augmentation of the taiiff duty on opium, and last in 1876, when I signed the Che.foo agreement. I will not be absolutely certain, but I believe that Sir Rutherford Alcook's proposition was much of the character of my own in 1876, to wit that the Chinese Government should have secured to them the revenue to which they wore by Treaty entitled. Beyond that there has been no pretence to treat ; opium taxation has never been, as I say, even alluded to, and I confess that I feel something passing common irritation when I am told that we introduced opium into China, that wo taught the Chinese the way to smoke it, that we poisoned the nation, — that we made war in consequence of it, and that we finally forced it upon them with British bayonets in our hands ; when I hear, as I heard Mr. Samuel Smith, the Member for Flintshire, inform 200 undergraduates at Cambridge one evening, that at last China overborne was obliged to take to producing it in her own defence. It is scarcely possible for me, I confess, to measure terms when allegations of that sort are made. Think how utterly unfair it is to our own friends, to our own countrymen, what a reflection upon them it is. However, I am not here to entertain you with my irritabilities. 1302. We were very anxious to have tho position of the past cleared up, and we have been interested in what yon have told us. Sir Thomas ; there was one point upon which the Commission would wish to have your opinion, and that is, as to our position at the present moment. We have had brought before us repeatedly in the course of our inquiry an important official state- ment made by Sir James Ferguson in the House of Commons, which was to this effect, that the fiscal arrangements, the discretion as to the imposition of Customs duties or the discretion, as to the total pro- hibition, if they thought fit, of importation of opium from India into China, are now entirely free with the Chinese Government ; Sir James Ferguson made it clear to the House of Commons that there were no condilious in tho Ti'caties now in existence between ourselves and China which prohibited tho Chinese Government, if they thought fit, from dealing in any way which they thought desirable with the opuim trade. AVe understood the statement of Sir James Ferguson was to the effect that if the Chinese Government thought fit to do so, they could, after giving twelve months notice, raise the tariff on the importation of opium from India to China to any amount that they thought fit ; or if they thought fit, might prohibit the trade altogether. Now that statement of Sir James Ferguson has not been accepted by all the witnesses who have appeared before us. They have contended that, that statement notwitstanding, the Chinese Government are not free to deal as they may think fit with the opium trade between India and China. Can jou tell us how the matter really stands p — Well before referring to negotiations since my day, I wish to promise that partly owing to my own, I will not say Juclies, but still owing to mc, the ralification of the Treaty hung fire for a long time. The cau?es indepen- dent of me were, I think these, that the financiers of the Indian Goverimient were naturally alarmed, for I had not prepared them for a proposition regarding opium at all in 1876 ; and in the next place, though there was not a formal intimation regarding opium from other Governments, there was evidence enough that they were not disposed to accept arrangements a^cciiiig it for difierent' reasons. They were not di".- posed, some of them, to approve my Agreement at all, and they were in a position to neutralise its opium provisions, because with a very little organization they could have imported opitim and if they had not accepted my arrangement, the Agreement stood in danger of falling through. As regards the statement of Sir James Ferguson, I am not prepared to make answer at this moment. 1 mean to say tha,t I do not venture to affirm that there is nothing on record to the effect that the Chinese might if they chose raise the duty, or that they might take this step or that regarding opium. With the relations that we now have, no stop of the sort, I _ should imagine, would be undertaken without preliminary negotiations. And allow me to say that I conceive it to be the farthest thing from probability that they will initiate anything of the sort under existing circum- stances. In the amount which it was agreed between (I think) Lord Salisbury and the Minister Tseng should be levied, they have got rather more, or certainly at least double what I would have conceded. I had reason to believe (in 1876) that they collected as Vi-lcin taking the ports all round, something like 40 ounces of silver in addition to the 30 ounces leviable by tariff'; that they collected about 40 ounces upon every picul, every hundred Chinese pounds of opium. N ow I would have conceded them more than that, though even of the 40 [which their native collectorate ought to have colleotc'd] they were not perfectly secure. I would have conceded them more than that in (^rdcr to set the question at rest. However, as I say, tho settlement hung fire, and Sir Robei't Hart did not agree with me that what I thought fair was a suflScient sum to impos 3 upon opium. He said that it would bear a total of 110 ounces taxation, tariff' included, without any darger from the smuggler, and in his position of Inspector General oi Customs, he was bound I think to advis,' the Chinese Government in that sense. If the Chinese Government were minded to-morrow to raise the duty or to make fresh arrangements regarding the revenue, there is not a shadow of doubt that wo should not, — as in former days when there were no relations at all, — meet them with a direct negative, we should not refuse any proposition they might make without consideration ; but I repeat it is to the last degree im- ])robahle that they will do anything of the sort. I should like before I close to supplement my answer to the question which your Lordship put to me just before this one, as to the action taken by the British Government. I said there were two instances in which the question of opium had come up, one in 1868. when Sir Rutherford Alcock was Minister, and one 1876 when I was Minister myself, and I mentioned the two propositions that had been made, both favour- able to the Chinese, firs^ by Sir RuLherford Alcock, and then by myself. I omitted, however, to men- tion a very much more important provision, in my Agreement, and that was that there should be a com- mission to regularize the trade of Hong Kong. About this naturally the Inspector of Customs was particularly anxious, because Hong Kong, being situated as it is, was in a position to export not only Indian but all native-grown opium right and left along the coast, without paj-ing any duty whatever. AVe had paid some, without a doubt ; but that a large portion of it would go into the pockets of employes, in fact that it would be a braach of irregular trade, no one could doubt for a moment. The Chinese very often argued, always with an allusion, more or less ttnpleasant, to tho jjeculiar position of Hong Kong, — as they very frequently contended that they were entitled to tax every ounce of opium that came to China, that is to say, geographically speaking, to Hong Kong as well ; — and I was prepared to concede, although it was not very pleasant to the Colony, that they were pej-fcctlv entitled to watch the trade between Hong Kong and their own shores in order that they might levy the dtttics that woitld legitimately accrue to them. For that reason I suggested that there should bo a joint commission between the Chinese and ourselves to arrange to regulate the trade, more particularly tho opium trade at Hong Kong. The result of that is that Hong Kong is now within the area of the Imperial Customs Inspectorate supervision. Allow me to say that, when we talk of forcing trade upon them with bayonets, thoso two last concessions in trade are some- MINLTES OF EVlJ^ENOi). !J3 thing to set against any suoh allegation. If think that I have taken upon myself, not as Mr. Lay has put It, to increase the war-tax,— to enable the Ohineseto levy the war- tax through the hands of the Inspectorate,— but to secure to them that enormous increase of revenue which they now receive, whicli they never could have touched but a fraction of, had it not been for my intervention ; and that I secured to them the rogularisation of the trade of Hong Kong, I thmk that those two acts, on my part alone, may be set against the allegation that we have forced opium into that country at the point of the bayonet. 1303. There is one last question that I should like to ask you. You made an important speech on this subject at the Society of Arts, and that is before us. I take it from you that, so far as it went, that correctly represents your general view as at present entertained on the subject which has been before the Oommissmn. There is one statement which yon made in the course of that speech which I should like to hear a word from you upon, and that it is with regard to the attitude of the Central Government of China with reference to this question. Have you reason to suppose that the Chinese Government are sincerely anxious to put an end to the opium trade?— "Well, the sincerity of parties is always more or less a delicate question. I attended, some four or five years ago, a meeting of clerical gentleman who were also associated with the anti-opium, let me say, crusade— I do nob use the word in any invidious sense — ■ gentlemen associated for the purpose of abating what they considered the great evil of the opium trade, and they asked me straight, " Do yon consider the Chinese " sincere in their denunciation of opium?" "Well, I could only meet the question by another: "Do you " consider us sincere in the denunciation of a largo " number of practices which we do condemn both in " society and in trade, and otherwise ? " You would feel very ill-pleased if you were told that you and your countrymen woi'e insincere. The Chinese notion of sincerity does not carry them as far perhaps in that direction as ourselves, but I should say a large number — a majority I will not say, for I am not in a position to judge — but 1 should say a large number are sincerely opposed to the opium trade, a very large number. I am very glad indeed that your Lordship has asked me the question, because I read on the occasion referred to a memorandnm of an interview with the Ministers of the Tsung-li- Yamen , that has been dealt with also in a way that I do not exactly like. 1304. You spoke in the Society of Arts in April, 1892, on Mr. Batten's paper ? — Yes, my Lord, but did I give t'tie date of the interview at the Tsung-li Yamfin ? 1305. Yes, you read the memo, of an interview on 16th January, 18Ml. You say that, " As regarded " opium, certain points had been suggesting them- " selvep to Sir Thomas Wade upon which the opinion " of the Yamen would be valuable. In the first place, " as the Ministers were of course aware, the trade in " opium, native and foreign, was regarded in diif erent " lights lay the high authorities of ditferent provinces, " and their mode of action was dissimilar. Some were " for stamping out native opium altogether, and " restricting the sale of foreign opium by placing pro- " hibitions on the consumption of it. In other pro- " vinces it was regarded as a source of revenue, the " habit of opium smoking was not checked, but the " drug ivas heavily taxed, the vice being turned to " account as a means of enriching ths exchequer. As " these modes of procedure were diametrically oppo- " site. Sir Thomas Wade would be glad to be informed " what was the policy favoured by the Central Govern- " ment. Th Minister addressed replied that the " question was not an ea,sy one to answer. He did not " think that the Central Government had gone so far " as to formulate a- policy at all"? — Yes. But the sequel is much more important, my Lord, Shall I read it? 1300. Yes, what I have read to you will lead you up to your answer, no doubt? — I should inform your Lordship that the paper which I read on that occasion was one o£ a collection which I have marked " Con- ferences on Opium." 1307. Perhaps you would put that in.?— Yes. _ I do not see that I might;not. But on the occasion on which I read it, I did not mention the name of the Minister who made it because, as I observed at the time, Chinese Ministers do not delight in having their names carried about ; they are not so indiflerent to it as we are ; and for that reason I concealed the name o£ the Minister speaking; and I have seen in the Anti-Upium periodical that he is referred to as an anonymous Minister. "Will the proceedings be published necessarily ? 1308. No; we might perhaps look at it?— "Well, I merely wish your Lordship to understand that this is a collection of conferences on opium at the Tsung- li Yamen, the Chinese Foreign OflSce, during the years 1880, 1881, and 1882, and my usage, during the latter years certainly of any tenure of ofiice, was to enter a formal report of all conferences at the Yam^n on anything more than an ordinary question in a journal. Furthermore, it was my usage to he accom- panied by some of my iiitcrpretorial staff or others. On this occasion I was accompanied by Mr. Hillier, now Consul- General in Corea, and there were present four Ministers whose names are given in the memorandum before you. The Minister with whom I had the conver- sation j ust quoted, was at that time virtually the Foreign Minister. Oar real Foreign Minister must have been considered the Prince of Kung, the Emperor's uncle. He was some two or three years after I left Peking degraded on one of the common charges in China, corruption, and with him fell the Minister who was speaking (on the 16th January 1881). He was one of the very ablest men that in all the years I was in China I ever met, and one of the fittest certainly to be a diplomatic Minister. He is now rising again, after the fashion of the Chines^, and is at this present moment at the head of an enormous government which is over- grown with opium. "The Minister addressed replied " that the question was not an easy one to answer. " He did not think that the Central Government had " gone so far as to formulate a policy at all. Speaking " from a general point of view, however, he might say " that if the habit of opium-smoking could be univer- " sally and at once abolished, the Chinese Government " would be ready and willing to sacrifice tLe revenue " that was at present derived from opium. All sensible " men were nevertheless agreed that this was an im- " possibility. The habit of opium smoking was beyond " the reach of prohibition, and the idea was how to turn " it to account. The only way in which it could be " turned to account was by making it a source of " revenue, and the revenue thus derived was indispen- " sable. There were, moreover, so many other matters " that needed reform before the opium question was " taken in hand, that it might safely be said that the " abolition of opium had not entered the minds of those " entrusted with the government of the Empire. Sir " T. "Wade went on to say that many persons, notably " the foreign missionaries in China, had been urging " on the British Government through various channels " the advisability and the equity of abandoning their " connexion with opium. Suppose, for as yet it was a " pure supposition, that the British Government were " eventually to effect a gradual diminution of the " opium trade from India, by limiting the import to " an increasing degree, year by year, until the trade " WHS abolished altogether, did the Minister think that " such an arrangement would meet with the approval " of the Chinese Government ? The Minister addressed, " who again protested that the question was a difficult " one to answer, replied that in his opinion such a plan " would be useless. As long as the habit existed, " opium would be procured somehow, and if it did not " come from India it would be procured elsewhere. Any " serious attempt to check the evil must originate with " individuals. As long as men wanted to smoke and " insisted on smoking, they would smoke, and a spon- " taneous abandonment of the habit on the part of the " people would regulate the supply. Nothing short of " this would do any good, and philanthropic efforts to " check the evil in the manner suggested by Sir T. " Wade would affect the revenue only, without in any " way reaching the root of the mischief." 1309. Is there anything further that you would like to say ? — There are one or two things bearing upon the sincerity of the Chinese in the matter. It must be admitted by all those who have been in touch with this question for fifty odd years, that there is an amount of inconsistency on the part of the Chinese respecting it that puts their sincerity very much in question. There are several of them, as I said, that are perfectly sincere. The son-in-law of that great Commissioner Lin, whose violent action was the immediate cause of the first war, the son-in-law of that man was a few years ago Governor- General of the three provinces of which Nanking is the centre. He put down, — not opium smoking— he could not do that, — 'but all public opium divans. And now and then you will find individual officers taking a M 3 S,r T. F. Wade,\ G.C.MO., K.C.B. 15 Sept. 1893. 94 IN'DJAN' OPIUM CdJl.MlSSiON : T. F. Wade, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 15 Sept. 1893 step of that kind. But it is rare. You will find all over the country prohibitions against opium planting and opium smoking; and yet, as a letter from a missionar}' which I saw in a paper shortly before I left Pekin, in 1882, stated, he had just passed through . a field of poppy with the proclamation pkinted in the middle and the white poppies growing round the posts of the board on which the proclamation Aras posted. And you have more than that ; you have the regular taxation of it, and you have now, if I do not mistake, in fact, I am' sure of it, you have a regular quotation of the revenue derived from the native cultivation of different parts. But what I was about to call attention to as something of an argument on the side of incon- sistency was the Will, as it is called, of the old Emperor against whom we made war in the first instance. The old Emperor was reigning as Tao Kuang. He was supposed, logioallj-, to be pronouncedly opposed to opium smoking. In the year 1836, that is three years before our first hoslilities, a censor of high reputation, Hit Nai-tsi hy name, proposed that opium should be legalised on a duty of 8 per cent., and he was not a.t all without supporters. But his opponents were more powerful, and it ended iu his being exiled to the far west of China as a punish- ment. It was almost immediately after that that the rigorous measures against the opium traffic and the opium smoker were revived. It should not lie forgotten that all those who denounced it, denounced it to the full as much irpon financial as moral grounds. What alarmed the Court ? I cannot think that the small ([uautity im- ported alarmed the Court so much as the evidence that silver was being carried out of the country to pay for it. But the old Emperor was justly supposed to be a pronounced anti-opiumist ; and it is therefore very - remarkable that in his Will the misunderstanding which lasted from 1839 to 184'2 — oui' opium war — should be treated in the way that it is there treated. These Wills, as they are called, are prepared very much as our Speeches from the Throne are prepared — by the highest authorities ; but these same high authorities must have also prepared the extremely lofty decree and the arrogant papers which were issued after we were excluded from Canton in 18 1-9. The Emperor died just at the beginning of 1850,at the end of February 1850 ; and then there appeared this document, which, as I say, is very much like one of our Speeches from the Throne. It is in efiect a review of his reign. After praising himself for his vigilance and his industry, his thrift and frugality, he comes to the rebellion of 1826-18'28, a very serious movement in his Moliammedan Colonies, and then to the war with England "When the poor fools [the Mohammedans] that " dwell beyond the western frontier had been chastised " by our troops," he says, "for many years we pre- " sunied not to vaunt our martial prowess, until a " qrrarrel arose out of a question of commerce upon " the eastern coasts." [These are the terms, observe, in which our war of 18.J9-42 is alluded to.] " Even " then, being as the good men of ancient times who " held humanity to be the chief of virtues, how could " we hear that our innocent baljes should be exposed " to the cruel wounds of the sharp-pointed spear? It " was for this cause that we put a^yay our annoyance " and entered into an important compact [the Treaty " of Nanking] . Giving comfort to our own dominions ■' we showed tenderness to those from afar. And thus " in the course of ten years the hurtful flame has " expired of itself; our people and the barbarians trade " together in peace, and all may now perhaps com- " preheud that in this policy we were actuated by the " constant fondness of our people felt in our inmost " heart." There is not a word of reference tn opium iu that. After his successor had ascended the throne, he imme- diately, as is usual, asked for counsel of his advisers. The result was the presentation of some 50 odd papers, which I have here, either in translation or in precis. I do not think that opium is mentioned twice in the whole of them. I say that these are certain arguments to piove, ivcU, if it be ncjt indifference, certainly a not very active feeling in reference to opium. f-llO. (Sir J. Lyall.) Sir Thomas Wade, in the evi- dence before us, and in the memorial to the Prime Minister signed by a great number of influential people, reference is made to what is called the " affecting appeal " made by the Chinese Commissioners for the revision of the Tientsin Treaty, in 1869, to the English Government to alter its policy with regard to opiiim. Will you kindly tell us what your view of that incident is., and how far was the appeal sincere ; that is, were the Cliineso thinking of prohibition, or were they aiming at an increase of revenue ? — I was not at Peking at the moment ; I was on leave, and did not return until after Sir Eutherford Alcock's revision was com- pleted. But I remember an account of his last con- versation with the Prince of Kung before he started, in which the Prince had said that the only two troubles of China were opium and missionaries, and I should say (in answer to a question asked me) that this remark did not indicate a desire to increase the revenue ; that it would rather be the other way, because the Prince of Kung's right hand at that time was not the Minister whose remarks I have been reading to you, but a very great man ; great in this way, for though he was narrow, he was a singulaily patriotic, clean-handed, Minister — very ; and he was himself a tremendous anti- opiumist. He carried his antagonism to this point, that on one occasion when he was ill, and pressed to take laudanum, ho would not touch it because it came from the popjiy. He would have been a very likely man to suggest such a remark as that quoted. At the same time I was informed, on the very best authority, that when Sir Eutherford Alcock's proposition (and the whole of the negociations were then over when this conversation that I speak of took place), Sir Euther- ford Alcock's proposition, which promised an increase of revenue, came before the Minister in question, ho chuckled very undisguisedly over the ])rospect of the "Revenue's improvement. 1311. With reference to that statement as to the :.ction of the United States Minister, at the time of negociatiug the Tientsin Treaty, I wish t() ask how you would explain the fact that in two Treaties recently concluded between the United States and Eussia the importation of opium is prohibited. Do you think the Chmese asked the insertion of the clause, or that the United States and Eussia suggested it for any motive? Well, I do not know myself about Eussia, I had overlooked the fact of Eussia's participation in the matter, but as regards the American proposition, I was informed at the time (I think that was in 1881), that it was put forward by the Americans in the hope that by the proposition they might in some way balance what they were taking away. In 1868 they negociated a Treaty about emigration on both sides, which was the doing of Mr. .Secretary Seward and Mr. Burlingame, the American Minister [then, however, representing China]. This laid down that the President of the United States, recognising no less than the Emperor of China that every human being has a right to change his domicile, &c., &c.— Well, in less than ten or twelve years after that, for reasons more particularly affecting the State of California, the Americans found that they had more Chinese than they wanted ; in fact, that there was a very decided set of the labour people, the Irish of (California more particularly, against the Chinese, and they wanted to undo that Treaty ; and I rather think that I have seen it in my own despatches recently, that I reported that the proposition regarding opium did come spontaneously from America, as a kind of quid pro qno. The Chinese set no kind of value upon it, because America was not an opium -producing country, nor, in general, although on occasion when it suited them, an opium-carrying people, 1312. Another reason, I suppose, would be that I believe there is a certain anti-opium party in the States who have a religious belief?— Oh, necessarily; there is pretty sure to be ; indeed, quite sure to be. They have, I should think, as strong an anti-opium party in the States as our own. 131.3. There is one question that goes a little beyond the question that Lord Brassey put, and perhaps you may not be able to ans\vcr it ; but I should like to put it You have said that a large number of respectable Chinese are sincerely opposed to the opium trade ; but do you think that the Chinese Imperial Government if now formally asked by us, would say that they wished us to prohibit the import of Indian opium into China ? Can you answer that ?— I think that you would merely draw from them one of those generalisations, such as the Grand Secretary Li-Hung Chung and the late Minister TsSng and others put forth when they were a]iproached by well-intentioned bodies in this country. In the same way, no people ha,^■o a greater happiness in the composition of documents tinged with morality than the Chinese ; but it would never enter their heads that the step ^vas seriously contemplated. I should think their first impression would be to doubt your sincerity in the matter ; but their answer, I think, would simply amount to this : Supposing that the British M.inister, or a body of British anti-opiumists, were to approach the MINUTES i)F EVIDENCE. 95 Chinese Grovernment, saying, " The Indian opium trade " is an awful curse to your country; implore the " British Government to give it up or to exclude it," they would answer, " The remedy appears to us to be in " your own hands ; if you do not like to export it, give " up exporting it." They would meet you in that sort of way. But, as I said before, I think they would be inclined to doubt your sincerity. And even supposing now that there was in this country the popular feeling against it that there was, say, against negro slavery, and that there was such a feeling in the country that it was decided to have done with the export of opium to China in the interests of the Chinese, I can only say that you might just as well pull down this edifice tbat we are in here in order to put out a fire in Whiteohapel. Because you have got in China a large opium-producing and opium-consuming* country, accustomed to the use of opium long before any troubles with us began. And allow me to add one thing more, apropos of Mr. Griflith John's remark, that the opium traffic once abandoned by us, we should be on beautiful terms with the Chinese, and that there would be the greatest possible improve- ment, particularly in respect of missionary enterprise, and in fact all round, I venture to say that T doubt it exceedingly, because I remain true to what I have urged before, our difficulties with China are of an entirely diiferent character. The Chinese have still got to learn, as a nation, that we are their equals. The Central Government has accepted this fact, and a very unpopular concession on the part of the Central Govern- ment'it was ; but as to the improvement of relations, and particularly as regards the preachers of religion — I do not want to commit your Lordship and the Com- mission to the hearing " of an Essay on Missionary Enterprise— but what you have got to do in that country- is largely to reinforce your missionary body with a very different description of missionary from those whom. you generally enlist. As the Minister TsSng observed to me on one occasion, " Your missionaries are getting " at the lower people, but you are not approaching the " higher. Why did Buddhism make the way it did in " our country," asked he, "because the works on " Buddhism translated into Chinese (from the excel- " lence of their style) appealed to the educated section " of the liommunity," and not only to a part but to all the literary men. Nor musl we necessarily commence with theology. 1014. (Ghairman.) That lies outside the purview of the Commission ?— Quite. I was speaking simply in answer to Mr. Griffith John's remark. loi.'i. (Sir J. Lyall.) You said, I think, that when you were negotiating the Che-foo Convention, it had to be borne in mind that, if the other Powers did not agree to the arrangements we might make to regulate and restrict the opium traffic, they might easily organise an import trade of their own. I want to a.sk you where do you suppose that those other Powers would get the opium to import; from our peqple ?— There were people talking already, when I returned to China in 1879, there were people talking of changing their flag and carrying opium under flags not British. 1316. I mean to say, do you think they would get it from India?— That would depend on the Indian Government. 1 am not prepared to say. But re- member that though they import mainly Indian, they also import Turkey and Persian ojiium ; and, further- more, there were foreign representatives who were prepared to support the step contemplated, because it would have been a weapon in their _ hands ; it would have been something to give up to China. 1317. (Mr. Pease.) Perhaps you are aware that the secretaries of the Anti-Opinm Society, if not the members, always avoided speaking of the introduction of opium into China as having been first introduced by the English ?— I was not aware of it. 1318. That has been very carefully done ?— I can only say that verbally I may include wrongly some people in the Anti-Opium Society. But anti-opinmists have made that statement. 1319. But the Society has repeatedly repudiated it, although at one time the quantity of opium introduced was very small. You have said that your views had been to some extent modified with regard to the personal effects of opium. May I take the statement that you made in 1871— shall I read.it f— as being generally your feeling at the present moment ?— It was earlier ; I think ^t '"''''' i" 1868. 1320. _" China.— No. 5 1871 "—is, I think, the paper. " It is impossible to deny that we bring them that " quality which, in the south, at all events, tempts them " the most, and for which they pay dearest. It is to " me vain to think otherwise of the use of the drug in " China than as of a habit many times more pernicious, " nationally speaking, than the gin and whisky-drinking " which we deplore at home. It takes possession more " insidiously, and keeps its hold to the full as tenaciously. " I know no case of radical cure. It has insured, in " every case within my knowledge, the steady descent, " moral and physical, of the smoke", and it is, so far, " a greater mischief than drink, ohat it does not, by " external evidence of its eflfect, expose its victim to " the loss of repute which is the penalty of habitual " drunkenness " ? — It is in my Report on Sii Rutherford Alcock's Treaty Revision project submiiited to Lord Clarendon, by his desire, in 1868. Yes; I have modified those views, as regards especially the question of cure. As I said in the course of my address to you just now, I have known, — I will not say many instances, — but I have known a certain number of instances where the cure has been complete, and that in one case which is always specially before me, in the case of a man who filled a position of considerable responsibility. He was a species of head steward (we call them compradores) of the British Consulate. I spent the year 1867 in that Consulate, and this man, who was a singularly intelligent, useful person, was then, as I conceived, in the very last stage of opium decay. He had every symptom of decadence. A more active, intelligent man, when he was not in the dream, I would not wish to meet. But i have sent for him sometimes in that year when it was pitiful to see him. To my utter amazement, in 1882, I think it was, on my way home, I met this man looking hearty and well in Shanghai, and I said to him, " How comes it you are so well " P " Oh," he said, " The Consul put me under a British physician, and after a certain time I was quite cured." " But (then I said), have you given up opium altogether " p "' Oh, no ; but I used to smoke ten pipes, and now I smoke three." But I assure you he was as fit as any man that you could meet at the time that I am speaking of. That is really a salient instance. I have seen others, and, to boot, I have noted, perhaps, I have paid more particular attention to it [the question of incurability] than when 1 wrote the words quoted. I wrote them when I was far nearer my long residence in thci south— I Avas eighteen years in the south before I went to Pekin. ^vhere 1 was twenty-two years — and in the south I must say I had oftener seen cases that might have justified strong language. But even then the words just quoted would be an exaggeration, because I had heard stone-cutters and people of that sort, — people with hardly rags to their backs engaged in the roughest possible work, talking of the necessity of a little opium during the cold weather. When in 1874 Mr. Margary travelled across China to the frontiers of Burmah, he noticed, in one j)lace especially, that his boatmen, the people who had been working a boat for days against the stream, that they, all of them, took their ration of opium regularly. I know, to boot, from other people who have been in my employ or connected with me, that they were in the habit of taking a certain allowance of opium just as we take our allowance of wine. 1321. You speak of the war as being not a war of the character which has often been described. Of course you are aware that contemporaneous authorities of very high authority take a very different view at the same time F — Perfectly. 1322. I observe here a remark of Mr. Gladstone's : " A " war more unjust in its origin, a war more calculated ' ' to cover this country with permanent disgrace, I do " not know, and I have not read of. The right hon. " gentleman opposite spoke of the British flag waving " in glory at Canton. I'hat flag is hoisted to protect an " infamous contraband traffic ; and if it were never " hoisted, except as it is now hoisted on the coast of " China, we should recoil from its sight with horror. " Although the Chinese were undoubtedly guilty of " much absurd phraseology, of no little ostentatious " pride, and of some excess, justice, in my opinion, is " with them ; and whilst they, the pagans, the semi- " civilised barbarians, have it on their side, we, the en- " lightened and civilised Christians, are pursuing " objects at variance both with justice and with re- " ligion" P — I should like to know what Mr. Gladstone had then reacl of the antecedent relations between us and the Chinese, or what he then knew about the opium trade in China at all. '^I 4 Sir T. F. Wade, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 15 Sept. 1893 96 IXDIAN Ol'IUAI COMMISSION Sir T. F. Wade, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 15 Sept. 1893. 1323. That was a declaration made in the House of Commons in a discussion ? — I recollect it. He spoke one of the most magnificent speeches he ever spoke on the "Lorcha Arrow" affair. Iremember the ring of that speech, when, after reviewing the incidents, as he un- derstood them, of the quarrel, he asked the question if we thought that these things could add to either our honour or profit. " Why," said he, " they deepen your guilt." The speech, went the round of Europe. Louis Blanc quoted it in his printed letters. But it is wrong. It is written in perfect ignorance of the relations of England and China ; and as long as that view is held so long will you have all these collisions, the fault of all collisions with China, Uid to our charge. But it would be — even in the case ofwhat is called the " opium war " it is — inexcusable to formulate the accusations that I hear formulated without reading the story of the misunderstanding, all the incidents that had anteceded the final collision. 1324. I observe in connexion with a letter which was written by Mr. Lay to the Times, to which a reply was written by Mr. Alexander, in which there is a quotation which is dated 18.58, from a Report on a Revision of Tariffs, furnished by yourself and Mr. Oliphant, in which you state that " one of the Chinese Commissioners, " whose position as Superintendent of Customs at " Shanghai," says the report, " naturally gives him a " chief voice in such matters, admitted the necessity " of a change. China still retains her objection to the " use of a drug on moral grounds ; but the present " generation of smokers, at all events, must and will " have opium. China would propose a very high duty, ' but, as opposition was naturally to bo expected from " us in that case, it should be as moderate as possible." Would you accept that as a genuine expression of Chinese feeling ? — I am not sure, although I read very recently that over — I am not sure that 1 quite follow the argument in the case. Vi'lTj. Well, his ground i^ that the present generation must and will have opium, and they will propose a very high duty ; but as opposieion must naturally b3 expected from us, in that case it should be as moderate as possible ; that we would not allow them to place as high a duty as they would, they having a moral object in view V — In truth, the duty was arranged between the Chinese official and Mr. Lay. 1326. (Ghairman.) What was the date of that ? 1327. (Mr. Pease.) That was in 1858 ?— They met us with an offer, I think, of 34 ounces. As I stated. Lord Elgin's formula was, let them tax it as high as they please ; only regularise it. I went on my part, and consulted persons in whom I could have confidence, particularly one, as to what was fair to put upon it. He had been himself a merchant, far back in the East India Company's time ; he was a man who thoroughly understood all the conditions of the trade, and he said 30 ounces would be a fair duty. 1328. How do you regulate what is fair for the Chinese to put P — Well, with reference to its value. 1329. Why should not the Chinese have full liberty ? — Well, I am speaking of what we had before us in 1858, when they were exceedingly well pleased to add to their revenue. The important point is that they did not dispute it. They did formally propose those 34, and we abated it. That paper to which you refer, signed by Mr. Oliphant and myself, was drawn up by me, but it does not give in detail the whole of the interview. There is one most important incident left out, probably because I did not think it sufficiently serions ; and that is that the whole thing having been well thought out between Mr. Lay and the Super- intendent of Customs, when we met for our first conference, inasmuch as it was a proposal affecting opium, or iis it is generally called, the foreign drug, both Mr. Oliphant and myself came to it with a certain amount of i'ormality, and were beginning to talk about the amount, when the Superintendent, who was a very rough man, burst out into a laugh, and asked, " What is the use of talking about that when Mr. Lay and myself have settled the whole tiling P " And they put forward, I do not know if it was Mr. Lay's suggestion or not, they put forward 34 taels, and al'ter a very slight deljate oO was accepted. I am bound to observe that if they had asked for 100, Lord Elgin would have given it them. 1330. By the Treaty of Tientsin, opium imported from India l;?u to pay an import duty ef 30 taels a picul P — Yes. 1331. And after leaving the importer's premises was furtber liable to such local taxation or li-kin as the authorities chose to impose ? — Yes. 1332. But when you negotiated the Chefoo Agreement in 1876, yon proposed in the first instance that the drug opium when brought into port should be bonded until sold P — Yes. 1333. And that when sold the importer should pay the duty and the purchaser at the same time the local lax or li-kin and both to the Foreign Customs In- spectorate ? — Yes. 1334. Will you explain what advantage this would have afi'orded to the Chinese over the old Tientsin arrangement ? — It would have secured to them, — I thought I had explained, that the first of my stipula- tions was that the rate should be even at all the ports. They had been in the habit of putting on one rate here and another I'ate there ; it was a great derangement of the foreign importer's business tran.sactions, and in some places you had a ridiculous state of things, such as this : the Pore of Amoy is just at the southern tip of the province of Fu-kien ; the Port of Swatow is just at the eastern end of the province of Kwang Tung, which is next door to it. They had positively at one of these two ports, — I tliiuk at one time they were putting on .^8, or something of that sort, whilst at this next port they were putting on 24 ; and then when they found that there was in consequence eo much opium going to the latter port, the one rate went down and the other went up ; and there was all that kind of uncertainty, And there was this to be said, that as .it was collected, not by foreign officers, but by Chinese, a great portion of it was lott to the Government. Though they believed themselves to be getting something like 40 taels a picul all down the coast, they did not get one- half of it, or at all events not three-fourths of it. I proposed that they should get the whole of that, and indeed I contemplated a rise upon it ; and I attempted, in 1S7!I, when I returned to China, to raise it; but circumstances interfci-cd with the negotiations, which were discontinued. 13-M-j. Indeed it was very largely to prevent contra- band, to make it easier for the Chinese to collect the tariff, I suppose?— It was to secure them, what they were entitled to, and. as I have informed you, I think, it was suggested to me by the fact that I considered a decision of our Supreme Court had been unduly against the Chinese. 1:^36. Why did the Home n-overnment i-efuse to confirm the Chefoo Convention, and leave it open for so long a period P— For the length of the period I am in great part responsible, I was interrupted by various incidents. In the first instance, in 1876, no sooner was my agreement signed than all my colleagues,— at least no sooner had I left China for England, than almost all my colleagues virtually protested against the whole thing, alth6ugh tu o of them— but it is of no use going into those details. On the other part, the Indian Government were very naturally alarmed lest there should be a sudden or even a gradual increase of this inland taxation. They were at one time willing that opium should be liable to the tariff duty of 30 taels plus, on my estimate, an inland duty of about 40. I cer- tainly had contemplated making such an arrangement as, whilst it would add to the amount that the Chinese had believed themselves entitled to receive, would be more or less fixed ; that there might not be the irregu- larity attending it that theie had been. But in the first place, when I came to discuss it with the Grand Secretary Li Hung Chung I imagine that I did not move fast enough ; then, later on, there %\cre other interruptions; there were other considerations; and finally when my tenure of office came to a close at the end of 1882. the thing was not concluded. On the whole, that it dragged must be put down to my charge more or less. ^ 1337. No doubt it did drag largely because the Home Government were afraid that it would give the Chinese Government too much liberty with regard to the im- position of provincial duties or internal duties P— That i),t first no doubt was the feeling in India, but I do not think it would bo fair to set down all the delay to that cause. On the contrary, in that year, you see, amongst negotiations which came into my hands, there were negotiations arising out of the 'Treaty of anotber Power which would have led, I think, in the long run to the disappearance of some of the difficulties afl'ecting trade in the interior; or, at all events, to the protection of imi)orts carried inland against the taxation which MINUTES OF EVJDENCE. 97 was so depressing our trade inland [and against wliich all foreign Powers, ourselves included, had tong been protesting]. As you may see very well, it was an ex- cellent opportunity to put an end to this. Thfl Chinese were waiting for a settlement of this opium inland arrangement; but they were all the time collticting li-liin. We did not interfere with their collection so far as it was in their own hands ; but this improved system, which they were right willing to see put in force, would have been a very fair argument in our hands that they should meet us half-way as regards the inland taxation of the regular trade and the trade outside opium. Well, we [the foreign Legations combined] had got a considerable length by the end of the year 1879, when there was what you may remember as the Russian scare, which threw the whole of us back for a twelvemonth ; and then there were other delays and other delays, and I left China in the middle of 1882, with the business unfinished, and to a certain extent I may say that I was responsible for the delay ; indeed, in no small degree. When I returned home, after a certain interval, the Foreign Office, would have been, I think, very glad of my assistance to bring the matter to a conclusion, but I was, to use the simplest term, not equal to the effort, and the delays, I am sorry to repeat, must be more or less cnarged to myself. 1338. Did the Chinese Government ask for free liberty as to the amount of the U-hin ? — No. In one sense they asked for free liberty, because I pro- posed in the first instance what I knew them to be then getting as the li-hin, and indeed offered more ; for whereas I felt quite sure they did not get 40, 1 was pro- posing 50 ; and I have since learned that if I had pro- posed 60 they would have closed with it joyfully ; but the interruptions that I mentioned [those for which I was not responsible] ensued, and the result is that it is now being taxed a great deal more than I had ever contemplated that it would be. 1339. The result was that they were only able to get the Convention which you had made with them con- firmed on their accepting 80 taels ? — Is not that so ? — I should hardly say that. I was not in the affair at the close, but I should say that it was . hey who pressed. We did not limit them at 80. But thej pressed up to 80. It was they who pressed, and on Sii "Robert Hart's inspiration. They were asking for 80; was not we who were abating. They never asked for more than 80 ; and indeed when I was leaving China, that very able man whose conversation I read to you a short time ago called on me only a few days before I left — called on me to say that they would be perfectly satis- fied with 70, which I would give them the 100 taels on the whole. The Grand Secretary Li, too, had told my Chinese secretary the same thing but a short time before. The was no constraint whatever, not the slightest. 1340. The Chairman has asked yon, I think, a question with regard to Sir James Ferguson, and you said you could not, in the full, from your experience, confirm what Sir James Ferguson has said ? 1341. (Chairman.) With reference to the full dis- cretion of the Chinese to deal on tariff" or prohibition with the importation of opium ? 1342. (Mr. Pease.) I was going to put this question : It was stated by Sir James Ferguson in the House of Commons' debate on April 10th 1891 , that " the Chinese " at any time may terminate the Treaty on giving " 12 months' notice, and to protect themselves they " may increase the duty to any extent they please, or " they may exclude it altogether." Is that language in your opinion a fair description of the position of the Chinese in the matter of their Treaty relations with us ? Yes ; my proper answer to that should have been that " I have not read to my knowledge, anything in " Treaty or Correspondence that would bear out such a " statement as that." But I do not mean to say that it is not true. 1343. And again it was stated by Mr. Curzon, the late Under- Secretary for India, in the House of Com- mons' debate on 30th June 1893 that, "under a clause " of the Chefoo Convention of 1866, it was possible for " the Chinese Government, upon giving 12 months' " notice, to abrogate the Treaty, or to put an import " tax on the article, or even, like Japan, to prohibit " its introduction altogether into any of its ports." Is that, in your opinion, a fair description of the relations of the Chinese with us in the matter of opium P Your answer will be very similar to that to the other ques- tion ?— No; pardon me. It mflst be '* tj)£vt J have nqt e 80970. " seen it in any Treaty or Correspondenoe. " Perhaps I recal things more vividly that I was connected with myself. In Clause 7 of the Additional Article, which is signed at London on the 18th July, 1885 : " The " arrangement rej^pecting opium contained in the " present Additional Article shall remain binding tor " four years, after the expiration of which period either " Government may at any time give 12 months' notice " of its desire to terminate it, and such notice being " given, it shall terminate accordingly." I should think thafthat covered 1344. (Sir J. Lyall.) What would be the result of that notice being given P Would they fall back on th e Tientsin Treaty, or what P 1345. (Mr. Pease.) Perhaps you would kindly read the last clause, Sir Thomas ?— " It is, however, agreed " that the Government of Great Britain shall have the " right to terminate the same at any time, should the " transit certificate be found not to confer on the opium " complete exemption from all taxation whatsoever, " whilst being carried from the port of entry to the " place of consumption in the interior." 1346. The last clause would you kindly read ? — " In " the event of the termination of this present Addi- " tional Article, the arrangement with regard to opium, " now in force under the regulations attached to the " Treaty of Tientsin, shall revive." Yes. 1346a. It is your view that if they were to denounce this Treaty, then they come under the provisions of the Treaty of Tientsin ; which, while it gives tJiem the power to increase the li-lcin, takes away from them the privilege of objecting to taxation as arranged by you through the Custom House P — Yes. Not arranged by me. 1347. Well, it is in your Convention ? — It is the Supplementary Article [not negotiated by mej. I am bound to say that a great deal of what is written in that kind of way has passed out of my memory as being practically of no importance. My own conviction is that you will never have a proposition from the Chinese Government on the subject. 1348. I would just remind you that in the conference held in May, 1881, a chief Minister, the Marquis of Tso, made a proposition going much beyond the mere imposition of a duty of 110 taels P — I remember perfectly well his proposition ; indeed, I think it was in a iMemorial to the Throne, that the recommendation that they should put 150 taels on it was made. This, to a moial certainty, would have enhanced the pre- mium acid revived smuggling all along the coast, whereas Sir Kobert Hart's limit was that which would put the trade out of the fear of the smuggler. 1349. Is it your view, may I ask, that the English Goverament ought uot to interfere in any degree in fixing what the internal duty should be p — It ought not to interfere ? Do you mean morally. 1350. No ; as a matter of what ought to be left to an independent nation? — Well, that is to say, whether it would not be more becoming to England to put it back to the condition of things before any agreement were signed : let us pay an import duty, and then leave the inland taxation entirely for themselves. I think you could not do China a greater dis-service. One of the curses of China at this moment is the multiplica- tion of the offices of the inland revenue, which are all corruption personified. It would be depriving China of so much revenue, and it would be ensuring an amount of maladministration of which, I think, you would be sorry to realise the result. 1351. I have only further to say I am requested to state that the Secretary and the previous Secretary of the Anti-Opium Society have never used the term " second opium war." It is a term that has been used by others ; it is not a term that has been adopted by them P — It has been used by antiopiumists. 1352. (Mr. Wilson.)_ Sir Thomas Wade, I want to ask you a few questions. At the beginning of your evidence I think you made a kind of comparison be- tween opium in China and drink in this country? — Yes. 1353. And you suggested something, if not like in- sincerity, at least like inconsistency, in the outcry about opium while we tolerated drink ? — I would not say while we tolerate drink. I was speaking rather, I think, — for I had not prepared a speech, — I was thinking rather of the tone of the condemnation. X consider tbafi thpre is a sufficient analogy between the Sir T. F. Wade, G.C.M.G.. K.C.B. 15 Sept. ISO.-). 98 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION Sir T.F. Wade, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 15 Sfipt. 1893. two evils to bar ui3 from indicting the opium trade in the way that we do indict it ; from using the exceed- ingly censorious language that we apj)ly to it. 1354. That is what I understood. Bnt then I have no doubt that you are perfectly aware that there is a very large number of persons and of associations of diflerent kinds in this country, which from various points of view, and with ^■arious degrees of stringency, are saying \'ery strong things about drink, too ? — Yes. \X>h. And if any of these persons are taking part and using the same sort of language about opium in China, there is no inconsistency about them 't — Not if it is only the same kind. But they use about opium in China very much stronger language when they charge Government agents and communities with forcing it upon China. What would you think if you could charge a Ministry of England with forcing drink on this country at the point of the bayonet. ];!5(j. I am afraid I am not a witness ? — I beg your pardon. It was a mere form of words. I did not intend to make a personal remark at all. 13-">7. Then, another question. Tou referred to some period, — I am not sure what the exact period was, — but you referred to the fact that at that time there was not enough opium being sent into China for more than 2 per cent, of the population, I think it was .f — Yes. 1358. "Well, of course, the adult male population of any country is roughly estimated at 20 per cent. ; therefore, if there was enough opium for 2 per cent., it would be one-tenth of the entire male population ? — Pardon me ; a remark was made, I can hardly remem- ber now in what connexion, because it was by a mis- sionary whose name I said I did not mention, because I was not absolutely certain of his identity. I believe him to be a missionary of very long standing and of the very highest respectability ; and I entirely forget now in what connexion he produced the paper in which I read it. But I remember reading it with great astonish- ment. I simply gave it for what it is worth. I presume that he had in his mind, of course, not every man, woman, and child in the country, but taking the mass, we are in the habit of speaking of "poisoning the nation," and I tliink that he was in all, probability deprecating the severity of that remark. 1859. I only want to see whether you agree with me that, even putting it in the form in which you did put it, it would amount in a population like that of London to providing sufficient for 80,000 to 100,000 of the male adult inhabitants of London — that would be the pro- portion ; that is 2 per cent. ? — Well, I should not venture to say so. I am almost sorry I cited the remark. 1,360. Very well. I will not pursue it? — I cited it because it was the testimony of a missionary, — that is the way I interpreted it, — it was the testimony of a missionary against what I conceive to be a certain habit of exaggeration in condemning what is no doubt a serious evil. 1361. Now, then, in reference to some questions that, I think, were put to you just now by Mr, Pease with refe- rence to the ratification of the Chefoo Convention ; I find that in September 1 881 , a meeting of merchants was held in Bombay, when they sent a memorial to the Marquis of Bipon, who was then Viceroy, and in the fourth clause of the memorial they say — " Your memorialists, " seeing the great injury that would have beer, done to " the Indian opium trade if this proposal had bei'n " carried into effect, petitioned the Secretary of State " at that time on the subject, and succeeded" (that is, the memorialists succeeded) " in inducing the Grovern- " ment to stop the ratification of the Chefoo Conven- " tion." You agree with that p — No. The memorialists, the Bombay opium merchants, did protest ; their repre- sentatives in China had protested to me, too, ver}- strongly against it ; but it did not arrest the ratification of the Chefoo Agreement the least in the world. 1362. Then you think they took more upon them- selves than they were justified in doing.'' — I should think so. I think it is very natural that when the thing hung fire they should assume that this was owing to their remonstrances ; but I think they were mistaken, because I know that the non-ratification of it was due to other causes. 1363. Well, then, Sir Thomas, I find that in February 1870, Sir Rutherford Alcook was present at a meeting of the Viceroy in Council, which apparently was called for the purpose of conferring with him upon the pro- spects of the Indian opium revenue, and he gave an account which occupies a page or more here — an abbre- viation of "his statement with reference to what had taken place — his views, and then comes this paragraph. I am putting it to you to ask you how far you agree with what he stated. ''In answer to question put by " His Excellency the Viceroy and others, Sir Buther- " ford Alcock said that he had no doubt that the " abhorrence expressed by the Government and people " of China for opium, as destructive to the Chinese '" nation, is genuine and deep-seated, and that he wa.s " also quite convinced that the Chinese Government " could, if it pleased, carry out its threat of , developing " cultivation to any extent. On the other hand, .-he " believed that so strong was the popular feeling on the " subject, that if Britain would give up the opjum " revenue and suppress the cultivation in India- the " Chinese Government would have no difficulty in " suppressing it in China, except in the Province- of " Yu-nan, where its authority is in abeyance?" — No, I do not- agree with the latter part. I more or less protested — ^" protest " would not have been a proper word for me to have used at the time— but I difi'ered from him in opinion, and I have elsewhere recorded.the difference of my opinion as to the power of the Chinese Government in the matter. The Chinese Government was not so circumstanced, and has not been for very many years. Allow me to refer you to the correspond- ence of Captain Elliot in the year 1836. Even at that time you will find a Chinese Minister, — the one who proposed the legalisation of it, — admitting two things ; that opium is necessary to the Chinese, and that the Government really could not stop it. You will find it in this gj-eat Blue Book of 1840. 1364. Your reply refers to the latter part of what I read ?— Yes. 1365. The first part is as to the genuineness of their abhorrence, and their desire to get rid of it ? — Well, I do not think the abhorrence, as I have stated in my evidence, is so universal as is supposed. I say that there must be a very large number of Chinese who do abhor it, but just in the way that there is in Britain a great number of people, as yon said just now, who abhor drink and the notion of drink. 1366. May I just read you these words again : " Sir " Rutherford Alcock said that he had no doubt that " the abhorrence expressed by the Government and " people of China for opium, as destructive to the " Chinese nation, is genuine and deep-seated." My question is, do you agree with Sir Rutherford Alcock that the Government of China had this deep-seated and genuine abhorrence ? — I think it is too sweeping a statement. 1367. Of course you know that Sir Rutherford Alcook gave evidence in this country a year later ? — Yes. 1368. What I have just read was in 1870. In 1871 he gave evidence in this country, and it ia somewhat in the same line. I want just to ask you if you agree. He quoted, in giving evidence here, a despatch that he had written on this subject, and in which he uses these words : It is one of the Chinese mandarins uses these words, that " he believed the extension of this per- " nicious habit was mainly due to the alacrity -witfi " which foreigners supplied the poison for their own " profit, perfectly regardless of the irreparable injury " inflicted, and naturally they felt hostile to aU con- " cernediii such a traffic." Do you agree with that?— I think it is too sweeping again. Indeed, what I have already said points the other way. 1369. Well, then in answer to further questions. Sir Rutherford Alcook said : "I think it will be seen the " substance of the whole is this : that there ' is a very '' large and increasing cultivation of the poppy iia China, and that the Chinese Government are seriouslj' contemplating (if they cannot come to any terms ■• of arrangement with the British Government for ^' restricting the area of growth in India, and either "^ gradually or suddenly putting an end to its importa,- ^' tion, as they think they have the power to do), the cultivation without stint in China and producing II opium at a much cheaper rate. Having done thsit they think they will afterwards be able to stamp out " the opium produce among themselves." I do not ask you whether you agree as to their power ;' but do you agree that that indicates some degree of (desire on their part to do so P— No. I have heard, the proposition more than once from Chinese, but I do not beliovo in its seriousness ; without charging them with insincerity as regards their desire to see -such a result. I am perfectly satisfied no Chinese that ever spoke to mo ia MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 99 thgit ^ay ever belieyed .that the Government couild. 4° it, or that such a, result was obtainable. Just think: we keep on talking of opium as if the wliole question, dated from the time we first went to war with China, but, all ^hose propositions really were discussed by the Chinese themselves long before we had any coUjsion with them at all.- 1370. Then' a little furtheron he said:— "My own " conviction is firm that' whatever degree of honesty " may be attributed to the officials and to the central '■• 'Government, there is that at work in their minds, " that they would not hesitate one moment to-morrow, " if they could, to enter into any arrangement^ with the " British, Goyqrnment and ^'^Yi 'Let our revenue go, ",;we, care nothing about, it. vy"hat w^ want .i.s.to s^op 'I ^he consumption of , opium, which wo Qonocive is '.'•impgverishing the country, and , demoralising and "j.bfutalising our people.'" Do I gather that you think they had misled Sir, Eutherford Alcook? — I cannot answer that with one word. The Chinese, like ourselves, haye a very great facility of generalisation when they come to dikcuss moral question? ; but I am very much astonished, — it ii years since I read raat, which I must have done, — I am very much astonished at its having so impressed Sii' Rutherford Alcock, who had been five-and-twenty years in the country. 1371. I will only trouble you with one more, which has a bearing on trade. He said (as regards the be'aJring uploh' the Government of' China. " If I had been enabled " dtiring the recent revision of the Treaty to hold out ''' tiny distinct promise or assurance to them, that both " as regarded missionaries and opium, which are their "two great grievances, something should be done' more " or less restrictive that would meet their wishes,. I " believe that' I might have got any facilities for our " trade that I had chosen to demand. ■ My great diffi- " culty was, that I could, offer them nothing in either ", direction '.',?-r-]Sfo, nor in any direction, he might have added., .Our grand, difficulty, with China, is that we have never anything to ofier. I do not know myself what his cqnyjction, points 'to after 'he had been engaged two years in the revision. He must have -traversed riiost of the'ground possible, bUt I cannot irhagine what Sir Eutherford Alcock supposes he would have got if he, could havegivennp opium and missionaries ; -One is about as prac-tipable as the other ; but what he would have got in the way of trade I cannot imagine. 1372. His idea was that if he could have given up opium, he could have got great facilities for trade. roii do not agree with that ? — I do not, because of this : they could 'riot have have afforded then to give up the abnormal taxation which overspread the country, and which there were hundreds upon hundreds of offices to collect. The real embarrassment of trade lay in these Sir offices, and they could not have given them up, even if T. F Wade, yonhad taken away opiitm and missionaries, or anything G.C.M.G., else you pleased to name at the time. K.C.B. 1373. {Ohairman). Are these local tolls levied at different points P — They are abnormal. Mr. Lay calls the collection of this tax, the li-hin, a war tax, and at one time that would have been: more or less a ooi*rect term to employ. The word means, literally, one. per mille. It is the thousandth part, the Zi is the thousandth part, of what we call in foreign, commerce the tael (the ounce),; and hin is gold, and li-hin, — this one per niille upon trade, — is something like our income tax ; a. tax put on to meet some exti;aordinary emergency. The dis- turbances of the country were perplexing their Treasury very miich before the rebellion broke out. Then all through the rebellion and up to a late date, if not to this' moment, thoy were perplexed as to finding means at all ; and the rebellion itself — which lasted — the re- bellion proper lasted — from 1852 to 1884, and then pro- longed itself in different directions, — threw upon them an extraordinary expenditure, while the whole of their normal apparatus was disorganised ; and, therefore, they 'have been more or less obliged to keep up this system of irregular taxation. The whole country is dotted with these offices. They do not obtain on the spot, — ^the authorities do not obtain, — half of what is collected; and you will see in the Appendix to my Eeport on the Chefoo Agreement [presented to the late Earl of Derby], in 1877, two State papers, in which the Central Government bitterly complains that it cannot get returns from the provinces upon these very questions. I think, sir, if I may return to the question of my respected Chief's remarks. Sir Eutberford Alcock was rather viewing the situation throughout as if the Central Government, With the power of the Central Government — which is immense when the Emperor is in full blow — was very much more confirmed than it really was. It had. been terribly disorganised by the rebellion, and at the time he was speaking China had h^d seven years of a female Eegency, [1869.] .1374. (Mr. Wilson.) Sir Thomas, there are a great many more statements of the same kind ; I have got five or six of them more noted ; but I have gathered snfficiently that your opinion does not agree with him, and I will not pursue that further P— Of course, I am ex- ceedingly unwilling to say that I disagree with a gentleman under whom I served for very ma.ny years, and whose Secretary of Legation I was ; but I think that in those passages which you have read, there is an evidence of a little over-readiness to measure the situa- tion favourably, which I am the more astonished at, because on occasion Sir Eutherford Alcook certainly showed that he perfectly understood its difficulties. 1.5 Sept. 1893. The witness withdrew. Mr. SteWaet LockhaM called in and examined. 1375. {Ghairmdn.) Tou are, I believe, the Eegistfar- General, or, in other words, the Protector of the Chinese in Hong ICong ?— Yes. 1376. I believe that you have resided in Hong Kong for 14 years ?— 14 years. 1377. I think you have also resided in Canton, and also in the interior — in the Kuang-Tung Province P— I have. 1378. I believe that you are acquainted with the Chinese' language, both to speak it and to read it ; and of course your position brings you into close contact with the natives of ,all clashes, both high and low P— Yes-'" ' ,' ' ,.".',;■ . ..1379, .In fact your post constitutes you as the channel "qf conjmunication between the Government arid the .Chinese population of Hong Kong P— It .does. 1380. Well; now, can you from- your extensive ex- perience -give us your opinion as to the stateof Chinese opinion in regard to the opium habit, looking at the state of things not only among the working classes, but also the merchants, the literati, the official classes, and also can you tell us what you saw during your sojourn in the interior, jWhich would give you an,. op- portunity of forming an opinion as t0;h<)w the Chinese regard this question?— As regards Chinese popular opinion in respect to the opium habit, :it is decidedly against it. There is a common Cantonese saying which sums up rather appositely " The Ten Cannots " with regard to the opium sot. It says, "The Ten. Cannots Mgarding *te Ooium Smoker '' :— " He cannot : (1) give " up the habit ; (2) enjoy sleep ; (3) Wait for his turn " when sharing his pipe with' his friends ; (4) rise early ; " (5) be cured if sick ; (6) help relations in need ; (7) " enjoy Wealth ; (8) plan anything ; (9) get credit even ". when an old customer ; (10) walk any long distance." That, I think, sums up the popular view of the Chinese with regard to the opium habit. ■ 1381. Well then, and that opinion is shared by high arid low ? — I should say it represents popular opinion on the subject. 1382. Well, now, what was the result of your own observations with regard to the effect of opium, upon those who resort to the use of opium ? — I have s«ien moderate smokers ; and I have also seen smokers who certainly took the drug to excess. As regards the moderate smokers, it did not seem to aflect them much, if at all, physically, and certainly not at all mentally. With regard to those who took it to excess, from outward appearances they certainly were aifected physically, but in my own communications with them I never saw any trace of their being afi'ected mentally. 1383. Do you believe in the possibility of a moderate consumption of opium ? — I do. I have seen people consume opium who do not indulge in it to excess. But of course, there is the danger of proceeding from moderation to excess. 1384. Well, now, turning to the eifect of the opium trade on the attitude of the Chinese to vvards our Govern^ ment, and as it affects their general opinion of us, what X 2 Mr. S. Lochart. 100 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION: Mr. S. Lickait. 15 Sept. 1S93 do you say on that point ? — I have noticed in the news- papers that some of the witnesses who have appeared before the Opium Commission have stated that the British are hated by the Chinese on account of this opium question. So far as my experience goes, I have never found any hatred e.xpressed of the British on that account. 1385. Do you consider that the British commerce in other articles of trade is prejudicially affected by the existence of the trade in opium between India and China ? — I doubt whether that is so ; because if the Chinese did not spend their money on the opium from India, they would spend it on the opium which they grow themselves, and which, as is well known, is in- creasing every year. 1386. Speaking of Hong Kong, what have you to tell us with regard to the facilities for obtaining supplies of opium there, and with regard to the proportion of the Chinese population in Hong Kong who are con- sumers of opium ? — I drew up a return some time ago, under directions from the Governor of Hong Kong, with regard to the number of opium divans, or as they are very often erroneously called, " opium dens." I think it was in connexion with some question that had been asked by a Member of Parliament, calling atten- tion to the excessive number of opium Sivans in Hong Kong. I had inquiries made, and drew up a table, the figures of which 1 have here. 1387. Please give the results to us ? — The number of public-houses or canteens per 1,000 of the total European and American population is 2'80. The number of opium divans per 1,000 of tbe total Chinese land population is about ■ 86 (8 • 56 per 10,000). That is, that the public- houses in Hong Kong for the public supply of drink to Europeans are proportionately more numerous than the opium divans for the supply of opium to Chinese. 1388. Now, we have had comparisons made by wit- nesses who have appeared before us of the relative results of the indulgence in opium and indulgence in spirituous liquor, and we have been told by many wit- nesses that opium is far more prejudicial in its effects than liquor, at any rate, if moderately consumed. What would you say to us as to the relative influence of opium and liquor upon consumers ? — Comparing the opium sot and the drunkard, I should say the drunkard is a man who makes himself a much greater nuisance to society than an opium sot. The opium sot, although he may be affecting himself physically, and perhaps mentally, does not make himself a iraisance to society generally ; whereas the drunkard, as is well known, is not only a nuisance to his immediate surroundings, but very often to society in general. i;!8!i. In relation to the death rate at Hong Kong, would you be able to say that there was any distinct evidence that the returns are more unfavourable in the case of those who are consumers of opium than in the average of the population? — The mortality statistics do not tend to show that any deaths result from opium - smoking. I do not think that I have ever had a return of a death registered as directly arising from opium- smoking. Of course, there are sometimes cases of opium poisoning by swallo^Ying opium ; in fact, that is not an uncommon form of getting rid of life. But so far as the death-rate of the Chinese is concerned in Hong Kong it is improving ; in 1888, the death-rate among the Chinese per 1,000 was 32 ■ 22 ; in 1802, it was 21 • 36 ; and there is nothing in the death statistics to show that opium is the cause of a high mortality in the Colony. Of course, I cannot say to -what extent diseases which people die from may have been liable to be caught on account of indulgence in the habit of opinion smoking. 1390. I believe there is a system of raising revenue in Hong Kong and in the Straits Settlements, and in other British dependencies, by what arc known as opium farms? — Yes. 1391. Will you describe that system to us? — The opium farm is let to a man for a certain figure, and ho has the monopoly, and pays to the Government a certain fee e^ ery year for the privilege of preparing and selling prepared opium. This monopoly, I think, does not tend in any Avay to increase the consumption of opium ; in fact, I think that the system rather tends to decrease the consumption, because the opium farmei'j being practically a monopolist, is able to keep up the price of opium ; and if people want his opium they have to piiy a higher figure for it than they ])orhaps wonld have to do jf the privilege of preparing opium was not •; onfinrd to one person, a,-; at present, but granted to S'.'vcrul poople. 1392. Do you think that under a system of free trade in the supply of opium, the consumption of opium would be more extensive than it is under the present system ? — I think so. The opium wonld be cheaper, and people being able to get it more cheaply would almost certainly consume more. I think in many cases a man is a moderate smoker of necessity, because he has not the money to pay for more, much as he might like to have it. If there was a free trade in this matter, opium would become much cheaper, and people would be able to indulge themselves more freely in it than at present. 1393. Do you think it would be possible or politic on the part of the Government of Hong Kong to issue an edict of total prohibition of the _ consumption of opium ? — Prom a revenue point of view it would be injurious to the Colony, and I do not think it would decrease consumption. It is the desire of the Govern- ment to limit consumption as far as it possibly can consistently with the raising of revenue. 1394. Do you think that, if the use of opium in any form was forbidden, you could enforce such a prohibition P — I do not think it would be possible any more than a prohibition of drink in this country could be enforced. People would smoke. I am afraid the habit has become so ingrained in the Chinese that they must have their opium. 1395. {Sir W. Roberts.) I was going_ to ask Mr. Lockhart a question : WTiat is the Chinese popula- tion of Hong Kong ? — The Chinese population is about, in round figures, 220,000 ; the total population of the Colony being, in round figures, 231,000. 1396. That is, there are about 10,000 Europeans?— And 220,000 Chinese. 1397. Are the Chinese inhabitants of Hong Kong there with their wives and children in their full family relations ? — There is Chinese family life in Hong Kong, and it is increasing ; but non-family life is more com- mon than family life among the Chinese in the Colony. 1398. Then they are to some extent immigrants ? — Certainly. The close proximity of the Colony to the main-land of China, facilitates the progress of the Chinese to and fro. 1399. Now, opium smoking is prevalent among the Chinese people?— I think the term " prevalent " may certaily be applied to it. 1400. May one say one-half of the adults smoke opium P — I should not like to commit myself to any statement of that kind. I think it is rather rash to commit oneself to any statement as to figures which are not based on ascertained facts. 1401. But you think it might be described as pre- valent? — I think it is prevalent. 1402. But still nothing like so prevalent as the use of alcoholic stimulants amongst the adults in this coun- try ? — I do not think so. 1403. Some are moderate and some are immoderate ? — Some are moderate and some are immoderate. 1404. Can you give us any idea — I do not want precise numbers — what is the proportion between the moderate users, those who do not injure themselves, and the immoderate users, those who do injure them- selves ? — In Hong Kong the moderate smokers are, so far as my experience goes, more numerous than the immoderate smokers. 1405. Then you can only speak of it as a bare ma- jority ? — I cannot give precise figures. 1406. That is to say you could not say now, as in this country we might roughly say, that out of 100 people who use alcoholic liquors there are certainly not more than ten who could be classed as intemperate ? — It is difficult to give figures of that kind with regard to Hong Kong, which has more or less of a floating popu- lation. I should not like to: commit myself beyond what I ha\c already stated, that the moderate smoker is much morr common than the immoderate smoker, so far as my experience goes. 1407. Your impression is then that there are a great many that go to excess and injure themselves P — What I said was that the moderate smoker, the man who cannot afiTord to go to excess, so far as my ex- perience goes, is more numerous than the man who goes to excess. Some of course do go to excess and injure themselves. 140S. You cannot express yourself more exactly than that 'i — No, 1 cannot express myself more exactly. MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 101 1409. {Sir J. Lyall.) Do you think that the only people who are moderate are the men who cannot afford it P— No, I would not say that ; but I think the fact of their not being able to afiford it operates to restrain many from becoming immoderate consumers. 1410. Makes the common working men? — Makes them more moderate than perhaps they otherwise would be. But 1 do not say that men who have wealth and who smoke opium are hot sometimes moderate also. 1411. (Sir W. 'Roberts.) But you would not even ■venture to say that the opium sot was more common ainong opium smokers than the drunkard is among spirit drinkers or the users of alcoholic drinks p — I should not like to say so. 1412. Is the opium-smoking increasing in Hong Eong ? — No, I do not think there is anything to show that it is increasing. 1413. It is about stationary p — I think it is pretty much about the same. 1414. Then the extraordinary improvement in the death-rates in Hong Kong, from 32- 21 in 1888 to 21' 36 in 1892 is quite independent of any fluctuation in what one may call the opium rate ? — -I should not think the opium question affected the death-rate very much one way or the other. I think the iniproved sanitary works have more to do with the improved death-rate than anything to do with opium. 1415. As far as you know, opium has not affected the death-rate then P^So far as the mortality returns go to show, we have no deaths attributed to opium- smoking. 1416. I suppose that there cannot be any exact statistics as to the consumption of opium in Hong Kong per head of the population ? — I should think it would be possible to obtain accurate statistics of the local consumption of the Oolony. 1417. It could not be obtained P — Yes, under the present system. I think I could obtain figures and furnish the Commission with them if it were considered desirable. 1418. The consumption per head of the Oliinese ? — Every chest of opium that arrives in Hong Kong has to be accounted for ; so that it is possible to show the amount that is consumed locally and the amount that is exported. If it be considered desirable those figures might be obtained. 1419. I think it might be interesting to have that in- formation. And, of course, you have also vital statistics collected regularly ; the death-rate could be got ? — Yes. My own annual report gives the death-rate, and the various diseases of which the people die. 1420. The point would simply be this, whether there is any correspondence between the death-rate and the opium rate ; whether, when the opium rate rises — for I have no doubt there will be a certain oscillation, whether the death-rate oscillates correspondingly P — I do not think there has been any correspondence between the death-rate and the opium rate. 1421. (Mr. Wilson.) Would you just give tis some general idea of what the position and duty of Protector of the Chinese is P — All Chinese communications with the Government pass through his hands ; all transla- tions of Chinese documents are made in his depart- ment ; and on questions affecting the native community, which arise fromitime to time, he is generally the officer who is consulted and advises. 1422. (Chairman.) Perhaps you might point out that the appointment of Governor of Hong Kong is hardly ever made from among those who have had previous acquaintance with the Chinese population P — Quite so. 1423. As a general rule, the Governor is one selected from the general Colonial service, and he goes to Hong Kong without a knowledge of the language, and greatly needing the sei-vices of an officer who has that special knowledge P — The Governor of the Colony is as a rule quite unacquainted with the Chinese, having had no special opportunities of learning Chinese, or becoming acquainted with the habits of the Chinese. Seeing that the Chinese constitute by far the largest portion of the population, it is considered necessary to have an officer who is acquainted with their language, and with their customs, whom they may consult, and who may to be of assistance to the Government in dealing with native affairs. In addition to these duties, he has also to perform the duties of registrar of births, deaths, and marriages. 1424. (Mr. Wilson.) Of the Chinese ?— Of the whole community including the Chinese. 1425. (Sir W. Boheris.) I should like to ask one question more. Did you ever know any of the Euro- peans in Hong Kong take to the opium -smoking habit ? — Never in my experience. 1426. (Mr. Mowbray.) Is there much Chinese opium consumed in Hong Kong P — No, I do not think so. 1427. Any P — I doubt whether there is any. 1428. (Mr. Pease.) "What is the system of licensing of the two classes of houses you alluded toP — Of the opium divans P 1429. Of the opium divans and the spirit houses ? Are they licensed ? By the same authority P Under similar circumstances P — The opium divans are licensed by the opium farmer ; and the public-houses are licensed in the same way as they are in this country — by the justices. 1430. Is it not possible that the opium farmer may find it to his advantage to do his business in a smaller number of establishments than the business would have been done in if they had been licensed as the public- houses are ? — I should say the opium farmer would open as many houses as he thought would pay. I should think that would be his guiding principle. 1431. I say he might find it to his interest to do his business in a smaller number of establishments, less expense than in a great number p — If he found that a larger number of houses paid, he would open them at once. 1432. If the licensing authority was all in one hand in our towns and villages in this country, there would be a very great decrease in the number of public- houses ? — The opium farmer grants licences to suit the requirements of the place. In that return that I have handed in, I have given the number of people frequent- ing the opium divans. 1433. I was only wanting to point out that the system of licensing may have some effect on the numbers of houses open, and the different classes P — I mentioned the number of houses, to show that they were not so excessive as seemed to be the opinion of certain people. 1434. When a man becomes an opium smoker, he requires to have his pipe at certain intervals, does he not? — I believe that depends a great deal upon the degree to which he has become under the influence of the habit. I should say the moderate man could go without his pipe without having it at regular intervals, as long as he could get it at some time. 1435. What do you mean by getting it at some time ? — Well, as long as he got his pipe, say when his work was over, or in the evening, as the case may be, whereas a man who is an opium sot must have his pipe at regular intervals. 1436. If you watched the case of persons who have taken opium at regular intervals for two or three years, would you say that they had not become more confirmed in the habit, than when you first knew them ? — I have now in my mind a case where I am sure the smoker has not become more confirmed in the habit ; in fact, if anything, he does not smoke quite so much. 1437. Do you think those cases are common ? — That I could not say. 1438. {Sir J. Lyall.) A great many of these opium smokers are very much like the British liqilor drinkers, that is, they know more or less how far they can go, how much they can carry, perhaps, and are prudent enough not to go beyond that? — Well, I should think that must influence them, especially workmen, who know that if they go beyond a, certain state, they will not be fit for their work. I should think prudential considerations of that kind do occur to them. 1439. Do any number of Chinese drink spirits in Hong Kong P — They do drink spirits. The drinking of spirits — of their own native spirits — ^is pretty general among the Chinese. 1410. Did you ever see drunkenness ? — Very seldom, inaeed. A drunken Chinaman is a very rare sight N3 Mr.S. Locharl. 15 Sept. 1803. 102 INDIAlJ OPIUM COMMISSION Mr. S. 1441. The same men, yoU think, drink spirits as Lochhart. smoke opium ? — I think the drinking of spirits is far more general than the smoking of opinm. They very 15 Sept. 1893. often take spirits with their meals in the ordinary way, — — — just as we do ourselves. 1442. It is spirit made from rice ? — ^Yes, spirit made from rice. H43. Like the Japanese saki P — ^Very much the same. It is commonly known by the name of Samshoo. The witness withdrew: Dr. T. I. jRoivelt. M.D., C.M.G. 1444. (Glutirman.) Have yon been a medical officer of the Government ? — I have; in the Straits Settlements. 1445. How many years ■\verc you there ? — I have been there altogether for about 2-5 years. 1446. Are you still in the service P — No, 1 am now retired. 1447. (Sir W. Roberts.) In your district, Singapore, 1 suppose, is the chief place ? — Singapore, yes. 1448. The population there consists of what elements i' — Roughly, I should think about 150,000 or 160,000. 1449. And what nationalitie.^ P — Principall}- Chinese but also Malays and natives of India. 1450. Sixty or eighty per cent, would be Chinese P — Quite so. 1451. Were the Chinese there with their wives and families, or were they immigrants P — Partly both. There are some who are called " Straits born Chinese " — they live there with their families ; but there is a large number of immigrants also. 1452. Were they generally opium smokers p — No, I should not say that ; not generally. 1453. Not the Chinese ?— -Not generally. 1454. Then the opium smoker was ithe exception p — Of course there was a large number of opium smokers, but those I saw principally in the hospitals. 1455. Then amongst the working population of Chinese in Singapore would you recognise the general prevalence of the opium habit p — Nn ; I should not say so.. I knew cases here and there ; Ijut I do not think it was a general habit. 1456. I see that you -were surgeon in charge of the criminal prison and the pauper hospital containing a very large number of inmates. Did you often meet these opium smokers as patients ?— 1 should think that of the admissions to the pauper hospital about ;>() or 40 per cent, were opium smokers. 1457. Did you attribute their po\erty largely to the habit of opium-smoking P — No, not at all ; I think it was due to disease. They take to opium through originally having fallen victims to disease. A great many of them are poor destitute Chinamen, and they fall victims to disease, and finding relief from opium- smoking they continue the habit. 1458. Then the opium habit was, so to speak, an incident in their lives P — Yes. 1459. And an incident in their case ; not a cause of their illness p — No ; it was taken more as a remed)'. 1460. Then did you see any eases of sickness produced by the opium habit ; by smoking opium ?^Some of them took it to excess, but I should not say that it was at all general. The generality were certainly moderate. 1461. Of the opium smokers ? — Yes. 146'2. But you did meet with some who had injured their health directly Ijy opium p — Well, I should not say that ; I do not think so. 1463. You would not say ]iositively. I mean you could not assert it positively P — No. 1464. Now, amongst the inmates of the criminal prison did you meet with opium smokers p — ^^.s. there was a certain number of inmates who were opium smokers, but I do not think the proportion was very lar,L;c. 1 165. A certain number of the Obinese p — ^'cs, oi the Chinese. 1466. Was their crime often connected with their habit of smoking opium ? — No, I do not think so as a rule. 1467. It was not connected ? — Not as a rule. 1468. In that respect it differed then, as far as your experience goes, from the irrepressible drunkard of this country P- -The opium smoker is not so bad as the drunkard by a long way. Dr. T. lEviKE EowEH, M.D., C.M.G-., called i.a and examined. 1469. Wa.s opium allowed to be smoked in the prison p — If, when a prisoji.er came in, he wa.s found to be an opium smoker, and his health gave way, and the medical officer considered that it was through the want of the opium, he was admitted to hospital, and got a cer- tain amount of the opium to smoke until his health got better again ; then lie was sent out to work in the prison in the ordinary way. 147(J. Were you afraid of suddenly stopping the opium smoker from his pipe when he came to the prison ? — In certain cases where they were used to opium in excess, if it was suddenly withdrawn, it was very apt to lead to serious symptoms. 1471. And was that the case with regard to the ordinary run of opium smokers who, I presume, would be temperate smokers ? — No, it was the exception. 1472. Then, you could cut it off without any injurjr at all p — Yes, and I made a series of experiments with the result of finding that out ; and I found that the larger proportion of the men from whom the opium was withdrawn gained weight, that a certain amount I'cmained stationarj-, and that a smaller proportion lost weight. 1473. Did you see any symptoms of this terrible craving that has been described to us when the moderate opium smoker was deprived of his pipe P — No, never. 1474. As far as you know, he was not worse off in that respect than a tobacco smoker ? — No, certainly not. 1475. I am speaking of habitual moderate smokers of opium P — Yes, quite so. 1476. Have you formed any judgment regarding the coolies who came to the Straits Settlements and who were opium smokers ; were they as efficient and as strong and as healthy as those who did not smoke opium p — No ; I should say not, because most of them had taken, as I said before, to opium simply to relieve their suffering. They were not strong men originally — they all either suffered from cough or, perhaps, a little diarrhoea, or, perhaps, a little fever, and they took to opium-smoking, and, having found relief, they con- tinued the habit. And, as they were diseased, you could not say they were as strong as the healthy men. 1477. Did noti your experience lead you to suppose that there were a good many Chinese who took to opium- smoking without being induced to do so by disease ? — I do not think so. 1478. Your experience was confined rather to tha; class which you have described P — Yes. 1479. Granting that they had been through their ailments led to smoke opium, as I suppose a good many were, did they after regaining health, in curable cases, still go on smoking the opium P — Yes, as a rule. 1480. Do you think that these maintained their efficiency as workmen and as healthy men P — Yes ; as long as they did not exceed in any way. 1481. 1 gather from you that the moderate opium smoker is not really in a worse position in regard to health than the moderate tobacco smoker p — Little worse. I may add that a great many lepers are opium smokers. The habit gives them relief, and is a good thing for them. 1482. Do I understand you to say in your note that you "have known some of the most successful and " most level-headed, the most clever of the Chinese " merchants in the Colony, to bo confirmed but •' HKidcralc 0]iium smokers "P — Yes, that is so. Their use of ophim has been moderate. 148;!. Did it ever pass into your mind that the moderate use of o]iium in oases of that sort— I mean men who are obliged to gain their living by their brains— that it helped them P— I think so. 1484. In your opinion, it was a positive assistance to them P — I think so. 14«5. And I suppose you would regard that as a set- off in a certain degtee to the mischief it did in other MINUTES OF EVIDENCE,. 103 directions P-^Tes ; some of those I referred to were men who took to opium for some special reason ; they did not take it as one takes to a glass of alcoholic liquor, they took it for sotne special reason— for some ailment that was the matter with them, either for a coush or something of that kind, but it did not affect their general health; they were able to attend to their business, and they did much better with opium than they could have done without it. 1486. Apparently it may be paid of opium, what many amongst ourselves feel— and I suppose it is the general view oj^pressed or unexpressed in regard to the alcohol habit, that the evil and the good balance themselves more or less completely, and you have to set the good against the bad; would you be disposed to consider of the opium habit, as you have seen it passing before youL' eyes at Singapore, that the good it did counter- balanced the evil p— I see much more to shock one at home from the effects of alcohol than I have ever done m the East from the effects of opium. 1487. You mean the balance is rather more clearly on the side of opium ?— On the side of opium. 1488. (Mr. Wilson.) Just upon this last point :— Did I understand you, in reply to Sir William Eoberts, to say that you thought that opium-smoking in modera- tion had no more injurious effects than tobacco smoking in moderation— is that what I gather p— Little more. 1489. Then you said also— I think I understood you to say, in reply to a question of Sir William Roberts — that the opinm smokers were not so healthy as Other people, not so strong as labourers, because there was usually disease superadded ; do I understand that that is your evidence ?— Quite so. 1490. And the disease you mentioned was a little fever or a cough ? — But those were only two causes ; there are a great many causes which induce men to take opium— there is leprosy for instance, there is diarrhoea, there is malaria, there is chronic rheumatism, pains in the bones — this last being a very common cause of men taking to opium smoking, and it relieves them in a way that opium in any other form would not do. 1491. But you mentioned a cough or a little fever ? — I meant a chronic cough— an obstinate cough, or fever. 1492. Then, in reference to the prisoners when in hospital, you allowed them under certain circum- stances to smoke ; was that rather as what you may call a luxury while in hospital, or was it a remedy? — I think Sir William -Roberts was asking me with regard to the jail — the prisoners in the jail. 1493. In the case of prisoners in the jail hospital P — It was considered certainly as a luxury ; but in certain cases it was a necessity. 1494. In some cases it was allowed as a luxmy to a sick prisoner ; in other cases you actually prescribed as beneficial to him ? — Tes, and in the hospitals in the same way. 1495. (Mr. Mowbray.) Yon mean as beneficial to him because he had been in the habit of taking it, and that it was not good for his health to be suddenly deprived of it ?— Yes. 1496. Does the G-overnment of the Straits Settle- ments derive a large revenue from the opium traffic ? — Yes, but I really could not tell you how much. 1497. {Mr. Pease.) There is, I believe, an anti-opium society in Singapore, is there not P — Not I think in my time, but I would not be positive. 1498 and 1499. Among the Chinese P— I was not aware of one existing among the Ohineiie when I resided there. 1600. I have an address to all lovers of virtue in Great Britain signed by Shao K'ang-chi, Jung Lin, Hsueh P'ei-cheing, and P'an Chen. Do you know any of those names ? — No. 1501. Perhaps not as I read them, at any rate P— They may be connected with one of the missionary societies. 1502. They send an address in which they use very strong terms: "The danger of opium"? — I think opium gets credit for a great deal that is not due to it, and there are miserable wretches in Singapore whose condition is all put down to opium when it is not due to opium at all, but to disease. 1503. In 1891 an address, presented to the House of Commons, containing 1,100 signatures, was presented to Parliament from Singapore ? — That is since I left, I know that the American missionaries have been moving in the matter. 1504. Opium is a very important article of revenue, is it not, to the Colony of Singapore? — I think so; yes. 1505. Do you know what proportion it bears t the whole of the revenue of the Colony ? — I do not. 1506. It is put before me that half the revenue of Singapore is derived from the opinm farm, so that in that case the G-overnment have a very large interest in the maintenance of the traffic ?— Yes ; it would be so. 1507. Yon do not know whether that is correct or not P — I do not know whether that is correct or not. 1508. (Sir W. Roberts.) Is there not a large amount of opium diverted from some of the Chinese ports to the Straits — some of the Indian opium, I mean P — Yes, that may be so. T. I. Rowell, M.D., C.M.G. 15 Sept. 1893. The witness withdrew. Eev. Alexander Lakgman called in and examined. 1509. (Chair ma/il.) You are a missionary, are you not p — Yes, my Lord. 1510. And how many years have you been in that vocation P — I have been eight years in China, in the Cheh-kiang province. 1511. Do you agree with the opinion expressed by the missionaries who have previously given evidence on the opium question ? — My experience has been, my Lord, that all I have heard expressed by missionaries in this room with regard to opium in China is perfectly true, and is not at all exaggerated. 1512. I understand that you wish to put in a letter on the subject from a native evangelist ? — This is a letter I received only three weeks since. It is written in Chinese, but I have made a I'ough translation of it. It was, I may state, quite unsolicited [original of the letter handed to the Commissioners'], and I have left the translation as much in the Chinese idiom as possible, and I should like to read it as an expression of the feel- ing of the Chinese Christians, and how they regard the opium. 1513. Just as a matter of curiosity, how is the original letter written, is it stamped? — No, it is written with the brush — the small pencil as they call it, an otter hair brush. The writer says : " Pastor Gilmer tells me that " in England some are discussing at the present time " the abolition of Chinese opinm calamity, may God " bestow great grace, and the mighty power of the " !5oly Spirit, so that willingly Chinese people may be ' saved out of their bitterness, this opium-smoking ' injury to men, if not with the personal eye seen no ' man could believe, this evil goes beyond water, fire, ' robbers and thieves ; because of it homes and posses- sions are scattered, wives are left, and sons dispersed. ' By reason of opium there is adultery and robbery, all ' crimes and wickedness from this source come. The ' selling of wives, and selling of sons, because of this is • an established fact. Eaters of opium are day by day increasing greatly, and silver money is daily seen less ; ' this evil has come upon China, and has spread be- ' yond all previous calamity! The holy doctrine of ' Jesus is difficult to propagate, one half the reason is ■ because of opium. Much is being said about the foreigner bringing opium, which injures our bodies, ' and again bringing the Jesus doctrine to save our ■ souls. The foreign country forbids opium entering the mouth, this is extremely meritorious.. We pray God to bestow the Holy Spirit with power upon those ' in authority in England, that teachers, magistrates. and Queen may make an end of this business, and all men will be delighted ; to forbid opium entering the mouth is to save our country's people and give them ' happiness, then shall we proclaim the happy sound ' (the Gospel), repent and put away sin from the body ■ and heart, with all- wickedness. Establish rectit'ade and call upon God ; but the present state is lamenta- ble, opium is prevalent and the saving doctrine prospers not. That ' was written on the 28th day of the third Chinese moon." ]N 4 Rev. A. Langman. 104 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION; Rev. A. 1514. Ton have heard what has been urged for the Langman. consideration of the Oonxmission with reference to the animosity to foreigners, which it is alleged arises from 15 Sept. 1893. the British connexion with the opium traffic, and yon are aware of the evidence which has been given with reference to the reasons assigned by the Chinese to the introduction and increase of the poppy culture in China ; do you agree generally with the evidence that has been given by other missionaries upon these subjects ? — My own opinion is quite established that the animosity shown by the Cbinese to foreigners, and to Englishmen especially, which I have experienced myself, has been chiefly on the ground of our connexion with opium. It was the first thing which we had to attempt to do — to satisfy the minds of the people, with whom we came in contact that we had nothing to do with the bringing of opium into China. As far as I could find out, and in districts where no foreigners had ever resided I have gone, and I have had the same intense hatred shown because of opium ; and I believe that when we were in trouble— at the time of the opium riots in 1891--from the way I have heard many expressing themselves, when I have been in great excited crowds which had gathered discussing whether they should come and pull down the foreigners' houses, and turn them out and kill them, this was the first thing, and the chief thing that they accused us of. We could readily enough answer their questions as to the foolish stories about stealing their children, and using their eyes as medicine, and such things as that ; it did not take long to disabuse their minds of these things, but the opium they said — the opium. And also when we were preaching to crowds, when there were no disturbances anticipated — in our chapel we could easily hold 160 people — when preaching the Gospel doctrines that we had gone to preach and making no reference at all to any other side issue, one or another would rise up in the crowd and say : " Come away, and do not listen to the foreign devil; ' ' do not we know enough of him ; he has brought the " opium to us." Others would callus again "opium devils," and such like ; so that in my own mind I am firmly convinced the people are fully persuaded that we alone are responsible for the condition of their country at the present time, and their being compelled to admit the opium. 1515. {Sir J. Lyall.) Apart from the opium, would not the missionary be likely to bo received with great disfavour in China in any case ; I mean to say, is he received with great disfavour as a Mohammedan missionary, or a Chinese missionary, would be received in England, if he came to try and persuade us that all our religion and all our morality was wrong, and if he tried to set up small communities partly under the protection of foreign Governments which differed in customs and in everything else from the rest of the Chinese ; apart from opium, is it possible that the missionary would not be a very unpopular characier with the patriotic Chinaman ? — 1 have not had the opportunity of experience in that way. 1516. If that is the case — and I do not think you can deny it — does that not throw some doubt in your mind upon the genuineness of this outcry about opium. Is not the Chinaman very quick to see that you cannot answer this particular taunt, and therefore he multi- plies it all over the whole country? — Yes, he is quick to see and quick to use it, because he knows it is true and we cannot answer it. 1517. Because he sees its effect upon you, and of course that will multiply all over the country ? — It is true, and we cannot answer it. 1618. Tou cannot answer it P — Ton cannot answer it yourself ; and as for missionaries coming to this country to preach other creeds they would have to conform to the law of this country, and they would be protected in that way. 1519. Would it not be excessively unpopular ; would it not excite great animosity P — I hardly think so, because all missionaries who labour in China are treated as foreigners, and they experience the same animosity until the people learn where they have come from and what their object is, as I have seen. I have heard the mobs in China saying, " Bring evidence that you are " here for no other purpose than to preach morality " and virtuous doctrines to us." 15i.iO. {Mr. Mowbray.) Do you agree with the view of the Chinese that we are responsible for having intro- duced opium into China F — The history of the 15J1. I only want your own opinion ; wc have had the history of the question lelated to us from various The witnp^s points of view, and we do hot want to go through it again P — I can only say that I always had to concede what they accused us of, namely, that we English were the people who brought opium, and that we were the only people that brought opium when we entered the country. 1522. But you arc quite aware that it is a disputable proposition ? — Prom all the knowledge I could gain I never could dispute it to a Chinaman, because we were on the ground, and there were the facts before us ; and in the ])rovince in which I have laboured for eight years they were thoroughly conversant with the history of the trade, and believed that opium was only brought from India, which is an English country as they called it, to their country. 152:1. Tou have heard the evidence that has been given to-day, that it was introduced into China long before we introduced it ? — Yes ; when I have put that view forward in China, I have got this answer, " We " had it in China. Cldna is a large nation, and we " required all the opium we had as medicine, and medi- " cine only. Foreigner, you know very well that when " a man became addicted to opium he lost his head, " and many a head was taken off because a man was " found to be addicted to opium habit." The smoking of opium ivas formerly against the law, but now it is not against the law, because our opium is prevalent. 1524. If the importation of opium from India into China were prohibited, and if at the same time Chinese opium were solely consumed in the country ; then do you believe that the Chinese themselves would acquit us of the responsibility which they at present attach to us, and do you think that your labours would be lightened ? — I do believe it, sir ; I think our labours would be vastly helped. And I have often put the question to the Chinese, in discussing the matter, " How is it that you cultivate so much opium your- selves on all hands ? " They laugh, and reply, " Our " opium which we produce is not so poisonous as the " opium which you give us. We will cultivate our own '■ and use it, and live the longer and have our silver to " ourselves." I have known a mandarin to take his soldiers and go outside a city and cut down the poppies that have been growing round ; that was six years ago. 1525. I notice that you have twice used the phrase, " And we will keep our silver to ourselves ; '' you are aware that that, of course, is one reason which is given for the hostility of the Chinese to the importation of opium ? — Tes, because so much silver goes out of the country. There is one thing which 1 should like to remark, if I may be permitted, and that is in reference to the effect that opium has on the rising generation. There is a young man in connexion with our work and he had six children. He buried the whole six before each had reached the age of three years. One of those six — I think it was the fourth child — I myself had tried all I oould to save, but the child died, and subsequently in speaking over the matter the man said to me, " How " can it be expected that I can rear my child ; my " father was an opium smoker before I was born," and his father died an opium smoker. I said to him, " Do "you really believe that ? Does it affect the children P " He said, "All our people believe it." I said nothing more to him, but it so fixed itself on my mind that I set myself to find out the feeling of the people in the district on this very question, and I found that it was a common saying, " Chih yu yen pu wli yang san tai " — " The opium smoker cannot see his third generation " — that is the way they put it. _ 1626. (Mr. Wilson.) I think you said you had been eight years in China ? — Yes, sir. 1.526a. During how many of those years have you had a sufficiently familiar knowledge of the language to be able to converse with the people, and to get from them their opinions at first hand P — After the first year. We have a course of study laid out for us, that takes two years, but after the first year we are in full communica- tion for half the day, that is, in preaching and talking and mixing among the people for half the day. That con- tinues for the second year, and after the second year we are supposed to be through our course of study of the Chinese language, and to give all our time amongst the people, so that for six full years I have had full liberty in the use of the language. But the course is limited to that length, because what we have got to study is not the literary aspect of the language, but simply the spoken language, so that we can make communications cvnd read two or three boolcs, Tvithdrew, MINUTES OF KVIDENCE. 105 Sir Lepel Griffin, K.C.S.I., called Id and examined. 1527. (Chairman.) You have seen consiiloraljlT ser- vice in India, I believe? — Yes. 1528. Would you tell us in what parts of India your experience has lain ? — In the Punjab and Central India. The first 18 years of my service was in the Punjab, about half the time as secretaiy to the G-ovcrnment and the last part of it was as head of iho administra- tion in Central India,. 1529. Did you throughout your service come prac- tically into contact with the question that has been submitted to this Commission P — In the Punjab my contact with it was more general, but it is u subject to which I have always given a good deal of attention as many things I have published show ; but in Central India I was more directly concerned with it, because I was the head of the whole opium revenue department of the Native States. I.'he Agent of the Governor General is ex officio the opium agent for the whole of the Native States, including a great part of Eajputana. 1530. {Sir J. Lyall.) What is the system of the British Government m taxing opium grown in native States — what interference, or supervision over the cultivation do thry exercise, if luiy P — IVrhiips in a few words I had better explain the fiystem — as briefly as 1 possibly can. 15:!1. {Chairman.) If you ivoiild, please. I should like to have it before ii.s ? — Tlie opium agency in -whiit is called MaUva, wKich contains all the opiiiiij-growiiig States of Central Iiidi;i, used to consist in a monopoly, but that was given u]) manj' years ago, and now it is only a system of passesi. The Government has no concern whatever in the cultivation or in the manu- facture of opium. Its hei»dt|Uaiters are at Indore, and it has sub-agencies at Bhopal, Udaiput, Jaora, Chitor in Udaipur, for the Eajputana opium, Mande- sorc, which is in Gwalior, and Katlam. The opium from these places is sent direct under pass to Bombay — all that is intended for export. The Indore agency is the central and the largest, and the number of chests which used to pass in my time through that agency in 1880 was very great. The average would be about 45,000 chests a year, though now it has I dare say diminished to something like 30,000 or 35,000, bub the average used to be about 45,000 chests of llO lbs. each in weight. 1532. {Sir J. Lyall.) You say that the Government does not interfere at all in the cultivation ? — Not at all. 1533. Has the Gnvernment ever attempted to urge any native State to extend the cultivation within your knowledge? — ISo, on the contrary — well I may say distinctly " No " to that. It has not ; but personally as the bead of the administration I have had to try to interfere to a certain extent in the interests of good administration, because in 1882 and 1883, when there had been great over-production and the prices fell vei y much, all the native States ivished to get the same amount of revenue that they had before, from a vcv^- much cheaper drug, so that there was a great deal of distress in consequence, and 1 interfered very con- sider-ably and got the rates reduced largely, especially in Gwalior. 1534 The rates on the cultivation p — The rates on opium land. 1535. In some of the Anti-Opium Society's memorials some of the recent memorials and in evidence that has been given before the present Commission I have seen that there have been references to certain aj^reo- ments, concessions, ami ]iayments which the Britisli Government has ma.'o with, or to, some of these native States, and the in -ijutncnt in the memorials and iu the evidence is that tlio.se concessions or payincntM are to increase the cultivation— to increase the out-turn of opium ; can you tell us what is the pui-port of those P —Nothing of the kind has ever, practically, ccm.c under my notice. 1536. Are there any agreements with any native States to prevent their cultivating opium ?— The culti- vation of opium, is, as far as I am aware, perfectly free in every native State. 1537. In every native State P— How can we interfere ? I- 80970. 1538. Q. Arc there any concessions or paymouta, I mean that we make to them, to guard tho revenue against smuggling or anything of that sort P What can those concessions and payments be in your opinion P —A. 1 do not know what they are ; I u.ni not acquainted with them. T do not think any such exist. If so they must be of so old a, date that tliey have becomo obsolete. If you could tell me one I should be aljle to tell you at once if it were in force, but I do not remember anything of that sort. Opium cultivation in Native States is practically free in ever3' way. Of course there is prevention against smuggling, but that is a question of our own revenue. The opmm is entirely exported by mil, and when it has been weighed by us at the Central Office it does not leave our hands until it gets to the railway, and there it cannot be taken without a pass. It is sealed, more- over, and it does not leave the hands of our agents until it reaches Bombay. There is a good deal of smuggling, but that is a different question. 1539. How do the native States who produce opium raise their own opium revenue ? — They raise their revenue in several ways. It is very difficult to say what proportion of their re\ejiue comes from opium, but a very large part of it is so derived. The people of England are very little aware of the high rates opium land pays in native States. The best opium land is probably iu Gwalior, Indore, and B.utlam. The highest rates in my exiicrionco are paid lor opium land in Gwalior, wiieio they go ufi to about lis. 40 a boega. Taken roughly — a bcega is equal to about half an acre— the revenue is about lis. HO an acre, or practically, you might say, 8/. an acre, because in native India the ]-upee has not depreciated at all ; it buys just as much as it used to do. 1540. Do they have any Excise system too besides that P^- Certainly, besides land revenue they have an export duty, which is very often from Rs. 25 to Rs. 50, chest. Perhaps lis. 60 is too high, but from Rs. 20 to Rs. 40, say, they have also a tax on the opium water, the liquid opium, which is very much drunk by Rajputs and locally consumed. Besides there is the transit duty, which is very high, on opium, but that, I thiuk, I swept away in all Central India. 1541. What would be the result if we were to stop the transit of opium from the native States through British territor}' ? — In what way P 1542. What would be the result on the people of the native States and on tlie government of the native States P — Yon mean if you prohibit the export, not if you prohibited the cultivation ? 1543. No ; prohibit the export P — Of course, you can prohibit the export. 1544. But I mean what would bo the result. I suppose it would kill the greater part of the cultiva- tion p— Of course it would ruin the trade, if it was not supported by smuggling. It would ruin the native States and it would mal'2. Has the Government of India any powers by which it might interfere with the cultivation of opium in those native States ? — Not without violating all the traditions of the Governuient of India for the last 50 years. As I said before, you can do anything. The question is : Is it politic or is it just ? There is no Treaty right b\' which you can interfere with the cultiva- tion of a particular crop in a native State ; it would be monstrous. 1553. Does much smuggling exist at present ; what are the police precautions Y — A great deal exists, and I cannot say that we are very successful in stopping it. I dare say I have had about 100 cases of smuggling a year, mostly into the Central Provinces. It is a very difficult countrj-, as you know, an exceedingly difficult frontier, an immense number of passes and a difficult river, and 140 lbs. of opium which a man could easily carry would be worth a couple of thousand rupees. 1554. Are there any particular precautions taken P — We stop and search anything suspicious on the rail- ways ; but the precautions (my administration was almost entirely native territory) are as a rule taken on the frontiers of British territory by the Government of Bombay, and the Government of the Central Pro- vinces. Take the police precautious themselves ; not to go beyond your question, if there was prohibition of export then it is obvious what would follow. You would have a preventive system of a most stringent and enormous kind, which would be impossible. It would cause far greater evils than those you would try to remove. 1555. So far as you have observed what is the effect of the consumption of opium on the peasantry in Central India as consumers ? — Well, they are not consumers to any great extent. It is too expensive for the peasants as a rule all over India. The Rajputs, who are more to the north and in some parts of Central India, consume it, and there are a good many Rajput States, but the Mahrattas are not as a, rule addicted to opium. They take it, but not very largely ; not so much as the Bajputs and the Sikhs in the Punjab. Those take it largely. 1556. But those peasantry who cultivate it in the Malwa States — you do not think that they consume it largely ? — I do not think that they consume it very much any more than the people of Ep^e^'iiay who produce your champagne drink the champagne. They drink some thin wine costing 50 centimes a bottle. It is not a common practice, opium-catiug in India ; it is too expensive. It is like the working men in London smoking Havanua cigars. 1557. In your capacity, exercisin;^ the powers of a High Court in Central India, did you see any reason to suppose that crime was promoted by the consumption of opium, in the same way that it is promoted in England by the consumption of alcohol ? — No ; that idea is an entire fiction from beginning to end. I have never seen a case in my life, either as a magis- trate or as a judge of a High Court, in which crime has been produced by the use of opium ; at any rate within my recollection. 1558. With regard to the medical men serving unler you in Central India, have you ever seen any reports of theirs about the effect of opium ? — I have called for reports from them more than once on the subject ; but I do not remember that anything of any iiarticular importance was oyer said. Medical men will see the had cases, and abuse in anything is bad. Of coarse taken in excess, which is not the case usually in India, there arc ba 1 results ; but I do not think that they have ever said that opium fills their lunatic asylums, or hospitals, or affects their returns in any particular way. 1559. You were a long time in the Punjab, and came across a great many Sikhs. Did you ever notice auy particular effect of l;he opium habit upon Sikhs? — Well ; the Sikhs are a very hard race, and they would take more opium than most people, without injury, no doubt. Our regiments are full of opium eaters. I do not think they are a bit worse than anybody else. As you have asked mo that question perhaps you would allow me to make one remark which is of great importance. I think nobody known better than your- self that the Sikhs are prohibited by their creed — or rather by the founder of thf second phase of their creed — from smoking tobacco, which is a universal practice throughout India. In default of this they take to opium and hemp and to a great extent to alcohol. They were very hard drinkers — the Sikhs — long before we ever came to India. I think that this Com- mission should consider the point that all races almost seem to want some stimulant of one kind or another ; whether the fact of the Sikhs being prevented from smoking tobacco, which ).s their natural stimulant, and at once taking to alcohol and to opium is not a very strong reason against any sudden action here in the direction of prohibition. If you prohibit opium smokers from having opium, will they not take to alcohol, which is very much worse. It is onlj- a suggestion. 1560. Your impression is that the effect of alcohol in India is very much worse than the effect of opium ? — With alcohol we see its ill effects. But the people of India, I think, are a very temperate race. I do not wish to take away their character. You see more drunkenness in London in one night than you see in India in ten years. But alcohol is a thousand times worse than opium ; it is preposterous to argue the question. 1561. Have you formed any opinion as to the future of the China trade from your knowledge of the export opium trade from Central India? — I have of course formed a very decided opinion up to a certain date ; but I have not been connected with it for the last U\'o or three years ; and all I could say on that point is that the opium trade, so far as it has passed through my hands, was about say an average of two millions to two-and-a-half millions sterling a year, all opium going to China. The trade fluctuated largely, and although it fell off very much in 1881 and 1882, yet it revived considerably in 1883 to 1 8S5 and 1886. when it rose again, I think, to about 39,000 chests. I think myself that the opium trade with China will revive ; I sincerely hope it will, because it is in my opinion the most unobjectionable part of the Indian revenue. But it is a very open question, and unless you intimately know the Chinese side of the question, it is very difficult to say. Of course four times as much is now grown in China as is exported from India, and if that .increases ■very largely perhaps the opium exports of India may fall oil'. But it is to be remembered that it is the higher classes of China who take our opium, which is of a very much better quality than the coarse Chinese drug, and they will continue to take ibjust in the same way as we buy champagne from France. 1562. (I/r. Fease.) Sir James Lyall asked you a question with regard to the use of the term money compensations or other concessions. In the paper that I have before me, which is " The Moral and Material Progress of India," 1878, it says ; — " The native States " have engaged so to manage their opium cultivation " and production as to safeguard the British revenue ; " and in exchange for this service they receive either " money compensation or other concessions." What is the meaning of that expression in this Government Blue Book. That is what Sir James Lyall wanted to know. 156:;. (Sir J. Lyall.) Yes P — A. Let me hear it again. I do not quite follow the idea of it. It is quite clear that for a great many years past no payment to any native State could have been made on such account without passing through ni>' hands, so that it is perhaps MtNUTES OF EVIDENCE. J 07 ■w.roiigly stated. Oh, yes, well, I presume this rnin-ely means" the native States have engaged so to manage their opium cultivation and production as to safeguard the British revenue." 1.^)64—5. {Mr. Feaso.) It is the latter clause to which Sir .James Lyall drew attention, not to that, r.ith re- gard to " the compensation or other concessions," a few lines further ou, and "in exchange for this service they receive either money compensation or other concessions." The question is, what the " money comiiensation or other concessions " were that they received for protecting the Biitish revenue P — Well, that question I am not able to answer at a moment's notice, because I do not remember that they received anything whate^'er. They certainly do not now. It is possible that in the old days, when the revenue system was formed, some concessions were made to them in order that they might agree to all their opium coming through British hands at Indore, and of course safeguarding the British revenue in that way. There may have been some ancient arrangements for compensation. But the system goes back about 60 years ; the opium agenoj' was started in 1830. 1560. {Sir J. Lyall.) This refers to the present, but it may not refer to any States under your control; it may refer to native States outside P — I do not think that there is any opium which comes into British territory which did not pass through my agency. 1.j67. I mean to say ? — It may refer to the Bombay States, very likely ; certainly not to any of the States in Central India ; we give them nothing what- v.ver. They are bound to send their opium through our hands. 1568. {Mr. Mowbray.) T suppose, unless you acted in concert with the native authorities, it would be prac- tically impossible to prevent smuggling ? — The native States cannot prevent smuggling themselves. It is always a difficulty, but it is now stopped as far as it is possible. 1569. What I meant rather was that the officials of the British Government were more able to check smuggling because of their acting in concert with the native authorities ? — Oh, certainly, the native autho- rities are perfectly loyal in the matter to us. 1570. And if the export were to be stopped by the British Government? — Of course you wonld have all the native States against you, smuggling ; you could not stop smuggling then on an enormous scale. No preventive system would succeed. 1571. {Mr. Pease.) May I ask whether there are any tables of exports from those native States from which a comparison could be drawn to show what the import- ance of the opium export is compared with the total exports ? — I can tell you everything about that that you wish to know. 1572. You said it was a very important item in con- nexion with their exports ; can you tell us what propor- tion it bears to the total exports ? — Of the native States ? 1573. {Ghairman.) What proportion does the revenue derived from opium bear to their total revenue p — It is an exceedingly difficult thing to say, and I have never been able to distinctly find it out. In the first place they are exceedingly averse to giving any statistics, and in the days of the great Scindia, who died a few years ago, although he was a very great personal friend of mine, I never could get any statistics out of him. He would never give any. The Government of India might call for statistics as much as they chose ; you could never get Scindia to give them. 1574. Do they keep accounts ?— Oh, they keep regular accounts themselves, admirable accounts. After his death things became different. We now know what it is they levy on the land for opium cultivation, but it is very difficult to say what area is under cultivation, because we have no 'one to measure it, unless they tell us themselves. We know what amount of opium leaves each State, and the weight of it to an ounce. We do not know what amount is consumed locally. Of that there are no sfatistics. 1.^75. {Mr. Pease.) Have you any information as to the value of other exports ?— The value of the opium which is exported? 1576. No, the value of other exports as a guide ; as to the value of the opium export as compared with others ? — Yes, we have, to a certain extent. 1577. Could you pive us a general idea of its propor- tional value ?— You see each State must be dealt with by itself. There are very lew things which are exported from Central India, except opium, wheat, and cotton, not very much. Other things are not exported in any large quantities. I cannot answer your question ; it is not one to which my attention has been directed for some time, but I fould ciisi'.y give it you from my own reports, which I have submitted for every year from the Central India agency. But our statistics are very uncertain, except for seaport towns, as to the internal trade of native India. Opium is distinctly the most important of the exports. 1578. {Mr. Wilson.) I think you said something about the export of Malwa opium having fallen off ? — Largely. 1579. 46,000 chests P — I am not able to say what it is to-day. I have been out of India for two or three years. 1580. Can you tell us at all what influence that has had on the prosperity of native States, either as to the revenues of the rulers or the prosperity and condition of the cultivators? — Well, curiously enough, a para- graph in the very last official report that I wrote on the subject of opium covers, I think, that exact point, if you will permit me to read it. It is only a few lines. This was the last report I wrote on opium, and it is almost the last sentence of that report. ' ' The continued " depression ia the opium trade is causing much " anxiety to native chiefs, who seethe principal source " of their revenue in danger of decaying, while there is " imujediate loss and ruin to Malwa cultivators. The " native durbars try to avoid redaction in their rates " for opium lands, and compel the cultivators to pay " the same rental for lands the produce of which has " enormously fallen in price. The consequence is great " distress and general complaint." 1581. Would you be good enough to explain a little further what you said as to the quality of this land and why other crops do not flourish on it ; is it too rich ? — Some crops would flourish on it very well, no doubt — sugar-cane, for instance. In India the land is roughly divided into irrigated and non-irrigated laud ; and opium requires a great deal of water, for it is grown at a time of year when there is very little rain, so that it has to be irrigated from tanks or wells. In Central India it is almost exclusively watered from tanks, and this makes the land very valuable, so valuable that it ' is hardly worth while using it for a cheap crop, and wheat is in Central India a cheap crop. It is a very rich country, and I have seen in many States the wheat rotting on the ground, because they could not carry it away. 1582. You referred to opium water ?— It is a mere preparation of the opium. 1583. Is it exported, or used locally ? — Locally. 1584. Only locally ?— Yes. 1585. It is a by-product ? — Yes, it is ; it is a sort of solution of opium which the Rajputs take every morn- ing before breakfast. A native Rajah with all his Court sitting around him will call for his attendant, who will pour some of it into his hand, and he will drink it ofl', and every one of the men round him will drink it in the same way. It is what the Russians would call Lakuska — a sort of fillip to commence the day. 1586. {Sir W. Roberts.) It is a daily thing P— Tes. 1587. {Mr. Wilson.) It is so strong that a small quantity will have an exhiUrating effect ? — Yes, it is what they want ; it is their pick-me-up ; it does not hurt them. 1588. How long does the effect last ? — The Rajah after taking that has his durbar, and sits there for a couple of hours, does his business, then he goes into his zenana, then he goes to sleep, then perhaps he has some more ; we do not know what happens there. 1589. {Ghairman.) He tiikes more than one dose in the course of the day? — I think most opium eaters take at least two, but 1 do not say everyone does. Some of the Rajahs I know intimately, and they are not always the best specimens of their race ; but I do not think opium has any particular effect on them one way or the other. 1590. (Mr. Wilson.) Would yon explain a little further about the smuggling ; I do not understand. You spoke about its being a difficult country ; about passes and river, and so forth. What prevents any amount of smuggling at this moment ; is there a coastguard ; are there preventive officers either inside the native State or outside ? — You see it is not the interest of the native States. They have no interest in preventing smuggling O 2 Sir L. Griffin, K.C.S.I. 15 Sept. 189.3. 108 INDIAN OPIUM I COMMISSION Sir L. Griffin, K.C.S.l. 1 j Sept. 1893. "«r^ r? — That lias to be done by the must reniciiibef tliiit. I am iudia. except the good opinion of the Agent of the Grovernor- General. Their revenue is not hurt. We leave the prevention of smuggling, except on the main lino of road, which I have always held to be British territory, though the native States try to persuade us that it is not, to the native States; but uii ihc nii'.w.iyrj, wliicli are British territory, wo prevent it through our own officers. 1591. It is no use preventing something thart can go round the other wayT British officers. Ton speaking o! native India. 1 am Jiving i)i native and have nothing to do with British territory. 1592. i understand, but what I understood you to say was. that if the ])resent an-angements were abolislicii there would be an enormous increase of smuggling? — No doubt. 1690. I do not see what prevents any amount of smuggling now ? — There is a good deal now. as I say. but it would be very much increased, because you would have every one against you. You would have the whole of the native States, the whole government as well as the people; they would all encourage smuggling. Smug- gling would be I'ra excelsis; Scindia and Holkar themselves, and all those great chiefs whom you cannot interfere with, would smugple on an enormous scale, and convey the opium to their own frontiers by thtir own ])olice probably. Kow, it they do not, exert themselves to prevent smuQ;,^]ing they hear of it from tlie head of the Administration. But iuBritish territory thejauveutive work is done by officials with wliom I have no concern ; they are subordinate to other authorities, such ay the' Bombay Government, or the Centi-al Provinces, or the North-west Provinces. 159'!'. (Sir W. Boherts.) Yen have seen no doubt practically a L'rrat deal of this opium habit, havi' you not amongst Kajpuls and oflieisy — Ves, habitually, constantly. l.Mi.j. Is it your impi ession that it is t,'onerally prac- tised in moderation ? — I think so. I do do not mean to say that it has no bad effects. I have had servants who have been very inefficient from taking opium, but I have never had to discharge one for it. It makes a man very indolent, very often. Would you allow me to say one thing, the people who take it most — I only speak of the parts of India that I know — -the people who take it most, the Sikhs and the Bajputs, are the finest races in India. 1596. And have they been taking it from generation to generation ? — Yes, long before we came to the cotiiitry. 1597. Has it been your impression that th^se races, the Bajputs and the Sikhs, have a different re-action in regard to opium from some other races iu Inilia, that is to say, that thev tolerate it better, that they are con- stitutionally a little different ? — I cannot speak of races that I do not know. 1598. How is it that Europeans do not j)ick up the habit in J ndia ; have you formed any opinion us to that? — Every race has a particular craving. Uu- fortunately, the Bugliih craving is for gin aitd for brandy. Each race has a tendency to .-omu particular stimulant, I think. 1599. Then you think it is rather a special consti- tutional peculiarity of the Eastern people — the Chinese, and these Baiputs, and the Sikhs — that their tendency is to opium, and not to liquor? — They are vt-vy fond of liquor, if they can get it. Many of my distinguished friends like champagne and brandy mixed. That par- ticular mixture killed Scindia. 1599a. i'o you think it possible that the Europeans resident in India might take to the opium habit ? — I think, if you stop the alcohol in India, as a great many people are trying to do, they will take to opium nrobably. 1600. A certain number? — They will take to some- thing ; they will take, perhaps, to hemp. 1601. Your impression is very strong that on the public health of India opium has had no deleterious effect .'' — Well, sir, it would be amistakeif I were to give you the impression that the ])eojde of India were at all addicted to opium. Some classes in certain races are habitues of opittm, but opitim, as I said before, is not an Indian vice at all; if it is taken, ic is taken in moderation ; and what I have seen so many people say is in my experience utterly wrong ; r,hat it has a tendency to require the increase of the dose if yoti take it. I know hundi'eds of people who take the same quantity, the same little pills of opium evei'y day of their lives ; they do not increase it at all. 1602. The people who you say take that, are not l)eopIe who arc deteriorated in chaiacter or health? — JSiot the least; the best peojjlc in the race, of very fine physique. 1603. And the opium is not like drink among our- selves — the exception p — No, sir, there is no crime in connexion with the opium at all. 1604-5. No violence; but I mean the man who goes to extremes — to excess — the opium sot, as he has Ijeen called, is an exception among opium smokers ? — You cannot ste them, unles.s yovi go and look for them. They are not in the general population at all. You may find them in the largo cities, no doubt, as you find all sorts of things in slums, but that has not anything to do with the general population. In what we call the opium dens, of course you may see people in Calcutta, or, for the matter of that, in Lahore ; but they are out- casts or beggars, or drunken creatures, who would take to any stimulant. IGOG. They are, in fact, people who are a little bit allied to the criminal classes in this country ?— Ye-:, exactly so. 1607. A drunken class : — Ye.s. IGOB. (Cliaivmiin.) The general effect of \-our evidence has been that, from your wide opportunities of observa- tion in India, you have not seeji that what is called the opium habit has ]iro(luced widespread and gr.ave moral evils among the population of India ? — No, I do nut think there is a single resident iu India v/ho knows anything on the subject who would possibly say s ). i do not think I am singular in mj' opinion. 160:-). Then with regard to the native States, with which yon may have been officially concerned of late years, yoti have made it clear to us that in your opinion the prohibition of the present export trade in opium would occasion a grave disturbance of their finances, anii that it would be resented by the general body of the population who are engaged in the cultivation of th j opium? — Yes. If you wish to have a rebellion in India, I know no better m iiy. IGIO. You have further made it clear to us that in your view the prevention of smuggling would be impossible ? — Impossible. 1611. In the sixth order of reference to this Commis- sion, we ai-e directed to ascertain what would probably be the disposition of the people of India in the event of a change of policy being adopted on the part of the Government, and a general prohibition of the cultiva- tion and the use of opium being attempted. Now, )-ou have been long resident in India ; what, in your view, would be the attitude of the people of India in the event of a prohibitory policy being attempted.?- — AVell, 1 do not think that the people of India have ever considered the possibility of anything so impracticable. But, of course, it would cause the utmost irritation amongst the people who are accustomed to take opium, the Sikhs especially, and the Sikhs are the backbone of our arnry in India, which we shall have to double in the course of the next 10 years. I do not know whether it is desired to make them disloyal. 1612. But you wish to put it to us too, that in your view, they would be made disloyal if we made this attempt?— I do not say that from mj' knowledge of India; I say that from my knowledge of human nature. 1613. Then, in looking at the state of public feeling in this country, on this question of opium, which lias been reflected in the debates in the House of Commons, and in the divisions which have taken place on the motions made in the House of Commons, can you offer any suggestion by which the relation of the Government of India to this question might be in some degree modified ? Do you think that it would bo desirable and practicable that the Government of India should cease to take the position of a manu- facturer and a producer of the article, and should limit its intervention to the imposition of duties for revenue purposes? — Well, but what would be gained by that ? You would only have a very much larger production, if it were free. It would exactly do what some people do not wish to be done — it would stimulate, instead of stop the production, as far as I can see. 1614. You would recommend that no change should be attempted in regard to the position of the Govern- :M1NDTKS of EN'IDENCE. 109 ment of India as holding the monopoly of the opium production H — In tho [jresent temper of public opinion, which of conrse must be respected more or less, 1 would not stimulate it. My own personal feeling is that I would not stimulate the production of opium; I would invito tho Government of India, as I have invited thorn on many previous oecasionp, to con- sider it as a mere matter i.f common sense. Opium is a luxury, it is oidy used by people who can aiiord it, and whatever fables may be woven by people aboat Ohina — which we cannot absolutely disprove — tho whole body of evidence regarding India shovvs thiit it does no harm whatever. You take off a burden of five millions sterling of taxation from the peasants of India ; and you place it upon a foreign country which is perfectly ^villing to pay it, and you are asked by irresponsible people to abandon that revenue at a time when j-ou want tho revenue very much increased, and when you must increase it, unless 3'Ou lose India. It is madness. Thcro, is no justification for it; and if I might make one observation on my own account 1615. \Vo shall be very glad to hear arything that you would like to siiy to us s' — It is merely with re- ference to what you were saying. I would say that it seems to me that much of the ovidence which has been given be"oro the Commission by missionaries in Ohina is flawed and tainted iu two ways. The first is this ; that the missionaries, since this has been raised into a.n ethical question, are compelled, in their own personal interests, to denounce it ; and secondly, that, as in China, every disturbance is due, not to opium, but to the missionary teaching, the missionaries are compelled to throw the odium of the popular dislike to them- selves on to the opium question. That is tho whole history of this agitation. Sir J.. Griffin, K. C.S.I. 15 Sept. 1893. The witness withdrew. Mr. IIeney Lazakus called in and examined. Mr. II. Lazarus. 1616. {M.V. Mowlray.) 1 understand that you wrote to the secretary of tho Commission wishing to give evidence upon this sub.iect ? — Yes, sir. After reading the report in "The times" of Monday of certain evidence which had been given before the Commission, and which caught my attention accidentally. 1617. At present I believe you are living in St. Pancras ? — Yes, sir. 1618. But you resided in Ohina I believe, in Shanghai ? —Yes. 1619. Between 1878 and 1881 P— Yes, sir. 1620. Well now, will you tell the Commission any- thing which you wish to say. You were engaged m commerce, I believe, there P — Yes, sir. 1621. Nob in the opium trade, I believe ?~Absolutely not, nor had I any connexion with it. 1622. What was your business P — I was the first to erect a tannery in Shanghai cju the European system, and at times I had as many as from 300 to 350 men in my employ, but the average number was 200. 1623. All natives of China?— Every one. xU first they were superintended by three European overseers, eventually I only had one. We trained some of the natives as overseers in the various departments. 1624. Were you brought in constant and daily com- munication with your men? — Yes, and not only with them, but with merchants and the go-betweens of the merchants — the native dealers in Shanghai of nearly all trades . 1625. Now will you tell the Commission anything you wish to say as to the effects which you noticed of opium-smoking on the classes with which you were brought into contact ?— Well, first of all, take, perhaps, the higher classes, the dealers, and those persons m business with whom you were brought into contact .^— It is 15 years since I first went to China, and it is 12 years since I left. 1626 (Ghairman.) Just make a continuous statement? I have' taken out a list from my old contract book of some 38 names of men with whom I was in communica- tion and if this Commission goes to China, which I hope it will, they will have an opportunity of consulting them I had a conversation with Pong-kee and Ken-wo ; with one of those two men I had a particular conversa- tion with regard to opium, in fact out of curiosity I often had some conversation with nearly all the native dealers I came in contact with, and I may say paren- thetically that there are very few men m that class of life who are not capable of carrying on a inore intellectual conversation than you could ever hold with men of a similar class in this country. 1 think I could best give evidence to this Commission it they would allow me to refer to two or three state- ments which appeared in "The Times report of the evidence given before the Commission, and ivhich occa- sioned my writing to you. One of the missionaries said that " in the cases where a man is an opium smoker, " during the time that he is under the mdueuco of the " druc he can do his work as well as anybody, and " probably owing to the extra stimulation, a little " better than most folks, but when a man is under the " influence of the depression which follows he is abso- " solutely worthless, and it is only while he is under " the stimulation that he is of value.'' Well I can only say that with regard to the whole of my men I never once had one of them unfit for work as a consequence in any way of the use of opium. 1627. And were they all opium smokers ? — No, sir. Certainly not all opium smokers but they were taken indiscrimina.tely from the labouring classes, and numbers of them were opium smokers on theirown confession. My manager invariably asked them when they came, because he was informed that an excessive opium smoker was a lazy man. You may imagine that very few men will con- fess to going to excess in it, and in fact tho wage that a Chinese labourer receives makes it absolutely impossible that he could do so. I believe that the average wage of a labourer throughout China is from four to five dollars a month. That will give you some idea, espe- cially if he has to keep a family on it, how much he can have to spare on such an expensive luxury as opium. As a matter of I'act, many of these men were opium smokers, the high wages the^- earned at the tannery afforded them the means, but never one of them was incapacitated fur work through opium. And, moreover, at first I used to employ a European doctor in the tannery, having so many men ; but after a time my manager discovered that a Chinaman who was taken with colic, diarrhoea, or constipation, those being some of their most common troubles (possibly but not probably due to opium), could be treated with patent medicines more efficiently than with anything else. I do not wish to mention their names, because I do not desire to advertise these patent medicines, which were many of them largely compounded of opium. I used to keep a stock of them, and when- ever tlie laen were taken ill they were given u, few doses, and they etfected a remarkable cure. I never had any trouble with the management, and amongst all the men that I employed I never had one who was so seriously ill as to be away from his work for three days at a time. 1628. May I take it that 30 far as your experience of the workmen you employed went you found that those who smoked opium were no worse than those who did not P — ^Absolutely not, sir. Then in answer to a question by Mr. Pease one of the missionaries said : " He never met a Chinaman who defended opium- " smoking; they all looked upon it as a thing to be " ashamed of." That is such a statement that I do not believe you could get one intelligent, unprejudiced Englishman who had lived for six months in Shanghai or any other part of China who would not say that it IS a terrible perversion of the truth. I have not only been brought into contact with the working classes, but I have also come into contact with many of the belter classes who wei'e opium smokers, and I positively went in for it myself, just to see what it was like. I shall be able to give the Commission an abso- lutely certain answer to the question why it will never be taken up generally by Englishmen. It is simply because it is too slow, it takes too much time. For one little pipe of opium you have to lie down in order to smoke and roast it before a lamp. It requires *Dme- thing like three or four minutes before you can do away with one little ball. I tried to produce sleep, but it had very little effect on me, after having smoked eight pipes in succession. 3 110 IXDIAX OPIUM COMMISSION : Mr. H. 1629. How long did you continue that? — Only three or La-.arus. four times. I did not want to acquire the habit. I could not afford to waste the time. I was only \:> Sept. 1893. wanting to go through a number of pipes in order to experience thaL delightful sleep which I had heard was produced, but the Chinese rather laughed when I snoke to them about it. ItilJO, That I take to be your explanation of the reason that the Europeans in China do not take to opium-smoking ? — I say that no European who has the slightest energy in him ever could take to opium smoking. 1631. Have you anything to say with regard to the higher classes of people that you came into contact with, the dealers and the merchants ? — Yes, I should have come to them a little bit later, especially that one that 1 got the most information from, Eong-kee. That man had teeth absolutely black, he was about as marked a specimen of an excessive opium smoker and eater as could be found, and he was a notorious one in Shanghai. I can say without hesitation, without fear of contradiction, that for intellectual power, energy and straightforward dealing in business there was not a man amongst the native traders who would surpass him. oSTot only I, but my brother, whom I had the misfortune to lose in Cbina, and all the merchants that I spoke to and knew intimately, agreed that there was no straighter broker than Pong-kee. I said to him " Why for smoke so much opium ; your teeth are black?" His face was so wasted that you might almost have made your hands meet in the hollow of his cheeks. "' Give it up," I said, "you would be so '■ fine a man if you gave it up." He Avas very tall and broad, but as thin as possible. I would not like to say the value of the opium he smoked a day, but it was something considerable. He told me " Suppose I do " not smoke one day, I must die.'' The effect of leaving it off one day would have been his death. I am telling you this to show that, even in the case of a really excessiv.j smoker, it is not true to say of such a man that he is wanting in intellectual power ; and to say that he is lazy is simply an absolute lie ; and I would not confine my observation to that one man, but would instance others whose names I picked out : Cheng-ohing, Ah-ling, Wah-oheong, Yuet-sung, Poong- tai, Olio-kei, Fau-chung, Ae-dong. Nam-woo ; there are 38 of them, and at a distance of 12 years' time it is impossible to say which were the opium smokers among them. Many were opium smokers. 1 imagine there are very few gentlemen of any position in China, I mean to say men who could aft'ord it, who do not have an occasional pipe, but the statement that a man must constantly go on increasing and increasing the dose, is about as true as that an Englishman cannot drink without going on till he gets drunk, or having got drunk once he must get drunk every other time. 1632. (CUairman.) We are much obliged to you for the testimony you have given from your point of view and expressing the general results, according to your judgment and j'our experience ; is there anything further that you want particularly to say ? — Yes, my Lord, there is a most important question. You have been told here that the cause of the dislike among the Chinese of Europeans is the opium traffic. I say without any hesitation that that is the grossest mis- statement. I went up the country — and I have brought with me a map of the interior — for six weeks. I was in a houseboat with a native crew. I visited, amon.gst other places, one of the missionary stations, and for situation I never saw anything more delightful. You go up to the missionary station, which was on the top of a hill, by two zig-zag paths, and on the one side there was a series of pictures of what would become of Chinamen if they did not get converted. They were being pushed down by the forks of devils and stirred about in a fire. It seemed to me infinitely sad that civilised men should offer that as an inducement for conversion to anything. I went back to my boat, and I asked my ''boy " to come with me — a boy is the name for a butler at Shanghai, he is at the head of your service — I asked the ''boy " what did the people think of these things, and he gave me to understand what I imagine this Commission and any sensible man must realise, that the missionaries and their ways are really the great trouble and the great drawback to the liking of Europeans all over China. 1633. I do not think we can go into the missionary question ; we are only here to deal with the opium question ? — I may say with regard to my domestic servants I had a very large staff, and I know that they smoked opium, because when sometimes the smell was rather too strong — although the natives' quarters are separated from the English — I utod to ask them to desist ; but never one of them, all the time I was in China was incapacitated in any way from having used the drug. The witness withdrew. Adjourned till to-morrow at 11 a.m. At the House of Lords, Westminster, S.W. SIXTH DAY. Saturday, 16th September 1893. PKESENT : C. E. Bernard, K. C.S.I. IG Sept 1.S93. Tire KiGJiT HoNouKABLE LORD BRASSEY, K.O.B. (Chauisian, riiEsiDiNs). Sre James B. Lyall, G.C.I.E. Sin. William Rohekts, M.D. Mk. R. G. (-1. MowBiiAY, M.P. Sir CiiAiiLEs E. Beh>'AKD, K.C.S.I., the Acting 1(131. (Oliairmcm.) I believe you have received letters iron) hvo gentlemen who were summoned to give evidence before t'ni.s Commission f — Yes, my lord. M:'.m>. From Sir Joseph Fayrer ;ind Sir Hugh Low ? —They ivere both unable to attend. Ili3i;. But yon ha^ e received letleis from them in which they r.'presoiit their view.'* upon the qiiestion Mr. Akihue Pease. Mr. H. J. WnsoN, M.P. Sir Charles E. Behnaud, K.C.S.L, Actiiiij Secretary. Secretary of the Commission, examined. which is before this Commission ? — They have sent papers to be submitted to the Commission. 1037. Would you kindly read the communications which you have received ? — The opinion of Sir Jotjoph Fayrer, Iv.CS.I., surgeon ami physician of 30 years' experience and practice MINUTES OP EVIDENCE. in in many parts of India, on the opium question, to be submitted to the Koyal Commission, he being unable to be present. " It is most strenuously urged by a large and in- Muential and, as I belieye, thoroughly conscientious party, that the use of opium either by eating or smoking, is attended with the most pernicious results causing, sooner or later, demoralisation and destruc- tion _ alike of body and mind. They seem to be of opinion that the degraded condition of the habitues of opium eating or smoking houses, whether in India or Ohma, represents the natural, and one might almost t^ay, the inevitable results of the use of opium . Ideally, one would wish that stimulants and narcotics, such as alcohol, hemp, opium, tibacco, chloral, and sundry others of recent invention, had no existence ; but, un- fortunately, human nature is so constituted that it will not forego the use of these drugs, each and all of which is liable to be abused, and when so abused, pro- duces the most degrading and pernicious effects upon the human race. One of the curses of our own country and of our own race is the abuse of alcohol— the amount of disease, misery, and crime produced by it is incalculable. With any who might enter upon a cru- sade against this form of indulgence, which should correct the abuse and limit the use of it within rea- sonable bounds, I confess that I should have the greatest sympathy; but I should never expect to succeed in excluding alcohol altogether from use as food. There cannot be a doubt that, in the great cities of India, in China, and probably elsewhere in the East, the abuse of opium is cari-ied by a certain, but a limited number to a great extent, but" to nothing like tho extent to which the abuse of alcohol is carried. It is well known that over large areas of country in India, by tens of thousands of people, opium in moderation, is habitually used by the Natives ; and that they have a thorough belief in its efficiency to protect them against malarious diseases ; and that under its influence all the functions of life arc bettor performed ; that life is not shortened ; and that jihysioal and mental conditions are improved and not deterio- rated. This I know to receive tte support of those who know far more about the subject than I do, and 1 am not aware of anything to controvert it. It is said I believe by its opponents, that the tendency of opium eating is ever to increase — to induce, it may be, slow but sure degradation and destruction. I do not believe this. In the coarse of many years' experience in India I have known so many who have been habitual consumers of a small quantity of opium without in any way suffering from it, or without any tendency to increase the habic, that lam unabJe to agree with those who state otherwise. One of my most intimate friends — a native nobleman, with whom I frequently asso- ciated — died after the age of 80. He was a man of remarkable intellectual, mental, and physical vigour, of wonderful powers of endurance of fatigue, a, great sportsman, a splendid shot, as complete an example of a native gentleman as one could wish to see. He was an opium eater and consumed his two or three doses a day with unerring regularity. This he had done for many years when I became acquainted with him. He never increased the quantity, nor had he done so for several years ; he showed no signs of degeneration, mental or physical, or anything suggestive of a per- nicious habit. It must be in the experience of old residents in India to have met with similar cases. "It seems to me that this crusade against opium, though well meant, is not reasonable, it is as unfair to argue from the habitues of opium-smoking houses, as it is from the frequenters of gin palaces and other haunts where the most degraded forms of alcholic abuse may be met with in our own country. Both, in extreme cases, are an evil; but the moderate use either of alcohol or opium must be left to the discretion of those who feel called upon to take them. ' ' There is another drug which is also in frequent use in India, cannabis sativa, the hemp, which is infinitely worse than opium. I find no objection taken to this drug by the anti-opium party. I can see no medical ground that would justify violent interference with the custom in question. " Control and limit the abuse of opium, but to inter- fere with and suppress it altogether seems to me unjustifiable. I know no reason why opium should be interfered with and alcohol be exempt. The evils of the one are far inferior to the evils of the other, and the moderate use of both — as I have said — should be left to the discretion of those who want them. It seems to me to be. clearly proved that the moderate use of .5,-,. opium is not attended with the evil results ascribed to C.E.Bernard, it, though, as with alcohol, a certain number of persons K.C.S.I. will abuse it. "I repeat, therefore, that on medical grounds I see 16 Sept. 1893. no reasons for abrogating the present regulations con- corning opium in India. I confine myself entirely to the medical aspect. " J. Fayker, M.D., F.E.S. " 31st August 1893." Tho opinion of Sir Hugh Low, K.C.M.G., who was for many years employed as administrator of Pcrak and other States of the Malay peninsula under the British Government. Sir Hugh Low was unable to attend and give evidence during the time the Soyal Commission sat iu London. " Such knowledge as I have on the subject was acquired in the protected Malay State of ' Porak,' in the Malay Peninsula, and in the colony of ' Labuan ' in Borneo ; and I am decidedly of opinion that there is no such abuse of the drug in those places as would make it politic further to interfere with its importation and sale, than is done at present under the existing Government regulations. " The practice in ' Perak ' was to lease for a term of years, usually three, the right to collect the Groveru- meut duty of 7 dollars per ball on all opium imported, the sole right to prepare the crude opium into the State in which it was used, and also the monopoly of the retail sale of the prepared drug. The regulations under which the ' farm ' as it was called was conducted provided a maximum price at which opium might be retailed by the farmer, reserved to the Government control over the quality, of the drug supplied to the public, and provided for the licensing of retail shops. " The ' Revenue farm,' thus created was disposed of by tender, but not necessarily to the highest biddei-. Debts for ' Ohandoo,' as the prepared opium was called, were not recoverable in the courts. " There were three classes of the population which used the drug. " 1st. The labourers, chiefly Chinese, employed in tho extensive mining industry. These for the most piirt used it moderately, and as «■ prophylactio against miasma, and formed by far the most numerous and the poorest class of the consumers. " 2nd. Shopkeepers, artizans, clerks, domestic ser- vants, and others who were in possession of lai'ger in- comes than the workmen in the mines. There was a greater tendency to abuse in this class than in that preceding. " 3rd. Wealthy Malays and Chinese of the highest social positions. " My impression is that two-thirds of the Chinese population were smokers of opium, but amongst the Malays very few of the country people were addicted to the practice. The criminal classes of both nation- alities used it freely. " Very few cases came under my notice in which the habit of smoking opium appeared seriously to affect the general health, but such was undoubtedly occasionally the case. " The quantity of opium imported into Perak was very considerable, and the revenue derived from it by the Government was large in proportion. I will endeavour to procure on my return to London some figures on these points. " I never heard of any case in which crime was com- mitted under the influence of opium, and persons under itu influence give no trouble to the police. I have been informed by respectable Chinese that its use iu modera- tion clears the intellect, and renders men more capable of transacting important business. The use of opium was prohibited in the prisons of the State, and deten- tion in these, where the sanitary conditions were excellent,the food good, and labour regular, invariably resulted in improved physique of the inmates. " Hugh Low. '■ 11th September 1893." The following extract was submitted to the Royal Commision by Mr. H. IST. Lay, C.B., as it bears upon the charge that opiuiti was being forced upon the Chinese. O 4 112 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : „. ExTHACT from a Tkade Oieculab, issued by Messrs. Bush C E B r -d Brothers, merchants of Newchang, a port of N.W. ' K.C.S.I. China, under date January 1881. 16 Sept. If393. ***** " Opium. — It -vrill be noted that the import of Malwa is about one-half of what it was in 1871*, the dilibreiice being 1,0G4 piouls (chests)= taels, 608,754.. This falling off is due, we understand, to the increase of the native poppy, as well as to the higher value ruling for the Indian drug. The latter still obtains a great preference over the others, but consumers cannot afford to pay too great a price for the superior quality. There is plenty of evidence to show that the iiuthorities of this province at any rate do not use very serious exertions to prevent the consumption of the foreign drug, but on the contrary they prohibit the cultivation of the poppy because as was pointed out in a proclamation some time ago, it is essential to keep the military chest %udl sup-plied by the duty levied on Indian opium. Tliis, we take it, is rather a strong argument against thr assertion that opium is forced upon the Chinese.'' * * * -^ ^^ Birsii Broiiieus ' LuiEH from Mr. T. W. Du:?r, for )!0 years a merchant ill China, whose offer to give evidence came too late for the Koyal Commission to take advantage of it; ordered Ijy the Commission to bepiinted with the previous letters submitted fo them. " In answer to your note of yesterday I send you herewith my ideas about opium. Having lived in several of the outports in China during 30 years, I have become somewhat familiar with the habits of the natives and have had a great deal to do in business with men who indulge in the opium pipe. My opinion is, that under the circumstances of their living, food, climate, and habitations, opium to theto has no dele- terious effects, indeed quite the contrary, for it is a positive need and they could not do without it. In what I say here, I do not refer to the occasional abuse of the drug in some of the large towns like Shanghai, because there as in all large places, you may come across scenes of debauchery, perhaps not so bad as seen in our large centres of ' civilization ' arising from alcoholism. "The Chinese in Southern and mid-China feed on rice, vegetables, tea, and other foods containing a large per-centa.ge of water, with now and then a taste of beans, curd, and perhaps once or twice a year a little pork. In these provinces they sometimes take a little spirit, a d being warmed it becomes very weak ; this luxury does not extend much to agricultural districts. They live in malaria and never if they can help it on high ground; their houses principally consist of a ground floor without boards, with the smallest of rooms above this, — generally averaging about 14 feet to the I'oof c.r under. Their highways are canals into which all their towns drain. Their fields, heavily manuied with human ordure, eventually drain into these waterways. They have no waterworks to filter for them. The floating population is namorous and more so than in any other country; penned up in badly ventilated ' holds,' living in a stifling atmosphere over bilge water, without opium taken as a febrifuge they could not possilily exist. You will easily understand, I think, that under all these conditions ojaum is a positive need. It is all very well for fully fid and stimulated faddists, who take wheaten food and meat with other articles of nourishment, to think they can do without opium, but let them live under these conditions for soms years. They would in my opinion change the subject very quickly. You never hear of foreigners taking opium, in China for reasons that they live under very different conditions. Indeed foreigners, whether missionaries or traders, are far better off both as regards food and dwelling than in this country. " The Chinese who live in mountainous districts and ill the north where alcohol is taken do not have so much desire for opium. It is only on the malarious plains or fenny and marshy districts where it is con- sumed and needed, and even here generally in a mode- rate form. "All nations I contend need a stimulant, either in the form of strong food or drink, and this is my own experience through most of the countries of the world either by land or sea. " Again the Chinese have but little amusement either out or indoors, not being an excitable race they derive consolation and pleasure, — securing health too,. — with their pipe in their solitude (perhaps with less harm than our people do in their music hall or village tavern). The cleverest and best men I have always found smoke opium occasionally, and workmen and boatmen especially are always the most active who occasionally indulge in the small amoitnt they can afford to spend on this medicine (as it is called in China). " In conversing with foreigners Chinese will some- times speak against the habit of opium smoking, and especially so to missionaries and others who they know have not the habit. It is mere politeness on their pai-l- to bo always in accord with their gni'Kt or host. I havn never in all my life heard any Chinese blame cnr Covernment for its introduction, on the contrary it i ;■; understood to have been grown in the country for llie past 100 years. It is now called 'foreign medicine ' I v all those who ^ell it, because the best come.s from India, the next best from Persia, and some from Turkey. The nati re opium burns the throat, and until lately ami.s seldom used alone, generally mixed with the Matwn or Patna drug. In 1865 I passed through large field,s of poppies near Pekin on the road to the G-reat Wall, and it would then have been grown in larger quantities generally, but for the unsettled state of the country, after the Taeping rebellion. Proclamations were at this time given out prohibiting its growth, not because they did not require opium, or on moral grounds, but on account of the difficulty of raising the revenue : opium taking smaller bulk than rice or grain, could more easily evade the barriers, while the Pekin authori- ties could not have existed without the revenue of thirty taels per picul, collected through the foreign customs on their account. The opium revenne lias been of the greatest service in centralizing the Govern- ment at Pekin and has taken what would have been a powerful weapon out ot the hands of the different viceroys. " While having the greatest respect for some of our missionaries and others engaged in keeping up this continual cry against this Indian opium, I cannot help thinking they are not sincere, and if so are dreadfully mistaken in trying to govern the habits of (iOo millions of people ill China and India. I am afraid it is (iinie more in the way of advirtisement and in the ztal for their cause. I would like to think better things of them, but when I occasionally read such distorted accounts in their prints, 1 cannot help feeling that tliey Mveniit minding their own shortcomings. The nafiun (if Cliiiia is quite ( apable of taking care of itself. Pln>i- oally there is no Kner raec of people on the globe than the Cliinese, who have arrived at the economic science, of living cheaper than any other race, and wlio can if need be work harder than any other and in any clime. I fear they are our masters now, without the swoid, for economy of living must make them so, a.^ the Americans and Australians have uheady found nut. "Yours sincerely, "T. W. Duff. Mr. W. Lochharl, F.R.C.S. Mr. Willia.m Lockiiaut, F.R.C.S., called in and examined. IH'v;, il'liairman.) Will you bricllyhtale. tin positions which you have tilled, and the places in which you have resided, where you have had the opportunity of forming an opinion, on the <)uestions which have been f^ubmittcd to this Commission ?— With pleasure, my Lord. I went out to China as a medical missionary in the year 1838. I was located for a time at Macao, I then went to Chu^an, then to ]Sring-])0, and finally to Shan.g-hai, and during the latter part of my rosirlcncft in China, 1 had a large hospital in Peking, I had some lalf-d('/,ei, hospitals in these various parls of China,. \ left, Cliiia- in IMIil 1 was 2-'; yn,ii„ at work as a medical missionary tbeii', having had op]«ir- tunity of constant intercourse with the people, and was mixed up with thenl in all their life. I am abso- lutely a medical missionary, that is my voeation. 1639. (,s'/r W. Boherls.) Then you have had a v,.i\ large experience ? — Very large. 1640. Of the ellVcls of opium in China?— In China alone, except -wha.t I have .'■een incidentally in England. MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 113 1d41. What has beoii your impression acquired during all these jcars of the effect of opium on the people of China ?— Many of them take it in small quan- tities. It is not particularly injurious to them if they continue to take it in small quaatities, but ib is so seductive a thing.that they very generally increase it, ; ana if th.ey fall into evil ciroumstanceii and become poor, they take to it in larger quantities. When they become the victims of the opium habit, it is decidedly parnicious and injurious to them, in every respect. 'I'hey fail physically, their mental faculties are not so particularly impaired, when they are not in the act of smoking opium, but their general system becomes so deteriorated, and so debased in every way, that the people who are the victims of this habit, are not allowed to give evidence in any legal proceedings, in any of the courts of justice in China at all. They are not con- sidered as people of the community who are above corruption, and they would not be allowed to give evidence in any legal proceeding. 1642. Does that description apply to habitual opium smokers who are temperate, or merely to those who take it in excess ? — The latter part of my description applies siniply to those who take it to excess, as a means of dissipation. 1643. The people who correspond to our drunkards ? — Exactly ; and I may state that the proportion of 1 hose who take it in m.oderate quantity is about 10 per cent. ; those who take it in excess, from 3 to ft per cent, of the total population, and that is all. "When ever those large numbers are stated as victims of the opium habit, or when people say that it is one-third of the population, or one-sixth of the population, they are totally wrong, because there is not enottgh of opium in ihe country to enable them to take it, to the extent ivhich they ought to take, if they took it in excess. Imeaii by " ought to take," that they are necessitated to take it to relieve them from the excessive langour, .•ind the pain aud distress they sutler, from the want of their usual stimulant. 1641, I think it luis boon rather cxjjlained to us that I hose numbers apply, not to the .'.ntire population, but nnly to the adult? — I never sav/ a child smoking opium in China, it is entirely confined to adults. 16 15. With reference to the adults, it might be said roughly that about ten per cent. ? — About ten per cent, take it in small quantities. 1646. And that is your view P — That is my view. 1647. I believe with that explanation, it is the view geneiviUy given, that it is not ten per cent, as applied to the entire population, but merely to the adult; that it does not amount to more than one per cent, of the total population ? — Just so. 1643. That would be about right do you think, adult males I understand?— Women also take it, but not to the same extent. I have no means of knowing the dilFerence between the numbers of females or males that take opium. Women do smoke opium, but not so many as men. 1649. Would it accord with your general experience in the parts of China that you have been in, that about one in ten oi the adult males are opium smokers ? — Yes. 1650. And that about seven per cent, of the adult makes use it moderately and without injury, and about three per cent, use it injuriously? — About three to five jier cent, use it injuriously. 1651. And from five to seven per cent, uee it modc- lately ? — Moderately. 1652. And without injury P— Without injury. 1653. Or even beneficially ? — Well, the trouble is, when persons begin to smoke opium they ai-e apt, i:nder almost all circumstances, to increase the quantity, and then they become victims to what 1 call Hie opium l.abit. I should not say that even the moderate use of o[>ium was beneficial. 1654. But you would call it still the opium habit if it were persisted in moderately ? — Well, you might ; by ■ he victims of the opium habit I mean those ivho sufler IVom the excess. May I say as to the reason why 1 limit the numbers in the way that I do ?_ The reason of my limiting the numbers is this, the importation of Indian opium is roughly about 100,000 cwt., and the native growth is about the same quantity, so that the e 80970. amount of opium used in China is about 200,000 cwt., which is reduced by the making it into smokable extract, about 20 per cent. — 20 or 25 per cent. — in fact, one-third of the opium is mere vegetable extract ; and so the smokable extract is reduced to one-third, and if you divide that among the population it comes out very much in the figures that I speak of. 1655. But we are told that the quantity of native opium is four or even ten times larger than that im- ported ; I think that is the nature of the evidence given ? — I have no means of contradicting the statement, only personally I do not believe it. I have no present means of contradicting the statement, because I am absent from China, but I very seriously doubt that there is any more than the 100,000 piouls that I .spoke of. Some years ago it was 60,000 piculs. I know it has increased to 100,000 piculs. It may bo a little more, but not very much. Practically, I think, that is about the correct statement. 1656. You evidently think that the statements made about the amount of China opium are not suificiently exact to be relied upon ? — Exactly so. 1657. It is some time since you left ? — I left in 1864. I have kept up my connexion with China ever since ; I am just as much in connexion with China, now as I was when I was living there ; I am just as much interested now in what is going on in China, as ever I was, and I have endeavoured to keep au courant with this question of native opium. 1658. The information that reaches you is not to the elTect that the production of native opium is increasing? — Yes, it is increasing but not beyond tho figure that I have stated. Tt does constantly increase, I know that ; si jce I came home it has increased from 60,000 cwt. to 100,000 cwt. 1G69. That is the native opium ? — The native opium. 1S60. But then that is an estimate I presume ? — There is no cen.sus of the population, nor is there any regulation of the opium hinds to that extent which would enable you accurately to define the quantity ; it is partly a guess I admit. 1661. I am going to ask you a very ijeneral question : Is it your impression from all your ktiondedge of this question that there is any national effect of an injurious , nature, produced on the Chinese by the consumption of opium ? — In the proportion of those who use it in excess it is very injurious. In my knowledge of various commercial men, artisans, skilled workmen, with whom I was personally acquainted and whom I knew inti- mately in all their relation? of life, I know that they do take it, and it does not interfere with their business, nor when they take it to a small extent does it interfere with their health or their life. A man who smokes ■ opium moderately will consume about a drachm a day, those who take it to excess will taks from, four to ten drachms a day. 1662. That is of the smokable extract ? — Yes, the smokable extract. 1663. Containing about one-third of opium ? — No ; the smokable exti'act is very puj'a upiiim. It is one- third of the crude opium. 1664. What name do they give to the thing which is actually smoked ? — They call it Ta-yen or great smoke. Everybody knows that they cannot smoke crude opium, it must be reduced to a watery extract.* 1665. It is mixed with some vegetable matter ? — They take as much smokable extract out of the opium as they possibly can ; it is the pure smokable extract that they use. 1666. Yon have taken some interest in comparing in your own experience the effect of alcohol and opium? — Yes. 1067. What is your experience with regard to the comparison of tho effect of opium in China on the Chinese, and the efi'ect of alcohol on the people of this country? — Opiitm is personally hurtful to individuals Alcohol is a much greater social evil to the individuals that take it to excess. The action of opium is more personally injurious than that of alcohol ; as a social evil there is no comparison between the two. He that takes alcohol to excess is a nuisance to society, a man * Note by witness :— The crude opium is boiled with water ; the solu- tion is strained and boiled down to a certain consistence soff ewhat thielier than treacle, and that is the smokable extract. Mr. W. Lockhart, F.R.C.S. 16 Sept. 1893. 114 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION Mr. that smokes opium to excess subsides into quietness W. Lochhart, the moment he has had his pipe ; though he may be F.R.C.S. cruel at home and sell his wife and his business to buy opium, he is not publicly a nuisance, and I believe 16 Sept. 1893. (to go further than your question) that alcohol is an — infinitely greater curse than opium. 1668. You mean that the use of alcohol, as practised in this country, is a greater curse to the community here ithan the use of opium, as practised in China, is to the Chinese ? — Exactly, that is my distinct and definite opinion formed on very large experience, and Tvith great care taken in the elimination of all extra circumstances, to enable me to form a definite opinion about it. 1669. As regards suicide, opium is used for suicide? — Very largely. 1670. Yery largely? — Vei-y largely. The smokable extract when it comes into a person's possession is generally in a little cup, sometimes a man who is respectable and with some amount of money has a little silver box that he keeps it in ; the common people use a little porcelain cup for it. When wishing to commit suicide, they put their finger into the cup and get out about a drachm or two of the opium, put into their mouths and very soon die. It is very much more fatal taken in that way than through the use of the pipe. Ifi71. Some of it is destroyed by the heat of the pipe, I suppose ? — Very little ; when in the pipe it does not burn ; the morphia is not burnt out of it. Of course in the sinokable extract, and in all the circum- stances in which opium is used, the power is the amount of morphia in the drug, that is of course, as you know, what affects people ; and when the pipe is submitted to the lamp it is only held just so that it will begin to smoke, then they draw in that smoke into their months and into their lungs as far as they can introduce it, and afterwards expel it. The morphia is not destroyed ; very little of it in fact is destroyed, it never burns away when applied to the lamp, it is only heated. 167'2. Speaking of suicides again, is it your imjjres- sion that the uge of opium in China provokes a ten- dency to suicide P — No, I think it is only when they get into very grave difficulties, into debt and circumstances of that kind, family discord, and so on, tint they take opium. Women especially use opium as a means of suicide, sometimes after quarrelling with their mothers-in-law, because the females all live in one compound. Their mothers-in-law are sometimes very disagreeable, and to spite their mothers-in-law, and to place the death at their door, they will take opium. I have known that again and again, njany I have been called to, and when 1 asked,' "What is the reason of " this?" I have been told, " Oh, she quarrelled with her mother-in-law." 1673. Then your implication is that the use of opium does not cause an increase in the number of suicides, and that if they did not use opium as a mode of suicide thev would use some other mode ? — They would hang themselves generally or cut their throats ; I have s(!en every plan that they adopt — sometimes drown tbem- selves. I have been called to them under all these. cir- cumstances— cutting their threats, hanging themselves ; but more generally in the large majority the suicides were by taking opium. It is the pleasantest mode of committing suicide that I know of. 1674. Speaking of those persons who have adopted the habit in excess, I presume they applied to you in the hospital sometimes ? — Very largely ; many thousands. 1675. From your experience in the hospital, did you find that they were curable V — Yes, sir. 1676. How would you express your opinion on that point ; were they as easily curable as a confirmed drunkard? — Quite as curable. I think more so. They used to come to me under the despair of the increased quantity of opium that they had to take to produce the given effect of quietude, and beg to be delivered from the evil that thus came upon them. They were victims of this increased quantity, and they would remain in the hospital. I required that they should remain with me, give me their pipe, promise that they would not buy any more opium, and in fact I prevented it, as far as it was possible to do so. And then I used to help them by medicine of various kinds, stimulants, and with some opium in the medicine that I gave them, nnd grfirlually diniini'^bed the opium, nnd <^a.ve thfni tonics and stimulants, ammonia and such like, and they got well in large numbers. I do not say that some of them would not sliu back again into the opium habit after they left me, but they were delivered from the vice and went out to their usual avocations as before they were submitted to the opium. 1677. Well, I think we have got pretty completely from you, your impressions a? a medical man of the effect of opium in China ? — May I state one thing, I ivish to emphasise very particularly one thing regard- ing the Qse of opium in China. We do not, and never have forced the use of opium upon China. It is re- peatedly and over again stated, that we force the Chinese to take opium, JSTow, wo have never done that ; it is only taken the same as Manchester goods, and or.ner articles of merchandise ; we have never forced it. The British Government had this legacy of opium from the East India Company, they continued the cultiva- tion, that is the management of the opium farms in India, and sent the opium to China, it was never sent by Grovernment vessels; it was never, except in the finst instance, sent even by the East India Company in their vessels ; it has always been sold in Calcutta, and then sent by merchants to China. It is said that when the vessels go along the coast, they frighten the people to make them buy opium. It has never been the case. The Bishop of Gloucester once said, and this has been quoted over and over again, and it is because of that I wish to enter my most emphatic protests — he said th'it we took a ball of opium in one hand, and u, revolver in tbe other, and said to the Cbinese : "If you will not buy this opium, I will shoot you." That is an exaggerated statement altogether. There is not a particle of truth in anything regarding the forcing of opium upon the Chinese. It has never been done, and is certainly not done at the present time. I have been so much mixed up with the ]icople of China that I know all the particulars of their lives, and I know that there never was a question raised that either the Government or merchants have forced opium open them. It would l)e very desirable if the Government could relieve itself of the cultivation or the support of the poppy trade in India, and that they should give up the opium "go-down," nnd throw trade in opium free. You cannot abolish the growth of opium in India ; it would be timply impossible ; but it might bo very much diminished, and the English Government should not engage in trade, still less should they engage in sueh a thing as the opium trade. Eor the Enghsh Government to be mixed up with the produc- tion of opium is, I think, a most injurious circumstance, and both as a missionary and as a man, I should verv much deprecate the continuance of the present systeji on its present grounds. Let them take the duty on it as it leaves the coitntry, but give up the "go-down," reduce the area of cultivation as much as iiossible, and thus show that practically we wish to save, as far as possible, the Chinese from excess in the use of opium. 1678. (Mr. Wilson.) Some years ago, you published a, book on this question? — Yes, I did. 1679. "\\"nich I have here ; you quote therein a paper that was prepared partly by yourself in 1855 ? — Yes. liiSO. That is nearly 40 years ago now ? — It is. 1681 . Are yoar views substantially the same now ?— Very much the same. I have had more experience, which certainly has modified some circumstances ; one cannot live 40 years among people without in some degree modifying his views. If I have modified my opinion 1 will at once say so. I do not know to what you are alluding. 168ii. I notice you state there, as you hare stated this morning, that you treated several thonsaiid cases ia the hospital at Shanghai ? — I did. 1683. Did those people come to the hospital on account of the opium habit, or was it that they came for other diseases, and i ncident ally were opium smokei's ? — Because they were opium smokers and wished to be relieved from the habit, not from other diseases. I do not say that a man might not ha-\o some trouble besides his opium. Very likely he would have severe diarrhoea and colic, the result of opium smoking, wbicli he would wish to be relieved from as well as the opium. He knew the opium produced this; and substantially they came to be relieved from the opium habit. 1684. I think wo have had it stated hei-c that a large number of the people, if not llie great proportion "f those who take opium, take it to relieve pain and suf- fering from other diseases. That is not your opinion ? — No, some do. not the lar^o proportion of them. If MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 115 the question is : Does a large proportion of the people take opium to be relieved of pain P I simply say it is not the fact. They tako it as a means of dissipation. 1685. I see that at another place you say, "It is so cheap that the ordinary working c]asses,the labouring population, can very readily supply themselves with " what they want ? "—With opium '? 1686. Do you think that would bo the same now ? — In regard to native opium it would. 1687. That applies to native opium ? — Native opium. The Bengal opium is more expensive, but it is far better, and rich people always take it ; there is more morphia in it, it is more effective, aud it is a very much dearer ai-ticle. It is not mixed with so many other ingredients us the native opium. The native opium is very impure. 1688. Have you known many cases of Europeans taking the native opium ? — No. 1689. Anyp — To a small extent, yes ; a large extent, "JSTo. 1690. Why do they not?— It takes a great deal of time to smoke opium. European merchants have not time to do it, and there is a distaste on the' part of Europeans to take opium, they do not do it. If they 'iid use opium, they would take it in the form of Itiudannm ; they would not smoke it ; and when taken in the form of laudanum about one-tenth of what is taken by the pipe -ivould produce a very marked effect upon them. 1691. I take it in China it is almost entirely smoking ? — Entirely. 1692. There is not any eating? — Not very much. It i3 largely smoking. 1693. When you speak of taking opium you refer to smoking ? — The man who is in the habit of taking -jpium, and not having time to go and smoke, would put Uis finger in the opium cup and put the opium into his mouth, but that is not the usual plan. 1694. I see that you refer to this, that they continue this smoking for a longer or shorter time according to the efi'ect wished to bo produced ? — Tes. 1 695. After the effect has got to a certain point, are Ihey sufficiently masters of themselves to be able to go on up to the limit of producing the precise ett'ect ? — Yes. 1696. They can P — Yes. If they give up the pipe and lie down they go to sleep, but if they keep themselves awake chey can go on smoking opium for a lengthened period, until the point must come when they are obliged to put down the pipe ; then they become sleepy. 1697. I suppose that with a drunkard in London the more he takes the Ics;.' control he has P — Yes. The use of opiiiLii in very difl'erent, it produces a tranquilising effect and they become tranquil ; they are not violent and boisterous as a drunkard is. 1698. Now, why do i porta from India to China during lSb8 — 1891, was 13,956,0(i.". Ex. Of these opium was 8,207,818 Ex. That was about 58^- per cent. The Commission will note how this per-centage has varied. It is now down to a lower figure than it was (iO years ago. It is now less than 60 per cent, of the whole export from India to China. Eaw cotton on the other hand has fallen from 34 per cent, to 2 per cent., but for a very obvious reason. The people in India are now using their own cotton, and part of the export to China is yarn, which has been manufactured in India. There is another remarkable figure here, the imports from China to the United Kingdom are now down to 6,717, 512L, a very gt eat diflerence. You will observe that from 1878 to 1882 it was more than 12,000,000?., that diminution is consequent upon the smaller im- portation of tea^ — the greater part of what is con- sumed here coming now from India. 1758. India ? — Yes. The next figure is a more im- portant one, namely, the average exports of British produce to China. These are now 8,585,911Z., and if you will cast your eye to the line above that, you will find that the amount of our export to China is now, off and on, about 8,000,000L It is needless to follow any comparison further in this line, because there are some things that complicate it so much. There is the great increase of the opium growth in China ; there is the great increase of the tea imported from India, and there is notably the very rapid falling of the exchange, which make it impossible to institute satisfactory comparisons. But if the Commission will turn to the next table there is something very interesting there. When Lord Elgin went out in 1857, he negotiated two treaties ; the one was a treaty with China legalising the importation of opium into that country; the other was a treaty with Japan by which opium was declared to be contraband. That treaty has been most rigorously enforced. There is not an ounce of opium imnorted into Japan excepting strictly for medicine. They have enforced that in a way that never could have been anticipated. I ought to have said that the United States had made a similar treaty before Lord Elgin went there, so that our policy, which hitherto had been to push the export of opium to Asiatic countries, — for examjjle, notably in Siam, — had to be entirely departed from ; and our relations with Japan continue on that footing till this day. Now, we had no intercourse whatever with Japan before that treaty, and if your Lordship will glance at the state of trade, given every four years in succession, the result is very striking. It begins with 1860-63, the average for those years was 481,792Z,, and it goes on — I need not quote the figures, they are before you — but you will observe it rises steadily until the last four years in the table — where it is 3,707,444?., that is to say, very nearly the half of what we send to China with a population of 400,000,000, while that of Japan is estimated at about 4iJ millions. Now, as I said, I do not express any opinion ; I submit these figures for the Commission to inquire into. I believe it is almost impossible to resist the conclusion that the very flourishing state of the trade with Japan, as compared that with China, is due to the absence of the disturbing element of opium. But that is not all 1759. You yourself desire to draw that inference ? — I draw that inference, I may be wrong, but I submit the figures. 1760. It is an opinion ? — That is an opinion, but these arc facts. I make myself responsible for these figures. 1761 . You recognise that Chinese ability to purchase British manufactures and produce has been prejudicially affected, has it not, by the deterioration in the quality of their tea ; the Chinese tea has been less in demand in England ? — No doubt. 1762. And therefore Chinese ability to buy British manufactures and produce has, to that extent, been impaired F — It has to that extent been impaired. 1763. That is a consideration apart from the opium question altogether, is it not F— Of course, to that extent. 1764. So far as it goes ?— Yes, but then on the other hand, they are importing opium very largely from India. If you look back — I tbrgot to call j'our Lord- ship's attention to the note at the foot of the ]u'eceding table — it will be observed there, " The column Total of " Exports from India to China includes treasure," but that is nothing, no treasure goes immediately to China. " The balance of treasure imported from China to India. " over that exported from India to China, for the thirty " years between 1857 and 1887, was Ex. 91.254,274."" Now I am not competent to give an opinion upon the efi'ect of the importation of silver into China upon the exchange MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 119 1765. I am afraid we must not go into that as an opium question P — I say I cannot do it, but that is a fact which surely should bo noted in the present state of affairs in India. The immense amount of treasure which has been coming into India from China. But coming back to the Japan table, there is a small column in manuscript yoa will observe which has much interest, namely, the exports from India to Japan. Not only has our own trade from the United Kingdom to Japan increased to a large extent, but there is a very ■flourishing trade apparently going on from India to Japan. 1766. In what articles ? — Not one ounce of it opium. 1767. No, I know that ? — I cannot analyse them very materially. 1768. But it is not a trade in opium, we know that p — No, a considerable proportion, I think, is yarn manu- facture. 1769. Probably from the Bombay mills ?— From mills in Bombay, yes. I did not take these out, for I had not time to do that this morning, but the last figures I have, I think, are Il."t;. 1,289, 787Z. Theyhave risen every year from India to Japan ; and that is in addition to the 4,000,000Z. which we send to Japan from this country. I think that the conclusion of the whole matter is, in the pithy words of the Taoutai (chief magistrate) of Shanghai, he said, " Cease sending us so much opium, " and we will be able to take your manufactures." 1770. If they spend their money in buying opium, they cannot afford to buy our manufactures ? — That is just what he said. I have the Blue Book here, but you will find it in the evidence as given by Mr. Montgomery Martin, the Colonial Treasurer for Hong Kong. That concludes, my Lord, the evidence which I have to give in regard to the trade of this country with China and India. But when the Commission go to India they will have a very important subject to investigate, namely, the effeoo of the cultivation of opium in India, both economically and morally. I have a table here which is very interesting, giving the number of acres from the year 1848 up to the year 1873, which were sot aside in British territory for the growth o£ the poppy. 1771. We havi- had that from other witnesses ? — Oh, very good ; but 1 do iiof, know if attontiou was called to this, that it is ^-cry singular how the product of an acre of poppy land is diminishing from period to period. The first three years, from 1848 to 1851, which I have here, the product seems to have been 20 lbs. 4oz. an acre. The next three vears I have down here are from 1859 to 1862. I take three years at the beginning of the series, three years in the middle, and three years at the end. From 1859 to 1862 the product seems to have been 16 lbs. 5 ozs. an acre ; in 1870 to 1873 it had fallen to 12 lbs. 4 ozs. an acre ; and I have a table beyond that, but I have not been able verify it, though I have it here ; therefore I do not wish to give any more than up to the date I have mentioned. 1772. Any information of this kind the Commission will have opportunities of gathering very fully in the course of their local inquiry P— Yes, I merely call the attention of the Commission to it before going out. Well, there is only one other question about that, which I am' very anxious to bring before the Commission. There was some doubt expressed as to what had been the nature of the policy of the opium department in India, I think it was Mr. Penn who said that he had seen something in print which made him think they were willing to take as large a, crop as could be got. This is Mr. Wilson's statement of policy in his last Budget speech. 1773. Of what date ?— 18th February 1860. 1774. That is a long time ago ?— Oh, yes. I am not aware, however, that the policy has been departed from. " His Honour pointed out that in Bengal durmg " the last three or four years all the leading crops— " wheat, rice, potatoes, and sugar— had increased in " price from 70 to 100 per cent., and he urged the " necessity of a further rise in the price paid for opmm " that it might maintain its ground against the other " articles. The aovernment of India have therefore " sanctioned a further rise to four rupees per seer, " which we hope will have the necessary effect and " secure us against a further decline in the cultiva- " tion." He says further: " I have no doubt our true " policy is to keep up the supply to the full demand " and to obtain a moderate price for a large quantity.' Those were his words. 1775. Well that was the view of Mr. Wilson who was in charge of the Finance of India more than 30 years ago p— Yes, an.d I am not aware that it has been changed since. 1776. We shall obtain the latest view in the course of our local inquiry in India P — The only later one that L have is Sir Cecil Beadon. In his evidence befor'^ the Indian Finance Committee of the House of Com- mons • 1777. {Mr. Mowbray.) That, I think, was 32 year,^ ago — 187J P — If there has been any change made since then it has not fallen under my notice. I am speaking of the question of policy. 1778. {Ohairman.) I think we have had it sufficiently established that the Indian Government recognise that the opium income is an exceedingly precarious source of income, and looking at it purely from a financial point of view their desire is to be entirely independent, or as far as possible independent of their opium revenue P — That is so. That opinion of the yjrecariousness of the opium revenue is as far back as 1831. The Court of Directors in Leadenhall Street warned the Indian G-overnment over and over again about the precarious nature of the opium revenue. The only other point I should like to submit to you' Lordship, is this : — I see there have been considerable differences of evidence brought before the Commission on some points, more especially differences in the evidence brought forward by missionaries and that brought forward by other witnesses. Novt I have not a single word of reflection against missionaries, but I think it is quite right that the Commission should take note of what the Govei'nmeut officials have to say in this matter and of what the G-overnment itself has said. I may mention first that, of the East India Company, to the effect that the Indian Govern- ment have always recognised the pernicious character of opium. Lord Cornwallis defended the East India Company's maintaining the monopoly of opium manu- facture on the ground of their thereby being able to restrain the consumption of "the pernicious drug." It is specially to be noted that in 1817, the East India Company's directors said, " Were it possible to " prevent the use of the drug altogether, except " strictly for the purnosc of medicine, wo would gladly " do it in compassion to mankind; but this being " absolutely impossible we can only endeavour to " regulate and palliate an evil which cannot be " eradicated." Andjt.is a very striking fact that in the last document which was presented by the East India Company to the Government before the sovereignty of India was taken from them, one of their pleas for retaining the sovereignty of India in their hands was that it would enable them to restrain the consumption of so pernicious a drug. That is the statement to the Government of this country. Then the Government offloials — I ask the attention of the Commission especially to this evidence — Mr. Majori- banks 1779. On what date ? — I forget the date ; it was before the China war. I am speaking now of the testimony as regards the effect of opium which he had seen in Canton. You are aware that the Bast India (company' did not sell opium in Canton, it was sold by private m.erchants, but Mr. Majoribanks was the presi- dent of the Bast India Company's Select Committee of Supercargoes at Canton for the disposal of the Company's property and purchasing teas, and ho said: — "Opium can only be regarded, except where " used as a medicine, as a pernicious poison. The ' ' misery and demoralization caused by it are almost " beyond belief. Any man who has witnessed its " frightful ravages and demoralizing effects in China " must feel deeply on this subject." That is the statement of Mr. Majoribanks. Then I have to the same effect Sir George Staunton. 1.780. I think we have had this sufficiently put before us ; the opinion of what may be called the early authorities has been very fully sot before us ? — Yes. Coming down later, then, there is the very decided statement of Sir I'homas Wade, who was here yester- day. 1.781. Yes, but we have had his view, both the view he expressed now and his earlier view, both have been set before us ? — I observe he attributed his change a good deal 1.782. But we had that very clearly from him yester- day i — He attributed his change of view as to the moral results of opium chiefly to the action of the Auti. P 4 Mr. D. McLaren. 16 Sept. 18S3. 120 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Mr. D. McLaren. 16 Sept. 1893. Opium Aetooiation. I need not go further back, but I have the testimony of Mr. Montgomery Martin, and of Grovernor Pope Hennessey— the one as Treasurer and the other as Governor of Hong Kong. 1.783. We have had so many witnesses who have .given us their personal impressions, that I do not think we want to go into evidence at second hand F — Then, there was Mr. Lay also, who has expressed an opinion. 1.784. Well, we have had Mr. Lay here P— Well, he said that this opium trade was ham-stringing the Chinese nation. 1.785. Well, we have heard Mr. Lay himself? — Well, that is what he said before. I think that that may conclude my evidence, unless, by the way, the question has been raised, whether we forced this trade upon China or not, but your Lordship says that that is outside the purview of the Commission. 1.786. We had that very fully yesterday ?— Yes, Sometime it is alleged that there is considerable pressure used upon the ryots to grow the poppy. 1.787. Well, we shall hear of that in India :■■— Yes. Then I would call your Lordship's attention especially to the refusal of the Bombay Government to grant licences for the cultivation of the poppy upon the tcvounds of its demoralising influences. They said if opium cultivation were allowed in Scinde it could not consistently be prohibitod in the rest of the Presidency. 1788. That is in the public documents that are before us? — I am not aware. It was my duty to gather up 1789. My duty is to save the time of the Commission where I know that you are entering upon points that have already been placed before us. We are very much obliged to you for the evidence you have given, and the interesting commercial figures you have prepared. 1790. (Sir J. Lyall.) Your argument, sir, strikes mc as being mainly from an English commercial point ot view ?— Well, chieil}'. 1791. YoQ would destroy an important Indian export trade, but the compensatory profit you expect, I gather, would go mainly to England, in fact, India is yoTir public-house to be put down, and England is your draper's shop ? — They are pretty analogous in the present state of exports from the two countries. 1791a. Yoii mentioned that a great export of Indian yarns and piece goods has sprung up from Bombay to China? — Yes, of yarns chiefly. ♦ 1792. And it has, I believe, continued to increase, has it not ? — I think it has. The last year I saw it had very materially increased. I have got here what is not before you ; it may answer your question. In 1883 to 1887 the yearly exports from India to China averaged 13,036,266Z., of which opium was 9,770.775/., leaving for all other produce 3,265,491/. ; but in the last years 1888 to 1891 the average yearly figures arc thrse : exports from India 13,956,065^., and opium 8,207,818/., leaving for all other articles 5,748,247/. 1793. That export of Indian yarns and piuce goods does not appear in these tables of yours, does it ? — Xo. for this reason, that when the tables were begun there was no such thing ; it was law cotton then that was the export. 1794. DoL's not the substitution of Bombay y.-u'iis iuid fabrics for British goods in the China market account for some of the decrease or absence of increiisc of British exports of yarns to China P — I think it might, ^iru tanto, certainly. 1795. Is not the small import of British manufactm-e to China largely duo to the conservativr character of the Chinese in matters of dress, food, luxuries, &c., which makes them especially slow amongst all nations in adopting foreign clothes, ornaments, articles of luxury, or of food ? — That was not the opinion of the House of Commons. There has been no diversity about that, they say most distinctly in their report Uiat it was not duo to any disinclination to purchase English manu- factures. 1796. With regard to the contrast Ijetvvccnthc growth of Japanosi! trade as compared with China trade, is not the character of the Japanese, at any rate, very difl'ercnt in that respect from that of the Chinese ? — I suppose it is. 1797. Did you e\cr see a Japanese gentleman in England in Japanese i:ostumc? — I am not awaic that I ha\r. 1798. You do see a Chinaman though p — Oh, jes. 1799. He never wears any other costume than his own native costume? — Oh, they are totally different, I admit that. 1800. The Japanese always used an European umbrella till he began to make thena in the European style him- self?— Y^es. 1801. The Chinaman generally uses a native umbrella? — Yes. 1802. You agree, [ understand, with the Anti-Opium Society that on moral grounds tbe growth of the pop)).y in India, and the export of Indian opium to China ought to be prohibited ? — Yes. I am not alone in that. I think it is prohibited, will you allow me to say, most rigorously at this moment in the Presidencies of Bengal and Bombay. 1803. You would stop the growth of the poppy andtho export of opium to China ? — Of course, if the poppy were prohibited to be grown there would be no export to China of opium ; but what I was anxious to call attention to was this : One of the papers which I will put in to-day is the Opium Act of 1878, and the first article on that Act is to the following efi'ect : "The following are pre - " hibited :— (a.) The growth of the poppy " an(3 so forth. Y''ou are quite familiar with it. All that is prohibited over the whole of India. 1804. Not the whole of India?— Yes. 1805-6. Not the whole of British India, it is not pro- hibited in the Punjab for instance ?~I know that the Punjab is exceptional, but to read that Act one would nol: gather that from it. 1807. But do you think that is a bad thing ?— Which, the prohibition? 1808. Y'cs ?— A capital thing— all that the Govern- ment haye to do is just to witiidray the license. h'-0:i. That i^, you do agree that it should Ije pro- hiljited ?— Yes. 1810. Tobacco is a poison in the same sense as opium, is it not ? — I neither chew tobacco nor smoke tobacco! but — allow mo to say— it is a ^-ery singular thing that you should mention that — tobacco is entirely prohibited in the British Islands for revenue considerations, for revenue considerations not one leaf cf tobacco is allowed to be grown. 1811. Just as opium in Bengal for revenue considera- tions ? — In Bombay you mean. 1812. Xo, in Bengal .P— It is not prohibited in Bengal. 1813. Well, it is exactly the same thing, to keep the whole thing in the hands of Governm'ent ?— The prohibition in India is in Bombay and Madras for the sake of revenue, and the prohibition of tobacco in this country is for the same reason. 1814. Tobacco you say is a poison ? — Yes. 1815. There have been Anti-Tobacco Societies as well as Anti-Opium Societies, have there not ?— I am not aware, 1 am not a member of any such society at ary rate. 1S16. Have you ever read the account given in pjr- cccdings of Anti-Tobacco .Societies p— No, I am net conversant with such accounts. 1817. tif the evil effects of tobacco smoking ?— Ihaye not read that literature, but I am quite aware" that there IS not much good comes out of it. I think some of my best friends- I have a very eminent friend, one of the most emii;ent preaciicrs of the day, and he enjoys his pipe very well, but 1 think he would be as well without it. But that IS a matter of opinion, I am not here for opinions, but to give facts. 1818. I think it may be admitted that excessive tobacco smoking destroys tbe nerve, involves loss of memory, and loss of mental and bodily cner"-Y 'ind sometimes leads to disease and death ; do vou 'not think that may be admitted .^'-Supposo I admit that that would be i; > reason for prohibiting tobacco a; compared with opium. If one man comes to that unfortunate end with tobacco, there are 50 or 100 that do so from opium. ^ 1819. At any rate it is a useless and expensive habit, IS it not?— I will not pronounce an opinion, I have noyer tried it, some people think they would be very much the better for it, I should be very sorrv to ciindcmu it. "^ MINUTES OF EVIDENCE, 121 1820. Suppose an anti-tobacco society in Spain, or through the Spanish Cortes, wereto propose to force upon the Island of Cuba, which is a Spanish depen- dency, the prohibition of the gro-wth of tobacco or the export of Savannah cigars to America, would it not be similar to the proposal that England should prohibit the grov.'th of the poppy in India, or the export of Indian opium 10 China, where the Indian opium, among opium smokers, holds much the same position as Havannah tobacco does among American tobacco smokers ? — I cannot say that I see the parallel ; but as you mention that, I may just mention I hold in my hand a mercan- tile opinion on this question. It is not from the Chamber of Commerce of Edinburgh, of whiob mention has been made— where I presided— but from another and older body, the Merchant Company of Edinburgh, and they say : — _" That while your petitioners are desirous that the principles of free trade, now happily recognised in the legislation of this country, should be maintained in all their integrity, they nevertheless consider that a traffic, the demoralising results of which are "essential to and " inseparable from its existence," is placed beyond the pale of the operation of these principles. Your peti- tioners also consider that such a traffic ought not to be made a source of public revenue in any form, but that i", ought to be prohibited by everj' Government, as are other trades which lire contrary to the moral sense of manliind. " May it, therefore, please your honourable House to rivo your sanction to sufh measures as shall bo nccea- ■■■ary effectually to probibib the growth of the poppy and the manufacture of opium throutrhout the whole of British India ; and also to prohibit its exportation, when grown and manufactured in independent Indian States, from all the British ports in India; and your petitioners will ever pray. " Signed in name and Ijy appointment of a stated general meeting of the Company of Merchants, held within their hall. Hunter's Square, Edinburgh, this 7th day of February, in Eighteen hundred and fifty-nine. " Robert Chambers, Master." 1821. Tou do nob think it is a parallel case? — No, This body many years ago asked the House of Com- mons to prohibit it under the signature of Robert (ihambers, the well-known publisher, who was then Master of the Merchant Company. 1822. (Mr. Mowbray.) 1 suppose with regard to these statistics which you have put in, you would be as ready as anybody to admit that it is very difficult to draw any conclusions as to trade between one country and another, unless you took into consideration the trade with other countries too? — I quite admit that. 1823. That there may be what I should call a three- cornered trade? — There is that here, India, China, England. 1824. Exactly. Then I wanted to draw your atten- tion to some figures which have been laid before us to-day ; I wanted to draw your attention to the figures in the line 1842-1846, and the line 1854-1858 ?— Yes. 1825. Yon pointed out to us that the export of British goods to China in those two periods shows a very small increase ? — Yes. 1826. And you said that that was a very disappoint- ing thing ? — It was. 1827. And you also showed us that there was a con- siderable increase in the export of opium from India to China ? — Yes, two and a half millions. 1828. Now, I wish to draw your attention to the figures in the column of the export of British produce to India, which shows a very large increase in those two periods— an increase of 6,OO0,000L ?— Yes. 1829. And also to the very enormously increased imports from China to the United Kingdom, which show an increase of nearly 4,000,000? ?— Which year is that. 1830. I am taking the same two periods, 1842-40 and 1854-1858, in your paper ?— Yes. 1831. An increase of nearly 4,000,000L ?— Yes. 1832. From 5,300,000L odd to 9,100,0001— Yes. 1833. Well, now I wish to put it to you whether it is not possible that the increase in British trade to China, which might have been expected, went i.,..i. ectly in an increase in British trade to India, and an increase in the Indian trade of opium to China ?— In the first place i said, when I had ihe honour of beiug ,-:amuioned here, ,. P()970. that I am not here to give opinions so much as to pre- sent the facts for the Commission to form their own conclusions ; but I thinlc there is not the slightest doubt that a large parb of the importation of goods from China to this country were paid for by opium from India to China. There is no doubt about that ; that is what I want to prove. A man sends home a quantity of tea to this country — 10,00uL worth — and the importer of the tea, v/hen he finds that he cannot get manu- factures to send out, exoepb at a loss, sends an order to India, and opium is sent in payment. 1834. I wish to ask you whether it is not possible that although you do not get the increase directly with China you do get an increase, an increase which here figures as 6,000,0002. in the exports in that period to India ? — It is very possible ; but you will observe that the trade with India has been increasing very steadily all through, and also along wibh that, the next column — the trade to all countries. If British trade with China has been falling off it is not because wo have been losing our ground with other countries. 1835. But that suggestion of mine is a possible interpretation of your figures ? — It is well worth consideration. 1836. Then the only other point about your figures I should like to ask you about is that the trade with China, so far as I understand those figures, for the last 15 years has been practially stationary ? — Very much so. 1637. But that the export of opium from India to China during the corresponding period has been very largely reduced? — Very largely reduced indeed. Of course the reason for that is obvious. The enormous increase of poppy growth in China. 1838. Still the reduction of the export of opium from India to China has not led to a corresponding increase of direct export from England to China ? — No, for this very good reason, that the Chinese were smoking their own opium, and were no more able to buy our manufactures than if they had smoked Indian opium. 1839. Are you of the opinion that if the Indian Government were to prohibit the export ol:' Indian opium, the smoking of native opium would cease ? — I think Sir Rutherford Alcock came all the way from Pekin to Simla, and expressed his opinion at that time ; he said, " There is something at work in the Chinese " Government's mind which makes mo persuaded they " would give up their revenue from opium to-morrow " if we would do it." 18-10. The only other point I should like to put to you is that the trade with Japan , which has grown so enor- mously, according to your figures, in the last 10 years is practically a new trade ? — Excuse me, you cannot call it a new trade. 1841. Not perhaps in the last 10 years ? — No. 1842. But taking from the original starting of your figures which was 30 years ago ? — 30 years ago. 1843. Yes ? — Why I do not call it a new trade ; 30 years ago, as things go now-a-days. We do not call that a new trade. 1844. Japan 30 years ago was a new market ? — It was a new market then, yes. 1845. And would you not naturally expect that trade, with an entirely new market in the first 30 years for which that market was open, would increase in a larger ratio than with a country which had previously been open ? — I should think it would increase in a larger ratio, certainly for the first 8 or 10 years ; but that will not account for the contrast when you come up 20 or 30 years. May I say about that that the increase with Japan has been a very steady increase. My tables do not give the figures for last year; but the Blue Books show that the trade with Japan has not increased in the last year. That can be seen by looking at the Blue Book ; but however that may be, there is a very remai'kable increase, you will observe, of the trade to India, in this last table, which you are now examining nre upon. The periods are difi'erent from those in the previous table. They are the regular averages of every consecutive four years from 1860, and to begin with they are 19,000,000 in the first four years, and when we come up to the last they are o5,500,000. So that our trade with India has very steadily increased. 1846. Has ueaily doubled ? — Well, not (]U'te ; rou'^hly speaking'. Mr. D. McLaren. 16 Sept. 1898. 122 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION Mr. D. McLaren. 1 Sept. 1 393. 1847. If we were to take the same figures with regard to China, I think yoii will find the figures have very nearly doubled too .' — Yes. 1848. I admit they are much smaller p — "Yes, but what were they when they began P if they begin small they will very soon double. 1849. {Mr. Wilson.) The general purport of your evidence is, it would appear from figures which you have put before us, that in your opinion if the opium trade with China were to cease, we might expect a con- sider.T-blo increase of British exports to China ? — I have very little doubt of it. 1850. That would bo a gain tc England; would not Ihnt bo a serious financial loss to India'r — If no substi- tute could be got, it would ; but I do not think it follows of necessity that the only resource of India in reserve is in opium. I may mention I spoke about the acreage which is given to poppy. I speak under the correction of gentlemen who know better than I do, — poppy land is generally the very best land, and the best irrigated land. An acre of sucb land, according to the opinion of an eminent agriculturist in Scotland, of whom I inquired, would produce nbout 1 ton of wheat or 7 tons of potatoes, instead of which it produces 12 lbs. 4 oz. of opium, if so much now. I cannot help thinking that there is surely some room for development there of what would be a material benefit both to the people of India and to the revenue. 1851. I think reference was made to some trade in cotton to China ; is there any trade in manufactured cotton from India to China now ? — Manufactured ''Otton ? 18.5:1. Yes P — Yes, there is same now — not so much as of yarn twist. 1853. Yarn?— Yes. 1854. Would you think it at all likely that that would increase to any substantial extent P — I am not at all an authority on that subject. I have not been in India or China, nor have I been in that trade. 1 hand those figures to the Commission for their examination. 1855. (Ghairman.) Mr. McLaren, summing up your evidence as given us, does it come to this, that appear- ing before us as a commercial man you have wished to press upon the Commission that it is advantageous to British commercial interests to prohibit the export of opium from India to Chma ? — That is it. 18.5 J. .\iid has it not been j'our contention that, if China spent less on the purchase of opium from India, she might possibly be able to buy IBritish manufac- tures more freely ? — I said I would not express an opinion, but really I think that is self-evident. 1857. That is your view of it ? — Y es. 1858. Then yon have called attention to the stationary condition of the export trade in British manufactures to Chinp,, ai] 1 you have com|jared it with the more pro- gress ivo condition of our export trade to Japan ? — Yes. 18.')!). China being a country which takes opium largely, and Japan being a country which refuses to import opium P — In which it is contraband altogether. 1860. I think j'ou hare said that in your opinion the ability of China to pay for British goods lias been pre- judicially aff'eoted by the large expenditure by China in the purchase of Indian opium ? — That is my own opinion, 1861. Tliat is your vievi', is it not P — But it is alto the opinion of Chinese statesmen. 1 quoted the Taoutai, of Shanghai, who summed it up in the pithy saying, " Cease sending us your opium, and we will be able " to buy your manufactures." 18i;'2. I think, to conclude, you have also admitted .yourself that it may be the case that China has become Jess able to pay for British goods because Chinese teas have deteriorated in quality, and Indian tea has become more popular in the British market y— Quite so. The wittiess withdrew after putting in the following Tables, which are printed as part of his evidence ; — ^Ti-ade Statistics (Tables I. and II.) submitted by Mr. David ]\lcLnren to the Commission, and cited rope.itedly in his ovidcucc given above]. Statistic-s of Trade between India, Ceixa, J.u'ax, and the United Ki.\c;dijm. Pt'iioit. Avt-r;i^'(' Annual Exjiorts from India to China. Opium. Per I cent. Cotton. Por CfUt. 1K21--2.-. (Statistics jinftp] fed ,it lliis ])crii)d.) 1 ?:!:'. :j.-,. I'^asf India Cntnjt;ni,v ^lonu- poly expu'eci ls;j[. 1837-3!1. Preceding tlie Opium M^ai'. 18J2-l(i. .Vfter Treaty of IN'ankin. 1854-.W. I'recedint' ttie second Cliina War. 1869-82. After Treaty of Tientsin. 1878-83. Under Clictoo Convention. 1883-87. 188S-91. Rx. Rx. l.n.^s.:^.",^ .jt i>70,4.'j.i (Tills lor .year' 1 1 This for year 182-,.) 1827. ) l.ti.:. ;1,71L>.'.I2II 71 n.">;:,:;i'.\ -,t '.1,31(1.211 I 87 ii,',iii'j.8i,", ; St y,77ll,775 8,2I)7,K1S 75 87S,II.12 1,18(1,1 ()2 111:17, -.77 «7;i,.137 l,iiils,7l,'-, 811,401 :i2,-.31H Total. Rx. l,:).,ii,ii',n :i,iil 1,7711 171; A\'eraKe Am mat Imports ; China to United Kingdou;. Average Annual Exports nf Brilisli jirodircc and manufactures to 3,082,nit 3,779,385 i,.s,-,.s 9.157,0111 111,971. i;,Ml 1 9,«S(i,.t03 11,1C2,7S,S ., 12,602,927 I 13,03G,2CG 9,951,7,51 C.717,512 India. All Coimlnis. 010,637 .S5II.159 911,500 5.013,159 o,.323,3SS ' 1.7s.l,S88 l,9i;i,242 Period. ;;,i:62,012 ' — 1821-25 (This for year 1827.1 2,877,881 - 1S33-35 1,079,259 I ll,782,'-'i20 1k;;7-39 B,8il,061 53,997.893 1813^6 12,821,021 1119,171,921 , 1S51-5S l-S,S57,9(li I 128,8511,0,83 ■ 1,8,59-03 8,1151.823 , 29.697,715 I 210„5,80,191 . 1878-82 7,966,183 ' .33,807,300 221,913.231 18S3-87 8,.5S5,ail I 32,(178,182 I 2t8„558.9(,0 1SS,8-91 N.B,— " Kx ' is the sign for 10 rupees, Ira-imrly equivident to \l. or nearly so, before the fall in exchange. The col I 111 in Total of exports from India to Cliina includes Treasure. The balance of Trcasnre imported trom China to India, over that exporled from India to Chino, for the 30 .years between 1857 and 1887, was Ex 91,2,i4,27l. The returns consulted do not give Treasure ,stalistn» el -.tu earlier date. The foregoing table is compiled for the llrst foui- colutnns from a continuous scries of returns. " India and Clnna (Mxports and Imtioi'ts) " 38, Ses-ion 2— 1859 : 347—1871: and 234— IS'^S, The averages in the remaining coUnnns are conipileil from the ahslraets ,il the Boaril of Trade R^'tnrus— m the greater part of the Table, from tlio abstracts given iit Oliver and L'oyd's AliiMna-, in the remainder (lo.K'f lie ollicial returns. MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. 123 II. Statistics of India Exports to Japan and of Beitish Exports to Japan, China, and India. Annual Export of Indian Produce and Manufactures to ,Ia[)au from 1«85-G to 1891-2. Yeiir.s. ]88:.-G 1880-7 1887-8 1888-9 1889-90 1890-91 1891-92 273,504 374,089 711,994 1,035,30.5 l,'21l?,998 1,210,276 1,289,787 Export of British Manufactures and Produce in Periods of Four Years consecutively from 18G0 to 1891. A\-eraRe of Years. 1860-63 1864-67 1868-71 1872-75 1876-79 1880-83 1884-87 1888-91 Japan. Cliina. India, including Strait Settlements and Ceylon.* £ 481,792 4,298,490 19,015,796 1,298,713 ' 6,202,285 22,,',I8,137 1 ,436,337 9,108,834 21,790,747 1,846,177 i 8,680,557 25,411,603 2,372,364 7,4,'52,775 26,037,020 2,627,812 8,295,891 .33,417,794 2,509,236 8,1CG,521 33,453,342 3,707,444 8,585,911 35,517,083 Mr. D. McLaren. 16 Sept. 1893. • It "ill be observed that in this Tatilc the column for "India" includes the Strait Si'Ulements and Ce.vlon; in the other Table, India Drly is mf ludcil under that heading:. Ilencc the difference in the figures in the last line oi* Ihat column m the two Tables. Eev. T. G. Selby called in and examined. ISO !. {Cliairman.) You have been a missionary in China in connexion with the Wesleyan Mission ? — Tes, I was 12 years in the interior of China. 186 1. I believe yon have published a pamphlet on the subject which has been referred to the ootisidera- tion of this Commission? — Yes, your Lordship. 18G."i. "Will you briefly state to us what are the points that you wi^h to put before the Commission ? — I have rr:id c.irefully through the evidence eiven by the mis- sionai ies who have spoken ; I do not wish to go over the s.i:iie ground again. 186G. Thank you ; we are obliged to limit repetitions ? — I an in almost complete agreement, and I believe that evidence is very conscientious and very carefully sifted. 1867. I should like to ask you one question which you have suggested. Can you give us any explanation of the conflicting accounts which have been given by European residents in China as to the elTects of opium smoking ? — I think that the missionaries come into contact with very much larger numbers of the Chinese people. If I may be allowed to take my own experience as an illustration, I have addressed 100 or 200 China- men every day for 12 years, and the pew in China has perfect liberty of reply. "Very long discussions always follow the addresses given in mission halls, and we get at a very wide area of Chinese opinion in this W'ay. Some of the officials of the British Government in the difi'erent parts of China, whilst they are admirable Chinese scholars, do not speak the local dialects. They get their information at second hand ; we get ours at direct hand from the Chinese masses themselves, and I think that the judgment of the missionaries represents a very much wider observation of Chinese life than is possible oven to merchants or to consular officials. 1868. How many years were you in China ? — 12 years, your Lordship. 1869. What parts of China have you resided in ? — In the Canton Province, in the town of Patshan for seven years, and in the city of Shiw-Chau-Eoo, on the Canton North River, for four or five years. 1870. You have been kind enough to place upon each of our' desks a pamphlet, entitled " The Poppy II:!rvc-;t. A Study of Anglo-Indian Ethics " ? — Tes. 1871. I presume that that pamphlet represents your deliberate views on this question ? — Certainly. 1872. I will promise faithfully to read the pamphlet ? — Thank yotj. 1873. I have no doabt my colleagues will be equally prepared to give it their attention. And may we take it that that pamphlet is a complete general summary of the results which you have arrived at from your con- siderable experience in China? — Certainly. I can sustain it by further OYidenco if it is wished for on any of these points. 1874. Well, we have been hearing, of course, as yon loiow during several long days, imyiortant evidence on this subject, and, as you have said, it is very valuable to hear from you that you in u, general sense coirflrm what has been .stated to us on this subject by the mis- sionaries who have heen examined. I do noli think it will advance the case if I ask you to repeat what you have alrealy, in the general statement that you have made, confirmed ? — Certainly. 1875. {Mr. Pease.) How far do you think these pictures represent current public opinion upon the opium question in China ? — They are drawn from Chinese sources entirely ; the colouring only is English. I have met with them distributed through every part of the Canton Province ; in some parts of the Kwang-si Province as well. I think that they very fairly reflect the average opinion of the Chinese themselves upon the subject. 1876. {Mr. Wilson.) 1 think you said in your opening sentence that you agreed in almost every particular with the evidence which has previously been given here by other missionaries ? — Yes. 1877. Are there any points upon which you do not agree ; that you would like to qualify at all ? — No, I do not know that there are. The guesses at the per- centages of smokers were, of course, ver}' vague. I did form an estimate once of the per-oentage of the smokers and of the per-centage of the mortality amongst the smokers through opium smoking. It was by a rough and ready method. I sent my teacher round to every opium shop in the city of Shiu-Chau-Eoo. I collected from each proprietor statistics of amounts sold each day. The Chinese opium smoker generally buys twice a day because there is a morning and evening boiling of the opium, and my conclusion was, taking the use of an ounce of opium as the line :it which it was almost .sure to become fatal in the course of a few years, that the opium we supplied to the Chinese cost China at the very lowest estimate half to three- quarters of a million lives every year, besides, of course, the Chinese who were demoralised, and the women and children who suffered through the opium debauchery of the head of the household. 1878. (Sir W. Uoberts.) How did you arrive at the conclusion that the amount of opium supplied through India was responsible for the loss, I think you said of three-quarters of a million lives F — I got out tables of the amounts consumed by certain numbers of opium smokers, and then where the ounce was consumed daily, I took that as a proof of the fact that it would Q 2 Rev. T. G. Selhy. 124 JXUIAN OPU'M IJOW.MISSIUX Her. T. G. Sctbj. 16 Sept. 189;!. probably proxr fatal in the course of a few years, and then I compared that ^vith the total import of Indian opium into China. 1879. And was jour assumption, a8 it ivc n.', that this ounce would be given daily to each man ■' — Tu one smoker, I presume. 1880. At a single dose P — Well, it would b3 smoked in the course of the day. I have known exceptional oases where Chinamen have smoked two or three ounces a day. I know the case of one of the Cliineso officials who had servants standing by his liedside getting his pipes ready the Avhole of the day. Of couise these lire very extraordinarj- cases, and opium smoking very often jn-oves fatal at ;i much earlier period tlian that, in fact, comparatively small doses in some cases jjrove very debilitating, and at times fatal. Thctcm|)crament of the smoker has to l)e taken into account, the occu- pation, the food, and many other things. The witness 1881. I think you are not a medical man, are you ? — ■ I am not, sir. 1882. Then you do not agree in the evidence we ha\'e had fi-ora medical men who have appeared before us, some of them, that the opium habit bad very little effect on the mortality rate in China? — Weil, take the evidence of Hong Kong where the deaths are registered. There is not the certificate of a qualified English doctor. I assume that the word of the native practitioner is taken upon a question of that sort. And then in a colony like Hong Kong, whore you Ijave a floating population, those who become incapacited from opium naturally go back to their homes, and the men in the full vigour of their power are kept there. 1883. Then your impression is that the opium habit in the districts that you have known had an unfavonr- aljle efi'eot upon the general health of the j.'Opulation H — Certainly ; and I have seen opium smokers die almost at my feet. withdrew. T)eputy-Surg.- Geiierai W. P. Partridge. Deputy-Surgeon-Geueral W. P. Paktkidge called in and examined. 1884-. (Cliairman.) Will you state to us what means you have had from your previous experience of form- ing a judgment upon the matters which have been referred to this Commission ? — I am a Deputy Surgeon- (icneral in the Bomliay Array, and I have served there for 30 years from 18.J5 to 188-5. I have been in chaige of two gaols in Bombay for I'l years, and also I have had charge of civil surgeoncies in different places in Gujerat and Bombay and ITpper Sind. I have been once to Hong Kong ; that was only on sick leave. 1885. So that vou are in a position to have foimed an opinion — a professional opinion — as to the effect of the consumption of opium upon those who resort to the practice ? — Yes. 1886. Well, will you sum up in a general .'■tatemont the conclusions at which you have arrived p — The first point I want to bring bel'orc the Commission is with regard to opium being a harmless thing, as it has been represented by Sir George Birdivood and others. Sir George argued that men became ill from debauchery and from rheumatism and various illnesses, and that they took opium as a palliative ; that that was the reason why tlie opium dens were filled ; and that opium in that sense became a blessing rather than a curse. He argued that the burning of the opium destroyed its powers of intoxication to a great extent. To show that that is a mistaki-, I just mention what I know to be the case in some of the low huts where opium is smoked by the father of a i'amily, when he goes away for a week the children become restless and fretful, and do not know what is the matter; this shows that the mere liimes in the place have a direct effect upon the children while they are there. 1887. (Mr. T'eimi'.) Is this effect not produced as long as the smoking is continued P — JN'o as long as the children get their stimulant, they are soothed and quiet, but directly the father goes away for a time, they miss it, and they do not know what it is they miss. 1888. Then the children have liecn the consuinfr.-, as well as 1 lie parfnts V — Thi'ongli the snioki — of course. Sir George IJirdwooJ ays that o|]jum-siiiokiiig is .'is innoxious as smoking hay, and he re-afTirmed that here, that it was absolutely innocent. Well, if that was the case, it would be absolutely impossible to do any harm by smoking to excess. There can be no doubt that there is ample evidence that you can smoke to excess, so of course that statement cannot hold water. Then with regard to the opium dens, in Bombay, I only can meet a theory with facts. It is said that simply the low pi'ople who commit ciimes and so on are found there. Well, that is, to a certain extent, trae, and it is also true that people — and a great many people— found in the dens have taken to it for rheumatism and pain, and thus acquired the habit. But I want just to show — I will only mention the cases in a few words, on account of the lateness of the time — I want to show from positive evidence, that a great many of the people who are found in the dens do not come from sickness or anything of tho kind. The evidence that I want to lay before joa is derived from the personal knowledge of a lady, Miss Sunderbai Powar, who has been lately in England lecturing about opium. That lady is a Christian, she was of high caste Brahmin parentage, and she was one of the first seven pupils in the normal school which my wife started in Bombay. 1889. (Sir J. Lyall.) I suppose you know, sir, that tho dens are abolished, I mean if the argument is in favour of the abolition of Ibc dens, it is hardly worth whdo going on with it P — I am not referring non- to Ihe abolition of the dens, but to the kind of people who are found there. I have known Miss Sunderbai Powar for 14 or 15 years, at any rate, so I can abso- lutely rely upon her statements. She mentions a case hereof one of her own relatives, who was very rich, and tome years ago he took to smoking opium. The consequence was, that he sold and lost everything, and has sunk so low that he beats nis w^fe nearly cvci-y day ; he is a mere skeleton in appearance. 1890. I think we all admit that a large proporti.jn of people who take opium take it to exct-ss, aid that a good many talce it merely for intoxication. I do not suppose you would deny that some of these have taken to opium because they have been previously diseased P — I said that some do btcanse tbey are previously diseased, but I want to show, hv actual cases, that there are a groat many miserable emaciated creatures who were noD diseased at all, bu; were strong, well, and healthy, when they commenced the habit. 1891. I think that is admitted P — Of course the time is very short. If you will allow me to put in these papers, and read them for yourselves, I shall be veiy glad to do so. 1892. (Ghalrman.) Just give u-i the points that yon want to insist upon? — I want to show case after case of actual people who we know were brought down t.j this degraded condition, simply through taking opium. Here is one case from the "Bombay Guardian" of August 5th, 1893, of a lad, stated to be " the only son of a '■ horse merchant. The father was suiBcicntly wealthv " to spend ten thousand rupees on the wedding of his " son, when, according to custon, the latter was " married while a little buy. Unfortunately for the " child his father had a quarrel with hi^ partner in " busines:, Tlie partner, to rovongo himself, bribed " the servant, who had control of tlie buy, to give his young charge, regularly, sweetmeats mixed with " opium. There was no difficulty in carrying out tho " wicked design. Very soon the opium crave began. " When the parents discovered it, they were alarmed, " and tried to rescue their boy from the imperious " habit, but to no purpose. At last, he ran away " from home, never communicating with his parents " and young wife, and when the photograph that wo reproduce was taken, he was a confirmed frequenter " of opium dens in Bombay, wrecked body and soul by " opium, albeit for that reason a valuable contributor " to the Government revenue." 1893. We may take it from you that cases th::t answered to that description are numerous ?— These are positive facts, not mere theories. 1894-5. That there are many people whom you could individually name, and that other witnesses from their experience could individually name, who have been brought to a. state of degradation by the excessive use of opium. That is your testimony, and we accept it ?— Yes ; many who became what we find them, from opium smoking and not from sickness. MINUTKS Ol'' EVIDEXr].;, ii[ 1896. lb is established, I think, to the satisfaotiou of every member of the Commission that such cases are unhappily numerous?— Yes; well my opinion about the opium eatino;, and. smoking, and drinking is that it is a vice, that it injures the health, and that it d-,'grades, as all vices do, the moral nature of tliose who indulge in it, only to a greater degree than other vices ; and that it is far more detrimental than alcohol, bad as that is ; that the opium crave soon overcomes habitual opium takers, whether they consume much or little, and that it cannot be overcome except by the grace of God. That opium takers are conscious of their degradation and bswail it, but cannot, unaided, leave off the habit. We l-:now this from the fact that we have had petitions for the abolition of the opium trade sent in by the frequenters of the opium dens themselves, 'fhat the manufacture and sale of opium, except as a medicine, is a great sin. Ijnst want to emphasise that the Govern- ment of India sends out annually to China., say, 80,000 chests, or 5,000 tons of opium or 78,400,000,000 grains ; 4 grains would kill a man if he is not accustomed to take it, and, therefore, we send, simply for the sake of revenue, to China every year as much as would kill 19,600,000,000 of people. 1897. (Sir W. Roberts.) Are you aware that a similar calculation, or an analogous calculation, with regard to the salt that we take would bring out the same astounding sort of conclusion P — No, I not know anything about salt. 189S. In this way, that about 1 lb. of salt is a fatal dose P — Yes. 1899. But people in the course of a year take about 12 lbs. of salt ; the salt that you take would kill you 12 times over in ii year. Such a calculation as that is not of much value ? — Supposing that is so — well it is a i'act that so much poison is sent m\t. 1900. It applies to salt in the same way ? — Very well. Here is some testimony up to the date of Slst .filly 1893, about the closing of those opium dens, which Sir James Lyall was speaking about. They were closed for smoking only, of course, and we know that a private and confidential circular was sent by the Commissioner North-West Provinces to all Commissioners and collec- tors North-West Provinces and Oudh, to tell them that there was nothing illegal in opening an opium den next door and providing pipes, so tliat in other words, though they must not smoke opium in the dens, they might smoke it next door. When that was known in Bombay the people 1901. {Chairman.) You say that confidential circulars have been issued by the Government of the North- West Provinces in that sense ? — I tvill show you the date — the circular was issued on the 26th July 1892; "by the ■' Government order of the 25th September 1891, the " Viceroy ordered that in future in all provinces of " British India clauses should be inserted in opium " licences prohibiting the smoking or consumption of " opium, and its preparation in any other form on the " premises " ; that is Eesolution, No. 4,033, the object being apparently to reduce the evil to a minimum by giving no facilities for its consumption on licensed promises. Then Mr. Stoker, of the Civil Service, Com- missioner of Excise for the North-"\V'esfc Provinces and Oudh, issued tlio following circular: — "To all Commissioners and Co]leotor.= . "N.W. Prov. and Oudh, " SiK, 2Gfch July 18.42. ''You are already aware that henceforth the Ohandu and Madak smoking is absolutely prohibited on the premises licensed for the sale of the drug. It is impossible to doubt that this prohibition will be followed by the opening in many places of unlicensed places of resort where .iinokers can obtain the facilities which they require, and that such places will have to be kept under observation both for general reasons and also with a view to prevent the use of illicit opium. As the law now stands the anthorities have no power to suppress consiwnption on premises where opium or its preparations are not sold. There is nothing in the laio to prevent anyone opening a saloon for the accommodation of opium smoker,-, who bring their own chandu. He can supply lamps and service and charge a fee for their use, and the law cannot touch him ! Unless he is detected selling opium or its preparations, or foundin possession of more than legal quantity. On this point the opinion of the Board of Revenue is, that it is not altogether advisable that .?uoh places should bo sup- pressed. Collectors should watch such establishments carefully so as to prevent the sale of illicit opium. The known conditiuns of chandu smoking render ttio main- tenance of some common place for the consumption of the drug an almost absolute necessity. No effort shunhl be inade to suppress such places as it is bettor that they should be known and thus liable to supervision." That was a private and confidential circular issued by Mr. Stoker. Mr. Caine, M.P., brought it out, and it has been ordered to be withdrawn, but the mischief of course is done ; they can sell opium in the licensed shops, and open any number of dens elsewhere. 1902. (Sir J. Lyall.) Is it not a fact that they could not be suppressed. Is not that statement of the law correct. " There is .nothing in the law to prevent " anyone opening a salooji for the accommodation of " opium smokers who bring their own chandu '' P — The opium dons are practically not closed 1903. What Government formerly did was to give the licence to a man to keep an opium shop open for opium smoking? — Yes, selling and smoking. 1 904. And of course he was a vendor ; he had a large amount of opium, or he had also a licence to manufac- ture the crude opium into smoking opium ? — Yes. 1905. Well, that was done away with. I myself pro- posed it first, as long ago as 1883, as Pinancial Com- missioner to the Punjab. It began to be done away with in the Punjab the following year, and a long time afterwards, in 1891, it was generally prohibited. But that circular says that there is no law to prevent men clubbing together, having got the amount of opium they can get from the licensed vendor, resorting to some other room, and either themselves boiling their opium or using a nnmmon servant to boil the opium, and then smoking it there. Unless you can prove that there is some man who keeps a shop and sells opium iiimself to other people, the law does not enable you to prohibit, but that is all that the circular says after all ? — Mr. Stoker circulates the information for the benefit of those people who might think that they mnst stop. 1906. Not for the benefit of those people, but a con- fidential circular addressed to the oflRcials to tell them how far they oan'go ? — Yes, these men know he may do that. 1907. A man does not know it. The question is whether the police shall interfere with these people or not, or whether the Revenue officials should do so. He says you must look out and see whether this man sells opium in an illicit way P — Yes. 1908. But there is no law to prevent it P — There is no law to prevent them opening smoking dens. Many of these poor men have no pipes, and smoking would be prohibited if there were no dens. 1909. There is no law prohibiting the use of a pipe unfortunately. That circular is only a statement of fact ? — It is only a statement; it is only a circular. 1910. You admit there was nothing wrong in the circular P — No. It was a decided hint to them to explain to these people that they might sell it for the purpose of smoking. 1911. It was not addressed to them, it was addressed merely to the officials ? — To the officials. 1912. I believe the reason it was confidential — I do not know anything about it — was that it .should not be said that they suggested it. If printed as a public circular, it would have boen in the possession of all opium vendors as all circulars relating to their ti-ade are, and then it would have proved a direct incite- ment no doubt, but being confidential that could not be said. 1913. (Chairman.) It was an instruction to the offi- cials confidentially to tell them how far they might go in interfering themselves. 1914. (Jfr. Mowbray.) It has as a matter of fact been withdrawn as " being capable of misinterpretation," I think that was the language of the Government of India P — Yes, it was withdrawn when it became public. 1915. (Chairman.) I think that is all we need have on that point p— That was merely introductory to the evidence of two men. I will just give what they said oil this very point. One of the dens in Bombay was visited, and they knew it was going to be closed, in fact, while it was being visited, this den was closed. When the men who were smoking were asked whether they were glad or sorry that the opium den was closed, there were only two who were sorry, and they said that they were so because they thought they would suffer so much pain on giving it up. Other groups were ques- tioned, and they all agreed that it was a good thing to Q 3 JJepul-j-Sur;;.- Crenerul W. Ji' Partridge. 16 Sept. 1893. i2M liNDlAN OPIUM (,'OMMJSStOX : Deputy- Sv I y.- General IT. P. Cartridge. iG Sept. 1893. close the shops for smoking. (Jne said, " C'urse it, " curse the opium, it hfis shattered my body. Once " L was strong enough to wrestle with 10 men, but " look at me now; a child can push mr down." Another auid, " Look at me, 1 am ruined and poor, and " nearly dead, but what is done is done and cannot be " helped. For 30 years I have been a slave to this " habih, and it has eaten my strength away, dried up " my Ijlood, and deadened my senses. For every 4 " pice (1(/.) I spend for food, I spend 4 annas (Ad) for " opium. We are ruined, and soon may die and now " the dens are closed there is hope for the nildren." That is just simply the testimony of two of the men, on the 31st of July last. 1916. (Sir J. Lyall.) "What is this intended to prove ; that the dens should be closed ? — To show that the men thcmselvi'S hated them. 1917. But the dens arc closed ? — They are closed for smoking only. It is said that they do not demoralise people ; I have got in my mind, now, a lady, highly refined, educated, and polished, in England, u, personal friend of mind — whom I know perfectly well. She took to opium in the form of chlorodyne, and she became filthy dirty, shut herself up in her room, would not wash herself, or do anything; she was deceitful and untruthful, and she became more like a beast than a woman. That was not from any previous disease at all, but simply from the habit. 1918. (Chairman.) That is a tasc establishing your general proposition, which we fully accept, that the cases are numerous in whicli people are grievously deteriorated by the excessive use of opium P — Like Dr. Heron and Ni'il, and some other murderers, who were all opium eaters. Well, 1 need not show that. Then a good deal has been said about opium eaters often being healthy men. Supposing that were so, I do not see that that alters the case at all. A vice is just as muc-h a vice in a fat man as in a thin man. I do not see that that makes any dilferencc at all, if the thing is a vice. It biis been conclusively proved to my mind that opium renders a man insensible to ties of affection ; renders him intensely selfish, so that he does not care about his wife or his children, or his family, or any- thing else ; so it must be a vice and nothing but a vice. Sir William Moore praised opium because it enabled a Rajput gentleman to go a long journey, and the camelmen to endure privation, and to do with less food, and so on. All these effects we perfectly aamit — I do at least. I know that in Upper Sind they have got little hardy mares that will travel bO miles on a stretch straight on, and the}- have got a lump of opium round their bits ; that is the way they enable these little mares to ti'avel so far, and in the recent long- distance ride in Germany they injected morphia under the horses skin to enable them to go. We admit all these facts. If I was in the mutiny and I was obliged to run whether I Co aid help it or not, I would take any stimulant that I had, but these .irc mcnly exceptional cases, and it is not fair to take them as instauces. 1 have ridden 40 miles in one night on a camel without any "' stirrup cup " at all ; I had nothing but a lot of dirty water out a camel's mussack to take on a hot iSind night, therefore I think Sir Willi.im Moore's Kajput gentleman could have done just the same with- out kis opium drink. But it seems to me that the fallacy of all this that has been said by pro-opiumists about men bciiifc bright, clever, intelligent, and so iin, all lies in thi,-.. oui' point, that they are looked upon only while they are under the intlueiice of opium. Everybody is bright; tliere is no doubt that up to a certain extent he may be while he is being stimulated. I think the strongest point, that pro-opiumists have made ibr trs w;is what Sir John Strachey said the other day, that the Sikhs could not go to »v;ir without a supply of opium. A man is all very well, while he is in camp ; I have had Sikhs in some of the regiments I ha\e been with ; they are all right, but if you go on service and the)' cannot get their opium, thej' ai-e done for. 1919. (,S'ii- W. BoherlR.) That is the same with daily meals P — Precisely, but you provide for daily meals ; you do not ].irovide opium, aL least the Government does iiof. That is all I wish to say on the first subject. A ,i;ood many jminls that tell in our favour have been iidmittod by the pro-opiumists. Then I wanted to say a word on another subject if you will allow me. Dr. Mouat s;iifl that opium does not swell the number of patients iu ho.^pituls. Of course, I have had charge of Jots of liospitii.lR in the last :-!0 years, and I have had chiirgi'. of jails also. Dr. Mouat says that in the statistics that he took in 1841-47 in Calcutta, out of 56,392 patients admitted into hospital, '■ not a single " case of disease or death attributable to opium was " found." Directly I heard that, I said " Why, there " is not the slightest difficulty in explaining this." Wo havj to send in Government lie turns of the sick people under certain printed heads. Amongst these there are "diseases of the brain," "diseases of the " spinal cord," "diseases of the respiratory organs," &o. There is a column for " alcoholism," there is no column for opium at all, and therefore a man who comes in with disease of any kind, dysentery or diarrhoea, caused by opium, is not put down as an opium patient, but is put down as a man with dysentery or diarrhoea. Dr. Mouat ought to have said "attributed " andnot "attributable. " Then Dr. Sir G-eorge Birdwood, I think, and Dr. Mouat and several others, if I remember right, said that there were no deaths from opium, that opium did not cause death. "W'ell, if there were great neglect of sanitary arrangements in a street, and a man died of typhoid fever, if that man was put down in the Return as having died of typhoid fever, would it be true to say that he did not die of neglect of sanitary arrangements ; and opium causes conditions of body in which certain diseases set in, and therefore it is not right to say that opium is not the cause of the death. 1920. Tou would call it a pre-disposing cause, would you not P — Just as the neglect of sanitary arrange- ments is u, pre-disposing cause of typhoid fever — exactly the same thing, and that seems to me a very simple thing. Then Dr. Mouat said that opium does not fill our jails with criminals. \\^ell, I have had charge of the " House of Oorrection " and the common jail in Bombay for 14 years, and I have always had people Buffering from opium in the jails — a perfect nuisance they are ; but, of course, when an opium eater steals money or clothes or any thing else to satisfy his craving it stands to sense that ho is not put down as " opium eater ; " he is pnt down as " thief," and that is simply and solely the reason you have no returns in jails of opium criminals. I have alwajs had the greatest trouble with those opium prisoners. They have to be examined most carefully ; they conceal opium in their hair, in their mouths, under their nails, under their armpits, between their legs, and in all kinds of possible, and almost impossible, places. You have to search them all over. There was one m.an who pre- tended to have a great gumboil, and would not open his mouth. I insisted on oijeuing it. and a great piece of opium came out. And then, besides that, there is no difSculty in an opium eater having a friend outside getting opium in the jail. I do not say anything about bribmg the warders — that is done sometimes — but at a pre-concerted signal their friends throw it over the wall. It is in such a little quantity that they can easily get it. I have always stopped lic(uor entirely, even in cases of deliriii/m tremens, and i ha"\'e never been afraid of any b^id effects from doing so ; btrt I have been absolutely afraid to stop opium. I was afraid of the men killing themselves. If you stop the opium they howl all night. One witness said that he had never heard a man howling, but it is quite common. Of course, I am speaking of habitual opium eaters. A man will keep all the other prisoners awake at night with howling if yon stop his opium. I have been obliged to give them a little opium Irom time to time. I always gave so little that they were not, of course, in the least bit satisfied with it, but I dared not stop it altogether. You cannot get any work out of these men ; they are not fit for anything. Dr. C. A'alcntiue, President of the Medical Training Institute, Agra, is not able to come here now, but you may see him in 3. " The child had been suffering from opium diarrhoea, " and had been to Dr. Lazarus of the Scotch Free '' Dispensary, Thana, who told the parents that the " practice of giving it opium must be stopped. This " the parents promised to do. Soon, however, its eyes " became ulcerated and it was taken to Bombay." " Dr. " Machonachie pronounced the case hopeless. ' Its eyes,' " he said, 'have been ruined by opium.' It is very " common for natives to dose their children with '■ opium, and it often causes this condition of the eyes. " I have hundreds of native children brought to me " whose sight is utterly destroyed by opium. Some " are even in a stupor when brought here." They are ill-fed, and opium is given to quiet them. The child was taken back to Thanii and shown to Surgeou- Q + 'Depuly-Sura.- Getieral W. P. I'artridge. 16 Sept. 1893, 128 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : 6 Sept. 1893. 'Jeputy-Surg.- Major Kirtirkar at the Civil Hospital, who Haid : — "I ' have many cases of children dosed with opium. " I register them in my books as chronic cases of " opium. They usually begin with diarboea and often " lose their eyesight by suppuration of the cornea. " This is verij common among natives." In further " confirmation of this : there is a. statement in " Bombay Guardian," August 5, 1893. From Captain Yeshwanti Bai of Salvation Army : " An infant one month old ,, was brought to me frgm another village for medical " treatment. The little mite's eyes had been utterly " destroyed through the evident administration of " opium, which the mother confessed to have given " in large quantities, and its face was already getting " that old mannish expression seen in opium-drugged " babies. I am always having babies brought to me " affected in some part or other through opium." 19 17. [Mr. Wilson.) You referred to those unlicensed opium dens, or saloons as we call them, and the Despatch of Lord Kimberley on the subject, suggesting that the laiv wanted strengthening p — No ; I do not myself know anything about it. 1948. The Despatch of the 1.6th March of this year ; you do not know anything about it ? — No ; I do not know anything about it. 1949. It is a Parliamentary paper ; I wanted just to ask you : You have referred to the opium criminals in jails, do you know anything at all about the propor- tions ? You can only express a very common opinion ? — No. We geni'rally had, I suppose, eight or nine opium f-aters — no smokers. I have never had an opium smoker in jail in my life; they do not smoke opium except in the dens in Bombay. (lenerally tliere wore eight or nine I suppose, some of them bid enough to be in hospitals, some of them sent to their work. 1950. Do 1 understand that you consider that a good many of them had got into jail through crimes com- mitted in order to obtain opium ? — The usual crimes with opium criminals are gambling and stealing. These petty crimes are what they come into jail for. An opium eater must have his opium. 1951. My question was, whether yon have any idea as i'O the proportion of those cases to the total number ? — No, I cannot tell you for certain at all. We always had some seven or eight perhaps. 1952. (Sir J. Lyall.) You criticise Dr. Monat as to no deaths being attributable to opium according to Bengal jail returns P — Yes. ly"'3. Could not and would not Dr. Mouat and the other doctors below him have had a column added of " Opium habit " as well as " Alcoholism " if they had thought tlie iacts called for it ; would it not have been their duty if they had thought that deaths were nttri- butable to opium, to ask that a column should be The witness added? — Yes, I thin so. For a long time there was no column for alcoholism ; I think that has been added comparatively recently ; in fact, for many years I do not remember a column for alcoholism at all ; that has been added lately. 1954. I suppose you know Dr. Mouat pretty well ; I suppose we may assume that he did not think that deaths were attributable to opium, or he would have had a column added ? — On the principle, you see, that they do not look upon opium as the primary cause of it, and as I said, they would not necessarily put typhoid fever as " neglect of sanitary arrangements"; you would have in the return of mortality in England " typhoid fever." 1956. It would be just as much their duty to put in a column for " opium deaths " as to put a column for deaths due to alcoholism P — J should think so ; if I were Inspector Greneral of Prisons, I should. 1956. You referred to Dr. Valentine's evidence about the audacity of criminals under the effects of opium ; do you not think that he would himself admit that the intention of committing violent crimes of that kind precedes the taking of the drug, and that it is taken by such criminals merely to give them temporary strength and courage P— No ; I do not think that at all. I do not think that he means that at all. 1957. You have had much experience in India — medical experience — how would )'(ni propose to csta- l)lish a system in India whereby opium would be available lor moiliral purposes and nut for suih pur- poses as doses to keep children quiet. You referred to tlic common hibitP— There would Ijc more diflieulty in doing it in India than in England. If we cannot re.strain it in England altogebher, of eour.se it would be more difficult in India. 1958. There are no chemists you know, except per- haps one or two in the principal towns p — There are plenty of shops where native medical men dispense their own medicine. 1959. But are those people reliable ? If you allowed them to deal in opium at all, would thej- not turn their shops into (jpium shops ? — Very likely ; they are all bribable, the lower classes as well as the others. Of course there are many who would not misuse the license, just like chemists in England. 1960. You would suggest no method ? — There is" but one method. Government could absolutely stop the sale of opium. The less opium there was in the market the less they would be able to get. Now it is as common a thing as dirt ; a child could go and buy opium up to a certain amount. They ne^•e^ think of prohibiting it. You cannot stoj) children going to public-houses buying beer although it is illegal, but you can check it. withdrew. Mr. Mr. P. I'lirner and T. Hutton. Mr. PoLHiLL TcruNEB, and Mr. (Ghairman.) You have both been servmg m 1961 China as missionaries ? — {Mr. Huiton.) Yes 1962. Are you generally acquainted with the testi- mony which has been given by the various representa- tives of the missionary societies whom we have had the advantage of hearing ? — Yes. 1963. You will perhaps take it from me that so far as the Commission has had the opportunity of con- firming the opinion, we are satisfied that the missionary bodies at any rate by a large majority are impressed by the fact that the opium trade has involved a great moral harm on tbe Chinese people. You may accept it that we have received this testimony, and so far as the evidence of the missionaries who have appeared before us is concerned it is ]iraetically almost unanimous ; there- fore we do not wish unnecessarily to repeat the same evidence. You have sought to appear before ns, as I understand it, because your field of labour has been in the mountainous districts of China ? — {3Ir. Turner, ^ Exactly. 1964. In what parts of China have you been serving? — Kan-suh more especially, the most north-westerly province — three provinces, Kan-suh, ISi-chuen, and Shen-si. 1965. Has Mr. Hutton been in the same districts P Will you state what they were P — (Mr. Sutton.) On the lei'S of Mongolia, in the north-west of Kan-suh, and Thomas Hutton called in and examined. 1966. We have had your missionary station map p- also through the north of the Shcn-si I'roviuce. mapped id out here i:th June 1883, says : — " It seems superfluous daily to mention poppy as a crop. To-day, however, it was exceedingly prominent, growing everywhere on the hill-sides and bottom lands. Large rice bowls, heaped with the drug, were exposed at the door of almost eveiy shop in every hamlet and village, not a bowl here and there, but several, eight being a very common number. In fact the whole country reeks and stinks of opium." AVith these facts before us, how can it be maintained that the consumption of opium in China can be affected by the imports of Indian opium, except in so far that these supply a purer and more expensive article, the suppression of which -irould lead to larger products of native opium of inferior quality ? I will here quote the opinion of the Rev. F. Galpin, of the English Methodist Free Church, a respected missionary at Ningpo, an important port on the east coast of China. When asked, about ten j'ears ago, to join in a jietition to the House of Commons against the opium, he refused to do so, and, in his letter of refusal, wrote : — " I beg to express my hearty dissent from the idea presented in the petition that the Chinese people or Government are really anxious to remove the abuse of opium. The remedy has always been, as it is now, in their own hands. Neither do I believe that if the im- portation of Indian opium ceased at once, the Chinese Government -would set about desti'Ojing a very fruitful means of revenue. On the contrary, I feel sure that the growth of Chinese opium would be increased forthwith." I could multiply to any extent the evidence of the extensive cultivation of poppy in China, bnt I think I have said enough to show that it is a fact which cannot be denied. 'I will now proceed to discuss the crucial question a>; to the effects of consuming opium, of which there aro various forms. In China the usual form is by what is called smoking opium. In India it is eaten. In Europe it is drunk in the form of lauda,num, or a tincture pre- pared in spirits of wine. We must consider what is the clfect on the average consumer, and not confine our attention to the cases of those persons only who indulge in the habit to excess, cases which I shall show are exceptional. The Anti-Opium Society look at only one side of this question, and they arrive at their conclusions by gene- ralising over the whole number of opium consnmer.s the results observed or recorded in the (^ase of fre- quenters of what are calletl " opium dens." Even in these cases they make no allowance foi' the fact that many of the indulgers in the drug have been led to the habit by painful diseases, from which they have sought anel found relief in opium, and that these diseases — not due but antecedent to the re.sort to, the drug — largely account for the wretched appearance and condition of the patients. This is Lnuch as if one who derived his knowledge of the effects of alcohol solely from the gin palaces, or loiver drinking shops in London, should con- clude that habits of intoxication, brutality, and social and physical degradation there to be seen, were typical of the mass of alcohol consumers in England ; in short that everyone who was not a total abstainer was a con- firmed druni>/ + jt.'i^Kmv S" lis 6T6pei)cr€ Kapij jSaAev, ?)t eyi /ojTrry, (copiriji fipi$oii4vn vmhfal re ilapiv^aiv. Ss Mpoia'^^/ivse icSpr) w^KriKi fiafvvSiv. lUad, viu. 306-8. juice is by Hippocrates, who calls it mis nnJKavos. From m6s, "juice," was formed feioy in Greek, and Opvu/m in Latin. MtJKui> is the Greek name of the poppy. Hip- pocrates lived in the fifth century before Christ. He was famous as the founder of Greek medical literature, and to him certainly the virtues of the poppy were known. In Virgil we find the poppy described as pervaded by lethean sleep ("Lethsao perfusa papavera somno." — Georg., i, 78), and he sometimes speaks of the " lethean poppy " or the " sleep-giving poppy " (" soporiferumque papaver." — JEneid, iv., 486). He borrowed from Greek mythology, according to which the waters of the river Lethe, which flows through the regions of the dead, cause those who drink of them to forget everything, as is said also to have been the case with the lotus-eaters of Homer. The poppy is in Virgil connected not only with the mythology of the world of the dead, but with the worship of Ceres. This goddess is represented as holding the poppy in her hands. Conjecture has been busy in attempting to account for this, and it has been supposed that it was because the poppy grows wild in corn fields in European countries, or because the seeds of the white poppy were eaten as food to give an appetite, Ceres being thought of by the ancient mind as the bountiful giver of food. To the ancient imagina- tion, however, it would be quite enough to think of the poppy as the prettiest of the flowers which grow up wild in the midst of wheat, and on this account to dedicate it to the service of the goddess of the wheat-field. When, in the first Christian century, Pliny wrote his '•Natural History" (20, 18 (76), 199) and Diosoorides his " Materia Medica," the word " Opium " was already introduced, and the sleepy effects of it were everywhere known. 2°. The Arabians of the Caliphate studied Greek medicine and practised it. Opium became well known among them by its Greek name, which took the form a/i/MTO, through the Semitic habit of changing p. to/. In Persia it appeared with the same form (afyun), in- terchanged with ahyun and apyun, which latter became, as will be seen, the parent of the Chinese name ya-pien. Both the Arabs and the Persians had national names for the poppy : the Arab called it hhash-kliash, and the Persian kohndr. Hence we may gather that the poppy was anciently known as a garden flower as fax eastward T 2 The- poppy amorie; Che Arabs. 148 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : The Arabs in China. The Arabs at Canton, First mention of, cultivation of the poppy in China in j the eighth century. Second mention. Early poem on the poppy. as Persia, while its medical applications were made bv the Greeks.* ' '' In the times of the Caliphs the Arabs bega,n to visit China,t especially after the founding of Baghdad, A.D. 763, and became traders in drngs, precious stones, brocades, rose water, and such things. Previous to the T'ang dynasty the poppy was apparently unknown to the Chinese botanists and physicians, and when it was brought to them their attention was drawn to the form of the heads which enclosed the seeds, then used in making a soporiferous decoction according to the directions of the Arab doctors ; consequently they in- vented names for it, based on the appearance of the poppy heads. The seeds looked like millet seeds, if not in colour, at least in shape, and therefore they called the heads mi-nang, " millet bags." 'The early arrival of the Arabs by sea at Canton may be illustrated by the following extract from the " Pan- yii-hsien-chih " :—" In the T'ang dynasty, on occasion " of the opening of trade with foreign ships, the •' Mahommedan King Mahomet sent his mother's " brother from Western countries to China to trade. " He built a tomb and monastery, called respectively " Ghien-huang-t'a and SuaisJieng-ssii. iSoon after the " monastery was completed he died, and was buried in " the tomb [still existing outside the JSTorth Gate], in " accordance with his intention," were already m But the first dis- the work of Oh'cn In the reign of T'ang Ming Huang, in the first half of the eighth century, an author named Oh'en Ts'ang-ch'i, in a work which he calls " A Supplement to the PSn-ts'ao," quotes from an earlier writer, Sung Tang-tzii, a statement that " The poppy has four petals. " It is white and red. Above them is a pale red rim. '■ The seeds are in a bag, which is like one of those " arrow-heads which have air-holes to make a sound " as the arrow outs through the air. Within there are " seeds like those of millet." At this time, early in the eighth century, the Arabs had been trading with China for at least a century, for Mahomet's death occurred A.D. 632, and that of his uncle not long afterwards. It was easy for the poppy to be cultivated with the jasmine and the rose every- where throughout the country. We loiow. indeed, from the "Nan-fang-ts'ao-mu-chuang," a work which dates from the beginning of the fourth century, that the jasmine and the henna, plants which must have come with the Arabian commerce China when that book « as written, tinct mention of the poppy is in Ts'ang-ch'i. In the work on trees, called " Chung-sbu-shu," written by Kuo T'o-t'o, it is said that " The poppy, " ying-su, a aovn on the 9th of the 9th month or on " the 15th of the 8th month, the flowers will be large " and the heads full of eeeds." This passage occurs in the " T'u-shu-chi-ch'eng. J The author's biography was written by Liu Tsung-yiian, and we therefore know that he was living in the latter part of the eighth century. He resided near the capital, in Shensi. From this it must be concluded that the poppy was then cultivated in the neighbourhood of ivhat is now Si-an-fu (provincial capital of Shensi). The -poet Tung T'ao, a native of Oh'eng-tu-fu, in S2echwan, in the closing years of the T'ang dynasty, wrote a poem, entitled " A poem on leaving a winding " Yalley and approaching my Western Home." It says "Passing the dangerous staircase I issued from " the winding defile of the Pao Valley. After " travelling across all the intervening plains and " rivers I am now near my home. The s,adness of " the traveller in his journey of 10,000 /; is to-day dis- " sipated. Before my hoi-sc I see the mi-nang flower." This short poem shows that at the time ivhen it was written the poppy was curtivatcd near Cli'eug-tu-fu. 4P. From about 756 to 960, a space of two centuries, little The two is said in Chinese books of the Arabs ; yet at that time j^™** *n»Tel. two Mahommedan travellers came to China and wrote accounts of what they saw and heard. Eeoently their works have been translaied into European languages. This shows that the Arabs did not cease during this interval to visit China. Information in regard to the medical qualities of the poppy would be originally furnished to th« Chinese by the Arabs ; it is on this account that in the Pen-ts'ao of the K'ai Pao period (A.D. 968 to 976) the poppy is introduced as a healing plant. 5°. In the j'car 97o the Emperor Sung T'ai-tsu gave an The poppy order that Liu Han, and a, Taoist, Ma Chih, with ch^^f^ others, nine in all, should prepare the medical work Pharraa- known as " K'ai-pao-pen-ts'ao." In this the poppy is ™P<«ia. called ymg-tzii-su, and it is stated that " Its seeds have " healing powers. When men have been taking the " stonct that confers immortality, feel it powerfully " operating, and cannot eat with appetite, they maybe " benefited by mixing these seeds with bamboo juice " boiled into giuel and taking this." The name ying-su here used, and previously by the earliest T'ang dynasty authors on this point, means "jar millet," from the resemblance of the poppy head to the kind of jar which the Chinese call ying. Pooia of Su Timg-p'o. Among the poets of this period were two brothers named Su ; one was the celebrated Su Tung-p'o. In a poem of his occurs the following passage : " The Taoist " advices you strongly to partake of the drink called " chi-sii-f]iui. The boy may prepare for you the broth " of the ying-su." The brother, named Su Ch6, wrote a poem which no Poem ot Su called '' A Poem on the Cultivation of the jMcilical *-''''• Plant (Tirig-fu). or Poppy " : — " I built a house on the west of Ihc city. The ground " in the centre was laid out in rectangular divisions. " Where the windows and doors left a spnce, firs and " bamboos helped to fill up the vacancy. The thorny " bushes were pulled up, and a garden made to grow '" good vegetables and other plants. The gardener " came to nie to say, 'The ying-su (poppy) is a good " ' plant to have.' It is called ying because, though " small, a is shaped like a ying (jar); it is called sti, " because the seeds are small and look like su (millet). " It is sown with wheat and ripens with panicled millet " — chi {Pitnicum mi I i aciyum) ; when growing it may be '■ eaten like the vegetables of spring. Its seeds are " like aiituriin millet. When ground they yield a sap " like cnws' milk ; when boiled they become a drink fit " for Buddha. Old men whose powers have decayed, " who have little appetlte,who when theyieatmeat cannot ' digest it, and when they eat vegetables cannot dis- " tinguish thtir flavour, should take this drink Use a " willow mallet and a stone basin to beat it. Boil it in " water that has been sweetened with honey. It does " good to the mouth and to the throat It restores " tranquillity to the lungs and nourishes the stomach. " For three j'ears the door has been closed, and I have " gone nowhere and come back from nowhere. I see " here the Hermit of the Shade (a Taoist priest) and " the long-robed Buddhist priest ; when they sit oppo- " site I forget to speak. Then I have but to drink a ■' cup of this poppy-seed decoction. I laugh, I am " happy, I have come to Yiug-ch'uan, and am wander- " ing on the banks of its river. I seem to be climbing '■ the slopes of the Lu Mountain in the far west." There is a small river in the province of Anhwei Notes on tlie which is called Ying-shui. The citj' mentioned was on Po^""- the banks of that river, which is famous in history. The mountain called Lu-shan is in Western China, on the north of the celebrated 0-mei-shan. The poet went to live at Ying-ch'uan when he was old. As a boy he had lived with his brother near the Lu Mountain. * Oniuni is als" iiipniionwl in the .li-Tnwdfiii ■•T;ihimd" (sc\Hilh cenliirv) Ali.«lii Zar:ili, li., -10 {iipliil-nj as licing a tlaiiuyvoiis iiittliciuc. t China in tlir ■■mHv Hhh .lyiKi^ly ojieiitJ lor.M..n Iniilr l.vwi.yiil f'ochin Chin'i Under tlic Wpi tlymist.v inteninii.nial trade iviis ehl;ilr lisbed at certain points on the linidcr between Morlh and Soiitli China. In the Sung dynasty, A.D. 1)71, a sn|,ei'n,U'i.dent was anponded at Canton, HanKi'.linw, and Ningpo, to overloolt fereisu trade. Earlier than this wo read of an offlcek- called Sliili-po-ssn. appointed to Canlon to superintend foreign trade, as ilic Idle imrlieN. Tins was m the T'ang dynasty. . , ,. t-, i, , ■ 1 Kindly lent from the Eussian Legation Li .rary, Peltin. ' I'This statement shows that at tliat time thero prevailed an exten- tive useof niercurv,tal(en under the idea that it would prolong life, and that the eUe'cti were fourd (o bi \ eiy iiijnnons. 6°. The Emperor .Iru Tsuiig, of the 8uiig dynasty, about the year 1057, ordered the compilation liy Su Sung and others of the work known as " T'u-ching-p6n-ts'ao." The magistrates of all cities were ordered to supply information on all medical plants in their vicinity, according to the method before employed in preparing the previous work, called " Ying-kung T'ang Pen-ts'ao," made in pursuance of an order given by the Emperor Kao Tsnng, in the T'ang dynasty, to the Prince named " 31ateri:i Mcdica " J of the eleventh centuiy by Su Snog. APPENDIX. 149 Cultivation of the poppy mentioned. Jledical use of poppy Tile wliite variety of Papaver somniferum. Ying Kuo-kung. In this work it is said by Su Sung that "The poppy^ is found everywhere. Many persons cultivate it as an ornamental flower. There are two " kiiids, oiie with red flowers and another with white. It has an odour not very ^agreeable. The fruit is like a flower vase, and contains very small seeds. Gardeners manure the land for the poppy every other " year. The seeds are sown in the 9th month. In the spring they are, if thus manured, seen growing with great vigour ; otherwise they will not thrive, and if they grow at all they are weak aiid slender. When the capsules have become dry and yellow they may " be plucked." He also says that ' ' In cases of nausea and vomiting a drink made from poppy seeds in the following " manner will be found serviceable. Three-tenths of a " pint of the seeds of the white poppy, three-tenths of an ounce of powdered ginseng, with a piece 6 inches " in length of the tuber of the Chinese yarn, are 'to be " cut and ground flne. iBoil it, adding 2^ pinl.s of " water. Take of this six-tenths of a pint, and add to " it a little syrup of raw ginger with flne salt. It " should be mixed well and distributed into doses, " Which may be taken early or late, and no harm will " follow from taking other kinds of medicine at the " same time." The biography of this writer in the " History of the Sung Dynasty " says of him that he was a man of large mind, who would not take part in quarrels. He held to the rules of politeness and the laws of the State. Though high in station he lived like a poor man. From the invention of writing downwards, whatever there was to read and to learn in classics, histories, and the works of various authors, togetherwith diviners' books, the 12 musical tubes, astronomy, astrology, mathe- matics, and medical botany, there was nothing with which he Was not familiar. In regard to what kind of poppy is meant by 8u Siing, writing in the 11th century, it may be well to re- fer here. to' the statement made by the German traveller Kasmpfer, who towards the end of the 17th century was attached as physician to the Embassy sent to Per.«ia by the King ,of Sweden. He says that the poppy from which opium was then manufactured in that country was the white poppy. It becomes plain, then, that in the time of Su Sung, though, the name of opium had not yet appeared in books, yet the plant that was able to producq it was commonly known. The celebrated English botanist, Lindley, says that the poppies from which opium is made are those with red and those with white flowers. Use of capsulesi n dysentery " macaroni and the like, and there be well steamed. "It is then to be sprinkled with a solution of red " leaven, steamed again for a short time, taken out, "' and made up in cakes shaped like fish." A poem of Hsieh K'o, written in the Sung dynasty, is found in the work known as " Kuang-ch'iin-fang- p'u." " There seem tfl be tiny spots of ointment cf ' ' lead on the tips of the flowers. It is as if they told me " that the spring is advancing, but the snow is not yet " melted. I see a thousand poppy heads full of black " seeds. The east wind will blow and they will be like " millet of the best size and quality." The comparisou with snow indicates the colour of the poppies. Tang Shih-ying, a native of Fuhkien when the Sung dynasty was closing, says in a medical work, while speaking of the use of the poppy capsule in medicine, in sKown by cases of dysentery, " This is thought little of by most, (r'Shree " but when dysentery is of long continuance, without .authors. " gatherings of matter locally and pain resulting, " and it is right to use astringents, if this remedy " were not hand how could use be made of this mode " of treatment P But there ought to be other drugs " accompanying it, to modify the effect." Another Simg dynasty writer on medicine, named Wang, Oh'iu, in a woi'k to which he gave the name " Pai-i-hsiian-fang," writes that poppy seeds and cap- sules miy with advantage be used together for both kinds of dysentery. The seeds are prepared in a pan over the fire. The capsules are roasted on a gridiron. After being pulverised they are made up into pills, with honey, of the size oi wu-tung seeAs (Eleoaoeca verrucosa). Thirty pills are taken at a time, with rice gruel. These pills have been tried and found most efficient. Another Sung dynasty author, Wang Shih, in his work " I-ohien-fang says, "The effect of the poppy " capsule in curing dysentery is nothing less than " magical. But in its nature it is extremely astringent, " and easily causes vomiting and difficulty in digesting " food; consequently, patients are airraid of it and do " not venture to take it. Yet if it bo prepared over " the fire with a little vinegar, and black plnms be " added on account of their acid qualities, its use will " be found satisfactory. " If the four drugs known as the four noble medicines, " viz., tang-shen (a coarse ginseng grown in China), " pai-shu (Atractylodes alba, a medicinal plant like an " artichoke), China-root, and liquorice, be mixed in due " proportion and taken with it, there will be still less '■ tendency to check digestion and prevent the food " from proceeding on its way. The results will be " most excellent." Twelfth century use of seeds to counteract the effects of mercury. First use of capsules in ' twelfth cen- tury. 7°. At the beginning df the 12th century, in the reisn of Hui Tsung, one of the Court physicians, named K'ou Tsnng-shih, compiled a work called " PSn-ts'ao-yen-i." In it, he says that the flowers of the poppy are in some kinds extremely abundant in their leaves, and that the number of seeds in the heads is beyond computation. " They are in size like those of the t'ing-U,* and white " in colour. The seeds are cooling in their nature; if " taken in good quantity they are beneficial for such " affections as diarrhoea, and act favourably on the '" bladder. Those who have been taking cinnabar, if ' ' they have them ground and boiled with water, a,dding " honey, and prepared in the form of broth, will find " them beneficial in a high degree." In the botanical section of the T'tt-shu-chi-ch,' eng the following extract is found; taken from the work " Shan-chia-oh'ing-kung," by a Sung dynasty medical writer named Lin Hung, who, from his language im- plying the use of the capsules of the poppy with the seeds, we must suppose to have belonged to the Southern Sung. He is speaking of what he calls poppy- milk fish, by which is meant the juice hardened into cakes and taking the shape of fish "Take poppy- " heads, wash them well, and grind out their juice. " First place some meal in a jar, covering the bottom. " By means of a gauze bag filter the poppy milk tipon " it, removing the portion that floats above and allow- " ing the thicker part to remain. Place it in an iron " pan and let it boil for a little. Sprinkle rapidly some " weak vinegar on it, and take it up from the pan into " the bag and press it into a cake. It should then be " placed in such a covered pan as is used for steaming • This plant is stated by Williams to be cruciferous, and like, the mustardiinishape and leaves. iSee the drajving in the Pfln-ts'ao which sa^-s it ,13 used as a liRht aperient. West, but tliis is still not proved. Li Shih-chen, in the " Pen-ts'ao-kang-mu, or Chinese Use of cap- "Materia Medica," follows a chronological order in sulespro- his arrangement of passages taken from the works of derived the : medical authors who preceded him. It. may be frp™ the concluded, therefore, that the use of the poppy capsule in medicine began with the Southern Sung dynasty, that is, in the latter part of the twelfth or in the thirteenth century. Tang Shih-ying published his work A.D. 1265, and Wang Shih is by Li Shih-chen placed later. The latter does not say whence the use of (the capsule was derived ; it may therefore be supposed that it was introduced from the West, where its healing virtues were known from the most ancient times. ' Use of cap- sules in North China in twelfth century. In the work called " Hstian-ming-fang, by Liu Ho- chien, ot the Chin dynasty, it is said that for asthmatic cough, with perspiration, in summer and winter of several years' standing, the poppy capsule may be used. 2i ounces in weight should be taken. The stem and outer membrane should be removed. Let it simmer in vinegar. Take one ounce and mix with half an ounce of black' plums ; let it be' slowly heated and then pulverised. Take for a dose two-tenths of an cnnce. Let it be administered in hot water and drunk at bed-time. Li Kao, a physician of the same period (born A.D. 1180, died 1262), says the poppy capsule is efficient as an astringent and in strengthening the system. It operates on the kidneys, and is useful in the cure of disease afTecting the bones. 10°. Wei I-lin, of the Tiian dynasty, a native of Kiangsi ,, . and^ of the city of Chien-chang, published a book called South Ciiina '■ T§-hsiao-fang," made up of prescriptions collected by intliirteenth -^ crntury. Use of cap' sulesin North China in thirteenth century. 150 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION ; The capsule " kills like a knife." . Use of cap- sules in fourteenth , century. himself and his iiuccstors for four generations before his time. He says that in cases of obstinate diarrhoea of a chronic nature the poppy capsule may be used. The stringy parts should be removed, and it should be dipped in honey and held over the fire. Then pul- verise it. As a dose use half an ounce. Take it with honey and hot water. These capsules have the power to strengthen the constitution. The effect is immediate. In the 'Yiian dynasty the next name is that of Ohu Chen-heng.* He says that " The poppy capsule is " used extensively for cough at the present time in the " case of those who are weak and consumptive. It is " employed to take away the cough. It is used also for " diarrhrea and dysentery accompanied with local in- " flammatiou. Though its effects are quick, great " care must be taken in using it, because it kills " like a knife. He also says, " Many persons to cure " cough employ the poppy capsule, and it may be " used without fear, but in the first place the root " of the disease must bo removed, while this " should be reserved as a restorative method to com- " plete the cure. In treati'ng dysenterj' the same " is tiTie. Unnatural symptbms have to be expelled " and lumps removed. It would not be right to " employ at once such medicines as the capsule and " lung-hu (dragon's bones, certain fossil bones of " existing and of extinct animals) in order to check '■ abiuptly the action of the stomach and intestines, for " the unnatural state of things would reappear with " increased severity. Other modifications of an un- " healthy kind would supervene, and disease would " spread without limit." The expression " it kills " like II knife " ma}' be taken as proof that the capsule of which the author is speaking is that of the opium poppy. That a red tint was common in the poppies of that time may be concluded from the following couplet in a poem of Feng Tzil-chen, the Yiiau dynasty: — "They " carry in their hair poppies which are in colour like " the red clouds after rain and asters resembling the " hoar frost." 11°- The first name that we meet with in the Ming dynasty is that of a brother of the Emperor Ch'fing Tsu (Tung Lo). He was called Chou-ting Wang. He says in the " P'u-chi-fang " section of " Chiu-huang-pen- ts'ao," a medical work, " The poppy capsule prepared " in vinegar is to be used for dysentery and bloody " evacuations. One ounce with half an ounce of " orange peel (ch'vn-ji'i) should be reduced to powder. " For a dose take throe-tenths of an ounce with black " prunes and hot water." In the Ming dynasty, which lasted through the 15th, 16th, and part of the 17th centuries, the trade of China by sea with India, Arabia, and the islands of the Eastern Archipelago greatly increased ; at that time the Chinese ships, being provided with the mariner's compass,t ventured a little farther from land than before, and the extension of the Mongol Empire to Persia had helped to spread intcroonrse by sea between China and that country. Cheng Ho, who was sent on a diplomatic mission to all important seaports from Canton to Aden, succeeded so well on his first voyage that he was repeatedly dispatched afterwards, and brought back a fairly minute account of the places he visited. He was in diplomatic communication with the chief persons in authority in Aden and some other Arabian ports, in Hormuz on the Persian Gnlf, in sevei-al cities in India, such as G'o'.i., Cochin, Qnilon, and Calient, as well as other cenii-es oC trade nearer home. (Ian we wonder that all the ]irincipal e\]iorts in those countries became knowji to the merchants of Canton and Amoy ? They were then probably, next to the Arabs, the chief traders in the Indian seas. When the Portuguese ajipearcd nnexpecteilly at Cochin in 1498, they commenced at once a career of conquest, and quickly made them.selves masters of Aden, Hormuz, Goa, Cochin, Calicut, Mal.acea, and many other cities. With military prestige they joined gi'eitL a.e.iivityin commerce, and became the chiif merchants in the E.ast. Al' this time, as we learn from Barbosa, opium was arpong the articles brought to Malacca by Arabs and Gentile merchants, to exchange for the cargoes of Chinese junks. He also states that opium was taken from Arabia to Calicut, and from Oambay to the same place, the Arabian being one-third higher in price than the Cambay. The opium exported from this seaport may be assumed to have been manufuctured in Malwa, which lies quite near it. The Arabs, then, had already begun to grow opium in India in the 16th century. In addition to this we are also told that from places on the Coromandel coast opium was exported to Siam and Pegu. Here we also find clear indications of the activity of Arab traders in extending the cultivation of the poppy in India. The Chinese also at this time imported opiumi themselves, to be used medically. It is important to note this for the proper understanding of the history of opium in China. 12°. Wang Hsi, an author who died in A.D. 1488, pub- lished a work which he named " I-lin-chi-yao. In it he says that " Opium is produced in Arabia from a poppy ' ' with a red flower. Water should not be allowed to " go over its head. After the flower has faded in the " seventh or eigth month the capsule, while still fresh, " is pricked for the juice." He also says, "In chronic dysentery use opium of " the size of a small bean, and adniinister it with waim " water before the j.atient takes food (as in the early " morning), when the stomach is free. Take one dose " a day, and , avoid onions , garlic, and soups of all " kinds. If thirsty drink water with honey in it." He also says, " Opium may be used to cure obstinate " dysentery of long continuance. ^^Tien the flower of " the poppy has fallen and thehead is developed, after " waiting four or five days take a large pricking " instrument and piick from 10 to 20 holes in the fresh " capsule. Next day, in the morning, when the sap " exudes, use a bamboo knife for the purpose of " scraping it into an earthenware vessel. Let it dry " in a shady place. On each occasion of using it take " a piece of the size of a small bean, and let it be " administered on an empty stomach and mixed with " warm water. Let the patient avoid onions, garlic, " and all soups. If he be hot and thirsty let him drink " water with honey in it." This author, it will be observed, died 10 years before Vasco de Gama arrived in India. His biography, in the " History of the Ming Dynasty," shows that he was in oificial charge of the Province of Kansuh for more than 20 years. His duties included the care of the Maliommedau population of Hami, Turfan, and other western cities. He must have known well the produc- tions, the medical practice, and the customs of the Mahommedan countries ; hence his minute acquaintance ■with opium. J.n the first of the three preceding paragraphs tbe " Pen-ts'ao " account of Wang's remedy against diar- rhoea has been followed; in the paragraph which comes after it the fuller statement found in the Corean work " Tung-i-pao-ohieu " has been given. It seemed better to insert both in this list of passages, because they bear on the point of the manufacture of opium by the Chinese in their own country in the 16th century, of which there can remain little doubt if the extract from the " Tung-i-pao-chien " be fairly considered. The author first mentions the disease and then details the mode in which the medicine which is to cure it mav be obtained. Both accounts are professedly taken from Wang H.si's book. In the al)Benee of the book itself it cannot l>e ilecided which is the more eorrect. Probability is in favour of the last, because it is fuller than the other. 13- In the Miug dynasty, in the middle century, we find an author, Li T' First mention of opium ex- tract was in fifteenth centuiy. Arabian method of obtaining opium. "Wang llsi's directions for use el opium. Wang Hsi's directions for pro- curmg opium from the poppy. Wang Hsi's knowledge, how acquired. Fullest details, wherefoimd * iSfC fni' p;iiiicn]rn-N IJj-etscinicidrr' " lUilanicon tSiniiMmj, jKitir [11. }lc liveil ill Ihc srcoiiil hiili oMtir fourlcenth ci'nli'r\. His bio!.n'itpli\' IS I'oliJid ill 1 lj(! ■ \ ri:m-sluh,' t Tlie iloaliii^ cdnipji.ss is iiicntieiinl bv Hsu (Jhing. !iniba.ssutlor Id Cnrcii. :is liiLviiii^ iircri in nsc en board of Ins ship in hjs voyage from INJiir^po to (Jorea in the .ynir A.i>. 11^-. of the bixLcenth ig,* in his work I-hsiao-ju-mSn," saying opium or a-fu-yung is made in the I'ol low hiL; manner ;, — Bcl'ore the head opens the pojipy i^ approached with a bamboo needle >iid the eajisule pierced in 10 or 1.^ places, from whieli sap comes out. The not morning a liaraboo knife is iised lo serajte the sa]i into a vessel of earthenware. AVhen a good quantity has been collected it is seal d up Avith paper and placed in the sun for a fortnight, and then the opium is ready. Its infiuence and ett'ects are most powerful, and luTich must not be used. Mode of lire- paring spium in the sixteenth century. * Un bdnnKcd lo Cliiiu-iin-fr. in SIhum. 'I'linv wa.s m the Sung d.\ nasty iuiollirr Li T'ing, who wrote on divination and the I-cbing. APPENDIX. 151 Prohibition of Foreign trade en- conra^ed native pro- duction. Knng Yiin- Ini's f)re- scription. Medical use of poppy bracts of red and white varieties of IPapaver somni- fei'um. Golden elixir pill. Native ' account of loreign trade beforel the pro- hibition. He also says, " In cases of dysentery with weakness, " and when chronic, with all sorts of dysentery indeed, " a good remedy will be fonnd in 4 ounces of huang- " lien iJusticia) prepared over the fire with wu-chu-yu " ( Boymia Hutmearpa) which has been separately made " to simmer in water beforehand. To these are to be " added 1 ounce of putchuok and 1 mace of opium. " This mixture is pulverised and rolled into pills with " paste made of ground rice. The piUs are to be of the " size of green beans. 20 or 30 are to be taken at a " time, accompanied by a warm draught made with the " kernels of lotus seeds which have been stewed in " water. The patient is then to go to sleep well " covered. The effect is marvellous." (Taken from the "Tung-i-pao-chien.") This author lived during the time when foreign trade was prohibited. He is mentioned in the " History of the Ming Dynasty" as belonging to the Chia Ohing period (1522 to 1567), after which by a new law European vessels were allowed to trade with China. During the first half of that reign the Japanese made frequent raids upon the Chinese coast. This caused deep indignation, and not only they but all foreigners were forbidden to trade with China. This was in the year 1623. This naturally rendered foreign medicines scarce and dear, and therefore we are not surprised to find exact directions given by contemporary medical authors as to how opium might be manufactured from the poppy, it being then a highly esteemed drug and having been recommended by medical authors for half a century or more. 14°. The next author to be cited in the Ming dynasty is Kung Tiin-lin or Kung Hsin. He says in curing white and red dysentery use opium putchuok, huang- lieii (Jwstieia), and pai-shu (Atraciylodes), each in equal quantity. Pulverise in a mortar and mix into pills with rice, making the pills of the size of a small bean. The old and the young must take half as much as the middle-aged and the strong. Take the mixture with rice water after being without food for some hours. Avoid sour things. Take nothing raw or cold. Take no oil, fat, tea, wine, or flour. The disease will be certainly checked. If thirsty drink a little rice water. Another method is to take from the bud of the poppy flower before it has opened the two green leaves which enclose it and drop off when the flower opens. Pul- verise them and take one-tenth of an ounce with rice water. The effect will be marvellous. According as the diarrhoea is of the red or white kind, use the bracts of the red or white poppy. This use of the bracts which envelop the poppy flower is peculiar to this author. He was a native of Kiangsi and belonged to the Medical Board in Pekin. He also made a pill celebrated for its healing power and called the golden elixir. It was thought to be able to cure 24 difierent diseases, which are detailed in the "Pen-ts'ao " of Li Shih-ehSn, with a statement of the decoction to be taken with the pill in each case. In this pill, I-lirchin-tan,* Opium was used to the extent of one hundredth of an ounce and mixed with glutinous rice, to be divided into three pills, one being a dose. If inefi"eotual, another was taken. It was for- bidden to take many of these pills. Vinegar was not to be used, for fear of internal rupture of the visceral organs resulting in death. In Kung Sin's work, called " Wan-ping-hui-ch'un," cited in the " Tung-i-pao-chien," there is another golden ehxir, for pain above or below the diaphragm. 2-i mace of opium, with 1 mace of asafoetida, half a mace of putchuok and of aloes, and a quarter of a mace of cow bezoar. The three last were first pulverised together. Opium and asafoetida were placed in a cup and made liquid by dropping water upon them and stirring over a fire. The whole was mixed with honey and made into pills of the size of green beans and gilt. When the body was hot the pills were taken with cold water; when the body was chilled they were taken with boiling water. n .,i -.x. The same'physician also made purple gold pills with bezoar and other drugs, to help the good efi"ects of opium. The preceding passages are from Li Shih-chSn and the " Tung-i-pao-chien." 15°. In the work ".Tung-hsi-yang-k'ao," an account of counties 'belonging to the Eastern and Western Seas, * This was also used in Pekin, says Li Shih-ch6n, as am a prodisioc and quite extensively, beyond tae i-anRe of refiular medirane. Bad effects of prohibi- tion. it is said, " In the Sung dynasty, when merchant " vessels went to sea the high ofiicials of the ports " from, which they sailed went to the seashore to '• escort them. I have gone up the mountain at ' ' the entrance of the bight leading to Oh'uan-chou-fu '' (Amoy) and seen the inscriptions, with dates, " on the rocks which record these things. At that " time the regTilations were very stringent, as if " the matters in hand were of great importance. In " the province of Fuhkien, in the Sung and TUan " dynn sties, superintendents of foreign trade were " appointed at each port, under the name 8Mh-po-ssu,' " At the beginning of the present dynasty (Ming) this " system remained unaltered, but was afterwards " allowed to fall into neglect. In the period from " 1465 to 1506 it happened that in the more powerful " families connected with commerce there were ad- " venturous persons who went on large ships beyond " seas to trade. There were at that time bad men who " secretly opened out new paths in which to gain " profit, while the officers placed in charge failed to " secure, openly at least, in these profitable trans- " actions any share for the Government. At first they " succeeded in gradusilly enriching themselves, but " in course of time this sort of trade degenerated into " a rivalry as to who should shoot his arrow farthest " and into various irregular proceedings." The same work further says that " Along the seashore there is " much land which is so full of potash and soda that " the farmer can realise no harvests from it. It is only " possible to look on the sea as the soil to be worked. " This led to various employments connected with the " sea. The ricli collected a revenue from imported " goods, and safely brought back with them the sheaves ' ' which they reaped in the harvest of the waters. The " poor also laboured for a wage, and stretched out the " hand to seize the pint measure of rice which they " needed to support them in their toil. But the day of " rigorous prohibition arrived. These people could " not. ns before, gain a living through the arrival of " merchant ships. They were strong and hearty. " They would not fold their hands and sit down " inactive in poverty and want. Troubles consequently " occurred in succession, resulting in disturbances of " the public peace. Men of this class hid themselves " in places beyond the local jurisdiction, and having " rudely impinged on the law's net they dared not " return to be apprehended. In addition to this they " conducted barbarians from a distance on various " occasions into the places to which they belonged." The author proceeds to say that when the prohibition vi'as withdrawn from foreign commerce and revenue collected from goods and merchant vessels, the Govern- ment gained in revenue and the people in tranquillity. In particular the local military expenditure was sup- plied to a fixed extent each year from this source. He then remarks, " The duties levied were of three kinds, " according to the rules then in force : there was the " water duty, the land duty, and the supplementary " duty. The water duty was tonnage, and was levied " on the representative of the ship. The land duty ' " was duty on goods, fixed ad valorem, and levied, " according to the quantity of goods, on the merchant " doing business on shore. In respect to this, from " fear of smuggling, it was the rule that the snper- " cargo {ch'uwii-sliang) should not deliver goods until " the presentation of a memorandum addressed to the " merchant on shore who was the buyer of goods, " stating the amount of duty for the goods mentioned, " and directing him to go to the vessel and pay the " duties there; after this the goods might be removed. " As to the supplementary duties, they were levied in " case of an error in the declared measurement of the " vessel in feet, to be be added to (or substracted from) " the tonnage." Further, in the year 1689 a tarifi' was issued, stating the duties to be levied on each kind of good? and approved by the military commandant. In this tarifi' myrrh, gum olibanum, and asafoetida, with other articles, are entered at a fixed rate of 3^ mace per cwt. for myrrh, and 2 mace per cwt. for the other two. Opium is rated at 2 mace of silver for 10 catties, or 2 ounces per cwt. In the year 1616 a new tariff was issued, in which opium appears rated at 1 ^a'a mace for each 10 catties. 16°. Li Shih-chen, author of the " Pen-ts'ao-kang-mu," Li Shih- finished that work A.D. 1578. After saying that the jj-f^^.^^ poppy is called yu-mi because it is a grain (mi) which Mediea. can be used in making presents, and hsiang-lcu because T 4 Good effects of permis- sion to trade. Duties levied. Tariff of A.D. 1589. Tariff of A.D. IGlo, 152 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION Poppy as a flower. it resembles millet (Icti), he adds that it is sown in antnmn, and in winter is above ground in the form of tender stalks which may be used as food and constitute au excellent vegetable, the leaves being like lettuce. In the third or fourth month the flowering part of the plaut is well advanced and protected by bracts, which fall off when the flower opens. There are four petals, which, taken together, are as large as a saucer. The capsule is in the centre of the flower, folded in stamens. The flower falls on the third day after opening, leaving the capsule at the top of the stem. It is 1 or 2 inches in length, and in size like the ma-tou-ling (a drug, capsule of the bladder tree). It has a lid and a short stalk. In shape it is much like a wine jar. In it there are many white grains, which can be used for making a sort of porridge for taking with ordinary food. If the seeds are ground with water, and mixed with green beans first ground so as to make a jelly, it will be found excellent. Oil also can be made from the seeds. As to the capsules, they are much used in medicine, hut are not mentioned in the old " Pharraa- cop(£ia " From this it may be concluded that in ancient times the capsules were not used. The author refers here to the Northern Sung dynasty, A..D. 960 to 1126, when the poppy first appeared in the " Pharmacopoeia." He proceeds, " In Kiangsu the double poppy is called " li-cli'un-hiia, flower of the bright spring. This is " said by some to be a variety of the ying-sii^hua ; but " this is a mistake. Its flower changes perpetually. " It may be white, or red, purple, pink, or apricot " yellow, or it may be half red or half purple and half " white, and is very beautiful, and this is the reason " that it is called the li-oh'im. It is also known as " the Moutan pseony's rival and the flower of the " embroidered coverlid." He also says of the seeds of the poppy that they cure diarrhoea and relieve feverish symptoms, and of the capsules that for medicinal purposes they should be well washed and softened in water. " The stalk and outer skin should be removed " and also the stringy fibres within. Let them be " dried in a dark place and cut very small. They are " then to be well mixed with lice vinegar and placed " ovor the fire to simmer, after which they are fit for ■■' use lis a drug. They rany also be prepared with " honey instead of vinegar. In taste and nature the " capsules thus prepared are sour, astringent, and " slightly cooling, without being poisonous. With " vinegar, black prunes, or orange peel they are most " effectual in curing diarrhoea, asthma, rheumatism, or " pain in the heart and abdomen." Proceeding to speak of opium, he says, " Formerly " opium was not much heard of; recently it has been " used by some in medical recipes. It is said to be the " juice of the ying-su-hua (or poppy). "While the head " of this flower is still green, in the aftei'noon take a " large needle aud prick the outside skin, taking care " not to wound the inner hard shell. It is to be " pricked in from three to five places. The next day, " when the sap has come out, take a bamboo knife and " scrape it into an earthenware cup. Let it be dried '■ in the shade. It being made in this way accounts " for the fact that this article when bought iu shops has ' ' mixed with it pieces of the skin of the capsule. It is " a sour astringent, and can cure, etc. Especially is " the elixir I-li-chin^tan, made with it, useful for " curing a hundred diseases." 17°- In the " T'u-shu-chi-oh'ung" we find a passage from a work on flowers by an author named Wang Shih-mou, who lived at the end of the 16th century.* He saya, " After the pseony (shao-yao) the poppy is the most " beautiful of flowers, and grows most luxuriantly. ' It changes readily. If care be taken in watering and " planting, it becomes very handsome, and assumes a " thousi.nd varieties of shape and coloui'. It even " becomes yellow or green. Looked at from a distance " it is lovely ; when nearer it becomes less attractive. " I have heard that the seeds can be used as food, and " have a strongly astringent eflect." In the work on flowers published in the time of Kang Hsi, under the name " Kuang-ch'iin-fang-p'u," there is a poem on the poppy by Wu Tu-p'ei, of the Ming dynasty. "In the court which fronts the hall, a " long Avay down, when the daylight is lengthened, " before the terrace are flowers of the genii breathing " out abundant fragrance. A vapour encircles them, • He diBcL KjIK). See Biography 176 in " Ming History," " and there are rain drops upon them, where they put " forth their lovely forms. They have a red tint and " glossy lustre, and their appearance is beautiful. They " are sown in mid-autumn and must wait for the coming " year. They open their flowers in early summer, and " are companions to the declining sun. Another thing " to be praised is their seeds, heaped up in large capsules " one after the other. Why, then, be content with " what is ugly and only gather rice and such-like " grain P " In the " T'u-shu-chi-ch'eng ' there is a passage from a work called " Ts'ao-hua-p'n " the book of plants and flowers, which says, " The poppy has a thousand petals " and all the five colors. Its petals are shorter than " those of the flower called yii-mei-jen, and more " graceful. Through the whole garden the spring " alighting upon they seem to fly as they move to the " breeze. The seeds are sown in spring." 18°. In the work called " Wu-li-hsiao-shih," written at the Another end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the the°modeof present, it is said of the poppy that it is sown in the obtaining middle month of autumn, at noon. After flowering, thrnopD?'" the seed vessel grows into the shape of a vase. The tiny seeds can be eaten as porridge. Oil is also obtained from them, and the capsules are useful in medicine ; they are powerfully astringent. When the capsules are still green, if a needle be used to puncture them in 10 or 16 places, the sap will come out. This should be received into an earthenware cup, which may be covered carefully with paper pasted round the edge. Let the cup be exposed to the sun for 14 days ; it is then opium, ready for use as an astringent, and restrains reproduction most powerfully. 19°. Carefully weighing what is said in the passages pre- E^sum^. ceding, it appears plain that from the latter part of the fifteenth century the manufacture of native opium has existed in China, and it is not only in recent years that there has been both native and i'oreign opium in this country. Let the reader examine the various accounts of the manipulation by four diiferent authors. Wang Hsi's book cannot now bo procured, but judging by what is quoted from him in Li Shih-chen's work, he meant to describe the method of poppy culturo in Ai-abia, and spoke particularly of a kind which yielded the opium sap in the 7th and 8th months or later. When, however, he speaks, as in the passage translated , from the '' Tung-i-pao-chien," of obstinate diarrhoea needing opium to cure it, and advises the physician to make opium direct from the poppy in a way which he describes, he must be speaking of a Chinese made article. Li T'ing's account differs in too many points from that of Wang Hsi to be regarded as a second-hand statement based exclusively upon it. If so, then Li T'ing is a third and independent witness on this subject, the fourth being the author of the work " Wu-li-hsiao-shih." 20°. Early in the seventeenth century a Dutch physician Opiumin named Jacobus Boutins went to reside at Batavia, and J*™™!^^'' died there. What he wrote on medicine was after- wards included in the work of Gulielmus Piso, 'f De Indio3 utriusque Be natural! et medica Libri XIV." (Elzevir, 1658).* The preface of Bontius is dated Batavia, 1629. He says that those nations which use opium seem drowsy, and are dull in commerce and in arms ; but unless we had opium to use in these hot countries, in cases of dysentery, cholera, burning fever, and various bilious affections, we should practice medicine in vain. This was the basis of the ancient medicines, theriac. mithridate, and philonium. The poor Indians use the leaves and branches of the Bontius' poppy to prepare an inferior sort of opium, w'hich they opinion of obtain by drying in the sun. This they call pust, and °i"""- they themselves are nicknamed pusti. The rich, who indulge in the more expensive drug, are known as afyuni. The Greeks knew the danger of opium but not its merits, which are clearly divine, and wliich they failed sufficiently to explore. Bontius prescribed curcuma, made from opium and the Indian crocus, Hsi-tsang-lmng-hua. This was his refuge in dysentery, cholera, phrenitis, and spasms. He took refuge in opium as a sacred anchor, he tells us, in desperate cases. He used poppy seeds and poppy ' Kindly lent by Dr. E. Bretsclmejder, APPENDIX. 153 Prohibition of tobacco smoking. Manchu prohibition of tohacco- Hmoking, He says that opium helps nature to conquer the enemy by inducing sleep, and that he could prepare it BO that it should not injure even an infant. 21°. Towards the end of the Ming dynasty the practice of taking opium medically or otherwise by swallowing it was destined to be soon changed for the habit of opium- smoking. It is requisite, therefore, in proceeding with this record to enter on the subject of tobacco and tobacco-smoking, in order to introduce by easy transi- tion this new step taken by the Chinese in the use of opium. 22°. In the latter years of the Ming dynasty tobacco cultivation and tobacco-smoking were introduced into China from the Philippine Islands. Here the Spaniards had settled, and they were in constant communication with America. The tobacco plant crossed the Pacific and flourished in the neighbourhood of Manila. The first place in China where it was planted was at Amoy ; it was brought there by Fuhkien sailors trading to Manila. In the work above cited under the name " Wu-li-hsiao-shih," written about A.D. 1650, we are told that tobacco was brought to China about A.D. 1620, which would be about the same time that King James I's " Counterblast to Tobacco" was being circu- lated in England as a new publication. Tobacco was called the smoke plant " or tampaku, or toM-purhuei. In the time of the last Ming Emperor, who reigned from 1628 to 1644, tobacco-smoking was prohibited, but the habit spread too rapidly to be checked by law. The origin of opium-smoking is thus accounted for. Various ingredients were in various countries mixed with tobacco to try their effect ; among them was opium. Arsenic was another ingredient, which is still used by the Chinese in what is called "water tobacco.'' The Manchus now took the place of the Ming dynasty. There is a historical work called the " Tung-hua-lu," which gives the events of the first century of Manchu rule in the form of a chronicle. In the year 1641 there is in this book an account of an edict which has refe- rence to tobacco. The Emperor asks the princes and high officers, " Why do you not lead the soldiers your- " selves in the practice of archery P The elder youths " should practise the horn-bow and winged arrow ; the " younger should be skilled in using the wooden bow " and willow-twig arrow. Our dynasty in military " exercises makes archery the chief thing. To smoke " tobacco is a fault, but not so great a fault as to " neglect bow exercise. As to the prohibition of " tobacco-smoking, it became impossible to maintain " it, because you princes and others smoked privately, " though not publicly; but as to the use of the bow. " this must not be neglected." The edicts afterwards promulgated against opium were just as inefifectual as those against tobacco-smoking ; and among the causes of their failure must be included the love of opium- smoking by many in high positions, favourites and others, whom it would be very difficult to punish. ^ ^^^ ^^ In a work called " Shun-hsiang-chui-pi," written 10 tobacpo- or 20 years later than this edict, tobacco-smoking is smoking, described as spreading to the city of Soochow and as being quickly adopted by all classes of the people. The author states that this circumstance was much to the detriment of morality ; it had previously been a difficult thing to uphold moderation in living, but after this it was far more so. Women as well as men, the inhabi- tants of villages as well as of large towns, fell into the snare, till the habit became almost universal. This immense popularity of tobacco-smoking was an indica- tion of the readiness of the Chinese nation to adopt the use of narcotics. The same thing wiich took place in the 19th century with opium-smoking occurred in the 17th century with tobacco-smoking. The Con- fucian mind was shocked, the sense of propriety was wounded ; but this did not prevent the rapid spread of both these modes of indulgence in all circles. Pro- hibitory edicts were issued in vain by Emperors animated by paternal affection for their people. Tobacco was a less evil than they supposed ; opium-smoking was a far greater evil than they feared. In both oases the Emperor was powerless. The Emperor Ch'Sng Tsung, as we ought to call him, but who is better known as Tao Kuang, is much to be respected for his strong moral convictions on the subject of opium. He made really great efforts to cope with this evil, but it was in vain. The fondness of the people for inhaling a narcotic was too strong for him to overcome. He failed utterly in the attempt to put down opium -smoking even in the City of Pekin. It was as hard to persuade his own people to abandon a bad habit as to conquer England in war. The habit of tobacco-smoking became national, and opjum- went on extending itself for a century, till soon after smoking ini the close of a long reign of Kang Hsi the attention of Formosa, the Grovernment was drawn to opium-smoking as a new vice in Formosa and at Amoy. It grew up in the same part of the conntry where tobacco-smoking had been introduced. 23°. One of the most valuable works to be consulted on the subject of early opium-smoking, its connexion with tobacco-smoking, and the opium trade as it existed at the end of the 17th century, is the Amoenitates exotiaoe of Kaempfer. Some passages from this work, recording his observations on tobacco, hemp, and opium, will now be given. They were first pub- lished in 1712, but the original notes from which they were compiled were taken 20 years earlier. Ksempfer's Amoenitates exoticEC, Tobacco : ■Kasmpfer's account.' [Pipe for emoking tobacco througn water.] "Nicotiana ante sesqni circiter secnla toti antique orbi, adeoque et Persiae, ccspit a Lnsitanis transvect- oribus innotescere. Nomen ubique habet tcibaci, et pro diverso gentium idiomate tdbdk, tobacco, tonibah et 80970. tembaJeii, ab insula hujus nommis Americana, quee herbae copiam inventoribus dederat. Plantae vix nomen innotuerat, quin simul cultura celebrari ubique coeperit, et fumandi usus omne humanum genus stupenda U 154 TXDIAX OPIUM COMMFSSION : velocitate incant.!i-\-erit. flaiitam, Hyosciaml spceifm si negamus, ex classe tamcn veuenatarum nequai^uam eximenda fixerit; cum vertigines, anxietatesetvomitus, quos fumigata in non absuetis conoitat, malignitatis testes sint luculenti. Experimentis Redianis constat, olei ejus guttulam recenti immissam vnlneri, pnllos Tolucrium enecare, hominibus vero inferre pericnlosa symptomata. Vidi bajulos circa Ca.sanam Tartariae qui perforatum cornu bubulum foliis plenum, super positis oarbonibns, paucis haustibus evaouabant ; ex quo instar epilepticornm prosternebantur, pituita spumoque difiBuentes. Quam vero venenata sint folia, eorum tamen fumus Consuetudine homini fit familiaris, ut, non miodo non noceat malignitate sua, sed be- nigniori sale serum ex capitis reoeasibus eliciat, ac cerebrum hilaritate impleat. Quod ut praestet felicius, Persse fumum trabunt per maobinam, aqua ultra dimidium plenam, quse foetidum et cerebro inimioum sulpbur imbibens, fumum transmittit ab omui maligni- tatis aorimonia defsscatum, frigefactum et sinoerum. MacMna ilia, quam Ichaliaan vel hhalmun vooant ampulla est sesquidedalis altituoinis, vitrea, oblengo ponata coUo ; cujus orificium olaudit orbioulus aaneus, in sesquipalmarem diametrum expansus, duos in medio perraittens tubulos inA'icem adsolidaios, seneos ; unum, cujus inferior pars in ampuUam demissa, aquEe immer- gitnr ; superior recipit nicotianas cum impositis carbonibus retinaculum, infnndibulo seu buccina3 orifioio simile : alterum Ijreviorem, cujus demissa extremitas aquam non attingit : superior [ncnrvata arundinem excipit longam, qua fumns attrabitur. Tubulorum propago, proxime sub orbioulo, telaxylina arete circumvoluta est, in eam orassitiem, qua3 vitri oriflcium cum modica colli parte expleat atque claudat arctissime : ita evenit, ut ad suctum non possit nisi ex infnndibulo fumus suocedere ; qui jucundo strepitu aquam penetrans, prime inane vitri spatium occupat, inde per arundinem ad os sugentis atque ipsos pulmones pertiugit ; attractio enim, non bucca aut labiis, ut vulgo solet, sed toto pectore peragitur, quo ipso fumus per pulmones so diffundit. Si acrior berba sit, conoieam prius aquffi immergunt exprimuntque , ut a crudiori acrimonia liberetur : quod idem a Sinensibus et Japonibns i'actitatum vidi. Modum fumandi per macbinam e Persis edocti sunt Arabes Hindostani, seu Indi magni Mogolis, et, qui cum religione mores Arabum adoptarnnt, nigritte quidam insulares ; sed bis, quod vitra deficiant, pro ampulla servit excavatus cortex ononrbitarum. Turci, Sinenses, Japones, Europasornm more fumum trahunt per fistnlam, receptaculo tabaci accensi insertam. Nigritai gentiles fumum sine instiumento bauriunt, rotatis foliis in turbinem, cujus basin accendunt, apice labris retento et Bucto.'' Tbe Persian pipe for smoking tobacco tbrough water hero described by the traveller is the parent of that now in use among the Chinese, and of the Indian hookah. The Persians taught its use to the Arabs of Hindustan, tbe Hindus, and the black inhabitants of Asiatic islands. It spread with the religion of the ArabK wherever they went. K£einnfer's°^ According to Kfempfer's account, tobacco-smoking account. had during a century and a half been gradually spread- ing through all countries. It ivas introduced into Persia by the Portuguese while prosecuting their trading operations in the ports of the Persian Gulf. The poisonous qualities of tobacco he proves by what he had himself seen of its effects. Fowls die if tobacco oil is injected into a recent wound. He saw at Kasan portei's smoking in a peculiar way. They filled a cow's horn with tobacco leaves, placed it over burning coals, and smoked through a hole in the 'horn ; after a few whifis they fell down in a state of something like foaming epilepsy. Yet be adds, when smokers are accustomed to the use of tobacco it soothes the brain and promotes cheerfulness. Otijfct of The invention of the water-pipe was intended to assist iii removing the poisojious and unpleasant quali- ties of tobacco. Tbe smoke on passing through the water is free from sulphurous fumes, moderated in strength, cooled, and purified. Glass vessels were first used, with brass fittings. The natives of the Eastern Archipelago, not having glass, used the cala- bash instead. The author adds that while the Turks, Chinese, and Japanese all smoke with a pipe, like the Europeans, the black natives of the islands have a way of their own ; they roll the tobacco leaves into a twist, which they light at one end and smoke from at the other. Hookali or wuter pipe. the water pipe. Cipnrs. " Alterum atque inteyni usus Tcheif ex papavere How opium sumitur : quo Indi Persaeque hortos et agros conserunt, if ™«"le in ut lactesoenten suocum ex laesis capitibus proliciant. ■P^"'"" Hunc succum Buropa Opimm ; Asia cum j33gypto afiuun et ofman vocat. Persia idem prseparatum, ex reverentia, appellat theriahi, i.e., Theriaoain; nam haec illis est poetarum ilia galene, hilare, et eudios, id est, medicina animo sereiutatem, hilaritatem et tranquilli- tatem conferens ; quo olim tergemino elogio theriacale antidotttm Andromachi appellatum legimus. In Perside coUectio ejus celebratur per ineuntem sBStatem, pro- pinqua maturitati capita decussatim sauciando per superficiem. Cultei' negotio servit quintnplici acie instructus, qui una sectione quinque infligit vulnera longa parallela. Ex vulnusculis promanans suocus postridie scalpro abstergitur, et in vasculum, abdomini prffiligatum, colligitur. Tum altera oapitum faoies eodem m.odo vulneratur, ad liquorem pariter proli- ciendum. At, hsec collectio, ob capitum impar incre- mentum et magnitudinem, aliquoties in eodem arvo instituenda est. Solent in plantis nimium ramosia superflua capita prius amputari : sic reliqua magis grandescunt, et succo implentur majoris efficaciae. Primas collectiouis lacryma, gohaar dicta, prtestantior est, et graviori pollet cerebrum demulcendi virtnte, colorem exhibens albidum, vel ex luteo pallentem ; sed qui color ex longiori insolatione et ariditate infuscari solet. Altera collectio succum promit, priori, ut virtnte, ita pretio inferiorem, coloris plerumque obscuri, vel ex rufo nigricantis. Sunt, qui et tertiam instituunt, (jua obtinetur lacryma nigerrima et exignae virtutis. ■' PrEeparatio Opii potissimum in eo consistit, ut, Preparation ;iqua3 pauxillo humectatum, spatha crassa lignea con- of opium, tinuo et fortiter ducatur et reducatur in patina lignea et plana, donee elaboratissimae picis consistentiam, tenacitatem et nitorem induat. Ita diu multumque subactum, ad ultimum manu non nihil pertractatur nuda, et demnm, in cylindros breves rotatum, venale exponitur; forcipe dividendum, cum particulas emp- tores petuat. Hac serie pertractatum Opium appellatur theriaah malideh, i.e., theriaoa molendO prseparata, vel etiam theriaak afimm,\A est, theriaca opiata, ad differentiam theriacffi Andromachi, quam iili vocant theriaah fanmh. Prsparandi hie labor perpetuus est propolarum, quos vocant hJi.eifruus, quasi Germanice diceres trunlceii Kramere, quo illi, in foris et quadriviis sedentes, bracbia sua strenue exercent. Massa ha!c saepe numero, non aqua, sed melle snbigitur, ea copia admisso, quaa non siccitatem modo, sed et amaritienl temperet : et hsec specialiter appellatur hcelirs. In- signior prseparatio est, qua inter agitandum adduntur nnx myristica, cardamomum, ciuamomum et maois, in pulverem subtilissimum redacta ; qnaliter prseparatum Opium cordi et cerebro insigniter prodesse creditnr. Vocatur in specie polmiia, vel, ut alii pronunciant, folonia, puta Philonium Persicum, seu -mesue. Alii omissis aromatibus, tantum croco et ambra massam infarciunt. Multi prasparationem in usum proprium ipsi perficiunt domi suas, ne a propolis admiscendorum paucitate vel multitudine decipiantur. Praeter hoc triplicis prasparationis Opium, quod sola pilularum forma deglutitur, prostat, vel etiam a domesticis con- fioitur, liquor Celebris nominis coconar dictus, Graa- corum quod puto MTj/tofreiov ac Homerianum nepenthes, quod a bilaacibus propinari aflfatim per horarum intervalla solet. Parant hujus liquorem alii ex foliis, aqua simplici per brevem moram coquendis ; alii ex capitibus contusis infusione macerandis, vel iisdem supra filtrum repositis, aquam eandem septies octiesve superfundendo : admixtis pro cujusque placito, qnse sapori gratiam concilient. Tertium addo opiati genus, electuarium Isetificans et lastificando inebrians ; hujus electnarii, cujus basin idem Opium etiam constitnit, a seplasiariis et medicis, prout quisque ingenio pollet, varie elaboratur, ac diversis ingredientibus ad robo- randos et cxhilarandos spiritus dirigitur ; undo varias ejus extant descriptionea ; quarum primaria et famo- sissima est, qua3 debetur inventor! Hasjem BegH, quan- do-quiden) comedentis animum miris perfundere|gaudiis, et magicis cerebrum demulcere ideis et voluptatibus dicitur. "Opium quod Buropaeis, si graniunius velpaucorum dosin exoesseris, lethifernm nefas audit, a praenomi- natis populis longa adsuetudine ita familiare redditum est, ut drachmam multi sine noxa deglutiant. Mnlta hoc abnsu, vel longiori ejus usu, acciuntvjr mala ; emaciatur enim corpus, laxantur vires, contristatur animus, stupescit ingenium : nnde videas instar stipitum somnolentos et quasi elingues sedere in conviviis opii lignritores. Saepe oblati mihi sunt, quos a caninp APPENDIX. 155 First opium- smoking shops. appetitu Opii percurarenij sostro centum aureorum protnisso, si hoc citra damnum et vitiB dispeudium prssstitero. Exempla Opii voraoiuni non est, quod adducam, cum eorum pleni sint medicorum libri. Oaipita papaveris teneriora aceto condita uonnuUi in mensa secnnda appetunt; alii alia ex iisdem sorbilla conficiuut, pro bud quique placito." Kffimpfer proceeded from Persia in June 1688 to B»tavia, wliioh city — then, as now, the chief seat of the Dutch power in the Bast— he reached in September 1689, _ after visiting the settlements Of that nation in Arabia Felix, India, Ceylon, and the Island of Sumatra. lie stayed in Java eight months, and then went to Japan. Of the use of opium in Java he gives the fol- lowing account : — •'De Opio, ejhsque Persis et Indis communi usu, diximus. Addo abusum execrabilem, qui viget inter Indos nigritas, ad efferandum animos ad homicidiorum patrandorum audaciam ; dum vel vitse sues, vel in- juriarnm pertsesi, se devovent morti, per nltionem et mortes aliorum oppetenda. Bo fine Opii deglutiunt bolum : ex quo intentionis idea exasperatur, turbatur ratio, et infrssnus redditur animus, adeo, ut strioto pugione, instar tigridum rabidarum, excurrant in pub- licum, obvios quosvis, sive amicos, sive inimicos, truoidaturi, donee ipsi, ab alio perforati, prosternantur. Actus hie vocatur hamuh, apud incolas Javse et ulterioris Orientis crebro spectabilis. Vocabuli sonum ibi horret, quicunque audit ; nam qui vident homi- cidam, illi vocem ham/uk summopere exclaipiant : monituri inermes, ut fugiant, et vitas suae prospioiant : dum ad extinguendam beluam accurrere debet, quisquis armatns et cordatus est. Opii etiam extemus usus est apud nigritas : nam eodem aqua dilute nicotianam inflciunt, ut accensa caput vehementius tnrbet. Vidi in Java tabernas levidenses ex arundine, in quibus id genus tabaci hanriendum exponebatur prsetereuntibus. Nulla per Indiam merx majori lucre divenditur a Batavis, quam ajvwun, quo carere adsueti non possunt, neo potiri, nisi navibus Batavorum ex Bengala et Choromandela advecto. The iabernce levidenses ex arundine here spoken of ■were the first opium-smoking shops of which we have any record. According to the statement here given, opium diluted with water was smoked with tobacco. This sort of tobacco was exposed to passers-by to be smoked when, two centuries ago, the learned German traveller was taking walks in Batavia to observe the customs of the native population. He uses the word hav/rio ; that this here means smoking, and not drink- ing, is plain from another passage (in Amasnitates exoticm, page 642), where ho says the black inhabitants smoke without a pipe (sine instrumento Tiav/riunt), by rolling tobacco leaves into a whirl, which they light at the lower end and smoke from at the upper by holding it with their lips and drawing. Of opium from the Ooromandel coast, which then formed a part of the lading of the Batavian ships to take back to Java, we now hear nothing ; but the Bengal portion of this lucrative trade finds its lineal successor in the Patna opium of the present day. 24°. In the year 1723, shortly before the first edict against opium-smoking, a medical work was published with the name " Chi-yen-liang-fang,"* by Nien Hsi-yao, a bannerman in Pekin of high rank and great influence in his day. He places among his prescriptions a pill called Wan-ying-tan, made of opium mixed with bezoar, camphor, and other drugs, 13 in all. He states that it could cure the diseases of all seasons, including fevers Iieginning with chill (sliang-han), epidemic fever, heat apoplexy (chung-shv,, severe or slight), paralysis, head- ache, slight fefver, vomiting with diarrhoja, ague, pain in the heart, abdominal pain, and the like. Two pills are prescribed for severe cases, and one when the attack is slight ; they are to be taken with cold water. He also recommends a plaster called Yil-chen-lmo, to be attached at the navel. It adds to the vigour of the body and saves it from decay, warms the kidneys, strengthens the loins and knees, removes cold and wet chill, with all abdominal pains, and is useful for healing all sorts of aifeotions to which men and women are subject. It is made by mixing opium, musk, yang-ch'i- shih, oiibanum, cloves, and the like ; 14 other drugs are added. By gradual decoction it is prepared for use and employed as required. There is another prescription, called the PcM-yang-ling-huei-shen-fang, or marvellous recipe of the efficacious tortoise for the preservation of * Kindly lent ty Dr. Dudgeon. Earlyopium- sujoking in Formosa. came to Pormosa rom Java. health ; it is formed by mixing opium with ah'an-su (a medicine made of the oily part of toads) and such things, and adding 33 other kinds of medicine. It is prepai'ed with oil for use. 25°. There is a work on Formosa called " T'ai-hai-ts'ai- f6ng-t'u-k'ao," which was published in 1746. It con- tains extracts from earlier works, and among them one by a native of Pekin named Huang Yu-pn, who was at some earlier date sent to Formosa and wrote an account of what he saw there, which was published under the name " T'ai-hai-shih-ch'a-lu." He gives the following statements from this Work on the subject of opium-smoking. Opium for smoking is prepared by mixing hemp and the (root of the) grasscloth plant (Pachyrinus angulatus or, may be, Pueraria Thunbergia, i)r. Bretsohneider) with opium, and cutting them up small. This mixture is boiled with water in a copper pan or tripod. The opium so prepared is mixed with tobacco. A bamboo tube is also provided, the end of which is filled with coir fibres from the coir palm. Many persons collect this opium to smoke mixed with tobacco. The price asked is several times greater than for tobacco alone. Those who make it their sole busi- ness to prepare opium in this way are known as opium tavern keepers. Those who smoke once or twice form a habit which cannot afterwards be broken off. Warmth is conveyed in a vaporous form to the to/n-t'ien* (" red field," located in the kidneys), so that the whole night can be passed without lying down. The aborigines smoke as an aid to vice. The limbs grow thin and appear to be wasting away; the internal organs collapse. The smoker unless he be killed will not cease smoking. The local ofiicerB have from time to time strictly pro- hibited the habit. It has often been found that when the time came for administering the bastinado to culprits of this class, they would beg for a brief respite, that they might first take another smoke. Opium came from Java. Of the various early narratives which describe the Opium habit of smoking opium with a bamboo pipe, the account ^^^'j^^ we have here seems to be the most minute. It is not """"' stated in what year it was written, but the year in which it was reprinted as an extract was 1746. In reference to the last sentence, which says that opium came from Java, it should be observed that it agrees with what Kffimjjfer in his book states. He found that diluted opium was mixed with tobacco to ofi"er to passers-by to smoke; he observed this during his residence in Java. We learn from this that it was tobacco-smoking which led to opium-smoking. During the reign of Kang Hsi Koxinga occupied Formosa for a time. It was about that time tliat the island received the name " Taiwan." In the Ming dynasty we meet only with the names Tanisui and Kelung. In the days of Koxinga many Chinese colonists went over from the mainland to reside there. There was constant com- munication with Java by trading vessels. Many wanderers without a livelihood from various countries went there from time to time, and it was through this class of persons that the pernicious habit of opium- smoking originated in Formosa. 26°. In the work named "T'ai-wan-chih," or topogra- Another phical account of Taiwan, f it is said, " It is not known account of " from what place the practice of opium-smoking Was smoking'in' " introduced. The opium is boiled in a copper pan. Formosa. " The pipe used for smoking is in appearance like a " short club. Depraved young men without any fixed ' ' occupation used to meet together by night to smoke ; " it grew to be a custom with them. Often various '■ delicacies prepared with honey and sugar, with fresh " fruits, to the nuaber of 10 or more dishes, were " provided for visitors while smokiug. In order to " tempt new smokers to come, no charge was made " for the first time. After some time they could not ;' stay away, and would come even if they forfeited all " their jjroperty. Smokers were able to remain awake " the whole night and rejoiced, as an aid to sensual " indulgence. Afterwards they found themselves " beyond the possibility of cure. If for one day they " omitted smoking, their faces suddenly became * The Chinese letter \i;i.-, u threefold meaning. The seat of the tsing (semen) is three inches below the navel ; that of breath is in the brain. The seat of the soul ' is in thii heart. The first is here chiefly meant. See " Tung-i-pao-chien," 1, 12. t Kindly lent by Dr. Dudgeon, who was the first io discover the niitive account of fhe origin atid first progress of opium-smoking in Formosa. U 2 156 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION ; Prohibitory edict of 1729. Spread of opium- smoking in the ei/^hteenth century. " shrivelled, their lips opened, their teeth were seen, " they lost all vivacity, and seemed ready to die. " Anothersmoke, however, restored them. After three " years all such persons die. It is said that the " barbarian inhabitants of Formosa thus use craft and " cunning in order to cheat the Chinese residents out " of their money at the expense of their lives. The " foolish are not sensible of their danger, and fall " victims. This habit has entered China aljont 10 or " more years. There are many smokers in Amoy, but " Formosa is the place where this vice has been most " injurious. It is truly sad to reflect on this." 27°. In the year A.D. 1729 an edict was issued on opiura- • smoking, prohibiting the sale of opium and the opening of opium-smoking houses. The Government found itself face to face with a dangerous social evil of an alarming kind. The physical effects of opium-smoking as displayed in the shrivelling up of the features and an early death, as thus described by eye-witnesses, pro- duced a deep impression in Pekin. The sellers of opium were to be punished, not the buyers. The masters of opium shops are dealt with moat severely, as being the seducers into evil paths of the young members of respectable families. Sellers of opium were to bear the wooden collar for a month, and be banished to the frontier. The keepers of shops were to be punished in the same way as propagators of depraved doctrines ; that is, they were to be strangled after a few months' imprisonment. Their assistants were to be beaten with 100 blows, and banished 1,000 miles. Everyone was to be punished except the smoker ; for example, boatmen, local bailiffs, neighbours lending help, soldiers, police runners, in any way connected with the matter, all had punishments assigned them. The same was true of magistrates and Custom House superintendents in the seaport towns where these things had happened ; all were to bear some penalty. Only the opium-smoker was exempted. It was felt, perhaps, that his punishment was self-inflicted; he would die without the help of the law. This edict was followed by another the next year for the checking of evil prac- tices among the colonists of Formosa. All guilty of robbery, false evidence, enticing the aborigines to commit murder, the sale of gambling instruments or of opium for smoking, are to be punished with death or banishment. Opium-selling for smoking purposes has from this time forward been regarded as a crime by the ruling authorities. From their point of view it is considered as criminal in proportion to the mischief it causes, which is without doubt great beyond computation. The very earliest instance of legislation on this matter is here before the reader. It was based on local events occuring on the sea-coast, a long way from Pekin. The gradual spread from the province of Fuhkien, to all the provinces was still in the future and was not before the minds of the legislators. The sale of opium was connected in their minds with gambling, robbery, and false accusation ; its special guilt consisted in its being a temptation to evil on the part of the salesmen, as the drug was destructive of the physical health, com- fort, and life of their victims. The effects proved the criminality. Further, it was closely conjoined with various crimes already condemned in the statute book. It sprang up in a lawless locality at a great distance from Pekin ; there was therefore no inclination to leniency from the fear of offending persons or classes whom the Government would not like to offend. Thb law was in consequence promptly made, decided in tone, and severe in detail. Was this law acted upon P !No allusion was made to it by the Jesuit missionaries in the " Lcttres ^diflantes " or in the " Memoiros concernant les (jhinois." The habit of opium-smoking is not mentioned in these works. The trade in opium certainly remained as before. 200 chests a year continued to be imported, and in 1767 that quantity had gradually increased to 1,000 chests. The duty was Tls. 3 a chest.* It would appear, then, that the old tariff of the Ming dynasty was still followed in the main. The sale of opium was prohibited by statute, but we do not find proof that it was refused as a drug at the Custom Houses of Amoy and Canton. The import • The " Hui-kuo-t'u-chih, chapter 53, lolls us that in 1663 the duty on opium as a inerticiil drug was Tls. .3 a piciil, and that, besides this, Tls 3 and 'J- or 5 caridanns wero t-oUected at a later period on each parcel), without .saying!: wliii-t a parcel was. It is added that on account of tlio ^owth of opium-smoltint? in the latter part of the eiahteenth century the Viceroy of Canton jietitloned the Emperor to prohibit the import- ation, which was done m 17'.i6. Native opium in in Tiinnan, steadily increased during the time it was in the hands of the Portuguese, till English merchants took it up in 1773, after the conquest of Bengal by Olive. The Bast India Company took the opium trade into its own hands in 1781. At that time the minor portion only of the imported opium was devoted to opium-smoking — at least we may assume this. The Superintendents of Customs in those days would continue to take the duty on opium as a drug. What was contraband they would say was ya-pien-yen, which means opium for smoking ; the drug ya-pien would still pass the Customs as medicine. This seems to have been the reason that the import still continued to increase at about the same ratio as before the edict of A.D. 1729, not till after 40 years reaching a quantity amounting to 1,000 chests. Medicine claimed opium as a most powerful agent, and since the commencement of the trade at Canton and Amoy, whether the merchants were Portuguese, Chinese, Arabs, or Dutch, it was as medicine that it had been sold. When Defoe says of his hero in " Robinson Crusoe " that he went from the Straits to China in a ship with opium, it was as a drug that he pictured it to himself. Up to that time it was in fact a part of the trade in medicine ; not long after it became a trade in a drug used medically and for smoking combined. 28°. The native growth in Tiinnan of the opium poppy can be traced to about the same time, or a little later. In the history of that province, published in 1736, it is stated that opium was then a common product of the department of Tung-ch'ang-fu, in the western part of that province, where it borders on Burma. It may have been introduced by the Mahommedans, who were fond of it themselves, as a powerful medicine, or it may have been brought there from Burma and Thibet. It is spoken of in the accounts we have of the trade of the 16th century as having been introduced along with woven fabrics by traders coming from the coast of India. Negapatam and Meliapur are men- tioned as exporting both opium and woven fabrics to Pegu and Siam. The seeds of the poppy may therefore have been taken by the Burmese route to Tiinnan. This native opium would be intended, not for opium- smoking, but to be used medically, as by a physician's prescription, or by the contraction of a habit of daily consumption in a way like of that De Quinoey and Coleridge. The Mahommedans have long been a, power in the province of Tiinnan, and their agency is to be sus- spected in this early cultivation of the poppy in that part of China. It was they that first learned from the Greeks the wonderful soothing powers of this drug. They cultivated the poppy in Arabia, then in Persia, then in India. It was from them, in the Ming dynasty, that the Chinese learned the way to cultivate the poppy and derive the opium jnice from the capsules. It was they that carried on the trade in opium, before the arrival of the Portuguese, between the various sea-ports of the old Asiatic world. It was probably by Mahommedan pilots that the ^"/yj"' ambassador of the Ming Emperor was conducted to the poppy in^ sea-ports of Arabia, Persia, and India in the voyage we Yunnan, find on record. It was through information given by Mahommedans residing as merchants at Canton that the Portuguese were known by the Chinese historians as Faranggis or Franks. It was because the Mahom- medans wished to keep the profits of the trade in opium and other articles exclusively to themselves that they prejudiced the Chinese Governors of Canton and Fuhkien against the Portuguese, and induced them to refuse the liberty to trade. We need not be surprised, therefore, if later on the cultivators of the poppy in Tiinnan, in the commencement of last century, were Mahommedans; they may have been simply the con- tinuators of the Ming dynasty cultivation, or they may have commenced afresh with seeds brought from Burma. 211'. In the year 1742 an Imperial work on medicine was Use of cap- published under the name " I-tsung-chin-chien." In this sulesinl7«. book, as a remedy for weak and injured lungs the cap- sules of the poppy are directed to be used, and ginseng and apricot kernels, together with seven other medi- cines, prepared in the form of a decoction, to be drunk warm. Mention is also made of a poppy ointment for scalds and burns. Fifteen poppy flowers are to be used, and if not to be had, capsules are to be taken instead APPENDIX. 157 Present use of capsules. •' Hoppo Book " of 1753. Pive kinds of duties in 1763. The three tariff books. Prices ruling iu 1755. of them. A ditty of four lines in rhyme says that this ointment for burns and scalds is made with sesamum oil and poppy flowers or capsules mixed with water and boiled down ; white wax and true calomel are added. When smeared on the part affected the pain at once subsides. There is also a remedy for ulcers and tumours in which the capsules are used. It is a powder formed of olibanum and huang-ch'i {Sophora tometitosa or, say some, Ptarmica Sibirioa* a labiate plant used as a tonic). A ditty of four lines, used as a recipe, says that olibanum and hwang-ah'i may be used for persons of a weak constitution who are afflicted with painful tumours and ulcers ; such tumours if they have not grown to their full size will be at once dispersed, and if they are already mature they will break. The roots of tang-huei {Aralia edulis), shao-yao {Fmonia aUnflora), ginseng, Sophora tomentosa, Muan-Jismng,-^ and Ti-huang (comfrey, i.e., Symphytum — Williams), together with olibanum, myrrh, poppy capsules, and liquorice, are used to make this powder, which is also useful for bruises, sprains, wounds, and fractures. In addition to these recipes, there are several others in the same work which also contain the poppy capsules. They are omitted for brevity. At present in Pekin the capsules sold in drug shops are derived from the Papaver somniferum, cultivated at the town of An-su (near Pao-ting-fu), from Shansi, from Canton by sea, and from other places. They are bought and sold at the annual drug fair at Oh'i-chou, a city lying to the south-west of Pao-ting-fu. 30°. An account of the "Bbppo Book" of 1753 has been lately prepared by Dr. Hirth and is printed in the " Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society " for the year 1882. The "Hoppo Book" is an explanation of the Custom House books in use at Canton in 1753 ; it was translated in that year, and contains varied information on the manner of settling the duties on all goods imported and exported at Canton. The author was an English merchant, whose' name is not known. The division of the tariff is much the same as that of the present Chinese one, but imports and exports are not distinguished. Pive kinds of taxes were then levied on foreign trade : — I. An import duty, according to a fixed tariff, payable on all merchandise imported. II. An export duty, payable on all exports, inclusive of re-exported goods proceeding to Ningpo and other ports on the Chinese coast ; it consisted of a taritt' charge of 6 per cent, ad valorem. III. Extra charges on exports and imports, such as for remitting the duty to Pekin, for weighers, linguists, Ac, and for servants of the Board of Revenue. IV. Tonnage. V. Present. The three books relating to the tariff at Canton which had then been authorised by the Board of Revenue at Pekin are partly translated in this work, which also contains the manner of settling duties then in use at the Port of Canton : — 1st. " OhSng-hsiang-ts6-li," or the book of true and fixed duties. 2nd. " Pi-li," or the book of comparisons. 8rd. " Ku-chia," or the book of valuation. The first of these books was made A.D.' 1687, and is kept as it was, unaltered. The book of comparisons was first sent, with about 160 articles collected together iu it, to the Board of Revenue in Pekin, for approval, in the year 1733. After this time every two or three years additional articles were added and sent to Pekin for approval; so that this book was continually increasing. The third book is a register of the value of all goods exported or re-exported from Canton, for the purpose of laying on them an extra charge of 6 per cent., to be added to the other duty on such exports and re-exports. Here we are astonished to find that in 1755 a picul of silk could be valued at Tls. 100, and one of tea at Tls. 8 ; that white sugar was worth Tls. 1.50, brown sugar, Tls. 1, sugar candy, Tls. 2.50, rhubarb, Tls. 1.5Q, per picul ; and that musk was valued at Tls. 1.50 per catty ; while opium was not worth more than half an ounce of silver per catty. The value of a chest of opium would therefore amount at that time to not quite $100. The existence of opium as an article of trade at Canton in the middle of last century is certainly beyond doubt; it is also mentioned in the Kang Hsi tariff of 1687, and there pays a duty of three candareens per catty, con- stituting exactly 6 per cent, of the fixed value appearing in the valuation book. 31°. In passing on to the year 178,2 an extract may be here inserted from a letter, dated 7th July 1782, of an official nature addressed from China by Mr. Thomas Pitzhugh to Mr. Gregory in London. It was presented to Parliament, and is 'taken from the " Commons" Report," 1783, vol. vi.* " The importation of opium " to China is forbidden on very severe penalties : the " opium on seizure is burnt, the vessel in which it is " brought to the port confiscated, and the Chinese in " whose possession it is found for sale is punishable " with death. It might be concluded that with a law " so rigid no foreigners would venture to import, nor " any Chinese dare to purchase this article ; yet opium " for a long course of time has been annually carried " to China, and often in large quantities, both by our " country's vessels and those of the Portuguese. It is " sometimes landed at Macao and sometimes at " Whampoa, though equally liable to the above " penalties' in either port, as the Portuguese are, so to " say, entirely under the Chinese rule. That this " contraband trade has hitherto been carried on with- " out incurring the penalties of the law is owing to " the excess of corruption in the executive part of the " Chinese Govern tnent. ... In the year 1780 a " new Viceroy was appointed to the government of " Canton ; this man had the reputation of an upright, " bold, and rigid Minister. I was informed that he " had information of these illicit jjr.ictices, and was " resolved to take cognizance of them." 32°. England sent an Embassy in 1793, and China was minutely described by Barrow and Staunton. The habit of opium-smoking had then been slowly growing for 60 years. Singularly, they only say when speaking of it that many of the higher mandarins took opium ; they do not describe the mode of smoking. Staunton says, " they smoke tobacco mixed with other odorous " substances, and sometimes a little opium." Yet it cannot well be doubted that they referred to the habit of opium-smoking. In the geographical work called " Hai-kuo-t'u-chih '' we are told that opium-smoking commenced only in the last years of the Emperor Chien Lung, that is, about 1790. The explanation of this statement is found in the fact that it was only then that the habit reached Pekin and became so general that public attention was called to it in Government documents. At about the same time the local autho- rities at Canton began to complain of rapid increase in the trade in opium. In 1800 there was an edict issued prohibiting opium from being brought to China in any ship. It was from this time that the more distinctly smuggling period commenced. It was a contraband trade, but connived at by Viceroys and Governors ; they felt a diSiculty, and concluded not to touch the evil with any firm intention to heal. How to treat it they knew not. The evil grew beyond their power of control. They regarded it as the " vile dirt of foreign countries ;" they feared it would spread among all the people of the inner land, wasting their time and destroying their property ; they advocated the prohi- bition of the trade, and the Government consented to their advice, and frequently issued prohibitory edicts,, but too often some of the officials themselves smoked, or their nearest friends smoked, and so the hand of interference was paralysed ; and the demand for opium continuing, the import was never seriously che<;ked till the time of Lin Tse-hsu and the war of 1841. Opium srauKBliiig in 1782. Opium- smoking 1793. In 1800. 33°. statements in'Hai-kuo- t'u-oliih.' In the geographical work " Hai-kuo-t'u-chih " the following remarks also occur. In the year 1796 a pro- hibitory edict was received, but the official authorities at Canton still allowed opium-receiving ships to anchor at Whampoa at a distance of only 4 English miles from the city. From this time smuggling proceeded year by Local year unchecked till 1822, when a local .irrangement was ™i"Ji',> decided on, according to the terms of whicll a charge ™ " ' was made of a regular amount on each chest; of this the officers, from the Viceroy dowuwai'ds, whether civil • Williams's " Dictionary,'* iiage 316. t Hs.iung from Szecliwan. Htlongs to Levisficnii:. * Quoted in " Poppj' Plagu ' page 40,_by .1, F. B. Tinliiig U 3 158 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Native testi- mony or. the deleterious elTect of opium. or military, at the port connected with shipping all received a share. Most of this went to the office of the superintL'ndent. Some received it on board the ships, and others in the City of Canton. These snms were paid regularly month by month to the Chinese officers. Tu some cases opium itself was given, instead of silver, in large and small portions. On each occasion of this kind one or more chests would be given and sometimes as many as 150 chests. This irregular and illicit mode of proceeding lasted till the year 1840. 34". The following passage occurs in a botanical work, " Chih-wu-ming-shih-t'u-k'ao," published about 40 years ago : — " The poppy is not mentioned before the •' T'ang dynasty, A.D. 618 to 907. In the ' Pen-ts'ao ' " of the period 968 to 976 the poppy is placed in the " lower division of cereal plants. In the Sung dynasty " a decootinn of poppy seeds was thought highly of, " biit at that time the medical efficacy of the capsules " and seeds was understood to extend only, as being " astringent, to the cure of diarrhoea and dysentery. '• In the Ming dynasty, 1368 to 1644, the pill called " I-li-chin-tan, or golden elixir, came into use, and was " found to be very deleterious if much was taken. Of " late years opium has spread throughout the Empire " — a universal poison. Its effects are as bad as those " of the poisonous plant known by the name of Tiian- " cJi'ang-ts'ao, as producing internal rupture in the " intestines. Yet as the guilt is not in the flower, it " finds its place in botanical works on flowers." 35° Statistics ot Mr. Donald Spence, British Consul at Oh'ung- native^*™'' oh'ing-fu, in Szeohwan, in the year 1881, made inquiries duction. into the amount of opium produced at that time in the four south-western provinces. He states that iu Szeoh- wan the consumption of native opium within the province amounts to 54,000 piouls. while 123,000 piculs are sent to other provinces ; of these, 70,000 piculs are exported in an easterly direction, 40,000 piculs paying duty, and 30,000 piculs being smuggled. Tiinnan produces annually 35,000 piculs, and Kweiohow 10,000 piculs, while Hupeh supplies to the market not more than 2,000 piculs. In all, the production of native opium amounts to 224,000 piculs Mr. Spenoe's Report on the native production of opium was forwarded to the Foreign Office of the British Government, and was subsequently presented to Parliament and printed. If a comparison be made of the amount of opium produced iu the four above-mentioned provinces, viz., 224,000 piculs, with the quantity of foreign opium imported in 1882, viz., 66,900 piculs, it will be seen that the opium of native production is more than three times as nauch in quantity as that introduced from India and else- where. 36°. In Mr. Tinling's " Poppy Plague " there are 75 pages of closely printed information on the history of British opium, chiefly collected from the Parliamentary Papers of 1783, 1787, 1831, and 1840, and from the East India Company's Seports of 1812 and 1813. The present historical note is made up of information from the Chinese side and from Kaempfer, who is not alluded to by the authors of the "Poppy Plague" and "Our Opium Policy." INDEX. Aden, 160. A-fa-yimg, old name of opiilm, 150. Afyun {afitmn, abyiin, apyitn, ofiuun, 147, 154, 155. Afyuni, 152. Amoeniiates exoticce, extracts from, 153-155. Araoy, tobacco plant, introduced from Philippine Islands, 153. Opium-smoking in, 15 150. APPENDIX. 159 Chou-ting Wakg, 1!>0. Chij OHf!N-H*NG, writer on the poppy capsule, 150. Ohung-shu-shu, a work on trees, 148. Cigars, 154. Cochin, 150. Cochin China, trade with, 148. Ooeonar {Mkndr), Persian name for poppy, 147, 154. Oomfrey {Symphytum), 157. Compass, floating, in 1122, 150. CoBiTEiinjs Nepos, story of poppy, 147. Coromandel coast, export of opium from, 150, 155. Cownierhlast to Tobacoo of King James I., 153. Crocus Indica, mixed with opium, 152. Curcuma, 152. Customs books at Canton : the tariff, the book of com- parisons, the book of values, 157. Defoe's reference to opium, 156. Drugs mixed with opium to modify the effect ; putchuok, Juatieia, Boym,ia Mutwcarjia, 161. Dudgeon, Dr. discoverer of native account of opium- smoking in Formosa, 155. Duties of three kinds : mentary, 151. On opium, 166, 157. tonnage, tariff, and supple- East India Company, 166, 158. Bleeiuarium, 154. Eleocoaca verrucosa, 149. Eudios, 154. 'Pi.sG Tz0-ch£n, 150. FiTZHUGH, Mr. Thomas, 167. Folonia (polonid), 164. Foreign trade prohibited,161 . Permitted, 151. Formosa, origin of opium-smoking in, described by Huang Yu-pu, 165. Injurious effects of opium-smoking in, 155, 156. Galene, 154. G-AMA, Vasco de, 150. Ginseng, 149. Goa, 150. Gohaar, 154. Golden elixir pill, 151, 162, 158. Greek name for opium, 147. Gbegoet, Mr., 157. Sai-huo-t'u-ohih has statements on opium, 167, 158. Duty on opium as a medical drug in 1662, 166. Hami, 150. Hamuk opium suicide, 155. Hangchow, superintendent appointed at, to overlook Foreign trade, 148. Happy inebriation, 154. Hasj^m Begt, inventor of Mectuarmm, 164. Hilare, 154. HippocEATES knew the poppy, 147. HiRTH, Dr., account of Hoppo Booh, 167. Homer's use of the poppy, 147. Hookah or water pipe, 153, 154. Hoppo Booh, 157. Hormuz, 150. Esi-tsang-hung-hua, name of the India crocus, 152. Ssiang-Tm, a name of the poppy, 151. HsiEH K'o, writer of a poem on the poppy, 149. Hsiung (LevisticvMi), 167. Hsu Ching, ambassador to Corea. 150. ffsiian-ming-fang, a work by Liu Hq-ohien, 149, Kuai-sMng-ssu, 148. Suang-ch'i {Sophora tomeniosa), 157. Huang-lien (JuBticla), 151. Huang Yu-pu, author of a work on Formosa, 155. Hupeh province, production of native opium, in 1881, 158. Hynseia'mus, 164. I-chien-fang, a work by Wang Shih, 149. I-hsiao-jurmen, a work by Li T'ing, 150. I-li-chin-tan, 151, 152, 158. Used as an aphrodisiac, 151. Used to cure many ailments, 152. I-Un-ehi-yao, a work by Wang Hsi, 150. I-tsung-eliin-ohien a work on medicine, 156. Iliad, reference to poppy, 147. Java, 156. Justicia (huang-lien) , 151. K^MPEEB, 149, 153, 1.54, 155. His work, Amaenitates exotiocB, 153. His account of tobacco, 153. Summary of his account, 154. His visit to Java in 1688, 156. Mention of opium-smoking shops and of use of opium, 155. K'ai-pao-pen-ts'ao, 148. Kasan, 154. Khaliaaii (hhaliu/un), 154. « KhasJi-hhash, Arabian name for poppy, 147. Kheif, 1.54. Kheifruus, 154. Kohndr [cocona], 147, 154. K'ou TsTFNG-SHiF, medical writer on the poppy, 149. Kuang-cV un-fang-p'u, a work on flowers, 149, 152. KuNG YuN-LiN (KuNG Hsin), prescription by, 151. Keoommended the use of the bracts of the poppy flower, 151. His work, Wan-ping-hui-cli'un, 151i Kuo T'o-t'o, author of Ghung-sliu-shu, 148. Kweiohow province, production of native opium in 1881, 158. Levistiov/m, 157. Li-ch'ua-hua, a name of the poppy, 152. Li Kao, 149. Li Snin-CHfeN's Materia Medica, 149, 151, 152. Li T'ing, author of I-hsiao-ju-men, 160, 152. Described about 1650 the preparation of opium, 160, 152. Li T'ing, writer on divination and the I-ching, 160. Lin Hung, a writer on poppy capsules, 149. Lin Ts£-hsO, 157. LiNDiEY, the botanist, 149. Liquorice, 149, 167. Lro Han, 148. Liu Ho-chien, author of Hsilan-ming-fang, 149. Liu Tsung-yuan, 148. Livr, story of poppy, 147. Local arrangement of charges in 1822, 157. Lung-hu, fossil bones, used with the capsule, 150. Ma Ohih, 148. Ma-tou-ling, 152. Mahommedans traded to China in Mahomet's time, 148. In Chinese Turkestan, 150. In Yiinnan, 156. Malwa, manufacture of opium in, 160. Manchu prohibition of tobapco-snjokjng, 153. U 4 160 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : Manila, the tobacco plant in, 153. Mariner's compass used in twelfth century, 150. Materia Medica of eleventh century, 148. Medical use of capsules probably derived from the West, but this is not proved, 149. Of opium in sixteenth century, 150. Of opium in 1723, 155. Of poppy seeds, 149. Of poppy seeds to counteract the effects of the exorbitant use of mercury, 149. Medical writers in China first mention the poppy in eighth century, 148. Medicines mixed with poppy capsules are tang-sMn, licd-shu, asafostida, putohuck, Ohiua-root, liquorice, cow bezoar, 149, 151. Mekoii, Greek name of poppy, 147. Meliapur, 156. Mercury, use of, 148,' 149. Mesne, 154. " Millet bags," 148. Mi-nang, name for poppy heads, 148. Ming dynasty mode of preparing opium, 150. Prohibition of tobacco-smoking, 153. Mithridate, 152. Musk, value of, in 1755, 157. Nan-fang-is' ao-mu-chuang, 148. Negapatam, 166. Nepenthes, 154. NiEN Hsr-YAO, a medical writer in eighteenth century, mixed 13 drugs with opium, 155. Ningpo, Superintendent appointed at, to overlook Toreign trade, 148. Opium, a G-reok word ; its Latin form and Arab and Persian names, 147. Manufactured in Persia from the white poppy, 149. In Java in 1629, 162. In India in sixteenth century, 160. How made iu Persia, 154. Taverns at Batavia, 156. Sale of, punished by death in 1729 and 1782, 166, 157. Deleterious effects as stated in CMh-wu-ming-sliih- t'u-h'ao, 158. Importation prohibited in 1796, 166. Value of, in 1756, 157. Statistics of native production in 1881, 158. Opium -smoking arose from tobacco-smoking, 153. In Formosa and Amoy, 153. First opium-smoking shops, 165. In 1793, as described by Sir G. Staunton, 157. Opium-smuggling in 1782, 157. Orange peel taken with the capsule, 150. Fachyrizus angulatus, 166. Pceonia alhiflora [shao-yao), 157. Paeony, 152. Pai-i-hsiian-fang, a work by Wang Ch'iu, 149. Pai-shu {Atractylodes alba) , 149. Pan-yii-hsien-ohih, 148. Paniowm miliaceum, 148. Pao-yang-ling-ltuei-shen-fang, 155. Pwpaver somniferwm, white and red varieties, 149. To be used for white and red dysentery respec- tively, 151. Pekin, failure of efforts to check opium-smoking in, 153. Pen-ts'ao-hang-mu, 149, 151. Pen-ts' ao-yen-i, 149. Persia produced the white poppy in thp sjjfteenth century, 149. How opium is made there, 154. Persian G-ulf visited by the Chinese, 150. Persian national name for opium, 147. Pha/rmacopcBia mentions the poppy, 148, 161. Philippine Islands the source of Chinese tobacco- smoking, 153. Philonium Persicum, 152, l-'34. Pill called Wan-ying-tan made of opium and 13 drugs, 155. Pipe for smoking tobacco through water, and object of invention, 153, 154. Piso, GuLiEr.MTJS, work published in 17th century, 162. Plaster called Yu-chen-kao made of opium and 16 drugs, 1.55. Polonia {folonia), 154. Poppy as a flower, 147, 152. In Italy and Greece, 147. First cultivated in China in 8th century, 148. Second mention of cultivation. 148. Early poem on, 148. Other poems on, 149, 152. Poppy-milk fish, 149. Piqipy Plague, by Mr. J. F. B. Tinling, contains his- tory of British opium compiled from official papers, 157, 158. Poppy seeds mentioned in K'ai-pao-pen-ts'ao, the Phar- inacopoiia of 973, 148. Portuguese become chief merchants in the Bast, 160. Introduced tobacco smoking into Persia, 164. Preparation of opium described by KjEMPPER, 154. Described by L; T'ing, 1650, 150. Described by Li Shih-chen, 1578, 151. Described in the work Wu-U-hsiao-shih, 152. Triple preparation, 154. Prices ruling in 1755, 157. Prohibition of Foreign trade encouraged native pro- duction, 151. The Japanese raids caused the prohibitions, 151. Effect of prohibition seen in local lawlessness, 151. Prunes taken with the capsule, 150. Ptarmica Sibirica, 167. Pueraria Tliunhergia, 155. Punishment of death for sale of opium in 1729 and 1782, 166, li,7. Prist, 1.52. Putchuck, 151. Quilon, 150. Seeds of poppy used in medicine, 162. Shan-chia-ch'ing-hung, a medical work, 149. Shao-yao {Painia alhiflora), 162, 157. 8Mh-po-ssii, Superintendent of Foreign trade, 148, 151. Shun-hsiang-chui-pi, 163. Si-an-fu, cultivation of poppy in, 148. Smuggling regularly connived at by Viceroys and Governors from 1800 to 1840, when it was put down by Lin Ts^-hsu, 167, 158. Soochow, tobacco smoking in, 153. Sophora tomentosa, 157. Spence, Mr. Donald, British Ooneul, statistics of native production of opium in 1881, 168. Stj Ch£'s poem on the poppy, 148. Su TuKG-Po mentions it, 148. Su Sung, medical author on the poppy, 148. Su-Ttjng-po's poem, 148. Sung Yang-izu, 148. Symphytum (comfrey), 157. Szeohwan province, consumption of native opium in 1881, 158. ^ T'ai-hai-shih-eh'a-lu, a work on Formosa, 155. T'ai-hai-ts'ai-fcng-t'u-k'ao, a work on Formosa, 156. Taiwan, 166. T'ai-wan-chih, lfl.^. Tfl/TOitfZ of Jerusalem mentions opium as a dauferovis mediciuo, 148. APPENDIX. 161 Tan-pu-huei (tampahu), a name for tobacco, 153. Tan-t'ien, 155, Tomg-kuei (Aralia edulis), 157. Toung-shm, (ginseng), 149. Tao Kuans, efforts to put down opium-smoking, 153. Tariff in Ming dynasty, 151. Tabquin, 147. Te-hsiao-fang, a work by Wei - I-lin, 149. Theriaale, 154. TheriaU (Theriaeam), 152, 154. Thibet, opium cultivation in, 156. Ti-hvang {Symphytum), 157. Ting-li, a cruciferous plant, 149. TiNLiNG, Mr. J. F. B., author of Poppy Plague, 157, 158. Tobacco and tobacco-smoking, 163. When introduced, 153. Spread of, 153. In Soochow, 153. Smoked through a horn, 153. Smoked throgh a water pipe, 153, 154. Tohak (tahacao, tombah, iembahii), 153. Tonnage dues in Ming dynasty, 151. Trade, good effects of permission to, 151. Foreign, prohibited 151. Foreign permitted, 151. Freedom in, led to local tranquillity and aided the funds required for the maintenance of a military force, 151. At Canton, Hangchow, and Ningpo, under a super- intendent, 148. In the Ming dynasty, detailed in Tung-hsi-yang- k'ao, 161. Ts'ao-hua-p'u, a work on plants and flowers, 152. T'u-cMng-pen-ts'ao, second Pharmacopoeia of Sung dy- nasty, mentions the cultivation of the poppy, 148, 149. T'u-shu-ehi-ch'eng, 148, 149, 152. Tuan-ch'ang-ts'ao, a poisonous plant, 168. Tung-hsi-yoMg'k'ao, a Ming dynasty work on ocean trade, 151. Timg-hua-l/u, a historical work, 153. Twng-i-pao-ehien, a Corean work on medicine, 150, 151, 152. Describes the preparation of opium from the poppy capsule, 152. Turfan, 150. ViKGiL, use of the poppy, 147. Wan-ping-hui-eh'un, a work by Ktjng YCn-un, 151. Wan-ying-tan, made of opium and 13 drugs, 155. Wang Oii'ro, author of Pai-i-hsilan-fang, 149. Wang Hsi mentions opium in I-lin-chi-yao, 150. Describes the preparation of opium from the cap- sule, 150. How he came to know the medical practice of the Mahommedans, 150. Wang Shih, author of I-ehien-fang, 149. Wans Shih-Mot7, author of a work on flowers, 152. Wei I-lin, author of Te-hsiao-fang, 149. Women smoked tobacco in 17th century, 153. Wu-chti-yu, {Boymia Butoecarpa), 151. Wu-li-hsiao-shih, 152. W^b-tung, (Eleococca verrucosa), 149. Wu Yu-p'ei's poem on the poppy, 152. Ya-pien, a name for opium, 147, 166. Yang-eh'i-shih, 155. Yang Shih-ying wrote on use of capsules in dysen- tery, 149. Ying-himg, T'ang, Pen-ts'ao, 148. Ying-su, poppy seeds, explanation of name, 148. Ying-sii-hua, 152. Ying-tzO-svi, poppy, 148. Yii-mi, a name of the poppy, 151. Yung-ch'ang-fu, opium grown in, in 1736, 156. Yung T'ao's poem on the poppy, 148. Yiinnan province, growth of opium in, 166, 158. e 80970 162 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : APPENDIX III. Printed hy order of theBoyal Gommission in accordance with the remarhs at questions 492 and' 493. Memorial presented by the Anti-Opium Society in November 1892. To the Eight; Hon. the Earl of Kimberley, K.G., President of Her Majesty's Council and Principal vSecretary of State for India. Mt Lobd, On behalf of the Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade, we beg to lay before your Lordship the following considerations : — 1. Tour Lordship is doubtless aware that, on the 10th of April, 1891, the House of Coromons, by a majority of 31 votes, adopted, in principle, the following resolution, moved by Sir Joseph Pease, and seconded by Mi'., now Sir Mark, Stewart : This House is of opinion that the system by which the Indian opium revenue is raised is morally indefensible, and would urge upon the Indian Government that they should cease to grant licences for the cultivation of the poppy and sale of opium in British India, except to supply the legitimate demand for medical purposes, and that they should, at the same time, take measures to arrest the transit of Malwa opium through British territory. We have good reason to believe that the recently- elected House of Commons contains at least as large a majority of members opposed to the continuance of the opium trade as the last, and that there is not the slightest probability of its reversing that vote. 2. The emphatic condemnation of the opium trade thus pronounced by the late House of Commons was the result of a widespread feeling amongst the thoughtful people of this country, and especially amongst the Christian Churches, hostile to the continuance of the opium trade at present carried on by the Indian Government. The public conscience is shocked, not m.erely by the sad and shameful record of the wars by which the legalisation of this traffic was wrung from China, but by the continuing fact that the British nation raises revenue wherewith to provide for the cost of governing India by trading in an article which is prepared for vicious use, which brings misery to countless myriads in China and other Eastern lands, and the sale of which, in our own country, is subject to restrictions based on its recognition by the entire medical profession as a dangerous poison. The repugnance of the British people to the whole system has been manifested, during the p.ast three years especially, liy several hundreds of public meetings, generally crowded, enthusiastic, and often influential and representative in a marked degree. At these meetings, resolutions condemning the trade have been adopted, almost always with absolute unanimity. During the session of 1891, 3,352 petitions were presented to Parliament for the suppression of the opium trade, bearing 192,106 signatures ; 9.56 of these petitions being officially signed. Since the vote on Sir Joseph Pease's motion, memorials to Government, praying that speedy effect might be given to that vote, have generally taken the place of petitions ; from the Wesleyan Methodist body alone memoiials to this effect have been presented, bearing 271,680 signatures. 3. The late Government took some steps towards satisfying the public sentiment with regard to the opium traffic. In pursuance of declarations made bj- Sir James Eergusson (in the absence of Sir John Gorst), and the late Eight Hon. W. H. Smith, in the course of the debate on Sir Joseph Pease's motion, it directed that the area under poppy cultivation in the Behar and Benares agencies shoiild at once be restricted ; and in accordance with such restriction the Government of India reduced the number of chests for sale in the current year from .57,000 (the number sold by auction at Calcutta during each of the four previous years) to .51,000 chests.* Your Lordship's predecessor. Viscount Cross, also sanctioned proposals made by the Indian Government, in response to a memorial presented * Eeply by the Hon. G. N. Curzoii, M.P., to question put by Sir J osepti Pease, Bart., M.P., Feb. aB, 18tl2. to him by this Society in 1890, for the abolition of licensed opium-smoking dens throughout India, and of the extremely objectionable " minimum guarantee " clause contained in the opium licenses used in the Presidency of Bombay.* 4. Whilst gladly accepting these measures of reform as steps in the right direction, we are unable to recognise them as satisfying the conscientious objec- tions of the Christian and thoughtful people of this country to the existing system. The scope of these measures obviously falls far short of carrying out the resolution which the House of Commons has approved. 5. Under these circumstances, we have read with much satisfaction the observations with regard to the opium question made at Penicuik, on the 11th of July last, by the Eight Hon. W. B. Gladstone, now Her Majesty's Prime Minister. After referring to the earlier history of the opium trade, and to the disgraceful wars waged by this country with China, which resulted in the legalisation of the import of opium into that country, Mr. Gladstone is reported to have said : — " There is still the growth of opium in India. There is still a considerable revenue, though not nearly what it was, connected with it, and there is considerable desire, 1 believe, in this country to get rid of that connexion altogether. I, gentlemen, can only say this, that subject to the obligations of good faith, I shall be most delighted to see, and even, if I can, to forward, any measure within the bounds of reason for limiting that connexion and bringing it, if it can be done, altogether to an end." 6. Accepting these utterances as representing the views of Her Majesty's present Ministers, we beg to submit to your Lordship the following suggestions as to the mode in which effect may best be given to them, and at the same time to the decision of the House of Commons. It will be convenient here to distinguish between the various branches of the opium trade, as they will require separate treatment. These are : (1). The Bengal opium monopoly, under which the Indian Government grants licenses to culti- vators in the Behar and Benares opium agencies for the cultivation of the poppy, makes advances to them without interest, purchases from them their entire crop, manufactures the poppy- juice into opium m the Government factories at Patna and Ghazipur, and finally sells the prepared opium bj monthly public auction at Calcutta, except that portion which is reserved for sale by the Excise Department in India. (2). The Malwa transit duty system, under which, by arrangement of the Indian Government, opium grown and prepared in some of the native States of Central India pays to the Government of India, on its passage to Bombay for export, a heavy transit duty, equal to nearly two-thirds of the present wholesale price at Bombay ; the revenue obtained from it by the native Princes being only a small percentage of that received by the Government of India. (3). The Excise system, under which the exclusive right of selling opium is farmed out to licensees, whose interest it becomes to increase the sale to the utmost possible extent, and to spread the degrading vices of opium-eating and opium-smoking amongst the people of India. (1). The system adopted in the Punjab of licensing the growth and preparation of opium for local consumption only. 7. As regards (1) the Bengal opium monopoly, we would urge upon your Lordship that the Indian • Despatcli of Viscount Cross to the Governor-General of India, dated December 17, 1891. [Blue Book, Consumption ot Opium in India (1892, 0. C502),p. lOS.] '^ APPENDIX.'" 16^' Goveriiiiient should be instructed still further to reduce the area of poppy cultivation for the coining season, so as to limit the production of opium to that -which medical use requires, and at once to stop the GoTern- ment opium sales at Calcutta.* At the present time " a specially prepared article " is issued from the Government agencies to the Medical Department, which "takes the place" in India "of the European form of the drug." With this exception, opium is not prepared in India for medical use, but solely for sensual indulgence. There would, probably, be no serious difficulty in so treating the opium now in store as to adapt it for medical use ; but, however this may be, it is plain that the mere fact that a certain amount of opium is in stock at Calcutta cannot affect the duty of a Christian Government, at once to withdraw from a traffic which it perceives to be immoral. 8. As regards (2) Malwa opium, wo would point out that the present wide extension of poppy cultivation in the native States is due to the policy of the British Government itself. On this point the following state- ment is made by Mr. St. George Tucker.f of whom Dr. Medhurst tells ns that, " Having, at the earnest solicitation of the Government, taken upon himself the management of the Indian finances, he rescued them from a condition of extreme jeopardy, and left them upon a respectable basis ; subsequently he became a Director of the East India Company, and twice filled the important office of Chairman of the Direction." In a note handed by him to the Court of Directors, in 1829, Mt. Tucker says: "Ever since I had the honour of being a member of this Court, I have uniformly and steadily opposed the encouragement given to the exten- sion of the manufacture of opium ; but of late years we have pushedit to the utmost height, and disproportionate prices were given for the ai-ticle in Malwa. We contracted burdensome Treaties with the Rajput States to introduce and extend the cultivation of the poppy.' These Treaties were repealed about fifty years ago. At the present time, the native- States J engage J "so to manage their opium cultivation and production as to safeguard the British revenue; and, in exchange for this service, they receive! either money compensation or other concessions." Dnder these circumstances, it is, we submit, clear that the same moral grounds, which can alone justify the existing prohibition of >oppy culture in by far the greater portion of British ndia, require tjaat Her Majesty's Government should prohibit the transit of opium from the Central States through British territory to the sea, except in the case of opium prepared for medical use. It would, however, bo desirable, in our view, that the arrangements already existing between the Indian Government and the native States should be revised, in order that the I'estriction of the culture to medical requirements may be effected by a mutual prohibition, enforced alike in British India and in the Malwa States. The adoption of this course would relieve the Indian Government of the necessity of establishing a special service on the borders of these States to prevent the export, and would at the same time put an end to the smuggling of opium into adjoining British territories, which is already so serious an obstacle to the efforts of British officers to diminish the consumption of opium. 9. As regards (3) the Excise system, as it afi'ects opium and other narcotic drugs, we simply ask that principles which have long been recognised in the legislation of the United Kingdom be applied for the protection of our fellow- subjects in India, Numerous petitions and memorials received from India during the past two years, great public meetings in many important Indian towns, which have been addressed by some of the most thoughtful and influential natives, and articles that have appeared in many organs of native opinion, alike give evidence that grave dissatisfaction is felt in India at the facilities offered by the existing system for the sale of these drugs. At home, under the Pharmacy Act of 1868, § none of these drugs can be sold except by duly qualified druggists, and with a label showing them to be poisons ; whilst the prepar- ations of Indian hemp are classed amongst those dangerous poisons which may bo sold only to persons known to the seller or introduced lo him by some such person, entry being made in a register of the particulars • Beturn of Dr. Watt's article on opium, printed by order oC the House of Commons, 1891, p. 7. t Papers relating lo the opiuni trade in China, 1S42-1866, presented to the House of Commons, 1S57, p. 54. X statement exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and Con- dition of India, 1887-88, p. 8. § 31 Vict. 0. 121. I of each sale. As regards opium, the provisions' of the law in force in this country arc, we believe, generally considered by medical men to be insufficient, and their laxity has been condemned by coroners' juries ; still less would they be suitable, in their present form, for the requirements of India. We would urge upon your Lordship to request the Indian Government without delay to prepare and adopt such regulations under the Indian Opium and Excise Acts as may be found best suited to adapt to the requirements of British India the fundamental principles, that the Sale of poisonous drugs is to be restricted to medical and scientific use, and that discretionary powers for such sale should be entrusted only to responsible and carefully-selected persons, who possess adequate knowledge of the dele- terious properties of these drugs, who can readily be called to account for any improper use of the discretion conferred upon them, and whose remuneration in no degree depends on the amount of their sales. 10. The case of Burma falls within the general principles, the adoption of which we have urged in paragraph 9. Six years ago, on the occasion of the annexation of Upper Burma, we presented to your Lordship a memorial deprecating the introduction of the Excise system, as regards opium, into that province. We then stated our views with regard to the two provinces very fully ; and we have since had occasion to recur to the subject in our memorial presented to Viscount Cross on the 30th of July, 1890, paragraphs 10 to 13, and in another, dated March, 1892, paragraphs 8 and 9.* We notice that, since the date of our last memorial. Sir Alexander Mackenzie has replied to the despatch addressed to him by the Indian Government under date 29th July, 1891, f and we understand that m this reply he gave full reasons for adhering to his former opinion as to the desirability of prohibiting the sale of opium to Bur mans, and further expressed a view in accordance with that which we laid before your Lordship's predecessor, that it was unnecessary and undesirable to make an exemption in favour of the Chinese residing in Burma. We sincerely trust that no farther delay will be permitted in sanctioning throughout Burma the measures which have been so carefully elaborated by the Chief Commissioner, and which the officials and people of the province so earnestly and unanimously desire. 11. As regards (4), the Pan jab system of licensing the cultivation, we would submit that this should be at once put an end to. The prohibition of poppy culture has- been already enforced by the Indian Government, in 1799 as regards Lower Bengal and Orissa, as well as throughout Southern IndiaJ; about 1860 in Assam§ ; and at other dates elsewhere. " The policy of Lord '■ Cornwallis, Lord Teignmouth, Lord Wellesley, and " Lord Minto, who circumscribed the produce within " the narrowest limits, confining the cultivation of the ' ' Pf PP.y to two of our provinces, and actually eradicating " it from districts where it had been previously culti- " vated,"|| was, no doubt, largely based on fiscal reasons ; but it will hardly be contended that fiscal reasons can justify that which motives of morality, and the desire to protect our own subjects from an evil con- tagion would not warrant. We are assured by com- petent witnesses that the Sikh people would generally welcome the adoption by Government of measures which would enable them to rid themselves of a habit which they recognise to be a debasing and injurious one. ' 12. We are well aware that the measures thus indi- cated as necessary to give efi'ect to the decision of the House of Commons, and to the convictions held by the great mass of thoughtful and Christian people in this country involve the abandonment by the Indian Ex- chequer of a still considerable, though steadily de- creasing, revenue. Sir Joseph Pease, in the debate of last year,^ expressed his willingness to accept the following addition to his resolution, which, however, the expiry of the time permitted for discussion pre- eluded' him from formally moving : " This House is oi " opinion that such annual grants should bo made to the " Government of India as the then probable amount of " deficit, and the then circumstances of Indian finance " seem to require." In so doing he represented the • Blue Book, " Consumption of Opium in India," 1892, p. 110. t I'j'd., p. 102. t Ueturn, l)r. Watt's article, p. JO, § Evidence of Sir C, Beadon: Boport ofiEast India I'mance Com- mittee, 1871, question 3524. IIMr. St. bleorge Tucker; Papers relating to the opium tnide in rhina, 1S4;:-185C, presented to the House of Common?, 1857, p. ,51. t Reprint fl-om Hansard's Report of the Debate, p, 12. X 2 164 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : view repeatedly expressed by this Society, that the Buppression of the opirnn trade must not be allowed to add to the taxation of the Indian people. We believe that the people of this country will be ready to make up any deficiency which, in the judgment of the respon- sible Government of the day, may be properly attri- butable to the withdrawal of the Indian Government from the export trade in opium, and which cannot otherwise be provided for except by placing fresh burdens on the peoples of India. At the same time, we are convinced that in many directions it is possible to introduce greater economy, oDmbmed with « jiial oi even improved efficiency, into the administration of Her Majesty's Indian Empire- -we would especially refer to the recommendations of the Simla Commission of 1879, on military expenditure, and to your Lordship's own suggestions contained in the Blue Book, " East " India (Eeduction of Expenditure), 1885." The de- velopment of Indian resources, on the lines pointed out by the Indian Famine Commission of 1881 , has already produced a very gratifying increase in the revenue of India, and we believe that further attention to this important subject would in the course of a very few years, entirely fill up the void that must temporarily be occasioned by the cessation of the opium revenue from abroad. The withdrawal of the facilities now provided by Government for the consumption of opium in India itself would operate in the same direction ; as Sir Charles Atchison's report on opium in Burma, sup- ported by many other authorities, shows that the opium habit seriously interferes with the due cultivation and development of the land. The stoppage of the trade in opium with China would probably give a powerful stimulus to the exports of other Indian produce to that country, which already show a marked improvement in recent years, and would thus contribute materially to the prosperity of India. It would also, in all pro- bability, have a very beneficial efiect on silver ex- changes, by putting an end to the drain of silver from China to India in payment for opium, thereby enabling the Chinese to substitute the use of silver for their present cumbrous copper coinage. It would thus tend to check the depreciation of silver which is at the present time so serious an embarrassment in the finances of India. 13. Whilst we have thus dealt in detail with the various branches of the opium question, we regard the immediate stoppage of the monthly auction sales of opium at Calcutta as by far the most important and pressing of the measures which we desire to urge upon your Lordship. These sales are a feature of the trade which has been admitted to be indefensible by some of the most eminent amongst Indian administrators, including the honoured names of Lord Lawrence, Sir Bartle Erere, Sir Herbert Edwardes, Sir Donald Macleod, and Sir William Muir. It is true that most of these favoured the substitution of a system in Bengal similar to that which exists in Bombay, a proposal to which we have frequently expressed our unhesitating opposition, and which the vote of the House of Com- mons, condemning both systems alike, has made it unnecessary now to discuss. It is, however, true, as these distinguished statesmen perceived, that the manufacture and sale of opium by Government itself is that which most strikingly and conclusively identifies the Indian Government with an immoral traffic. Tl^" total cessation of these sales could not fail to have th' happiest results. To the people of India it would be '• much-needed evidence that the British nation putsi morality before revenue, and refuses to traffic in the vices of its subjects or of their neighbours. It would inevitably be followed by the Governments of other British settlements in the East which at present derive a large portion of their revenue from pandering to the vice of opium-smoking. To the Dutch Government of the East Indies, which prohibits the cultivation of the poppy in its own territories, but which f(jllows the evil example of British rule by deriving a great revenue from the sale to its own subjects of opium, purchased chiefly in India, it would facilitate the withdrawal from a pernicious system which is working havoc throughout the Island of Java. Above all, to the great Chinese people such a withdrawal would be a token that we have at last truly repented, as a nation, of the grievous wrongs which we have inflicted upon them — wrongs which, by a strange inconsistency, are often fi-ankly admitted by statesmen who yet see no objection to our contmuing to reap the profits of a trade which our cruel and unjust wars originally forced upon the Chinese. 14. In China, the results to be anticipated from the stoppngc of the export trade in opium from Calcutta and Bombay are thus stated iq a letter received by us, about a year ago, from one of the most competent and experienced observers, the Eev. Griffith John, D.D., of the London Missionary Society, who has been for upwards of .35 years a missionary in the great com- mercial centre of Hankow. " Let China see that we are capable of sacrificing millions of pounds annually for her good, and that of our own free will, in obedience to the dictates of con- science and from a sense of humanity, and she will not be slow to acknowledge the worth and dignity of the act. Nay more, she may begin to glorify God in us. Onr intercourse with the people would become more friendly ; commerce would extend and develop ; one of the greatest obstacles to the progress of Christ's kingdom in the land would be removed; the people would listen more respectfully to our message ; and the day of China's regeneration would begin to dawn. Many obstacles would still remain, but having got rid of this we should feel that we could face the rest with hearts light and brave. We should then begin to hope for old Cathay as we have not ventured to do hitherto. But have the Chinese the ability to put down the vice P As long as the Indian trade in opium exists the hands of the Chinese Government are tied and para- lyzed. They can simply do nothing, but allow things to go on from bad to worse. Their best efforts, however sincere and energetic, would prove abortive. If the Indian trade in the drug were abandoned the Chinese would, I firmly believe, make an honest effort to stop the native growth, and the attempt would eventuate at once in a diminution of the evil. It might eventuate ultimately in its complete suppression. But whether the Chinese Government can put down the native growth or not, our path as a Christian nation is plain enough. It is for us to wash onr hands clean of the iniquity. The trade is immoral and a foul blot on England's escutcheon. It is a disgrace to ourselves as a people and unworthy of the place which we hold among the nations of the earth." Similarly the Rev. Christopher C. Fenn, one of the secretaries of the Church Missionary Society, who is and has lor many years been connected more particu- larly with the work of that Society in China, writes as follows in the " Church Missionary Intelligencer " of March last : — "It will be known throughout China — -for there are Protestant missionaries in almost every province — that the import of opium from India to China is stopped ; and it will be very widely known also that in taking that step England has sacrificed considerable pecuniary gain. Every British official in China will henceforth feel it his duty to discourage, as far as his influence reaches, the grovrth, supply, and the consumption of opium, in order to promote both the admission of other English and Indian commodities, and also the produc- tion of those articles which can be exchanged for such commodities. Every Chinese official, from the highest to the lowest, will know that the most stringent and strenuous efforts to put down the growth and import of opium will never be in any way thwarted by the British Government, or tend in the smallest degree to embroil the friendly relations between England and China. Many of these will be disposed to take vigorous measures to stop the terrible evil, being encouraged to do so by the overwhelming majority of their own coun- trymen. It is impossible to believe that any check to such measures will be applied by the central Gfovern- ment. The chief authorities will not dare, whatever their own desires may be, especially when, as now, dis- content is widely spread, thus to defy public opinion. May it not be hoped that before many months are passed — say within three or four years — the anti-opium feeling will have gradually become so strong as to sweep all before it. There is in China no dislike to paternal Government action. On the contrary, for this purpose at least, it will be earnestly asked for, and tirmly and successfully applied. The cancer that has been eating into the vitals of Chinese life will be torn out ; and once again, in many places, a population morally and physically vigorous, will be ready to " receive the engrafted Word." A powerful stimulus will be given to the desire for friendly intercourse -with Western Nations ; prejudice against European civiliza- tion and inventions will be removed; the construction of lailways will be encouraged; a free interchange will be established of the products of British and Chinese industry ; and two mighty and peaceful empires, linked together in commerce and amity, will bestow on each of them an eff'ectual barrier against northei-n aggression. The message of sahation will once again resume its APPENDIX. 165 westward course. America will be stirred up to a holy and generous emulation. Prom the western shores of that continent and by railway across its northern hills and plains, thousands of ardent evangelists from the British Isles, from the United States, from the Canadian Dominion, with the Gospel in their hearts and on their lips, will speed forward, with the sun, to the abodes of this ancient but still vigorous nation, will supply the lamentable defects of the noble but mournful teaching of Confucius, and will sow seeds of Divine Truth, that may grow up in a soil still strange to it, and yield at length some new proof of its transforming power, to the glory of Him who is Truth and who is Lore. ' Grlory be to God in the highest ; on earth peace, good- will towards men.' " We can desire no greater honour for your Lordship and for the Government of which you are a member, than that you may be the instruments in the Divine hands of bringing about so blessed a consummation. We are, with great respect, Tour Lordship's obedient servants, (Signed, on behalf of the Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade), Joseph W. Pease, President. J. C. LivEHPOOL (Bishop). John Sakum.* J. "W. Carliol.* [* As rejfarda the general matter of the Petition, not as regards all its expressions.] A. Cotton, General R.E., Madras. F. B. Metee. W. F. MOUtTON.f Lt "With sotne reserve as to para- graph 9.] Mark J. Stewart. J [t Approves generally, except as to the fourth sentence of para- graph 12.] Basil Wilbbrporce. / Donald Matheson, Gliairman. \ H. W. Maynard, Treasurer. GEORaE GiLLETT. Henry Gurnet. T. Hanbury. John Hilton. Nicholas Hurrt, Member of Board of London Congrega- tional Ministers. James Legge, Professor of Chi- nese, University of Oxford. David McLaren, J. P., D.L., Ex-Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce, Edinburgh. George Pieecy. Samuel Southall. "W. S. SWANSON, D.D. C. W. Trembnhbere, Lt.-Gen. Henry Wigham. / BoBT. Prxngle, M.D,, Brigade-Surg., H.M.'s Bengal Army, Deputation Secretary. Joseph G. Alexander, Secretary. Arthur Albrigiit. Joseph Angus, M.A., D.D. Thos. J. Baenardo. John Barran. (Rev.) George S. Baerett, Norwich. Alfred Henry Baynes, Genl. Sec, Baptist Missionary Society. Henry J. Bergubr, Vicar, S. Philips, Arlington Square, N. W. Bickford- Smith. J. B. Braithwaite. H. Broadhuest. Henderson Burnside. W. S. Cainb. Gordon Oalthrop. Sir William T. Chaelet, Q.C, D.C.L. A. M. W. Christopher, M.A., Rec- tor of St. Aldate's, and Hon. Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. William S. Clark. P. C. Clayton. J. J. Colman. J. Llewelyn Davies. John Bdmonu, D.D. J. Passmokb Edwards. Christopher C. Penn. Theodore Pry. James P. Gledsione. Benjamin Gregory. H Gratton Guinness, D.D. P. T. Haig, Major-General. Dan. Bell Hankin. Wm. Harvey, Ukley. Alfred Howell. Isaac Hoyle. Henrt Scott Holland, § Canon of St. Paul's. [§ To the general intention of the Petition.] Thos. Hughes, Q.C, Judge of Circuit No. IX. Samuel Hulmb. Alfred Illingwouih. E. E Jenkins. A. McArthur. Justin McCarthy. Alex. McLaren, D.D., Union Chapel > Manchester. James E. Mathieson. W. C. Maughan, Hon. Sec. Glasgow Auxiliary. H. C. Milward, Vicar of Lyonshall (late Vicar of Eedditch). W. Mobgan, Bryn-golen, Shawford, near Winchester. H. C. G. Moule, M.A., Principal of Ridley Hall, Cambridge. G. S. Muie. Arthur Pease. Wm. T. Radcltpfe. J. J. Ridge. Fredk. Sessions. Thomson Sharp. H. C. Squires. T. Alfred Stowell, M.A., Rector of Chorley, and Hon. Canon of ivlan- chester. Joseph Sturge. Joseph Thomson. J. P. B. Tinling. H. W. Webb-Peploe, Vicar of St. Paul's, Onslow Square, S W. S. D. Waddv. Benj. Whitworth, J.P. Philip H. Wicksteed. John Wilson, M.P. (Govan). Members of the General Council. APPENDIX IV. Correspondence with the Foreign Office concerning the operation of existing Treaties with China in regard to the importation of opium into China and the duty thereon, as bearing' on the declaration made by the Right Honourable Sir James Fergusson, on beJialf of Her Majesty's Government, in the House of Commons, on the 10th April 1891. (See Questions 2.r.2 and 253.) they may increase the duty to any extent they please or they may exclude it altogether. This, I think I may say, that if the Chinese Government thought proper to raise the duty to a prohibited extent, or shut out the article altogether, this country would not expend one pound in powder and shot or lose the life of a soldier in an attempt to force the opium upon the Chinese." More than one of the witnesses brought forward bv the Anti-Opium Society has stated before the Roysa Commission that China is not really ft ce to take her X 3 Sir, 15th September 1893. I AM directed by the Chairman of the Royal Commission on Opium to ask you to lay the following matter before the Right Honourable the Sesretary of State. On the 10th April 1891, Sir James Fergusson, speak- ing in the House of Commons on behalf of Her Majesty's Government, is reported by Hansard to have said: — " The Chinese at any time may terminate the treaty on giving 12 months' notice, and to protect themselves 166 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : own course in this matter. In order that the position may be clear, I am directed to forward extract from proof of the evidence given by Dr. Maxwell on the subject. Lord Brassey would not himself desire to go behind a statement made in Parliament by a member of the Government, speaking on behalf the Government, on a question of this kind. Still, as the doubt has been raised, perhaps Her Majesty's Government would desire it authoritatively to be set at rest. The state- ment, made by Sir James Fergusson in April 1891, has been on occasions referred to in Parliament ; and it was cited in the debate of the 30th June last in the House of Commons.* It has been suggested to the Commission that the statement quoted above from Sir James Pergusson's speech consisted of two parts. In the first sentence he referred to the additional article of the Chofoo Con- ventionf which can be terminated at 12 mdnths' notice by cither party. Ou the termination of that article the regulations under the Treaty of Tientsin are revived, and by those regulations " transitj dues on " it (opium) will be arranged as the Chinese Govern- " ment see fit." The second sentence declares the policy which will guide Her Majesty's Government if or when China raises the question in the future. The Boyal Commission on Opium would be glad if you could favour them with an authoritative statement Upon the question that has been raised. I am, &c. (Signed) C. E. Bbrnabd, Acting Secretary to the Commission. To the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Mem.. Sept. 19, 1893. Art. 24. Art. 26. Art. 27. Art. 28. Sir, Foreign Office, September 25, 1893. I AM directed by the Earl of Roscbery to acknow- ledge the receipt of your letter oi the 15th instant and to transmit, for the information of the Royal Commis- sion, copy of a memorandum drawn up in this Department giving information respecting the treaty engagements between this country and China on the subject of the importation of opium. I am, &c. (Signed) T. V. Listee. ■ Sir C. E. Bernard. MiMosASDtJM respecting the Treaty Engagements between this Country and China on the subject of the Importation of Opium. There is no mention of opium in the Treaty of Tientsin of the 26th June 1858, or in the previous Treaty of Nanking which was thereby confirmed. The Treaty of Tientsin declares that British subjects shall pay on all merchandise imported or exported by them the duties prescribed by the tariff, subject, how- ever, to most favoured nation treatment. It declares further that (inasmuch as the tariff fixed uu-1538 ; methods of raising opium revenue in the Native States, 1539-1540 ; proportion of their revenue from opium export to their total exports, 1571-1577 ; decline in the export of opium, 1578-1580; probable effect of prohibiting export from Native States, 1541-1544, 1548-1549 ; such an act would be tyrannous and be resented, 1651-1609 ; no treaty rights under which the Government of India can interfere with the cultivation of opium in Native States, 1552 ; concessions to Native States, 1535, 1538, 1562-1567 ; character of his land on which opium is cultivated, 1549-1550, 1581 ; his opinion as to the probability of the revival of the export opium trade with China, 1561. Extent of smuggling, 1553 ; precautions against it, 1554, 1590-1593 ; if export were prohibited, it would be impossible to control smuggling, 1568-1570, 1610. People of Central India not consumers of opium to a large extent, 1555-1556 ; opium has no effect on crime, 1557 ; his opinion that it has no appreciable effect on the public health, 1558, 1601-1603 ; produces no widespread evils in India, 1608 ; alcohol worse than opium, 1560. Use of opium water, 1582-1 589 ; opium generally taken in moderation, 1594-1595; the opium habit among Sikhs, 1559; Sikhs and Rajputs, the finest races in India, have been taking it for generations, 1595-1597 ; question whether Rajputs and Sikhs tolerate opium better tban other races, 1597-1599; Europeans and the opium habit, 1598, 1599a-1600; opium sots a degraded class in large cities, 1604-1607. The prohibition of the cultivation and use of opium would irritate the people, especially the Sikhs, and would make them disloyal, 1611-1612. Recommends no change in present arrangements, 1613. His opinion as to the character of much of the missionary evidence on the opium traffic, 1615. Mil. THOMAS HUTTO^r. Has been a missionary in the north of China, 1961, 1965 ; agrees with other missionaries as to the evil effects, morally and physically, of opium smoking, 1968 ; opium is called foreign smoke, 1970 ; though it is produced in Chinese territory, 1972 ; the Chinese attribute its introduction to the British, 1989-1993; attitude of the Chinese towards mis- sionaries, 1994-1998 ; travelled for two years as a native of China, 1975-1977; opium smoking common in the north, 1977-1978 ; and among women in some of the towns, 1979 ; the habit on the increase, 1978 ; his experience that opium smokers are unre- liable as servants, 1980-2000 ; the population in Northern China stronger than in the south, 1982- 1984 ; they consume more wheaten bread, 1983 ; found the population on his travels degenerate and unhealthy, 2001-2004, 2007 ; the physique of the Chinese naturally good, 2008 ; opium smokers cannot take wine, and take very little food, 2010, 2011 ; opium smoking worse than spirit drinking, 1981. The Reverexd ALEXANDER LANGMAN. Has been a missionary in China for eight years, 1509-1510, 1526-1526a ; agrees with views expressed by other missionaries as to evil effects of opium smoking, 1611. Produces a letter from a native evangelist describ- ing these effects, 1512-1513. Animosity of the Chinese to foreigners, and particularly to Englishmen, due to the connexion of the British Government with opium, 1515, 1523. His opinion that if the export of opium from India to China were prohibited the work of the missionaries would be made easier, 1524. Belief of the Chinese as to opium smoking resulting in the extinction of families, 1525. Mb. H. N. LAY, C.B. Was many years resident in Cliina in the Consular service and in the service of the Chinese Govern- ment, 1183-1187. Introduction of opium into China and its entry in the tariffs, 1189-1193 ; question of prohibition in 1729, 1270-1272 ; and in 1724, 1273 ; Mr. Pitz Hughes' letter, 1274 ; decree of prohibition of 1799, 1194- 1201 ; opium continued to bo imported and duty to be Y 2 17:^ INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : collected after this decree, 1202-1204 ; the smuggling trade, 1205-1-215, 1224-1225 ; cultivation of the poppy ■widespread in China in 1830, 1216-1220; the Tai- ping rebellion, 1221-1222 ; cultivation in 1858 and 1864, 1265 ; opium legalised by the Chinese Govern- ment in 1873, 1226 ; it then determined to prohibit it again, 1227; Lord Palmerston's despatch, ij. ; action (.f the Chinese Government in 1839, 1223, 1228-1232 ; opium not mentioned in the Treaty of Nankin, 1233 ; his view that the Chinese Government was then indiflferent upon the subject of the import of opium, 1235-1239, 1241; Chinese officials never complained to him of the action of the British Government in respect of opium, 1239-1240; the seizure of the " Arrow," 1241 ; this, and not opium, the cause of the second war, 1243-1244; opium not menti.med in the course of the negotiations in 1858 regarding the Treaty of Tientsin, 1245-1246; but entered in the tariff subsequently prepared, 1247-1248 ; action of the Chinese Government and Sir Rutherford Aloock in 1869,1249-1253; his opinion as to the allegation that the Chinese Government threatened to withdraw all restrictions in China in order to destroy the import from India, 1254 ; his view that in all the negotiations it was not the object of the British Government to force opium in China, 1282 ; the Chinese Government had always regarded opium from a fiscal point of view, 1262 ; Mr. Burlingame's mission tb England in 1868, 1258-1260 ; his opinion that if the export of opium from India were pro- hibited, the Chinese Government would not prohibit the consumption of opium, 1263-1269 ; his opinion that the Chinese Government is not deterred from opening the opium question by the fear that the Indian Government might claim to be recouped for loss of revenue, 1279 ; complains of the manner in which the action of officials as to opium in China has been misrepresented, 1256-1257, 1275-1278. His opinion that statements as to evil effects of opium smoking among the Chinese are exaggerated, 1280; opium generally used in moderation, 1281 ; the physique of the Chinese very good. I'i. ; opium taken as a prophylactic in the malarial districts in the mid- provinces and southern provinces, ib. ; immoderate use injurious, 128U. Mr. HENRV LAZARUS. Was engaged in China in commerce unconnected with the opium trade from l.S7s to 1881, 1618-1621 ; employed on an average 200 natives of China, 1623- 1624; many were opium smokers, 1627; those who smoked opium were never rendered unfit for work by it, and were as good as the rest, 1626, 1628 ; domestic servants not incapacitated by smoking, 1633. His own experience of opium smoking is that it is too tedious for Europeans to take to it, 1628-1630; excessive smoking does not destroy intellectual power, 1626, 1631 ; not necessary to increase the dose, 1631 ; opium traffic not the cause of the dislike of the Chinese to Europeans, 1632. The Reverend JAMES LEGGE. Is Professor of the Chinese language and literature at Oxford, 166 ; has resided in Hong Kong and Malacca and visited China, 166-168. His experiences of opium smoking in Malacca and China, 169, 170; opinion of the respectable classes as to the habit. 170. 171 ; prevalence of the habit, 172. 173, 200, 201, 212. Characteristics of the people of China, 174-176 ; opium smoking prejudicial to work, 177 ; the majority of persons who smoke opium gradually come more and more under its influence and smoke to excess, 178, 209, 210;, the habit of smoking opium results only in evil, 179, 207. Feeling of the people in China as to the attitude of England as regards the opium traffic, 180-184. Power of the Chinese Government to exclude Indian opium, 185-187. Introduction of the cultivation of the poppy and the use of opium into China, 188-192 ; increase of cultivation in China, 193-197. Consumption of alcohol in China, 198, 199, 204. Opium prohibited in Japan, 202 ; consumption of alcohol in Japan, 203. Probability of the Chinese Government stopping the growth of opium in China, 205; England's atti- tude in first Opium War, ib. Opium smoking not to his knowledge generalised in any community in China, 211 ; Chinese population of Hong Kong hi 1894 approached this condition, 211. Me. STEWART LOCKHART. Is Protector of the Chinese in Hong Kong, 1375 ; his duties, 1421-1424. Chinese popular opinion decidedly against the opium habit, 1380, 1381. j\foderate consumption possible, 1383; proportion of moderate smokers, 1403-1410; moderate use need not end in excess, 1434-1437 ; relative effects of moderate and excessive smoking, 1382 ; distinction between the drunkard and the opium sot, 1388, 1411 ; his experience against the idea that the Chinese hate the British on account of the opium question, 1384. Does not think that the existence of the opium trade affects British commerce prejudicially, 1385. The population of Hong Kong, 1395-1398 ; opium divans in Hong Kong, 1386-1387, 1428-1433,; ques- tion whether opium consumption affects the death- rate in Hong Kong, 1389, 1414-1416, 1419, 1420; the opium farms in Hong Kong and the Straits, 1390- 1392 ; not in favour of an edict of total prohibition in Hong Kong, 1393, 1394 ; opium smoking prevalent among the Chinese population, 1399-1401; not so prevalent as the use of alcohol in Grreat Britain, 1402; opium smoking stationary in Hong Kong, 1412, 1413 ; consumption per head of the Chinese population in Hong Kong, 1416-1418 ; never heard of a European taking to opium, 1425 ; Chinese opium not consumed in Hong Kong, 1426, 1427; consumption of spirits by Chinese in Hong Kong, 1439-1443. Mr. WILLIAM LOCKHART, F.R.C.S. Was a medical missionary under the London Mis- sionary Society in China for 25 years up to 1864, 1638, 1703. Opium generally smoked in China, 1691-1693 ; many Chinese take opium in moderation, 1641 ; they generally increase the dose with evil results, ib., 1642, 1653, 1661 ; proportion of moderate and exces- sive consumers among the population, 1643-1652, lfi.J4, 17<.»8-1710 ; opinion as to the effect of opium, 1661 ; does not regard even moderate use as bene- ficial, 1653; consumers in excess can be cured of the habit, 1674-1676 ; opium not generally taken to relieve pain, hut for dissipation, 1684 ; power of con- trol of opium smokers, 1694-1697; reason why the opium pipe is smoked lying down, 1698 ; extent of opium cultivation in China, 1654-1660. Alcohol a greater social evil than opium, but opium more personally harmful to individuals, 1667 ; alcohol a greater curse in England than opium in China, 1668. Suicide by means of opium, 1669-1673. Opium not forced on China by the British G-overn- ment, 1677, 1699-1701 ; never heard this alleged in China, 1702 ; advocates the Government of India abandoning the monopoly and reducing the area of poppy cultivation, 1677, 1711-1714 ; China opium cheaper and more impure then Bengal opium, 1685- 1687. Consumption of opium by Europeans, 1688-1690. Opium smokers not permitted to belong to his church, 1704-1707, 1715 ; the same rule would apply to spirit drinkers, 1716 ; spirit drinking prevails in Japan, 1717-1718 ; in his opinion it is unlikely if opium smoking were stopped in China that spirit drinking would prevail, 1719, 1720 ; the Chinese altogether superior to the Japanese, 1721. Sir HUGH LOW, K.C.M.G. Letter from, 1637; formerly administrator of Perak and other States in the Malay Peninsula, ib. ; expe- rience in Perak and Labuan, ib. ; farm of right to collect duty in Perak, ib. ; drug consumed generally in moderation by labourers, chiefly Chinese, in mines as a prophylactic against miasma, ib. ; also by shop- keepers, artizane, servants, ib. ; more tendency to abuse among this class, ib., also by wealthy Malays and Chinese, ib. ; two-thirds of the Chinese popula- tion smokers, but very few Malays, ib. ; used by criniinal classes of both races, ib. ; general health affected in occasional but few cases, ib. ; opium habit had no influence on crime, ib. ; moderate use of opium said to clear the intellect, ib.; use of opium prohibited in State prisons, detention in which in- variably resulted in improved physique, ib. ; no such abase in Perak or Labuan as to justify further restrictions, ib. Mr. D. MATHBSON. The contraband opium trade, 790-792; liable to littacks from pirates, 803-804. ANALYSIS OF EVIDENCE. 173 His account of the events of 1839-1841, 793-796 ; •jomments on the o,ttitnde of British Government from 1841-1858, W2. Incidents which led him to condemn the opium traffic, 797-793 ; at couBiderablo injury to his pecu- niary position, 824. Eecommends the prohiV)iHon of export Of bpium from^ India to China, 800, 831, 805-Sll. His opinion that compariBon cannot be made between the eiport of spirits from England and the export of opium from India, 810-823. Dr. MAXWKLL. Is a doctor of medicine and secretary to the Medi- cal Missionary Association, 21'J, 21.5; was a medical missionary in Formosa, 216. Character of his experience, 217, 218; extent of the opium habit, 219. 2.38, 239, 258-260; children not allovred to take opium in Formosa but learn to do so in when pretty young, 274. Comparative efiects of opium smoking, tobacco smoking, and dram drinking, 220, 273. Habitual consumption of opium the rule, 221 ; con- sumers become ^slaves to the drug, 222-224. Physical evils of the opium habit, '22-5 ; moral evils ; 226; social evils, 227. Opium not in his opinion a prophylactic against malaria, 228. Consumption of Indian opium in China and increase of consumption of native opium, 229-235 ; Persian opium, 281-286. Opium smoking universally regarded in China as a vice, 236. 237. Indian opium traffic tends to hinder Chri.^tian missionaries in China, 238 ^ 239, 264-272. Opinions of Iho medical profession in the United Kingdom as to the habitual use of opium, 240 ; medical opinion in India, 241, 242, 245; medical opinion in China, 243, 244 ; no statistics exist as to public health in Formosa. 261. Power of the Chinese Grovernmenfc to exclude opium, 246-256. Comparison between opium smoking and opium eating, 262. Action of Government of India as io export of opium, 264-269, 275-280. Suicides from opium in China and India, 274. Mk. DAVID McLARBN. Formerly President of the Edinburgh Chamber of Commerce, 1751. Presents tables of statistics of trade between India, China, Japau, and the United Kingdom, 1862. The Committee of 1848, 1753; increase of exports from China after the reduction of the tea duty, 1754 ; not accompanied by corresponding increase of im- ports from England, ib. ; increased import of opium from India, ib. ; possibility that anticipated increase of trade between England and China at that time went indirectly in an increase of trade with British India, 1822-1835. History of trade with China, 1753-1758; contrasts trade of England with China with England's trade with Japan, 1758-1760, 1765-1769, 1840-1848 ; con- trast between Chinese and Japanese in the matter of dress, &c., 1795-1801. His opinion that import of opium from Inda into China prevents China from buying English manu- factures, 1758-1764, 1769-1776, 1849, 1850, 1855- 1856 ; the substitulion of India for China tea has impaired the ability of China to purchase English manufactures, 1761-1764, 1862 ; export of yarns from India to China, 1791^-1795, 1851-1851; England's trade with China stationary daring the past 15 years, though import of opium from India has largely decreased, 1836-1837 ; this owing to Chinese smoking native opium, 1838, Produce of poppy per acre under cultivation in India declining, 1771, 1772. Policy of the Government of India in 1860 to take as large a crop as possible, 1772-1774 ; refers to this policy as not having been changed, 1774-1776. Quotes opinions of officials as to the pernicious character of the drug, 1778-1785. Advocates prohibition of poppy cultivation in India and the export of opium to China, 1802-1821 ; his opinion that the smoking of native opium would then be stopped, 1839. Mr. ALEXANDRE MIOHIE. Is a merchant with 40 years' experience of Ohiua, 2012-2018. The use of opium deprecated by public opium among the Chinese, but not more than the use of alcohol in European countries, 2019-2021 ; extent to which the opium habit prevails in China, 2022-2025 ; few opium smokers among his employees, 2026-2027 ; moderate smoking more common than inveterate smoking, 2028; effect of moderate smoking, 2029- 2031 ; opium smokers not more dishonest than others, 2032 ; opium smoking among the better classes, 2040-2041, 2047; those classes not degraded or of degenerate health, 2045-2046, 2048-2049 ; no opium smoking in Japan, 2033 ; the Japanese alleged to be inferior to the Chinese, 2034 ; opium trade has not atfected the attitude of the Chinese toward? English- men, 2036-2038 ; considers excess in alcol'ol worse than excess in opium, 2039. Sukgeon-Genbral Sir "WILLIAM MOORE, K.C.I.E., Q.H.P. Served 33J years in India, 1000, 1001. Investigated the opium question in Rajputana and Bombay, 1002-1004, 1024; no generalized consump- tion in Bombay, 1025-1029, 1032-1039. His conclusion that opium smoking is practically harmless, and opium water not only harmless but beneficial in moderation and a prophylactic against fever, 1005, 1057, 1058 ; excess in opium not so injurious as excess in alcohol, 1006; opium more beneficial than alcohol, 1022, 1023; use of opium on the whole beneficial, 1067-1073 ; a large proportion of visitors to opium dens have ailments which they go there to I'elieve, 1074-1079 ; the habit uoc regarded as disgraceful, 1036-1039, 1080-1085 ; the prohibition of the sale of opium in India, except for medical purposes, would be an interference wiDh the haibits and customs of large sections of the population, 1007, 1030, 1031. Effect of the habitual use of opium on different races, 1008 ; prevalence of the habit among the Rajputs, 1009-1014, 1107; the Rajputs a healthy class, 1015 ; no reliable statistics of births and deaths in Rajputana, 1016; habitual opium consumers gene- rally take their opium at night, 1019 ; no general tendency to incre.se the dose, 1017, 1018; excessive use deleterious but the exception, 1021 ; habitual use in moderation does not shorten life, 1020; amount consumed by opium smokers, 1088, 1089 ; the use of opium among men tending camels in the desert, 1007, 1090, 1091 ; has had little experience with the Sikhs, 1040 ; tobacco forbidden by the first Sikh teacher and the use of alcohol deprecated, 1097, 1098 ; large sections of the population in India do not use opium, 1041 ; cannot speak as to the relation of the opium habit to race, 1042-1046; early use of opium by Rajputs during their constant fighting, 1099, 1100. Insurance offices do not impose a higher rate on opium eaters, 1047-1057. Erroneous impression that the cultivation of opium leads to famines by reducing the land for the growth of cereals, 1057 ; the migration during the famine in Rajputana from Marwar to Malwa, 1101-1106. The opium habit among Europeans, 1051-1064; does not spread among them owing to habit rather than to constitutional difference, and also because opium smoking is troublesome, 1059-1066. Dr. F. J. MOQAT. His opportunities of studying the question in India, 1109-1112. His experience of the use of opium by Marwaris and Chinese in Calcutta, 1112-1119 ; the Chinese opium smokers and tiie Marwaris opium eaters, 1149, 1150 ; the habit has come down in India from former generations, 1120-1122 ; regards consumption of opium in moderation, as in the case of these two colonies, as quite as harmless as the moderate use of alcohol among Europeans, 1123-1131, 1134 ; opium is also valuable as a prophylactic and febrifuge in malarial tracts, 1153 ; the use of opium in excess bad, but'he has no experience of use in excess, 1132, 1133 ; his experience with other classes attending the hospitals, 1135-1137. His experience of opium in relation to crime and insanity in Bengal, 1139-1144. More habitual consumers of ganja than of either spirits or opium, 1144; ganja not mixed with opium Y 3 174 INDIAN OPIUM COMMISSION : in India, 1151, 1152 ; quotes, with approval from a discussion by Calcutta Medical Society, 1144-1147. ConsTisiers of opium not ashamed of the fact, 1148 ; suppression of the use of opium would lead to in- creased co.'isiiinption of more harmful stimulants aiid narcotics and would be actively resisted by the more manly and warlike races in India, 1153 ; use of opium for the purpose of exciting sexual desire, 1154. Deputy Subgeon-Genekal W. P. PARTRIDGE. Is a Deputy Surgeon-General in the Bombay Army and served in India 30 yeurs, 1884 ; the opium habit a vice, 1888, 1896, 1918; worse than a'eohol, 18flti ; the fumes from smoking aft'ect persons other than the actual consumers, 1886-1888 ; many persons who resort to opium dens are not led to do so by sickness though some are, 1888-1895. Confidential circular issued by the Government of the North -Western Provinces and Oudh as to opium dens, 1900-1914 ; opium dens condemned by opium smokers, 1915-1917 ; opium a pi'edisposing cause of death, 1919, 1920, 19.52-1955; opium eaters in jails, 1920, 1949-1951 ; the danger of stopping opium in such cases, ib. ; violent crime committed among Rajputs under the influence of opium, 1920-1956 ; opium not a prophylactic against fever, 1921 ; opium given to children and arrangements fur the sale of pills for children, 1922-1946. Possibility of prohibiting the sale of opium in India except for medical purposes, 1957-1960. SiK JOSEPH PEASE. Babt., M.P. Is President of the Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade, 2 ; has not visited India or China, but has received constant communications on the subject froni those parts of the East in which opium is used, 108, 109. His views as to the connexion of the Indian Government with the manufacture and sale of opium, and as to the immorality of the opium trade with China, 4-13, 105 ; the export trade to China the most important branch of the subject. 16, 112 ; regards the position of the Government in Bennjal as worst, 147, 148. Statistics of the opium trade with China, 14, 15, 18 ; statistics of the cultivation of the poppy, 40-45. History of the Chinese opium trade, 20. Policy of the British Government as to compelling the Chinese Government to import opium, 21-23. Cites opinions given in support of the views of the Society for the Suppression of the Opium 'irade, 24-39. History of the opium question in the House of Commons, 46-63. Public interest in the opium question in the United Kingdom, 54, 55 ; action of foreign countries, 56-59, 139-143. Treaties prohibiting the importation of opium into China, 60-62. Cites opinions as to the evil effects of the opium habit in China, 63-71 ; and in India, 72-77; quotes extract from speech of the late Lord Shaftesbury as to the medical aspect of the case, 79-84 ; cites opinions of Indian officials in the Blue Book of 1892, 8.5-93. His views on the financial aspect of the case, 94, 95 ; the increased expenditure on the army in India 95, 96 ; the need for the development of lailways in India, 95-98 ; quotes from official papers as to the uncertainty of the opium crop, 100. GroTith of opium in China stimulated bj' import from India, 12, 13, 133 ; import of Persian opium into China, 134, 136; objection of Sir James Per- gusson to allowing cultivation in the Bombay Presidency, 36, 37, 137-139; anxiety of the Indian Government in 1869, and later, to increase the area under poppy, 3, 110; subsequent poliey of reducing the area. 111. Disposition of Government officers in India to restrict local sale, 16, 17 ; the Indian system as to internal consumption is now strongly repressive, and could only be improved by total prohibition of the cultivation of poppy except for medicinal purposes, and the sale by license of medical opium, 113, 114; question whether the English system of sale by drug- gists prevents purchases for non-medical purposes, 115-118. Use of opium by natives of India, 119-121. Views on the transit duty on opium paid by Native States, 101-103, 106, 107 ; concessions to Native States, 102, 103, 148-151 ; growth of poppy in Malw.., 157; fall in price of Malwa opium chests, 158; transii duty reduced to stimnlate cultivation, 159, 160. Origin of manufacture by Indian Government, 162-165. TiiE Reverend GEORGE PIEROT. Pounded the Wesleyan Mission in China, 1 ; his opportunities for observation in China. 2, 3., Cites instances and states his opinion as to the evil effects of opium smoking, 453-460. Agrees generally with the evidence previously given by missionaries, 461, 462. BniGADE-SuBGEON R. PRINGLE, M.D. AVas in ihc med'cal 33rvice of the Government of India tor 30 years, 691-6 :»4; considers opium in- valuable medicinally, but useless as a dietetic, and to febrifuge only as being a sedative, 695 ; if taken in small doses in fever districts its eH'ects would be harmful, 706 ; if ample supplies of quinine made available in malarial districts in India, there would be no need of opium as a febrifuge or a prophylactic, 747-760. Evil efiects of opium habit in India not visible to any extent, except among the dregs of the population in towns, 695, 702, 712 ; indulgence in opium incon- sistent with self-respect in India, 695, 711, 722-724, 742-746. Opium not served out by him to troops when on service in a very malarious district, 698-701 ; the effects of opium on native troops, 734-738. Tendency of opium consumers to increase the dose, 703, 704 ; the immorality of the opium habit, 705, 707. His view as to the attitude of the Government of India in relation to the opium trade, 708. His view as to withholding opium from habitual consumers, 708-711, 714-722,' 733, 741, 742. Recommends that opium should be cultivated only for medicinal purposes, 713, 714. Policy of the Government of India as to opium and liquor, 725-729. Advocates stopping the sale of spirits as well as of opium, 729. Facilities for purchase of opium in India and England, 729. No difference in the effect of opium on different races, 730. Advances to cultivators in India for poppy and other cultivation, 738, 739. Dr. E. IRVINE ROWELL, M.D., C.M.G. Was employed 25 years as a medical officer of the Government in the Straits Settlements, 1444, 1445 ; now retired, 1446. Population of Singapore, 1447-1449 ; Chinese in Singapore, 1450, 145] ; opium smoking not gene- rally prevalent among the Chinese there, 1452-1455 ; Chinese opium smokers in the pauper hospital, 1456 ; the opium habit among them generally the result of disease, 1457-1459 ; the majority moderate smokers, 1460, 1461 ; Chinese opium smokers in he criminal prison, l'!64, 1465; their crime, as a rule, unconnected with the open habit, 1466-1468 ; opium, as a rule, immediately withdrawn from prisoners, but allowed for a time in exceptional cases, 1469- 1470; in some cases as a necessity, 1492-1495; no injury fi-om the stoppage of opium in cases of habitual moderate smokers, 1472-1475; Chinese coolies who smoked opium ordinarily not so healthy as others, as they had taken to opium to relieve disease, 1476-1 I7t^, 1489-1491; continued to smoke after regaining their health and without prejudice to efficiency, so long as they did not rHo iv:— i j per 4 pp. ; House of Commons, Id. per 8pp. ^ ^''^' ^**» ^<^- Btat» TriaU, being Reports of the Chief State Trials which have taken place between 1820 and th- „- . time, published underlie supomsion of a Commitiae appointed by the Lord Chancellor • present ?X!7: gfc'A &;•'''"■''''• (!«««•) ^^"-isaLiaai. (lS?~v^rin. i83W84o. (isoi.) "r^m-ffifSt Gtor?eri?ietB'.r^^^^^ tp.B!§l "'^ °^ ^^ ^" °' '^^"' Thomson: Knt.. F.R.sT.nd n^w of f^ M^j^^^^ This Beport is now nearly complete, 39 volomes having already been issued.