CORNELL UNlVhRblTY LIBRARIES ITHACA, N. Y. W853 JOHN M. OLIN LIBRARY CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBHAHY 924 089 662 344 All books are subject to recall after two weeks Olin/Kroch Library DATE DUE 4)Rf¥H L.UUU ^MiHM ~~1^^M ■vm I i: — GAYLORD PRINTED IN U.S.A. The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924089662344 THE FALL OF THE MONAECHY OP CHAELES I. VOL. I. LONDON' I pniNTKn IIY flPOTTiaWOOUB AND CO., Ni:\V-STi:KBT SQUAllB AJJD PAIILIABEKNT BTllKHT THE ' -^^- FALL OF THE MONARCHY OF CHARLES I. 1637-1649 SAMUEL EAWSON GAEDINER, LL.D. HONORARY STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH EROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY AT KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON; COllRESrOXDIKG MEMBER OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AND OF THE ROYAL BOHEMIAN SOCIETY OF SCIEKCES VOL. I. ">■/ .^; 1637— 1640 fl- LONDON LONGMANS/ GEEEN, AND CO. 1882 M All rights reserved '•1 '^^'f 1 ( 0(u^ DA /coknell\ urdv L r« RV PREFACE VOLUMES I. AND II. In the two volumes which are now given to the public, and more especially in the second, I have reached a part of my work to which all that I have hitherto done has been leading up, and of which all that I can hope to accomplish in the future can be but the de- velopment. If I have judged rightly the first fourteen months of the Long Parliament, I am hkely to judge rightly the future course of the parties which then came into collision. If I have erred seriously here, I am not likely to find anything worth saying here- after. What the difficulties of the task have been can only be fully known to those who have attempted to face a similar problem. It is not merely that the subject-matter is one which, even at the pre- sent day, strangely evokes the divergent sympathies and passions of Englishmen, and that it has been already attempted by writers of no mean reputation, some of whom have succeeded in convincing their readers that there is nothing more to be said about the matter ; but that even the richest materials fail VI PREFACE. to yield all that the historian requires. Again and again, however, the frontier of knowledge may be advanced, the enquirer is confronted by darkness into which he cannot safely penetrate. Yet in spite of all risks I have ventured to tell again a familiar tale. It has not, I hope, been for nothing that many years ago, as a young and unknown writer, I deliberately refrained from selecting a sub- ject more attractive in its own nature than the reign of James I. could possibly be. It seemed to me then, as it seems to me now, that it was the duty of a serious inquirer to search into the original causes of great events rather than, for the sake of catching at an audience, to rush unprepared upon the great events themselves. My reward has been that, whether the present work is weU or iU done, it is at all events far better done than it could have been if I had commenced with the tale of the Puritan Revolution itself. Whether that tale will ever be told in its completeness by me, neither I nor any one can tell. To me personally, as a descendant of Cromwell and Ireton, it would be a special satisfaction to caU up them and their contemporaries before me, and to learn the true secret of their success and failure. To the historian no more interesting period can be found than one in which men of virtue and ability strove with one another in seeking the solution of the highest problems at a time wlien the old eluiin of precedent had been violently shipped, and when all things seemed ])ossible to the aelive intelUoence. Whatever the future may have in reserve, this present work lias eonslautly renunded me by how PREFACE. Vll deep a gulf we are separated from the time when I commenced my labours, now some twenty-two years ago. Macaulay and Forster were then in possession of the field. The worship of the Puritans was in the ascendant, and to suggest that it was possible to make out a reasonable case for Bacon and Strafford was re- garded as eccentric. All this is changed now. Few are to be found to say a good word for Puritanism, and the mistakes of the Long Parliament are unveiled with an unsparing hand. A dislike of agitation and disturbance has in some quarters taken the place of a dislike of arbitrary power, whilst reverence for culture has often left little room for reverence for liberty. If I have striven, with what success I know not, to take a broader view of the deeds of the great men who made this England in which we live, and to realise and measure the greatness of Pym, as I have formerly attempted to realise and measure the great- ness of Strafford, it must not be forgotten that this has been in great measure rendered possible by the amount of new material which has come into my hands, and which till very lately was entirely inac- cessible. The invaluable diary of Sir Symonds d'Ewes, and the State Papers in the Public Eecord OiSce, have indeed been studied by previous inquirers, though I have found amongst them gleanings not wholly despicable. The Clarendon MSS., the Carte and Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library have also been helpful. But even if these mines had been more thoroughly worked than they have been, little or nothing would have been found in them to fill up the Vlll PREFACE. great deficiency which every previous liistorian of the period must have felt. The suspicions enter- tained of Charles I. by the Parliamentary leaders forms the most prominent feature of the history of the Long Parliament. The whole narrative will be coloured by the conviction of the writer that these suspicions were eitlier well or ill founded. Yet hitherto there has been no possibility of penetrating, except by casual glimpses, behind the veil of Charles's privacy. What evidence has been fortli- coming was too scattered and incoherent to con- vince those who were not half convinced already. Though even now much remains dark, considerable light has been thrown upon the secrets of Charles's policy by the copies, now in the Record Office, of the correspondence of Eossetti, the Papal Agent at the Court of Henrietta Maria, with Cardinal Barberini. The originals are preserved in the Barberini Palace, where the agents of the Record Office were permitted, by the courtesy of the librarian, Don Sante Pieralisi. to make the copies of them which have stood me in such good stead. I do not know any literary service for which I have had reason to be more profoundly grateful than that which was performed by these gentlemen by directions from the authorities at tl\o Record Office, and of which I and my readers have been the first to reap the benefit. Scarcely less is the gratitude which I feel to Mr. Rawdon Brown, tlirougli wliose kindness m great part of the Venetian despatches ivlating to this period were copied and sent to the Record Office. Those thus forwarded by him arc referred to in these PREFACE. IX volumes as ' Venetian Transcripts.' The few with which I became acquainted through my own exer- tions are quoted as ' Venetian MSS.' Of less importance only than these authorities are the French despatches in the National Library at Paris or in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Afiairs, the Dutch despatches and the letters of Salvetti, the agent of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, copies of which are to be found in the British Museum. Eeferences to other MSS. in that collec- tion will be found in their proper place. The recently acquired Nicholas Papers have already been of considerable service, and will probably be even more useful at a later period. It will be un- derstood that where the name of a printed tract is followed by the letter E. and a number, the reference is to the press-mark of the Thomason tracts in the Museum. A number without the preceding letter is a reference to the press-mark of other tracts in the same library. Outside the walls of our two national repositories, I have, with considerable advantage, had access, through the kind permission of the Library Committee at Guildhall, to the records of the Common Council of the City of London. Something too has been gained from the Eegister House and the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh. In the latter, is to be found a fuU account of the proceedings of the Scottish Commis- sioners in London during the first months of 1641, which seems to have escaped the notice of Scottish antiquarians. Of a very different character are the Verney MSS. preserved at Claydon. After the close X PREFACE. of 1639, when Mr. Bruce's selection, published by the Camden Society, ends, the correspondence of tlie Verney family deals less directly with public affairs, and there are therefore fewer extracts quoted from them in the latter part of these volumes than in the former. But it would be a great mistake to measure the historical value of this correspondence by the number of references to it in these pages. After reading such a mass of letters from men and women of very different characters and in various positions in society, the mind of an historian becomes saturated with the thoughts and ideas of the time, in a way which is most helpful to him, though he may not be making even a mental reference to the writers of the letters themselves, or to the subjects which interest them. Any regret that I have been unable to bring before my readers many of the topics of this most interesting correspondence, is qualified by the know- ledge that Lady Verney is engaged upon a sketch of the lives of the early members of the family, drawn from those papers which she has herself so admirably arranged, and with the contents of which she is so familiarly acquainted. No words of mine could ade- quately express my feeling of the kindness with which I have been received at Claydon by her and by Sir Harry Vei'ney, and of the liberality with which they regard their possession of tlieso inostimable treasures as a trust commitlod to thorn for tlie benefit of all who know how to make use of them. In one quarter only have 1 found any difficulty in procuring accoas to MSS. of importanoo. I regret that liord Fitzwilliani has not considered it to be PREFACE. XI consistent with his duty to allow me to see the Straf- ford correspondence preserved at Wentworth Wood- house. It would not be becoming to enter into a criti- cism of modern writers, as the points at issue could only be made intelligible at far greater length than I have here at my disposal ; but as it has been neces- sary in the interests of truth to speak clearly on the extreme carelessness of some of Mr. Forster's work, I should not hke to be considered to be without sense of the high services rendered by him to students of this period of history, especially in quickening an in- telligent interest in the events of the seventeenth century. Nor will it, I trust, be presumptuous in me to record my admiration of the thoroughness and accuracy of the work of Mr. Sanford and Professor Masson. I have thought it due to their high repu- tation to point out in every case the few inaccuracies in matters of fact which I have detected, excepting where the fault lay in their not having before them evidence which has been at my disposal. 1 have httle doubt that if my work were subjected to as careful revision it would yield a far greater crop of errors. Unfortunately in the second, and part of the first, volume, I have no longer the benefit of Mr. Hamilton's calendar of the Domestic State Papers. Happily for me he had achieved the greater part of his work before I outstripped him in my lighter labours. After the opening of the Long Parliament the State Papers decrease in volume and interest. The map at the beginning of the second volume XU PREFACE. is founded on the lists published by Mr. Sanford in his ' Studies on the Great Rebellion.' The red lines denote not merely those who joined the King at the commencement of the Civil War, but also those who subsequently took his side. I have, however, aUowed Sir Ealph Verney's name to remain with a blue line, as Mr. Sanford was certainly wrong in speaking of him as having at any time gone over to the King. He simply went into exile because he refused to take the Solemn League and Covenant. I cannot conclude without especially thanking Mr. Reginald Palgrave, who kindly consented to look over these volumes in proof, and whose great know- ledge of the documents relating to the history of the time enabled him to supply me with most valuable corrections and suggestions. CONTENTS THE FIEST VOLUME. CHAPTER I. THE EELIGIOXrS OPPOSITION. PAGE 1637 Ecelesiaatical difficulties i Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton 3 Their trial in the Star Chamber 6 Laud's defence of himself 7 Execution of the sentence on Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton 9 The Press muzzled 13 Laud and the Catholics 14 Con as the Papal Agent at Court 15 The Queen's support of the Catholics 16 The Catholic converts 17 Laud m-ges strong measures against proselytism ... 19 Struggle between Laud and the Queen 20 The Queen's triumph 22 1638 The Earl of Newcastle appointed Governor of the Prince . 24 English Puritanism — Milton's Lycidas 25 John Hutchinson ........ 27 1637 John Lilbum 30 His sentence in the Star Chamber 31 George Wither 32 1628 Bishop Williams prosecuted in the Star Chamber . . 33 1635 His second prosecution 34 The Holy Table, Name, and thing 36 1637 Sentence on Williams 37 The Latitudinarians — Falkland 38 Chillingworth 42 The religion of Proteatante 46 John Hales of Eton 49 1638 His interview with Laud 52 Influence of Latitudinarianism not immediate . . • • 53 XIV CONTENTS OF CHAPTER II. THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. 1637 Ship-money provided for an actual want Tlie expedition to Sallee Constitutional objection to ship-money Hampden's case in the Exchequer Chamber 1638 The decision of the Judges . Extravagant language of Finch Arrears of ship-money collected . The Forest Courts Corporate monopolies . Brickmakers ...... Coal-shippers and soap-makers . Salt works Starch-makers — maltsters and brewers Vintners City petition against the growth of London Demolition of houses .... The Londonderry forfeiture The new Corporation .... Hackney coaches — the letter-post Drainage of Hatfield Chase Drainage of the Great Level Riots in the Fens . . . . Intervention of the King .... Charles's position in the country The City of London a type of the local organisations Hopelessness of the King's aim SS S6 57 S8 65 67 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 78 79 80 8r 82 83 85 88 90 9' 93 95 CHAPTER III. THE RIOTS IN EBINDURGH, AND TECE SCOIIISH COVKNANT. 1633 Feeling of the Scottish nobility towards tlie Bishops . The Scottish Church .... 1635 Notes of an English traveller in Scotland 1634 Charles resolves to introduce a now rrnyor-Bnol; The Church Courts . . . . 1635 Preparation of Canons and R rniyi'i-llcmk 1636 IsHiui of the Ciinons The I'rnyur-Hinili HulmiitliMl (.1 « I'mv llisliDivs , It is iliHlilioil M.M lOnjflisli 1637 It is .'tiiiit 1,0 ScoUiuul Tenipiir of the nobility .... 97 98 too lOI 102 >o3 104 105 106 107 108 THE FIliST VOLUarE. XV PAOH The tumult at St. Giles' 109 Traquair's management . ■ 1 1 1 The King's annoyance 112 Henderson's petition . . . , , . . .113 Obarles unable to draw back 114 The Council does not support him , . . . . 1 1 5 The second riot at Edinburgh 116 Persistence of Charles 117 The third riot at Edinburgh u 8 Commissioners chosen by the leadei-s of the Opposition . 1 20 Organised resistance 121 1638 Traquair's visit to London 122 Charles justifies the Prayer-Book 123 Rothes appeals to the gentry of Scotland . . . ,124 The Tables 125 The National Covenant . 1 26 Scene in the Grey Friars' Church .130 Traquair's account to the King . , . . . -131 An Assembly and a Parliament demanded . . . . 132 General circulation of the Covenant . . . . ■ ^33 Ill-treatment of those who refuse to sign it . . . . 134 Practical unity of the nation . , , . . . 1 36 Charles resolves to negotiate in order to gain time . . . 137 Hamilton appointed Commissioner 138 He arrives in Scotland . , . , . . . . 140 His account of the situation 141 His reception at Edinburgh . . , . , . , 143 Charles prepares for war , . , . . . .144 Hamilton oiferB to induce the King to consent to surcmon an Assembly and a ParUament . . . . .,145 The Divine Right of Assemblies 146 Hamilton's intrigue with the Covenanters , , . . 147 He returns to England . . , , . . .148 CHAPTER IV. THE ASSEMBLY 03? GLASGOW. 1638 The English Council informed on Scottish affairs , , . 149 1637 Wentworth's progress in the West of Ireland . . .150 His views on the conduct of Prynne and Hampden , ..152 1638 His opinion of the Scottish Covenanters .... 153 Suggests a policy to be pursued in Scotland . . . . 154 Early life of Montrose 1 56 Montrose as a Covenanter 158 The Aberdeen doctors '59 VOL. I. a XVI CONTENTS OF 1639 1638 1639 Iluntly and Argyle Montrose at Aberdeen Hamilton's second mission to Scotland . He attempts to divide tlie Covenanters His return to England and tliird mission to Scotland The King's Covenant An Assembly and a Parliament summoned Resistance to the King's (.'ovenant .... Election of the Assembly Charles resolves to resist The Bishops cited before the Assembly . Meeting of the Assembly at Glasgow .... It declares itself duly constituted .... Question whether the Bishops are subject to censure by Assembly ........ Hamilton dissolves the Assembly .... Argyle's position in Scotland The Assembly continues sitting and abolishes Episcopacy Hamilton's report on his mission .... The Congress flt Hambm'g Unsuccessful expedition of the Elector Palatine Secret negotiations at Brussels MaE)c de Medicis proposes to visit England Her arrival in London . Bernhard of Weimar's successes on the Upper Rhine Relation of the Scottish troubles to Continental politics (Jharles drifting into war Preparations for levying an army .... Want of national support Charles asks that Spanish troops may be sent to England The Scottish army Alexander Leslie The Scottish manifesto ...... Williams before the Star Chamber Publication of the Large Dcc/nra/imi the PAGE 160 161 162 163 164 165 i6s 166 167 168 170 171 •73 •74 •75 •75 •77 •79 180 181 182 184 186 187 188 189 190 191 •93 •9+ 196 107 198 CHAPTER V. TUB MARCH TO THE BORDERS AND TOE rACll'ICATION OF UKRWICK. 1639 Tlu' Covenanters take the castles of Edinburgh, Duuibwton, and Dalkeith 200 Morton's sucooss in the North , , . . , . . 201 lluiitly cnrrii'd lo lulinbuvgh • • . . . 204 'I'liii King ot Voik ••.....,, ;oC Ills llimiiciul dilliciiltius ■ • . . . ">07 THE FIRST VOLUME. XVll Wentworth's review of the situation The King .appeals to, the Scottish tenants . State of the King's army Uisafiection of the English nobles The military oath Feeling of the English army Hamilton in the Krth of Forth His despondency Failure of the King's appeal to the tenants Hamilton proposes to negotiate . Quality of Charles's army Hamilton's conference with the Covenanters The Trot of Turriff .... Montrose returns to the North . The King at Berwick .... Arundel at Dunse . • . , , The King prepares to take the aggressive His financial position Attempts to obtain money . *. The Scots at Kelso Holland's majch to Kelso Condition, of Charles's army The Scots on Bunse Law They offer to negotiate .... Hamilton arrives at the Camp Opening of negotiations , . The King fails to obtain money from the City Signature of the Treaty of Berwick Storming of the Bridge of Dee Project of sending a Scottish army to Germany Obstacles in the way of carrying out the Treaty PAQB 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 219 220 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 233 235 236 237 239 241 242 243 244 CHAPTER VI. THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OP BDINBIJRGH. 1639 Charles summons the Bishops to the Assembly . Riot at Edinburgh The Covenanting leaders invited to Berwick Traquair's instructions as High Commissioner . Charles returns to Whitehall .... Secret protestation of the Scottish Bishops The Assembly at Edinburgh confirms the abolition of copacy . ' Parliament meets and proposes Constitutional changes Charles looks for support to Montrose ... Ep«' 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 xviii CONTENTS OF PAGtS ITu refuses to rescmd tlie Acts in favour of Episcopacy . . 255 Argyle's policy ^5" Legislative changes proposed 257 Charles determines to resist, and orders the adjournment of the Parliament 258 The war in Germany 259 Charles turns to a Spanish alliance 260 Dispute with the Dutch about the right of search . . . 261 A Spanish fleet sails for the Channel 262 Is defeated hy the Dutch in the Straits of Dover . . . 263 Takes refuge in the Downs 264 Charles's secret negotiation with Spain 265 Bellievre's diplomacy 266 The negotiation for Bernhard's army 267 Oquendo and Tromp in the Downs 26S The sea-fight in the Downs 272 Imprisonment of the Elector Palatine 274 Wentworth's case against ( 'rosby and Mountnorrifl , . 275 Case of Lord Cbancellor Loftus 276 Wentworth arrives in England and becomes the King's principal adviser ........ 278 The Scottish Commissioners in London .... 279 Prorogation of the Scottish Parliament 280 ^^'entworth advises the King to summon a Parliament in England 281 His advice accepted ........ 282 The Privy Councillors' Loan 283 Suspicions that Parliament is to be intimidated . . . 2S4 The political and ecclesiastical opposition . . . . 285 Spread of the sects 2SS Trendall's case 289 1640 Wentworth created Earl of Strafford — Prepai-atious for war . . , . . . . . , . , 2() I Pinch Lord Keeper 292 Ijady ( 'arlisle 20 ; ^'ane replaces Coke as Secretary 294 CHAPTER VII. ini{ STIOUT PARLIAMrNT. 1640 Release of ^'alelUino and Sliodo — The Queen and the Catholics 205 Charles's foreign relatiunN 207 Proposed application of the Scots to France .... 300 THE FIRST VOLUME. XIX A letter of the Scots to Lewis XIII, falls iuto Oharles's hands ...... Scottish Oommissioners in England Strafford sets out for Ireland The Irish Parliament The English Elections Opening of the Short Parliament The letter to the French King produced Grimston's speech Feeling against Laud in the House of Lords Pym's speech Pym accepted as leader . . . , The three estates of the realm . The Houses summoned to Whitehall Strafford advises an appeal to the Lords The Lords support the King .... The Commons complain of the breach of privilege The Lords maintain their position . The King demands an immediate grant Dehate in the Commons .... Twelve subsidies demanded Ship-money and the military charges challenged Vane's intervention Proposed petition against war with Scotland . The Council votes for a dissolution Dissolution of the Short Parliament Strafford's view of the situation . Discussion in the Committee of Eight . Strafford argues for an aggressive war Proposes to make use of the Irish army . English feeling on the subject Unpopularity of Strafford .... 301 302 303 304 306 307 308 309 310 311 3'/ 3'8 319 320 321 322 323 324 32s 326 327 32S 329 330 331 332 333 334 336 340 341 CHAPTER VIII. PASSIVE RESISTANCE. 1640 Imprisonment of members of Parliament Efforts made to obtain money .... Spanish Ambassadors arrive to negotiate an alliance Strafford asks for a loan from Spain Riots at Lambeth The Queen's intrigue with Rome .... Concessions made ■ Proposed negotiation with Scotland Financial difReulties ,,.... 344 345 34& 347 348 35°' 351 352 353' XX CONTENTS OF PAGE Strafford's conversation with Bristol 354 Strafford's illness 355 The war with Scotland persisted in 357 The last case of judicial torture 35^ Conyocation continues sitting 359 It grants six subsidies and passes new Canons . . . 360 Doctrine of the Canons on the Divine Right of Kings . . 362 Laud on taxation 363 The Etcetera Oath 364 The convention of Estates at Edinburgh .... 366 Besistanoe to the King's order for the prorogation of the Scottish Parliament 367 His deposition canvassed 368 Session of Parliament 369 Condition of the English army 371 Failure of the attempt to collect ship-money in the City . 372 The Second Session of the Irish Parliament . . . . 374 Opposition to the Government in it 375 Financial difficulties in England 376 Dissatisfaction of the soldiers 377 Distrust of Catholic officers 379 Murder of Lieutenant Mohun 380 Oases of Chambers and Pargeter 381 Proposed issue of Commissions of Array .... 382 Execution of a mutineer by martial law 383 Newcastle left unfortified 384 Astley's report on the army 385 Monro and Argyle in the Highlands 386 Argyle'sraid 387 Burning of the House of Airlie 388 Resiatance at an end in Scotland 389 CHAPTER IX. TILE SCOTTISn INVASION. 1 640 Loudoun's mission .....,,., 300 Fresh schemes for raising money 391 Proposal to seize the bullion in tlio Tower and to debase the coinage ,„; Miiliiiics in the array ■ _ 50. The (!ity rofiLsi's to lend moiu'v 306 1''i(n]i offijrts to obtnin a loiiii from Spain .... 397 Proposal to bring in Danish soldiurs ..... 398 AlincltM on the Communion rails ,00 THE FIRST VOLUME. XXI The Yorkshire petition . . . , The City again refuses to lend Communications between the English leade Savile's for- — ' minster. During those years, in spite of threats of xheri^t war which Charles had neither the nerve nor the years'of means to carry out, peace had been maintained, and ^1"^®^'* with the maintenance of peace the material pros- perity of the country had been largely on the increase. But the higher aspirations of the nation remained unsatisfied. England had been without a government, in the best sense of the word, as truly as she had been without a ParUament. That pacification of hostile ecclesiastical parties which Charles had undertaken to bring about was further oiT than when the doors closed upon the Commons after the last stormy meeting in- 1629. The attempt to restore Ecdesiasti- harmony to the Church by silencing Puritan doc- ties, trine, and by the revival of obsolete ceremonies, had only served to embitter still more that spirit of opposition which was bitter enough already. The enforced observance of rites enjoined by external authority had not as yet produced a temper of acquiescence. Yet it was in the firm beUef that in VOL. I. B THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. view of the point at issue. CHAP, this way alone could the spiritual welfare of the ■ — ---' nation be promoted, that men like Laud and Wren ^^' were labouring against the stream which threatened Wren's to swccp them away. " The Fountain of holiness," wrote Wren, who as Bishop of Norwich found him- self in charge of one of the most Puritan districts in England, "is the Holy Spirit, God blessed for ever. God the Holy Ghost breathes not but in his Holy Catholic Church. The Holy Church subsists not without the Communion of Saints — no communion with them without union among ourselves — that union impossible unless we preserve a uniformity for doctrine and a uniformity for discipline." ^ What Laud and Wren were unable to perceive was that their attempt to reach unity through uni- jiniformity. formity -^yas a sign of weakness. They seized upon the bodies of men because they were unable to reach their hearts. Yet, as far as could be judged by the avowed ecclesiastical literature of the day, they were Ecdesiasti- everywhere triumphant. White and Dow, Heylyn and ""' '"'""" Shelford, poured forth quarto after quarto in defence Unity to be reached through «al litera- ture. ' Wren to (?), May 27. Tannei- MSS. Ixviii. fol. 92. The following passage from the same letter shows how Wren was prepared to carry out his principles in detail : — " Here I must be bold to sav plainly the breach of that unity and uniformity in the Church hath prin- cipally been caused .... by lectures and lecturers. . . . Now, therefore, for the advancing the holy discipline of the Church, and for preserving uniformity therein, I am resolved to let no man preach in any place where he is not also charged with the cure ; thereby to put a straiter tie upon him to observe and justify the rites and ceremonies which the Church enjoineth ; and I shall be very careful, if any man be fouiid oppo- site or negligent in the one, without any more ado to render him uuGt and unworthy of the other. For Uio piwerving of unity of doctrine I dare promise myself nothing where the preacher shall lie forced to suit his business to the fancy of his auditore, and to say nothing but what pleases Ihum, at loaHtwiso notliing that nmv displease them; and this needs he must do if hia means havo not some competonoy in it, and if a Cdmpiitdiicy, lb(in so much llu^ worse if no ciTtaiuty, but wholly depend- U3g on the will and pleasure of Uio hearers." " PRYNNE, BASTWICK, AND BURTON, of the festive character of the Lord's Day, or of the chap. new position assigned to the Communion table. No ■ — ^ — ' writer who thought it sinful to shoot at the butts on Sunday or to kneel at the reception of the Communion was permitted to make himself heard. As might have been expected, indignation found a way. There The un- were presses in Holland which would print anything pr^"f sent to them ; presses too in London itself which did their work in secret. The risk to which the authors of unUcensed books were exposed imparted acrimony to their style. Many a pamphlet, sharp and stinging, passed rapidly and secretly from hand to hand. Laud found himself the object of fierce and angry vitupe- ration. No misstatement was too gross, no charge too insulting, to be believed against a man who refused to his adversaries all chance of speaking in their own defence. Laud knew no other course than to persist in the Laud re- path which he had hitherto followed. The terrors of suppress it. the Star Chamber and the High Commission must be evoked against the misleaders of opinion. Three pamphleteers — William Prynne, Henry Burton, and John Bastwick — were selected for punishment. Prynne's style of writing had not grown less 1636. bitter since his exposure in the pillory in 1634. DMne Under the title of A Divine Tragedy lately acted he clandestinely printed a collection of examples of God's judgments upon Sabbath-breakers. He told of the sudden deaths of young men who had on that day amused themselves by ringing a peal of bells, and of young women who had enjoyed a dance on the same day. He went on to argue that this wickedness was but the natural fruit of the King's Declaration of Sports, and of other books which had been published by au- thority. He attributed a fresh outbreak of the B 2 Tragedy. 4 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP, plague to the special sin of Sabbath-breaking. In —-^ — • another pamphlet, called News from Ipswich, he „^ ^J' directed a violent attack upon Bishop Wren, after ipiwich. which he proceeded to charge the Bishops as a body with suppressing preaching in order to pave the way for the introduction of Popery. He called upon 'pious King Charles' to do justice on the whole episcopal order by which he had been robbed of the love of God and of his people, and which aimed at plucking the crown from his head, that they might ' set it on their own ambitious pates.' Burton's Burton was as outspoken as Prynne. On No- Codand"'^ vcmber 5, 1636, he preached two sermons which he '"*■ afterwards published under the title of For God and the King. In these he attacked the tables turned into altars, the crucifixes set up, and the bowing towards the East, with a fierce relentlessness which was certain to tell on the popular mind. The inference which would be widely drawn was .that these innovations being the work of the Bishops, the sooner their office was aboUshed the better it would be for the nation. Bastwick's The inference at which Burton arrived was the early life. . . /• -n • t t-« • t-< startmg-pomt 01 Bastwick. Born m Essex, and brought up, like so many Essex men, in the straitest principles of Puritanism, he had, after a short sojourn at Emmanuel College, the stronghold of Puritanism at Cambridge, left England to serve as a soldier, probably in the Dutch army.^ He aftei'wai'ds studied medicine at Padua, and returned home in 1623 to practise his profession at Colchester. ihHy^L '^^^ y^^^^ ^"*^'" ^^^ published his Flagelhun Pon- geUumPon- tificis iu Holland. It was an argument in favour of Presbyteriunism. He was, in consequence, brought ' This is Dowhere wlatcil ^ Lut his constant use of the word^" groll " as a term of reproach indioalus familiarity with the Dutch language. PRYNNE, BASTWICK, AND BURTON. 5 before the High Commission and sentenced to a fine chap. of 1,000/., to exclusion from the practice of medicine, " — '<■ — ■ and to an imprisonment which was to last till he saw J ' fit to retract his opinions.^ The J^ ^ , sentence by The Flagellum Pontijicis was a staid production, *« High unlikely to inflame the minds even of those who were sion. able to read the Latin in which it was couched. Bastwick's next book was the Apoloqeticus, more fiery 1635. . . , .,, 1 T . 1 . T • The Apoh- m its tone, but still shrouding its vehemence in Latin geticus. from the popular eye.^ At last he flung ofi" all restraint and struck fiercely at his persecutors. The f^^'lf^-^ Litany of John Bastwick kept no quarter with the Bishops. " From plg,gue, pestilence, and famine," he prayed, " from bishops, priests, and deacons, good Lord, deliver us ! " The Prelates, he said, were the enemies of God and the King. They were the tail of the Beast. They had opened ' the very schools to ungodliness and unrighteousness, impiety and all manner of licentiousness.' The Church was ' as full of ceremonies as a dog is full of fleas.' " To speak the truth, such a multitude of trumperies and grollish^ ceremonies are brought in by the Prelates as all the substance of religion is thrust'out." Churchwardens were ordered to inform ' about capping, ducking, standing, and kneeling,' as well as to accuse persons wandering from their own parishes in search of more palatable doctrine than was to be found at home, and persons who met in private for mutual edification and prayer. Li Bastwick's eyes the Ecclesiastical Courts were altogether abominable. " I shall ever be of this opinion," he wrote, " that there is never a one of the Prelates' Courts but the wickedness of that alone and 1 Sentence, Feb. 12, 1635. S. P. Bom. colxi. 178. " Its first title is irpa^fts tS>v iina-Koirav, ' Putch, ' groUig,' foolish. THE BELiaiOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP, their vassals in it is able to bring a continual and I. perpetual plague upon the King's three dominions." ^ ^^' All manner of wickedness was there vendible, so that if men would but open their purses ' remission of sins and absolution, with a free immunity from all dangers,' would be ' with facility granted them.' " Take notice," he wrote in conclusion, " so far am I from flying or fearing, as I resolve to make war against the Beast, and every Umb of Antichrist, all the days of my life. ... If I die in that battle, so much the sooner I shall be sent in a chariot of triumph to heaven ; and when I come there, I will, with those that are under the altar, cry, ' How long. Lord, holy and true, dost Thou not judge and avenge our blood upon them that dwell upon the earth ? ' " June 14. On June 1 4 the three assailants of the Bishops Chamber appeared before the Star Chamber to answer to a charge of Ubel. Even men who were attached to the existing system of government long remembered with bitterness the scene which followed. When Prynne took his place at the bar. Finch called upon the usher of the Court to hold back the locks M-ith which he had done his best to cover the scars left by the execution of his former sentence. " I had thought," said the Chief Justice with a sneer, " Mr. Prynne had no ears, but methinks he hath ears." The execu- tioner had dealt mercifully with him tliree years before, and there was still a possibility of carryuig out the sentence which Finch had mado up his mind to inflict. The three cases wore practically unde- fended. Burton's answer had boon signed by his counsel, but was rojoctcd by tho Court as irrelevant. The answers of the ollior two woro so violent that no lawyer could be iiulucod to sio;n them. The three accused pcr.soii.s said what they could, but in the place PEYNNE, BASTWICK, AND BURTON. 7 in which they stood nothing that they could say was chaf. likely to avail them. "There are some honourable Lords in this Court," said Bastwick, his old military j^^^^' instincts stirring strongly within him, " that have been forced out as combatants in a single duel.^ It is between the Prelates and us at this time as between two that have been appointed the field ; the one, being a coward, goes to the magistrate, and by virtue of his authority disarms the other of his weapons, and gives him a bulrush, and then challanges him to fight. If this be not base cowardice, I know not what belongs to a soldier. This is the case between the Prelates and us ; they take away our weapons — our answers — by virtue of your authority, by which we should defend ourselves ; and yet they bid us fight. My Lord, doth not this savour of a base, cowardly spirit ? I know, my Lord, there is a decree gone forth — for my sentence was passed long ago^ to cut ofi" our ears." The sentence was indeed a foregone conclusion. At The Cottington's motion the three accused men were con- demned to lose their ears, to be fined 5,000^. apiece, and to be imprisoned for the remainder of their lives in the castles of Carnarvon, Launceston, and Lan- caster, where, it was fondly hoped, no breath of Puritan sympathy would reach them more. Finch savagely added a wish that Prynne, as a seditious libeller, should be branded on the cheeks with the letters S L, and Finch's suggestion was unanimously adopted.^ The speech which Laud dehvered in Court was Laud on long and argumentative.^ The main charge against ^ The reference was to the Earl of Dorset, whose duel, when he was Sir E. SackvUe, with Lord Bruce is well known. ' A brief relation. Sari. Misc. iv. 12. ' Laud to Wentworth, June 28. Workt, vii. 355. 8 ,THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION, CHAP, him was that the ceremonies which he had enforced •— 7> — ' were innovations on established usage. His answer Junf!4. ^^^ ^^ ®^^'^* *^^* *^®y ^^^^ ^^^ innovations on the estabhshed law. On many points of detail he had far the better of the argument. The removal of the Communion table to the east end he treated as a mere matter of convenience, for the sake of decency and order ; and he quoted triumphantly an expres- sion of the Calvinistic Bishop Davenant, " 'Tis ignor- ance to think that the standing of the holy table there relishes of Popery." His own practice of bow- ing he defended. " For my own part," he said, " I take myself bound to worship with body as well as soul whenever I come where God is worshipped ; and were this kingdom such as would allow no holy table standing in its proper place — and such places some there are — yet I would worship God when I came into His house." He flatly denied that he had com- pelled anyone to follow his example. " Yet," he said, " the Government is so moderate that no man is con- strained, no man questioned, only rehgiously called upon — ' Come, let us worship.' " True perhaps in the letter, this defence was not true in spirit. Even if those cathedrals and chapels, where the statutes inculcated the practice of bowing upon entrance, had been left out of sight, there was an almost irre- sistible influence exercised in faAOur of the general observance of the custom. ?p°s»par^ '^^ *^^® question of the King's jurisdiction in tio'n"' ecclesiastical matters Laud answered with equal firm- ness. One of the charges brought ngainst the Arch- bishop was that he was uiulenniuing the Eoyul authority by laying claim to a Divine right for "his own order. On this pohit the speech was most em- pliatic. "Though our olllee," Laud said, "be from i637- June. PRYNNE, BASTWICK, AND BURTON. I God and Christ immediately, yet may we not exercise chap. that power, either of order or jurisdiction, but as God hath appointed us; that is not in his Majesty's or any Christian king's kingdoms, but by and under the power of the King given us so to do." So pleased was Charles with the language of the Archbishop that he ordered the immediate publication of his speech. He also referred to the Judges the question whether the Bishops had infringed on his prerogative by issuing processes in their own names, and the jniyi. Judges unanimously decided that they had not.^ Whatever the Judges might say they could not jqne 30. meet the rising feeling that the power of the Crown oAh™ '"" was being placed at the disposal of a single ecclesias- the'star "^ tical party. Large numbers of Englishmen leapt to *^^'""''^'■• the conclusion that the object of that party was the restoration of the Papal authority. The three years which had just gone by — the years of the metro- political visitation — had effected a great change in the temper of the nation. In 1634, as far as any evidence has reached us, Prynne had suffered un- cheered by any sign of sympathy. There was no lack of sympathy now. As he stepped forth, with Burton and Bastwick by his side, on his way to the place where the sentence of the Star Chamber was to be carried out, he found the path strewed with herbs and flowers. Bastwick was the first to mount the scaffold. He was quickly followed by his wife. She kissed him on his ears and mouth. The crowd set up an admiring shout. " Farewell, my dearest," said her husband as she turned to descend, " be of good comfort ; I am nothing dismayed." For two hours the three stood pilloried, con- versing freely with the bystanders. " The first occa- ' Rymer, xx. 143, 156. lO THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP sion of my trouble," said Bastwick, " was by the — T' — ■ Prelates, for writing a book against the Pope, and Juno3o. the Pope of Canterbury said I wrote against him, and therefore questioned me ; but if the presses were as open to us as formerly they have been, we should scatter his kingdom about his ears." Prynne charac- teristically employed his time in explaining that his sentence was not warranted by precedent. The real cause of his coming there, he said, was his refusal to acknowledge that the Prelates held their office by Divine right. He was ready to argue the question against all comers, and, if he did not make his point good, to be ' hanged at the HaU Gate.' Once more the people shouted applaudingly. Burton followed, thanking God that He had enabled him thus to suffer. Even the rough men whose duty it was to super- intend the execution were melted to pity, and sought to alleviate his suffering by placing a stone to ease the weight of the piUory on his neck. His wife sent him a message that ' she was more cheerful of that ' day than of her wedding-day.' " Sir," called out a woman in the crowd, " every Christian is not worthy of the honour which the Lord hath cast on you this day." " Alas ! " rephed Burton, " who is worthy of the least mercy ? But it is His gracious favour and free gift to account us worthy in the behalf of Christ to suffer anything for His sake." ^ At last the time arrived for sharper suffering. " After two hours," wrote a collector of news, " the hangman began to cut off the oars of Mi-. Burton, and at the cutting of each ear thoro was such a roaring as if every one of tliem liad at tlie same instant lost an ear." Bastwick, making use of his surgical know- ledge, instructed the executioner how 'to cut off his ' Harl. Misc. iv. 19. PEYNNE, BASTWICK, AND BURTON. II ears quickly and very close, that he might come there no more.' " The hangman," wrote one who recorded the scene, " burnt Prynne in both the cheeks, and, as I hear, because he burnt one cheek with a letter the wrong way, he burnt that again ; presently a surgeon clapped on a plaster to take out the fire. The hangman hewed ofi" Prynne's ears very scurvily, which put him to much pain ; and after he stood long in the pillory before his head could be got out, but that was a chance." ^ Amongst the crowd not all were on Prynne's side. " The humours of the people were various ; some wept, some laughed, and some were very reserved." A story got about which, whether it were true or false, was certain to be eagerly credited, that ' a Popish fellow told some of those which wept that, if so be they would turn Cathohcs, they need fear none of this punishment.' On his way back to prison Prynne composed a Latin distich, in which he interpreted the S L which he now bore indeUbly on his cheeks as Stigmata Laudis, the Scars of Laud.^ Well might Laud come to the conclusion that his Laud's dis- purposes were hindered rather than furthered by uon.*"^ such an exhibition. " What say you," he wrote to Wentworth, " that Prynne and his fellows should be suffered to talk what they pleased while they stood in the pillory ? " ^ Even here his pohcy of the enforce- ment of silence had broken down. The very execu- tioners had turned against him. The manifestation of popular feeling round the July 27. scaffold was repeated when the prisoners were led out trmmphant of London to their far-distant dungeons. Of Bast- P^^reaa. ' Not ' a shame,' as printed by Mr. Bruce. * Rossingham's Newsletter, Jiily 6. Documents relating to Prynne, Camd. Soc, 86. ' Laud to Wentworth, Aug. 28. Straf. Letters, ii. 99. 12 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION, CHAP, wick's journey, indeed, no account has reached us. ■ — -^ — ■ Prynne, as he passed along the Northern Koad, was jui^r gi"eeted with the loudest declarations of sympathy, which were at the same time declarations of hostility to Laud. At Barnet friendly hands prepared for him a dinner. At St. Albans six or seven of the towns- men joined him at supper with hospitable greeting. At Coventry he was visited by one of the aldermen. At Chester he became an object of interest to the July 28. townsmen. When Burton left London by the Western Road, crowds joined in shouting ' God bless you ! ' as he passed with his gaolers.^ Aug. The conditions under which the three were im- of im- prisoned were hard enough. The use of pen and ink ment" was strictly prohibited. No book was allowed to enter the ceUs of the prisoners except ' the Bible, the Book of Common Prayer, and such other canonical books as were consonant to the rehgion professed in the Church of England.' Anxious as the Privy Council was for the orthodoxy of the prisoners, it was still more anxious that no voice of theirs should again be heard to lead astray the silly sheep who were unable to distinguish between the false shephei-ds and the true. Launceston and Carnarvon and Lancaster were far enough removed from the centres of popula- tion, but the keepers reported that they were unable to make adequate provision for the isolation of theu- charges from the outer world. Fresh orders were therefore issued to transfer the prisoners to still more inaccessible strongholds, where their persuasive tongues might find no echo. Bastwiok was to be immured in a fort in the 8c-illy Islos. Burton was to be confined in Cornet Castle in Guernsey, Pi-ynne in ' Exominations of Mnyimrd and Ingram, Sept. 22. 5. P. Dom, ccdxviii. 14. THE PRESS MUZZLED. 1 3 Mont Orgueil in Jersey. The object of the Council chap. was not that they should be separated from the world, • — -^ — ' but that the world should be separated from them, '^ui! Burton and Bastwick were married men ; and strict orders were given that their wives should not be allowed to land in the islands in which the prisoners were detained, lest they should ' be evil instruments to scatter abroad their dangerous opinions and de- signs.' ^ The three men, victims to Laud's terror rather •than to his hatred, were thus doomed, to all appear- ance, to a life-long seclusion from mankind. Other voices took up their tale. Libels picked up in the Libeia streets charged the Archbishop with being the cap- Laudf* tain of the army of the Devil in his war against the saints. A copy of the Star Chamber decree was nailed to a board. Its corners were cut off as the ears of Laud's victims had been cut off at Westminster. A broad ink-mark was drawn round his own name. An inscription declared that " The man that puts the saints of God into a pillory of wood stands here in a pillory of ink." ^ Laud could but press on to the end in the path stricter on which he had entered. The silence requisite for ^"edfor. the success of his scheme must be enforced stiU more strictly. There must be no weak concession, no idle folding of the hands whilst the enemy was on the alert. The policy of ' Thorough ' must take its course. As far as statute law was concerned, the EngHsh press was as free in the reign of Charles as it is in the reign of Victoria. It was muzzled by a decree of the Star Chamber, issued at the time when the throne of Elizabeth was assailed by bitter and ' Documents relating to Pn/nne, Oamd, Soo. 62-69. ' ' Laud to Wentwnrth, Aug. P Works, vii. 364. 14 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP, unscrupulous attacks. That decree was now rein- > — ^ — ■ forced by another still more sharp. The number of Au^ printers authorised to carry on their trade in London star Cham- was to be rcduccd to twenty. Even books formerly her^decree lige^sed Were not to be republished without a fresh '"^'°' examination. Any man not of the number of the privileged twenty who ventured to print a book was ' to be set in the pillory and whipped through the City of London.' ^ Clandestine The appetite for unlicensed literature was too tions'."*^ strong to be thus baulked. Clandestine presses con- tinued to pour forth pamphlets to be read by ad- miring and increasing crowds. Laud's attempt to silence his accusers only added fresh zest to the banquet of libel and invective. The decorous tones which issued from the licensed press to bewail the folly and ignorance of the times convinced none who were not convinced already. Laud and Under no circumstances was this system of re- ti^catho- pj-esaion Ukely to take permanent root in England. To have given it even a temporary chance of success it must have been applied fairly on the right hand as well as on the left. The Catholic must suffer as well as the Puritan. So much Laud clearly saw. He knew full well that the charge brought against him of complicity with the Church of Eome was entirely false ; and as he could not prove his Protestantism by tenderness to the Puritans, the only way open to him to convince the world that he was not a secret omissary of the Pope was to persecute the members of the Papal Church. For some (iiuo, thoroforo, he had been pleading ennicstly with the Council to take steps to • limhio, ii. 450. .\ pp. 305, Lamlio's List of Printers, July. S. P. Dom. ccclziv, III. CHARLES AND THE PAPAL AGENT. I 5 limit the freedom of action recently enjoyed by the chap. CathoHcs. '^ — ^ — ' One invincible stumbhng-block stood in Laud's ' way. For no persistent course of pohcy was Charles's charies support to be relied on. With no imaginative insight Pm^itana. into the condition of the world around him, he did not share in Laud's prognostications of evil. Puritanism was not to him a wolf held by the ears, but simply a troublesome and factious spirit which needed to be kept down by sharp discipUne, but which was not Hkely to be really formidable. His fear of danger Chaiies from the Catholics was even less than his fear of cathoiica. danger from the Puritans. To him they were merely well-disposed, gentlemanly persons with improper notions about some rehgious doctrines, and more especially with some theoretical objections to the Eoyal supremacy, which were not very hkely to in- fluence their practice. It never entered his head that famiharity with such pleasant companions was the most dangerous course which he could possibly pursue. The King's friendly intercourse with Panzani had Con in been continued with Con, the Scotchman who suc- ceeded him as Papal Agent at the Queen's Court. Con dropped the subject of the reunion of the Churches, which had now served its purpose ; and if the negotiation for a modification of the oath of alle- giance was stiU occasionally heard of, it was more for the sake of appearance than from any expectation that it would be really possible to come to an under- standing with the King on this subject. Charles was quite satisfied to find in Con a well-informed and respectful man, ready to discuss pohtics or theology without acrimony by the hour, and to flatter him with assurances of the loyalty of his Catholic subjects, i6 THE KELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. 1637. April. Con at Court. July. The Queen and the Catholics. without forgetting to point to the sad contrast exhi- bited by the stiff-necked and contemptuous Puritan. There were quarters in which ordinary Puritanism met with but little sympathy where offence was given by this unwise famiharity. At the festival of the Knights of the Garter the brilliant assembly was kept waiting for the commencement of the service in the Eoyal Chapel till the King had finished exhibiting his pictures to the representative of the Pope. On another occasion, when the Court was assembled to witness the leave-taking of the French Ambassador, Seneterre, the Privy Councillors occupied their accustomed positions at the King's right hand. Laud, in virtue of his Archbishopric, standing next to the throne. The Queen was on Charles's left, and next to her was Con. " Now," said a lady of the Court to the Scottish priest, " there is only a step between the Archbishop and you. Shake hands and agree to- gether." " Our Lord," answered Con significantly, " stands with his arms open to receive all men into the bosom of the Holy Church." ^ Panzani had striven in vain to win Charles to more than well-bred friendliness. Con turned his attention to. the Queen. It had never hitherto been possible to rouse her to more than spasmodic efforts even on behalf of the Catholics. Averse to susUuned exertion, and intervening only from some personal interest or momentary pique, sho had contented her- self with the consciousness that the ])ors(?cution under which tlie Catholics suffered had been gradually relaxed. Con wished to make her an active agent in the propaffiit.ion of tlie fiiitli, and ho was seconded by Walter Montii^ue, who had boon vofontly allowed to return lo England, though he was received more ' Oon to Ikrboiiiii, ];;'^*^, July ,',. AM. MSS. 15,390, fol. 246,346. THE CATHOLIC PROSELYTES. 17 warmly at Somerset House than at Whitehall. Be- chap. tween them they succeeded in securing the support ■ — 7 — ' of the Queen for that work of individual proselytism which was to supersede Panzani's fantastic scheme for the absorption of the Church of England, It is true that in the actual work of gaining converts Henrietta Maria took but little part ; but she showed a warm interest in the process, and she prided herself in protecting the converts made by others. It was her part to win from her fond husband, by arguments, by prayers, if need be by tears, their release from the consequences of a too open violation of the harsh laws which still held their place on the Statute Book, and which were supported by a widely diffused pubHc opinion. At one time she was closeted every morning with Con in eager consultation over the best means of swaying Charles's mind in favour of the Catholics. The protection of the Queen was invaluable to Mrs. Con. For active energy he looked elsewhere. The converts. soul of the proselytising movement was Mrs. Porter, the wife of that Endymion Porter who had been employed in so many secret missions by James and Charles. By her mother she was a niece of Buck- ingham, and she had inherited the quick decision and the prompt impetuosity of the splendid favourite. One day she heard that her father. Lord Boteler, was Marciv: , .„ , T ^ ^ 1 . Lord Bot«. seriously lU. At once she drove down to his country ler. seat, hurried the old man into her coach, and carried him up to London. She theu brought the priests around him, and was able, before he died, to boast of him as a convert. Her triumph was the greater be- cause her Protestant sister. Lady Newport, had also driven off to secure the sick man, and had arrived at his house too late. > Con to Barl)?rini, ^r- -^^^ ^^^- '5,39°) M- 213. VOL. I. C i8 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP. I. 1637. Liidy Hamilton. Oct. Lady New- port. The next object of Mrs. Porter's attack was the Marchioness of Hamilton, another of Buckingham's nieces. Her bright beauty had not long since been the theme of admiring tongues, which had celebrated her gentleness of heart as equal to the attractions of her person. She was now fading away under that wast- ing disease which carried her off a few months later. In this condition she was peculiarly susceptible to religious impressions, and she was plied with contro- versial books till she was almost ready to surrender. Her father, Lord Denbigh, ' a Puritan ass,' as Con contemptuously called him, summoned the Bishop of Carlisle to his assistance. The old argument that there was no safety in the next world for those who died outside the pale of the Eoman Church was plentifully used. The Bishop replied that if the lady remained a Protestant he would be ready to pledge his soul for her salvation. "^ " It wiU profit you little, my sister," sneered Mrs. Porter, " that this old man's soul should keep company with yours in the Devil's house." Lady Hamilton's conversion, however, was never openly avowed, either because, as Mrs. Porter fancied, she shrank from giving pain to her relations, or because, as is more probable, the influences of her old faith were stiU living in her heai-t, and made themselves heard as soon as she was removed from the overpowering presence of her impetuous cousin.^ Other converts, ladies for the most part, followed in no inconsiderable numbers. At last the world was startled by the news that even Lady Newport had announced lierweU" a Catholic. In an unguarded moment she had undertaken (lie part of a champion ' ' Oho mot(<'i'A la sua anima per quella di lei.' ' Oon to Barborini, l»c(. J". Add. MSS. 15,390, fol. 453. i637- Oct. STRUGGLE BETWEEN LAUD AND THE QUEEN. 19 Df Protestantism, for which neither her temperament chap. aor her knowledge fitted her. Once engaged in argument with the priests, she was beaten from point to point till she laid down her arms. Her husband, bhe eldest son of the adulterous union between the Earl of Devonshire and Lady Eich, and thus the balf-brother of Warwick and Holland, was high in Charles's favour. As Master of the Ordnance he held an important post in the service of the State. A Protestant by position and from a sense of honour rather than from a closely reasoned conviction, he felt his wife's change of religion as a slur upon his own good name. Hurrying to Lambeth, he Lord adjured Laud to punish the instruments of his mis- appeals to fortune. Together with Con he named Walter Mon- tague and Sir Toby Matthew, though it would seem that the two latter had had no part in the affair. Laud was eager enough to do as Newport wished. On the next Council day he spoke his mind freely on oct. 22. the unusual favours accorded to the Catholics, and speech at begged the King to forbid Montague's access to Court, *^® """"^ ' and to allow proceedings to be taken against him in the High Commission. He knew well that he would himself be held accountable for these defections from the English Church. This time it seemed as if he would have his way. Charles expressed his displeasure at what had occurred, and declared his intention of providing a remedy. But Laud had counted without the Queen. Con had urged her to conappUes stand up stoutly for her rehgion. When once Hen- Queen, rietta Maria was really interested in a cause, difficulty and danger only produced on her an exhilarating effect. The language held by Laud in the Council was reported to her almost immediately. In the evenir^, when the King visited her in her apart- c 2 20 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP, merits, she spoke her mind freely to him of the inso- lence of the Archbishop. Charles could not make „''?^^' up his mind to fly in his wife's face. " I doubt not,' 0«t. 22. -t^ ■' • 1 1 ■ wrote Laud to Wentworth, after recountmg what hac taken place, " but I have enemies enough to make use of this. But, howsoever, I must bear it, and gel out of the briars as I can. Indeed, my Lord, I have a very hard task, and God, I beseech Him, make me good corn, for I am between two great factions, very Uke corn between two mill-stones." ^ Laud's a»- In his distrcss Laud appealed to the King. King. Charles recommended him to seek out the Queen. " You will find my wife reasonable," he said. He did not see that his wife had made herself the centre of the opposition of which Laud complained. The Archbishop replied by proposing in full Council that her chapel at Somerset House, as weU as the chapela of the Ambassadors, should be closed against the entrance of English subjects. His proposal received warm support, and orders were given for the pre- paration of a proclamation against the Catholics. Queen's ^'^^ ^^^ wamcd of what had happened by his displeasure, frieuds in the Council, and the Queen was warned by Con. Henrietta Maria took up the quarrel so warmly that Con besought her to moderate her excitement. She felt that in defending the liberty of her chapel she was warding ofi" insult from herself. Thr^at^ned Charlcs tried to effect a comproniiso with his wife. prociama- Hc would Icavc Somcrset House alone ; but he in- tion Itept . , , back by sisted that something must be done with the chapels Con and the „ . . , , ^ , "^ Queen. ot the Auibassadors. Ouato, the Spanish Ambassa- dor, who since his arrival in England had been ' Oon to Barberini, Opt. »?. AM. MKS. 15,390, fol. 461. Lsud's Diary, Oct. 22. Laud to Wcntwovlh, Nov. i. IVurks, iii. 229, vii. 378. Gnrrard to ^^'l«llt\vo^lll, Nov. 9. Straf, Letters, ii. 128. STRUGGLE BETWEEN LAUD AND THE QUEEN. 21 making himself as disagreeable as he possibly could, had lately given offence by announcing that he would build a larger chapel than the Queen herself could boast of. A proclamation therefore there must be. But Charles did his best to explain it away. " This sort of thing," he assured Con, " is done every year. No one would say a word against it if you would let my wife alone." Con had no intention of letting her alone. Her new position of protectress of her Church in England flattered her vanity. Her chapel was thronged with worshippers. The Holy Sacra- ment was on the altar till noon, to satisfy the devotion of the multitude of communicants. On festivals nine masses were celebrated in the course of the morning. The Queen strove hard to induce the King to refrain from issuing any proclamation at all. It was a struggle for influence between her and Laud, and she threw herself into it with all the energy of which she was capable. To his astonishment. Con found himself growing in favour even with men who were known as Puritans, as soon as he measured his strength with the man whom they most abhorred. He at least, they said, professed his heUef openly, which was more than could be said of Laud.^ All through the month of November the struggle Deo lasted. It was not tiU December that Con learnt that orders had been secretly given for the issue of the proclamation. He again begged Charles to withdraw it, and Charles answered that it was merely directed against the scandal given by indiscreet Catholics. " With your good leave," he said, " I wish to show that I am of the rehgion which I profess. . . . Every- one ought to know that the quiet which the Catholics enjoy is derived from my clemency. It is necessary ' Con to Barberini, Nov. j'3, |g. Add. MSS. 15,39°; &!• 4^9; 47^- 22 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP, to remind them that they live in England, not in ■ — ^ — ■ Eome." Con tried to irritate him against Laud. He 'oeJ. replied that he was following the advice of the whole Council, not that of Laud alone. The proclamation, he added, would be moderate enough. In fact, as Con afterwards learnt, Charles had promised his wife to omit anything to which she might take exception. So complete was the Queen's triumph that she even consented to admit Laud to her presence, and to extend to him some qualified tokens of her favour.^ Dec. 20. Thus manipulated, the proclamation was at last Issue of the prociama- issued on December 20. Li its final shape it could hardly give offence to anyone. Even Con described it as ' so mild as to seem rather a paternal admoni- tion to the Catholics than a menace.' The Puritans, he added, were of the same opinion. Li fact, it con- tained nothing more than a threat that those who persisted in withdrawing his Majesty's subjects from the Church of England would do so ' under pain of the several punishments ' provided by the law, and that all who gave scandal by the celebration of masses would be punished according to their ofience. No definition wa.s given of the amount of notoriety which was to constitute scandal.'^ Gentle as the admonition was, Henrietta Maria could Dec. 25. not resist the temptation to treat it with contempt. On The mass r^^ • -rv ii • ■\ i tt»t at the Christmas Day, by her special orders. Lady Newport Queen's , ^, xi . i i, i chapel. and the other recent converts were marshalled to i*e- ceive the Communion in a body at Somerset House. As soon as the Queen returned toiler apartments she called Con to her side. " You have now seen," slie said to him triumphantly, "what has I'oiue oi" llie proclamation."^ ' Oon to Biivberini, Di'c. ,"„. Ihitl. fol. 498. Laud's Diary, Dec. 12. U'tirh, iii. 230. " ProolamRtion, Div. 20. lii/me); xx. 180. > Oon to Barborini, ^^2" ^'^- •"***• 'S>39'; fol. '• THE QUEEN'S TRIUMPH:^ 23 The Queen's open defiance of the proclamation chap. gave the tone to every priest in England. Never ' — ^ — ■ were masses more publicly celebrated in the Ambas- The pro^cia- sadors' chapels, or with less concealment in the houses 2.'™''^' of the Catholic laity. " Before you came," said Lady 1638. Arundel to Con, " I would not for a million have entertained a priest at my table, and now you see how common a thing it is." The proclamation, in fact, had been merely wrung from Charles by Laud's insistence, supported by the special annoyance caused by the bravado of the Spanish Ambassador. He was too sure of his own position, too bhnd to the real dangers by which it was surrounded, to sympathise with Laud's perception of the risk which he would incur by holding the balance uneven between the Puritans and the Cathohcs. " The Archbishop," he said to Con, " is a very honest man, but he wants to have everything his own way," ^ There is no reason to regret that Laud did not in Amount of this case have his way. The danger from Eome was ^ '' less serious than it seemed. The bait held out by the Papal clergy appealed to the lower and more selfish side of human nature. Fantastic speculators like Sir Kenelm Digby, witty intriguers hke Walter Montague, brought no real strength to the cause which they espoused ; whilst the gay Court ladies, whose Hfe had hitherto been passed in a round of amusement, ' Con to Barberini, June j\, July ||, 1638. Ibid. fol. 164, 204. Laud's bewilderment at the charge brought against him of being secretly a Roman Catholic is well expressed by some words which he made use of nearly two years previously. " Because," he said, " he strove to main- tain the old orders of the Church, the common people, who were enemies to all order and government, proclaimed him a Papist ; but (if he had been one) he had had reason enough — ^besides his ill-usage he had when he had no friend at Court but the King — to have left the Church and have gone beyond seas." Charles Lewis to Elizabeth, May 31, 1636. Fornter MSS., in the South Kensington Museum. 24 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION, CHAP, were personally the better by submitting to a sterner — ^ — discipline than any which they had hitherto known. 1638- rpjjg arguments by which they had been moved ap- pealed to motives too low to exercise any attractive force over the real leaders of the age, or to be other- wise than repulsive to the sense of honour which was the common property of EngUsh gentlemen. The Ear! of Such a man, for instance, as William Cavendish, Earl of Newcastle, was entirely beyond the reach of Con. In the summer of 1638 he was selected by Charles to be the governor of his eldest son. " He was a fine gentleman," wrote Clarendon, who knew him well ; " active and full of courage, and most accomplished in those quahties of horsemanship, dancing, and fencing which accompany a good breeding, in Avhich his deUght was. Besides that, he was amorous in poetry and music, to which he in- dulged the greatest part of his time. ... He loved monarchy, as it was the foundation of his own great- ness ; and the Church, as it was constituted for the splendour and security of the Crown ; and religion, as it cherished and maintained that order and obedience that was necessary to both, without any other pas- sion for the particular opinions which were grown up in it and distinguished it into parties, than as he detested whatsoever was Hke to disturb the pubUc peace." ^ Con's report of Newcastle tallies almost exactly with that of the English historian. "In matters of rehgion," he wrote, " the Earl is too in- different. He hates the Puritans, he laughs at the Protestants, and has httle coulklenco in the Cathohos. In speaking with him, llioi-oforo, I have been obhged to toucli upon first i)rinciples, and to bring him to the axiom that in things doubtful tlic snfor part is to be ' Clftrendon, viii. 82. MILTON'S 'LYCIDAS.' 25 chosen." ^ It was to no purpose that the temptation chap. was held out to such a man as this. The careless, worldly temper of a Newcastle gave as little hold to Con as the higher virtue of nobler men. Enough was, however, done to alarm EngUsh English Protestants. The charge, indeed, which a later age abVmuhe has to bring against Charles is not that he abstained conver-" from persecuting the Cathohcs, but that he failed to ™''*- give fair play to the diverse elements of which the Enghsh Church was compounded. Catholic books passed from hand to hand. Puritanism was an object of derision to all who took their tone from "Whitehall, and of stern repression in the Ecclesiastical Courts. Men who had no sympathy with Calvinistic dogma- tism were attracted by that stern morahty which rebuked the solemn trifling which was the atmosphere of Charles's Court. To such a feeling as this Milton at last gave ex- Milton's pression in that high satire which bursts forth, as if from some suddenly raised volcano, out of the sinooth .and graceful lamentations of the Lycidas. Nothing in MUton's past life gave warning of the in- tensity of his scorn. Nothing in the subject which he had chosen invited him to check the flow of his private grief that he might bewail the public sorrows of his time. Yet from these pubhc sorrows he could not avert his gaze. As it had been with Dante, the poet of medieval CathoUcism, so was it with the man who was training himself to be one day the poet of English Puritanism. The living interest in the joys and sorrows of the great world around him, even the mere official acquaintance with the dry details of public business, by which rulers attempt, if they rise at all to the height of their duty, to increase those 1 Con to BarlDeriiii, Sept. ^. Add. MSS. iS,39'. ^o^- 235- 26 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP, joys and to alleviate those sorrows, were to strengthen • — ^ — ' the Englishman as they strengthened the great Italian ^'' to seek for consolation in a serener and purer atmo- sphere than that in which the best and wisest of statesmen must be content to work. Milton had not as yet had any close insight into the difficulties of government. He saw the evil ; he could not descry the hindrances to good. Before the eye of his ima- gination rose the Apostle Peter, mournfully ad- dressing the dead Lycidas, lost too early to earthly service. The indignant poet cannot choose but to tell how ' the pilot of the Galilean lake ' Shook his mitred locks, and stem bespake, " How well would I have spared for thee, young man, Enow of such as for their bellies' sake Creep and intrude, and climb into the fold ! Of other care they little reckoning make, Than how to scramble at the shearers' feast And shove away the worthy bidden guest. Blind mouths ! that scarce themselves know how to hold A sheep-hook, or have learnt aught else the least That to the faithful herdsman's art belongs. What recks it them ? What need they ? They are sped, And when they list their lean and flashy songs Grate on their scrannel pipes of wretched straw. The hungry sheep look up and are not fed. But swoln with wind, and the rank mist they draw. Rot inwardly, and foul contagion spread. Besides what the grim wolf with privy paw Daily devours apace and nothing said." Character Milton's indignation was not as the indignation of indijnft-"' Prynne or Bastwick. He did not approach the Church question from the ceremonial side. Ho did not as yet care to ask whether the Cliurch ought to be Episcopalian or Presbyteriiiii. There is still a touch of the poet of// Pc^wnwiand of the FJcijxi on Bishop Andrem'N in the 'mitred locks' of Potor. lie is kindled to wrath by the moral results of Laud's discipline— results wliich he doubtless exaggerated, tion. 1637. THE PURITAN CHARACTER. 27 but which were certainly not entirely imaginary. He chap. saw that, whether Laud were consciously tending to- wards the Eoman Church or not, his superabundant care for the externals of religion was eating the heart out of Enghsh Protestantism. It invited the allegi- ance of men to whom nothing was easier than to assume a posture or to clothe themselves in a vest- ment. It repelled the allegiance of men who saw in that posture or that vestment a token of the sub- ordination to external forms of the spiritual life itself. Milton did more than denounce the system which he hated so thoroughly. He predicted its speedy overthrow. He announced that That two-handed engine at the door Stands ready to smite once and smite no more.' The prophecy was doubtless intentionally left in vague and mysterious outhne, but its general inten- tion was unmistakable. Milton's voice expressed the deepest feehngs of 1638. the nation. Slowly and reluctantly the generation of Hutchin- serious Enghshmen now advancing towards middle age was coming to the conclusion that the overthrow of the Laudian system was the one thing necessary for ' It is impossible to he dogmatical on the precise meaning of the words, hut the interpretation of its referring to the two Houses of Par- liament cannot he right. Not only was an impeaching Parliament out of the range of probability in 1637, but the engine was to be held by two hands, not to be two en^nes held by one. The idea of the axe laid to the root of the tree seems most natural. Professor Masson says (MiltorHs Works, iii. 455) that the engine here 'is at the door of an edifice, not at the root of a tree.' Milton, however, may have meant to mingle the idea of smiting the system with the idea of smiting the persons who supported it. He may not have wished to be too definite, and the expression 'blind mouths' shows that we must not look for rigid consistency. Perhaps, too, he was thinking in an indistinct way of the iron flail with which Talus stormed the castle of the Lady Munera, and wished to intensify the crushing nature of the) blow by turning the one-handed weapon of Spenser into a two-handed engine. 28 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP, the restoration of a healthy spiritual life. The feeling • — r — • was all the stronger because all moral earnestness was "^^^" repelled by the loose foUies of the Court. The growth of this feeUng may be traced in the career of John Hutchinson, whose character has been portrayed by his widow, under the mellowing light of wifely affec- tion. He was educated at Peter House, the college of Cosin and Crashaw, the college which, more than any other, attempted to exorcise the spirit of Puri- tanism. Yet he was able to boast that, after five years, he came away untainted with the principles or practices of the followers of Laud. On the other hand, he did not come away with any confirmed dis- like of the Church in which those principles and practices had taken root. He was ' not yet enlight- ened to discern the spring of them in the rites and usages of the English Church.' His was the Puri- tanism of the polished and practical country gentle- man, versed from his youth up in the conduct of business, and accustomed to conduct it with a strict but not ungraceful morality, which left room for the ornaments and enjoyments of Ufe. At college 'he kept not company with any of the vain young persons, but with the graver men and those by whose conversation he might gain improvement. . . . For his exercise he practised tennis, and played admirably well at it ; for his diversion he chose music, and got a very good hand, which afterwards he improved to a very good mastery on the viol.' He danced and vaulted with grace and agihty, studied eagerly, leaiiiing being regarded by him ' as a handmaid to devotion and as a great improver of natural reason.' His i-hoice of the decorations of life was made under a souse of serious self-restraint. " In tlu>so things that wore of mere pleasure he loved not to aim at that he could not JOHN HUTCHINSON. 29 1638. attain ; he would rather wear clothes absolutely plain chai'. than pretend to gallantry, and would rather choose ' to have none than mean jewels or pictures and such other things as were not of absolute necessity . . .His whole life was the rule of temperance in meat, drink, apparel, pleasure, and all those things that may be lawfully enjoyed, and herein his temperance was more excellent than in others, in whom it is not so much a virtue, but proceeds from want of appetite or gust of pleasure ; in him it was a true, wise, and religious government of the desire and delight he took in the things that he enjoyed. He had a certain activity of spirit which could never endure idleness either in himself or others, and that made him eager for the time he indulged it, as well in pleasure as in business ; indeed, though in youth he exercised innocent sports a little while, yet afterwards his business was his pleasure. But how intent soever he were in anything, how much soever it dehghted him, he could freely and easily cast it away when God called him to some- thing else. He had as much modesty as could consist with a true virtuous assurance, and hated an im- pudent person. Neither in youth nor in riper age could the most fair or enticing women ever draw him into unnecessary familiarity or vain converse or dalli- ance with them, yet he despised nothing of the female sex but their folHes and vanities ; wise and virtuous women he loved, and dehghted in all pure, holy, and unblamable conversation with them, but so as never to excite scandal or temptation. Scurrilous discourse even among men he abhorred ; and though he some- times took pleasure in wit and mirth, yet that which was mixed with impurity he never would endure. The heat of his youth a little inclined him to the passion of anger, and the goodness of his nature to 30 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP. I. 1638. Hutchin- son a type of the noblest Pu- ritanism. 1637. Dec Lilburn's case. those of love and grief; but reason was never de- - throned by them, but continued governor and mode- rator of his soul." Such was the character — for Hutchinson was but a type of a large section of society — of the noblest class of English Puritans, of men who possessed their souls in patience, uttering no cry of scorn or anger. It was the steady and persistent refusal of these men to countenance the Court and its ways which made the opposition of such as Prynne and Bastwick really formidable, and which gave weight to the forlorn hopes which from time to time dashed themselves, apparently in vain, against the defences of the Govern- ment. Of such forlorn hopes there were enough and to spare. In the winter of 1637 it was the turn of John Lilburn, a youth of twenty, who had just returned from Holland. A certain Chillington, ac- cused of circulating Puritan books printed beyond the sea, saved himself by charging Lilburn with having them printed at Rotterdam. Lilburn was arrested and interrogated, but he absolutely denied that he had had anyhing to do with Chillington's books. When asked questions on more general matters he refused to answer. No one, he said, had a right to make him criminate either himself or others. He was brought before the Star Chamber, and ordered to take tlie usual oath that he would answer truly to aU questions that might be put to him. This he steadily refused to do. He came of a sturdy and self-willed race. His father was a Yorkshire }j;entleninii, who was tlie last man in England to ronii)el the umvilling judges to allow him to commit a lawsuit to tlie ehaneos of trial by opinioiiativeness he had inherited I Kittle. Of tl lis ' 'I'lici Kinpr, however, wfusod to iiUow tho combat to proceed. The case in 1818 did not proceed ho far, ns tlir demand was withdrawn. ^OHN LILBURN. 3 1 his full share. In the course of a stirring life he chap. "was never in accord with any Government, and never missed an opportunity of making known to the 'j,^^ ' world the grievances which he entertained against every Government. The claim which he now made went far beyond the doctrine ultimately accepted by English Courts that no man may be compelled to criminate himself. He refused to swear to answer truly to any questions of which he did not at the time of his oath know the import — a claim which, if admitted, would make it impossible to cross-examine any witness whatever. Like all the Courts, the Star Chamber was peculiarly sensitive to any attack upon its rules, and especially upon the system under which it had been for so many years in the habit of pro- curing evidence from unwilling witnesses. Lilburn His sen- was accordingly sentenced to be whipped from the carried out. Fleet to Palace Yard, and then to be placed in the pillory. All along the Strand the lash descended on his back. Smarting with pain, he was placed in the pillory. In spite of his agony he exhorted the by- standers to resist the tyranny of the Bishops, and scattered amongst them a few copies of Bastwick's pamphlets which he had in his pockets. The Court of Star Chamber was in session hard by, and an angry order to gag him was issued at once. Another His harsh order directed the Warden of the Fleet to place him ren™""*" in irons on his return, and to keep him in solitary confinement ' where the basest and meanest sort of prisoners are used to be put,' to prohibit his friends from visiting him or supplying him with money. But for the persistent contrivance of his admirers Lilburn would have been starved to death. The Warden held that it was no part of his duty to supply the prisoners with food. Those who had no money were accustomed to beg their food from the 32 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP. I. 1638. Laud too easily frightened. George Wither. charitable who passed the door ; but Lilburn was debarred even from that wretched resource. The other prisoners, half-starved and ragged as they were, entered into a conspiracy in his favour. They shared their crusts and broken victuals with him, in spite of blows and kicks from the turnkeys. Some- times this precarious aid failed, and on one occasion the unfortunate man passed ten whole days without tasting food. Yet, broken in health as he could not fail to be, his indomitable spirit held up, and he sur- vived to unfold the horrors of his prison house to sympathising ears.^ It is the nature of a government like that of Laud to be too readily terrified to take advantage of the real strength of its position. Englishmen had not so changed since the days of Elizabeth as to be anxious to deliver themselves over to be manipulated by a Prynne or a Bastwick, or even by a Milton or a Hutchinson. There were many thousands who stiU regarded with reverent admiration the old Prayer Book, which they had learned to love as children. There were probably many more thousands who had no wish to see cakes and ale banished from life. The most popular verse-writer of the day was George "Wither, and Wither was neither a Laudian nor a Puritan. Endowed with considerable poetic gifts, he had unfortunately mistaken his vocation in life. He had given up writing good songs in order to write bad satire. He derided alike new ]iraotices and ab- struse doctrines. His view of government was the simple one that kings ouglit not to be tyrannical and that pnrl laments ought not to be exnetiiig. People were to be (M)ntent with tlie rule in Oluireh and State under which they were born, provided that it made ' Stii/i' 7Vi(;/s, iji. IJ15. PROCEEDINGS AGAINST BISHOP WILLLtiMS. 33 no very violent demands upon their conscience, and chap. provided that they could attain under it to a placid • ^ — • and decorous virtue. Of this virtue, as far as can be '^^^" judged by Wither's own example, the chief con- stituent was to be found in a self-complacent re- cognition of the extreme sinfulness of others and an equally self complacent assurance that this sin- fulness of others was certain to bring Divine ven- gence down upon the world.^ Men of this temper — and there can be little doubt that the middle classes of the towns were very much of this temper — would have formed the best security that a government could have wished against Puritan violence. Laud's proceedings irritated them in every possible way, till they forgot that Puritanism could be irritating at all. The only man who was fitted by his mental quali- Position of ties for the task of mediation in the dark days which whiiams. were approaching was unhappily disqualified for the work by his own moral defects as well as by the King's disHke. Bishop Wilhams had been for many years an object of a Star Chamber prosecution, on 1628. the ground that he had betrayed some secrets en- befpros™' trusted to him as a Privy Councillor. The charge agauTst seems to have been a frivolous one, and it was pro- '''"'■ bably only brought in order to frighten Williams into the surrender of the Deanery of Westminster, which he still held, together with his bishopric. In 1633 the affair took an unexpected turn. A certain 1633. Kilvert, to whom the case against the Bishop had against been entrusted, and who was himself a man of low '°^'*"'* moral character, discovered that one of WiUiams's ' See especially BritairCs Retnemhrancei; published in 1628. The idea of the subject of predestination being one for the devils in hell to discuss appears here long before Paradise Lost was written, VOL. I. D 34 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP. I. 1633- 1634. Williams obtains false evi- dence. 1635- Fresh pro- secutiun of Williams. Nov. He has hopes of a pardon. Dec. Charles's hesitation. witnesses, named Pregion, was the father of an ille- gitimate child, and he fancied that by attacking Pregion on this score he might succeed in discredit- ing his evidence in the Bishop's favour. Williams threw himself into the cause of his witness with characteristic ardour. It is possible that at first he may have regarded Kilvert's story as an impudent fabrication, but he can hardly have retained that opinion long ; and there can be little doubt that he demeaned himself to the subornation of false evidence in order to support the character of a man who was enhsted on his side in his own quarrel with the Court. ^ A fresh prosecution of Williams on the charge of subornation of perjury was now commenced in the Star Chamber. Williams saw his danger, and asked Laud to be his mediator with the King.^ He coiild hardly have expected Laud to throw much warmth into his mediation, and he turned with greater hope to Portland, and after Portland's death to Cottington. Cottington was importunate and Chai-les was weak. Before the end of 1635 the King had promised to pardon the Bishop. The only question related to the rate at which the pardon was to be purchased. " Thus much," wrote Laud in despair, " can money and friends do against honour in movable Courts." ^ Suddenly Wilhame found the bark of his fortunes drifting out again to sea. Fresh evidence of his ' Notes of proceedings, May 27, June 16, 23, 1637. iS. P. Dom. ccclvii. 104; ccelxi. 99; ccclxii. 34. HacketV narrative is too inac- curate to be accepted as a firm foundation. I have drawn my own conclusions from the evidence produced at tlie trial. Mr, Bruce appears, from his preface to the Calendar for 1637, to have come to much th« same conclusion as I have. " Laud to Williams, Jan, 10, 1635. Jf'orks, vi. 402. ■' Laud to WoutwortU, Jiui, iz, Oct. 4, Nov, 30, Ibid. vi. 138, 174, 302, PROCEEDINGS AGAINST BISHOP WILLIAMS. 35 misdemeanours reached the King's ears,^ and Charles chap. withdrew his promise of a pardon. A few months ' — T'T"' later the King was again hesitating. Sir John Monson, Aug.' who had been mahgned by Williams, and by whom the new accusations had been brought, was informed that Williams had been boasting that he was now reconciled to the King, and that those who appeared against him had better be careful of attacking a man who would soon be in full enjoyment of the Eoyal favour. Monson asked Charles if there was any foundation for this assertion. " The King," he after- wards informed Laud, " answered he would be free with me, and thereupon said it was true that he was in some treaty with the Bishop, who had enlarged his offers, and was now willing to yield his deanery, give 8,oooZ., and leave me to my course in law for my repair, but that he had not given him any assurance of his acceptance of these terms, nor would if my information were truth." Williams only looked upon his present rebuff as a mischance originating from his neglect to offer a bribe sufficiently high. He soon gained over Lennox as well as Cottington to his side, and, unless Monson was misinformed, he assured the courtiers who were pleading his cause that what- ever the sum might be which he was required to pay to the King, they should have as much again to divide amongst themselves. Monson took care that this should reach the King's ears, and told Charles that he would make a better bargain by allowing the law to take its course, and by taking all the money that could be got from Williams for himself. In the end this reasoning prevailed.''' The whole negotiation ' Lambe to Laud, Dec. 3, lo ; Monson to Laud, Dec. 1 1 ; Monson's petition. LamhethMSS. mxxx. Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, " Letters and Papers of Sir J. Monson, Aug. J636, LamhethMSS. Ibid. Noa. 47, 48. D 2 36 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP, did no credit to Charles. The lower side of Went- ■ — -^---' worth's ' Thorough ' was perfectly inteUigible to him. ' ^ ■ The higher side he was unable to comprehend. tiIhoi Stung by his failure to bribe his way to impunity, Tabh, Williams threw himself once more into ecclesiastical Thing. controvcrsy. A book recently published by Laud's chaplain, Heylyn, A Coal from the Altar, had con- tained an attack upon Williams's well-known views about the position of the Communion table. To this he replied anonymously in The Holy Table, Name and Thing} The authorship of the book was an open secret. It was one long argument in favour of that compromise which Williams had recommended from the beginning as the only legal arrangement ; the com- promise by which the table, usually standing at the east end of the church, was to be brought down to some place in the church or chancel at the time of the administration of the Communion. As might be expected, Williams preserved the courtesies of debate far better than Prynne or Bastwick. His work was, perhaps, all the more galling for that. Heylyn deemed it worthy of a serious reply, and Laud re- ferred to it bitterly in the speech which he delivered at the censure of Prynne ; but neither Laud nor Heylyn made any serious effort to refute its main position. 1637. By this book Williams, who had sought to escape The cose in by the aid of the Catholics and semi-Catholics of the Chamber. Court,^ threw himsclf once more on the side of the Puritans and semi-Puritans. For the present his change of front was likely to avail him little. On ' rieylyn's book was licensed May 5 ; Williwns's licensed for his own diocese Nov. 30. » Panzani had hitherto regarded Williams as a friend of the OatholicB, PROCEEDINGS AGAINST BISHOP "WILLIAMS. 37 June 1 6, 1637, the next Court day after sentence had chap. been pronounced on Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton, • — ^ — • his case was called on in the Star Chamber. The ' ■'^" evidence for the prosecution was too strong to be resisted. "When the day of sentence arrived, Wilhams's Juiy n. old patron, Cottington, led the way by suggesting a tencr°" fine of 10,000/. to the King and one of 1,000 marks to Sir John Monson. The Bishop was also to be re- ferred to the High Commission for ecclesiastical cen- sure, to be suspended from the exercise of his functions, to be deprived of the profits of all his benefices, and to be imprisoned during the King's pleasure. This proposal was unanimously adopted, and the High Commission confirmed the decree of the Star Chamber so far as it related to matters within its special jurisdiction.^ Williams was sent to the Tower. The administra- Ang. 30. tion of his diocese was confided to his most bitter offered to adversaries. By the King's command Laud offered '^'"^' him the terms on which alone he could recover his freedom. He must either pay his fine or give good security for its payment. He must surrender his bishopric, receiving in return another either in Wales or Ireland, and must give up all his other benefices. He must further acknowledge that he had committed the crime imputed to him, and that he had erred in writing The Holy Table, Name and Thing? Many weary months passed over the prisoner's head before he was ready to accept these hard conditions even in part. ' Ruthw. ii. 416. Oommissioners for causes ecclesiastical to Wil- liams, July 18. Sentence of suspension, July 24. S. P. Dom. cclxiv. 12, 43. See also Rossinghain's Newsletters in Documents rdating to Prynne (Oamd. Soc.) * The paper containing these terms is in Laud's hand, and endorsed, "The King commanded me to set them down." Aug. 30. Lambeth MSS. mxxx. fol. 686. 38 TIIE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. In Williams the spirit of compromise, which was the characteristic mark of his genius, was marred by Ti>e liti- his moral defects. No such complaint could be made riana""" ^^ * group of men who were working in the same direction, and who, if they failed to mould their own age after their image, have long been looked up to by later generations as the pioneers of thought. These men were Lucius Gary, Viscount Falkland ; William Chillingworth, and John Hales. d^Mk Lucius Gary was the son of the Lord Deputy who land. had preceded Wentworth in IJreland. When he was but twelve years old he was taken by his father to Dublin, and was there educated at Trinity College.* As soon as he had completed his academical course he prepared for a soldier's life, and, young as he was, was entrusted by his father's ill-judged weakness with the command of a company. As soon as the Lord Deputy was recalled, the Lords Justices, glad to make a cheap exhibition of virtue at the expense of the son of a man with whom they had been at variance, deprived the lad of his military rank, and appointed 1629. Sir Francis Willoughby, an abler and more expe- Challenges . ... 7 sirF. wii- rieuced soldier,^ in his place. Young Gary, being "° ' ^' unable to reach the Lords Justices, sent a challenge to Willoughby, and was consequently committed to prison and threatened with a prosecution in the Star Chamber. Charles, however, set him free after a short confinement of ten days," allowing him the arrears of his pay and adding a special acknowledg- ment that he had lost his command tlirough no fault of his own.* ' On his niyrttoviiiiia connection with St. John's, Cambridge, see Tullocli's J\'(i/ioii(il ThoiiUxjii, i. 183. '' rio did good 8Gvvio(> aftorwnixia in dofendinff Dublin Castle in 1641. ° fjicly 'rhnrosa Lewis, Liwt of the Frimdi of Clarendon, i. 189. * 1 found this in some formal d Cliilliiijj^wcirtli's reasons, Sept. 19. iV. ;>. Dom. ccclxvii. 116. " U'urks, i, 230, 9 Md. i. 81. 'THE RELIGION OF PKOTESTANTS,' 47 worth held, to be very careful how they set up the chap. creatures of their own imaginations as if they were - — -^ — ' the veriest certainties of Divine revelation. "This ^^^^' presumptuous imposing of the senses of men upon the general words of God," he writes, " and laying them upon men's consciences together, under the equal penalty of death and damnation ; this vain con- ceit that we can speak of the things of God better than in the words of God ; this deifying our own interpretations and tyrannous enforcing them upon others ; this restraining of the Word of God from that latitude and generality, and the understandings of men from that hberty wherein Christ and the Apostles left them — ^is and hath been the only fountain of all the schisms of the Church, and that which makes them immortal ; the common incendiary of Christendom, and that which tears into pieces, not the coat, but the bowels and members of Christ. . . . Take away these walls of separation, and aU wiU quickly be one. Take away this persecuting, burning, cursing, damning of men for not subscribing to the words of men as the words of God ; require of Christians only to beheve Christ, and to call no man master, but Him only ; let those leave claiming infalUbility that have no title to it, and let them that in their words disclaim it dis- claim it also in their actions." " Christians," he says again, " must be taught to set a higher value upon those high points of faith and obedience wherein they agree than upon those matters of less moment wherein they differ, and understand that agreement in those ought to be more effectual to join them in one com- munion than their difference in other things of less moment to divide them. When I say in one com- munion, I mean in a common profession ofihose articles wherein aU consent, a joint worship of God, after such 48 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. Defects of Chilling- worth's system. CHAP, a way as all esteem lawful, and a mutual performance — ^ — ■ of all those works of charity which Christians owe one to another." ^ It is not given to any one man, even if he be a Chillingworth, to make out with complete fulness the remedies needed for the evils of his age. Dogmatism, too, has its functions to perform in the work of the world. The vain behef in the possession of all truth is higher and more ennobling than the disbelief that truth exists at all ; and it is impossible to deny that to the mass of Chilhngworth's contemporaries the suspension of judgment, which was to him the ulti- mate goal of a keen and earnest search after truth, would seem to be the very negation of the existence of truth itself. Even calmer judgments might well doubt whether Chillingworth's notion of a 'joint wor- ship of God after such a way as aU esteem lawful ' was feasible, or whether, even if it proved feasible, it was at ail desirable. Chillingworth's mind was too purely intellectual to enable him to understand how any given ritual could either raise admiration or pro- voke hostility. He cared much whether a proposition were true or not. He had but a languid interest in forms of prayer. In his reply to Knott's last pamphlet he took up the defence of the recent charges. " What," he said, " if out of fear that too much simplicity and nakedness in the public sei'vice of Grod may beget in the ordinary sort of men a duU and stupid irreverence, and out of hope that the outwai'd state and glory of it, being well-disposod and wisely moderated, may engender, quicken, iiu'voiise, and nourish the inward revere'iico, rospoct, iuid devotion, which is due unto God's wovoreigii majesty and power ; what if, out of a persuasion and desire that Papists ' Work^, ii. 37, ' THE RETJGTO.N OP PROTESTANTS.' 49 may be won over to us the sooner by the removing chap. of this scandal out of their way, and out of a ~ — ^ — ' holy jealousy that the weaker sort of Protest- ^^^'^' ants might be the easier seduced to them by the magnificence and pomp of their Church service, in case it were not removed — I say, what if, out of these considerations, the governors of our Church, more of late than formerly, have set themselves to adorn and beautify the places where God's honour dwells, and to make them as heaven-Uke as they can with earthly ornaments ? " ^ There is something contemptuous in such a defence as this. Above all, there is no acknowledgment by ChiUingworth of the fact that moral influence may spread abroad from men who are very wrong-headed and very positive. The tole- ration which cheerfully grants free hberty to those who differ irreconcilably from us is the complement of the tolerance which seeks out by preference the points in which others agree with us rather than those in which they differ. The latter was ChiUingworth's contri- bution to the peace of the Church and nation ; for the former we must look elsewhere. Yet, before we plunge 1638. into the strife out of which the better thought was to of Etin!*'™ be evolved, we may well Unger a moment to con- template the Hfe of one whose nature was more com- plete, and whose personality was more altogether lovely, than that of the great controversialist. Eather than to ChiUingworth, rather than to Falkland, the discerning eye is attracted to one who was in his own estimation less than either, but of whom those who knew him best loved to speak as the ever-memorable John Hales. The genial recluse, with his prodigious memory and his keen, rapier-Uke thrust of argument, was the 1 Wm-lit, i. ?3. VOL. I. E 5o THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION, .ciiAP. most loving and tender-hearted of men. In his Eton fellowship he found himself at home under the ^^^^' provostship of the large-minded Sir Henry Wotton. His views of life and religion were in the main identical with those of Chillingworth, but he ap- proached the subject from the other side. In Chilhngworth the logical faculty was supreme. In Hales it was at the service of a singularly gentle and affectionate heart. Hence he began where Chilling- worth left off. He did not argue himself into the behef that the intention to go wrong, and not the failure itself, was culpable. He rather made it the starting-point of his reasoning. " He would often say that he would renounce the religion of the Church of England to-morrow if it obliged him to beheve that any other Christian should be damned, ai;id that nobody would conclude another man to be damned that did not wish him so."^ "Every Christian," he wrote, " may err that will ; for if we might not err wilfully, then there would be no heresy, heresy being nothing else but wilful error. For if we account mistakes befalhng us through human frailties to be heresies, then it will foUow that every man since the Apostles' times was an heretic." * Hence he PQuld take but little interest in Chillingworth 's search after fundamental truths. That men should err was, in his eyes, a necessity of their nature. The vener- able names of the Fathers of the ancient Church, the imposing solemnity of ecclesiastical councUs, conferred po exemption from the universal law. " If truth and goodness," he wrote, " go by universality and multitude, what mean then the prophets and holy jnen of God everywhere in the St-ripture so frequently, ' Olarondon, Life, i. 54. " On the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. Wotkt, i. 63. JOHN HALES. cj SO bitterly to complain of the small number of good chap. men careful of God and truth ? Neither is the ■ — ^^ — ■ complaint proper to Scripture; it is the common ^^^^' complaint of all that have left any records of an- tiquity behind them. Could wishing do any good, I could wish well to this kind of proof; but it shall never go so well with mankind that the most shall be the best. The best that I can say of argument and reason drawn from universahty in multitude is this : such reason may perchance serve to excuse an error, but it can never serve to warrant a truth." Yet, for all this, the investigation of truth was The search the highest work of man. The words of the Apostle, *^"' '""*■ " Be not deceived," were spoken not only to the wise and learned, but ' to everyone, of whatever sex, of whatever rank or degree and place soever, from him that studies in his Hbrary to him that sweats at the plough-tail.' But the command is not obeyed by those who content themselves with storing their memories with opinions learned by rote. He that would not be deceived must not only know ' what it is that is commanded,' must not therefore take his duties on trust from a Church claiming to be infallible, or from a venerated preacher, but must also know ' wherefore — that is, upon what authority, upon what reason.'^ At last the new thought which was to form the modern world had reached its full and clear expression. Like Chilhngworth, Hales too had his dream of ?«'>i»<' TT • 1 /• 1 • TTT T . WOTBhip, Utopian harmony oi worship. " Were hturgies ^nd public forms of service so framed," he argued, " as that they admitted not of particular and private fancies, but contained only such things as in which all Christiajis do agree, schisms in opinion were * Sermon on priyate judgment in religion, Workt, iii. 145, I! a 52 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION, CHAP, utterly vanished. For consider of all the liturgies ■ — ^ — ' that are or ever have been, and remove from ^ ■ them whatsoever is scandalous to any party, and leave nothing but what all agree on, and the event shall be that the public service and honour of God shall no ways suffer ; whereas to load our pubUc forms with the private fancies upon which we differ is the most sovereign way to perpetuate schism unto the world's end. Prayer, confession, thanksgiving, reading of Scripture, exposition of Scripture, adminis- tration of sacraments in the plainest and simplest manner, were matter enough to furnish out a suffi- cient liturgy, though nothing else of private opinion, or of church pomp, of garments, of prescribed ges- tures, of imagery, of music, of matter concerning the dead, of many superfluities which creep into churches under the name of order and decency, did interpose itself"^ Hales sent The tract on schism in which these words occur Laud! was circulated in manuscript in the spring of 1638. No wonder that when a copy fell into Laud's hands he sent for the author to Lambeth. And yet he could not but kndw that Hales, if not his ally, was at least the assailant of his enemies. A few years before, perhaps, he would have dealt harshly with him. He could not find it in his heart now to visit very severely a man whose thrusts were directed against Puritan and Papist aUke. The two men walked up and down the gai-deu in friendly, if soiue- tiraes in warm, argument. Laud breathed a word of caution. The time, said the Archbishop, was ' very apt to set new doct vinos on foot, of which the wits of the age were too susreptible.''* 'There could not ' Tract conconiing schism. Jf or*«, i. 114. ' This is Clarendon's account. Life, i. 55. HALES AND LAUD. 53 be too much care taken to preserve the peace and chap. unity of the Church.' As Hales came away he met ■ — ^ — ■ Heylyn, and fooled him to the top of his bent,^ ^ ^ ' assuring him that the Archbishop had proved far superior in controversy, ferreting him ' from one hole to another till there was none left to afford him any further shelter ; that he was now resolved to be orthodox, and to declare himself a true son of the Church of England both for doctrine and discipline.''-^ Hales, no doubt, was laughing in his sleeve at the pompous chaplain. Yet it must be remembered that it is not from men of Hales's stamp that vigorous self- assertion is to be expected. In writing to Laud he did not, it is true, retract any of his positive opinions, but he certainly explained away some of his utter- ances. Laud was satisfied with his explanation, and in the following year he procured for him a canonry at Windsor. Li the days of conflict Falkland and ChiUingworth The influ- and Hales would be found on Charles's side. In the titudinari- long run the spirit which inspired them would be immediate. found a far more powerful dissolvent of Laud's sys- tem than the Puritanism which he dreaded. Its time was not yet come. Two theories of the religious hfe were in presence of one another, and those theories were entwined with a whole mass of habits which could not readily be shaken off. The strife w.as ap- proaching, and it was not tiU the combatants had measured their strength with one another that they would be ready to hsten to the words of peace. Even when that time came the solution would not be alto- gether such as Hales would have approved. The ' This is Principal Tulloch's explanation, and is, I have no doubt, the right one. ^ Heylyn, Oyprianvs Anglicus, 340. 54 THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION. CHAP, religious conscience would demand a more definite ' — -r- — • creed, and a more definite ceremonial, than that for * ^ ' which he had asked. By the side of the idea of comprehension would arise the idea of toleration. The one would soften down asperities, and teach the assured dogmatist to put on something of that humility in which the controversiaUst of all periods is so grievously deficient. The other would prepare room for the unchecked development of that indi- viduaUty which is the foundation of all true vigour in Churches and in nations. 55 CHAPTEE n. THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. The ecclesiastical grievances were only felt by a part chap. II. of the community. Financial burdens were felt by everyone who had property. In the summer of 1637 pohtioa^i the outcry against ship money had become general. g"evancea. No unprejudiced person can deny that the exist- Ship money ence of a powerful fleet was indispensable to the safety tuai needt of the State, or that the amount of money demanded by Charles for the equipment of that fleet was no more than the case required. The charge which has fre- quently been brought against him of spending the money thus levied on objects unconnected with its ostensible purpose is without a shadow of foundation ; and it is perfectly certain that, though the grant of tonnage and poundage had originally been made in order to provide the Crown with the means of guard- ing the seas, the expenses of government had so far increased that if tonnage and poundage were to be apphed.to that purpose on the scale that had now become necessary, the Exchequer would soon be in a condition of bankruptcy. Even the most just and necessary taxation, how- But was .-,.-, fp 1 imposed ever, is sometimes received with murmurs, it such withoutthe murmurs are not to lead to actual resistance, it is the tax- incumbent on those who impose the tax to explain to '"'^^'^^' the tax-payer the necessity under which they are placed, and if possible to find some Way of obtaining 56 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP. a. 1637- Servicea of the fleet. The expedi- linn to Sallce. Ship money at- tacked as illeL'al. his consent. It was the very thing that Charles had not dared to do. He well knew that to summon a Parliament would be to endanger the success of his ecclesiastical pohcy, and he had no mind to run the risk. The fleet obtained by the levy of ship money had done nothing sufficiently striking to make men forget the faults of its origin. The maintenance of trade with Dunkirk in the face of threats of a Dutch or French attack upon that nest of privateers interested only a few traders in London or Dover, and the exploits of the King's ships amongst the Dutch fisher- men^ in the summer of 1637 would, if the truth had been known, have awakened scorn rather than ad- miration. If a less inglorious success was achieved in the same summer by a squadron of six vessels under Captain Eainsborough at Sallee, it was due to other causes than the skill of the commander or the efficiency of the armament. Eainsborough was sent to deliver from slavery the European captives of the Barbary pirates, but his efforts to overcome their stronghold by attack or blockade were entirely ineffectual. Luckily, however, a civil war broke out amongst the Moors, and the King of Morocco purchased the neutrahty of the EngUsh fleet by the surrender of 271 prisoners.'"* Yet it was not because ship money Avas badly spent that the impost was assailed in England. Voices were raised on every side declaring it to be utterly Ship money, it was loudly declared, was illegal ' I'rrKoiitil (loponiiiieiit of C/iar/rs I., ii. 336. " Brissenden to Nicliolns, Sopl. 21. Kiiinslioroiigli's journal. 5. P. Dom. cccKviii. 6, ooclxix. 72; Ciu'toivl to (.\>lio, Sept. 21. List of prieoiiBis iiiloBsed. S. 1'. Munnm. OaiTiird's aUitonient {Stnif. Letters, ii. 118) tliat Uainsborougli ' put the new town of Sallee into the King of Miirocoo's Lauds ' is o.taggorftted. SHIP MONEY. 57 undeniably a tax, and the ancient customs of the chap. realm, recently embodied in the Petition of Eight, had — ^--' announced with no doubtful voice that no tax could ^ ^'^' be levied without consent of Parliament. Even this objection was not the full measure of the evil. If Theconsti- Charles could take this money without consent of jection. Parliament, he need not, unless some unforeseen emergency arose, ever summon a Parliament again. The true question at issue was whether Parliament formed an integral part of the Constitution or not. A charge has sometimes been brought against the Attach- Enghshmen of that day that they concerned them- ITation to * selves overmuch with legaUty and precedent. Un- '^^'''''y- doubtedly they loved to dwell upon the antiquity of the rights which they claimed. Antiquarians like Selden or Twysden expressed the tendencies of their age as truly as thinkers like Voltaire and Eousseau expressed the tendencies of theirs. But the legality which they cherished was the legahty of a nation which had hitherto preserved unbroken the traditions of self-government. Spoken or unspoken, beneath aU the technicalities of the lawyers, beneath all the records of the antiquaries, there remained an under- tone of reliance upon the nation itself. Parliaments had been estabhshed to gather into a focus the national resolve. Kings had been established to give prompt efficacy to the resolve which had been formed. It was a new thing that a king should treat the pohcy and rehgion of the nation as if they concerned himself alone. But the men who opposed it because it was new opposed it stiU more because it was degrading. Charles fancied that the question of the legality The qnes- of ship money had been settled for ever in his favour money to be argued. 58 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP, by the declaration of the. Judges.* Lord Saye and " — -^ — John Hampden thought otherwise. They resolved ' ^^' that, whatever the result might be, the argument against ship money should be heard in open Court, and Charles was too confident of the justice of his cause to offer any opposition. Difficulties For somc unknown reason — perhaps because his *" ^ ^"^^ case was more simple than that of Saye — Hampden's refusal was selected to test the opinion of the Judges. The counsel employed by him were St. John and Holborne, lawyers connected with the Earl of Bedford. They would have to argue with the full knowledge that the Court was against them, and they would have therefore to put forward just that side of the argument which would not call down the violent censure of the Judges. It would be far easier to show that Charles was politically in the wrong than to show that he was legally in the wrong ; but they were bound by their position to urge legal objections, only indirectly touching upon the political objec- tions, if they touched on them at all. They knew that the Judges had acknowledged the King to be the sole judge of danger from abroad, and they therefore did not venture to question a maxim adopted on such authority. Nov. 6. St. John accordingly began by making a great con- argument! cession. He abandoned any attempt to draw a dis- tinction between the levy of ship money in the inland counties and its levy in the maritime counties. He acknowledged, too, that the King wns the sole judge of the existence of danger. The law, he said, had given the King power, ' by writ under the Great Seal of England, to command the inhabitants of each county to provide sliipping for the defence of the ' iV». Gov. of C/iwlcfl., ji. 322. i637- Nov. &. THE SHIP MONEY CASE. 59 kingdom, so that he might by law compel the doing chaf. thereof.' The only question was in what manner he was to exercise this power. St. John answered his own question by arguing that as the King could not set fines nor deliver judgment except through the Judges, so he could not raise money beyond his ordinary revenue except by Parhament. He showed that there were special reasons for this restriction- A representative assembly was hkely to be a jealous guardian of the property of its constituents. The King was under no such bonds. If he could lay what charge he pleased on his subjects ' it would come to pass that, if the subject hath anything at all, he is not beholden to the law for it, but it is left entirely in the mercy and goodness of the King.' The remainder of St. John's argument may profit- ably be stripped of its technicahties. It is a good thing, he said in efiect, that there should be some one to keep an eye on the possibihty of danger. It is also a good thing that property should be guarded against unnecessary claims. It was, therefore, well that the King, when he had discovered the danger, should, under ordinary circumstances, be compelled to apply to Parliament for the taxation needed to meet it. It might be, indeed, that the danger de- veloped so rapidly that time for an appHcation to Parliament was wanting. In that case the rights of pro- perty would be simply in abeyance. If a French or a Spanish army landed unexpectedly in Kent or Devon- shire, no one would blame the Government because it seized horses from a gentleman's stable to drag artillery, or ordered its troops to charge across a farmer's corn- fields. It was a matter of notoriety, however, that in the present case no such danger had occurred. Writs had been issued in August for the purpose of 6o THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION, CHAP, equipping a fleet which was not needed till March. — T--^ — ■ Wliat possible reason could be alleged why ParUa- Nov^e! ™®'^* ^^^ "^ot been summoned in the course of those seven months, to grant a subsidy in the regular way? A reason no doubt there was, to which St. John did not venture even to allude, but which his hearers were not hkely to forget. A ParUament, once sum- moned, would have been certain to discuss other matters than ship money, and it would most probably demand an entire reversal of the civil and ecclesias- tical policy of the reign. St. John had supported his arguments by the usual store of antiquarian learning. He had been able to show that the Kings of England had frequently paid for services done in defence of the realm, even when they had been forced to borrow money to en- able them to do so. Surely, he urged, no king would have done this if he had been aware that he might legally impose the burden on his subjects. When St. John sat down he found himself famous. The crowded audience drank in every word that he said, listening as men would Usten who believed their property and their rights to be at stake. Nov. II. As Solicitor General, Lyttelton undertook to reply. a/gumert.' I* would have been strange if he had failed to find cases in which English kings had occasionally taken money irregularly. The struggle between Crown land Parliament had been a conflict of strength as well as a conflict of principle, and an advocate of the Govern- ment might easily go astray by quoting acts of aggres- sion as if they had ombodicd the very spirit of the law. When Lyttelton asroiulod from precedent to princi]>le, the weakness of his ease must have been manifest even to those who knew Uttle of constitu- THE SHIP MONEY CASE. 6 1 tional law. He acknowledged that the King had no chap. right to impose ship money, excepting in time of - — -^ — • danger, and he made the most of the argument that ^^^^l' the rights of property were not weakened by taking so much of it as was needed for its defence. All laws must give way to the law of necessity, and in times of necessity it was impossible to appeal to Parliament. Forty days must elapse after the issue of the writs before Parliament could meet, and then would follow long debates and conferences between the Houses. Before an agreement could be arrived at the kingdom would be lost. Lyttelton's argument would have been an excel- lent one if it had had the slightest relation to the actual circumstances of the case. Even supposing that the seven months which passed between the issue of the writ and the assemblage of the fleet had been insufficient to enable Parliament to come to a decision on that year's supply, no such excuse could be pleaded on behalf of an exaction which was now being re- newed for a fourth annual period. Evidently the danger was considered at Court to be a permanent one, and to a permanent danger Lyttelton's reasoning had no application whatever. Holborne in a few words blew down the house of Dec. 2.^ cards which had been erected by the Solicitor General, argument. The writ, he said, did not mention the existence of imminent danger. Then, rising to the occasion, he argued, amidst interruptions from the Bench, ' that by the fundamental laws of England the King cannot, out of Parliament, charge the subject — no, not for the common good unless in special cases.' Not only could not the King do it ' for the guard of the sea against pirates, but he coijld not even do it for the ordinary defence of the kingdom unavoidably in 62 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP. II. 1637. Dec. a. Dec. 16. Arfcument of Baiikes. Dec. 17. Dor. 18. danger to be lost.' Then, going further than St. John had ventured to go, he refused to acknowledge that the King was the proper judge of danger, unless when that danger was so closely impending that it was im- possible to consult Parliament at all. The great constitutional issue was raised more distinctly by Holborne than by St. John. For him Parliament, not the King, was the main organ of the sovereignty of the nation over itself. Bankes, the Attorney General, refused to meet him on that ground. The Court, he argued, had no right to inquire under what circumstances the King could exercise his judg- ment. It was enough to know that it had been ex- ercised. His power of forming the necessary decision was ' innate in the person of an absolute king and in the persons of the Kings of England ; so inherent in the king that it is not any ways derived from the people, but reserved to the king when positive law? first began.' In the course of his three days' argument Bankes had many precedents to show, in which the obhgation of the subject to defend the realm in person, by land or sea, was often confused with the special obligation of dwellers on the coast to provide chips for its de- fence. Nor did he omit to quoto a few case? in which in older times the inhabitants of inland counties had been compelled to find money for tlie provision of ships, liut he was totally unable to show -aiiytliing like a t;enoral contribution enforced from year to year. In the end he repeated his deelaration that tlie King was an absolute iiionarejj and the sole judge of danger. To 'distrust tlial ho will command too '^vvnt a power or aid, it is a ]iresuinption aganist the ])resiiin])tioii of the law.' "My Lords," he said in eonelusion, "if there THE SHIP MONEY CASE. 63 were no law to compel unto this duty, yet nature and the inviolate law of preservation ought to move us. These vapours which are exhaled from us will again descend upon us in our safety and in the honour of our nation ; and therefore let us obey the King's com- mand by his writ, and not dispute, He is the first mover among these orbs of ours, £^nd he is the circle of this circumference, and he is the centre of us all, wherein we all as the loins should meet. He is the soul of this body, whose proper act is to command." Bankes thus suppUed whatever defects there might importance -r-r -11 J -rm 1 n • of Bankes's be m Holborne s argument. When he sat down it argument, must have been abundantly clear to all men that if his view was accepted as the true one, the old ParHa- mentary constitution of England was at an end. If that were the case, as they had already learned from St. John, no man could hold his property except ov, sufferance. Those who cared less for pelf, and more for the old constitutional inheritance of their race, learned from the gHb utterance of a lawyer's tongue that the system under which they fondly believed that long generations of their ancestors had lived and died had never had any real existence. The assem- blies of early times before the Conquest, the Great Councils of Norman kings, the Parhaments of the Plantagenets were, it would seem, merely ornamental appendages to the substantial edifice of the monarchy. No doubt the King still professed his intention of ruling according to the law. No doubt the Great Charter, the confirmation of the Charters, and the recent Petition of Eight woidd still be quoted and wrangled over in Westminster Hall, but their living force would be gone, The representative monarchy of Henry YTTT. and Elizabeth would cease to be, as completely as the Parliamentary monarchy of the 64 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CIUP. II. 1637. Dec. 18. Condi tiona under which the claim to absolute power was made. House of Lancaster would cease to be. In its stead was to be raised the authority of a king ruHng in accordance with his own inscrutable counsels, whilst the English people was to wait patiently for the decision of its master. His was the wisdom which foresees everything and arranges everything, which no contingency could take by surprise and no cala- mity find without resource. Theirs was the ignorance of a herd of cattle contentedly grazing in the fat pastures prepared for them till their owner thought good to send them forth to the slaughter-house of war. It is certain that, whether Charles were or were not possessed of the profound wisdom needed to make good the claim advanced in his name, no time could be conceived more unfitted for its general ac- ceptance. So far as the King's advocate demanded that compUcated affairs should be entrusted to the decision of the few rather than of the many, they merely asked what was in accordance with the neces- sities of human nature, though they left out of sight the fact that it is equally in accordance with those necessities that the decision of the few should be openly or tacitly submitted to the approval of the many. At the moment, however, the very success of Charles's fleet made the mystery in whioli he veiled his resolutions more unintelligible. Wlien a ffreat crisis arrives in the national fortunes, when an inva- sion by a foreign Power is iin]ionding and the means of resistance are scanty, it is far more important that the plans for meeting the danger sliould proceed from one l)ra,iii, and that the forces of resistani-e should be (■onccnl.ratcd in one hand, tlian that there should be a, public I'arlianu'n'tary (Usciission on the proper UivA'iCM to bi! pursued. Notliing ol" the kind was im- THE SHIP MONEY JUDGMENT. 65 pending now. When Eichelieu determined to keep chap. his new fleet out of the English Channel, he struck a ■ — -— decisive stroke, though he knew it not, on behalf of oed'Is. the Parliamentary liberties of England. If a com- bined French and Dutch fleet had attacked Dunkirk, and had threatened English commerce on the English coasts, all the patriotism in England would have been loud in demanding that the powers of Government should be increased, though it is quite possible that it might also have demanded that a thoughtful and able Government should be substituted for one which had proved itself shiftless and inefficient. As it was, there was no reason whatever that special powers should be conceded where no special reasons existed for their exercise. The decision of the Judges remained to be heard. 1638. , , 1 T 1 • • ■ 1 The opinion As only two were to deliver their opmion on the same of the day, and in consequence of the claims of other busi- ness, a considerable delay would intervene between the utterances of each speaker ; some months must elapse before the judgment of the whole bench could be known. It was not likely that the Judges would break away from their declaration of the preceding winter. On some of them no doubt the dependent position to which they had been reduced by Charles may have not been without its influence. But it must not be for- gotten that the question itself was rather one for political than for judicial settlement. Hampden and his supporters were only careful to establish a nega- tive. They saw clearly that the right assumed by the King was fatal to the Parliamentary constitution of England. The Judges might well ask what was the alternative proposed. "Was a House of Commons, as yet unguided by any Cabinet and undisciplined by VOL. I. F Judges. 66 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP, any party ties, to be expected to meet with wise fore- — ^ — ■ thought all the exigencies of foreign affairs ? What ' ^ ■ was really wanted, if there was not to be a political revolution, was that the King should not only exercise his discretion, but should really be discreet, should only use extraordinary powers in extraordinary cir- cunistances, and should withhold his confidence fi'om the nation no further than it might be in the interest of the nation that secresy should be maintained for a time. Unfortunately, such a consummation was beyond the power of any judicial decision to effect. Judgment Something of this difiiculty seems to have been felt by Baron Weston, who dehvered judgment first. He beheved that the King had decided rightly in fitting out the fleet. If, indeed, it had been done by Parliament, it had been done by the happiest means. But he could not lay down the law that it must always be done by Parliament. If the enemy had come ' before the Parliament had met, or before they had granted any aid, should the safety of the kingdom depend upon such contingencies ? ' Md Ber-*^ This rcluctance to acknowledge the existence of a Mey ; general prohibitory law was the strongest ground on which the King's supporters could rely. It was not likely that all of Weston's brethren would be content to give so half-hearted a support to the Crown. Crawley, who followed, declared that it was a royal prerogative ' to impose taxes without common consent of ParHament.' Berkeley went further still. He fixed upon Holborne's argument that, by the fundamental poHcy of tlie realm, sovereigns wlio wished to exact money at their pleasure ought lobe resti-ained by Par- liament. " The law." he said, " knows no such king- yoking ])olicy. The law is of itself an old and trusty THE SHIP MONEY JUDGMENT. 67 servant of the King's ; it is his instrument and means chap. which he useth to govern his people by. I never read ■ — ^ — - nor heard that Lex was Rex, but it is common and most true that B,ex is Lex, for he is Lex loquens, a Hving, a speaking, an acting law." Vernon and Trevor followed on the same side. It of vemon, was not till five of the Judges had declared for the crokfc''" King that one was found to take part with the de- fendant. Sir George Croke is said to have hesitated what he should say, but to have been encouraged by his wife to speak his mind without fear of conse- quences. The tale has no sufficient evidence to sup- port it, and he was hardly the man to need such an exhortation. However this may have been, he spoke distinctly and emphatically. It was utterly contrary to law, he said, to set any charge whatever upon the subject except La Parhament. Even under this con- dition the Kin g could not possibly find any difficulty in providing for the defence of the realm. He had power to press into his service every single man and every single ship in England. ' The imagination of man,' he said, ' could not invent a danger, but course might be taken tUl Parliament be had.' No example of such a writ as that before the Court could be pro- duced from the whole course of English history. Of the remaining Judges Hutton followed deci- seven sively in Croke's steps. Denham, who was Ul, gave the Crown. a brief judgment in Hampden's favour, and Bramp- ston and Davenport placed themselves, for technical reasons, on the same side. Jones and Finch pro- nounced for the King. Charles could count as his own but seven voices out of twelve, giving him the smallest of all possible majorities. Of all the arguments delivered on the side of the Finch's " p T • • constita- Crown none created so profound an impression as tionai views. p2 68 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP. 11. that of Finch. It had at least the merit of plain speaking, and the spontaneity of its tone is such as to '^38. raise a suspicion that the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, overbearing and brutal as he could be upon this occasion, was not the mere time-server that he is generally reckoned. Finch held, as all reasonable poH- ticians now hold, that in every State some man or body of men must exist above all human control, which may be wisely subjected to checks and hindrances, but which must be able in case of supreme necessity to brush aside those checks and hindrances without appeal. This power, which is now attributed to the constituencies, was by Finch attributed to the King. The law, he said, having given to the King the duty of defending the country, had of necessity given him the right of laying the charge which would enable him to fulfil the duty imposed upon him. " Acts of Parhament," he boldly added, " to take away his Eoyal power in the defence of his kingdom are void. . . . They are void Acts of Parhament to bind the King not to com- mand the subjects, their persons and goods, and I say their money too, for no Acts of Parliament make any difference." ^ Effect of '^^^^ "^^^ ^* ^"^^^^ plain speaking. After this, words' 'what was the use of going back to those ancient laws which were fondly regarded as the bulwarks of Enghsh hberty? Precedent and statute had been quoted in vain. There was, it seemed, a transcendent authority in the King which uoither law nor Parlia- ment could fetter. No woudor men took alarm at so portentous a ddctrino, and that those who claimed sovereignty for tlie law and tlioso who claimed sove- reignity for rarliamciits were eijually roused to indig- nation. •' Undoubtedly," wrote Clarendon long ' tHiili' Ti-ialt, iii. 825. PUBLIC OPINION ON SHIP MONEY. 69 afterwards, " my Lord Finch's speech made ship chap money much more abhorred and formidable than all ~ — .- — ■ the commandments by the Council table and all the ^ ^ ' distresses taken by the sheriffs of England." ^ It did more than that. It taught men to know, beyond all possibihty of mistake, that the reign of Parliament and the reign of law were indissolubly connected, and that the fond idea of an unparliamentary govern- ment acting under legal restraint must be cast aside for ever. The speeches of the popular lawyers, and the judgments of the popular Judges, were circulated from hand to hand. A settled conviction took pos- session of Enghshmen that, if the majority of the Judges was against them, the weight of argument was on their side. Never had the authority of Charles sunk so low as after the victory which he counted himself to have won. Charles acted as if doubt were no longer possible. Aneais of The voice of the Judges, when it spoke in his own coiLTed!"^ favour, was to him as the voice of the law itself. Sharp orders were at once issued for the immediate collection of the arrears. Sheriffs were to bring in the money on pain of a summons before the Council. Constables refusing to assess, magistrates of towns refusing to coUect, and men of standing refusing to pay were to be treated in the same manner. This pressure was not exerted entirely in vain. Even the sturdy Eichard Chambers, who had refused to pay ship money as he had refused to pay Tonnage and Poundage before, was hberated from prison upon payment of the lol. charged upon him, though he con- soled himself by bringing an action against the Lord Mayor, who had assessed it, upon the ground of some * Clarendon, i. 71. 70 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION, CHAP. II. Other grievances besides «liip money. The Forest Courts. technical informality.^ At the end of July 78,000?. were still in arrear. By the end of October 30,000?. of this sura had been paid in, though even this left the arrears twice as large as those remaining at the end of October 1637.^ If this, however, could be recovered there was no reason to despair of the Exchequer. Never since the accession of the Stuart dynasty had the finances been in so flourishing a condition as in the spring of 1638. The Great Customs, which had for some years been farmed for 150,000?., were let afresh for 165,000?.^ The new burdens laid since Portland's death were beginning to tell, and with ordinary prudence the King would be certain to secure himself from a deficit. The great case of ship money was peculiarly adapted to bring into a focus all the political dissatis- faction which existed in England. The incidence of the tax was felt by all but the very poorest, and the question at issue, with its wide and far-reaching con- sequences, was capable of being summed up in a few terse words which would fix tliemselves in the dullest understanding. As was, however, to be ex- pected, the grievance of ship money did not stand alone. Other complaints were heard of mischiefs inflicted for the most part on special classes or special locahties, which were each of them separately of less importance than that caused by the ship money, but which, taken together, were sufficient to cause a con- siderable amount of irritation. First of these was the complaint of the action of ' Rossingham's Newalettar, June 16, 1640. ^S. P. Donu cccclvii. 36. ' Council Jtfi/Mrr, Juno 30, July 15. Kussell's account, Oct, 27, 1637, July 28, Oct. 27, 1638. S, P.' Dom. occbcx. 57, ccoxlv. 93, 95, cccc. 114, 11$. » Indenture, March 17, 1638. Patent Soils, 13 Charles I., Part 41, No. I. THE FOUEST COURTS. 7 1 the Forest Courts, the unwonted activity of which chap. had been in operation ever since 1634. In the ' — •- — ' course of three years Holland, as Chief Justice in ^ ^ ' Eyre, had held his justice seat in the Forest of Dean, in Waltham Forest, and in the New Forest.^ In 1637. 1637 the turn of the Forest of EocMngham arrived, courun The fines set by Holland were enormous. The Earl wFofest. of Salisbury was called on to pay 20,000/J., the Earl of Westmoreland 19,000/., Sir Christopher Hatton 12,000/. The bounds of the forest had been reckoned as measuring six miles in circumference. They were now to measure sixty.'"^ As usually hap- pened, the fines actually levied were far less than those originally set. In November Commissioners ^ov. 4. were named to compound with all persons guilty comi^s-*^' of offences against forest law.^ After the Com- °'™" mission had been in action two years and a half, only 23,000/. had been brought by it into the Ex- chequer from aU the forests in England.* The sum paid was indeed small enough when compared with the original demand, but it was large enough to cause considerable discontent in the minds of those who believed themselves to be buying off, on compulsion, a purely imaginary claim. No pubhc object was aimed at by Charles in these Corporate . -_ T • • • i> i- monopoliea. exactions. In the mstitution 01 new corporations with exclusive rights of manufacture, or of sale, he, or those who acted in his name, were doubtless guided to a large extent by considerations of public benefit. The Monopoly Act of 1624 had been the result partly of the jealousy aroused amongst traders, who ' Personal Government of Charles I., ii. 73, 76, 172, 182. " Garrard to Wentworth, Oct. 9. Straf. Letters, ii. 1 14. ' Commission, Nov. 4. Patent Soils, 13 Charles I., Part 14, Dors, 6. * Breviates of the receipt. 72 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP, saw the profits of trade going into the hands of ' — 7 — ' courtiers, and partly of the pressure felt in conse- quence of the violation of economic laws by those who could give no account of the true cause of the mischief Not only had that Act left untouched the general power of the Crown to institute corporations with the right of monopoly, but it had not been accompanied, as the Free-Trade measures of our own time were accompanied, by any intellectual enlarge- ment of the traditional sphere of thought upon the subject. The Privy Council of Charles, therefore, not only beheved itself to be empowered by law to establish new corporations with the sole right of trade, but they shared the feehngs of a generation which regulated trade in every possible way. Justices of the peace had long counted it to be a part of their business to settle the rate of wages and to keep down the price of food. Inhabitants of towns petitioning for the erection of a municipal corpora- tion were in the habit of ascribing all the vice and misery of over -populated districts to the ' want of governance ' which allowed each man to come and go, to manufacture or not to manufacture, as he pleased.^ It is impossible for any candid person to read the numerous entries on the subject of trade which crowd the Eegister of the Privy Council without coming to the conclusion that they were the work of men desirous, perhaps, here and there to obtain a little fragmentary relief for the impoverished Exchequer, but who were desirous to have honest work done at low ]iri('os, and coiisjucuously failed in the attempt. Ti.o'i?itk- ■*•" ^^^^' ^"^ insliuu-e, a Corjioration of Brick- ' Several petitions state Ihia in tlio Petition Books at Crowcombe Court. TRADING CORPORATIONS. 73 makers was established for the benefit of the builders chap. of London. These men were to make good bricks at the rate of six shillings the thousand. At the end of ^ ^ " three years it was discovered that they made very bad bricks indeed, and that, though they sold them at the stipulated price, they kept the carriage of them in their own hands and charged exorbitantly for it.^ Still more difficult was the task of bringing the The coai- London coal supply to an ideal standard. The " '''^"" owners of the coal ships were formed into a cor- poration, and bound themselves to pay one shilHng to the King on every chaldron imported from New- castle. They also bound themselves never to charge more than seventeen shilhngs the chaldron in summer and nineteen shillings in winter. Yet, strict as were the rules laid down, the coal-shippers gave endless trouble to the Government. Again and again there was a scarcity in the London market, and prices rose in defiance of the Privy CouncU. Sometimes blame was attributed to a combiiiation amongst the shippers to delay their vessels on the way from the North, in order to create an unusual demand, under the pressure of which they might run up prices in de- fiance of their agreement ; sometimes to improper regulations imposed in the London market ; some- times to the greed of the retailers. But, in spite of the reasoning and the activity of the Council, it was only at rare intervals that coals were not above the regulation price in London.^ The Corporation of Soap-makers, which had 1637- , ^ . . n ^ The Soap caused such excitement m 1635, underwent a com- makers. ' PatetU RoUb, 13 Charles I., Part 7, No. J. CmncU Regigtet; Apr. 24, 1639. ' The State Papers and the Cotmdl Register are full of this business. ' Persmal Gov. of Cliarles I., ii. 165. 74 THE CONSTITUnONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP, plete change in 1637. With Juxon as Treasurer ■ — -^ — Laud at last had his way. The company formed of ' ^^' Portland's friends disappeared. The old independent soap-makers were erected into a corporation, buying out their predecessors with 43,000^., and agreeing to pay to the King 8/. on every ton of soap manufac- tured by them. The very men who had raised the outcry against the search for illicit soap now made exactly the same use of their monopoly as that of which they had themselves complained. They con- stantly appHed to the Council to assist them in the suppression of unauthorised manufacture, and the Council seldom failed to comply with their request.^ 1635. The original object of the incorporation of the Soap Company had been the encouragement of domestic industry. With the same object a company was formed at Shields for the production of salt. All port towns from Berwick to Southampton were ordered to provide themselves with this salt alone ia place of that which came from the shores of the Bay of Biscay, and which was at that time regarded as the best salt in the world. The company was to pay to the King ten shiUings on every wey sold for home consumption, and three shillings and fourpence on every wey of that coarser sort which was used by 1636. fishermen.^ Complaints were soon heard. The owners of the Yarmouth fishing boats declared that they could not obtain salt in sufficient quantity, and that what they did receive was not as good as tlie old bay salt had been.* The King had a plan of his own ' Agreement, July 3, 1637. Patent liolh, 13 Charles I., Part 39, No. 10. There are alao frequeut entries relating to the subject in the Counoil Rogieter. ' Indenture, Nov. 4, 1 63 5 . PatmU liolh, 1 1 Charles I. , Part 26, No. 4- •'' Bailift's of Great Yarmouth to the Council, Nov. 13, 1636. S. F, Ihim. CCCXXXV. 51. TRADING COHPORATIONS. 75 to meet the difficulty. A certain Nicholas Murford chap. had invented a new method of making salt, and had ■ — -^ — • obtained leave to estabHsh his works in the neigh- " ^ ' bourhood of Yarmouth, with special permission to sell his salt in spite of the monopoly of the Shields manufacturers. An influential company was formed 1637- to carry out Murford's project. The King interested , himself so deeply in the affair that he granted lands to the new company, which turned out to be the property of others, and was consequently compelled to retract his gift.^ The King's claim to levy impositions on soap and salt may have received a sort of justification as a mere demand for an equivalent for the loss of his customs caused by the prohibition of importation. Other interferences with domestic trade reposed simply on the ground that it was the King's business to see that his subjects were provided with articles of good quality, though even in these cases he did not disdain to make a profit for himself. The Company of Starch- starch- makers was to take care that good wheaten flour was "" ^'*' not wasted in their unprofitable manufacture. In Maltsters order that grain might not be misused in brewing era. beer unnecessarily strong, all persons except a certain number of hcensed maltsters and brewers were pro- hibited from making malt and brewing beer. This last prohibition caused such an outcry that even" Charles gave way before it and threw open the trade once more.^ ' Grant to Murford and Hanworth, May 25, 1636. Patent Soils, 12 Charles I., Part 7, No. 6. The King to Wentworth and others, Jan. 18. Wentworth's petition, Feb. 22, 1637. Murford to Sherwood, 1637? S. P. Dom. cccxliv. 35, ccoxlyii. 80, ccclzxvii. 84. * Proclamation, July 9, 1637, June 18, 1638. Rymer, xx. 157, 234. Appointment of Brewers for Essex, Feb. 38, 1638. Patent Rolls, 13 Charles I., Part 18, No. 6. Th ners, 76 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP. For these encroachments some reason, however • — T'T-' unsatisfactory, could, in every case, be alleged. For o\^nt- Charles's interference with the wine trade no reason 1632. whatever could be produced. As early as in 1632 a de- mand was made upon the sellers of wine in London for a 1633. premium of 4.L per tun. Upon their refusal, it was dis- covered that the Vintners were in the habit of dressing meat for sale to their customers, a mode of obtaining 1635- money which was not authorised by their charter. A decree of the Star Chamber put a stop to the practice. At the Council Board the Vintners were urged to be wise in time. " It is folly in travellers," said Dorset, " to deny their purses to robbers upon the way, and to draw harm upon themselves thereby, when they have no sufficient force either to defend their purses or their own persons." A proposal was then made that if the Vintners would lend the King 6,000/. the pro- hibition should be relaxed for some months, and that then they should be secured from further molestation. They paid the money, but the promised security was not forthcoming. They complained to the Council, but met with no redress. " Will you not be satisfied," said Arundel, " with the word of a king ? " Upon this they imagined that they would be allowed to dress meat, as they had hitherto done. They were at once called in question. The Attorney General offered to overlook the ofience for the future if they would pay the King a penny on every quart of Anne sold. On their refusal they were again ju-osocuted in the 1637. Star Chamber for dressing moat. When the cause was ready for sentence. Alderman Abell, the Master of the Vintners' Company, 0:11110 to a bargain with the King through tho interposition of the Marquis 1638. of Hamilton. To Ibiinilton had boon granted the fines which wore rocovornblo in tho Star Chamber TRADING CORPORATIONS. 77 Tom the offenders in the matter of dressing meat. 5e now explained to the Vintners that he had 10 wish to ruin so many honest men, and that it ' ^ ' ivould be far better for them to comply with the King's wish. His arguments were warmly supported by Abell, and by Kilvert, the wretch who had been the main agent in the ruin of Williams, and who was ttow currying favour at Court by providing for the increase of the revenue at the expense first of the V^intners and ultimately of the consumers of wine. Before this pressure the unfortunate Company gave way. They agreed to all that was asked. They were to be permitted to dress meat and sell beer. They were to be allowed to charge an additional penny on every quart of vrine sold, and they were to grant to the King a payment of 20I. on every tun, or, as was subsequently settled, a rent of 30,000^. a year.-^ All the vintners in England were compelled by the Coun- cil to conform to the arrangements made with the London Company. Hamilton obtained 4,000^. a year from the rent, and 1,500/. a year more were assigned to two members of his family. No doubt Kilvert had his profit too.^ ' Rughw. iii. 277. CovMcU Register, March 2, 1635. Garrard to Wentworth, Jan. 8, 1636. Straf. Letters, i. 507. Indenture, Sept. 7, 1638, Patent Rolls, 14 Charles I., Part 18, No. 2. This is no doubt the indenture assigned by Rush worth to 1634. See also The Vintneri Answer to some Scandalous Pamphlets, 1642. (E. 140.) "Those of the better sort which did give their counsel," says the writer of this pamphlet (p. 7), " did it not with any true liking to the project, but merely to avoid ruin in the Star Chamber. For the shipwreck of the soap-boilers and others was then fresh in view ; and that Court had then gotten them the same repute as a Timariot's horse has in Turkey, where they say no grass ever grows after the impression of his fatal hoof." The early form of this saying, which is still current, with a slight change, is curious. ' Kilvert's remonstrance, ffarl. MSS. 1,219, ^ol. 3. Grants to Hamilton and others. Patent Rolls, 14 Charles I., Part 9, Nos. 25, 31, 32. 78 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP. The great body of consumers of wine suffered in " — -y^ — ' order that the King and the courtiers might increase Theg^wth their profits. It is not always by the most hurtful of London, gg^jQ^g ^]^j^^ |.]^g greatest discredit is gained. In our eyes nothing could be so injurious as any attempt to limit the e ize of London by prohibiting the erection of new houses. England was growing in prosperity and wealth, and the effects of prosperity were felt in the increase of the population of the capital. In the early part of the reign houses began to spring up for the accommodation of the new comers, and a new and fashionable quarter arose in the neighbourhood of Drury Lane. To provide the requirements necessary for the maintenance of health would have taken some trouble and some thought. It was easier to say that no houses should be built than to regulate the mode in which they were to be erected. At first, indeed, the anxiety to restrain the increase of buildings gave way before the desire to fill the Exchequer, and fines were readily accepted in the place of the demolition of houses. When at last a serious effort was made to check the supposed evil, the initiative did not proceed Oct. 29. from the King. A petition from the Lord Mayor donpe™' ^'^^ aldermen drew the attention of the Council to '''"'• the growing mischief They alleged that swarms of beggars were attracted by the new houses. Prices had risen in consequence of the increasing demand for the necessaries of life. Many of the houses were built over water-pipes, and cut off the supply of water. The danger of infection was increased. Soil was carried down to the river, which threatened to impede navigation.^ ■ ('(tniicH Tti'ijiftor, Oct. 2<), 1 6^2. IIow strongly the corporation folt on (lii.s subject is slunvn liy (lu- presentation of a petition to the JlouBO of Cmnnions on Juno 14, 1642, pniving that a Bill might be pogsod against now buildings. Common CouneU Jownal Booh, xi. 33. SANITARY CONDITION OF LONDON, 79 Doubtless something more than pure enthusiasm chap. for the pubHc good was at work in the minds of the • — ^-^ — • petitioners. The population within the City looked ^^■^^' on the population outside the City as its rival in trade. After a year's consideration the Council responded ,633. Lo the City petition. One valuable suggestion they A^sweroV made, but it was made only to be dropped. They advised ""^CounQii, that the streets and alleys which had grown up to the north of the Strand should be brought under muni- cipal government by being divided between the cities of London and Westminster, For the rest, they simply adopted the recommendations of the City. In order to ascertain the extent of their legal powers a test case was brought into the Star Chamber, when A.ttorney General Noy argued that though there was ao statiite to authorise the demolition of the new buildings, they might be proceeded against as auisances under the Common Law. Coventry and the two Chief Justices accepted this doctrine, and orders were given to commence the demohtions.^ As long as Charles retained authority permission to build was seldom granted, though in a few exceptional iases the prohibition was relaxed on payment of a ine. The natural result was the overcrowding of exist- 1637 ng houses. To provide a remedy householders were crowdingto )rdered to forbear from taking lodgers. It was not dfedbypro ;asy to enforce the order. A return made in 1637, iod'ge°s? vhen the ravages of the plague had frightened the luthorities, who were ignorantly doing their best to )romote the dissemination of disease, shows how little heir edicts were observed. In one house were found :leven married couples and fifteen single persons. In • Council Register, Oct, 23, 1633. Add. MSS. 11,764, fol. 2. 8o THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAP, another the householder had taken in eighteen " — 7- — ■ lodgers ; and even the Company of Freemasons had cut up their common haU into tenements.^ The Aug. wisest were as far to seek as the most ignorant. In a the Physi- rpport on the causes of the plague made by the Col- ClODB. lege of Physicians, the chief blame is thrown not on restriction, but on the increase of building, ' by which multitudes of people are drawn hither to inhabit, by which means both the air is much offended and pro- vision is made more scarce.' It is true that this statement is followed by a list of nuisances to be abated. The sewers and ditches were not properly cleansed. Ponds which should have been filled up were left to collect refuse. The streets were not swept as they should be. Lay stalls were allowed to remain close to the habitations of man. Those who died of the plague were buried within the City, and some of the graveyards were so full that partially decomposed bodies were taken up to make room for fresh interments. Corn, meat, and fish unfit for con- sumption were sold to the poor. The physicians re- commended the erection of a Health Ofiice to provide a remedy, a recommendation which no one attempted to carry into effect.^ 1638. For good or for evil it was dangerous to interfere do'lfdOTy with the great City commonwealth. The settlement of the affairs of Londonderry,® tliough more favour- able to the City than had been at one time expected, was long cherished as a deadly grievance. The Irish lands, settled at the cost of so much labour and capi- tal, were forfeited to the Crown. The greater part of the fine imposed was indeed roinittod, but i2,oooi. ' Jli'lurns, May 1637. S. 7'. Jhwi. cccli.x. ' The (JoUegB of Pliysiciaus to the Council, Aug. (?) 1637. 5. P. Dom. ccclxvi. 78. » i '<•»■«. Qovn-nnmU. of Chmiea I., ii. 152. forfeiture. THE GOVERNMENT AND THE CITY OF LONDON. 8l were exacted for the use of the Queen,^ who happened chap. to be in want of that sum. Another subject of — --; — irritation was an arrangement for increasing the „ ' '^ ' D The City tithes due to the City clergy. On the face of the oi"gy. " matter. Laud, who pushed it on in the Council, had justice on his side. The tithes by which the clergy were supported had sunk to a mere pittance through under-valuation of the property on which they were charged, and Laud insisted on a more accurate valu- ation. The citizens regarded his demand from a very Jifferent point of view. If they were illiberal in the payment of tithe, they had been very hberal in irregular payments to preachers and lecturers. They liked, however, to select the recipients of their bounty — as Laud would have put it, to bring the ?.lergy into subservience to themselves, or, as they would have put it, to take care that their ministers were not infected by the new ceremonialism. Collisions between the Council and the City were 1636. indeed of constant occurrence. In 1636 the failure c^y^lZ 3f the proposal to extend the municipal governments ''™- 3f London and Westminster over the districts covered with recent buildings was followed by the estabhsh- ment of a new corporation for those districts, which, by establishing the usual trade regulations, should prohibit the intrusion of persons who had not served their regular apprenticeship. The citizens of London regarded the new arrangement with a jealous eye, and 1 proposal that apprentices who had served their time under the new corporation should be admitted ;o trade in the City found no favour in their sight. ^ ' There is a Privy Seal to this effect. ^ Charter, June 2, 1636. Patent Molls, 12 Charles I., Part 20, lio. 7. Proclamation, Nov. 22, 1637. Rymer, xx. 173.. CquwJI Register, May 6, 1638. VOL. I. G 82 THE CONSTITUTfONAL OPPOSITIOM. CHAP. II. 1634. Ilncknev coaches. 1636. 1637- 1635- The leller- fiost. Tlie spirit of monopoly was everywhere vigorous. In 1634, wlien an enterprising stable-keeper for the first time sent hackney coaches to stand for hire in the streets, many persons held up their hands in horror at the innovation. It was seriously proposed that no coach should be hired for less than a three miles journey, and that unmarried gentlemen should be forbidden to ride in them except when accompanied by their parents.^ The London watermen made ob- jections of a different kind. They were quite ready to see any number of coaches driving northwards towards Islington and Hoxton, but they held it to be intolerable presumption in them to compete with the wherries on the river by driving from the City to Westminster. For a time these objections prevailed. In 1636 a proclamation was issued forbidding the hiring of hackney coaclies for a shorter journey than one of three miles. Too extensive a use of coaches, it was said, would block up the streets, break up the pavements, and raise the price of hay.^ It was not long before it was discovered that the coaches which had ■ been so severely condemned were not without their use. Like the vintners, the coachmen applied to Hamilton to license fifty hackney coachmen for London and Westminster, and as manvas he thought right for other places in England. Hamilton did not grant these licenses for nothing,'* but lio ])rovided London with vehicles which wore to be hired by all who wished to employ them. Another salutary innovation was the establish- ment of a ])ost,-()nice for the transmission of letters. ' Paper of suggestions, Mnv 5, 1654. ,V. P. /),im., ccl.xvii. 36. ' \Viilpvm(\ri'.s l'i\|iliiiii, .Inno, \(i,v[. S. P. Doin., coLtuc. 52; Pro- rlamation, ,huw k), 1636. A'i/out, xi\. 721. •' Abimdloof Uu'Hii liciMisos luo prosorvi'il luiionj^it the Verney Papers at (ilaydon. ESTABLISHMENT OF A LETTER-POST. 83 Hitherto, any one who wished to communicate with chap. H. his friends, and who was not sufficiently wealthy to send his letters by a private messenger, was obliged ' ^^' to entrust thein to a carrier, who conveyed them over the miry roads at the rate of sixteen or eighteen miles a day. Under this system, the few persons who had communications with Scotland or Ireland were well content if they received an answer within two months. In 1635 the Government adopted a proposal for esta- bUshing a regular post on the principal roads. Six days were allowed for going to Edinburgh and back. The other main routes were from London to Ply- mouth, and from London to Holyhead, but cross posts were established to serve the principal towns lying off the road. The charge for a single letter was two- pence for a distance of eighty miles. ^ By an arrange- 1637. ment with the King of France and the Cardinal Infant, the system was extended beyond the Channel, and merchants were able to send a single letter to Antwerp for eightpence, and to Paris for ninepence.^ Like all the Stuart Kings, Charles took an interest 1626. in those improvements which were likely to increase Hatfieir" the material prosperity of the country. In his father's reign there had been many projects for reclaiming inundated lands, but it was not till after Charles's accession that anything serious was attempted. In 1626 a commencement was made with Hatfield Chase, where 70,900 acres were flooded by the rivers which converge to form the Ilumber. A Dutchman, Cor- nelius Vermuyden, skilled in the art of raising em- bankments and cutting canals, was brought over from ^ Proposition, June. S. P. Dom,, ccxci. 114, Proclamation, July 31, 1635. Rymer, xix. 649. " Commissian-, April 5, 1637. Patent Molls, 13 Charles L Part 41, Dors, No. 3. G 2 84 THR CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. 1626. CHAP. Holland. Diitcli capitalists were induced to provide money foi- the venture, and the strong arms of Dutch labourers, not without some admixture of Flemish refugees and French Huguenots, were ready to wield 1628. the pickaxe and the spade. The operation was cer- Foreign . ' ' , ,. workmen tam to be uupopular amongst the surrounding cmpoye . pgjjgj^^(-j.y. VoicBS wcre raised in complaint that water was being forced over fields which had once been dry ; and the grievances of landowners were echoed by the grievances of large numbers wdthout avowed occupation, who liad gathered round the waste grounds, and who made a livehhood by catching fish and snaring ducks, as well as by various other contrivances, for the cessation of which the under- takers of the works would hardly be able to find an exact pecuniary compensation. Jealousy of foreigners fanned the flame of hatred. The embankments were broken througli and the workmen were attacked. Quarrels The foreigners took up arms in self defence, and an foreiKners iiiUglishman WHS killed in the struggle, ihe sheriff of ti-.cs. tlie county restored order, and Vermuyden. made wise by experience, offered to employ native labourers at high wages, and to compensate those whom he had 1629. unintentionallj' damaged. In 1629 Vermuvden was kniglited, and received a grant of the lands which he had recovered on payment of a yearlv rent, and a fine of i6,oooZ.^ The Go- The old difficulties were not vol at an end. Tlio artempts to Government found it a hard task U^ keep tlio noaoo. riie enthusiastic and quick-UMiipovod Dutch engineer was apt to rcLrard (ho Englisli ])casauts in the lijilit of ignorant and selfish obstructives. The [icasants looked ' HiiiiliT, /finf. iif l/i(i Dniii,!-!/ 0/ }>'»i>tist,r,i. i6o. .Viisliio toBiick- inufhiuii, Auj,'. 31. Vnnialli to Si, (lillr.s, Oct. 1628. *. P. Dom. cxiii. 38; cxii. 73. mediate. IIATFIKLD rilASE. 85 upon every ai'fidental injury as-a premeditated wrong. ^^\f^' At last, the whole dispute was committed to the ' — ■,■ — ' mediation of Wentworth and Hutton, the best men for the purpose to be found in England. After full inquiry, they drew up an award, which was sub- sequently confirmed by the Court of Exchequer, by which the rights of tlie tenants and the commoners were fully protected. Vermviyden, in dudgeon, parted with his interest. The immigrants whom he had employed, about two hundred families of foreign origin, remained on the soil which they had rescued. Grass grew, and corn waved, where a few years before Henry, Prince of Wales, had captured from boats a whole herd of deer swimming in the waters. The neighbours still remonstrated that they were occa- sionally deluged by artificial floods ; but when once the drainage was fully completed, the inundations ceased.^ From another kind of hardship the foreigners found no escape. They had been permitted to erect a chapel in which they might worship God in their native tongues, and they interpreted that permission as conveying a hcense to use the forms of their native land. Archbishop JSTeile was horrified to find that 1636. these Dutchmen and Frenchmen had established a reigners Presbyterian congregation on English soil, that they to"confonn baptized infants without a font, and received the English Communion without kneeling at the rail. Neile at ^'^'''''=''- once intervened. The strangers were compelled to dismiss their minister, to pull down their chapel, and to attend the parish churches of the neighbour- hood.''* The draining of Hatfield Chase was not the only .pj^^'^'^^^j Level. ' Hunter, i. 162. ' Neile to Laud, June 23, Sept. 8, 1636 ; Neile's report. S. F. Dom. cccxxvii. 47, cccxxxi. 7i,cccxlv. 85, i. 5. 86 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSinON. ciiAi'. work of the kind accomplished in England during ■ — •- — • these years. Many thousands of acres were reclaimed ^^' in Lincolnshire. But of all the fens the largest was that known as the Great Level, which spread round the Isle of Ely over some 36,000 acres, which was covered by the overflow of the Ouse, the Nen, and the Welland. What was in winter a vast expanse of water was in summer a dreary swamp. On the damp islets an ague-stricken population gathered a coarse hay and cut the willows to supply the basket-makers of England. 'Wild ducks and wild geese were to be captured by hundreds, and pike and other fresh- water fish were to be had in plenty. Men who passed half of their lives in boats, and who, when they left their boats, strapped on the long stilts which enabled tliem to stride from one piece of dry ground to another, were terrified when they heard of a coming change. Their scared feehngs were well expressed by words placed in their mouths by a rhymester of the day. Behold the great design, which they do uow determine, ^^"ill make our bodies pine, a prey to crows and vermin ; For they do mean all fens to drain and waters overmaster, All will be dry, and we must die, 'cause Essex calves want pastuiu.* Contract The first serious attempt to deal with the Great milyder Level was made in 1629 by the Commissiouei'S of Sewers, a body composed of the iiei«jlibouring gentry acting under the autliurily of the Crown. They entered into a contract with Yermuyden to drain tlie level But tlic ]/ro])o.s:il to introduce fort'mners was as unpahitiiblo in Linrolut^hiro and Camliridgoshire as it had been in ^'orksliirc, and tlu' Couiniissioncrs were Ibrct'd by ihc public opinion of tlie district to 1O30. rcHciiicl (he coutract. Tlicy urged t lie Earl of Bedford ' DiiiriliiU'S Hial. of KmhanliiiKj, 391, THE BEDFOKD LEVEL. 87 to place himself at the head of the work. On his chap. consent, it was arranged that qs,ooo acres of the — 7 — ■ drained land should be allotted to him. Of this xheEariof share, however, he was to set apart 12,000 for the uDdertak- King, and the profits of 40,000 were to serve as a "'^' security for keeping up the works after their com- pletion. The amount of land which he was actually to enjoy would therefore be reduced to 43,000 acres. He divided the undertaking into twenty shares, and in 1634 the shareholders were incorporated by Eoyal 1634- Charter. The work proceeded rapidly, and in October 1637 the Commissioners of Sewers decided that it had 1637. been completed, and adjudged the stipulated reward pietion"Jf to the Earl and his associates.^ announced. The associates, however, were not satisfied. They The work complained that Bedford had pursued his own in- ficientiy terests at their expense, and they threatened him with ''''"^' a prosecution in the Star Chamber unless he treated them more fairly.^ Yermuyden too, who had been employed by Bedford, was equally discontented. Bedford, it was alleged, had claimed his reward before he had fully carried out his contract. In summer the reclaimed land was tolerably dry. In winter, the streams swelled as before, and the waters poured over the level plain. Bedford, it would seem, .had done all that was in his power to do. He had spent 100,000/. on the undertaking. Yet, unless more were done, his labours would have been, almost in vain.^ On April 12, 1638, a new body of Commissioners, ' Cole, Collection of Laws, xxiii. ^ Complaints of the shareholders, Oct. 1637. Harl. M8S. 501 1, fol. 37. * This is distinctly stated by Vermuyden, A Discourse touching the Draining, &c. Oompare Dugdale, 4il,aiidthe Act of 1 649, -which thows that the drained land was even then under water in winter. The accounts 88 " THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. ^'iiAP. appointed for the purpose, opened a session at Hunt- ■ -^ — ■ ingdon. Whilst the-y were still sitting, they received April.' from the King a letter in which, with his accustomed offe'isto"*'' indiscretion, he announced that he had formed a the "work."' decided opinion that the works were incomplete; and then added that he was prepared to take them into Action of his own hands. ^ The Commissioners took a personal missioners survcj of the works, and obtained verdicts from seven different juries. Upon this evidence they de- clared the drainage to be unfinished.^ Whether they were acting under pressure or not, they were, neces- sarily, after the reception of the King's letter, liable to the in>putation of doing so. At their next May. meeting at Wisbech in May, they imposed a taxation varying from 10s. to 40'-'. an acre, to support the ex- pense of carrying out the original plan. Hiotsinthe The moucy was to paid at their next meeting at Huntingdon in July.^ Before the appointed day arrived, other voices made themselves heard. Im- perfect as it was, Bedford's work had created sore discontent amongst many of the inhabitants of the district.* Landowners complained that they were worse off than they had been before his intervention. The whole tribe of fishermen and Millow-cutters usually given, as for inatance iu Cole's Cullivtion of Xnicj, ignore this (.n'ound of the King's interference. AN'ells reprints Cole's objuipitiou!!. 1 hough he interlaces them with remarlcs of his own, conceived in :i different spirit, giving, however, no intimation whicli are Cole's t.t>n:ences and which are his own. ' We have only the abstract of this loiter in (Wi' .\xviii. He mis- dates it as written in 1 639. ' Inrolmonts of the laws of sewers, Viui i. li. O, " Duiidalc, 411, * A pamjililet, tlio .lii/i-l'rnjn/or. wrilton iifler 1649, ftssm'ts that Itcilford's grunt was illegal; and that, wlu-nnis by the .Vi-t of 43 Eliz. (M|). 11,11 hiril (if the manor WHS bmind to obtain the consent of the niajiuil.y of owners and coimiionor.-* before conimeMcing drainage works, ho had liilnelv Hinted Ihiil this had leen obtuined. fens. THE BEDFORD LEVEL. 89 proclaimed themselves grievously wronged. Their chap. commons, as they called the swamp, had been taken — 7 — • from them, and at the best tl:iey would have to betake ^j^^^ themselves to an uncongenial life of hard agricultural labour. From the moment that the Commissioners declared against the Earl, a vague hope spread that the King might be on their side. In May, Bedford's workmen were interrupted by a disorderly mob.^ On June -4 the magistrates of the Isle of Ely Jun'=4- were informed that there had been an assemblage of forty or fifty men, at which it had been resolved to collect at least six hundred on the following day, on the pretext of a football match, to destroy the drainage works. Two of the ringleaders were ar- rested. The next day was rainy, and only two Junes. hundi-ed persons appeared to begin the work of destruction. There were more arrests, and the mob was dispersed. One of the prisoners gave expression to the thought which was doubtless present to the mitids • of aU. He would not leave his commons, he said, till he saw the King's hand and seal. He would obey God and the King, and no one else, for they all were but subjects. " What," he asked, " if one might be inspired to do the poor good, and help them to their commons again ? " ^ ' Windebank to Peachy, May 16. Charles's likely to endure for ever to be entirely excluded from '"ska T, . . . . , T . liopdess all participation m the direction of the national one. policy, especially as the freeholders and gentry of the counties were very much like-minded with the in- habitants of the towns. "The blessing of Judah and Issachar," wrote Bacon, " will never meet, that the same people or nation should be both the lion's whelp and the ass between burdens . . Although the same tribute and tax laid by consent or by imposing be all one to the purse, yet it works diversely upon the courage." From the wisdom which had dictated these words Charles had gone very far astray. Yet it is no matter of surprise that the inevitable The Eevo- resistance was so long delayed. In the midst of layed. material prosperity there was no sharp sting of distress to goad the masses to defiance of authority. Men of property and education had, in the inter- mission of Parhaments, no common centre round which they could rally. Those who were united in political opposition to the Crown were divided by their religious sympathies. The feeling of irritation against Laud's meddlesome interference with habitual usage was indeed almost universal ; but Puritanism was, after all, the creed only of a minority. Many of those who detested the High Commission most bitterly would be no partners in any violent or revo- lutionary change. If the nation, however, was not ready to over- The mtion throw its government by force, it was not prepared impui-e to make any effort to sustain it. How long this state out ^' of things would have endured, if no impulse had come from without, it is impossible to say. The 96 THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION. CHAi'. impulse came from a quarter from which Englishmen ■ — r^ — • had long ceased to expect either good or evil. In 1636, Scotland, with its scanty population and its hardy poverty, was as seldom mentioned in London as the Eepubhc of Genoa or the Electorate of Branden- burg. In 1638 it was in the mouths of all men. Charles had inflicted on the Scottish nation a blow which it deeply resented, and its resentment had already led to avowed resistance. i 97 CHAPTER III. THE EJOTS IN EDINBURGH AND THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. Scotsman as he was by birth, Charles knew even less c^^p . HI- of his Northern than of his Southern kingdom. " — 7 — ' Since his early childhood he had only paid one brief chLiesMd visit to Scotland. That visit had witnessed an out- "'®^™'^- burst of dissatisfaction amongst the nobility with that Episcopal Government which they had eagerly assisted James to impose on a Presbyterian Church. The nobles had discovered that in placing a yoke The no- on the necks of the clergy they had raised up rivals theBishops. to themselves. Everywhere in Scotland the Bishops were thrusting them aside. The Archbishop of St. Andrews was Lord Chancellor of Scotland. Other Bishops were members of the Privy Council. When- ever Parliament met, the Bishops had in their hands the selection of the Lords of the Articles, and ex- perience had shown that resistance to the decisions of the Lords of the Articles was not likely to be success- ful. Li the country districts the Bishops claimed that respect and submission which the earl or the lord beUeved to be due to himself alone. Although Charles had given to the holders of Church property an indefeasible title to the estates which their fathers had usurped, and had actually purchased lands with English money to serve as an endowment for the revived Bishoprics, it was hard for him to allay the suspicion that he intended sooner or later to recon- fiscate to the use of the Church that which had been VOL. I. H 98 THE RIOTS IN EDINBURGH. fi^AP- confiscated from the Church by an earlier generation " — 7 — ' of landowners. The greater part of the nobility, therefore, hated the Bishops thoroughly, and those few who did not hate them were not inclined to move a finger in their behalf. Of all the Scottish lords not one was more loyal than Lord Napier, the son of the inventor of logarithms. But he was as intolerant as Eothes or Loudoun of the political eminence into which the Bishops had been thrust. "That Bishops have a competence," he wrote, " is agreeable to the law of God and man ; but to invest them into great estates and principal oflScers of the State is neither con- venient for the Church, for the King, nor for the State." ^ The If Charles could have been content to leave the Ch'ureh. Scottish Church as he found it at the time of his visit, it is hardly likely that the nobles would ever have gathered courage to resist him. It is true that their power over their tenants was far greater than that possessed by English landowners, but it was less than that which had been possessed by their fathers. The middle classes had been growing in importance and cohesion, and even the peasants looked for guidance to their minister rather than to theii- lord. Till very recently the bulk of the clergy was tolerably con- tented. Here and there was to be found a man who had remained faitliful to the extreme Presbyterianism of a former generation, and a large number felt the Articles of Perth to be a serious grievance. But their material comfort had boon greatly increased by Charles and his father, ;vt the expense of the neigh- bouring landowiiovs. Tho Bishops interfered but little with their i^aroohial ministrations. Above all, tiicy were free to proach tho wliolo Calvinistic creed, and to fulmiuato anathonias against Popery and ' Napipr, Memoi-ialt of Montrose, i. 70. THE SCOTTISH CHURCH. 99 Arminianism to their hearts' content. No Eoval chap. ■ TTT Declaration bound them, as it bound the Southern clergy, to abstain from enlarging on controverted ' ^^ topics. No canons or rubrics existed which could be quoted as sanctioning an obsolete ceremonial. The direction of the Articles of Perth to kneel at Kneeiing«t the reception of the Communion roused, it is true, no muiS"' little opposition. It sometimes happened that when a minister asked the congregation to kneel, they flocked out of the church, leaving him alone at the table.^ But in general, either by the connivance of the Bishops or by the submission of the congrega- tions, there was less trouble caused by this injunction than might have been expected. Here and there, varieties under the shelter of episcopal authority, there were andw'^* even to be found islands of a faith and practice which "°°^' contrasted strangely with the level waters around. The colleges of Aberdeen were notorious for their adherence to a more tolerant creed than that of the rest of the clergy. At the King's Chapel at Holyrood, at one of the colleges at St. Andrews, and at some of the cathedrals, the Enghsh Prayer Book was used without giving offence.^ If matters had been allowed to take their course, it is not impossible that the Church of Scotland would have been the first to give an example of that comprehensive tolerance which was the ideal of ChiUingworth and Hales. Of no such elasticity in doctrine and practice was charies de- Charles Hkely to approve. When Laud accompanied ^™oe th^ the King to Scotland, he was struck by the mean church! aspect of many of the Scottish churches. Some of them were plain square buildings, looking, as he said, very like pigeon-houses. The galleries inside re- ' This happened at Ayr. Breretoris Travels, Ohetham Society, 121. * Large Declaration, 30. H a lOO THE RIOTS IN EDINBURGH, CHA.P. minded him of seats in a theatre.^ On one occasion, in. when he found an old Gothic building thus mal- ' ■'•'■ treated, and was told that the change had been made at the Reformation, he answered sharply that it was not a reformation, but a Deformaticm.^ 1635. This carelessness about external propriety was no remM-k's'on doubt to be attributed in great part to the prevalence the habits ^f Calviuism. Yet it cannot be altogether dissociated Scots. from that carelessness about the external decencies of life which was simply the result of poverty. The England of the seventeenth century was assuredly far behind the England of our own times in sanitary precautions. An Enghsh traveller who visited Edin- burgh in 1635, spoke with amazement of the filth which was allowed to accumulate even in the best houses. " This city," he wrote, " is placed in a dainty, healthful, pure air, and doubtless were a most health- ful place to live in, were not the inhabitants most sluttish, nasty, and slothful people. I could never pass through the hall, but I was constrained to hold my nose ; their chambers, vessels, linen, and meat nothing neat, but very slovenly." Linen which had been washed was in much the same state as dirty hnen would be in England. ' To come iuto their kitchen, and to see them dress their meat, and to behold their sink' was 'a sufficient supper, and' would ' take ofi" the edge of the stomach.' The writer is the more to be credited, because in higher matters he is extremely laudatory. " The greatest part of the Scots," he declares, " are very honest and zealously religious. I observed few given to drink or swearing ; but if any oath, the most ordinary oath was 'Upon my ' Worlct, iii. 365. ' This fling al, the U(j;liMo.H.s of the Soottisli churches is usually quoted hy writers who ought (o know better, ns if it implied that the Scotch bad been bettor od' uuder the Pope. PROPOSED INTEODUOTION OF A PRAYER BOOK. lOI soul.' The most of my hosts I met withal, and others ^fj*-^- with whom I conversed, I found very sound and ortho- ■ — 7- — ' dox, and zealously religious. In their demands they do not so much exceed as with us in England, but insist upon and adhere unto their first demand for any com- modity." 1 For aU this hard-headed zeal and honesty, Charles ^^^^'^ had no admiration. His eye did not penetrate beneath The King's •' ^ intentions. the external crust of Scottish hfe. To him, as to Laud, a Reformation which had produced churches so ill-built, and a ritual so unadorned, was no better than a Deformation. The long extemporary prayers of the ministers annoyed him, as they have annoyed many an Enghshman since.^ For all this he had a fitting remedy. "We," he wrote to the Scottish Bishops soon after his return to England, " tendering the good and peace of that Church by having good and decent order and discipline observed therein, whereby religion and God's worship may increase, and considering that there is nothing more defective in that Church than the want of a Book of Common Prayer and uniform service to be kept in all the churches thereof, and the want of canons for the uniformity of the same, we are hereby pleased to authorise you as the representative body of that Church, and do herewith will and require you to con- descend upon a form of Church service to be used therein, and to set down canons for the uniformity of the disciphne thereof." ^ ' Br Cretan's Travels, 102, 1 06, 1 10. ' Large Declaration, 15. ° The King to the Bishops, May 13. Sprott's Scottish Liturgies, Introd. xlviii. Compare Keble's feeling ■when he visited Scotland. " The kirks, and the manner in which they defile and insult the sacred places, e.g. Jedhurgh Abhey, are even more horrid than I had expected. I -would not he in one of them at service time on any consideration. They proclaim aloud, every inch of them, ' Down with the altar. ' " Coleridge, Memoir of Keble, 350. I02 THE RIOTS IN EDINBUEGH. CHAP. Officially, no doubt, the Bishops might be held to • — 7"-' be ' the representative body of that Church.' Of the The ' rehgious heart and soul of Scotland they were in no and the sense the representatives. Even in relation to the Courts'! organisation of the Church, their position was very different from that of their Enghsh brethren. An English Bishop had the Church Courts at his disposal. The churchwardens, as English Puritans bitterly com- plained, were bound by oath to present offenders against Church law before authorities entirely in- dependent of the parishioners. In Scotland, the Episcopal jurisdiction had taken no such deep root. In the general management of ecclesiastical affaufs the Bishops had taken the place of the assembly, but the local management of parochial affairs was still in the hands of elected officers. Deacons were chosen by the parishioners to take charge of the provision for the poor, and elders to take cognisance of moral faults committed by members of the congregation. The deacons and elders held weekly meetings with the ministers to consult on the affairs of the parish. Acts of immorality were punished, as in England, by exposure on the stool of repentance in the face of the congregation. Persons loitering in the streets or tippling and gaming during service time were sent to prison.^ Political In this way the Scottish middle class recei\ed its of the mid- political cducatiou. Men learned to act together in the Church Courts, where they were not over- shadowed, as they wore in their single House of Parhament, by great loi-ds and ministers of State. It was not an education which would oiicourage vai'iety of character. The ontablished priiu'i])les of morality and religion were taken for granted in every discus- ' Sirrrtvn'g Travel*, io6. die clasa. LAUD AND THE SCOTTISH BISHOPS. I03 sion. But if the system bred no leaders of thought, CHAI^ it bound man to man in an indissoluble bond. -—^ - Such courts necessarily placed themselves in op- q^I'^^^' position to the Bishops, who were every year be- opposition ,..,-. •' '' to Episco- commg more distmctly the mstruments of Laud. As pa<=y- ■ the Bishops of the stamp of Patrick Forbes died, they were succeeded by men after Laud's own heart, such as Wedderburn and Sydserf. Yet, even these men would hardly have entered on a hopeless struggle with the popular feeling, but for the urgency of Laud. Laud, indeed, was far too strong an advocate of Laud and ecclesiastical propriety, to attempt to interfere as Bishops"^ Archbishop of Canterbury with the Scottish Church. But if the King asked his advice as a private person, he saw no reason why he should decline to give it. Nor did he see any reason why he should not convey the King's directions to the Northern prelates, if Charles asked him to do so. As the King's secretary, he conveyed instructions to the Bishops, remonstrated with proceedings which shocked his sense of order, and held out prospects of advancement to the zealous. Scotchmen naturally took offence. They did not trouble themselves to distinguish between the secre- tary and the Archbishop. They simply said that the Pope of Canterbury was as bad as the Pope of Eome. In the meanwhile, preparations for applying a 1635. remedy to the evils which were supposed to afflict andthT""' the Church of Scotland were strenuously urged on in 800^' London. A draft of the new canons was submitted by the King to Laud and Juxon, and a draft of the new Prayer Book to Laud and Wren. The alterations proposed were forwarded to Scotland for the approval of the Scottish Bishops ; but the brain which had conceived them was that of the restless Archbishop of Canterbury. 104 THE KIOTS IN EDINBURGH. CHAP. The Canons authorised in le^^s -were issued in the III. . . — r^ — • following year. In them is to be discerned an Issue of the attempt to bridge over the gap between the Bishops Canons. ^^^ ^-^^ Parochial Courts. There were to be diocesan and national synods ; and such synods, if fairly consti- tuted and fairly treated, might have gone far to keep the existing constitution of the Church in working order. But the mode in which these canons were issued was in itself an unmistakable intimation that Charles had no intention of seriously consulting either the clergy or the laity. They came forth to the world on the Royal authority alone. Even High 'Churchmen in the next generation shook their heads at the slight shown to the Church. Two or three of the Bishops had been privately consulted on the matter, and that was all.^ The canons thus sent into the world contained some good advice. Ministers were directed to abstain from long and tedious sermons, and to inculcate the duty of righteousness of life as well as that of doc- trinal orthodoxy. Other commands there were, which no one who had the slightest respect for the feeUngs of Scotsmen would have thought of inserting. The Communion Table was to be placed ' at the upper end of the chancel or church.' Though 'sacramental confession and absolution ' had in some places been abused, all who felt their consciences burdened Avere to be encouraged ' to confess their offences to the bishop or presbyter.' In every department of minis- terial work the minister was to be strictly subordi- nated to the Bishop, and above the Bishops stood the King, wliose authority was to be exercised in all ecclesiastical causes in tho same way as that which * the godly kings hail among the Jews, and theChris- ' IJurton, Hist, of ScoUand, vi. 397. THE NEW PRAYER BOOK. I05 tian emperors in the Primitive Church.' The Prayer Book, as yet unpubhshed, was already placed under the guardianship of the law of the Church. To assert '^^^' that it contained ' anything repugnant to the Scrip- tures,' or that it was ' corrupt, superstitious, or un- lawful,' was to incur excommunication.^ Like the Canons, the Prayer Book was submitted The Prayer to no ecclesiastical body whatever.^ Of the few ukedas Bishops who had been consulted, not one had any °^'^ ' knowledge of the temper of the nation ; and one of them, Wedderburn, Bishop of Dumblane, had spent many years of his Hfe in England. He strongly advocated the omission, from the sentences spoken at the Administration of the Communion, of the clauses which owed their origin to the second Prayer Book of Edward VI. These clauses, he said, seemed ' to rehsh somewhat of the Zwinglian tenet that the Sacrament is a bare sign, taken in remembrance of Christ's passion.' This argument, as a mere matter of reasoning, may have been good enough. The clauses from the first Prayer Book of Edward VI. which he proposed to retain lent themselves easily to the CalArinistic doctrine of a real, though spiritual presence. What was wanting to Wedderburn was the imaginative eye which could see beyond the shelves of his episcopal hbrary to the manses of the country clergy, and the abihty to discover that any unnecessary change was certain to arouse sus- picion.* Nothing can be more unfair than to argue ' Canons. Lauds Works, v. 583. ' For the earlier history of this Prayer Book, see Pers. Government of Charles I., i. 354. = LauSs Works, iii. 357. Wedderburn, however, was not the first to originate the proposal. It is acted upon in the MS. corrections, pro- bably made in 1628, to a Prayer Book now in the British Museum. JEgerton MSS., 2417. io6 THE RIOTS IN EDINBURGH. CHAP. III. 1636. The Prayer Buok dis- liked as English. The mode- rates. that the authors of this unlucky liturgy had any intention of approximating to the Eoman ritual ; but they could hardly have given greater offence if they had introduced the ntiissal at once. If the old forms of prayer contained in Knox's Book of Common Order were to be abolished, it was only natural that a bewildered people, who had not even been consulted on the subject, should ask themselves what was the hidden object with which the change had been made. Other alterations, slight in themselves, pointed in the same direction as the omission of the strongly Protestant clauses in the Administration of the Com- munion. Another defect was almost equally fatal. Whether the book were Popish or not, there could be no doubt that it was EngUsh. It had been touched and re-touched by English hands. The knowledge that this had been the case was enough to make it odious in Scot- land. If the gift offered by Laud had been one of price- less value, it would have been dashed scornfully aside. In such a cause as this, the clergy and their con- gregations were certain to be of one mind. Here and there, no doubt, there were a few men who, like Robert BaiUie, of Kilwinning, had done their best to fit themselves into the scheme of Church government which existed around them, but who kept themselves as much as possible aloof from Bishops on the one side, and from fanatics on the other. It was precisely men of this class that Charles was doing everything in his power to alienate. Yet there is every reason to believe that neither Charles nor Laud had any con- ception that the new Prayer Book would meet with any serious opposition. It has somethnes been asked whether Charles was urged on by love of despotism or love of religion. It does not need much knowledge of his character to see tliat neither of these formed THE NEW PRAYEK BOOK. lOj the motive power. What he was doing he did from a love of order, combined with sheer ignorance of mankind. He could see nothing in the book but the decent comeliness of its arrangements and the well- chosen suitability of its expressions.^ To the very last, Laud thought more of pohshing Ootis. .11 n , -.^ -r, r , P ■ <■ Orders to the language oi the Prayer Book than oi securmg lor enforce th« it a favourable reception. Itwas printed and reprinted, prayer tUl it seemed to have reached typographical perfec- tion. In October 1636, Charles wrote to the Privy Council informing them that, ' having taken the coun- sel of his clergy,' he thought fit that the book should 'be used in God's public worship.' In December a Dec proclamation ordered every parish to adopt it, and to procure two copies of it before the following Easter.^ Easter came, and still the book was not ready. 1637- Eumours were rife that it had been seen in England, its appear. and that it differed from the EngUsh Prayer Book ' in addition of sundry more Popish rites.' Others whispered that it was merely the Mass in disguise. As time went on, the impending danger grew more terrible in its vagueness. Yet it is worthy of notice that there was as yet no thought of resistance. The utmost to which extreme Puritans ventured to aspire was permission to form themselves into a non-con- formist body, worshipping apart with the connivance of the Government.^ At last, in the spring of 1637, the long-dreaded May. Ill T681CIIC3 ' One of the parts of the book which gave oifence was the direction Scotland. for the position of the minister at the consecration. See Burton, Sist. of Seotland, vi. 424. The book at Lambeth, which has Laud's annotations, differs from the Scottish book in directly ordering the eastward position. Possibly, though the handwriting is Laud's, the suggestion may have been Wren's. " The King to the Council, Oct. 18. Balfour, ii. 224. The JPreface to the Prayer Book. ' BaUlie, i. 4. I08 THE RIOTS IN EDINBURGH. CHAP, volume reached Scotland. In May every minister ■ — 7^- — ' received orders to buy two copies on pain of out- Ma^'' lawry. The Bishops, though they had never consulted their synods on the preparation of the book, now called them together to urge them to obedience. Openly no word of resistance was heard. It was hard for a single minister to expose himself to certain ruin. But in private men spoke their minds more freely. The Book, they said, was more Popish than the English one. It had no authority either from Assembly or Parlia- ment. The Scottish Puritan feeling and the Scottish national feeling were rising higher every day. Temper of It was hardly hkely that the temper thus aroused biiity. would be suffered to die away for lack of leadership. With one or two brilliant exceptions, the Scottish nobles of that day were not remarkable for ability. But they had the habit of authority which had long been lost by the English Peers, and they would ill brook the continuance of a system which placed the Bishops above their heads. It is easy to speak of the zeal of men like Eothes and Loudoun as sheer hy- pocrisy. It is far more likely that they felt strongly in a direction in which it was their interest to feel strongly. Men of advanced age could indeed remem- ber that the yoke of Presbytery had once been as heavy as the yoke of Episcopacy. Men even of middle age knew nothing of Presbyterianism except by report. They saw the Bishops outvying them in the Eoyal favour, and reducing them to comparative insignificance even on their own estates. Whatever rehgious feeling was in them had been nurtured through the old Calvinistio doctrine, and jealousy for the national honour of Scotland burnt in them as strongly as in tlioir tenants and dependents. Juno. It is impossible to say with certainty what truth THE READING OF THE BOOK. I09 there may be in the story that a meeting in which chap. some of the malcontent nobles took part with the — «- — ■ leading clergy and a few of ' the devouter sex,' was jj^ held in Edinburgh for the purpose of organising resist- ^^^f- ^^ ance.^ Attachment to tried religious forms is always Edinburgh, stronger in women than in men, and it may well be that some of the Edinburgh ladies stirred up the indignation of the fishwives and serving-women of the city. But no mistake would be greater than to imagine that they created the spirit which they directed. The insult to the Scottish nation and the Scottish Church was one to kindle resentment in the humble and the exalted alike. July 23 was at last fixed as the day on which the Juiy23. patience of the citizens of Edinburgh was to be put to ing^ortha the test, in the hope that the submission of the capital would furnish an example to the rest of the country. The confidence felt by the Bishops received a rude shock. At St. GUes', recently erected into the Ca- thedral Church of the new diocese of Edinburgh, a large number of maid-servants were gathered, keep- ing seats for their mistresses, who were in the habit of remaining at home till prayers were over and the preacher was ready to ascend the pulpit. The Dean opened the book and began to read. Shouts of dis- The tumult ^ ^ . . atSt-GUes". approbation from the women drowned ms voice. " The Mass," cried one, " is entered amongst us." " Baal is in the Church," called out another. Oppro- . brious epithets were applied to the Dean. Lindsay, the Bishop of Edinburgh, ascended the pulpit above the reading desk, and attempted to still the tumult. He begged the noisy zealots to desist from their pro- fanation of holy ground. The words conveyed an ' The story comes from Guthry's Memoirs, 23. It was written down after the Eestoration, and is certainly inaccurate in its details. no THE EI0T8 IN EDINBURGH. " CHAP, idea which was utterly abhorrent to the Puritan mind, and the clamour waxed louder under the ill-judged exhortation. A stool aimed at the Bishop all but grazed the head of the Dean. At this final insult Archbishop Spottiswoode called on the magistrates to clear the church of the rioters. The noisy champions of Protestantism were with much difficulty thrust into the streets, and the doors were barred in their faces. They did not cease to knock loudly from without, and to fling stones at the windows. Amidst the crash of broken glass, the service proceeded to the end. One woman, who had remained behind unnoticed, stopped her ears with her fingers to save herself from the pollution of the idolatrous worship, whilst she read her bible to herself. Suddenly she was r0used by a loud Amen from a young man behind her. "False thief! "she cried, dashing her bible in his face, " is there no other part of the kirk to sing Mass in, but thou must sing it in my lug ? " When the doors were at last thrown open, and the scanty congregation attempted to withdraw, the crowd outside dashed fiercely at the Bishop. But for the intervention of the Earl of Wemyss, he would hardly have escaped alive. Such Privy Councillors as could be hastily con- vened gave immediate orders to the magistrates to protect the afternoon service. Guards were marched to the church, and a select few were alone permitted to enter. Special directions were given that no woman should be allowed to pass the doors. The Earl of* Roxburgh drove the Bisho]i home in his coach amidst a shower of stones. His footmen were obhged to draw their swords to koop off the mob.* • Setting aside later narratives, wo have two contemporary accounts to rest on, one from the King's Lanjo Drdnrntioit, the other, written in a The after- nooa ser- vice. CONSULTATION IN THE COUNCIL. m The next day the Council met. It can hardly be chap. doubted that its lay members sympathised heartily r^ — - with any kind of resistance to the Bishops. Sir ' ^^" Thomas Hope, the Lord Advocate, is said to have The Privy ~ \ , . . T , -,. Council. been one ot those who instigated the disturbance. sirT.Hope. Lord Lome, the heir of the Catholic Earl of Argyle, Lome. a man of scheming brain, and consummate prudence, is not Hkely to have gone so far. But he shared in the prevalent feeling, and had recently come to high words with the Bishop of Galloway on the subject of the imposition of fine and imprisonment on one of his followers by the High Commission.^ For the present, however, the guidance of affairs rested in the hands of the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Traquair. In after Traqnair. times Traquair was accused of playing a double game. It is more probable that he sympathised with neither party. A cool and wary man of business, immersed in the details of government, he fell a victim to his attempt to play the moderator in the impending col- lision of fanaticisms. He had opposed the Bishops when they attempted to force their Own ideas on an unwilling Church, especially as he had reason to be- heve that one of their number. Bishop Maxwell, was intriguing to supplant him as Treasurer of Scotland. But by instinct and position he disliked the domina- tion of a mob, and especially of a mob with clerical backers. Such a man was capable of conveying words of common sense to Charles's ear, though it was most improbable that they would ever penetrate to his mind. ■violent Puritan spirit, printed in the Appendix to Rotlies' Proceedings. On tlie whole they agree very well together. Both agree that only one stool was thrown. The tradition which names Jeanie Geddes as the heroine of the day has long heen abandoned. See Burton's Hist, of Scot- land, vi. 443. Gordon's account is a mere copy of the Declaration with a few additions. ' Baillie, i. 16. 112 THE KIOTS IN EDINBURGH. CHAP. The Council, in appearance at least, took instant ^ — -^— measures to carry out the King's wishes. Six or j^j ^^' seven of the rioters were arrested. The Edinburgh Action of ministers were assured that they miglit read the theauthori- . , , , , . ties. prayers without danger, and the magistrates were ordered to protect them in so doing. As far as words could go, the Council had done its duty. Words, however, would not suffice. Some of the ministers had no wish to read the book, and those who were wilhng to read the book did not wish to risk being torn in pieces by the mob. They declared that they had no confidence in the power of the magistrates to preserve order, and it is not unlikely that most of the councillors were of the same opinion. At Spottis- woode's motion, both the old and the new forms of prayer were suspended in Edinburgh till the King's pleasure could be known. The sermons were to be delivered as usual. ^ Diasatisfac- The King was not likely to be satisfied with such King. timidity. Of the difficulties of his representatives in Scotland he understood nothing. He ordered strict measures of repression to be taken. He forgot to inquire whether the Government had force enough at its disposal to enable it to carry out his orders. As soon as the magistrates attempted to do as they were bidden, they found that the rioters had all Edinburgh at their backs. The Privy Council gave to the magistrates but a lukewarm supixn-t. Its lay members threw the blame on the Bishops. The Aug. 7. Bishops threw it back on the lavmon. Laud, writuic Laud's , , . • '^ view of the by tlic Kiiin' s Orders, distributed it equallv between botli. lie scouted l.lie idea of abandoning tlie Prayer Book because a band of secret conspirators had hounded on an unruly mob against it. It was un- ' Saillic, i. 18, 447. (Gordon, Hist, of Scots Affairt, i. 12. ClUO. ALEXANDER, HENDERSON. H3 worthy of the Bishops, he said, to disclaim the book chap. as their own. It was their work, and it was for them to support it. "Will they now," he added, "cast ^^^^' down the milk they have given because a few milk- maids have scolded at them ? I hope they will be better advised." ^ It was easy to write thus in the safe privacy of Aug. 19. Lambeth. It was hard to obey the command at enforce the Edinburgh. The magistrates stated plainly that no ^f^'^ one would read the service on any conditions. They had offered a large sum of money to any one who would do so, biit none had been found sufficiently hardy to accept the offer.''' The viragoes of St. Giles' were backed by the population of Edinburgh. If Edinburgh were backed by Scotland, Charles would have work enough before him. A threat of outlawing the ministers who had refused to purchase their two copies of the Prayer Book, put the feeling of the country clergy to the test. Petitions drawn up in due legal form began to drop in upon the Council. The only one which has Aug. 23. reached us was drawn up by Alexander Henderson, son's peti- Minister of Leuchars. Its wording carried the con- troversy out of the region of passion into the region of argument. Henderson descended into the strife as a champion worthy of a great cause. He had not leapt forward impatiently to testify his displeasure at the proceedings of the Bishops. He had not been hasty to judge the practice of kneeling at the Com- munion as altogether evil. The time had now come when it behoved every honourable man who believed, as he believed, in the old Scottish creed, to lift up his voice on behalf of his Church and nation. Hen- ' Laud to Traquair, Aug. 7. Works, yi. 493. ' The Magistrates to Laud, Aug. 19. Large Declaration, 28. VOL. I. I 114 THE RIOTS IN EDINBURGH. CHAP, derson would not be the more likely to hang back in " — -^ — ' the end, because his protest was studiously moderate l^ ^^' now. He did not say, as so many others were saying, that the new Prayer Book was actually Popish, but he professed his readiness to argue that it contained matters ' far from the form and worship and reforma- tion ' of the ' Kirk,' and ' drawing near in material points to the Church of Eome.' It was not in this reasoning, however, that the main stress of his argu- ment lay. The old form of worship, he said, had been recognised by Assembly and Parliament. The new form of worship had been recognised by neither. Further, the Church of Scotland was free and inde- pendent. Its own pastors knew best what was suit- able to their people, who ' would be found unwilling to the change when they should be assayed.' ^ Meaning of In thosc sobcr words, Henderson raised a standard son's pro- of resistaucB for the Scottish people. He did not test. plead the cause of Presbyterianism against Episco- pacy. He simply announced that the religion of a people was under its own guardianship. Charles Charlcs was in a great strait. Humiliating as it cannot ^ o drawback, would havc been, a frank acknowledgment of his mistake would doubtless have been his wisest coui-se. But the shock which his authority would receive would not be hmited to Scottish ground. What was true in Scotland was also true in England, and the artificial edifice of the Laudian Church would feel the blow struck at the house of card.s which had been built up beyond the Tweed. Nor was it easy to per- suade Charles that the riot in Edinburgh had been a genume result of popular indignation. He saw in it only the concealed hands of the angry nobles, grasp- ing at Church lands, and at the dignities worthily accorded to men who were better than themselves. ' SuDDlication. linilUe. i yun LUKEWARMNESS OF THE COUNCIL. II5 Yet how was Charles to procure obedience in chap. Scotland? Military force he had none, and the - ".^' . - Scottish Council was likely to yield him but a half- '^37- hearted support, even if it yielded him any support Ti^"5iui at all. Only in five or six places was the Prayer ^ppOTt""' Book read. When Henderson appeared before the ''™' Council, he was accompanied by a crowd of gentry. Letters which poured in from distant parts left no doubt that the feeling in his favour was not confined to the neighbourhood of the capital. Even if the Council had been willing to take severe measures, it would have been helpless to overcome resistance. Henderson was told that he had been ordered to buy the books, not to read them. " We found ourselves," Aug. 25. wrote the Council to Charles, " far by our expectations totheKing^ surprised with the clamours and fears.of your Majesty's subjects from almost aU the parts and corners of the kingdom, and that even of those who otherways had heretofore lived in obedience and conformity to your Majesty's laws, both in ecclesiastical and civil busi- ness, and thus we find it so to increase that we con- ceive it to be a matter of high consequence in respect of the general murmur and grudge in all sorts of people for urging of the practice of the Service Book, as the like hath not been heard in this kingdom." They could therefore only leave it to his Majesty, ' in the deepness of his Eoyal judgment, to provide a remedy.' ^ Charles had no remedy to provide. He sent back sept. 10. a scolding answer, in which he found fault with answe?" everyone except himself, and ordered the immediate enforcement of the use of the Prayer Book. No ' Act of Council, Aug. 25. The Scottish Council to the King, BailUe, i. 449, 451. Traquair to Hamilton, Aug. 27. Burnet, Lives of the Dukes of Hamilton, ^. 18, I 2 ii6 THE RIOTS IN EDINBURGH. CHAP. 111. Sept. i8. The new Provost of Edinburgh. General re- sistance. Sept. so. Sept. 2^. Second not in Edin- burgh. magistrates were to be allowed to hold office in any borough who would not give their support to the new service.^ In Edinburgh a few partisans of Charles's ecclesi- astical system were still to be found amongst the official class. Sir John Hay, the Clerk Eegister, was thrust as Provost upon the unwilling townsmen. Nowhere else was such an arrangement possible. " If it were urged," wrote Bailhe, " we could have in all our towns no magistrates at all, or very contempt- ible ones." ^ Those ministers who in any place tried to read the book were roughly handled, especially by the women. When the Council met to take the King's last letter into consideration, it was evident that nothing could be done to carry out his orders. Petitions poured in from every quarter. Twenty noblemen, with a crowd of gentlemen and ministers in their train, appeared to enforce by their presence the language of the petitions.^ The Council could but assure Charles that they had done their best, sending him, at the same time, the petitions, sixty- eight in number, for his perusal.* Before long there was worse news to be told. The new Provost had attempted to hinder the town from sending iij a petition against the Prayer Book. An angry mob burst into the Tolbooth, where the Town Council was in session. "The Book," they shouted, " we will never have." They forced the magistrates to promise that the petition should be sent. This second enti-y of tlie mob upon the scene shocked some even of those wlio had no love for the Bishops. "What shall be the event," wrote Bailhe, ' The King to the Council, Sojit. 1 2. Smllie, i. 45a. ■' Ibid. i. 25. » JtothM, 7. BaiUie, i. 33. * The Council to the Kinjr, Sept. 20. Smllif, i. 453. POPULAR FEELING AGAINST THE PRAYER BOOK. ny " God knows. There was in our land never such an chap. appearance of a stir. The whole people thinks Popery at the doors. ... No man may speak any- g^ ^^J' thing in public for the King's part, except he would have himself marked for a sacrifice to be killed one day. I think our people possessed with a bloody devil, far above anything that ever I could have imagined, though the Mass in Latin had been pre- sented. The ministers who have the command of their mind do disavow their unchristian humour, but are no ways so zealous against the devil of their fury as they are against the seducing spirit of the Bishops." 1 If such was the language of a Scottish minister. Persistence ° ° ... ofCharlea. what must have been Charles's indignation ? The courtiers at Whitehall might persuade themselves that but for Laud's interference he would have given way.^ It is far more likely that, whether Laud had been there or not, he would have persisted in the course which he believed to be the course of duty. " I mean to be obeyed," were the words which rose to his lips when he was interrogated as to his inten- tions.^ Even Charles, however, could see that he could Oct. 9. His direc- not expect to be obeyed at once. He must postpone, tions to the 1 1 ■ xi • I.- \ i 4.1. Council. he wrote, his answer on the mam subject 01 the petitions. For the present, therefore, the Council were to do nothing in the matter of religion. But they must try to punish the ringleaders of the late disturbances, and they must order all strangers to leave Edinburgh on pain of outlawry.* Another '^.J«^»""- Court of 1 r> -Ti- • _- Session to ' Bmlhe, 1.23. be removed. ' Correr's Despatches, Sept. ||, ^gff . Venehan MSS. ' Con to Barterini, Oct. |f ; Add. MSS., 15,390, fol. 453- * The King to the Council, Oct. 9 ; Balfour, ii. 23. Il8 THE RIOTS IN EDINBURGH. CHAP, letter directed the removal of the Council and the ■ — r^— ' Court of Session — first to Linlithgow, and afterwards 't^^' to Dundee.^ Oct. 9> , If Charles had had no more than a not to deal with, it would have been well that the offending city should learn that the lucrative presence of the organs of government and justice could only be secured by submission to the law. Because he had more than a riot to deal with, his blow recoUed on himself. He had chosen to fling a defiance in the face of the Scottish nation, and he must take the consequences. Johnston of When these letters arrived in Edinburgh the *'"° ' petitioners had returned to their homes, not expect- ing so speedy an answer. But they had left behind the shrewdest of lawyers, Archibald Johnston of Oct. 17. Warriston, and Johnston at once gave the alarm. On matioM?" October 17 they were back again, black-go\vned ministers and gay noblemen, waiting for what might befal. In the evening the substance of the King's orders was proclaimed from that Market Cross,* where, according to legend, a ghostly visitant had taken his stand to summon Charles's ancestor from the field of Flodden to the judgment-seat of God. The simple officer who read the formal words of the proclamation was as truly the messenger of iU to Charles. He was pointing to the track which led to the battle-field, the prison, and the scaffold. Oct. 18. The next morning all Edinburgh was astir. The riot at'' city had not, like London, an independent commercial Edinburgh. j.fg ^f jj.g ^^^^ rf Q j^^^ ^j^^ Couucil and the Court of Session was to dwindle to the insignificance of a provincial town. Tlie inliabitants, whose very means ' This leMfli- lina not been preserved, but is ivferred to in a sulse- quent proclmnation. ' Proclamation.", (1ct. 17; Laiffe Declaration, 33, RUIN OF THE KING'S AUTHORITY IN EDINBURGH. 1 19 of Kvelihood was at stake, raved against the Bishops «hap. as the cause of the mischief. Bishop Sydserf, of ■ — -^— - Galloway, who was reported to wear a crucifix be- q ^^* neath his dress, was driven by an angry crowd to take refuge in the Council House. Another crowd surrounded the magistrates, and insisted on their joining in a protest. The magistrates, glad to escape with their lives, did all that was required. The mob still thronged the streets, shouting, " God defend all those who will defend God's cause, and God confound the Service Book and all the maintainers of it." Tra- quair came out to quell the tumult. Hustled and thrown down, he struggled back with loss of hat and cloak, as well as of his white rod of office. Sydserf was stiU a prisoner in the Council House. The Provost declared that he was unable to help him. No one else ventured to move a finger in his behalf. One course, dishonourable as it was, re- mained to be tried. The noblemen and gentry who had been ordered the day before to leave Edinburgh were sitting in consultation on the best way of opposing the King's orders. To them the King's Council sent, begging them to use their influence with the enraged multitude. What the ling's repre- sentatives were powerless to efiect, his opponents did with the greatest ease, The Lord P:foyost of Edin- burgh and the whole body of the Privy Council, including the fugitive Bishop, only rea,ched their homes under the protection of the men who were treated as rebels by their master.^ Porty-one years earlier, Charles's father had Contrast quelled a Presbyterian riot by the removal of the Oharies " anf\ Ilia ' Mothei, J 9. Large Declaration, 35. Gordon again simply borrows from the Declaration. It is quite a mistake to treat him, as Mr. Burton does, as an original authority for these events. and his father. I20 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAP. Council and the Court of Session from Edinburgh. ' ■ ' -- He had been able to do so because he had the nobihty Oct Ja. ^^^ *^^ country at large on his side. The men who guarded his Councillors through the streets were ncf longer, as their fathers had been, on the side of the King against the Capital. The The reply of the petitioners was a General SuppU- sappiica- catiou, m which the isishops were pointed at as the authors of the calamities of the Church. Charles was asked to allow them to be put on their trial, and, as they were now parties in the case, to prohibit them from sitting in the Council as judges of matters relating to the present dispute.'^ Thepcti- The petitioners had thus changed their defence Bume"he into an attack. Not we, they said in effect, but the ensive. gigj^Qpg ^re the breakers of the law. The demand that the Bishops should not be judges in their own case was the same as that which, four months before, had been received with derision when it proceeded from the lips of Bastwick in the English Star Chamber. In the heat of discussion before the Council, Bishop Sydserf and Hay threw out a sug- gestion which had unexpected consequences. Why should not the mass of the petitioners return home, leaving behind a few of their number to speak in their name? The petitioners took them at their They word. They chose a body of Commissioners from itaieaionerB. amongst thcmselvcs. From that moment, if the nation rallied round the new CtMumissioners. it would have a government, and that govornment would not be the King's. There were no more riots in Edinburgh.^ Oct. 19. To a man of practical instincts, hke Traquair, the pro"po"ai' outlook was indeed pitiable. "I am in all things," ^ LnrgfDeclamlion, ^2. * Hotfiei, 17. £at'W»>, 35, 38. ORGANISED RESISTANCE. 121 he wrote, " left alone, and, God is my witness, never ^?i^^- so perplexed what to do. Shall I give way to this ' — 7-^— ' people's fury which, without force and the strong q^j , hand, cannot be opposed ? " It was hard for him to believe that a compromise was no longer possible. Why, he asked Eothes, could they not agree to accept the English Prayer Book as it stood ? Eothes would not hear of it, and the resolution of Eothes was the resolution of his countrymen.^ On November is, the petitioners returned to Nov. 15. Edinburgh. Their Commissioners, hastily chosen, won of the were to give way to a more permanent body, com- sioners. posed of six or more noblemen, two gentlemen from each shire, one townsman from each borough, and one minister from each Presbytery. Traquair, seeing that authority was slipping out of his hands, remon- strated warmly ; but Sir Thomas Hope, the Presby- terian Lord Advocate, . gave an opinion that the petitioners were acting within their rights, and further opposition was impossible.^ In the persons of the Commissioners, Scotland Scotland • • 1 /■ T r- /~n 1 waits foran waited, not impatiently, for an answer. If Charles answer. could frankly abandon the Service Book, as EUzabeth had once abandoned the monopohes, he might, perhaps, have saved some fragments of authority for the Bishops. He could not even make up his mind to announce his intentions plainly. On December 7, „Dec. 7. 1 -r- T- 1 1 / Theprocla- a proclamation issued at Linlithgow, where the mation at ^ ., . 1 T. 1 -TT- • • Linlith- Uouncil, m obedience to the King, was now sitting, gow. declared that, on account of the riots at Edinburgh, the answer to the supplication would be delayed. AU that Charles had to say was, that he abhorred Popery, and would consent to nothing which did not ' Traquair to Hamilton, Oct. 19 ; Hardw. St. P. ii. 95. Rothes, 22. ' Ibid. 23. 123 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. Dec. 21. The Suppli- rnlloQ and Declinator. Dec. 3. Doc. 21. Protest af^ainst the Bishops re- maining in the Council. 1638. Feb. Trnquair in London. tend to the advancement of the true religion as it was * presently professed ' in Scotland. " Nothing," the proclamation ended by saying," is or was intended to be done therein against the laudable laws of this His Majesty's native kingdom." ^ Scotsmen had made up their minds with almost complete unanimity that those laudable laws had been broken. In vain Traquair begged that the King should be propitiated. The deputation from the City of Edinburgh might wait on him at White- hall, ' offering him their charter and the keys of their gates,' as a mere matter of course.'* The Com- missioners would not hear of the suggestion.^ It must be settled once for all, whether it was in accord- ance with the law of Scotland that a king could change the forms of worship without the sanction of any legislative assembly whatever. At last, oh December 2 1 , a copy of the General Supplication which had been drawn up in October, was formally handed in by the Commissioners to the Privy Council, accompanied by a formal demand that the case between themselves and the Bishops might be judicially determined, and that the Bishops might in the meanwhile be removed from the Council. Before long, Charles sent for Traquair, to hear from his own mouth his opinion on the state of affairs in Scotland. It would have been Avell if he had more seriously attended to that cool and dispassionate adviser. The Lord Treasurer assured him that the Scottish people liad no wish to cast off his authority, but they would not look on idly wliilst their religion was assailed. Above all, they were proud of their ' Proclnmatidii, Doc. 7; Large Dnlnfotion, 46. ' Rothet, 43. ' IJill and IKvlinntor, Dec. 21 ; IbM. 50. CHARLES JUSTIFIES THE PRAYER BOOK. 1 23 ancient independence, and they would not take orders chap. from the Archbishop of Canterbury.^ His Majesty • — '^— must plainly understand, that if he wished the new ^^^ * Prayer Book to be read in Scotland, he must support it with an army of 40,000 men. To withdraw the Service Book and to assert his civil authority, was the substance of this advice. Charles hstened, but was not convinced. Traquair was sent back with orders to issue a proclamation which was virtually a declaration of war.'* That proclamation was read on February 19, in Fab. 19. the streets of Stirling, where the Council, after defmce°o?^ leaving Linhthgow, had been allowed to take up its Book.™^*' quarters, rather than in the more distant Dundee. Charles truly asserted that he, and not the Bishops, was responsible for the issue of the Prayer Book. " As much," he said, " as we, out of our princely care of maintenance of the true rehgion already professed, and for beating down of all superstition, having ordained a Book of Common Prayer to be compiled for the general use and edification of our subjects within our ancient kingdom of Scotland, the same was accordingly done, in the performing whereof we took great care and pains so as nothing passed therein but what was seen and approved by us, before the same was either divulged or printed, assuring all our loving subjects that not only our intention is, but even the very book wiU be a ready means to maintain ' Zonca's Despatches, Jan. ||, Feb. ^, l^j. Ven. TrameHpts. ' " Your Lordship can hest witness how unwilling I was that our master should have directed such a proclamation ; and I had too just grounds to foretell the danger and inconveniences which are now like to ensue thereupon." Traquair to Hamilton, March 5 ; Hnrdw. St. P. ii. ioi. Mr. Burton must have overlooked this passage when he wrote that the proclamation was ' too nearly in the tone of the advice which Tra- quair had given.' Hi$t. of Scotland, vi. 477. Feb. 19. tation. 124 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAP, the true religion already professed, and beat out all • — <— -- superstition, of which we in our time do not doubt 'eb^io ^^* ^^ ^ ^^^^ course to satisfy our good subjects." His Eoyal authority, he proceeded to say, was much im- paired by the petitions and declarations which had been sent to him. All who had taken part in them were liable to ' high censure, both in their persons and their fortunes, as having convened themselves without his permission. He was, however, ready to pass over their fault, provided that they returned home at once, and abstained from all further meetings. If they disobeyed, he should hold them liable to the penalties of treason.' ^ TheProtes- Charlcs could not see why, if the Prayer Book had satisfied himself, it should not satisfy others. The objection that it had no legal authority he treated with contemptuous disregard. AU the more tenaciously did the Scottish leaders cling to legal forms. As soon as the herald had finished his task, Johnston stepped forward to protest against it in their name. They treated the proclamation as the work of the Council alone, and announced that from that body they would accept no orders as long as the Bishops retained their places in it. They demanded to have recourse to their ' sacred sovereign, to pre- sent their grievances and in a legal way to prosecute the same before the ordinary competent judges, civil or ecclesiastical.' ^ Rothes's If this appeal to the law was to have any weight with Charles, it must be supported by an appeal to tlie nation. Eothes, who had been placed by his energy and decision at the head of the movement, despatched a circular letter to the gentlemen who ' Proclamation, ]'Vli. 19; J^rge Declaration, jfi. " Protostntion, I'Vli. 19 ; Ihiil. 50. circular. A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. I 25 had not hitherto supported the cause, urging them to ohap. lose no time in giving in their adhesion. The next step was to complete the work of organisation. The ^^^^^' Commissioners appointed in November had been found TheXabfes 1 11 11 set up. too large a body to act as a central authority. From time to time a select Committee had been appointed to communicate with the Council, and that Committee had been naturally selected from the different classes of which the nation was composed. Four separate Committees were now appointed ; one formed of all noblemen who might choose to attend, the other three of four gentlemen, four ministers and four borough re- presentatives respectively. These Committees might meet either separately or as one body. Sometimes to them, and sometimes to the larger body of the Commissioners, the name of The Tables was given, in the popular language of the day.'^ These Committees might form an unauthorised Feb. 23. government, and the Commissioners an unauthorised to the ° parhament. But unless more were done, they would necessary, speak in their own name alone. Even Eothes's cir-r cular had been directed only to the upper classes. ' The question of the exact meaning of The Tables is not easy to answer. Bow {Hiit. of the Kirk, 486) speais of the Commissioners by this name. Gordon, who is followed by Mr. Burton, confuses the Commissioners with the Committees. The Large Declaration puts the ■ appointment of The Tables at this date, limiting the number of the noblemen to four. I follow Rothes, in whose Relation the gradual de- velopment of The Tables can be traced. The Commissioners were chosen on Nov. 15 (p. 23). On Nov. 16 thirteen were solicited to wait on the Council (p. 26). On the i8th six of the gentry and some representatives of the boroughs remained in Edinburgh (p. 32). In December six or seven noblemen met with four out of each of the other classes to hold commu- nication with the Council (p. 34). On Dec. 19 we hear of only twelve performing this office (p. 38). On Feb. 22 we are told, ' there was one Committee chosen of four barons, four boroughs, and four ministers, to join with the noblemen,' the number not being specified (p. 69). This seems to have been the ultimate form taken. At one important meeting on June 9 (p. 146) there were six noblemen present. 126 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT, CHAP. It was necessary to touch the multitude. The thou- sands to whom it was a matter of indifference whether F^b.'^aa *^® Church were ruled by Bishops or by Presbyters, had been deeply wounded by the threatened inter- ference with their worship. The plan by which this inarticulate dissatisfaction was converted into a de- finite force was suggested by Archibald Johnston. Proposal to I^ t^c days in which hfe and property had found covenan^trf ^^ secuHty from the law, the nobihty and gentry of '580- Scotland had been in the habit of entering into ' bands ' or obhgations for mutual protection. In 1 58 1, when the country was threatened by a con- federacy of CathoUc noblemen at home, supported by a promise of assistance from Spain, James had called on all loyal subjects to enter into such a ' band ' or covenant. Those who had signed this covenant pledged themselves to renounce the Papal doctrines, to submit to the discipline of the Scottish Church, and to ' defend the same according to their vocation and power.' Johnston and Henderson were now entrusted with the composition of additions to this covenant appropriate to the actual circumstances, in order that the whole might be sent round to be sub- scribed by all who wished to throw in tlieir lot with the resistance of the upper classes. As soon as Johnston and Henderson had completed their work it was revised • Feb. 27. by Eothes, Loudoun, and Balmerino, and on the 27th it was laid before the two or three hundred ministers who happened to be in Edinburgh at the time.^ The oddi- The additions proposed consisted in the first place of a long string of citations of Acts of Parhament passed in the days of Presbyterian ascendency. To touch the heart of the people, something more than this was needed. "We," so rnu the words which ' Jlothei, 69, tlons to the covenant. THE APPEAL TO ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT. 127 were soon to be sent forth to every cottage in the chap. land, "Noblemen, Barons, Gentlemen, Burgesses, "'' Ministers, and Commons undersubscribing, consider- ^^^^' ing divers times before, and especially at this time, * '''^" the danger of the true reformed rehgion, of the King's honour, and of the pubhc peace of the King- dom, by the manifold innovations and evils generally contained and particularly mentioned in our late supphcations, complaints, and protestations, do hereby profess, and before God, His angels, and the world, solemnly declare that with our whole hearts we agree and resolve all the days of our life constantly to adhere unto and to defend the foresaid true religion, and — forbearing the practice of all novations already introduced in thfe matters of the worship of God, or approbation of the corruptions of the pubhc go- vernment of the kirk or civil places and powers of kirkmen, tUl they be tried and allowed in the Aasembhes and in Parliaments — to labour by all means lawful to recover the purity and hberty of the Gospel, as it was estabhshed and professed before the foresaid novations. And because, after due examina- tion, we plainly perceive, and undoubtedly believe, that the innovations and evils contained in our sup- phcations, complaints, and protestations, have no warrant in the Word of God, are contrary to the articles of the foresaid confessions, to the intention and meaning of the blessed reformers of rehgion in this land, to the above- written Acts of ParUament, and do sensibly tend to the re-estabhshing of the Popish rehgion and tyranny, and to the subversion and ruin of the true reformed rehgion and of our liberties, laws, and estates ; we also declare that the foresaid confessions are to be interpreted and ought to be understood of the foresaid novations and evils, no less 128 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAP, than if every one of them had been expressed in the — r-^— ' foresaid confessions, and that we are obliged to detest P^ ■ and abhor them amongst other particular heads of papistry abjured therein ; and therefore from the knowledge and conscience of our duty to God, to our King and country, without any worldly respect or inducement, so far as human infirmity will suffer, wishing a further measure of the grace of God for this efiect, we promise and swear, by the great name of the Lord our God, to continue in the profession and obedience of the foresaid reUgion, that we shall defend the same and resist all these contrary errors and corruptions, according to our vocation, and to the uttermost of that power that God hath put in our hands all the days of our hfe ; and in like manner with the same heart, we declare before God and men that we have no intention nor desire to attempt any- thing that may turn to the dishonour of God, or to the diminution of the King's greatness and authority ; but on the contrary, we promise and swear that we shall, to the uttermost of our power with our means and Uves, stand to the defence of our dread Sovereign, the King's Majesty, his person and authority, in the defence of the foresaid true religion, Uberties, and laws of the kingdom ; as also to the mutual defence and assistance, every one of us of another in the same cause of maintaining the true religion and his Ma- jesty's authority, with our best counsel, our bodies, means, and whole power, against all sorts of persons whatsoever ; so that whatsoever shtiU be done to the least of us for that cause shall be taken as done to us all in general and to every one of us in particular ; and that we shall neither directly nor indirectly suffer ourselves to be divided or withdrawn by whatsoever suggestion, combination, allurement, or terror from THE APPEAL TO HEAVEN. 129 this blessed and loyal conjunction, nor shall cast in chap III. Feb. 27. any let or impediment that may stay or hinder any such resolution, as by common consent be found to J^^^,^ conduce for so good ends ; but, on the contrary, shall by all lawful means labour to further and promote the same, and if any such dangerous and divisive motion be made to us by word or writ, we and every one of us shall either suppress it, or if need be shall incontinent make the same known, that it may be timeously obviated ; neither do we fear the foul aspersions of rebellion, combination, or what else our adversaries from their craft and malice would put upon us, seeing what we do is so well warranted and ariseth from an unfeigned desire to maintain the true worship of God, the majesty of our King, and the peace of the kingdom for the common happiness of ourselves and the posterity ; and because we cannot look for a blessing from God upon our proceedings, except with our profession and subscription we join such a life and conversation as beseemeth Christians who have renewed their covenant vdth God, we therefore faithfully promise for ourselves, our fol- lowers, and all others under us, both in public, in our particular famihes and personal carriage, to endeavour to keep ourselves within the bounds of Christian liberty, and to be good examples to others of all god- hness, soberness, and righteousness, and of every duty we owe to God and man ; and that this our union and conjunction may be observed without violation, we call the living God, the searcher of our hearts, to witness, who knoweth this to be our sincere desire and unfeigned resolution, as we shall answer to Jesus Christ in the great day and under the pain of God's everlasting wrath, and of infamy and of loss of aU honour and respect in this world ; most humbly VOL. I. K I30 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAP. III. Feb. 27. The Cove- naut signed by the no- bility and gentry ; March by the clergy ; March 2, and by the people. beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by His Holy- Spirit for this end, and to bless our desires and pro- ceedings with a happy success, that religion and righteousness may flourish in the land, to the glory of God, the honour of our King, and peace and comfort of us all." 1 The Covenant thus worded was cheerfully ac- cepted by the ministers to whom it was proposed.^ On the 28th it was carried to the Grey Friars' Church, to which all the gentlemen present in Edinburgh had been summoned. Henderson and Dickson, a minister even more enthusiastic than himself, were prepared to give satisfaction to all who expressed doubt. Few came forward to criticise, and those few were easily persuaded. At four o'clock in the grey winter even- ing, the noblemen, the Earl of Sutherland leading the Avay, began to sign. Then came the gentlemen, one after the other, till nearly eight. The next day the ministers were called on to testify their approval, and nearly three hundred signatures were obtained before night. The Commissioners of the boroughs signed at the same time.^ On the third day the people of Edinburgh were called on to attest their devotion to the cause which was represented by the Covenant. Tradition long loved to tell how the honoured parchment, carried back to the Grey Friars, Avas laid out on a tombstone in the churchyard, whilst weeping multitudes pressed round in numbers too great to bo contained in any building. There are moments wlien the stern Seottisli nature breaks out into an onthu.'^iasm less passionate, but more enduring, than the frenzy of a iSoiithern rae(\ As eaeli man and woman stepped forward in turn, witli the right hand raised to heaven ' Imv/n J)rr/,,ni/io,i. 57. » Ji,.t/„:<, 71. 3 Ibid. 79. TPIE GREY FRIARS' CHURCHYARD. 131 before the pen was grasped, every one there present chap. knew that there would be no flinching amongst that 1638. band of brothers till their rehgion was safe from March 2. intrusive violence.^ Modern narrators may well turn their attention to the picturesqueness of the scene, to the dark rocks of the Castle crag over against the churchyard, and to the earnest faces around. The men of the seven- teenth century had no thought to spare for the earth beneath or for the sky above. What they saw was their country's faith trodden under foot, what they felt was the joy of those who had been long led astray, and had now returned to the Shepherd and Bishop of their souls. No one in Scotland had so much reason as Feb. 28. Traquair to regret the King's ill-advised persistency. letterT'^ " Many things have been complained on," he wrote on the first day of signature ; " but the Service Book, which they conceive by this proclamation, and the King's taking the same upon himself, to be in effect of new ratified, is that which troubles them most ; and truly, in my judgment, it shall be as easy to establish the missal in this kingdom as the Service Book, as it is conceived. The not urging the present practice thereof does no way satisfy them, because they con- ceive that what is done in the delaying thereof is but only to prepare things the better for the urging of the same at a more convenient time ; and, believe me, as yet I see not a probability of power within this kingdom to force them ; and whoever has informed the King's Majesty otherwise, either of the Book itself or of the disposition of the subjects to obey his ' The general signatuie is not descrilied in contemporary accounts. The 28th and ist were too fully occupied, and I have therefore assigned it to the 2nd, though ihere is no direct evidence about the date. K 2 132 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAP. III. 1638. March i. Opinion of Spottis- woode's ; Miirch 2, and of the Council. An Assem- bly and Parlinment demanded. Charles's reluctance to give wav. March 11. Archie Armstrong expelled from (iiMirt. Majesty's commandments, it is high time every man be put to make good his own part." ^ Such views were not confined to Traquair. Spottiswoode, speaking on hflialf of tlie Bishops, avowed to the Council tluit peace was hopeless unless the Service Book were openly withdrawn. The Council itself was of the same opinion, and they despatched one of their number to the King to im- plore him to listen to the grievances of his subjects, and to suspend all those orders which had given rise to the late disturbances." ^ It is hardly likely that even the promptest accept- ance of this advice would now have appeased the Scottish nation. The Covenant had appealed to Assembly and Parliament as the legal basis of the national religion, and no mere withdrawal of the obnoxious orders would now suffice. An Assemblv and Parliament must meet to pronounce those orders to have been utterly and scandalouslj^ illegal. Even the lesser demand of the Council met with apparently insuperable resistance in Charles's mind. He knew well that it was not the fortune of Scotland only which was involved in his decision. Englishmen about him, he believed, in all probability with truth, were already in correspondence with the Xorthern malcontents, and were ho]nng that the example which had been set at Edinbui-gh might one day be followed in London. His Scottish servanl.s were not lacking in sympatliy with their countrymon. One poor example was made. Archie .Vrmstrong, the King's fool, railed at Laud in his cups as a monk, a rogue, and a traitor. Tjaud was unwise iMiougli to complain to the King. The unlucky jester was called before ' Triiqimir In llainilttm, I'lOi, :i8 ; Han/ir. S/. P., ii. 99. - KxtniilH from tlu' liofjistir of Ihi' Vn\\ Council. BnUtif,\. 458. GENERAL ACCEPTANCE OF THE COVENANT. 133 the Council, sentenced to have his coat pulled over chap. his ears, to be discharged from the King's service, ~ — ^ — ' and to be sent before the Star Chamber for further „ : ' March 17. punishment. The Star Chamber would probably have ordered him to be soundly flogged, but Laud at last interfered, and Archie escaped the lash.^ Others besides Archie bore ill will to Laud as the TheEngUsh adviser of the King's refusal to content the Scots, throw the The English Privy Councillors protested that they Laid!"" were not responsible for conduct on which their advice had not been asked. Charles was only annoyed at their evident belief that he had been act- ing under Laud's dictation. In an angry voice he assured the Council that he had never taken the ad- vice of any Englishman in the affairs of Scotland.^ It needs no proof to show that Charles's pohcy of The King's . . _.^ , , procrasti- procrastination was indeed his own. Week after nation. week passed away, Avith no resolution taken. The Covenanters were not so remiss. By the end of April Apni. well-nigh the whole of Scotland had rallied to their tionofthe T , . ■^^ • Covenant. cause, in every town, m every village, m every secluded nook, the most influential landowners, the most eloquent preachers were ready to pour their arguments into willing ears. No doubt, as in every such movement, much is to be laid to the account of the excellence of the organisation provided by its leaders. Much of the reasoning used would hardly bear the test of a critical examination. Charles's Service Book certainly did not deserve all the hard things that were said of it. None the less was the resistance of Scotland the result of a determination to be true to the motto of the Scottish Thistle. Scotland 1 Council Register, March II, 17. Garrard to Wentworth, March 20. Straf. Letters, ii. 152. B/ushw. ii. 47. ^ Zonca's Despatches, ^f ^ . Ven. Transa-ipts. 134 THE SCOTTISH COVi;NANT. CHAP. III. April. The Scol- tish reais- tauce. Treatment of thofle who refused to 8iirn. has never at any time distinguished itself as the originator of new ideas in religion or government ; but it has ever shown itself to be possessed of the most indispensable quality of a hardy and vigorous people, the determination to be itself, and not what external force might choose to make it. The Scottish nation had done well to pay a heavy price in the thirteenth century for its political independence. It did well in the seventeenth century to pay a heavy price for its ecclesiastical independence. For the sake of that, it renounced the wide sympathies of the cul- tured intellect, and hardened its heart like a flint against all forms of spiritual religion which did not accord with the fixed dogmatic teaching which it had borrowed from Geneva. Calvinism had but scant regard for the Hberty of the individual conscience. Its preachers felt themselves called upon to set forth tlie unalterable law, and the law which they preached came back to them in the voice of their congregations. In the many there was no sense of any restriction placed upon themselves. To the few it became an insupport- able tyranny — a tyranny which would be more than ordinarily felt in the hours of danger through which the nation was then passing. To reject the Covenant was not merely to differ in belief from the multitude; it was to be a traitor to the country, to be ready to help on the foreign invasion whicli would soon be gather- ing in the South. Those wlio still held out were met with dark looks and threatening gestures. "The greater that the number of subsi'ribents grew," we hear from one who remembered that time well, " the more impiM-ious tliey were in exacting subscriptions from olliers who refused to subscribe, so that by degrees tjiey |)r(i(ee(led to conlumeHes and reproaches, and some were threatened and beaten who durst re- THE OPPONENTS OF THE COVENANT. 1 35 fuse, especially in the greatest cities — as likewise in chap. other smaller towns — namely, at Edinburgh, St Andrews, Glasgow, Lanark, and many other places. ^ ^. ' Gentlemen and noblemen carried copies of it about in their portmantles and pockets, requiring subscription thereunto, and using their utmost endeavours with their friends in private for to subscribe. It was sub- scribed publicly in churches, ministers exhorting their people tliereunto. It was also subscribed and sworn privately. All had power to take the oath, and were hcensed and welcome to come in, and any that pleased had power and Hcense for to carry the Cove- nant about with him, and give the oath to such as were wiUing to subscribe and swear. And such was the zeal of many subscribents that, for a while, many subscribed with tears on their cheeks, and it is con- stantly reported that some did draw their own blood, and used it in place of ink to underscribe their names. Such ministers as spoke most for it were heard so passionately and with such frequency, that churches would not contain their hearers in cities. . . . Nor were they scrupulous to give the Covenant to such as startled, at any point thereof, with such protestations as in some measure were destructive to the sense thereof; so that they got subscriptions enough there- unto ; and it came to that height in the end, that such as refused to subscribe were accounted by the rest who subscribed no better than Papists." ^ If honour be due to the nation which refused to case of shift its reUgion at the word of command, honour is Micheii. also due to those who, from whatever conscientious motive, refused to sign their names to a he for the sake of peace. Such men went about the streets of Edinburgh in fear of their lives. David Michell, one ' Oordon, 45. 136 TIJE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CllAl'. III. "76387 April. Practical unity of the nation. Wliat Charles thought of the (Joven- nnt. April 13. >J(irrluiiii- hcrlanil Lord Ad- miral. of the recusant ministers, was dogged by gentlemen with drawn swords. The cry of " If we had the Popish villain " was thrown at him as he passed.* Yet it is worthy of notice that these threats led to nothing worse. No bloodshed, except in avowed war, stained the cause of the Covenant. Practically the nation was united. A few great landowners stood aloof from the movement. A few amongst the clergy took alarm. Scholars like Drummond of Hawthornden dreaded the rising flood of popular passion which threatened to overwhelm their quiet studies. Some there were who signed in defiance of their conviction, and many more who signed in ignorance of the meaning of their promises. But on the whole the nation swayed forward under tlie influence of strong excitement, as the cornfield sways before the breeze. To the King the Scottish Covenant was much more tlian an assertion of Puritanism. By its appeal from himself to Parliament and Assembly, it was in his eyes something very like a declaration of Ee- publicanism. Yet, resolved as he was to resist such pretensions to the uttermost, he knew not where to turn for the force which he needed. Though he had little idea how deep the dissatisfaction in England was, he knew enough to be aware that there were many of his subjects who would not li^ht very enthusiastically in this cause. Army he had none, in the sense of a disciplined body of men. ready to act indepentlently of the state of popular opinion, and his fleet would not be of much avail unless it coidd be used in support of an army. It was al least [lossible to do something to improve the orgaiiisaliou of the navy. The Navy Commission ' Miclu'll to till' liinliop 111" h'lipliiii', Mni'cli 19, liaillie, i. 263. GAINING TIME. 1 37 which had been appointed on Buckingham's death chap. was still in office, and Charles had perhaps intended ~ — 7~^ that it should remain in office till his second son, April 13. James, whom he had created Duke of York, and who was not yet five years old, should become capable of performing the duties of a Lord Admiral. In view of the approaching conffict, it was necessary that some other arrangement should be made. Northumberland, who had commanded the fleet on its last year's cruise, was therefore created Lord Admiral during the King's pleasure. At the same time an instrument conveying the office to the young Prince was executed, and con- signed to the safe recesses of the Council chest, to be drawn forth whenever the King wished it to be put in force.^ Northumberland fell ill shortly after his appoint- n^f^- ment, and was therefore unable to command the fleet solves to negotiate. in person. Even if it had been otherwise, no scheme of warhke preparation had been framed in which the fleet could possibly have taken part. Charles fell back on diplomacy. It was necessary for him ' to gain time ' till he might be able to intervene with effect. Yet it would be to misunderstand his character and posi- tion, to duppose, as has been so often supposed, that he had made up his mind to deceive the Scots by offering concessions which he never intended to make. He knew that he must abandon the position which he had taken up in the previous summer. He would modify the Court of High Commission, and would give assurance not to press the Canons and the Ser- vice Book, except in ' such a fair and legal way as ' should satisfy his subjects ; that he intended no ' innovation in rehgion or laws.' So far he was pre- ' Northumberland's appointment, April 13; Patent Rolls, 13 Cliarlesl., Part 38. Council Regiiter, April 18. 138 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAP, in. 1638. May. Hnmilton to go as Commia- eioner. pared to go. But he was strongly of opinion that the Scots would not be content with this. He believed that their leaders at least were bent upon throwing off his lawful authority. The Covenant must there- fore be surrendered as a standard of rebellion.^ Spottiswoode sensibly told hini that this demand would make all negotiation impossible. He answered curtly, that till the Covenant were abandoned he had no more power than a Doge of Venice.^ The request he plainly believed to be a righteous one. It was the fault of the Scots if they did not see it in the same Ught. The mere demand would give him time to push on his preparations. If that were to his ad- vantage, the blame vpould lie with those who rejected such reasonable terms. As the bearer of this overture, Charles selected tlie Marquis of Hamilton, whom he had for many years consulted on every subject relating to Scotland. Of all men living he had the greatest share of the King's confidence, and was probably the most unfit to be trusted with the difficult task now assigned to him. Hischarac- The charge which was often brought against him by contemporaries of wishing to seat himself upon his master's Scottish throne, as tlie next heir after the Stuart fine, is doubtless without foundation.* Every- thing that we know of him lends itself to the sup- position that he felt a warm personal affection for Charles. But even a warm personal affection may easily be clouded over by other passions. When the chivalrous Montrose assured the lady of his heart that he could not lovo her so much unless he loved honour more, he laid down a principle which holds good in oilier relations of life than those which exist ' Burnet, Liiva „f t/ii< JIamiUmit, 43. " Ihid. 46. •' I'l'fs. ({on. of i'/i(irlis I., \. 222. THE MARQUIS OF HAMILTON. 1 39 between man and woman. Attachment arising out of personal admiration, or out of the amenities of personal intercourse, is liable to interruption or decay. Attachment arising out of community of sentiment and community of sacrifice for a common object is subject to no such danger. The enduring loyalty of Wentworth saw in Charles not merely a gracious sovereign, but the symbol of a great pohtical prin- ciple. The loyalty of Hamilton saw in Charles a blindly devoted master, who had been the founder of a great part of his personal fortune. He wished to support and maintain the King's authority, but he wished still more to foster his own wealth and state under the shadow of that authority. He would serve the King, but he could not serve him with a perfect heart. To the King he 'owed the high position which set him apart from other Scottish subjects, and which exposed him to the jealousy of his brother nobles. But the permanent supports of his family, the broad estates, the attached hearts of followers and depen- dents, were to be found in the rich valley through which the Clyde poured its stream, under skies as yet undimmed by the smoke of a mighty industry. Every feeling of his heart, every demand of his interest urged him to be the pacificator of the strife But he might easily be led to seek the accomphsh- ment of his object by means which might possibly do credit to his impartiality, but which were by no means befitting an ambassador trusted by one of the parties in the quarrel. To the religious aspect of the strife Hamilton was His intiif- profoundly indifferent. If only the Scots would keep the reii- quiet, it mattered nothing to him whether they read ff the ais- their prayers out of the new book or not. It was ^" ^' the indifference of contempt, not the indifference of 1638. May. 140 Till'; SCOTTISH GOV JON ANT. CHAi'. wisdom, lie was just ihe man to advocate a com- promise, just tliL' iiKiii too not to see 011 what terms a compromise was pos.sibl(!. lie would shift his ground from day to day because, if lie did not take his stand on the principles of either of the contending parties, he had no principles of his own to secure him against the attraction or repulsion of every accident that occurred. HiB despot- It is not unlikely that this want of settled principle per. expressed itself, unconsciously to himself, in that gloomy despondency for which he was notorious. He never undertook any work without rapidly coming to the conclusion that success was onlj' attainable Ijy an entire change of plan. He was frequently engaged in war and in diplomacy. Whenever he was engaged in war he became absolutely 'certain that negotiation would give him everything that he wanted. When- ever he was engaged in diplomacy he was sure that war, and war only, would accomplish the ends which he had been sent to obtain by negotiation. Hnmiiton Already, before he could set out from England, despairs of . . o ' success. he felt the difficulties of his task. '• I have no hope in the world of doing good," he said to Con, " with- out coming to blows. Our countrymen are possessed by the devil. The judgment of God is to be seen in the business ; for though the King is ready to paixlon them, and to do all that they want, they continue to make new demands, and liave now jniblishod orders that none of the Covenantors shall meet tlie King's Commissioners." ' June 4. It was too true. Hamilton was made to under- stand lliiil, lie was to treat with the Covenanting leaders, niid must not ])ass them over to address their followers. Dalkeith was appointed as the place of ' (1i)ii to Jtiu-Lnrliii, Juiii' ,',, AM. .)/6\S'., 15,391, fol. 164. Hid arrival In Scotliiiid HAMILTON IN SCOTLAND. 141 meeting. Before he reached it, an affair occurred which inflicted on him a fresh indignity. A vessel laden with warlike stores for the King's garrison in j„ne4. the Castle of Edinburgh arrived at Leith. The po''^ieigi.ip Covenanters would not allow it to land its cargo. »' Leith. At last Traquair carried off the gunpowder on board and stowed it away in Dalkeith House. The Covenanting leaders at once refused to go near so dangerous a spot, and set guards round the Castle to hinder the introduction of the powder.^ On June 7 Hamilton was able to give an account Ji™e $■ n rr ■ tt i n • • • i Hamilton's of the state 01 anairs. He had an interview with interview Eothes, and had told him that if the terms which he Kothes. brought were rejected, the King would come in per- son to Scotland with 40,000 men at his back. Eothes did not appear to be terrified. All that Scotland wanted, he said, was that their religion might be so securely estabUshed that no man might alter it here- after at his pleasure.^ Before leaving England, Hamilton had received June/.^ from Charles two alternative forms of a declaration account of which he was expected to publish. In the one the tio*n!' ""' demand for the surrender of the Covenant was plainly worded. In the other it was shrouded in vague exhortations to obedience. Hamilton now assured the King that it was only in the latter form that it would be possible to read the declaration at all.^ The Covenanters would be content with nothing short of an abohtion of the obnoxious forms, including the Articles of Perth, by an Assembly and Parliament, together with a limitation placed upon the authority of the Bishops. The King must therefore be prepared ^ 12, 129. * lUd., 135. ' I suppose this is what he means by dividing the Declaration. At all events, this is what he resolvfed on two days later. Juno tiOQS. 142 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAP, to invade Scotland with a royal army. He was cer- '-^ — tain to gain a victory, but he must remember that it rune 7 would be gained over his ' own poor people,' and he might perhaps prefer ' to wink at their madness.' As long as that madness lasted, they would ' sooner lose their Hves, than leave the Covenant, or part from their demands — impertinent and damnable as they were.' If the Covenanters could not force him to give way, they would call a Parliament themselves. " Be con- fident," he added, "they, by God's grace, shall neither be able to do the one nor the other in liaste, for what I cannot do by strength I do by cunning." ^ June II. Hamilton was, perhaps, using his cunning to The King's „., ^, ,■, ,.1 ■ ,-, instruc- irighteu Charles mto those lurther concessions which now appeared to him to ofler the only chance of peace. Charles, however, did not take the hint. He repUed that he was hastening his preparations. " In the meantime," he continued, " your care must be how to dissolve the multitude, and — if it be possible — to possess yourselves of my castles of Edinburgh and StirUng, which I do not expect. And to this end I give you leave to flatter them with what hopes you please, so you engage not me against my grounds — and in particular that you consent neither to the call- ing of Parliament nor General Assembly, until the Covenant be disavowed and given up ; vour chief end being now to win time that they may not commit public follies until I be ready to suppress tliem." - In the main point, in short, there was to be no con- cession, but on matters of lesser importance Hamilton was to spin out (he negolialion as long as lie could. ' HRDiilton t(i the Kiiifj;, .luno 7. J/amiifim l^ipeit, 3. '■" The King to Hi\iiiiltoii, Juno 11. Biinift, 55. The letter is a r('|ily to the one of tlit> 7th, not to the ono ol' tho 4th, mentioned in the beginning of it. HAMILTON IN EDINBURGH. 1 43 Before this letter was -written, Hamilton had en- chap. III. tered Edinburgh. The whole population of the town, swollen by numbers who had flocked in from the jm,e8. country, appeared to receive him. He reported that ^t^',"™ at least sixty thousand lined the roads. Five hundred Edinburgh. ministers in their black gowns were there. Eluding their purpose of greeting him with a public speech, he made his Avay to Holyrood to hear what they had to say in private. So pleased was he with his re- ception, that he requested the King to put off any warlike effort till he had seen what he was able to accomplish in Edinburgh. The Covenanters, it was true, were not to be induced to surrender the Co- Tenant at once, but it would be possible to obtain other concessions which fell short of that.^ In less than a week Hamilton discovered that June is. even these modified hopes had been far too sanguine, pointment. On the 1 5th he wrote that even the Councillors of State declared the Covenant to be justified by law, ' which,' he added, ' is a tenet so dangerous to mon- archy, as I cannot yet see how they will stand to- gether.' All that was to be done was to stave off the inevitable rebelhon till the King was ready to crush it. He had not dared to publish the Declaration even in its curtailed form. Nothing short of the imme- diate meeting of an Assembly and Parhament would satisfy the Covenanters. On any terms short of this it was useless to continue the negotiation. Of the chance of a successful resistance he was equally hope- less. He had sent Huntly and a few other loyal noblemen to their homes to form the nucleus of op- position. Lord Antrim, who as a MacDonell had claims to lands in the Western Highlands, might bring an Irish force to the King's aid. But the immediate ' Hamilton to the King, June 9. IlamiUon Papers, 7. 144 '^"HE SCOTTISH COVENANT. prospect was most gloomy. Edinburgh Castle would soon be lost. There was not much comfort to be given. " When your power comes," wrote Hamilton, " I hope in God, He will give you victory ; but, be- Heve me, it will be a difficult work and bloody." ^ June i6. The next day Hamilton suggested a fresh way out suggests" of the difficulty. Might not the Covenanters add an covenan- explanation to the Covenant, declaring that they had 'xpiSn'the no wish to infringe on the authority of the King ? ^ Covenant. Q]^ja,rles, howcver, shrunk from acknowledging a defeat so plainly. No explanation would conceal the fact that he had given way because he could not cope with the forces arrayed against him. He therefore rephed that he was making ready for war. In six weeks he should have a train of artillery consisting .Tune 20. of forty pieces of ordnance. Berwick and Carlisle prepares for woiild soou bc securcd agaiust attack. He had sent to Holland for arms to equip 14,000 foot, and 2,000 horse. The Lord Treasurer had assured him that he would have no difficulty in providing 200,000/. He was about to despatch the fleet to the Firth of Fortli, and 6,000 soldiers should be sent with it, if Hamilton could make sure that they would be able to land at Leith.3 June 25. A few days later Charles was still resolute. " I will only say," he wi'oto, " that so Ioult as this Cove- nant is in force — wlietlier it bo Avith or without ex- planation — I have no mure i)owor in Scotland tlian as a Duke of Venire, whirli T will ratlier die than suffer ; yet T commend tlic giving oar to the explana- tion, or iiuything else lo win time, which now I see is one of your rliicil^sl ciuos."" He luUh'd that he should ' Ilainillciii 111 tlio Kiiitf, .liinr 15. Ilnmilton Papere, 9. '' Bm-nrt, 58, " The Kiiij,' lo Ilnmilton, Juno 20. But-net, 59. HAMILTON'S DESPONDENCY. 1 45 not be sorry if the Covenanters even proceeded to call ^?j|^'- a Parliament and Assembly without authority from • — 7—-^ him. By so doing they would only put themselves more completely in the wrong.^ Hamilton had already discovered that it was not June 24. _., , . . - ^ , Hamilton so easy to wm time as Charles imagined. He threat- talks of ened to break off the negotiation, to return to toEngiand. England, and to advise the King to take another course. At last he obtained an engagement from the Covenanters that they would disperse to their homes, and would take no forward step for three weeks, during his absence, on the understanding that he would do his best to induce the King to summon an Assembly and a Parhament. In announcing this arrangement to Charles, Ham- ilton made the most of the delay that he had gained. It was possible, he said, that having once dispersed, the Covenanters would return in a better frame of mind. They would certainly not surrender the Cove- nant, but they would perhaps ' not so adhere to it ' as now they did. He had also something to say about the impending war. He could not secure the landing of the proposed force of 6,000 men, but a lesser number might be brought in the fleet to make incursions in Pife and the Lothians. Dumbarton was already in safe hands, and he was in treaty with the Earl of Mar for the surrender of Edinburgh Castle. Yet he could not deny that the Covenanters were also active, and were importing arms freely from the Continent.^ In reply, Charles gave the required permission to June 29. return. The Commissioner was to promise nothing hM™eave°to which would afterwards have to be refused. He '*'"™' ' The King to Hamilton, June 25 ; Burnet, 60. ^ Hamilton to the King, June 24. Hamilton Papers, 14. VOL. I. L [46 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAl' III. 1638. June 29. July 4. The Decla- ration read. Another Protesta- tion. The Divine right of As- Btimhlies. The Coun- cil takes piirt ni^n\n»i the Declara- tion. might, however, recall the law courts to Edinburgh, and give some vague hopes of a future Assembly and ParHament. On the other hand, the Declaration in its amended form must be published before he left Edinburgh.^ Hamilton had already set out for England when this letter reached him. He at once turned back, and on July 4 the King's Declaration was read at the Market Cross at Edinburgh. Covenanting Scotland was informed that the Canons and Service Book would only be pressed in a fair and legal way. Once more, as soon as the herald had fulfilled his task, a Protestation was read in reply. The Cove- nanters again appealed to Assembly and Parliament as the only lawful judges of their cause. Nor did they fail to make it known that the Assembly which they contemplated was a very different one fi-om those gatherings which had ratified the will of James with enforced subserviency. Bishops were to have no place there excepting as culprits to give an ac- count of their misdeeds. Of this Assembly they began to speak in terms to which a servant of King Charles could hardly dare to Usten. It was openly said that the right to hold AssembUes came direct from God, and that no earthly Prince might venture to interrupt them.''' The long controversy was slowly disentangling itself The claim of Charles to oast the religion of his subjects in the mould which seemed fairest in his eyes was met by the stern denial of liis right to meddle with religion at all. This outburst of Scottisli fooling penetrated to the Council Chamhor itself. Hoi'oro niglitfall many of the ' 'I'lio King 1(1 Ilinuilliiii, Juno 29 ; Jiurnet,6l- '' I'rotcHliilion, Lnn/i' Divldfu/iuii, 98. 1638. July 4. HAMILTON S INTRIGUE. 147 Privy Councillors, who in the morning had given an ^Yii''- official approval to the Declaration, signified their determination to withdraw their signatures. Unless this were permitted, they would sign the Covenant at once. To save himself from this indignity, Hamilton July s- tore up, in their presence, the paper on which their approval had been recorded.^ Whilst the Lord Commissioner was still arguing oeputa- with the Council, a deputation from the Covenanters the coven- arrived to remonstrate against the language of the Declaration. Hamilton rej)hed with firmness. The Council, he said, ' knew what they did, and would answer it.' ^ When the members of the deputation took leave, he followed them out of the room. " I They are , . encouraged spoke to you, he is reported to have said as soon as by Hamii- he was in private with them, " before those Lords of the CouncU as the King's Commissioner ; now, there being none present but yourselves, I speak to you as a kindly Scotsman. If you go on with courage and resolution, you will carry what you please ; but if you faint and give ground in the least, you are undone. A word is enough to wise men." ^ " What I cannot do by strength," he had explained to Charles, " I do by cunning." Hamilton's cunning was as inefiectual as his strength. It is not necessary 1 Hamilton to the King, July 4 ; Hamilton Papers, 21. Burnet, 64. '^ Rothes, 175. " These words are given by Guthry (Memoirs, 40). He says that he heard the story on the same day from a person who had heen told it by Cant, who was himself one of the deputation, and heard it again, ' in the very same terms,' that evening from Montrose, who was another of the deputation. It does not follow that the very words are accurately set down by Guthry when he came to write his Memoirs. The belief that he was playing a double game was too common in Scotland not to have had some foundation. The English author of the curious narrative printed in the Appendix to the Hamilton Papers (263), says that ' he gave them advice as his countrymen to keep to their own principles, lest the English nation .... should encroach upon them.' L 2 148 THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAP, to suppose that he wished to ruin his master. He ' — -«~ probably wanted simply to be on good terms with all July 5. parties, and thought, as was undoubtedly the case, that it would be better for Charles as well as for Scotland, that he should accept the terms which appeared to be inevitable. With this object in view, it was to him a matter of indifference whether Charles frightened the Scots into surrender, or the Scots frightened Charles into concessions. As the first alternative appeared to be more than ever improbable, he now Hamilton's took his lournev southward, with the hope that return to o %/ ' x England Charlcs would give way more readily than his sub- jects. He was prepared to urge him to give his con- sent to the meeting of Assembly and ParKament, to allow them to give a legal condemnation to the recent ecclesiastical innovations, and even to place the Bishops for the future under the control of the General Assembly. It might well be doubted whether Charles would be prepared to yield so much. There could be no doubt whatever that the Scots would not be content with less. 149 CHAPTEE IV. THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. On July I , a few days before Hamilton set out for chap. England, Charles for the first time broached the ' — ■<-^ — • subject of the Scottish troubles in the English Privy j„j j' Council. The necessity of placing Berwick and J^^^^^'., Carlisle in a state of defence, made it impossible to informed of , , . , . , _^ , the state of treat the matter any longer as one m which England affairs. was whoUy unconcerned. The King spoke of his wish to have brought about a religious uniformity between the two kingdoms. He explained that he had now found it necessary to entrust Arundel with the work of strengthening the Border fortresses, but that he had no intention of dealing hardly with the wild heads in Scotland, if they went no farther than they had done as yet. Beyond this vague statement he did not go. No opinion was asked from the Privy Councillors, and none was given. Charles was doubtless not un- conscious of the difficulty of gathering an adequate military force. That weary look, which, transferred The King's to the canvas of Vandyke, gained for Charles so many detSiy"" passionate admirers, was now stealing over his countenance. For the first time in his life he left the tennis-court unvisited, and, except on rare oc- casions, he avoided the excitement of the chase. He announced that, this year, his progress would be but a short one, and that he would return to Oatlands before the middle of August at the latest.^ ' Garrard to Wentworth, Julys. Strccf. Letters, ii. 179. Zonca'a Despatch, July ^, Ven. Transcripts. 1638. July 150 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP. If the Council as a body was not consulted, a special Committee was formed from amongst its members, to discuss the practicability of an armed The Com- interference in Scotland. The Committee was soon itiittee on • • mi /-( 1 t n Scotch hopelessly divided in opinion. The Catholics and semi-Catholics, Arundel, Cottington, and Windebank, were for instant war. Vane, Coke, and Northumber- land hesitated in the face of its enormous difficulties. The promise of 200,000/. made by Juxon a few weeks before had melted, away. Only 200/. were at the moment in the Exchequer. The utmost that could be raised by borrowing was i io,ooof., a sum which would go but a little way towards the main- tenance of an army. What was of more consequence was, that the recent decision in the ship-money case had revealed the discontent of the English people, and it was fi-eely acknowledged that they were more likely to support the Scots than to draw their swords for the King.'^ Attention In thcsc dcspcratc circumstances, it was natural Ireland." t^^^t the thoughts of thosc who cared for the main- tenance of the King's authority should cross St. George's Channel. There at least was a man who had shown that it was possible to educe order out of chaos. Might not the force which had curbed Ireland be employed to restore discipline in Scotland ? i637- Never had Wentworth been so hopeful of the went-° success of his great experiment as in the summer of progress in 1 63 7. In August, just as tlic Scottisli resistance was the weat of . . , " „ , ,,. Ireland, growmg scnous, he set, out for the ^^ est. In a letter to Conway he desnibed, with much amusement, the triumphal arclios cioctod in his honour, and the long speeches of welcoiiic inllii'tod on him by the magis- ti-iites of tlu' towns througli wliich lie passed. He ' Ndilliiimberland to Wnilwortli, July 23. Straf. Letttrt, ii. 185. WENTWOKTH IN IRELAND. 151 was well satisfied with the more serious business of his journey. " Hither are we come," he wrote from Limerick, " through a country, upon my faith, if as well husbanded, built, and peopled as are you in England, would show itself not much inferior to the very best you have there. The business we came about is most happily effected, and His Majesty now entitled to the two goodly counties of Ormond and Clare, and, which beauties and seasons the work ex- ceedingly, with all possible contentment and satisfac- tion of the people. In all my whole life did I never see, or could possibly have believed to have found men with so much alacrity divesting themselves of all property in their estates, and, with great quietness and singleness of mind, waiting what His Majesty may in his gracious good pleasure and time determine and measure out for them. I protest I that am, to my truth, of a gentle heart, find myself extremely taken with the manner of their proceeding. They have all along, to the uttermost of their skill and breeding, given me very great expressions of their esteem and affection, so as I begin almost to be per- suaded that they here could be content to have me the minister of His Majesty's favour towards them as soon as any other." ^ Such a letter shows Wentworth at his best. It Ormond is probable that the days of this summer progress dckari"' were the last of unalloyed happiness that he ever enjoyed. He could hardly doubt what was the cause of this unexpected loyalty. At Galway, two years before, he had acted in defiance of the great tribal lord the Earl of Clanrickard. At Limerick he was acting with the warm support of the Earl of Ormond. Whether it would have been possible by patience ' Wentworth to Oonway, Aug. 21, 1637. S. P. Ireland, Bundle 286. 15: THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. Went- wortli's view of Irish pro- gress Oct. 1 8 Went- worth'a view uf English aif.urs. to bring the other lords to follow Ormond's example, it is impossible now to say. Patience was no part of Wentworth's character. In any case, the impulse to ira])rovement must have come from the Crown, and the improvement to which he looked was rather to be found in ihe benefits derived by the poor from orderly government, than in the increased activity of the rich. " It is most rare," he wrote about this time, " that the lower sort of the Irish subject hath not in any age lived so preserved from the pressures and oppressions of tlie great ones as now they do ; for which, I assure you, they bles.s God and the King, and begin to discern and taste the great and manifold benefits they gather under the shadow, and from the immediate dependence upon the Crown, in comparision of the scant and narrow coverings they formerly borrowed from their petty yet imperious lords." ^ Such work was not likely to conduce to the formation of a correct judgment on EngUsh and Scottish affairs. "Mr. Prynne's case," he wrote in October, " is not the first wherein I have resented the humour of the time to cry up and magnify such as the honour and justice of the King and State have marked out and adjudged mutinous to the Govern- ment, and offensive to the belief and reverence the people ought to have in the wisdom arid integrity of the magistrate. Nor am I now to say it anew .... that a Prince tliat loseth the force and example of his punishments, loseth withal the greatest part of his dominion, and yet still, methinks. wo are not got tlirough the disease — nay, I foar, do not sufficiently appreliend the malignity of it. In the mean time a liberty thus assumed, thus abused, is very insufferable ; ' Wi'iitwovlh to Oolii', .Viii;. 15, Straf. Letterii,ii. S&. WENTWORTH'S CRITICISMS. 1 53 but how to help it I know not, till I see the good as chap. resolute in their good as we daily observe the bad to - — -r^ — ■ be in their evil ways, which God of His grace infuse J^t'^is' into us ; for such are the feeble and faint motions of human frailty, that I do not expect it thence." ' To Wentworth, Hampden's case appeared no Nov. 27. better than that of Prynne. "Mr. Hampden," he complained to Laud, " is a great Brother, and the very genius of that nation of people leads them always to oppose civiUy as ecclesiastically all that ever authority ordains for them ; but, in good faith, were they right served, they should be whipped home into their right wits, and much beholden they should be to any that would thoroughly take pains with them in that kind." " In truth," he wrote some months 1638. later, " I still wish . . . Mr. Hampden and others to ^"^ '°' his likeness were well whipped into their right senses ; if that the rod be so used that it smarts not, I am the more sorry." ^ Whatever may have been the exact form of punish- juiy 28. ment which Wentworth designed for Hampden, there ^rth-s re- can be no doubt that he was ready to expend all his Jh"Eari°of energy on the Scottish Covenanters. One plan, indeed, -*^°'""- which had been suggested in London, that the Earl of Antrim, who had married Buckingham's widow, should be allowed to raise a force to attack the West of Scotland, found no favour in his eyes. He told the King that he thought but meanly of Antrim's 'parts, of his power, or of his affections.' It would not be safe to trust him with arms. If he did not mis- use them himself, the Scottish colonists were strong enough to seize upon them for their own ends. The Irish Government could not spare a man of its small ' Wentwortli to Laud, Oct. 18. Strqf. Letters, ii. 119. " Wentworth to Laud, Nov. 27, Apr. 10. Straf. Letters, ii, 136, 156. 154 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP, array for service in Scotland. Three or four thousand r-^— ' foot, however, might be levied for the purpose. If j'ui ^a8 *^^^ "^^^^ done, the greater number ought to be of English birth. If Irishmen received a miUtary train- ing in Scotland, they might be dangerous after their return. Hi3 opinion When Wentworth wrote tliis letter, he had in his venant. " hand a copy of the last Protestation of the Scots. It left no doubt on his mind that they were aiming at a change in the basis of government. One of his chaplains had recently visited Edinburgh. An at- tempt, Wentworth said, had been made to force him ' to sign and swear something which ' he thought they called ' their Covenant with God.' If it be such, he sneeringly added, ' it will learn them obedience to their King very shortly.' ^ July 30. As yet Wentworth's advice on the policy to be the policy pursued towards the Scots had not been asked. He sued;"""^ therefore unbosomed himself in a private letter to Northumberland. If the insolency of the Scots, he said, were not ' thoroughly corrected,' it was impos- sible to foresee all the evil consequences that would follow. It was true that the preparations in England were not sufficiently advanced to justify an in\mediate declaration of war. But there should be no further concessions to the Scots. ' To their bold and un- mannerly demand ' for a Parliament, ' mixed with a threat that otherwise they ' would ' betake themselves to other counsel,' His Majesty should reply that ' it was not the custom of the best and mildest of kings to be threatened into parlianionts, or to be circum- scribed with days and hours by their subjects.' Their present comluct, he sliould say, was ' more than ever he expected from them which profess the religion ' Wentworth to the Kinp, July 28. Straf. Lettert, ii. 187. WENTWORTH'S MILITARY COUNSELS, 1 55 which decries all such tumultuous proceedings of people against their sovereign.' He should ask what they would have thought ' if the Papists of England or Ireland ' had done the Uke, and should inform them that he would give them leisure ' to consider the modesty, the reverence, wherewith they were to approach God's anointed, and their King, and so to frame their petitions and supplications as that they might be granted without diminution to his height and Royal estate.' To prepare for the worst, Berwick and Carlisle andsug- must be garrisoned, and the troops there, as well as for coni* *" the trained bands of the northern counties, must be w"ar.'"^ dihgently exercised during the winter, so as to have a disciphned army ready at the commencement of the summer, without any previous expense to the exchequer. It the Scots continued refractory their ports could then be blockaded, and their shipping seized. Under this stress, their new unity would speedily be dissolved. Partisans of the King would spring up on every side. No unnecessary cruelty must delay the work of submission. Seditious minis- ters must be merely imprisoned. There must be no death on the scaffold, however richly it might be deserved. Scotland would soon prostrate itself at the feet of the King. Then — for Wentworth never failed to form a clear His uiti- conception of his ultimate aim — would come a new '"*'^"'"- day of government for Scotland. It was to be ruled as Ireland was ruled, by a Council of its own, acting in strict subordination to the Enghsh Privy Council. The religious difficulty was to be settled on much the same principle. No extemporary prayers, no Book of Common Order was to be tolerated. Neither was any new-fangled Liturgy to be forced upon the 156 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP. IV. 1638. July 30. He holds that the safety of the people is the high- est law. No middle course pos- sible. Youth of Montrose. people. But they must be content to accept the time-honoured Prayer Book of the English Church, the Protestantism of which was beyond dispute. If Wentworth, as he undoubtedly did, under- estimated the strength which a struggle for national existence would give to Scotland, he overestimated still more the devotion of the English people to their King. He imagined that his countrymen were still animated by that fiery loyalty which was peculiarly his own. " Your Lordship," he wrote in conclusion, " may say : — How shall money be found to carry us through the least part of this ? In good faith, every man will give it, I hope, from his children, upon such an extremity as this, when no less verily than aU we have comes thus to the stake. In a word, we are, God be praised, ricli and able, and in this case, it may be justly said, Salus populi suprema lex, and the King must not want our substance for the preserva- tion of the whole." ^ Such was Wentworth's confession of faith. He believed in his heart of hearts that to fight for the King in this cause was to fight ' for the preservation of the whole.' It may well be that in Scotland no middle course between a complete conquest and an absolute re- linquishment of power was in any way possible. After all that had passed, it was hopeless to expect that Charles's authority would ever again strike root in the heart of the Scottish nation. One man indeed there was who, in after years, was to beUeve it pos- sible, and who was destined to dasli himself to pieces, in the Eoyal cause, against tho rooky strength of Covenanting Scotland. That man was still a fiejy youth, throwing himself heart and soul into the cause ' Wentworth to Northvimbevlaiul, July 30. Straf. Lrtten, ii. 189. MONTROSE AND HAMILTON. I 57 1638. of the Covenant. James Graham, Earl of Montrose, was ^'jy^- born in 161 2, and succeeded to his father's title as a mereladin 1626. Educated at St. Andrews, he was easily supreme in those bodily exercises in which youths of gentle birth sought distinction. He bore away the prize for archery ; he was noted for his firm seat on horseback, and for the skill with which he managed 1626. his arms. Married at the early age of seventeen, 1620. after four years of wedded happiness, he sought pleasure and instruction in a prolonged tour on the 1633. Continent. When he returned in 1636 he passed 1636. through England, and asked Hamilton for an intro- i8 tricked duction to the King. Hamilton, if report speaks twi.^^*""' truly, was jealous of the young man, and played off on him one of his master-pieces of deception. Telhng him that the King could not endure a Scotchman, he prepared him for an unfavourable reception. He then warned the King that Montrose was likely to be dan- gerous in Scotland. The traveller was therefore re- ceived with coolness, and returned home highly discontented. The man with whom he was most closely connected, his brother-in-law, the excellent Lord Napier, and his kinsman, the Earl of Airth, were at the same time loyal to their Sovereign and hostile to Hamilton, whom they regarded with dis- favour, as withdrawing the management of Scottish affairs from Edinburgh to Whitehall, and against whom they were embittered by one of those family feuds which were stiU potent in Scotland.^ ' The story of Hamilton's treatment of Montrose comes from Heylyn (Life of Laud, 350). It is there connected with a story ahout another Grraham, Earl of Menteith, who had a kind of claim to the throne of Scotland on the ground of the questionable legitimacy of Robert III., through whom the Grown had descended. The King, through a legal process, had deprived him of his titles, though he subsequently granted him the Earldom of Airth by a fresh creation. The whole of his story wiU be found in Masson's Drummond of Sawthornden, 185. •58 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP. IV. 1637. Montrose's character. 1638. Montrose as a Coven- anter. Before 1637 came to an end, Montrose was in the thick of tlae opposition. When once he had chosen his side, he was sure to bear himself as a Paladin of old romance. If he made any cause his own, it was not with the reasoned calculation of a statesman, but with the fond enthusiasm of a lover. When he afterwards transferred his aflFections from the Covenant to the King, it was as Romeo transferred his affections from Rosaline to Juliet. He fought for neither King nor Covenant, but for that ideal of his own which he followed as Covenanter or Royalist. He went ever straight to the mark, impatient to shake off the schemes of worldly-wise poUticians and the plots of interested intriguers. Nature had marked him for a life of meteoric splendour, to confound and astonish a world, and to leave behind him an inspira- tion and a name which would outlast the ruin of his hopes. In 1637 Montrose could be nothing but a patriotic Scotsman, and as a patriotic Scotsman he threw him- self without an afterthought into the wliirl of political strife. He detested and distrusted Hamilton, as he afterwards detested and distrusted Argyle. He had been one of those who had listened to Hamilton's appeal to the ' kindly Scots,' and the incident had made a deep impression on his mind. When a de- Heylyn says that Hamilton told the King that Moutixise was ' of such esteem amongst the Scots, by reason of au old descent from the Royal family, that he might take part in supporting his kinsman's claim.' It must be remembered that though Hamilton did not put in any claim to the throne against Charles, he was in the line of succeftsiou, and was therefore personally interested in the putting down any claim by Men- t«ith. Mr. Napier has pointed out that lloylyn prolwUy derived his information from Lord Napior. It is diflicult to say what amount of credit is due to the narrative printed in the .Vppendix to the Hamilton raperg,\mt the rivalry between Montrose and Hamilton, thei« alleged to have existed, falls in very woU with llevlyn's stoiv. THE ABERDEKN DOCTORS. 1 59 cision was to be taken or a protestation read, he was <^^ai'. certain to be foremost.^ The Covenanting leaders ■ — 7—-' knew how to make good use of his- fervid energy. j^, ' Scarcely had Hamilton turned his back on Edinburgh, when they launched Montrose against Aberdeen. A great national uprising makes scant account of The Aber- corporate privilege or individual liberty. He who tors. stands sneeringly, or even hesitatingly apart from it, is soon regarded as a possible traitor, if not as an actual traitor, who waits for an opportunity to strike. Ministers who had refused to sign the Covenant had been silenced, ill-treated, and driven from their homes. Only in one place in Scotland did they gather thickly enough to hold their own. The Aberdeen doctors, indeed, were no enthusiastic supporters of Charles's ill-fated Prayer Book. They felt no attraction to Laud and his Beauty of Holiness. They were faith- ful disciples of the school which had been founded by Patrick Porbes. The danger which they foresaw was that which is inseparable from every popular excite- ment, and especially from every popular religious excitement. They feared for their quiet studies, for their right to draw unmolested their own conclusions from the data before them. They were Eoyalists ; not as Laud and Wren were Eoyalists, but after the fashion of Chillingworth and Hales. Under the name of authority they upheld the noble banner of intel- lectual freedom. Under Charles they had such liberty ' Gordon's story (i. 33) may be true, though it looks as if it were dressed up after the event, and was certainly written after 1650. " It is reported that at one of these protestations at Edinburgh Cross, Montrose standing up upon a puncheon that stood on the scaffold, the Earl of Kothes in jest said unto him, ' James,' says he, ' you will not be at rest till you be lifted up there above the rest in three fathom of rope.' , . . . This was afterwards accomplished in earnest in that same place. Some say that the same supports of the scaffold were made use of at Mon- trose's execution." l6o THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP, as they needed ; undei- the Covenant they were not likely to have any liberty at all. ^jj ' So matters looked at Aberdeen. It was impossible Danger that thev should be so regarded in Edinburgh. The from Aber- •' " . , -i i deen. liberty of the Aberdeen doctors might easily become the slavery of Scotland. If the Northern City were occupied by the King's forces, it would become to Covenanting Scotland what La Vendee afterwards became to Eepubhcan France. The risk was the greater because Aberdeen had other forces behind it than those which were supplied by the logic of its colleges. It lay close to the territory occupied by the powerful Gordon kindred, at the head of which Huntiyand was the Marquis of Huntly. Huntly in the north- '^^' east, like Argyle in the south-west, was more than an eminent Scottish nobleman. These two were as kings within their own borders. Each of them had autho- rity outside the mountains. Each of them was a Celtic chieftain as well as a Peer of the realm. Far away from Argyle's castle at Inverary, far away from Huntly's castle at the Bog in Strathbogie, the fi-ontiers of rival authority met. Huntly's Of the two, Huutly's power was less Celtic than ^ ' that of Argyle, and was therefore more exposed to attack from the southern populations. An invading array might easily keep clear of the mountaius by clinging to that strip of lowland country which stretches along the shores of the j\[oray Firth. Huntly's family had risen to iiowor by the defence of this more civilised district iigainst lawless attacks from the dwellers in the hills. It was a district scarcely less isolated from Southern inlluenoes, and Huntly's immediate predecessors had retained the faith of the ancient Church. They had therefore looked with jealousy upon any government seated at HUNTLY AND MONTROSE. j6l Edinburgh, and in proportion as the King had be- chap. come estranged from the sentiments prevailing in the July. south of Scotland, he would be regarded as the j^^^" natural ally of his subjects in the North. Huntly's own position was such as to place him at the head of a struggle for local independence. The victory of the national party would reduce his power to that of- an ordinary nobleman. To a messenger sent to urge him to throw in his lot with his countrymen, he re- plied that ' his family had risen and stood by the kings of Scotland, and for his part, if the event proved the ruin of this king, he was resolved to lay his life, honours, and estate under the rubbish of the King's rums.'^ On July 20, Montrose entered Aberdeen. Accord- July 20. ing to the custom of the place, a cup of wine was at Aber- deen. offered to him as an honoured guest. He refused to drink it till the Covenant had been signed. He brought with him three preachers — Henderson, Dick- son, and Cant. All the churches closed their doors against them. They preached in the streets in vain. The men of Aberdeen would not sign the Covenant. In the neighbourhood signatures were obtained amongst families which, like the Forbeses, were jealous of Huntly's power. Their example and the pressure of military force brought in a few subscribers. Two July 29- ministers appended their names with a protest that they remained loyal and obedient to the King ; and the reservation was accepted, not only by Montrose, but by Henderson and Dickson as well.^ Such a reservation, to be differently interpreted in July 27. different mouths, would probably have been accepted insnuo-""^ tions. ' Gordon, i. 49. ' General Demandi concerning the Covenant. Aberdeen. 1662. Spcdding, i. 93. VOL. I. M l62 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAl' IV. July 27. TheConfea- sion of 1567- 10. Aug. Hamiltori'i fiocond mli- nion. by all Scotland. No such simple means of saving his own dignity would commend itself to Charles. After consultation with Hamilton, he gave way so far as to authorise the meeting of an Assembly and a Parlia- ment. Hamilton was to do his best to obtain as much influence for the Bishops in the Assembly as he pos- sibly could. He was to protest against any motion for the abolition of their order, but he might consent to any plan for making them responsible for their conduct to future Assemblies. If this were objected to, Hamilton was ' to yield anything, though un- reasonable, rather than to break.' Difficult as it would probably be to obtain the consent of Scotland to this compromise, it was made more difficult by a gratuitous obstacle of Charles's own invention. The Covenant was neither to be passed over in silence nor explained away. It was to be met by the resuscitation of a Confession of Faith which had been adopted by the Scottish Parliament in 1567, and which, though strongly Protestant in tone, naturally passed entirely over all controversies of a later date. To this Confession Charles now added clauses binding those who accepted it to defend ' the King's Majesty's sacred person and authority, as also the laws and liberties of the country under his Majesty's Sovereign power.' This document was to be circulated for subscription in Scotland, not in ad- dition to, but in substitution for, the National Cove- riant. All ministers expelled for refusing to sign the National Covenant were to be restored to their parishes. All ministers aihnitted to a parish without the intervention of the Bishop woro to be expelled.' With tlu'so inst.ruiMions Ilauiilton started once more for Scotland. On August 10 he reached Edin- ' Bw-ntt, 65. HAMILTON'S RETURN TO SCOTLAND, 163 burgh. He found himself at once mvolved in a contro- chai*. versy on the constitution of the Assembly which he ~ — ^-^ — ■ had come to announce. What Charles proposed was / ^ , . Aug. 10. an exclusively clerical Assembly, in which the Bishops should, if possible, preside'. The Covenanting leaders would not hear of the arrangement. They were hardly likely to forget how Spottiswoode had threatened the ministers with the loss of their stipends at the Perth Assembly, and they knew enough of what was passing in London to distrust the King's intentions. Whether there be truth or not . in the story which tells how Scottish grooms of the bed-chamber rifled the King's pockets after he was in bed, so as to learn the contents of his secret corre- spondence,^ there can be no doubt that his projects were known in Scotland even better than they were known in England. Hamilton's efforts to divide the Hisefforta King's opponents served but to weld them together the Coven- in more compact unity. When he talked to the nobles of the folly of reimposing on their own necks that yoke of Presbytery which their fathers had been unable to bear, he was told that Episcopacy was not the only means of averting the danger. Lay elders formed a part of the Presbyterian constitution, and under that name it would be easy for noblemen and gentlemen to find their way into the Church Courts, where they would have no difiiculty in keeping in check any attempt at clerical domination. It is true that this prospect was not altogether pleasing to the ministers, and that many of them were somewhat alarmed at the growing influence of a nobility which would probably become lukewarm in the cause of ' It is in favour of this story that Henrietca Maria, after she left England in 1642, advised her husband to be careful of his pockets, t^ here he then kept the key to the cypher used between them. H 2 anters. 164 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. Aug. 13. Hamilton and the Council. Aug. 25. He returns to England. Sept. 17. Hamilton's third mis- the Church as soon their own interests were satisfied. But the nobles told the clergy plainly, that if their support was wanted it must be taken on their own terms, and the chance that Charles would keep the engagements to which he had advanced with such hesitating steps was not sufficiently attractive to in- duce the clergy to abandon those protectors who had stood by them hitherto without flinching. On August 13 Hamilton laid before the Privy Council his scheme for the pacification of Scotland. All extraordinary assemblies of the clergy and laity were to be broken up, and Bishops and expelled ministers were to be protected in their lawful cures. At the elections to the Assembly no layman was to have a vote, and the Council was ' to advise to give satisfaction anent the Covenant, or to renounce the same.' So unfavourable was the reception of tliese proposals, that Hamilton returned once more to Eng- land for further instructions ; having first obtained from the Covenanters a promise that they would not proceed to any self-authorised elections till Sep- tember 21, by which time he hoped to be back in Scotland.^ When, on September 1 7, Hamilton appeai"ed for the third time in Edinburgh, he brought with him what must have seemed to Charles unlimited conces- sions. He was to issue a summons for the meeting of the Assembly and Parliament, and to content him- self, as far as the elections to the former boily were concerned, with coming as near as was possible to the forms observed in the preceding reign. He was to declare that the King absolutely revoked 'the Service Book, the Book of Canons, and the High ' Baillir, i. 98. tSpaliliiuj, i. 98. Jliinirt, 69. Latye Declaration, THE KING'S COVENANT. 1 65 Commission,' that he suspended the practice of the *^^ap. Articles of Perth, and was ready to consent to their ■ — 7— — entire abohtion, if ParJiament wished him to do so. gept. 17. Episcopacy was to be hmited in such a way that the Bishops in future would be responsible to the Assembly for their conduct. Charles did not stop here. It is true that he no The King's ^ . . Covenant. longer directly asked for the surrender of the National Covenant. He abandoned also the idea of sending round for signature the Confession of 1567. But he seems to have thought it necessary to preserve his dignity by sending round for signature some docu- ment of his own. This time it was to consist of the Confession drawn up in 1 580, which formed the basis of the National Covenant. Naturally, Johnston's ad- ditions were to be omitted, and they were to be replaced by a certain Covenant which had been drawn up in 1590, the signers of which had bound themselves to stand by the King in ' suppressing of the Papists, promotion of true religion, and settling of His Highness' estate, and obedience in all the countries and corners of the realm.' ^ On the 22nd the Privy Councillors, after some Sept. 22. J ' Prociama- hesitation, signed the King's Covenant. The same tjonofthe ^ . ° 1 r^ T Assembly day a Proclamation was made at the Cross. It andPariia- 11 • 1 ••ITT ™™t. began by announcing the concessions intended, it then called on the people to sign the new Covenant, not because any fresh attestation of their own faith was needed, but in order that the King might thereby assure his subjects that he never intended ' to admit of any change or alteration in the true religion already established and professed.' Finally, an Assembly was summoned to meet at Glasgow on November 2 1 ,^and a ParHament on May 15.^ ' Burnet, 75. ' Peterkin's Records, 81. 1 66 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP. By a few Scotsmen who, like Drummond of Haw- thornden, had watched with anxiety the leagues of sc t^22 *^® nobles and the violence of the clergy, the Pro- clamation was hailed as a message of peace.^ By the mass of Drummond's countrymen it was received Another with profound distrust. As its words died away, ^_rotesta- |.]^gj,g foUowed another Protestation, more sharp and defiant than any before. Scotland had made up its mind to have no more to do with Bishops, whether their power were limited or unUmited. The introduc- tion of a new Covenant without apparent reason was in itself certain to arouse suspicion. The question at once arose, for what purpose were their signatures demanded ? The explanation given by the King was Why unintelligible. " If we should now enter upon this should T . . „ . . , another new subscriptiou, said the Protesters — their words be signed? Were in all probability the words of Henderson*—, " we would think ourselves guilty of mocking God, and taking His name in vain ; for the tears that b^an to be poured forth at the solemnising of the Covenant are not yet dried up and wiped away, and tlie joyful noise which then began to sound hath not yet ceased ; and there can be no new necessity from us, and upon our part pretended, for a ground of urging this new subscription, at first intended to be an abjuration of Popery, upon us who are known to hate Popery witli an unfeigned hq,tred, and have all this year bygone given large testimony of our zeal against it. x\.s we are not to multiply miracles on God's part, so ought we not to multiply solemn oaths and covenants upon our part, and tluis to play with oaths as children do with their toys without necessity." * ' Di'uramoiid's Irmie. Wm-lis, 163. " This is the suggestion of Prof. MassOn, Life of Milton, ii. 33. " Poterkin's Records, 86. PEEPARATIONS FOR THE ASSEMBLY. 1 67 Together with the controversy about the King's chap. Covenant appeared another controversy more serious — still. Charles thought he had done much in offering g^ to place the Bishops under limitations. He was told i/ not the 1 11 1 • 1 1 • Assembly that all such questions were beyond his competence, supreme? The Assembly would deal with them as it saw fit. It, not the King, was divinely empowered to judge of all questions relating to the Church. Such was the declaration of war — it was nothing ThePiotea- less — issued by the Scottish Covenanters. At the declaration heart of the long appeals to Scripture and to Presby- terian logic lay the sense of National independency. Episcopacy was a foreign substance, which had never been assimilated by the living organism into which it had been introduced by force and fraud. The attempt to procure signatures to the King's Few Covenant was almost a total failure. Loyal Aberdeen King's co- and its neighbourhood produced 12,000 signatures; only 16,000 more could be obtained from the rest of Scotland. A mad woman named Margaret Michelson, who went about saying that she was inspired to de- clare that the National Covenant came from Heaven, and that the King's Covenant was the work of Satan, was very generally regarded as a prophetess.'^ In the face of such evidence of popular feehng, it The eiec- J- ^ ° toral ma- hardly mattered much under what system the votes chiner)-. in the election of members of the Assembly were re- corded. The Covenanters, however, treated it as a matter of course that an Act passed by an Assembly held in 1597 was to be accepted as the constitutional rule, all later acts being held to have been null and void. Hamilton's efforts to introduce jealousy be- tween the gentry and the clergy were without effect. The constituencies in each Presbytery were composed ' Burnet, 81. Gordon, i. 131. 1 68 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP, of the minister and one lay elder from each parish. '- — <- — ' By this constituency three ministers were chosen to S6pt^2a. represent the Presbytery, whilst the gentry of the same district returned a lay elder to represent them- selves. Edinburgh was separately represented by two members, and the otlier boroughs by one member apiece, strength of It would liavc Duzzled the sharpest logician to the Assem- i. (j biy. give any satisfactory reason why a body, brought into existence by this particular kind of electoral machinery, should be held to speak with Divine authority, rather than a body brought into existence in some other way. But there could be no doubt that it could speak with u national authority as no merely clerical assembly could have spoken. Whatever Scotland was, in its strength and its weakness, in its fierce uncompromising dogmatism, in its stern reU- gious enthusiasm, in its worldly ambition and hair- splitting argumentativeness, in its homely ways and resolute defiance of a foreign creed and of a foreign worship, was reflected, as in a mirror, in tlie Assembly which was now elected in the teeth of the King's Commissioner, chariea re- Charlcs could hardly avoid taking up the glove take up the throwu dowu. To allow that he had neither part '^"^''* nor lot, either in the constitution of the Assembly or in the decisions to which it might come, would be- to acknowledge that the kingly authority was no more than a cypher in Scotland ; and lio knew instinctively that if he giive way in Scotland he would soon be called upon l-o give way in England as well. The only question now was on what ground the chal- lenge was to be accepted. The Scottish Bishops, knowing wlial was before them, advised that the very meeting of the Assembly should be prohibited. LIMITED EPISCOPACY. 1 69 Hamilton argued, that if this were done, the ohap. Covenanters would allege that the King had never seriously intended that any Assembly should meet g^ ^ at all ; and Charles was of the same opinion as Hamilton. Hamilton's plan was, that the Assembly should Oct. 22.^ be allowed to proceed to business. His first care advice, would be to lay before it the scheme of modified Episcopacy which had been foreshadowed in the late Proclamation. If this were rejected, as it would certainly be, and if the Bishops were summoned as culprits to the bar, he would then dissolve the Assembly and declare those who concurred in this course to be traitors to the King.^ The Bishops, on their part, would be ready with a Declinator, de- ' nouncing the Assembly as unconstitutionally elected, and as disqualified, in any case, from passing sentence upon Bishops. At last, the position taken up by Charles was The King's 11 iimi 11 r- intentions. clearly marked. ihere was no thought now 01 gaining time by spinning out negotiations which were to come to nothing. If the Scots would have accepted Charles's ofier of limited Episcopacy, and have left the question of sovereignty untouched, he would probably have been content to see his con- cessions put in force, however unpalatable they were to himself. He knew well, however, that the ques- tion of sovereignty was at stake, and he doubtless felt the less anxiety on the score of the largeness of the concessions which he had made, because he believed that they were certain to be rejected. " Your com- mands," Hamilton had recently written to him, " I conceive, chiefly tend at this time so to make a party here for your Majesty, and once so to quiet this mad ' Hamilton to the King, Oct. 22. Hamilton Papers, 46. I70 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. people, that hereafter your Majesty may reign as king, and inflict the due punishment on such as have 80 infinitely offended against your Majesty's sacred authority." Gertamty The Scottish leaders, if they knew what was tance." passing in the King's mind, as there can be Httle doubt that they did, had every reason to make the breach irreparable. They were not likely to have much difficulty with their followers. Large bodies of men, when once they are set in motion, acquire a momentum of their own, and every scrap of news which reached them from England confirmed them in the behef that the King meditated an attack upon Scotland, whether his terms were accepted or not. Signs of It was known that Hamilton had purchased from war. ^ Mar the command of Edinburgh Castle ; and that it was only owing to the strict watch kept upon it by the citizens that it had not been provided with those warlike stores without which its garrison would be unable to stand a siege. It was known, too, that a trusty officer had been despatched to take charge of Dumbarton, that preparations had been made for holding Berwick and Carlisle in force, and for creating a magazine of mihtary stores at Hull. There had also been widely circulated a forged speech, which the Duke of Lennox was said to have deUvered in defence of his native country, in the English Pri-VT Council, from which the inference was drawn that the Enghsh Council entertained designs hostile to Scotland. Oct. 24. As had usually happened in the course of these Bishops distractions, the Covenanters took the aggressive. the ABsom- On Octobcr 24, tliey iippeared, in due legal form, '''•''■ before l-lie Edinburgh Tiesbytery, to charge the pre- ' ITnniillmi to tlio Kiiifr, Oct, 15. Ifamil/oii rnpeiK, 42. CHARLES EXPECTS WAR. 171 tended Bishops with having overstepped the limits of their powers, and even with acts of dishonesty and profligacy, and requested the Presbytery to refer their q^^^ cases to the Assembly. As might have been ex- pected, this request was at once complied with, and the accusation was ordered to be read publicly in all the churches of Edinburgh.^ The step thus given induced Charles to resort to Nov. 17. threats. " You may take public notice," he wrote to announcfs Hamilton, " and declare that, as their carriage hath preparing forced me to take care to arm myself against any in- ^*'"' solence that may be committed, so you may give assurance that my care of peace is such that all those preparations shall be useless, except they first break out with insolent actions." As for the threatened proceedings against the Bishops, ' it was never heard that one should be both judge and party.' The very legahty of the constitution of the Assembly was at issue, and that was no matter to be determined by the Assembly itself. He was still ready to per- form everything that he had promised, and was pre- pared to summon ' a new Assembly upon the amend- ment of aU the faults and nullities of this.' ^ The Assembly, too, might well have asked whether Nov. 21. /^i 1 1 • IP 1 1 ■ -, Meeting of Charles himseli was not a party rather than a judge, the Assem- It preferred action to recrimination. On November 2 1 , it met in the Cathedral of Glasgow, the only one amongst the Scottish cathedrals which had been saved from destruction and decay by the affectionate reverence of the townsmen, and which had survived to witness the new birth of Presbytery. In spite of Hamilton's efforts to take the lead into his hands, the Assembly remained master of itself. The speech bly. ' Large Declaration, 209. ' The King to HamUton, Ni lOV. 17. Burnet, 99. 172 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP, which he had prepared for the occasion remained - — T^T"' unspoken.^ His demand that the question of the Novfai. elections should be immediately taken up, was promptly refused. His proposal that the Bishops' Declinator should be read was received with con- tempt. The Assembly asserted its right to exist by proceeding to the choice of a Moderator.^ That Moderator was Alexander Henderson. The clerk was Johnston of Warriston. ifov. 22.^ The question being thus decided against him, report. Hamilton's only object was to put off the evil hour of dissolution as long as possible. The account which he gave the King was gloomy beyond measure. " Yester- day, the 2 1st," he wrote, " was the day appointed for the downsitting of the Assembly. Accordingly we met, and truly, sir, my sOul was never sadder than to see such a sight ; not one gown amongst the whole com- pany, many swords but many more daggers — most of them having left theit guns and pistols in their lodgings. The number of tlie pretended members are about ^60; each one of these hath two, some three, some four assessors, who pretend not to have voice, but only are comQ to argue and assist the Commis- sioners ; but the true reason is to make up a great and confused multitude, and I will add, a most ignorant one, for some Commissioners tliere are who can neither write nor read,^ the most part being totally void of learning, but resolvcil to follow the opinion of those few ministers wlio pretend to be learned, and those be the most rigid and seditious Puritans that Hve. What, tlioiu I'an bo expected but a total disobedience io authority, if not a present ' ('omimi'o Jliinirf, 94, willi Unillir, i, 124. " Aiisworing to \\m S|ii>iikor in tha En>rlish House ol'Uommons. " 'riiinprolmlily refers to adiiie nl'lliolav members of the AsseiuWv. HAMILTON'S DISSATISFACTION. 173 rebellion ? Yet this is no more than that which your Majesty hath had just reason this long time to look for, which I would not so much apprehend if I did not find so great an inclination in the body of your Council to go along their way ; for, believe me, sir, there is no Puritan minister of them all who would more wilhngly be freed of Episcopal governance than they would, whose fault it is that this unlucky busi- ness is come to this height." ^ By general confession, Hamilton played well the His con- part which he had undertaken. His attempt to get Asse^iy." up a clerical movement against the lay elders failed entirely. On the 27th, the Assembly declared itselt Nov 27. . The .A.S66in- duly constituted, and set aside three scantily signed Wyconsti- petitions against the lay elders as unworthy of notice. Hamilton knew that the breach could not be Hamuton's averted much longer. " So unfortunate have I been the Asaem- in this unlucky country,", he wrote to the Ejng, " that ^' though I did prefer your service before all worldly considerations . . . yet all hath been to small purpose ; for I have missed my end in not being able to make your Majesty so considerable a party as wiU be able to curb the insolency of this rebellious nation without assistance from England, and greater charge to your Majesty than this miserable country is worth." In his annoyance at the approach of that open quarrel in which he expected to be the first to suffer, he dealt his blows impartially around. Everyone, excepting himself and the King, appeared to have been in His attack fault. The Bishops had done things which were ' not Bishops, justifiable by the laws.' ' Their pride was great, but their foUy was greater.' Some of them were not ' of the best Hves.' Others were ' inclined to simony,' He then, with characteristic confidence in schemes ' Hamilton to the King, Nov. 22. Hamilton Papers, 59. 174 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP. IV. i6'38. Nov. 27. Hi.s advice on the con- duct of the Nov. 28. The Bishops' Declinator presented. Question between Hamilton and the Assembly. as yet untried, assured the King that success would be easily secured. By blockading the seaports he would ruin the commerce of the country. So far he was of one mind with Wentworth. But he believed, what Wentworth did not believe, that it was still possible to raise a force in Scotland to fight on Charles's side. Huntly, he argued, should be named as the King's Lieutenant in the North. Traquair or Eoxburgh should hold the same authority in the South. There should be a Royal Commissioner — no doubt, himself — at the head of both. It would be dif- ficult to carry arms and ammunition into Edinburgh Castle, but it would be easy to secure Dumbarton by sending soldiers from Ireland. " I have now only one suit to your Majesty," he ended by saying, " that if my sons live, they may be bred in England, and made happy by service in the Court ; and if they prove not loyal to the Crown, my curse be on them. I wish my daughters be never married in Scotland." ^ On the 28th, the day after this letter was written, the crisis arrived. The Bishops' Declinator was pre- sented. Henderson put it to the vote whether the Assembly .was a competent judge of their cause, notwithstanding their assertion to the contrary. Before the answer was given, Hamilton rose. He read the King's offer, that all their grievances should be abolished, and that the Bishops should be responsible to future Assemblies. But he refused to acknoAvledge the legality of the Assembly before him. The only Assembly which he would acknowledge was one elected by ministers alone, and composed of ministers alone. In a long speech Henderson ascribed to the King very large powers indeed, even in ecclesiastical matters. The constitutional point raised by Hamilton ' Hfttnilton to the King, Nov. 27. Uat-Hw. St. P., ii. 113. THE ASSEMBLY RESISTS DISSOLUTION. 175 1638. Nov. 28. he altogether evaded. No Assembly likes to hear an attack on the basis upon which it rests. This one refused to re-open a question which it probably con- sidered as settled by its previous rejection of the petitions against the lay elders. Hamilton pleaded in vain for further delay. " I must ask," said the Moderator, " if this Assembly finds themselves com- petent judges." A warm debate ensued. " If the Bishops," said Loudoun, " decUne the judgment of a National Assembly, I know not a competent judgment seat for them but the King of Heaven." *' I stand to the King's prerogative," repHed the Commissioner, " as supreme judge over all causes civil and ecclesiastical, to whom I think they may appeal, and not let the causes be reasoned here." No common understanding was any longer pos- Hamuton . „ . °T TT r, '^ ,^ T dissolves sible. After a few more words, Hamilton declared theAssem- the Assembly to be dissolved in the King's name, and left the church. As soon as he was gone, the Assembly resolved that it was entitled to remain in session in spite of anything that had been done. Its first act was to . pass a vote claiming competency to sit in judgment on the Bishops. At the moment of Hamilton's departure an incident Argj-ie's occurred from which the Assembly must have derived tion. no sHght encouragement. Argyle, hke Huntly, was a potentate exercising almost royal power. He could bring 5,000 Highlanders into the field. Like Huntly, he came of a family which had long kept up its attachment to the Papal Church, and his father, who had lately died, h ad been for many years in the mili- tary service of the King of Spain in the Netherlands. During his father's absence he had exercised over the clan the authority which he now bore in his own name. Throwing ofi"his father's religion, he adapted 176 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP, himself to the habits and the ideas of the inhabitants - — r-^— of the Southern Lowlands. He was often to be seen Nov^as ^^ Edinburgh, and he took his place as a member of the Privy Council. He thus early became a national, rather than, like Huntly, a local politician. As a nobleman, he shared in the jealousy of the Bishops which was common to his class. But he was politic and wary, not wilhng to commit himself hastUy to any cause, and tied to more than ordinary caution by his rank as a Privy Councillor. He was ambitious of power, and unscrupulous in his choice of means. Unhke the other noblemen of the time, he was abso- lutely without personal courage. He could not look upon a hostile array without being overcome by sheer terror. Something of this feeling was mani- fested in his poUtical career. He had the sure instinct which led him to place himself on the side of numbers, the pride, too, of capacity to grasp clearly the ideas of which those numbers were dimly conscious. In times of trouble, such capacity is power indeed. Then, if ever, the multitude, certain of their aim, uncertain of the means by which that aim is to be reached, look for the guidance of one in whose mental power they can repose confidence, and whose constancy they can trust. Such a man was Argyle. It is probable enough that there was no conscious hypocrisy in the choice which he was now to make. He would hardly have maintained himself in power so long as he did, if he had not shared the beliefs of those around him. He was probably as incapable of withstanding a popular belief as he was of withstanding an army of his fi^os. At all events, the time wa.s now come for him to declare himself. When Hamilton swept out of the church, followed by the members of the Privy Council, Argyle alone ABOLITION OF EPISCOPACY. I 77 remained behind. He took the part of the many chap. against the few. " I have not striven to blow the - — '■ — ■ bellows," he said, "but studied to keep matters in as ^o^^^i soft a temper as I could ; and now I desire to make it known to you that I take you aU for members of a lawful Assembly, and honest countrymen." TiU December 20 the Assembly remained in Deo. ■ „ . •' , Further session. As a matter 01 course, it swept away the proceed- Service Book, the Canons, and the Articles of Perth. Aesembiy. It received with boundless creduhty every incredible charge reported on the merest hearsay against the Bishops. It declared Episcopacy to be for ever abolished, and all the Assemblies held in Episcopal times to be null and void. It re-established the Presbyterian government, and ejected those ministers whose teaching had not been consonant with Cal- vinistic orthodoxy.^ The challenge thus uttered by the Scottish compari- Assembly was in the main the same as that which twen the had been uttered by the Enghsh Parhament in 1629, Ag°sembiy and which was to be uttered again by it in 1 640. The Engiuh Assembly demanded that the rehgion recognised by the ^^^'^ nation itself should be placed beyond all contradic- tion, and that neither the King nor anyone else should venture to modify its ceremonies or its creed. Many conditions were present in the North to make the outbreak occur in Scotland earlier than it did in England. Charles's attack upon the religion of Scotland had been more sweeping and more provoca- tive than anything that he had done in England. The Scottish nation, too, was more ready to combine than the English nation was. Government in Eng- land was a present reality. In Scotland it was but ' Peterkin's Records, 128. Baillie, i. 165. Hamilton to the King, Dec. I ; Hamilton Papers, 62. VOL. I. N ment. / 178 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP, the shadow of an absentee sovereign. In the people itself, the influence of the Calvinistic clergy produced jj^^ ' a strange uniformity of thought and character. Even the noblemen appear to have been cast very much in a common mould. It is true that Argyle and Mont- rose stand out amongst their fellows with distinct characters. The rest are scarcely more than names. To pass from a history which tells of Wentworth and Northumberland, Cottington and Portland, Essex and Saye, to a history which tells of Eothes and Loudoun, Balmerino and Lindsay, is like passing from the many- coloured hfe of the Iliad to the Gyas and Cloanthus of the jEneid. The want of originality of character made combination the easier. It made it the easier, too, to place the real direction of the movement in the hands of the ministers. Whatever forces were behind, the revolution which had been effected was a Presbyterian revolution. The preacher was and re- mained the guide and hero of Scottish nationahty. The preacher was strong because he appealed to an ideal conviction larger and nobler than his logic. Bishops were to be proscribed, not because particular Bishops had done amiss, but in the name of the prin- ciple of parity amongst all who were engaged in the ministration of the same trutlis. The influence of the King was to be set aside in the Church, not because Charles had been unwarrantably meddlesome, but because the Church knew but one Heavenly King. It is impossible to doubt that the Scottish people grew the nobler and the purer for these thoughts — far nobler and purer tlian if they had accepted even a larger rrood at the bidding of any earthly king. Of Uberty of thought these Scottish preachers neither knew anything nor cared to know anytliiiig. To tlie mass i>i' tlieir followers they were SCOTTISH PRESBYTERUNISM. I 79 kindly guides, reciprocating in their teaching the ^^ap. faith which existed around them. But Scotland was '- — no country for eccentricities of thought and action. p^^ ' Hardihood was there, and brave championship of the native land and the native religion. Spiritual and mental freedom would have one day to be learned from England. On January 15, Hamilton told, before the English 1639. Council, the story of his bootless mission. The dis- Hamilton's 1 . 1 P 11 -1 1 1 • relation. cussions which followed were long and anxious. Charles inclined to continue the negotiation. Disaffec- tion, as he well knew, was widely spread in England, and any attempt to levy money would be met by re- doubled outcries for a Parliament.^ Charles might wish for peace, but, unless he had war in- . evitable. been prepared to sacrifice all that he had ever counted worth strugghng for, he could not avoid war. Eor him the saying attributed to his father, " No Bishop, no King," was emphatically true. He had not chosen Bishops in Scotland amongst men who were imbued with the rehgious sentiment around them. He had rather sought for those who would serve as instruments in imposing his own religious practice upon an unwilling people. It is true, that before the Assembly met at Glasgow he had sur- rendered all the original objects of contention. Liturgy and Canons, Articles of Perth, and irrespon- sible Episcopacy had been given up. It is true that between Charles's moderate Episcopacy, responsible to Assemblies, and the direct government of the Assemblies themselves, the difference does not seem ' Salvetti's Newsletter, Jan. ||. Bellievre to De Noyers, Jan. ||, |Si|l. Arch.desAff.Etr.^\y\\.,M.-i/^i,ZS^. Joa<:Mmi to the States General, Jan. ||, Add. M8S., 17,677 Q. fol. 10. Giustinian to the Doge. Jan. II, Ven. Trmucripts. N 2 i8o THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP IV. 1639. Jan. 15. Charles's foreign re- lations. 1638. The con- gress at Hamburg. to have been very great. But to a man like Charles the appearance of victory was of greater importance than victory itself. He could not yield honourably and gracefully as Edward I. and Elizabeth would have yielded. He therefore felt that all was lost if he acknowledged that he had yielded to force what he had not been ready to yield to argument. The danger would not be confined to Scotland alone. His authority in England rested not on armed force, but on traditional conviction that he was supreme over all causes ecclesiastical and civil. If the Scottish Assembly claimed for itself the supremacy in ecclesi- astical causes, it would not be long before the same claim would be put forward by an English Parhament. The question between Charles and his subjects was no longer one of forms of prayer and of Church government. It had become one reaching to the very foundations of pohtical order. Nor was it only upon his relations with England that Charles was compelled to cast his eyes. He knew that his position in the face of the Continental Powers was seriously weakened by the Scottish troubles, and he beheved that those troubles had been fomented by the French Government. His diplomacy had been as unsuccessful in the past year, on the Continent, as it had been in Edinburgh and Glasgow. His hopes of recovering the Palatinate for his nephew seemed as little likely to be reahsed as they had ever been. The meeting of Ambassadors at Hamburg, to which had been refen-ed the conditions of the treaty which had been under negotiation at Paris in 1637,' was long delayed, and it was not till the Hiuniner of 1638 that Sir Thomas Eoe was de- spatched to meet the plenipotentiaries of France and ' IWa. Ooivriiiiieitt of Chdiles I., ii., 333. CHARLES'S CONTINENTAL ENTANGLEMENTS. l8l IV. Sweden in that city. Eoe soon found that he could chap. accomphsh nothing. Charles still asked for an engagement from France and Sweden, that they would make no peace without the full restoration of the Palatinate, and those Powers still refused to comply with his wishes unless he would bind himself to join them in war by land as well as by sea.^ With this result Eichelieu was well satisfied. He Charles's relations knew that Charles, with the Scottish dispute on his with France. hands, would be unable to take part against France. More than that he had long ceased to expect.^ Charles himself was less clear-sighted. He had He wishes already lent himself to schemes for placing his nephew nephew. at the head of an army in the field at the very moment when he was looking in vain for the means of levying an army against the Scots. Charles actually sent the young man 30,000^. to raise troops, and Charles Lewis used the money to buy the allegiance of the garrison of Meppen. The Imperialists in the i^eigh- Seizure of bourhood took the garrison by surprise, and theTm- ^ occupied the town without any serious resistance. ^^" In the summer the young Prince started from the Netherlands, at the head of a small force, to join the Swedes. The Swedes were not anxious for his assistance, and left him unaided in the face of the enemy. He himself escaped to Hamburg, but his J^f^'g^foj, brother, Prince Rupert, with Lord Craven and others PaJat™e. of his principal officers, were taken prisoners. Charles, however, did not relax his efforts. He Jfolps.'''"'' kept up for some time a negotiation vsdth Eichelieu, with the object of inducing the Cardinal to share with him the expense of procuring the services of a ' Eoe's Despatches, S. P. Germany. ^ Chavigny's Despatches, Bibl. Nat. Fr. 15,915. 1 82 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP, small army under General Melander, which was at — T-T— that time waiting to sell itself to the highest bidder. Richelieu, however, preferred to acquire the army for himself, and Charles was doomed to a fresh dis- appointment.^ Charies'a Earlier in the year, as soon as Charles had relations _ ■' with Spain, discovered that no very zealous assistance was to be expected from Richelieu, he turned in the direction of Spain. Under the name of a private merchant, he sold 3,000 barrels of powder to the Government of the Spanish Netherlands, and lent the services of his fleet to convey them safely to Dunkirk. Secret ne- Then followed a long secret negotiation, carried on at Brussels, at Brussels through Gerbier, with the Princess of Pfalzburg, a sister of the exiled Duke of Lorraine, with the sanction of the Cardinal Infant. The scheme of an alliance with Spain split on much the same rock as that on which the conference at Ham- burg had split. The Spaniards required that Charles should immediately declare war against France, and Charles required that the Emperor and the Spaniards should immediately deUver up to his nephew so much at least of the Palatinate as was actually in their hands. ^ In the Council of State at Madrid, Ohvares scornfully asked how it was that Charles, who had his hands full at home, could talk of affronting France and Holland. No doubt, he added, the whole negotiation was mere trickery.' chariesand Charlcs had much to do to conceal from the Cardenas. ' Despatches in -S'. P. Holland and Otriiumy. Ohavigny to Bellievre, Nnv. 12, Dec. 14. mU. Xat. Fr. 15,915, fol. 208,330. ' Some notices of this negotiation aro in the Clarendon St. P. A full account may lio derived from G«rbier's own despatches, i^. P. Flandrm. ' (Jonsulta of the Council of Slate, Dec. ii. Simmicat MSS.,F^\. 2521. SECRET NEGOTIATION WITH SPAIN. 183 1638. world the fact, that all through the summer and *^^^^- autumn of 1638 he was shnultaneously oflering his alhance to France and to Spain. A despatch written by Cardenas, the Spanish Eesident in London, fell into the hands of the Swedes. It contained a statement that the Emperor was negotiating with the King of England, with the expectation that all difficulties about the Palatinate would soon be settled at a Con- ference at Brussels. Luckily for Charles, Cardenas knew nothing of the real negotiation in the hands of the Princess of Pfalzburg, and had only been informed of a project put forward without authority by Taylor, the English Eesident at Vienna, and disavowed by Charles as soon as it came to his ears. Charles was therefore able with literal truth, though with no more than hteral truth, to protest loudly to the world that he had been grossly calumniated, and that Taylor had acted in defiance of his instructions.-^ Cardenas was suspended from all intercourse with the Court,''^ ' Windetank to Hopton, Deo. 27, 1638. Windetank to Taylor, Jan. II. Taylor's Relation, Apr. 4, 1639, Clarendon MSS., 1161, 1 170, 1218. Writing to Gerbier, Windebank blames bim for not at once disavowing tbe story. " This," he adds, " 3'ou might safely have done without fearing to be guilty of Sir Henry Wotton's definition of an ambassador, seeing you know there is no direct treaty at all between His Majesty and them, and that all that has been done hath been by way of proposition moving from that side and managed by second hands, His Majesty neither appearing nor being engaged nor obliged to anything ; and to this purpose His Majesty hath answered the French Ambassa- dor ; namely, that some propositions have been made to him from that side ; but hath absolutely disavowed any formal or direct treaty at all, or that ever any letters to this purpose have passed between himself and them ; and this, besides that it is a truth, His Majesty had reason to do, unless he were more sure of the success of that which hath been proposed from your parts, for by avowing that to be a treaty, he is sure to dissolve that with France, and so he may run hazard to lose both." Windebank to Gerbier, Jan. 4, 1639, S. P. Flanders. ' In the S, P. Spain is n. copy of the intercepted despatch, together with the correspondence with Cardenas on the subject. 1 84 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. 1638. March, Ricliplieu's overtui-os to the Queen. April. The Duchess of Chevreuse in England. The Queen Mother at Brussels. She desires to return to France. and Taylor was recalled and committed to the Tower. ^ Though neither France nor Spain entertained any hope of serious aid from Charles, there were many indirect ways in which his good will might be of use. Both OHvares and Eichelieu, therefore, were anxious to be on friendly terms with the Queen. In March the Cardinal conceded to her the boon for which she had been so long begging, and released De Jars from captivity.^ In April a heavier weight was thrown into the opposite scale. The Duchess of Chevreuse, gay, witty, and hcentious, arrived to plot against the Cardinal from the secure distance of the English Court. The arrival of the Duchess was the precursor of the arrival of another visitor of more exalted rank. The Queen Mother had long been weary of exile from France. All hopes of her restoration by the help of an insurrection of her partisans had long since passed away, and now that she had ceased to be serviceable to Spain, she was treated with cold courtesy at Brussels. The pension doled out to her was irregularly paid, and she looked back with fond regret to her old sumptuous hfe at Paris, where courtiers and artists had rivalled one another in doing her honour. She could not believe that it was out. of Charles's power to obtain for her permission to return. Charles, at her entreaty, put tlie question to the Fi-enoli Government. The response was unfavourable. Mary de Medicis attributed the fnilure to her prosonoe on Spanish soil. Under tlio jirotoxt. of a visit to Spa, ' Windebaiilt to Uoiitnn, Scpl. jg, 16^:50, C/ndi»i ^f. P. ii. 71. mIm. 1^' "'■'•'' u,. Jiibl. X«t. Fr. is,9'5.fol. Olavigny In llollimm. ^';;!^,»'„, Mnrn, 93, 97. Soo I'lrn. (hwmiment of Chm-les I., ii. 197. MOVEMENTS OF MARY DE MEDICIS. 1 85 she left Brussels in the beginning of August, and chap. crossed the frontier into the Dutch Netherlands. She • — r^ — • was there received with every sign of respect by the Aug^4. Prince of Orange and the States General. Her pre- '^^^^ "'^ sence soon caused a misunderstanding between the fr™tier Dutch Government and the French Ambassador. The design of proceeding to England, which had proposes to probably been formed long before, took entire pos- I'anl^"^" session of her mind. Charles had always steadily refused her permis- sion to land in his dominions. He knew that her. mere presence would help to embroil him with France, and that the men whom she most trusted, Cogneux, Fabroni, and Monsigot, were steeped in intrigue, and were Eichelieu's bitterest enemies. He chrries'^e- therefore at once sent instructions to Boswell, his mon^trates. agent at the Hague, to remonstrate with her. Bos- well's remonstrances were coldly received. At last ^'"■s- 3°- he learned that she was making secret preparations for the voyage. He appealed to Fabroni, and Fa- Sept. 24. broni protested that there was no truth in the report. The next day the Queen Mother embarked for Sept. 25. England.^ On September 30 Monsigot presented himself ji^^^j'^^g before Charles to announce that his mistress was mission. already on the way, and that, unless he turned her away from his ports, she would soon be on shore in England. Charles had not the heart to repel her, but he would willingly have seen her land without her disreputable train. Henrietta Maria's pleadings against this insult to her mother bore down his opposition, and orders were given that the mother of the Queen of England should be received with all • Coke to Boswell, Aug. 13 ; Boswell to Fabroni, Sept, 25 ; Boswell to Windebank, Aug. 9, Sept. 8, ?6, 27, S. P. Holland. i86 THE ASSEMBLY OF QLASGOW. 1638. Oct. 4. I^nud's opinion of the pro- poaod visit. Oct. 19. Tlie Queen Motlier in England. New nego- tiation for her return to France. Dec. the honours due to her exalted rank. No one, except her daughter, wished to see her in England. " I pray God," wrote Laud, " her coming do not spend the King more than . . would content the Swedes." ^ There was no remedy. Her arrival, said Windebank, " is so flat and sudden a surprisal as, without our ports should be shut against her, it is not to be avoided." Mary de Medicis landed at Harwich on October 1 9. On her way to London she was received with every sign of a cordial welcome. The King met her at Chelmsford. As she passed through London, the Lord Mayor offered her his hospitably . The streets were lined with scaffoldings hung with rich cloths, and thronged by citizens ready to do honour to their guest, or at least to satisfy their own curiosity. At St. James's she was received by the Queen, who had parted from her thirteen years before. With motherly pride she presented her children to their grand- mother. St. James's Palace was assigned to her as a residence.^ In vain Charles urged Lewis to allow his mother to return to France, on her engagement to meddle no more with politics. In vain did she entreat Bel lievre, the French Ambassador, to plead her cause with the Cardinal. The haughty widow of Henry IV humiliated herself to no purpose. She was told that if she would betake herself to Florence a provision suitable to her rank would be bestowed upon her. In France she had always been troublosoiiie, and she could not be admitted there. Surli an ofler was unac- ' Ijaud to Roe, Oct. 4, Workf, vii. 486- ■' Salvetti's Nfwnl.rt/cr,Ort. ,\, Nov. ,'j. La Seri-e ITififoire deFEntrSe dc la /{riiii-yti'n: It, is not iiori'ssaiy to lv'li(-M> all that the writer says ahout the HnthiieiBPin with which thi> (Jiioi»ii was greeted. He says that (ho l''i('n('li Ambassador wchvinn'il her, wliich is certainly untrue. VICTORIES OF BERNHARD OF WEIMAR. 1 87 oeptable. Eather than revisit the home of her <^^^P' 1638. Dec. childhood, where she would find herself a stranger amongst strangers, she preferred to remain in Eng- land, a burdensome pensioner on Charles's bounty.^ The year 1638 did not end prosperously for The Charles. His overtures had been rejected both by to^he" France and Spain. The Congress at Hamburg, with- Rhfne. out results for him, was not without results for others. A fresh compact was made between France and Sweden for a renewed attack upon the here- ditary lands of the Emperor. Equipped with French subsidies, Bernhard of Weimar fell upon those Aus- trian lands upon the Upper Ehine, which barred the way of the French armies. Before the year came to an end he had won a great victory at Rheinfelden, and had forced the strong fortress of Breisach to sur- render. To Eichelieu, the surrender of Breisach brought the power of entering Germany at his pleasure. It impHed, too, the power of cutting off suppHes sent by land to the Spanish Netherlands. Eichelieu felt that the great objects of his ambition were already within his grasp. A few months before, the birth of the Dauphin, who was afterwards Lewis XTV., had come to strengthen the basis of his power. It would be a son of the master whom he had served, who M'ould be the next ruler of France, not his enemy Gaston, or any ally of the exiled Mary de Medicis. The news of Bernhard's successes was almost as Charles's unwelcome at Whitehall as the news of Hamilton's tion. failure at Glasgow. France was now strong in that very part of Germany from which the Palatinate might most easily be overawed. Nor was this all. I Bellievre to Chavigny, Dec, ||, Arch, dea Aff. Etr. xlvii. 305. Memoir for Bellievre, Jan. |g, Bibl. Nat. Fr. 15,915, fol. 258. 1 88 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP. The danger by land was more than matched by the ■ — r-^ — • danger by sea. The French navy was growing in 'p^^^ ■ numbers and efficiency. One French fleet had burnt Spanish galleys in the Bay of Biscay. Another French fleet had repulsed Spanish ships in the Gulf of Genoa. It was by no means improbable that before long a triumphant French Armada would sail up the Channel to join the Dutch in the long-projected attack upon Dunkirk. No wonder Charles looked with wondering bitterness upon the swelhng tide of Eichelieu's success. No wonder that he fancied that he saw the hand of EicheUeu in the Scottish troubles. Every loyal subject wished heartily that those troubles might be allayed. Till peace were established in Scotland, England could speak with but a feeble voice on the Continent. " The news of Scotland," wrote Eoe, " is mortal to ovir reputation abroad. I hope it is not so ill as malignity spreads it." ^ 1639. With the opening of the New Year, therefore, thoScottish Charles had to face a Continental difficulty as well as Continen- a Scottisli difficulty. Nothing would ever persuade po I ics. j^.^ ^-^^^ ^^^ ^^^ were not far more closely connected than they really were. The Scottish resistance / seemed to him so entirely incomprehensible, that he could not account for it, except on the supposition that Eicheheu was at the bottom of tlie whole move- ment, stirring up rebelUon in the North, in order to keep England from interfering on the Continent. In reality, Eichelieu was doing nothing of the kind. Thoroughly convinced tliat Cliavloswas rushing upon his own ruin, he did not flunk it worth while to interfere to stir tlio coals of an insurrection which was burning brightly enough without any aid from liiiii. Tlu', very .su.spicioii, liowever, was enough to ' lino In t'lilio, l)i'C. 14, ^S. r. drniiniii/. DRIFTING INTO WAR. 189 increase Charles's anxieties. In one way or another, chap. the Scottish troubles must be brought to an end, if - — r^ — • his rule were not to become as despicable abroad as it ^ ^^' was insecure at home. Step by step, therefore, pushed on by fate, which J""- is but the consequence of past errors, Charles moved tions for war. slowly and unwillingly towards war. Even before Hamilton's arrival. Sir Jacob Astley, a veteran who had served long in the Netherlands, was sent down to the North to muster the trained bands, and to bring them to due efficiency.-^ It was, indeed, officially stated that the object of these precautions was resistance to a possible invasion,^ but it was hardly Ukely that such an announcement would be seriously beUeved. On January 17, the Committee Jan. 17. on Scottish Affairs recommended the King to select from the trained bands a force of 30,000 men. It was arranged that the King should go to York in April, to treat or fight as occasion might serve, and that Newcastle and HuU should be placed in a state of defence.^ Arms and munitions of war were brought over from the Continent in large quantities. Men and arms alone were not enough. " If Financial money is to be found, and the Puritans kept quiet," ° ™^^' wrote a disinterested onlooker, " aU will go well."* Whatever the Puritans might do at some future time, they showed no signs of stirring now. For the navy, of course, ship-money was still available ; yet, either because the excitement roused by the result of Hampden's trial had alarmed the Court, or because, in view of the probabihty that money would be • Astley to Windebank, Jan. 4, 1 1, S. P. Bom. ccccix. 24, 65. ^ The King to the Lords Lieutenants, Jan. 11, Ibid, ccccix. 59. " Minutes of the Committee, Jan. 17, Ibid, ccccix. 106, 107 * Salvetti's Newdettert -|eb. 3 • 190 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP, needed for land-service, it was thought wiser to de- — 'T ' - crease the burdens caused by the fleet, a;* much as '^^^' possible, no writ of ship money was issued at the Ship money usual time in the autumn of 1638. When January came, the writs were indeed sent out, but only 69,000^. was asked for : about a third of the amount levied in former years. It was calculated that this would be sufficient to fit out the eighteen vessels which it was proposed to despatch to the coast of Scotland under Pennington's command.^ Jan 26 I* ^^^ ^^^^ ^*^y ^^ ^^^ means for the equipment buu"'^ and payment of the army. Early in the year, calcu- caiiedonto lations Were made of the expense which would.be serve. ^ TheEns- entailed by the army of 30,000 men whom it had hah furcf. i^ggjj originally intended to place on the borders. Such an army, it appeared, could only be maintained at the rate of 935,000^. a year.^ So large an expen- diture was beyond Charles's means, and he therefore resolved to content himself with a smaller force. One scheme there was which recommended itself as as in some small measure an alleviation of the burden. By their feudal tenures, the nobility were bound to follow the King to wai" when his banner was dis- played before him. It was true that many yeai-s had passed since the fulfilment of this duty had been re- quired ; but the King, who had replenished his exchequer by enforcing the antiquated obligation to take up knighthood, might \ory well replenish his army by enforcing tho antiquated obligation to per- sonal service. Every Peer of the realm was therefore ' Order in (Council, Jan. ij. ^V. i'. J),it,i. pcocix. 194. ' .V. /'. J>(iiii. COCC.XV. 119. Mr. lliuuilton dntos this paper conjec- liirnllv in March. Tlie projin-l liad Yvsen abandoned by that time, and it ciui hardly liavo beon drawn np niuoh h\tor thou the end of January. Ill hiH I'l'isfuoe hi> spealcH prroiioously of the number of 30,000 being that wliich octuallv miiirhi'il. MILITARY PREPARATIONS. I9I directed to appear in person in defence of the borders, chap. bringing with him such a following as his dignity re- ■ — '^-^ quired. It was gleefully calculated at Whitehall, that 'j^^^' in this way the Eoyal camp would receive an accession of at least i ,200 horse without any payment whatever.^ Early in February, orders were given for the levy Feb. of 6,000 foot and i ,000 horse, to form the nucleus thousand of the larger force which was to gather round the Svled" Royal standard. To these were to be added 4,000 of the trained bands of Yorkshire, Durham, and Northumberland. Charles would thus, after taking account of the cavalry furnished by the nobility, have an army of about 12,000 men, disposable for service in the field. For garrison duty at Berwick the Earl of Lindsey was to bring 2,000 men from Lincolnshire, and the Earl of Cumberland was to command at Carlisle with a force of 800 soldiers, of whom 300 were to be supplied from Wentworth's Irish levies. A httle army of 5,000 men from the Eastern Counties were to follow Hamilton on shipboard, to be landed at Aberdeen, to join Huntly in the North. Taken altogether, the forces at the King's disposal might be reckoned as not far short of 20,000 men.^ Such a force would probably have been insuffi- |*®\'°?J° cient for the work in hand, even if Charles had been assured of national support. Of this, however, there was no sign. The nobihty, indeed, had either obeyed his summons, or had sent money in Ueu of service in cases of sickness or old age. Wentworth, detained in Ireland by his official duties, had directed his ' The King to Lord Grey of Werk, Jan. 26. Northumberland to Conway, Jan. 29, S. P. Dom. ccccx. 24, 80. " The details will he found in the accounts of the Treasurer of the Army, Audit Offlce Declared Accounts, Bundle 301, Roll 1 148. Hamil- ton's men are there given as 4,500. Hamilton himself reckons them at 5,000, perhaps counting officers, artillerymen, and supernumeraries. 192 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAl". IV. 1639. Feb. Holland, General of the Horse, and Essex second in command. 1638. SpaiiiBh soldiers asked for. steward to pay 2,000/. to the King as soon as he appeared in the North. The Catholic Marquis of Winchester sent 500/. On the other hand, the Puritan Lord Brooke, when summoned to attend the King, rephed that he ' did not apprehend himself obliged to any aid of that nature but by Parliament.'^ And the equally Puritan Lord Saye returned a some- what similar answer. The letter of the law was, however, clearly against them, and on second thoughts they expresssed their readiness to attend His Majesty, at least within the realm of England. For the army thus constituted it was necessary to provide commanders. The general-in-chief was to be the Earl of Arundel, a stately nobleman, who was a Catholic by conviction, and who therefore hated the Presbyterian Scots, but who had never looked on the face of war. It had been originally intended to confer the command of the horse upon the Earl of Essex, who had seen some service in the Netherlands.^ But the Queen begged this post for her favourite, the Earl of Holland, the most incompetent of men, and Essex had to content himself with the less briUiant ofBce of second in command of the entire army. The seeds of jealousy were thus sown before a single regiment was formed. Arundel vowed that he would throw up his command rather than see Holland in a post of such authority, and it was only upon the warm intercession of the King that he was induced to withdraw his resignation.* Even if Charles succeeded in filhng up his ranks ' Minutes by Nicholas, Feb., ^f. P. Born, ccccxiii. 117. '' His service in the Palatinate, of which historians are fond of talking, v/OH next to nothing. ■■' Northumberland to W'eiK worth, Jan. 29, Utraf. Letters, ii, 276. The King to Arundel, Feb. 9, \/'. Bom. occcxii. 74. Oon to Barberini, Fob, ;,, Add. MSS. 15,392, fol. 39. SPANISH TROOPS FOR ENGLAND. 1 93 to the number of 30,000 — which was in those days *^^v.^" considered to make up the largest force which could 7~a^ safely keep the field without a failure of supplies, unless it was intended, like the hordes of Wallenstein, to subsist upon organised plunder — his army would leave much to be desired in point of training. A body of veterans, if such a body could be found, would form a nucleus round which the raw English levies would soon acquire the consistency of a dis- ciplined force. Such veterans were to be found in Flanders, and even in the summer of 1638 a proposal had been made to the Spanish Government for the loan of a body of troops. On that occasion Cardenas had been instructed to refuse the request. So in- curable was the distrust which Charles had sown around him, that Olivares feared lest a victory in Scotland might be followed by a league between England and France, in the same way that Eichelieu feared lest it might be followed by a league between England and Spain.^ The scheme, dropped for a time, was revived a 1639- few months later. In January 1639, a certain Gage's' Colonel Gage, a Catholic officer in the Spanish service, p^^"'* ■ communicated to the English Government his belief that the Cardinal Infant might be induced to supply Charles with a veteran force for his Scotch campaign, if he were allowed to raise from year to year a large number of recruits in England and Ireland by volun- tary enlistment. -A special emissary was accordingly leb. sent to Brussels to carry on the negotiation. The ardscan"' Cardinal Infant received him politely, but assured "pared. him that, menaced as he was by French armies, he could not spare a single man.^ ' Philip IV. to Cardenas, Sept. {j, 1638. Simancas MSS., Est. 2575. ' Col. Gage to G. Gage, ^°^' f ■ Instructions to Col. Gage, Feb. 5. VOL. I. 194 I'HE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. ^^^^- Charles was thus saved from the consequences of ' — 7 — ' the most ruinous step which he had hitherto contem- Feb. plated. It can hardly be doubted that if these Spanish regiments had set foot in England, the whole country from the Cheviots to the Land's End would have broken out into instant rebellion. Scottish Trained and war-worn troops, the value of which ftom*tt6 ^^^ b^^^ ^^^^ recognised by Charles, were not want- G^rman jjjg ^q Scotlaud. The very poverty of the Scots, through no prevision of their own, had made them strong. For many a year, a stream of needy, stal- wart adventurers had been flowing over from Scot- land into Germany to be converted into hardy warriors by Gustavus Adolphus and his lieutenants. Many a man had returned, bringing with him his share of the plunder of Germany, together with an enthusiasm for the Protestantism which had been to him a war cry leading to fortune, as well as a strengthening faith in the hour of peril. Small as the population of Scotland was, when the hour of battle came, she would be able to oppose to the loose ranks of untrained peasants which were all that Charles could bring into the field, an army which comprised at least a fair proportion of prac- tised soldiers. The com- No spccial Credit is due to the Covenanting Scottish leaders for being ready to make use of the instrument army- q£ ^g^j, -^^hich circumstances had placed in their hands. But credit is due to them for avoiding the fault into which a proud and high spirited nobility is most apt to fall. Very early they resolved that no" Eothes or Loudoun should contest, as Essex and Holland were contesting, for those posts of military Ool. Gage to Windebftnk, Feb. H G. Gage to Windebank, ggj^j. Cliircndon iSt. P. ii. 21. Scotland THE SCOTS CHOOSE A COMMANDER. 1 95 rust to which they were unequal. The professional *^^y^- irmy of Scotland was to have a professional com- ^^' ' nahder. The leader of whom thev were in search was Alexander ' 1 • A 1 p Leslie. :ound m Alexander Leshe, an illegitimate son of a Fifeshire laird. Deformed in person, and of low stature, he had served with credit in the German wars, and, if he had not gained high renown as a strategist, he was skilled in the arts by which recruits are trained into soldiers, and posts are occupied and.held. In the spring of 1638, when he was in 1638. command of a force in the Swedish service in Pome- His vSit to rania, he visited Scotland in order to fetch away his wife and family. On his way he was presented to the King in London, and told Eoe that, if his present masters could spare him, he would be happy to undertake the command of the army which it was at that time proposed to raise for the Elector Pala- tine.^ Thrown into the midst of the excitement then spreading over his native country, he may even in the spring of 1638 have seen his way to a position which promised more than the service of the feeble Charles Lewis. It is not probable that he was him- self very enthusiastic in the cause of the Covenant, or in any other cause whatever. For that very reason he was the better fitted to take the command of an army in which there were many enthusiasts. No doubt he entered into communication with Eothes, the head of the family of Leslie ; and, whether any actual ofier of command were made to him at this ^ Eoe to Elizabeth, March 22 ; Elizabeth to Hoe, Apr. 2, S, P. Germany. Zonca to the Doge, Apr. 6, Ven. Transcripts. This puts an end to the story which has been copied from Spalding by most writers, that Leslie came home with the intention of setfling in Scotland. On the fable of his inability to write, see Masson's Life of Milton, ii. 55. 2 196 THE ASSEMBLY OF GLASGOW. CHAP. IV. Nov. Returns to Scotland. 1639. Feb. Takes the command. Feb. 14. The Scot- tish Mani- festo. time or not, Eothes was not likely to forget so useful a Idnsman. Leslie returned to the Continent. Before the end of the year he was again in Scotland, slipping through the watch of the English cruisers in a small bark. He was able to gladden the hearts of his fellow-countrymen by the announcement that he had induced large numbers of Scots arriving in Germany to take the Covenant, and that he had procured large stores of miUtary supplies for the use of the Scottish army at home.^ From time to time arms and powder were conveyed across the sea. Some of these sup- plies were intercepted by Charles's agents, but the greater part was safely landed. Soon after the con- clusion of the sittings of the Assembly of Glasgow, Leslie was invested with the rank of general. Active preparations for defence were made on every side. " We are busy," wrote a Scotchman in February, " preaching, praying, and drilling ; could His Majesty and his subjects in England come hither, they will find a harder welcome than before, unless we be made quit of the Bishops." ^ On February 14 the Covenanters brought matters to a crisis. They appealed from the King to the EngUsh people. They were loyal, they said, to their sovereign, and most anxious to remain on good terms with their brethren in the South. All the mischief which had happened had been the fault of some 'Churchmen of the greatest power in England." These men had introduced innovations into tlieii- own Church, had fined and banished those wlio strove to resist the Church of Eonio, and had finally inter- fered with the Scottish Church in order to create a ' Baillie, i. 1 1 1. " Craig to Slowiii'l, Feb. 12, ^^'^- ^^'^^ '5,392, fol. 100. Smith to Pennington, Apr. 4. Arundel to Windebank, Apr. 4, S. P. Bom. ccccsvii. 26, 29. Kossingham's Newsletter, Nov. 23, Add. MSS. 1 1,05, fol. 14. 2o8 THE MARCH TO THE BORDEES. CHAP. Antrim before him, cross-examined him as to his • — 7 — -' means and intentions, and reported to the King ^pj,, ' that the Earl had neither 10,000 men at his disposal, w>rth's "°^ *^^ capacity to guide such a force if it were view of the entrusted to his charge.' Wentworth's view of situation. "^ .11 the situation was very much what it had been the year before. He knew, what Charles did not know, that it was impossible to improvise an army. He considered that Charles's officers were as inex- perienced as his men. Looking at Arundel and Holland, he found it hard to understand that men were ' born great captains and generals.' He did not think that they were likely to become so on a day's warning. The best thing he thought would be for the army to keep the Scots in check on the borders, attending to its own drill and discipline, whilst the fleet blockaded the Scottish ports. If Berwick and Carlisle were well secured, it might ' keep our blue bonnet to his own peck of oatmeal — which they say the lay elder is to provide every soldier of, with a satchel to put it in — without tasting of our better fare, lest he might grow too much in love with it.' Such a plan would doubtless require more money than the King had at his disposal. It could not be, however, that Englishmen would grudge five or six months' service at their own cost. When the winter came it would be necessary ' to think of a constant revenue,' or, in other words, to summon Parliament." If only Englishmen had felt towards the Scottish insurgents as Wentworth felt, there could be no question of the wisdom of his advice. ' Wentworth to Windebank, March 20, Sfraf. Letttr*, ii. joo. ' He had already written: "For Parliament I see not how that can be this summer, it being resolved His Majesty will be at York so early in the spring." Wentworth to Northumberland, Feb. 10, Straf. Lettert, ii. 279. THE KING'S APPEAL TO THE SCOTTISH TENANTS. 209 Charles was too impatient for immediate success chap. tion. to be guided by such counsels. The news of the surrender of Aberdeen reached him on April 4, If April 4. it was useless to send Hamilton to Aberdeen, he might i^^'IiTh^ ' D to go to the be sent elsewhere. Nothing could eradicate from Imlh"^ Charles's mind the notion that, if he could only pierce through the hostile crust, he would find a loyal Scottish nation beneath. Hamilton was there- fore to betake himself with his three regiments to the Firth of Forth, to make one more appeal to the people of Scotland against their leaders. It would be long before Charles could be brought to open his eyes to the fact that he was contending against Scotland itself On April 7, therefore, a new proclamation was April 7. drawn up to enhghten the eyes of the misguided piocia^a- peasants and tradesmen of Scotland. In it Charles assured his subjects of his intention to stand by the promises made in his name at Glasgow. Nineteen of the leaders— Argyle, Eothes, Montrose, Leslie, and others — were excepted from pardon, though a promise was added that if they submitted within four-and-twenty hours after the publication of the proclamation, their cases should be -taken into favour- able consideration. After that time had elapsed, a price would be set on their heads to be paid to any one who put them to death. A free pardon should be granted to all others who had participated in rebellion. More than this, all vassals and tenants of persons in rebellion were to keep their rents in their own hands, one-half to be paid to the King, and the other to be retained by themselves. All tenants of rebels taking the King's side were to receive a long lease of their lands from the Crown at two-thirds of their present rent. Disloyal tenants of a loyal land- VOL. I. P 2IO THE MARCH TO THE BORDERS. CHAP. V. 1639. April 10. Modifloa- tion of the proclama- tion. April 15. Hamilton's troops. The forces in the North. lord were to be expelled from their holdings. In one respect, this proclamation was modified before it was finally issued. The Scots about tlie King remonstrated against the clauses offering a reward for assassination, and he therefore substituted for them a general threat that all rebels not laying down their arms within eight days would be held to be traitors, and as such to have forfeited their estates and goods. To Hamil- ton Charles explained his reason for the alteration. " As for excepting some out of the general pardon," he wrote, " almost every one now thinks that it would be a means to unite them the faster together, whereas there is no fear but that those who are fit to be excepted will do it themselves by not accepting of pardon, of which number I pray God there be not too many." '■ On the 15th Hamilton was at Yarmouth, prepared to take on board his men. He complained bitterly of the rawness of the levies provided for him by the magistrates. Of the whole number no more than 200 had ever had a gun in their hands. The maskets provided were not of the same calibre. Tlie men, however, were strong and well clothed, but it could riot be expected that they would be fit to take the field with less than a month's training.^ At York the impression was gaining ground that the conquest of Scotland was not to be otlboted by proclamations. On April 19 tidings came that the Scottish army on tlie Borders M'ould siion be 10,000 strong. Another rei)ort declared thiit Leslie had threatened to meet llie King on the ]3orders to parley ' J)mri rroolnninliiiM, Aiir. 7, oiicloml liy lliiy to Windebank, Apr. 15, I'liHiaiuRtion, Apr. 25, .V. i". l)om. i-ccoxvii. 94, i., ccccxviii. 50, Thd Kin(5 Id lliuiiilton, Apr. 5, 7, lo, Jliinii/, 119. " lliuiiillnn 111 llui King, Apr. 15, 18, Ilniii. Papers, 72, 73. CHARACTER OF CHARLES'S ARMY. 211 with him at the head of 30,000 men. Charles's own ctu.p. forces were now marching in. There had been some " — 7 — ' 1639. disorders on the way. The Essex men had murdered ^^^p^jj a woman and had plundered houses as they passed. At Boston a pressed man sent his wife with one of his toes in a handkerchief as evidence that he could not march. ^ There was certainly no enthusiasm for the war. But neither was there any distinct animosity against the cause for which the war was fought. Ploughmen and carters would far rather have re- mained at home. But the stratum of society from which they came was not stirred very deeply by the Puritan movement. Amongst the trained bands of the n'orthern counties there were even observable some sparks of the old feud with Scotland which had flamed up in many a Border conflict in the olden days. The mass of the army was listless and un- discipHned, but it is not altogether impossible that good officers might after a time have succeeded in inspiring it with something of the military feeling.''^ Charles had, however, taken care to gather round Disaffec- him elements of hostility to his enterprise. Dragged English against their will to the Borders, and long deprived of the part in the Government which they held to be their due, the Enghsh nobles bore no good will to a war which, if it were successful, would place them more completely than ever at the feet of their sovereign. If Charles had been quicksighted to perceive that ' Lindsey to Windebank, Apr. 6, 7. Windebank to Read, Apr. 19. Norgate to Read, Apr. 19, S. P. Dom. coccxvii. 41, ccccxviii. 78. ^ I have come to this conclusion after a study of all the contem- porary letters to which I have had access. As long as it was believed that the King had 30,000 men with him on the Borders from the first, his inactivity needed the active disaffection of the army to explain it. Now that it is known that he could put less than 12,000 into the field, such an explanation is unnecessary. p 2 2 12 THE MARCH TO THE BORDERS. HAP. concession in Scotland would bring with it concession ■ ^ — in England, they were no less quicksighted to per- ^^^j^' ceive that the overthrow of the Scottish Covenanters would draw with it the oiectic^n of an absolute April 21. monarchy in England. The first test of their feeling taiymih. was a i)roposal of a miUtary oath binding them to fight in the King's cause ' to the utmost hazard of their Ufe and fortunes.' They asked whether these words bound them to place their whole property at the King's disposal. The obnoxious words were accordingly changed for ' the utmost of my power and sayeand hazard of my life.' To this all consented except fuse to take Sayc and Brooke. These two Puritan lords flatly refused to take even the modified oath. They were committed to the custody of the Lord Mayor of York.i Saye and Brooke were subsequently permitted to retire to their homes. The King was not Avithout hope that some legal means of punishing them might be found. But the law officers of the Crown advised him that they had not committed a punishable offence. They suggested, however, a means of meet- ing the difficulty. It was probable, they thouglit, that the two lords had arrived at York without proper military equipmcnl. In lliat lase a fine might legally be imposed upon them. Charles thought the suggestion a good one ; but, as notliing was done, it is not unlikely that inquiry only served to demonstrate that Saye and Brooke luul taken good care to comply with the leMiT of tlie la.w.'-' CooincBB The two lords found no imitators at York. But the ii'iTivrH. King soon discovered that the uobiUtyhad >'oine rather as Hj)ectators than iis actors. Amongst them Arundel ' UdaHiiii^'liiiin'H .\rirxl,/f,T, Aiii'. v\ .V. P. lUnii. oi-ocwiii. 99. " Windi'lmak (1 thti Kin;;, May 21, Clai: St. P. ii. 45. THE COVENANTERS APPEAL TO ESSEX. 213 stood almost alone in urging him to carry on the war ciiap. with vigour. On the 24th a letter, written on the ■ — -p — ' 19th, was handed to Essex from the Covenanters. . _,., _ They protested that they cherished no design of in- n^„'',£°"'®" vasion. They wanted only to enjoy their liberties in ^^^*^'° accordance with their own laws.^ Essex handed the letter unopened to the King ; but, as the messenger had brought with him an open copy, its contents were soon known. Arundel said that it was ' full of insolence ; ' but this was far from being the general opinion. The Knight Marshal, Sir Edmund Verney, opinicu of thought that it was ' expressed with a great deal of Edmund modesty,' and Sir Edmund Verney was a typical ^'^^^' personage. Attached to the King by long service and ancestral loyalty, he was ready to do whatever duty might require, and to fight, if need be, against the Scots. But he had no heart in the quarrel, no confidence in the undisciplined mob which his master called an army. Laud's proceedings in England he thoroughly disHked, and he could take no pleasure in a war which had been brought about by very similar proceedings in Scotland. For him, as for multitudes of his countrymen, the war, in spite of all that Charles might say about its political character, was Bellum episcopate, a war waged to restore Bishops to their misused authority. He had heard a Scotchman say, as he wrote in one of his letters to his son at home, that ' nothing will satisfy them but the taking away all Bishops.' ' I dare say,' he added, ' the King will never yield that, so we must be miserable.' ^ On May i Charles advanced to Durham. The Mayi. Scottish Eoyalist lords who had fled before the Cove- mation sent nanterswere summoned to hear the proclamation read, und. ' The Covenanters to Essex, Apr. 19, S. P. Bom. ccccxyiii. 9. '' Verney to R. Verney, Apr. 25, May 5, Verney Pcmeri, 225, 231. 214 THE MARCH TO THE BORDERS. CHAP. V. 1639. Miw I. Its reading refused. Scottish sliipping seized. Hamilton in the Firth of Forth. Leith forti- fied. Popular re- sistance. and were ordered to return to their estates and to dis- perse copies amongst their friends in Scotland. Special orders were sent to Sir James Balfour, Lion King-at- Arms, to read it at the Cross at Edinburgh, and to depute heralds to read it pubUcly in every shire. Charles was not long in discovering that he had reckoned on more obedience than he was likely to find. Not a single Scotchman would take upon himself the odium of reading such a proclamation.^ The attempt to put pressure on the Scots by the interruption of their commerce had already been made. Scottish shipping arriving in England was arrested. Hamilton on his voyage northwards seized so many Scottish vessels as to be unable to man them, and contented himself afterwards with disarming those which he overtook.^ On May i he had sailed up the Forth. Leith was now strong enough to resist attack. Every hand tliat could be spared had been busily employed in working at the fortifications. Women hurried down from Edinburgh to carry earth and stones. Hamilton's own mother appeared with a pistol in her hand, and vowed that she would be the first to shoot her son if he landed to attack the fol- lowers of the Covenant. Nor had ho much more chance of military success in tlic ojieu country. The men of Fife and the Lotliians turned out in over- whelming numbers to defend tlioir homes, and boast- fully sent back, as unnecessary, a reinforcement of twelve hundred men which had boon sent to their aid by the Western shiivs.'' Nothing was wanting to raise tlie zoal of the defenders of their country. rrcaclior.s iissiii-cd tliem that the cause of national drilpi' ill CoiiiK'il llniiiillon III llii> Hiiillir, \. 201. , Miiv I, *V, 7'. Ihw). ccccxx. I. Killer, .\pv. 21), Ham. l^tpm-f. 76 HAMILTON IN THE FIRTH OF FOKTPL 215 resistance was the cause of God. The women of ci^p. Scotland spoke with no uncertain voice. Mothers ■ — 7 — ' bade their sons go forth and quit themselves well ^ ^^ in the quarrel which had been forced upon them. Wives cheerfully surrendered their husbands to the uncertainties of war ; whilst every youthful volunteer knew well that it would fare ill with him if, after stepping aside from the conflict, he dared to pour his tale of love into the ear of a Scottish maiden. What had Hamilton to oppose to this band of brothers fighting in what they deemed the holiest of causes ? His men were utterly undiscipUned, and they had no heart in the cause for which they had been sent to fight. He landed them on the two islets Inchkeith and Inchcolm, and there he did his best to turn them into soldiers, whilst he attempted to negotiate with the hostile multitudes on shore.^ Whatever hopes he brought with him were soon jj^%'^-, at an end. " Your Majesty's aifairs," he wrote on the despair. 7th, " are in a desperate condition. The enraged people here run to the height of rebellion, and walk with a bhnd obedience as by their traiterous leaders they are commanded ; and resolved they are rather to die than to embrace or accept of your proffered grace in your last most gratious proclamation. You wiU find it a work of great difficulty and of vast expence to curb them by force, their power being greater, their combination stronger, than can be imagined." He himself could do little for a long time to come. If the King was in no better condi- tion, he might ' think of some way of packing it up.' The Scots seemed ready 'to offer all civil obedience.' If the King was able to ' suppress them ^ De Vic to Windebauk, May 7. Norgate to Read, May 9, 16, S. P. Dom. ccccxx. 77, 121, ccccxxi. 34. 2l6 THE MARCH TO THE BORDEKS. May 8. Aboyne offers to rouse the North. May 9. Verney's opinion of the posi- tion Kujnours from Scol- land. in 11 i)()\verful way,' he would do his part, 'which will only be thu stopping of their trade, and burning f such of their towns as ' are 'upon the coast.' Even this he could not promise to do for any length of time, as his provisions would soon be exhausted. '- Before this lugubrious despatch reached him, Charles had been Listening to young Aboyne, who had come to offer to rouse the North if only money and arms were placed at his disposal. Charles sent him on to the Forth, directing Hamilton to give him what assistance he could in men, but to be careful not to engage him in further expense. He calculated that he had money enough to keep on foot his exist- ing force till the end of the summer. More than this he could not do.''' Others around him were not even so sanguine as this. " Our army," wrote Verney, " consists of two thousand horse and twelve thousand foot, and that is the most, and more by some reasonable proportion both of horse and foot than we shall have with us, or that will come to us, unless Marquis Hamilton's forces come to us. Our men are very raw. our arms of all sorts naught, our victual scarce, and provision for horses worse ; and now you may judge what case we are in, and all for want of money to help u? tiU we may be better men, or to bring more men to us. I will write to you again as soon as I hear what the Scots will do in obedience to the proclamation, Avhich certainly will come to nothing." ' The proclamation indeed had alreadv come to nothing, but only the vaguest possible rumours of the state of the country a(>ross tlie Horders reached * HninHinn (othe King, Mny 7. limn. Paprrf. 78. '' Tlio Kiii(i: to IlaniilUin, Miiv 13, JBio-iii-t, 136. '■' Vcriicy to 1\. W'nu'v, Mnv d, Viituy I'ttpets, 232. KEGOTIATIONS PROPOSED. 21 7 the King's ear. Some said that the Scotch were armed chap. to the teeth. Others decUired that their leaders had ■ — -■ — ' failed to raise the necessary suppHes for the mainte- y^ ' nance of an army. " Though many come from those parts," -wrote Coke to his brother-secretary, " yet we find so much variety amongst their reports that we know not whom to credit, or what to expect." ^ Already, therefore, Charles was hesitating between May 14. • T ^ ■« I- 1 • 1 i- 1 Issue of a negotiation and war. On May 14 he signed a iresn second pro- proclamation, in startling contrast with the one which had threatened death and confiscation a month before.^ He now assured his Scottish subjects that he would not think of invading Scotland if only civil and temporal obedience were secured to him. They must, however, abstain in their turn from invading England ; and, to give him assurance of this, they must not approach within ten miles of the Border. If this condition were violated, his general would proceed against them as open traitors.^ It was Charles's habit to couch his demands in its inten- general terms, the intention of which was seldom tain. defined even in his own mind. The requirement of civil and temporal obedience was perfectly compa- tible with a reassertion of all the demands which his Commissioner had made at Glasgow. But it was also compatible with much less ; and on the very day on which this proclamation was drawn up, Hamilton was Hamilton's writing a despatch in which he urged his master to simnder. content himself with very much less. If the Scots would lay down their arms, surrender the King's castles, express repentance for their faults, and pro- mise to respect his Majesty's civil authority, they ' Windebaiik to Windebank, May 8. Oolse to Windebank, May 9, S. P. Dom. cccexx. 106, i2. V. 1639. Iday 22. Risk iucur- red. Hamilton ordered to be ready to return. May 21. Hamilton's conference with the Covenan- ters. ruined his prospecils at Court, said plainly that it would be folly to trust the person of the King so near the enemy with a dispersed and undisciphned army. The military leaders concurred with Bris- tol. But there are moments when there is no choice between rashness and irremediable disaster, and Charles, who, irresolute as he was in the face of the necessity of decision, was no coward to abandon the post of danger, firmly persisted in his resolu- tion.^ Whether necessary or not, the resolution was hazardous in the extreme. If Leslie had not around him the 40,000 men with which he was credited at Newcastle, he had at least at his com- mand a well-appointed force of half that number, against which Charles could at this time bring no more than at the utmost 15,000 men. So gloomy did the situation appear, that on the 22nd Charles wrote to Hamilton to be ready at a moment's notice to bring back his forces from the Firth to join the army on the Borders.^ Before these orders reached him, Hamilton had penned another despatch even more despondent than the last. He had been engaged in conferences with the Covenanting leaders, and had taken upon himself to explain the meaning of the civil obedience required by the King's latest proclamation. His Majesty, he said, was not bound to relinquish his nciiative on the acts of an ecclesiaslical assembly, but he was ' con- fident, that wliatsoever should be agreixl on by siicli an assembly, called by his IMajestys command, and wlien the members sliould be legally chosen,* his ' MiMmay to W'imlibaiik, May 24, ^V, 7'. Doin. ccccxsi. 169. " Tho Kiriff to llamillon, Mny 22, Burnet, 133. " TLis liiiilN at tho iiLolitioii nl'the lav fillers n.'i eloctovs. HAMILTON URGES CONCESSION. 22 1 Majesty would not only consent unto them, but have chap. them ratified in Parliament.' ^ — — ■^ — ■ Hamilton's letter to the King is so involved as May 21. to give rise to the suspicion that he wanted to tothlTKing. frighten Charles into the acceptance of these terms. The Scots, he said, would admit of no peace ' unless it be the ratification of their mad acts made in the late pretended General Assembly.' They were re- solved to force a battle. The best thing would therefore be for him to send two out of his three regiments to reinforce the Eoyal army, keeping only one to burn villages on the Firth. Above all things, the King should avoid an encounter. If he kept quiet, the rebels could not keep their forces long together. On the other hand, they might pass round his army and cut him off from his base of supplies at Newcastle. If his Majesty were ' weU-strengthened with foot,' this might be hindered. " They find," he went on to write, " they are not able to subsist, and therefore take this desperate course ; for already they are pinched by stop of trade, and see in fine they must be miserable. Now, hoping in the weakness of your Majesty's army, they intend to venture that which shortly, themselves acknowledge, they must lose, and, for ought I can learn, will either make themselves a commonwealth or a conquered king- dom." Hamilton at least did not wish to see Scotland either a commonwealth or a conquered kingdom. At the moment he would certainly have preferred to ' Account of the conference by De Vic, Burnet, 133. The paper is not dated ; hut there is mention of conferences in a letter of May 24 {S. P. Dom. ccccxxi. 176) ; and it is about this time that Burnet places it. The conference cannot have taken place after Hamilton received orders, on the 22nd, to be ready to return, as he states that he will be found where he is ' a month hence.' retain. 222 THE MARCH TO THE BORDERS. CHAP, appear as the champion of Monarchical government • — ■ in the State and of Presbyterian government in the 1639. Qj^yj,gj ^^ arrangement which would at least have the advantage of securing to him both his Scottish estates and the Eoyal favour. If this interpretation be the right one, his concluding paragraph can only be regarded as an awkward attempt to appear as if he shared his master's probable indignation. He was quite ready, he said, to begin hostilities as soon as he was ordered to do so. He had no hope of any treaty now, and had only engaged in one at all in order to amuse the Scots.^ May 23. One suggestion at least in this letter took im- mentsto' mediate effect. On the 23rd orders were sent to Hamilton to send the two regiments, numbering 3,000 men, to Holy Island. These instructions were at once May 28. executed, and on the 28th the much -needed reinforce- ment arrived off the coast of Northumberland. * Hamilton himself remained to seize Scottish mer- chantmen, and to threaten more damage than he was able to do. On the day after the order to send the regiments had been despatched, news reached Newcastle * which must have made the Kino; wish that he had larjjer forces to leave in Hamilton's hands. In tlio North. Iluntlv's friends had risen against their Covenanting neighbours, May 14. had fallen upon a body of thoni at Turrill" on the 14th, Tilrriff™ " and had driven tliem out of the ])lace. The Trot of Turriff, as this first skirmish of the long Civil War was called, inspirited the victors to follow up their advan- tage, and the Gordons pushed on to occupy Aberdeen, ' Hamilton to llio Kiiij^, Mny 21. llaiii. Papfrs, 83. " Ncitn liy tho Kin(j, Mnv 25, llunii't, \ \\. ])i> \'ic to Wliidobank, MiiV 26, \ 1'. J>inii. rcvcwW. 2>S, 62. •' Mililiiuiy tu W'iiidi'liiinli, Mnv 24, lliitl. i-ocixxi. 169. 1639- Mavis THE OONFLICT IN THE NORTH. 223 where they hved at free quarters on the few partisans ci^p. of the Covenant in the place. Their triumph did not last long. On the 24th they were driven out by the ^^ Earl Marischal. On the ajth Montrose was back TheGor- " dons at again with a strong force to occupy the town. Acts Aberdeen, of pillage were committed by the soldiery ; but Mont- Montrose" rose refused to give up to a general plunder even the"town. that hostile city which, as the Presbyterians were never tired of asserting, had earned the fate of Meroz in refusing to come to the help of the Lord against the mighty. It was long before the news even of the Trot May 29. of Turriff reached Hamilton's fleet. It was un- wuh known on the 29th, when Aboyne arrived with a " number of Scottish lords sent by the King to get what help they could. Hamilton had now only one regi- ment left, and, even if he wished to help Aboyne, it was httle indeed that he could do. If the King, he wrote, would send 5,000 men, and money to pay an equal number of Scots, something might be done. He himself, as the King well knew, had neither the men nor the money. Two days later Hamilton had May 31. heard of the rising in the North. He sent off" Aboyne Ss'for'an without delay, and he asked the King to despatch the ''™^' force which he had mentioned in his last letter. Of this force he wished to take the command in person. With ten or twelve thousand pounds he could do much.-^ Charles would have been sorely puzzled to spare May 25. such a sum from his meagre resources. Yet, difficult tishan^wer as his position was, he was not despondent. His last pvocUnTa- proclamation had received an answer which can hardly "™" have been to his mind. The Scots declared themselves quite ready to keep the prescribed distance of ten ' Hamilton to the King, May 39, 31, Ham. Papers, 89, 90. 224 TriE MA.RCH TO THE BORDERS. CHAP. V. 1639. May 25. miles from the Borders, if he would on his part with- draw his army and liis fleet.' Leslie in the mean- while had taken up his post at Dunglas, between Ber- wick and Dunbar, ready for peace or negotiation. Mnv 28. Chories at Berwick. May 30. The king in camp. For negotiation as between equal and equal, Charles was not yet prepared. As he rode into Ber- wick on the 28th he could witness the landing of Hamilton's nien,^ and he felt himself safer than be- fore. On the 30th he left Berwick for the Birks, a piece of ground on Tweedside, about three miles above the town, and took up his quarters under can- vas in the midst of his soldiers. Once at the head of his men, he fretted at the tame submission wliioh so many of his counsellors recommended. All that day he was on horseback, riding about to view tlie quarters of the men. Eaw and untrained as tlu\v were, these hasty levies wainned with the prdspoct of a combat. " One thing," wrote an onlooker, •' I must not conceal, which I care not if all Europe knew, that no nation ' Tlio Soottiuli Noliilitv io Holland, May 25, Poterkin's Records, 222. ■' Bi)n)ii)j;li to VViiidebaiik, Miiv ;.S, .S. P. Dom. ccccxxii. 63. CHARLES S ARMY IN CAMP. 225 in the world can show greater courage and bravery of spirit than our soldiers do, even the meanest of them, in hope of fight, which they extremely desire ; upon the first intimation of the Scots' approach, and their dislodging and new camp upon the face of the enemy, they cast up their caps with caprioles, shouts, and signs of joy, and marched by force in the morning to their new station with fury." ^ At the head of such men Charles might well be- lieve that in time everything would still be possible. In the immediate present very little indeed was pos- sible. He could not send his enthusiastic but un- discipHned levies to storm Leslie's camp at Dunglas. He would therefore make one more efibrt to win over the Scottish peasants in his vicinity by those tempting offers of a diminution of rent which had been embodied in liis proclamation,^ and which, as he beUeved, needed only to be heard to be accepted with joy. As an Edinburgh preacher exp'i-essed it, he was eager to address the humble Scottish Covenanter in the words of the Satanic temptation : " All these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me." ^ Charles determined that the first experiment May 31. -^ Arundel should be made at Dunse. No lesser personages sent to Dunse. than Arundel and Holland, the commander of the whole army and the General of the Horse, were to be the bearers of the King's gracious declaration to the peasant, and of his fierce denunciation of the landlord. When Arundel rode into Dunse in the June i. early morning, not a man was to be seen. The women came out into the street, threw themselves on their knees, as their grandmothers had doubtless done to the leaders of many a Border foray, cursing ' Norgate to Windebank, May 28, S. P. Bom. coccxxii. 62, ' Newsletter) May 24, Ibid, coccxxi. 171. VOL. I. Q 226 THE MARCH TO THE BORDEKS. CHAP. V. 1639. June I. Want of discipline. June 2. The King prepares to tal{ e the aggressive. NiimlirTHof the army. Leslie and beseeching the English general ' for God's sake not to burn their houses, kill their children, nor bring in popery, as Leshe had told them the King meant to do.' Arundel spoke them fairly, assuring them of his protection, and ordering that the pro- clamation should be read in their hearing. When the ceremony was over, a few men stole out of their hiding-places, and a market was soon established. Arundel did his best to create a good impression in the country by directing his men to pay for everything that they took, and the Scotchmen took good care to ask exorbitant prices for the stock of milk and oaten cakes which was all that they possessed. Of such services Cliarles's army was not incapable. But it had no confidence in its leaders, no habitual restraint under the rules of military life. The men fired off their guns at random in the camp. Officers complained of bidlets perforating the canvas of their tents. Even the King's pavilion was pierced by a shot. For all this he was strangely confident. He refused, indeed, Hamilton's request for men for a great expedition to the North, but he refused it on the ground that he was himself on the point of assuming the aggressive. Not a few of the Lords beyond the Border had already been gained over to his side, and it would be g, shame to be idle. " Wherefore now," he ended, "I set you loose to do what mischief you can do upon the rebels for my service Mitli those men you have, for you cannot have one man from hence."' The numbers of Charles's nruiy had lately been considerably incieascd. With the new reinforcements and witli the i-ci;iuieiils returned from tiie Firtli, he ' Biirongh Id WindcOiniili, Jiiiio ;,, 7. Wimli-bftiik to ■\Vindebmik, .lujin 3, NiHyiilcIn Krnd, .Iinio ',, ^V. ]\ ])om. ccocx.xiii. 1;, 13, 16. The Kiiifftc) lliimiltoii, Juno 2, Hiinii-I, 138, CHARLES IN DISTRESS FOR MONEY. 227 difficulty. could now reckon upon 18,000 foot, and 3,000 horse.^ chap. But the very improvement in one respect brought with - — ^ — it a fresh danger in another. The larger the army j^^^^ grew, the more difficult it was to maintain it. Before Financial the end of May the Lord Treasurer and the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer had lost all hope. The revenue, they declared, was completely exhausted. Cottington averred that even before the King left London he had in vain ' searched every corner from whence any probabihty of money could be procured.' The only chance of finding pay for the army lay in that general contribution which had been demanded in April. The Council had long ceased to be sanguine of a favourable reply. "Hitherto," wrote Winde- bank, " we have very cold answers, which, though they be not direct refusals, are almost as ill ; for they bring us no relief nor no hope of it. Some petty sums, and those very few, have been offered. So that my lords begin to apprehend this will be of little consideration, and to use compulsory means in these distempered times my lords are very tender, and apprehend it may be of dangerous consequence." ^ It was hard to say what answer could be made to this. By leaving just claims unpaid, and by antici- pating the revenue to the extent of about 150,000^., the army had hitherto been kept on foot, though its expenditure after the late reinforcements might be approximately reckoned at the rate of 750,000/. a year. As to the general contribution of which ' The account given by Rvshworth (iii. 926) is, after deducting the Carlisle garrison of 1,300 men, in exact figures 18,314 foot and 3,260 horse. It is shown by comparison with the account of the treasurer of the army (see note at p. 191) to belong to the first days of June. Some of the forces mentioned are not borne on the Treasurer's accounts, and were probably paid from special funds in Charles's hands. ' Windebank to the King, May 24, Clar. St. P. ii. 46. Q 2 228 THE MARCH TO THE BORDERS. 1639 June. The general contiibu lion. CHAP Windebank spoke so despondingly, it was found at — tlie end of July, when money ceased to come in, to have amounted in all to 50,000/. Of this 15,000/. were produced by the sale of the Mastership in Chancery to Sir Charles Cajsar.^ Of the remaining 35,000/., 2,200/. came from a nobleman too sickly to follow the King in person, and 24,395/. were paid by the clergy, the class of all others most deeply interested in the King's success, and most amenable to pressure from above. The whole amount contributed by the laity of England barely exceeded 8,400/., and the greater part even of this was provided by judges and otlier legal officials, who were almost as amenable to pressure as the clergy. The unofficial contributions certainly did not exceed 3,000/., if indeed they reached anything like that sum.^ One source of supply, indeed, was still open. The Queen had urged the Catholics to testify their grati- tude by a donation to the King in his time of need. She did not find them in a liberal mood. They counted the reduced fines which they were still forced to pay, as so much injustice, and they had some sus- picion that the Puritans might after all get the upper hand. Walter Montague, too, who was employed as the Queen's Agent in the matter, was not much more popular with the old Catholic families than hot- headed converts usually are with tliose whoso religion is inherited from their ancestors. But a demand made by the Queen was hardly to be rojockxl, and, ' I havo no alDanlulo o\ idiMioc of this : but 1 find that Uvedole, the Treasurer (if tho Annv, iin'ul into Iho oxchtiiiUM- a sum of 15,207/. 7s. on March 30. Two diivN nfu r we loiivn from Oarrard of l-iesar's payment. Unless there liad bin-n somclliinj; I0 coiu-onl, Uvednlo -would have kept this money in his own hands, and it does not appear how it n»ac!ied him. " Breviatet of tlw hWripf. The Catho- lic contri- bution. PLANS FOR RAISING MONEY. 229 after a long discussion, they agreed to present the ciup. King with 10,000/. at Midsummer, and a similar sum at Michaelmas.^ Such a sum would not support the Proposed army much more than a week. Anotlier plan of the irfbution"."' Queen's did not achieve even this amount of success. She proposed that the ladies of England should com- bine to present the King with a substantial token of their regard.^ Either the ladies took no great interest in the Royal cause, or their purses were too much under the control of their husbands to open readily. No money reached the King from this quarter. In this stress the King wrote to his Council in June 4. London to send him i o,oooZ. at once, and to require be lppll^^d° the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to provide a loan, as loan."^ * a matter in which his Majesty would take no denial.^ Charles's power of making use of the army which Jnne 2. he found it so difficult to maintain was soon to be brought to the test. On the 3rd news came into the Junes, camp that a considerable Scottish force had estab- atKeiso. hshed itself at Kelso — an indication that the Scots considered themselves released by Arundel's raid upon Dunse from any obUgation to keep within the hmit of ten miles from the Border which had been imposed upon them by the King. Orders were therefore given ' Con's letters are full of this affair. Compare Mufhworth, ii. 820. The letter printed at p. 821, as a letter from the Pope to his Nuncio, is an evident forgery, as it states that the Catholics had heen offering men for the Northern expedition, which is untrue. Rossetti, -writing on ^^^, 1641 (iJ. O. Transcripts), says that a forged letter, said to he brought by him to Toby Matthew, was printed about this time, and I suspect that this is the one. '^ Rossingham's Newsletter, Add. MSS. 11,045, ^1. 9. ^ Windebank to the King, June 8. The King's letter is not pre- served, but it seems to have reached London on the 6th, and so to have been written on the 2nd. According to Salvetti, orders were gi\'en to levy ten or twelve thousand men (Salvetti's Newsletter, June l|), but this is doubtless only the echo of thB false rumour which Windebank was to giv£ out. See p. 2 ] 9. 230 THE MARCH TO THE BORDERS. Holland's retreat. to Holland to lake with him 3,000 foot and 300 horse to drive them out. The day was hot and du.sty, and the infantry straggled along weary and footsore. Yet their officers believed that, inexperienced as they were, they would have acquitted themselves well if they had come to blows. ^ That day no opportunity was given them to display their courage. Eiding hastily forward at the head of his horse, Holland found himself face to face with a Scottish force ad- vancing to meet him. His men perhaps exaggerated the numbers of the enemy as six, eight, or even ten thousand, and it was averred by some that an addi- tional force of 3,000 Highlanders was lying in ambush armed with bows and arrows.^ Holland at first pro- posed to fall back on the infantry, and to make the attack with both arms. But he soon discovered that he was far outnumbered, and preferred to send a trumpeter to the Scots to ask them what they were doing within the ten miles hmit. The Scots asked him scornfully in return, what he was doing in their country. He had better be gone, or thej' would teach him the way. There was nothing for it but to retreat to the camp beyond the Tweed.^ Holland was but a carpet knight, and contempo- raries and posterity have combined in jeering him on his failure. Yet it may be doubted whether the most practised soldier would have acted otherwise. He was entrusted Avith a reconnaissance in force, and ' Dymocke td Wiiidobanlt, July 5, & V. Horn, icivxw. ;i. ' Account of the (Campaign, HoiU, liib. luiirliiisoii -U^\s'. B. 210. These are the only archers I liiiow an\ thing aliout. Mr. Peter Bayne says there wore some on the Kiii);'s siilo, but givos no refoi-ence. ^ Cc.Kh 111 Windebank, Jiiiic 4, Mildumv to Windebank, June 4. Nor(j;ate to Road, Juiu' 5. ^^'o^.•Ul■rUll to Conwnv, Juno 6, -S. P. Bom. ccccxxiii. 21, 22, i'), 40. GLOOMY PROSPECTS. 23 I finding the enemy too strong to be prudently at- ci^p. tacked, he brought his men back in safety. In any ^-^ — ' ordinary army such a proceeding would be taken as june 3. a matter of course. But Charles's was not an ordi- nary army. It had nothing but its reputation to subsist on, and its reputation was not enough to endure even an apparent check. In fact, itAvas not merely the retreat which spread June 4. alarm in the camp. Men began to ask one another deacy in how it was that the Scots had been prepared to meet Holland's movements. A suspicion arose, which was probablyjustifiedby fact, that every movement of the Enghsh army was known to Leshe, whilst the ma- noeuvres of the Scottish army were covered by a wall of impenetrable darkness. " The truth is," wrote Verney to his son, " we are betrayed in all our intelligence, and the King is still made to beheve in a party that will come to him, but I am confident he is mightily abused in it, for they are a people strangely united. ... I think the King dares not stir out of his trenches. What counsels he will take, or what he wiU do, I cannot divine ; but if this army be lost that we have here, I beheve the Scots may make their own conditions with England, and therefore I could wish that aU my friends would arm themselves as soon as they could. We want money to exercise our army, and the strength we have here will only defend ourselves. I do not conceive it of force to do any harm to them, so we daily spend our money and our honour together." ^ The day which witnessed Holland's retreat brought Leslie still more alarming tidings. Leslie, it was said, had hiscamp.'' broken up his camp at Dunglas, and was in full march to the Border. In hot haste a messenger was ' Sir E. Verney to E. Verney, June 4, Vernfy Papers, 243. 232 THE MARCH TO THE BORDERS. CHAP, despatched to Hamilton, bidding him to desist from '<■ — ■ all warlike operations, and to come in person to Ber- Ane^ wick to advise the King. His Majesty, he was told, was now resolved to keep on the defensive.* Reluctance The rcsolution thus taken was not altogether i'ishno-"^ voluntary. Before leaving him at Whitehall, Hamilton fight *° had warned Charles that Enghshmen would not fight in this quarrel, and Charles now ruefully acknow- ledged that the prediction had proved true.^ Above all, the English nobility had no wish to prolong the war. Even those who had no sympathy with Puri- tanism were deeply aggrieved by their systematic exclusion from all posts of influence, and they had no desire to aid the King to a triumph which would make the prospect of a Parliament more distant than ever. Others again were loth to strike a blow against the opponents of Episcopacy in Scotland, whilst Bishops in England were exercising powers so State of the unwouted and so harsh. The common soldiers, too, when once the excitement of impending combat was removed, sunk into listless dissatisfaction. Their con- dition at the Birks was not one of comfort. They were left all night to lie on the bare ground, with such shelter from the wind as they could make bv throw- ing up walls of turf, and laying branches of furze across them. Not a tree Avas to be found for many miles to oiler timber for the construction of huts. The Tweed, where they were, was too salt to drink, and beer was sold at 30'. the quart — a prii-e equiva- lent to at least a shilling now. The smallpox broke out amongst, these ill-eared-for troops, and I'arried ofl' its victims. 'I'lie deserters were numerous. The cliief eniploynieut, of those who remained was the ' \'mii(i 1(1 llaitiiltiiii. .Tuin' 4 (iuit — • man's understanding of our Scots' humour, that gave /^Jg' out, not only to the nobles, but to very mean gentle- men, his directions in a very homely and simple form, as if they had been but the advices of their neigh- bour and companion ; for, as he rightly observed, a difference would be used in commanding soldiers of fortune, and of soldiers volunteers, of which the most part of our camp did stand." ^ What had Charles to bring against this combination The Scots of military discipline and national and religious en- Evading"" thusiasm .P Brave as his EngUsh followers individually ^"siand. were, Leshe, if he had chosen to attack them in their bivouac at the Birks, would have driven them like chaff before the wind. But there were shrewd heads in the Scottish camp, who knew better than to court the perilous victory. They were now contending with Charles. If EngHsh soldiers were driven in headlong rout, and if the tramp of a Scottish army were heard on English soil, it might very well be that they would have to contend with an insulted nation. In Parliament or out of Parliament, suppUes would no longer be withheld, and the invaders would meet with a very different force from that which was now before them. WhUst the Scots were in this frame of mind,^ one of the King's Scotch pages visited their camp and recommended his countrymen to open a negotiation. They at once sent the Earl of Dunfermline to request The offer to the King to appoint Commissioners to treat, and to ' BaUlie, i. 213. ^ As early as the begiiming of the month there had been talk of a negotiation, but the King would admit of no treaty unless his houses and castles were first given up. Widdrington to Lord Fairfax, June 3, Fair- fax Correyiondence, i. 367. 236 THE rACIFICATION OF B];U\VICK. •-'i'^;^!"- assure the English nobility that they had no wish to throw off their allegiance to the Crown. Charles laid June 6. ^^ down as a condition of the negotiation that they must first read his proclamation denouncing their leaders as traitors. As usual, they were perfectly The procia- ready to give obedience in the letter. A few of the vateij'Xd" very men who were denounced assembled in a tent to hear the proclamation read. On them the threat of the confiscation of their lands was not likely to make much impression. Yet with this hollow form Charles was forced to content himself. The disposition to avoid a battle, which had long pre^'ailed amongst the men of rank in the English camp, had now spread to The Eng- the commou soldiers. They had learned by this time lioh reluct- , . - t 1 1 1 anttofisht. that moucy was runmng snort, and tney knew by experience that bread and beer were growing scarce. " A great neglect there hath been," wrote one who was on the spot, " in those who had the charge of providing for the soldiers, for they have wanted ex- ceedingly since their coming, yet have been veiy patient, but now there is strange doctrine spread in tlie camp and swallowed by the officers and soldiers, so that it is time to make an end of this work. The clergy that are in this camp doth carry themselves so indiscreetly, as also the Scottish Bishops and clergy here, that I tussuro you they do much hurt his Majesty's affairs by their violence." liiistol bluntly spoke out what was doubtless in their thoughts. Most of the Lords, he said, were resolved to petition for ii Parliament. The Lords, indeed, disclaimed any sucli intention. IJut the unspoken thought was, we may well l)elieve, in the minds of all of tlieni.^ Juno 7. ()n the ai'ternoon of the /tli llanulton appeared in HMho " (Iharles's camp, lie liad to tell how Aboyne had ' ftlildiiiny to W'iiiildbiinli, .Iiino 10, ^V. 1', Di)ii. ini xxiii. 67. HAMILTON IN THE KINGS CAMP. 237 reached Aberdeen, and had driven the Covenanting ci^p. forces to retire by his mere presence in the roads. — -• — ' But he could not say that this diversion was likely to june 2! be of any permanent benefit to the Eoyal cause. AbeSem. ' Aboyne had written to him urgently for supplies. June 7. Even if he had had supplies to give, he was already is unable to on his way to Berwick by the King's orders before he S*"^ receivt-d the letter.^ Hamilton had every reason to be satisfied with Thenego. p 1 • -n 1 ml • • tiation on the temper 01 his Koyai master, ihe negotiation theBorders. which had already been informally opened on the Borders was merely a continuation of that which had been set on foot by himself. He would now be present to watch over its progress. The day after the iUusory reading of the Proclamation at Dunse, Dunfermhne returned to ask for a safe conduct for the Scottish negotiators. Hamilton was there, to Hamilton's whisper that it would be wise to consent to the abohtion of Episcopacy, and even to the Covenant itself. In time the discontented nobility would be gained over by favours, and better times would come.^ Such advice was too consonant with Charles's nature not to find entrance into his mind. He may not have intended foul play. But he was not likely frankly to acknowledge errors of which he was perfectly unconscious. He doubtless believed firmly that the Presbyterian experiment would before long prove intolerable, and he did not wish to bar the door against the restitution of the more perfect sys- tem. A man of a larger mind might have felt in ' Burnet, 140. Spnlding, i. 200. Spalding charges Hamilton with haying deserted Aboyne in defiance of orders from the King. This is plainly a mistake. Even when Aboyne was in the Forth, Hamilton had but one regiment with him. ' Burnet, 140. 238 THE PACIFICATION OF BERWICK. CHAr. precisely the same way. But he would have declared openly what his hopes were, and in so doing he would have inspired ' confidence where Charles only inspired distrust. June II. On the nth the conference was opened in the confer- Aruudel's tent between six Commissioners from the Scots and six Commissioners from the King. Scarcely had the negotiators taken their places, when Charles The King himself Stepped in. He assumed that tone of superi- takepartin ority which was natural to his position. He was atioS^^" '" there, he said, to show that he was always ready to listen to his subjects, and he expected them to act as was becoming to subjects. From this position he never departed. He had come not as a diplomatist but as a judge. " I never took upon me," he said, " to give end to any differ- ence but where both parties first submitted themselves unto my censure, which if you will do, I shall do you justice to the utmost of my knowledge, without partiality." " The best way," he said afterwards, " were to take my word, and to submit all to my judgment." Hisdiaiec- In the discussiou which followed, Charles showed great dialectical skill. He seized rapidly on the weak points of the Scottish case, and exposed them without ostentation or vindictivoness. The strength of the Scottish case lay outside the domain of dialectics. All sorts of questions might aviso about the composi- tion of the Assembly, about the vote of the lav elders, and about the pressure exercised by the Tables at the time of the election. The arguments by which the Scots were ready to prove that the decisive authority in ecclesiastical n^alXers resided in the Assembly which had met at Glasgow were neither more nor loss con- vincing than the argunienis iiy wliieli Charles was tical skill. 1639- June II. CHARLES'S EXTREME WANT OF MONEY. 239 ready to prove that it resided in himself. The true chap. answer for the Scots to have made would have been, that whatever might have been the legality of the forms observed, the Assembly had had the nation behind it. This, however, was precisely what the Scottish Commissioners never thought of saying, and by leaving it unsaid they left the honours of the dis- pute with Charles. What was wanting to the Scots in argument was Themiu- ^ , tary posi- amply made up to them by the presence of Leslie's tion. army on Dunse Law. Whether the Scottish nation had the right to settle its own affairs in the teeth of Charles might be open to argument. It was clear enough now that it was strong enough to do so. Charles's own army was no more ready for battle than it had been before, and every day brought him worse news from the South. Without fresh supplies of money his army would soon dissolve from want of pay, and he had not much hope left that those supplies would be forthcoming. Windebank's report of a fresh attempt to obtain a June 7. loan from the City was most discouraging. The Mayor Council, indeed, had been busily employed in forcing coundi.^ all Scotchmen resident in England to take an oath, of Wentworth's invention, binding them to renounce the Covenant.^ Oaths, however, brought no money into the Exchequer. On the 7th the Lord Mayor, having been summoned by the Council, appeared with such a scanty following of Aldermen, that he was ordered to go back and to return on the loth with all his brothers. When the Aldermen at last made their appearance, they were told that the June 10. King expected from them a loan of 100,000/. The manded.^ ' Council Register, June 5. Rossingham's Neiviletter,.^\m6 18, Add. ilfSS. 11,045, fol. 29. 240 THE PACIFICATION OF BERWICK. CHAP. V. 1639. June 10. Winde- bank's ad- vice. The Queen proposes to visit Ber- wick. war was even more unpopular in London than ii other parts of England. Trade was suffering, and th( recent confiscation of the Londonderry charter wa: rankling in the minds of the Aldermen. They re plied that it was impossible to find the money. The Council told them that it must be done. Cottingtoi said they ought to have sold their chains and gown; before giving such a reply. They were ordered tc appear once more on the 1 2th with a final answer. Even within the Council there were signs of dis- satisfaction at this high-handed course. Coventry and Manchester sat silently by whilst threats were used. " The rest," wrote Windebank, " are of opinion that either your Majesty should command the City tc furnish 6,000 men at their own charge for the rein- forcing your army, or else send for six or eight Aldermen to attend you in person at the camp, which the other two lords do not like, but hold dangerous in these times ; and in case the City should refuse tlie former, they know not how they can be compelled to it. I am humbly of opinion that both should be done, and if the former be refused, the chief officers of the City are answerable for so high a contempt : if the latter, the Aldermen whom you shall summon to attend are finable." ^ Whilst Windebank was suggesting counsels so wild as these, the Queen was trembling lest the t^-o armies should come to blows. At tlie suofgestion of Co the adventurous Duchess of Chevreuse, she proposed to hasten to the camp that slio might adjure her husband not to expose his person to the risks of war.^ ' Thn King to the Lord Mnyor and Aliloniien, June 4, S. P. Dom. coccxxiii. 20. Windebank to (lio Kinjj, June 8, u, Clarendon St. P. »• 53. 54. '' Von to narlH'iini, Junp \\, Adil. MSS, 15,302, fol. 176. THE TREATY SIGNED. 24 1 The contents of Windebank's despatch saved ciiap. Charles from this embarrassing proof of wifely affec- — -- — • tion. On the 1 2th he learned that the Lord Treasurer ,,„„ ' had scraped together 20,000^. for the needs of the Deficiency J: o ' of supplies. army.^ By the 15th he must have known that no- TheScoi- thing was to be had from the City,^ and on that day accepted. he despatched an answer to the Scots in which he practically accepted their terms. There was still some haggling over details, and it was not till the 1 7th that his answer assumed its final shape.^ On „J»°«i8. ' _ -■- Signature the 1 8th the treaty was signed. of the ^ By this treaty the Scots engaged to disband their Berwick. troops, to break up the Tables and all unlawful com- mittees, and to restore the royal castles to the King's oflBcers. In return Charles engaged to send back his soldiers to their homes, and to issue a declaration in which he was to assure his subjects that, though he could not ratify the acts of the pretended Assembly of Glasgow, he was pleased that all ecclesiastical mat- ters sliould be determined by Assemblies, and all civil matters by Parliaments and other legal judicatories. On August 6 a free General Assembly was to be held at Edinburgh, and on August 20 a Parliament was to follow. In this Parliament, in addition to other acts, an act of pardon and oblivion was to be passed.* The pacification of Berwick came just in time to The war in save from extinction the last remnants of a Eoyalist party in the North. On the very day on which the treaty was signed, Montrose fell upon Aboyne at the ' Note by the King, June 12, Clarendon St. P. ii. 54. '' Windebank's letter of the nth must have reached him by that date. ' Compare the first draft (& P. Bom. cccoxxiii. 107) with the final treaty, Burnet, 141. * Sushw. iii. 944. VOL. I. K 242 THE PACIFICATION OF BERWICK. cibvp. Bridge of Dee close to Aberdeen. Aboyne's High- ■ — 7-^ — ' landers withdrew in terror before the mother of the June i8 rnusket, as they styled Montrose's cannon. But the men of Aberdeen and the Eoyalists of the Northern Lowlands held out firmly, and it was not till the after- noon of the second day that the position was forced.' StoJmin^of "^^^ stormlug party was led by Middleton, a rude the Bridge soldier for whom a strange destiny was reserved. He lived to receive an Earldom without any special merits of his own, to preside over the execution of Argyle, and over the reverent consignment to Chris- tian burial of the shrivelled remains of the body of Montrose. Montrose ^OT the third time the Covenanting army entered again o j spares Aberdeen. Montrose had brought with him orders Aberdeen. . ° to sack the town. He disobeyed the pitiless injunc- tion, and Aberdeen was saved, ^onfn'' -^^1 further hostilities were stopped by the news England at fj-Qm Berwick. In England the utmost satisfaction the news of o the Treaty, -(yas cxprcsscd . It was kuown that the peace had been to a great extent the work of the English nobi- Hty,^ and few were aware how powerfully the King's financial difiiculties had contributed to the result. ' It is prenerally supposed that Colonel Gun, who had been sent with Ahoyne by Hamilton, was a traitor, and helped on the defeat. We have not his defence, and he may have been simply a methodical soldier, unused to Montrose's dashing ways. He had been recommended bv Elizabeth for service, which wo\ild hardly have been the rase unless he bore a good reputation abroad. Hamilton'.^ double-dealing naturally brought suspicions upon him of auy kind of villainy. 8ee Baittit, i. i86. Qordon, ii. 269. Spalding, i. 209. " " II Oonte di Olanda . . . parla . . . con grand" avnntaggiodellera^ioni die mossero li Scozzesi all' armi in niodo cho bisogua nttribuire le buone conditioni date al lorn non tanUi aU'atti'llo dol l!o mm-.-o la patria, quanto air inclinatione della iiobiUil Inglese nlla causa loro, ossondo vero die ofcettuato il penerale ot il V.o\\\v di lliistn, . . , quasi tutti gli altri hanno favilo alln pretension! do' Scozzesi vergognosamente." Con toBarberini, July ,"^, Add, MSS. 1 5,392, fol, 191. A COLLISION IMMINENT. 243 For Henrietta Maria the mere cessation of danger to her husband was enough, and those who looked in her beaming face could see her happiness there.^ The King's sister EHzabeth had reasons of her own Project of ^ „ sending a for being equally well satisfied. She fondly hoped Scottish that something would at last be done for the Pala- Germany, tinate. So assured were Leslie and the Covenanting leaders that all danger was past, that they offered to provide ten or twelve thousand Scottish soldiers for the service of the Elector Palatine. Charles was merely to furnish ships to transport them to the Con- tinent, and to provide them with provisions till they reached their destination. Immediately on the signa- ture of the treaty, Charles assured Leshe that he would agree to these terms. Before long, however, Leshe came to the conclusion that such conditions were insufficient. He required that Charles should ask the Scottish Parhament to provide pay for the army, and this request Charles refused to make.^ By this time indeed the prospect of a good under- Vagueness standing had already been clouded over. In accept- daratio^i'. ing the King's declaration the Scots had been guided rather by their wishes than by their intelligence. Two capital points had been entirely passed over. Nothing was said in it either of the constitution of the future Assembly, or of the course to be pursued if the As- sembly came to resolutions obnoxious to the King. With a man of Charles's character, ever ready to claim all his formal rights, such omissions were likely to lead to serious consequences. The Scots had pro- bably taken it for granted that he was merely seeking a decent veil to cover the reality of his defeat. They ^ Con to Barberini, ^^, Add. MSS. 15,392, fol. 182. ' Elizabeth to Eoe, July 2, 11. Cave to Roe, July n, thor there should In- Bishops, yea or no. The King prcsvpil to Imvo IJishops, and tlio SiMich Commissioners .... mosthiimhly pivsenliid il lollis Miijosly that tho order of Bishops wiis agninsi t)io law of llio land wliii-h His Miijosty had promised to maintaiji ; whmi'lorn at last, as 1 hear, Mis Majesty wns graciously pleas(\d to have 1linl about Ilii> Uisliops to be disputed in their nevl Assembly.' AVmisW/cc, .1 nne 25, .tilil. Ms\ 11,045, 'o'- 3i*. 1639. June, DARKNESS OF THE OUTLOOK. 245 ment now proposed as final, in order to win back the ^^If"^- good will of the nation itself by trying to promote its welfare within the lines of its own conceptions. Charles would hear nothing of either plan. He claimed authority as a right, not as the ripe fruit of helpful labour. He could not understand that resist- ance to himself had given rise to a new political organisation which could not at once drop out of re- membrance for any words which might be inserted in a treaty. He looked for reverence and submission where he should have looked for an opportunity of renewing that bond between himself and his subjects, which, through his own fault, had been so unhappily broken. 246 CHAPTER VI. THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. CHAP. VL 1639. June 24. Hamilton at Edin- burgh. The Castle surren- dered. Charles at Berwick. July I. Bishops summoned to the As- sembly, The full difficulties in the way of the execution of the Treaty of Berwick did not immediately appear. On June 24 Hamilton received the keys of Edinburgh Castle, and installed General Ruthven, a stout soldier and a firm Eoyalist, as its governor. It was difficult to make the policy of surrender inteUigible to the Edinburgh citizens. When Hamilton visited the Castle he was followed by four or five hundred persons who jostled him in an unseemly manner. Scornful cries of " Stand by Jesus Christ " were r^ed, and the Lord Commissioner was branded as an enemy of God and his country.^ Charles was stiU at Berwick. He intended to preside in person over the Assembly and Parliament which he was about to summon. Before long he saw reason to change his purpose. The first serious ofience came from himself. On July i a Proclama- tion ordering fresh elections for an Assembly wliich was to meet at Edinburgh was read at the Market Cross. It invited all Archbishops and Bishops to take their places there. As might have been ex- pected, the Proclamation was met by a Protestation. Once more the two parties stood opposed in mutual defiance. '^ Charles might liave argued that Episco- ' lliinir/, 144. Norgate hi Kend, J>mo :;, 30, ."?. P. Bom. ccccxxiv. 77, 96. ' I'lDitlaiiiiiiiiiii and Protestation, July i, Peterkin's Records, 2y). RESISTANCE IN SCOTLAND. 247 pacy was not as yet legally abolished, and that the '^^^f^- presence of the Bishops was necessary to the fair - — -■ — ' discussion which he contemplated. He did not un- j^^j^ ^ derstand that he was called on to sanction the results of a revolution, not to preside over a Parliamentary debate. If the Proclamation took for granted the illesahty Julys. ^ ° . Eiot at of the acts of the Glasgow Assembly, the Protestation Edinburgh, took for granted their legality. The feelings of the populace were expressed in a rougher fashion. Aboyne, who unwisely ventured to show himself in the capital, was chased through the streets by an angry mob. Traquair's coachman was beaten. His Treasurer's staff was broken, and his coach pierced with swords. One of the judges, Sir William Elphin- stone, was struck and kicked.^ Charles's displeasure may easily be imaeined. But Jniys. . 1, 1 J : ^V The King's he was even less prepared to carry on war now than displeasure, he had been in June. Hamilton told him plainly that the Scots would have no Bishops. If he meant to force Episcopacy on the nation, he must summon an English Parliament, and be prepared for all the consequences which might flow from that step. Charles was the more angry because he discovered July 6. that a paper had been circulated in Scotland, pur- himself to porting to be a report of conversations held with nfilrepre- himself, in which he was said to have consented ^™'* " tacitly to abandon the Bishops. Possibly the account may have been too highly coloured. Possibly, too, his own recollection may have fallen short of his actual words. At all events, he believed himself to have been foully misrepresented. His feeling was rather one of astonishment than of anger. " Why," ' Baillie, i. 220. Borough to Windetank, July 5, S. P. Bom. ccccxxT. 22. 248 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. ciiAi'. lie coiii])l;uned to Loudoun, " do you use me thus ? "^ Yet, if he had no choice but to give up the Bishops, he could not bring himself to pronounce the fatal words. 1639. Julv6. ^,e"i'nien- ^^^^ intention of appearing in person at Edinburgh tionof -was abandoned. Hamilton, too, had no mind to going to Edinburgh, exposc himsclf again to obloquy. He resigned his HamiitoA Commissionership, and Traquair was appointed in his resigns the 9 ConTmis- room.'' siouership. -jj ^-^^ Covenaviters complained of Charles for his nantin°J'^ contiuued support of the Bishops, Charles had to ^ea ersseut gQjQpJa^jj^ of them that in some respects the Treaty of Berwick had not been put in execution. The Tables had not been at once dissolved. Hindrances had been placed in the way of the entrance of stores into Edinburgh Castle. A regiment -was still kept on foot under Colonel Monro, and the fortifications of Leith were not demolished. Leslie still behaved as if his commission as general retained its force. Charles accordingly sent for the Covenanting leaders to confer with him ut Berwick. Those for whom he sent did not all obey the summons. Argyle sent a hollow excuse. The Edinburgh citizens prevented others from setting out on what they beheved to be a peri- lous journey. Six only of the number, Eothes and Montrose amongst them, appeared at Berwick.^ juij- 16. During the days of this visit to Berwick. Hamilton communi- had bccn busy. He was authorised by a special withlhem. Warrant to enter into communication with the Cove- nanters in order that ho iiiiglit learn their plans. He was to giiin their confidenre bv speaking as they spoke, and tlmt ho might do this foark>ss]y he was ' Unsigned Li'ltor, July II, *'. P. Dvm. occox.w. 51. '^ /liinii't, 144, 146. " |)i' Vic Ici W'imloliiiiili, July 1 5. Ilnrougli to ^ViIldel)aIllv, July 21, IS. I'. Jidiii. iic'i'xxv. 77, I'Oic'X.wi. 22. THE KING AND THE COVENANTERS. 249 exonerated from all penalties to which he might make chap. himself liable by traitorous or seditious expressions.^ ■ — -? — ' Into the dark mysteries of Hamilton's intrigues, j^,^, ,^ it is impossible to enter further. As matters stood, bJtween'^the no real understanding was possible. Between the 1^°^^""'' King and Eothes there was a bitter personal alterca- tion. Charles twice called the Earl to his face an equivocator and a liar. To the King's demand that all that could be said in favour of Episcopacy should be freely urged at Edinburgh, Eothes rephed that if his countrymen were not allowed to rid themselves of the Bishops at home, they would be forced to open an attack upon the Bishops of England and Ireland.^ On the 2 1st Eothes and his companions were sent July 21- back with orders to return on the 25th, together with July 25. those who had been detained in Edinburgh. On the deputation 25th Dumfermline, Loudoun, and Lindsay arrived " ''™''' " alone. They promised to dismiss the troops and pull down the fortifications of Leith. But mutual confi- dence was altogether wanting, and Charles informed them that he had given up his intention of appearing at Edinburgh in person.* The Covenanters believed that Charles was still July 27. hankering after the restoration of Episcopacy. They instruc- were not altogether in the wrong. In the instructions given to Traquair, on the 27th, Charles declared that he had commanded the Bishops to absent themselves from the Assembly, and that he was ready to agree to the aboHtion of Episcopacy if it were not declared to be positively unlawful, but only ' contrary to the constitution of the Church of Scotland.' Such a reservation might appear to be no more than the ' Warrant, July 17, Hardw. St. P. ii. 141. * Kothes to Murray, Aug., Ham. Papen, 98. ' De Vic to Windebank, July 16, S. P. Bom. ccccxxyi. 50. tions. 250 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. CHAP, satiisfaction due to a scrupulous conscience. There ' — 7 — " can be little doubt that it was more than that. Un- Juiv 27. ^*^^^ ^® ^1'^ misinformed, Traquair told the King that in the absence of the Bishops the proceedings in Parliament would be null and void, and that he would therefore be able, without violation of the law, to re-introduce Episcopacy whenever he felt himself strong enough to do so.^ Aug. 3. There can be little doubt that the prospect thus Charles . returns to Opened was pleasing to Charles. On August 3 he was once more at Whitehall. There he was sur- rounded by those counsellors who were most hostile Laud's to the Scots. " For the Scottish business," Laud opinion of -r> > ■ x i i i the pro- wrote to Koc, " tis true i sent you the happy word Scotland.'" of peace, but what the thing will be in future I know not. Had I liked the conditions at the very first, I would have been as ready to have given you notice of them as of the peace itself But I knew they would come soon enough to you, and I had no great joy to express them. 'Tis true that things were I'e- ferred to a new Assembly and Parliament, but in such a way as that, whereas you write that the per- fection of wisdom will consist in the conduct of them, there will certainly be no room left for either wisdom or moderation to have a voice there ; but faction and ignorance will govern the Assemblv. and faction, and somewhat else that I list not to name,'- the Par- liament ; for they will utterly cast nff all episcopal government, and introduce a worse regulated parity than is anywhere else that I know. How this will stand with monarchy, future times will discover ; but, ' Tliis rests on Ituniot'B li'stiiiuniY. Ho had niany documents before liini which aio now lost, ami liis fiii* in giving the E>ubstance of those which liavo been im'Ncr\ rd spunks iu liis favour. ' " TreriNon " in probublj meant. CHARLES'S PREPARATIONS FOR THE ASSEMBLY. 25 I for my own part, I am clear of opinion the King can '^^^^^'■ have neither honour nor safety by it ; and consider- -^ - ' ing what a faction we have in England which leans ^^^^ that way, it is much to be feared this Scottish vio- lence will make some unfitting impressions upon botli this Church and State, which will much concern the King both in regard of himself and his p6sterity to look to." ^ Charles's first act after his return was one of Aug. 4. defiance to the Scottish leaders. He found that the tiah'report report which they had issued of his conversations oeediHg8™at with them at Berwick was circulating in England, be burm.'" He ordered that it should be burnt by the public hangman ? ^ His next step was to direct the Scottish Aug. 6. Bishops to draw up a protest against the legality of Bishops to the approaching Assembly and to place it privately secret pro- in Traquair's hands. "We would not," wrote the '^^'^''o"- King to Spottiswoode, " have it either read or argued in this meeting, when nothing but partiality is to be expected, but to be represented to us by him ; which we promise to take so into consideration, as becometh a prince sensible of his own interest and honour, joined with the equity of your desires ; and you may rest secure that, though perhaps we may give way for the present to that which will be prejudicial both to the Church and our own Government, yet we shall not leave thinking in time how to remedy both." ^ Charles, in short, was to cozen the Scots by appearing to yield everything, whilst he was secretly preparing an excuse which would justify him in his own eyes in taking back all that he had yielded. ' Laud to Roe, July 26, Wm-ks, vii. 583. ' Act of State, Aug. 4, 8. P. Bom. ccccxxvii. 14. ' The King to Spottiswoode, Aug. 6, the Bishops' Declinator, Aug. 10, II. Burnet, 154. 252 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. CHAT. VI. 1639. Aug. 6. Aug. 12. Opening of ihe As- sembly, Aug. 17. Episcopacy again abolished. The Cove- rant to be enforced. Aug. 30. 'fraqualr's prulcBt. whenever he was strong enough to do so. He was too consqientious to tell a direct falsehood, but he was not conscientious enough to at>8tain from con- veying a false impression. The student of these transactions may perhaps be able to comprehend the meaning of that dark saying of Luther : " If thou sinnest, sin boldly." Of all this as yet, the Scottish people knew nothing. They believed that they had at last attained the object of their desires. On August 12 the Assembly was opened in due form by Traquair at Edinburgh. No public notice was given of the Bishops' protest. On the 17th Episcopacy and aU its attendant ceremonies were swept away as ruth- lessly as they had been swept away at Glasgow. Old men who had known the evil days shed tears of joy as they looked upon ' a beautiful day, and that under the conduct and favour of the King. " Blessed for eveimore," cried one of those who was present, "be our Lord and King Jesus, and the blessing of God be upon his Majesty, and the Lord make us thankful." When Traquair signified his assent to the Act in his master's name, the enthusiasm of the assembly knew no bounds. " We bless the Lord," said Dickson, the Moderator, " and do thank King Charles, and pray for the prosperity of his throne and constancy of it so long as the sun and the moon endure." Before the Assembly dispersed, it showed its re- newed loyalty by adding a Eoyahst explanation to the Covenant, and then asked that ovory Scottish siibject might be called on to subscribe it in tliis amended form. To tlii.s, toti, Tnuiunir i:ave his assent.' Against this umvarrantable interference with the coiiscieiict' of individual l^eots, Traquair raised no ' I'l'U'i Kill's iii('o)'rf«, J04. fftiinet,\^y. CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES IN SCOTLAND. 253 protest. Before the Assembly separated, however, he protested, as Charles had directed him to do, that the King would not engage to call Assemblies annu- ally, and that he would not accept the abolition of Episcopacy as ' unlawful within this kirk,' unless the illegality were defined as arising merely from its being ' contrary to the constitution thereof.' Otherwise Charles might be urged to draw the inference that what was unlawful in Scotland was unlawful in England as well.^ Parliament met on August •51. A constitutional Aug. 31. „,,., .° . Ti The Lords question 01 the highest importance was immediately of the raised. The absence of the Bishops brought with it be reconsti- not merely the loss of fourteen votes to the King, but it disarranged the artificial machinery by which the nomination of the Lords of the Articles had been left practically in the hands of the Ci'own. This Com- mittee, having complete authority over the amend- ment and rejection of Bills, whilst the mere final vote of Aye or No upon the Bills in the form in which the Lords of the Articles passed them, was all that was left to Parliament as a body, was of far more import- ance than Parliament itself It was evident that in some way or other it must be extensively remodelled, and that on the mode in which it was remodelled the future constitutional influence of the Crown would to a great extent depend. For the present Parliament a temporary com- promise was arrived at. Traquair selected eight members of the nobility, and was wise enough to choose a majority of the eight from the supporters of the Covenant. These eight then chose eight from the estate of the Barons or country gentlemen, and eight from the estate of the Burgesses. ^ Peterkin's Jiecorch, 235. 254 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBUKGH. CHAP. A permanent arrangement was more difficult to hit • — <^ — ■ upon. Looking forward, as he did, to the ultimate 'sept restoration of Episcopacy,' Charles would gladly have seen the fourteen Bishops replaced by fourteen ministers,^ whom he doubtless hoped ultimately to convert into Bishops. It was not likely that such a proposal would obtain any support whatever. It was obnoxious to the ministers, who had no wish to see some of their number elevated above the rest ; and it was equally obnoxious to the nobility, who had no wish to share their power in Parliament with any of the clergy. Charles was therefore obhged to fall back upon a plan supported by a party amongst the Covenanters, of which Montrose was the leading spirit, which urged that the place of the Bishops should be taken by a body of fourteen laymen to be appointed by the King, and who, if, as must be supposed, they were to play the same part in the selection of the Lords of the Articles that had formerly been played by the Bishops, would have restored to the Crown the control of that important Committee.' The re- • " n R6 sta tuttavia di buon animo, sperando cbe le cose possino passare per adesso in qualche maniera tollerabile con pensiero poi al sua tempo d'accomodarle a modo suo." Oon to Barberini, Aug. if, AM. MSS. 15,392, fol. 223. " Instructions to Traquiur, Biu-net, 150. ' The vague statements in Airth's letter (Xapier, Menioiri of Mon- trose, i. 226) may be elucidated from RossinghamV Xfwtletter of Oct. 7, Add. MSS. 11,045, f°l- 61. "There is no ngreemeut concerning the third estate yet. . . . The King hath n party iu the Parliament that pleaded hard for the King that he may not lose the Bishops' fourteen voices, and therefore there hath been some propi^siiions how to supply this third estate by introducing fourteen layuioii to supply the Bishops which are included, but it. does not take, many objection-" being urged against it. . . . The Earl of Montrose, the Loi-d lindsay, two very active Covenanters, are body and soul for His Mnjt\--ty in Parliament, in that particular of settling the third i-stiiio; so are divers others of the known Covenanli'rs." This hUej' does not say that the fourteen were to be chosen by thn King, but, if they were to be a substitute for 'The Bishops' voices,' this must have been intended. MONTROSE AS A PARTY LEADKR. 255 1639. mainder, and, as it proved, the majority of the Coven- chap. anters, and especially the Barons and the Burgesses, were anxious to diminish the powers of the Lords of the Articles, and to make them a more exact representa- tion of the House itself. The parties thus formed were of permanent sig- Formation nificance in Scottish history. Montrose and his MonLose's friends wished to break with Episcopacy for ever. P^^'^y- They were jealous of the popular movement which had made Episcopacy impossible, and they sought in the Crown a counterpoise, and more than a coun- terpoise, against the power which would be acquired by any members of their own order who chose to rest upon popular support. As might have been expected, Montrose's conduct exposed him to general distrust. The popular feeling was alarmed, and took expression in a placard which was affixed to his door : " Invictus armis, verbis vincitur." It could not be, it was thought, that the hero of the Covenant should have adopted the cause of the enemy of the Covenant, unless he had been beguUed by flattering words at his interview with Charles at Berwick. In this charge there was doubtless much injustice. But it was not entirely unjust. Montrose could not understand, as Wentworth could never understand, how hard it was to work successfully for Charles. He presupposed that Charles intended to make a fresh start, and would reconcile himself to Scottish Pres- ' byterianism. On October i Charles wrote to Tra- oct. i. quair, announcing that though he had consented to ^efusefto the abohtion of Episcopacy, he would not consent to '^'^'^^^^^ any act rescinding the existing laws by which Epis- ^i^SS,pty copacy had been established. " We cannot," he wrote, " consent to the rescinding any acts of Parliament made in favour of Epiecopacy ; nor do we conceive 256 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EULNBURGH. CHAP, that our refusal to abolish those acts of Parhament is ' — -■ — ' contradictory to what we have consented to, or that Oct. i! we were obliged to. There is less danger in disco- vering any future intentions of ours, or, at the best, letting them guess at the same, than if we sliould permit the rescinding those acts of Parliament which our fathers with so much expence of time and industry established, and which may hereafter be of so great use to us." ^ Surely, in vain the net is spread in the sight of any bird. The King's refusal to consent to a rescissory Act was an advertisement to all Presbyterians that they had nothing to expect from him. Montrose's political design was rendered hopeless from the beginning. Argj-ie's Montrose's opponents found a leader in Argvle. With the eye of a statesman, he perceived that the political meaning of the Presbyterian victory lay in the increased weight of the middle classes. Their ideas had prevailed in the Church, and their ideas must prevail in the State. The constitution of the Lords of the Articles must be made to give expression to this all-important fact. Montrose might try to support the nobility upon the unsafe foundation of the Eoyal power ; Argyle would fall back upon the leadership of the middle classes. It was difficult to carr}' the change which Argyle advocated through the Lords of the Articles, as tliey had been selected by Traquair. In the end it was voted by a bare majority of one, that each estate should in future clidoso its own T,ords of the Articles. In this way tlic Barons and Hurgcssos would be re- presented by sixteen votes, the nobihty by only eight, and llie King by none at all. No Eetbrm Bill in our own days has ever brought about anything approach- ' 'I'lio King to Trftqui\ir, (Vt. I, Burnet, 158. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS IN SCOTLAND. 257 1639. Oct. ing to the political change which was the result of ^'ll''- this decision.^ Henceforth the business of Parliament was to pass into the hands of a body fairly represent- ing Parliament itself, whereas it had hitherto been in the hands of a body craftily contrived to represent the King. The legislative changes proposed by the Lords of Legislative the Articles were as distasteful to Charles as the con- proposed. stitutional changes. Episcopacy was to be abolished as ' unlawful within this Kirk,' and the Bishops were to be deprived of their votes in Parliament. A general taxation was to be levied to cover the expenses of the late war ; and not only were the few Eoyalists in the country to be called on to pay their share of the burden of a defence which Charles styled rebeUion, but that defence was expressly said to have been entered on for the sake of the laws and hberties of Scotland. The command of the castles of ' Rossingham's Newsletter, Oct. 28, Add. MSS. 11,045, fol. 68. In an earlier letter of Oct. 2 1 the political situation is more fully depicted : " The Barons allege great mischiefs arise in their not choosing their own Commissioners for the Articles, so do the Burgesses, and the Nobility are divided ahout it. The Commissioners for the shires gave instructions to the Commissioners for the Articles requiring such things as quite over- turn the very constitution of all future Parliaments, besides that they would choose the clerk of the Parliament, as all inferior judicatories do •which the King hath ever made choice of. Then they would have all the BiUs and Supplications given to the Lords of the Articles by any member during the sitting in Parliament, that they may be read and answered accordingly ; for they allege that the Lords of the Articles receive and reject what they please, to the great grievance of the whole kingdom, which they desire should be amended for time to come. Another of their propositions is that there be no public conclusion of any article which is to be passed or not passed for a law at the day of voicing ; that before the conclusion a copy of every such article be given to every estate to be advised on by them with the representative body that they may be more maturely advised on before the day of voicing and that on the day of voicing, after one article is read, any member of Parliament may reason for it or against it, which hath not been the custom ever heretofore in that kingdom." VOL. I. S 258 THE ASSHMULY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. Edinburgh, Stirling, and Dumbarton was to be en- trusted to none but Scottish subjects, and though these governors were still to be selected by the King they- were not to be admitted to exercise their authority until they had been approved by the Estates.^ Taken as a whole, the new legislation implied thatParhament and not the King was to be the central force in Scot- Chniies land. Before the end of October Charles had made hi^ mind'to up his mind to resist. It was not the government of resist. ^i^g Church alone that was at stake. Civil obedience, he held, was no longer to be had in Scotland. He sent orders to Traquair to pi'orogue Parliament till March. Oct. 31. Traquair was met by the assertion that the King had ment of no right to prorogue Parliament without its own con- ment."' Sent. So stroug was the opposition, that Traquair con- sented to a short adjournment to November 14, to give him time to consult Charles afresh. Two lord^. Dumfermline and Loudoun, were despatched to Eng- land to plead the cause of Scotland before the King.- The day of the adjournment was signalised by a distribution of favours amongst those who had taken Charles's part. Hamilton's brother became Earl of Lanark ; Lord Ogilvy was created Earl of Airhe ; Lord Dalziel appeared as Earl of Carnwath. Amongst the newly-created lords Avas Euthven, the Governor of Edinburgh Castle, who was now to ai^sume the title of Lord Ettrick.* It Avas impossible for Charles to signify more clearly that opposition to the national will was the surest road to such honours as ho had it in liis power to distribute. Ho had done all that • Actsof Piii-I.of Scotl. (new editioiO, v. 595. JRitshir. iii. 1040. (,'iirdim, iii. 64, » Sir 'I', llopii's l>i(in/, 1 10. l,i)elchwt to Traqimir, Xov. 8, Hatha' Mriiioridln, 76. A>i"WiHf/. i, 230, 2,15. linlfmir, ii. 361. Rtwetti to Itiirliurini, Nov, j',, It. O. Tramcriptf. Snlvetti's Xeirsletiers, Nov. j\-, jj ,'J. ' lialfour's WiiiK/fe, ii. 362. THE WAR IN GERMANY. 259 could be done to arouse suspicion. He had done chap. nothing whatever to increase his chance of being able ^- — '^ — ' to carry his intentions into effect. Oct Charles's misfortunes never came alone. The same cimries's ■want of perception of the conditions of action which had with the baffled him in Scotland baffled him in his dealing with faTpowers. the Continental Powers. The year had been a year of gloom for him in every direction. Early in the spring Feb. he had learned from Eoe that there was no likehhood that any such treaty as that which he had sent him to negotiate would ever be obtained.^ Before long the Banerm Swedish General Baner, careless of the fortunes of the Timnngia, Elector Palatine, was pushing forward in triumph through Thuringia, if a commander can be said to triumph who marches forward unchecked through scenes of havoc and desolation. " It is no more war, but spoil," wrote the Enghsh Ambassador, " without difference of friend or foe, and therein also I give it a civil name. . . Men hunt men as beasts for prey in the woods and on the ways." Charles indeed was hopeful, but his hopefulness was not for Germany or for humanity. The one thing he cared for, amidst these horrors, was to regain the Palatinate for his nephew. He assured his sister that when he had gained that victory in Scotland to which he was at that time looking forward with confidence, his power to assist her son would be as free as his will. Dis- appointed of aid from Sweden, Charles turned his eyes wistfully to Bernhard of Weimar. Like Charles Bemhard Lewis, Bernhard was a dispossessed prince. Like ° ■^""'"'• Charles Lewis, he had good cause to be jealous of the French Government. He knew that, if he had won victories by Eicheheu's aid, EicheUeu coveted for his master the cities and lands of Alsace which had been ' See p. 180. B 2 26o THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBUKGII. CHAP, the spoils of victory. Charles Lewis, therefore, • — <^ — - invited Bernliard to make common cause with him ^ ^,^' against their common enemies. Bernhard naturally replied by asking what assistance the Elector could give. Could he, for instance, supply a force of 4,000 men, and a round sum of money with which to support them ? Such assistance it was beyond the power of Charles Lewis to give, and he soon began to suspect that Bernhard was more anxious to win territory for himself than for others.* .lune 28. The young man's suspicions were never put to the Bernha°rd. test. Bernhard crossed the Ehine at the head of a well-appointed army, with the fairest expectations of success. In a few days he was stricken down by mortal sickness, and before June was over he was dead.- Charies With Bemhard's death passed away the last chance towards of chccking the advance of French authority towards ^^^' the Rhine. Everytliing concurred to inspire Charles with animosity against France. He was firmlv con- vinced that Eichelieu was at the bottom of the Scot- tish troubles. He therefore once more sought the alliance of Spain. It may indeed be doubted whether Charles was likely to receive more help fi-oui Spain than he had received before, but it is certain that Spain had more need of Charles than it had had before. Now that the Rhine vaUey was closed by Bernhard's victories against the passage of Spanisli troops, the freedom of the navigation of the Channel was more important than ever. Rcinforcomonts and supplies must come in that way from Spain to Flanders, or they would hardly como at nil. ' Elizabeth to R. llMand. Roe to Coke, Jan. 29, Feb. 6. The IMcclor Piilfttino to L'oo, .\pr. 16, June 7, S. P. Ger- mmi;/. 2 Jimp vs Julys • THE EIGHT OF SEARCH. 26 r Early in the summer it was known in England chap. that English ships had been chartered to bring troops —7 — ' from Spain to Dunkirk, and that Tromp, the new j„ue. Dutch admiral, was cruising off Portland to intercept goldi'era'm them. As the vessels came up they were boarded by fi^fs!'"' the Dutchmen. The English sailors were treated Juiy. with all possible courtesy, but the Spaniards were Tromp. ^ carried ofT. To Northumberland and Pennington this appeared to be no more than a fair exercise of the rights of war. Charles was of a different opinion. He directed Pennington to maintain his sovereignty in the Channel. A small band of Spanish soldiers which had taken refuge in the Western ports was allowed to march on foot to the Downs, whence it was safely conveyed to a Flemish harbour.^ Against these proceedings Joachimi, the Dutch Aug. Ambassador, protested. After some hesitation misepn» Charles proposed a compromise. He could not, he Sriesf said, admit the right of search claimed by the Dutch, but he would prohibit his subjects from convoying soldiers if the States General would prohibit their subjects from selling their assistance to their own enemies in the Mediterranean. Charles possibly imagined that the Dutch habit of bargaining even with an enemy was too ingrained to be got rid of, and intended his compromise merely as a polite form of refusal. The progress of events was too rapid for any agreement on the subject.^ ' Hopton to Windebank, May 8, S. P. Spam. Povey to Pennmg- ton, June 3. Carteret to Pennington, June 3. Smith to Pennington, June 8. Pennington to Windebanlr, July 13. Northumberland to Windebank, July 15. Windebank to Pennington, July 16, S. P. Bnm. ccccxxiii. 17, 18, 56, ccccxxv. 61, 78, 81. Cardenas to Salamanca, June il, jUilf, July ^, l|. Cardenas to the Card. Infant, July i, Bi-ussek M8S. Sec. Hsp. celxxix. fol. 243, 301, 309, 325, 292. ^ Northumberland to Pennington, Aug. 11, S. P. Dom. ccccxxvii. >62 TIIIC ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. cirAi". VI. 1639. July. The Spanish fleet nt Curuana. Charles offers to protect , All through the summer, a great Spanish fleet had boon o que ha tenuto la diligencis que per orden de su Mag"" liize con esle l!oy, para que su Armada flrau- quease el Oanal con fin de que la gente quo havia de venir de Espana en I08 vajeles de Dunquerque pueda con mayor seguridad hazer su viaje, a que oy me tespondio el Sfir ^\'indovanch que su Mag'' de la Gran Bre- lafia liavia dado ordeu a su Vizahuiraiite sali con los vajeles de su Armada quo han vonido de Mscociii, y que liuipia.H- el ("anid sin consentir I'll el desordeii ni hostilidad iilgiuiii, y quo mi ha salido a e.xecut arlo." Cardenas to Salamanca, Aiig. ,";;, llntusrln Msa. .sVc Enjt. oolx^x. fol. 16. Wiiidoliank tiiod aftorwiirds lo shiilllo o\il of this engagement. " It in very Iriio," lie wrote, '• lluil Uun AKui^o ga\o some intimation .... that some vo.ssiOs were prepimng in S|)ain for transportation of fiirees into Kliuidorn, and desired his Majesty would not take apprehen- (irda off I'lymouth. THE SPANISH FLEET IN THE CHANNEL. 263 Thus encouraged, the great fleet sailed from chap. Corunna on August 26.^ On September i the eight -^ ■ - ' Enghsh transports with 2,000 men on board put Aug. 26. into Plymouth. The inhabitants of the Western ,^,,^^''i'g'p„''i. Port were startled by the news that a fleet of huge galleons would soon be in the ofiing. Their thoughts recurred to the day on which Drake and Hawkins finished their game of bowls on the Hoe ; and when they saw the Spanish hulls rising above the horizon, they believed for the moment that the unwelcome visitors would soon be in the Sound. If the Spanish Admiral, Oquendo, had any such intention, it was soon abandoned. On the 6th his course was waylaid Sept. 6. by the Dutch Vice- Admiral with seventeen ships. All the next day a running fight was kept up as he made his way to the eastward. On the evening of the 7th the two Sept. 7. fleets were ofi" Dungeness, the smaller Dutch squadron fifiht in the keeping well to windward. Tromp, who was block- ading Dunkirk, heard the sound of the firing, and on the 8th he joined his Vice-Admiral with fifteen sail.^ Sept. s. That day there was a fierce battle between Dover and in the Calais. One Dutch ship blew up. Of the Spanish galleons three were sunk and one taken. ^ Before nightfall the Spaniards had fired away all their powder, and Oquendo did not venture to pursue his course to Planders. With the shattered remnants of his fleet he put into the Downs for shelter, with Tromp following hard behind him.* sion of it, but that they might have a friendly reception .... but he spoke not of so great a number nor such a strength." Windebank to Hop- ton, Sept. 29, Clar. St. P. ii. 71. ' Hopton to Cottington, Sept. 2, S. P. Spain. ' Account of the action-, Nedson, i. 258. Aitzema, Saken van Staet en Owlogh, ii. 609. Oquendo to Cardenas, Sept. ||, Brussels MSS. Sec.Esp. cclxxx. foi. 86. ^ According to other accounts, two were taken and one sunk. * Manwood to Suffolk, Sept. i, S. P. Bom. ccccxxviii. 52. Cave to Straits. 264 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. The Spanish Admiral met with a rough greeting from Pennington. The English Vice-Admiral bade him lower the golden standard of Spain in the presence Ir'iufrthe of liis Majesty's flag. He had no choice but to obey. Downs. Pennington then insisted that Tromp, who was pressing on to follow up his victory, should abstain from hostilities and keep to the southern part of the anchorage, whilst the northern part was assigned to Sept. 12. the Spaniards. Three days after his arrival, Oquendo took advantage of the distance which separated him from the enemy, to send off to Dunkirk, under cover of the night, fifteen of his smaller vessels laden with soldiers.^ chui'.'*' Oquendo and Tromp appealed, through their re- spective ambassadors, to Charles. Then ensued an auction, the strangest in the annals of diplomacy, in which Charles's protection was offered as a prize to the highest bidder. As a prelude to tlie main bargain, Charles was not ashamed to make a huck- sterer's profit out of the distress of the fugitives who had taken refuge in his port. Cardenas applied to the Master of the Ordnance, the Earl of Xewport, for permission to purchase gunpowder from the King's stores. Newport told him tliat he might have the powder, if he were willing to give a handsome present in addition to the regular price. Cardenas remonstrated. " Tlie King of Spain." rephed New- port, " is very rich, and it is of no importance to him how much he gives for the powder of which he is so Hoe, Sopt. 23, S. /'. Gcniwiii/. Rossi nirlmiu's .'1, ■«•,«/.««•, Sept. 9, Add. MNN. 11,045, <""'• S3- ("iivdonns to 'Wimi.-baiik, Sept. ?,». ("i\r- denaa to tlio Curd. Inrivnt, (VI. ,'^, /.'/H.wfe .l/.S'.S. .V.c. Rlirs j\,'ir.^lr/fi'r. Sopt. -JJ. "Wimlebank to Ilopton, Sept. 2<), Cliir. S/. P. ii, 71. ' ()(|iuMiilo to Ciu'di-ims, Sopt. ,",. Canlenas to tlie Card. Inrant, Sept. ]l, llnmrh VNS. Svr. Rpt. 30, 5. P. Dom. ocooxxix. 83. BELLIEVRE'S DIPLOMACY. 267 the subject. Then he commenced operations by chap. winning the Queen over to his side. How he accom- • — 7 — ' phshed this feat is a mystery which he did not care g^p^ ^■_ to reveal. In the beginning of the month Henrietta Maria was a passionate supporter of Spain. At the end of the montli she was a passionate supporter of France. She told Belhevre that the Spanish offers Sept. 26. were magnificent, and that he must be prepared with assists him. offers more magnificent still. The King had assured her that his intention was to convoy the Spanish fleet to a place of safety. So well did she play her part, that a few hours later Charles declared himself ready to abandon the Spaniards to Tromp if the French Government would place his nephew at the head of the army which had been commanded by Bernhard of Weimar. BeUievre urged the Queen to ask that Sept. 27. the Elector might carry with him ten or twelve thousand English troops in Charles's pay. Charles had no money to spare, and he answered that the utmost he could do would be to send over six thousand men to be paid out of the French treasury. In return, Lewis was to bind himself to make neither truce nor peace without comprising the rights of the Elector. Charles was ready to promise that he Sept. 28. would conclude nothing with Spain till a fortnight had elapsed, in order to allow time for the considera- tion of his terms in France.^ Charles could hardly have made a proposal to Tiienego- which Eicheheu was less likely to consent. Ever Bernh"ar.r8 since Bernhard's death he' had been engaged in *""•''■ winning over the officers of his army by lavish offers of money. During the whole of September, the negotiation had been going briskly on, and on the 29th, the very day on which Bellievre's despatch left ' BeUievre to Bullion, ?g|f , Arch, des Aff. Etr. xlvii. fol. 558. 268 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. England, the articles were signed by which the colonels of the array sold themselves and the strong places of Alsace and the Breisgau to the King of France.^ Charles Since the beginning of August, Charles Lewis had England, been in England urging his uncle to obtain for him the command of this very army. So little did Charles understand the realities of his position, that he fancied that the Elector had but to present himself at Breisach to be received with enthusiasm as the Oct. 4. successor of the great Duke. On October 4 the France. hclpless youug man sailed from the Downs disguised as Lord Craven's valet, hoping to make liis way through France to Alsace.'-^ For a few days Charles fancied himself master of the situation. He had but to choose between a gift of 150,000^. from Spain, and a binding promise from France, to support vigorously his nephew's claims in the Palatinate, whilst in any case the young Elector was to put himself without trouble at the head of the finest army in Europe. Newport's In the meanwhile Cardenas was plavinrr his own bargain . . „ i . ^ withCnrdc- game. His negotiation for the purchase of gun- powder had given him some insight into Newport's character, and he now concluded a bargain ^vith the Master of the Ordnance for the trausjiort of the Spanish soldiers to Dunkirk at tlie v;ito of thirty shillings a head, in direct defiance of the King's prohibition. It was Newport's business to send boats laden with munitions to Pennington's fleet in the Downs, and he now promised that tliese boats should ' Mdlitnr, Ihr Vci-nxth ron /I'l-i/.tfic/i, Jeiift, 1875. " Bellicvro to 01mvi)?ny, Oct. {■^, An-h. des Af. Efi: xlvii. fol. 572. MciiKiir for Bollii'viv, IJM. Xnt. Fr. 15,913, fol, 381. Pi'iinington to Riidblk, .S. 7'. Ihiiii., (Vt. 5, ocooxxx. 35, i. THE FLEETS IN THE DOWNS. 269 be placed at Oqiiendo's disposition as soon as they <^'|^^- had accomphshed their legitimate task. It is true ■ — 7 — ' that nothing was done by Newport to carry out this q^^ ^ promise, and it is possible that, on second thoughts, he considered it to be too audacious to be put in practice. That such a bargain should ever have been contemplated, however, is sufficient evidence of the low tone of morality which prevailed at Charles's Court. A day or two later Cardenas reported home that oct. s. he had gained a step with Charles. Orders had' been Spaniards given to Pennington to protect Oquendo from any tected!™ hostile attacks as long as he remained in the Downs. ^ If, indeed, the ambassador had been allowed to read the despatch in which these orders were conveyed, he would hardly have been as sanguine as he was. " I Penning- have made his Majesty acquainted with that part of stractions. your letter," wrote the Lord Admiral to his subordi- nate, " which concerns your demeanour between the Holland and the Spanish admirals, unto which his Majesty's answer is this, that you are to let the Hol- land admiral know that his Majesty is now celebrating the feast of St. George at Windsor, but within four days will return to London, and is then resolved to appoint a short time for both fleets to depart the Eoad ; and upon the assurance which the Holland Ambassador hath given his Majesty, he rests con- fident that in the meanwhile no acts of hostility will be committed by them in that place. This being done, you are to send to the Spanish admiral to inform yourself in what state they are to defend themselves, and to resist that great force of the Hol- landers which now threatens them. If, when the ' Cardenas to Salamanca, Oct. j\. Cardenas to the Card. Infant, Oct. 11, Brusseh MSS. See. Esi>. cclxxx. ful. 129, 147. i639. Oct. 8. 270 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGIL <^i^AP. Holliinders assault the others, you see tlie Spaniards defend themselves so well that, with the help of those lew ships that are with you, they shall be able to make their party /. ii. 372, 381, Siilv.'lli's .^•, »>/,7A')-. >';;';|f. Cvnmil Register, Oil, 13. WENTWORTH AS AN ENGLISH MINISTER. 279 cise incisively the organised ecclesiastical democracy chap. of the Scottish Assembly, but he had nothing to sub- --^< -' stitute for it which could give him any hold on the sept.' hearts of the Scottish people. For the Scottish people, indeed, he took but little thought. It was enough for him if he was able to subdue them, and in order to subdue them it was necessary to rally Englishmen round the throne. In truth, he knew England hardly better than he knew Scotland. He could not comprehend how honest men could look on the Scottish resistance from a point of view different from his own. If Englishmen would but open their eyes to the foulness of that mad rebellion, they would rejoice to be the rod in the King's hand to exercise righteous judgment on his enemies. During the first fewweeks of Wentworth's sojourn in England, disaster had followed disaster. The lesson which Wientworth saw in the disgrace of the conflict in the Downs, and in the scornful imprison- ment of the Elector by Eicheheu, was the necessity of showing a firm front to the Northern traitors, whose rebelHon had made it impossible to avenge such insults. On November 7 two commissioners from Nov. 7. the Scottish Parliament, the Earls of Loudoun and tishCom- Dunfermhne, arrived in London to as k that the acts in London, of the Scottish 'Parliament might receive confirmation by the King.^ The question was referred to a com- The Com ^"^ mittpp for mittee of eight Privy Councillors which ^ad recently Scottish been formed for consultation on the affairs of Scotland. Of that Committee, the Junto, or Committee of eight, as it was frequently called, Wentworth was the ruling spirit. Its other members were Laud, Hamilton, Juxon, NorthumbeHand, Cottington, Windebank, and • ^ Guthry, 69. 28o THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBUEGH. CHAP. VI. The Scot- tish Com- missioners sent back. Nov. 14. The Scot- tiah Parlia- ment pro- rogued. Provoca- tion to the Scottish national feeling. Vane.^ From such a committee tlie Scottish demands were not likely to meet with much consideration. By a considerable majority of its members, Charles was urged to send Loudoun to prison, on the ground that he had circulated that account of the King's conver- sation at Berwick -which had been burnt as false by the hangman in England.^ With this recommendation Charles did not comply ; but he ordered Loudoun and Dunfermline to return at once, on the ground that their commission had not been signed by Traquair. He declined, in short, to treat with the Parhament of Scotland as an independent body.^ The dismissal of the Commissioners had been anticipated by an order to Traquair to prorogue the Parliament — not, as had been before intended, to March, but to June 2. This time the prorogation was accepted at Edinburgh, though not vrithout a protest. Parliament separated, after appointing a committee to sit in its absence to consider the ansAver which Loudoun and Dunfermhne were at that time expected to bring back from London. This contemptuous rejection of the Scottish de- mands at the instance of a committee of which only one member was of Scottish blood, was certain to irri- tate the Scottish national feeling. " The Scots," wrote an Englishman who made it his business to collect information on passing events, "have lately declared their great j«;ilousies that the kingdom of Scotland is designed to be made a province of luigland, and to be governed by ordci's and directions from the Coimcil of England, which tlioy ]ii-otost against, that they will }iever eonseiil unto it, but to be governed bv their own laws fonnerly made, and hereafter to be made, in their ' ('mdcnnsld Snlniuiincn, Nnv. ,",, 7iVMSfc/s MSS. ^tc Esp. cclxxx. 200. '■' SuhoUi's jV.k .•.■/,■//,)•, Nov. J|. » Spaldinff,\.23S. PRErARATIONS AGAINST SCOTLAND. 28 1 own Parliament, and by themselves, but to be con- chap. firmed by his Majesty." ' ' — 7 — ' Wentworth's advice had at last been taken. Lest jf„^. " every movement in opposition to Charles's govern- ment in England should find encouragement and sup- port in Scotland, Scotland must be ruled directly from England. Proudly and unhesitatingly, Wentworth stepped forward towards the end which he had long foreseen to be the only alternative which it was pos- sible for the King to adopt. Of the loyalty of England he still beheved himself to be secure. The order to prorogue the Scottish Parliament had been despatched on November 8. On the loth it was decided that Nov. 10. ship money should be collected, not at the reduced fo'"te'cor^ rate of the preceding year,^ but at the full amount of ^'"'^^^' the earher assessments. Ship money alone, however, would not suffice to conquer Scotland. On the 27th Nov. 27. Traquair, who had returned from Edinburgh," told nlwative.' before the Committee of eight, the long story of Scottish disobedience. That Scotland must be coerced, was accepted as a necessity. But there were long Dec. debates as to the best means of effecting this object, afme^ans Some of the members of the Committee talked, as Privy ^^a"^'''"^ Councillors had talked twelve years before, of estabhshing an excise by prerogative. Others sug- gested that the precedent of ship money should be apphed to the land forces, and that each county should be required to support a certain number of soldiers. Wentworth's voice rose clearly above this Babel of tongues. He insisted that a Parhament, and a Parha- wentworth ment alone, was the remedy fitted for the occasion. CC " Laud and Hamilton gave him their support. He ' Eossingham's Newsktier, Nov. 12, Add. MS8. 11,045, fol- 72. ' See p. 190. ' Eossingham's Newsletter, Dec. 3, Add. MSS. 11,045, fol. 78. ment. 282 THE ASSEMBLY AND PABLIAMENT OF EDIKBUEGH. CHAP. VI. 1639. Dec. Ilia inten- tions. Dec. s- Tiaquiiir's relation to tlie I'rivy Council. VVcnt- worth'B ndvicc oiloptcd. carried his point with the Committee. What was of more importance, he carried it with the King. It is not to be imagined for a moment that Went- wort}i had any intention of lowering the flag of the monarcliy in the presence of the representatives of the nation. What he proposed was but an experiment and nothing more. " The Lords," as Windebank expressed it, " lieing dcsiioiis that the King and his people should meet, if it were pos.sible, in the ancient and ordinary way of Parliament, rather than any other, were of opinion his Majesty should make trial of that once more, that so he misjlit leave his people without excuse, and have wherewithal to justify himself to God and the world that in his own incUnation he desired the old way ; but that if his people should not cheerfully, according to their duties, meet him in that, especially in this exigent Avhen liis kingdom and person are in apparent ^ danger, the world might see he is forced, contrary to his own incHnation, to use extraordinary means rather than, by the peevishness of some few factious spirits, to suffer his state and government to be lost." ^ On December 5 the discussion was transferred to the Council itself. Traquair made a formal report of his mission. He painted the disobedience of the Scottish Parliament in the blackest i olours ; all the blacker perhaps because he knew that he was regarded at Court as an accompHcx^ of the Covenantors, and that it Avas reported that he had said at Edinburgh that his Majesty desired but the shadow, but would be content to quit tlie substance. Wentworth's advice was unanimously n('ce]ited bv the Council. Tliose nu'iubets ulio were in any way favourable to ' In tlio old wnso of ' ovidoiit.' " W'iiidi'baiik to lloptoii, IVc. Clar. St. r. ii. 81. The {'oun- cillors' PREPARATIONS FOR A PARLIAMENT. 28 the Scots were also those who desired most heartily <'"ap. to see another Parliament at Westminster. ■ — .- — Before giving his formal consent to the proposal, jj^g ^ Charles requested the Council to advise him on the financial situation. It was certain that no further help i"*"' was to be expected from the City. The loan which had been demanded in the summer had been ab- solutely refused, and repeated pressure had only produced an offer of 1 0,000^. as a gift : an offer which was at first rejected as insufficient, and only accepted when it became evident that no more was to be had.^ The King now asked the Coimcillors whether, 'if the Parliament should prove as untoward as some have lately been, the Lords would not then assist him in such ex^'raordinary ways in the extremity as should be thought fit.' They unanimously voted in the affirmative. On this the King announced that Parliament should be summoned for April 13, and that Wentworth should first proceed to Ireland to hold a Parhament at Dublin, which would doubtless set a good example to theEnghsh Parhament which was to follow.^ It is impossible not to recognise the hand of Wentworth here. It was no mere financial operation that was in question. Parhament was to be made to feel that the King did not rely on its vote alone. Be- fore the Council broke up, it was resolved that its members should at once offer a loan to the King. Wentworth led the way with 20,oooZ. Coventry, Manchester, and Newcastle followed with 10,000^. apiece. The whole loan was fixed at 300,000^. In a few days the subscriptions amounted to 150,000^., and 50,oooZ. more were gathered before Christmas.^ ' 'Roa&mgha.m'e A'^ewsletter, A-ag. 6, 13, Add.MSS. 11,045, fol. 43; 45- ' Windebank to Ilopton, Dec. 13, Ckir. St. P. ii. 31. ' The King to the Lords of the Council, Dec, 6, S. P. Dom, ccecxxxv. 37. Rossetti to Barberini, Dec. |f, M. O. Transcripts. o 284 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. CHAP. VI. 1639. Dec. 5. The Scots invited to give salis- f'lvction. Reception of the news in England. Suspicions of the King's in- tentions. Wentworth's next care was to preserve the appear- ance of magnanimity. The Scots were not to have it in tlieir power to say that the King liad refused to listen to thcni. In spite, therefore, of the dismissal of Loudoun and Dunfermhne, Traquair was directed to return to Edinburgh, and to inform the Committee left behind by the ParUament, tliat if they still wished to send a deputation to the King they were at liberty to do so. In England the unexpected announcement of a Parliament was received with joyful surprise. The surprise was not accompanied with any feeling of gratitude to the King. The very precautions which had been taken were certain to arouse suspicion. It might reasonably be argued that if Charles had pur- posed a thorough reconciliation with his people, he would not have thought it necessary to fortify himself with tlie Privy Councillor's loan. Graver rumours too were floating in the air. It was whispered that the army was to be raised, not to fight the Scots, but to intimidate Parliament. The members would be called on to deliberate amidst the clash of arms, and would be called upon to vote away under dur- ance the ancient liberties of EngUshmen. Any one who ventured to raise his voice against the C<^urt would pay for his audacity with his head.^ It is easy to say that such suspicions were unfounded and uu- Aerssens to the Prince of Orange, Dec. i";, Ar,-/i. He la Maison fOrangt- Nassau, Ser. 2, iii. 155. The payments cnnuot be traced on the Kxche- quer Books, as they were .secured as anticipations on ^lavments hereafter to be made by the suliscrilxMs, and anticipations do not appear on these boohs. Wentworth's nioni'v, for iiistiinoo, was secured out of the Northern Hi'cnsnncy liin's, of which ho wns the collector, and which he would hot'p in his own linmi.s till tlio 20,000/. had been paid off. There is, liowcvcr, a cinniiU-lo li.-il of the pii_\ment8 in jS. P. Bom. ccccliii. 75. ' J!elli«'vrc to Ohavifjuy. l>cc. \l, Arch, dn A{l. F.tr. xlvii. 650. THE COMING PARLIAMENT. 285 reasonable, but it is impossible to deny that it was chap. natural that they should be entertained. • — '^ — ■ Both Charles and Wentworth underestimated the pf„ strength of the opposition against their policy too Jjtfo^no?' much, to make them even think of recurring to vio- conscious lence. Nor is it lit all likely that even those who felt strength, most bitterly against the Government were aware how strong was their position in the country. In the seventeenth century, when Parliament was not sitting, our ancestors were a divided people. Each county formed a separate community, in which the gentry discussed politics and compared grievances when they met at quarter sessions and assizes. Be- tween county and county there was no such bond. No easy and rapid means of communication united York with London, and London with Exeter. No newspapers sped over the land, forming and echoing a national opinion from the Cheviots to the Land's End. The men who grudged the payment of ship money in Buckinghamshire could only learn from uncertain rumour that it was equally unpopular in Essex or in Shropshire. There was therefore Httle of that mutual confidence which distinguishes an army of veterans from an army of recruits, none of that sense of dependence upon trusted leaders which gives unity of purpose and calm rehance to an eager and expectant nation. If the sense of union was wanting to the oppo- The eccie- sifisticiil nents of the existing political system, it was still opposition, more wanting to the opponents of the existing eccle- siastical system. Disinclination to pay money which is not regarded as legally due is a very simple feeling. The dishke felt for Laud's ecclesiastical policy was by no means so simple. Many persons wished to see the Prayer Book replaced by the unceremonial worship 286 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. CHAP. VI. 1639. Dec. Laud's report. The Ec- clesiastical Courts. of New England or Geneva. A larger number vsrished to retain the Prayer Book with certain alterations. Others again would leave the Prayer Book itself un- touched, but would interpret the rubrics as they had been interpreted in the days of their boyhood, when the Communion table stood in the centre of the church. Behind all these there was a body of resist- ance not called forth by any ecclesiastical or religious feeling whatever, but simply arising from the dis- satisfaction of the gentry with the interference of the clergy. How widely spread the latter feeling was, neither Charles nor Laud had any notion. Laud's certificate of the condition of the Church during the past year was written in a cheerful tone.^ The Bishop of Peterborough had stated that few of the laity were factious, excepting where they were misled by the clergy. " This," noted Laud, " is too true in most parts of the kingdom." If Laud had been right in this, his task would not have been as hopeless as it was. A Httle more care in weeding out clergymen of the wrong stamp, and a steady persistence in scrutinising the character of candidates for ordina- tion, would have reduced England to the proper ecclesiastical pattern. Nor was evidence wanting which min-ht seem to encourage a hopeful view. During the last mouths of 1639 and the first months of 1640. tlie Act Book of the High Commission Court only records tlie depri- vation of one clergyman, and that for open and un- blushing drunkenness.'' The books of the Officials' Court of the Archdeaconry of Colchester tell much ' iV()rkn,.y. 361. ' Sentence (ui Riuvson, Feb, 6. Iligli C'uiimiissiun IVnik, .S. P. Dom. cccczzxiv. fol. 92. THE ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS. 287 1639. Uoe. the same tale. It is true that many persons were chap. summoned before it for absenting themselves from church ; but their excuses and promises of amend - ment were readily admitted, and the time of the Court was mainly occupied with those cases of im- morality which would have been even more severely visited by the Puritan clergy than by the Laudian Courts. Amongst the charges brought were com- plaints against persons who behaved indecently in church, who refused to bow at the name of Jesus, who worked in the fields on saints' days, and even on one occasion on the day of Gunpowder Plot. Women were reprimanded for chattering or sewing in church, and more frequently for refusing to appear veiled when returning thanks after childbirth : a practice on which Laud insisted with unusual vehemence, and to which they objected strongly, apparently from the imaginary resemblance of the required veil to the linen sheet worn in penance by the unchaste. The fines imposed were small, and penalties infrequent, but they undoubtedly caused considerable irritation whenever they were inflicted.^ The dissatisfaction called forth amongst the Puri- tan clergy was suppressed rather than overcome. Hundreds unwillingly administered the Communion at the rails. In one part of England the ill-feeling of the clergy was pecuharly strong. Wren had ThecUocesa lately been removed from Norwich to Ely, and the wioh. Puritan diocese of Norwich was handed over to ^ The Act Books are kept in a room over the porch of the parish church at Colchester, and are in the charge of the registrar. I have to thank the Rev. Sir J. Hiwlrins, Bart., and F. T. Veley, Esq., for their kind assistance in helping me to see these hooks at a time when the illness of the late registrar made it difficult for me to procure access to them in the ordinary way. Extracts from the books are given by Archdeacon Hales, in his Series of Precedents and Proceedings. 288 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. CH.vp. Montague, the chief mover in the scheme for the ■ — 7 — -' reconciliation of the Churches of Eome and England, o^g " Yet even Montague was deceived by the external signs of quiet. " This diocese," wrote Laud in his report, " my lord the Bishop assures me is as quiet, uniform, and conformable as any in the kingdom, if not more ; and doth avow it that all which stood out in SuiTolk as well as Norfolk at his coming to that see, are come over, and have now legally subscribed and professed all conformity, and, for aught he can learn, observe it accordingly. Yet his lordship con- fesses that some of the vulgar sort in Suffolk are not conformable enough, especially in coming up to re- ceive at the steps of the chancel where the rails are set ; but he hopes by fair means he shall be able to work upon them in time." Indictment Somc, indeed, whether of the vulgar sort or not minister, docs uot appear, attempted a counter-stroke. They indicted at the assizes a minister who had declined to administer the Communion to them in their seats. The Judges, as might have been expected, refused to interfere in a matter purely ecclesiastical, but the attempt was significant of the spreading feeling that the institutions of the Church ought to be brought into closer harmony with the rehgion of the laity. Aug. The sullen ill-feeling of the gentry and middle thetect^.^ class gavc encouragement to the wilder and more vehement Puritanism of those whom Laud con- temptuously styled the vulgar sort. The excitement amongst these men was evidently rising. The Arch- bishop was forced to eonfess that oven in his own diocese the Church Courts were unable to keep down the Separatists and the Aiinbaptists, and that if they were to be got rid of it would be nei'essary to force them to abjure the realm.' In London one of these ' Works, V, 361. PROPOSAL TO BUKN A HERETIC. 289 men died in prison. His corpse was followed by two chap. hundred members of his own sect. To questioners who inquired the name of the deceased, they '^^ ' answered fiercely, that he ' was one of the Bishop's prisoners.' When they reached the burial-ground ' they, like so many Bedlams, cast the corpse in, and, with their feet instead of spades, cast and thrust in the mould till the grave was almost full ; then they paid the grave-maker for his pains, who told them that he must fetch a minister ; but they said he might spare his labour.' ^ The feeling engendered by such manifestations in the minds of the supporters of established order was one of angry vexation at the presence of an unpala- table evil against which it was impossible to guard. Even the Privy Council was at one moment carried away so far as to meditate an act of abnormal cruelty. In July information was brought to Laud that a Trendaii's certain stonemason of Dover, named John Trendall, ''^''^' had refused to take the Oath of Supremacy, and had expounded the Scriptures in his own house. Further, he had denied that the Lord's Prayer ought to be used, had expressed disapproval of the Creed, and had kept away from church on the ground that it was against his conscience to worship under the authority of the Bishops. Laud referred the matter to the Council, and, after consultation with the At- torney and Solicitor General, the Council actually Aug. 3. apphed to Archbishop Neile, who had been Bishop of siuted.™"" Lichfield at the time when Wightman and Legate were burnt in his diocese in 1 6 1 1 , to certify them of the nature of the proceedings in their case.^ ' Memorandum to Dr. Alsop, Aug. 31, S. P. Dom. ccccxxvii. 107. ' The Mayor and Jurats of Dover to Laud, July 27. Examination of Trendall, July 27, S. P. Bom. coccxxxii. 27 i. 27 I. i. Council Segii- ter, July 31, Aug. 2. VOL. I. U 290 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. CHAP. Neile was not content to give a simple answer to the question put to him. He not only gave a fuU narrative of the circumstances attending the execu- 1639. Aug. Procedonts tion of the two heretics, but he declared his convic- for burning heretics, tiou that the punishment of the two men ' did a great deal of good in this Church.' " I fear me," added the Archbishop, " the present times do require like ex- emplary punishment." ^ Subsequent By the time that Neile's report arrived, the Council Trendau. had returned to a better frame of mind. TrendaU was ordered to take the Oath of Supremacy, and this time he did not refuse. Subsequently he was sent to give an account of himself before the High Commis- sion. At first he refused to acknowledge the juris- diction of the Court ; but, as its records are silent on his subsequent fate, it is probable that he gave way and was released.^ At all events, there was no longer any thought of sending him to the stake, and there is reason to beheve that he became a Puritan minister under the Long Parliament and lived on into the reign of Charles n.» Little did Charles imagine that such men as Ti-en- dall would be a power in England before many years were over. If he felt any apprehension for the coming Parliament, it was of a different kind. What- ever that apprehension may have been, he looked with confidence to Wentworth to overcome opposition in England as he had formerly overcome opposition in ' Neile to Laud, Aug. 23. Becher to Mottershed, Not. 9, S. P. Dom. ccccxxvii. 78, ccccxxxii. 27. » Council RefftBter, Aug. 18. Day to Coke, Aug. 25, S. P. Dom. ccccxxvii. 80. Tlie extracts from the High Commission Book are in Mr. Hamilton's Preface. » A petition from a .Tohn TrendaU to Charles II., asking not to be turned out of bis cure, lias recently been discovered by Mrs. Everittt Oreen. WARLIKE PREPARATIONS. 291 Ireland. At last he was prepared to confer upon his chap. faithful Minister that token of his confidence which ■ — <- — • he had twice refused before. On January 1 2 Went- /^/°j worth received the Earldom of Strafford, and a week wentworth ' to be Jiarl later he exchanged the title of Lord-Deputy of Ireland of strasford. for the higher dignity of Lord-Lieutenant, which had last been borne by Devonshire when he lived in England and governed Ireland by a deputy. Before the new Earl left England arrangements Jan. 10. were made for levying the army which was to march be raised. against Scotland in the summer. According to the scheme adopted by the Council of War, it was to consist of 23,000 men.^ This time there was to be no attempt to save a few thousand pounds by calHng upon the peers to serve at their own expense. Neither Arundel nor Essex nor Holland were to receive a command. The Lord-General was to be the Earl of Appoint- Northumberland, in whom Strafford placed his con- Sm- ° fidence. Another friend of Strafford's, Lord Conway, '"*"'^^'^^" the son of the Secretary of Charles's earher days, was to command the Horse. Strafford himself was to serve as Lieutenant-General under Northumberland, and to take the field with a force of 8,000 men, which were to foUow him from Ireland. Sir John Conyers, a military man of reputation in the Dutch service, was to take the command of the garrison at Berwick.^ With such appointments there was hkely to be less personal rivalry between the superior ofiicers than in the preceding year. Civil offices which fell vacant about this time were less wisely fiUed. On January 14 the death of Lord Jan. 14. Keeper Coventry deprived Charles of the services of Coventry. ' Resolutions at the Ooimcil of War, Jan. lo, S. P. Dom. cccczli. 83. ' Cave to Roe, Jan. lo. Northumberland to Conyers, Jan. 12, S. P. Dom. ccccxli. 92, 1 10 i, V a 292 TUB ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. CHAP. VI. 1640. Jan. 14. Jan. 23. Finch Lord Keeper. Coke threatened with dis- missal. Leicester proposed as his successor. the most prudent amongst his counsellors. As a lawyer of the old school, he was on the side of the prerogative against the new ideas of ParHamentary supremacy, but he had always shrunk from the ex- travagant applications of his own theory which were urged upon him by men of observation inferior to his own. Only a few months had passed since he had opposed in Council the wild projects suggested for the support of the army ; and, if a not improbalile report is to be trusted, he conjured the King on his death-bed to endure patiently any opposition which might arise in the coming ParUament, and to ' suffer it to sit without any unkind dissolution.' ^ Charles showed how little he appreciated the advice given him by appointing Finch as his successor, who, as Speaker, had been held down in the chair in 1629, and who, as Judge, had passionately advocated the King's claim to ship money in its most extreme form. Another vacancy had to be fiUed up about the same time. Sir John Coke's tenure of the Secretary- ship had long been regarded as uncertain. He was growing too old for his work. Other causes besides his age affected his position. Many counted him a Puri- tan, or, in other words, an opponent of the existing ecclesiastical system. He was suspected of drawing a pension from the Dutch Government, and since the attack in the Downs all friends of the Dutch Govern- ment were in ill odour at Whitehall.^ In Xovember Strafford had been favourable to Ins roinovah and had supported the claims of Leirosler, the ^Vmbassador at Paris, to the vacancy which would be created. Leicester was married (o NorlliuraberLuuVs sister, and, like Northumboiland, he belonged to that section of the nobility which was distinctly Protestant without Ilaoket, ii, 137. ' Siilvolli's \etrslefter, Jan. if LABY CARLISLE. 293 being Puritan, and which was disposed to support the c^^^- King against rebellion, without favouring an arbitrary exertion of the prerogative. Strafford was well aware ^^^ ' of the importance of conciliating this class of men, and he had special reasons for favouring Leicester. Leicester's cause was pleaded by his wife's sister, Lady Advocacy Carhsle. Lady Carlisle had now been for many years cariMe. a widow. She had long been the reigning beauty at Court, and she loved to mingle pohtical intrigue with social intercourse. For poUtics as a serious occupa- tion she had no aptitude ; but, in middle age, she felt a woman's pride in attaching to herself the strong heads by which the world was ruled, as she had attached to herself in youth the witty courtier or the agile dancer. It was worth a statesman's while to cultivate her acquaintance. She could make him a power in society as well as in Council, could worm out a secret which it behoved him to know, and could convey to others his suggestions with assured fidelity. The calumny which treated Strafford, as it afterwards i,ady treated Pym, as her accepted lover, may be safely and straf- disregarded. Neither Strafford nor Pym was the man to descend to loose and degrading debauchery. But there can be no doubt that purely personal motives attached her both to Strafford and Pym. For Strafford's theory of Monarchical government she cared as httle as she cared for Pym's theory of Parliamentary government. It may be, too, that some mingled feehng may have arisen in Strafford's breast. It was something to have an ally at Court ready at all times to plead his cause with gay enthusiasm, to warn him of hidden dangers, and to offer him the thread of that labyrinth which, under the name of ' the Queen's side,' was such a mystery to him. It was something, too, no doubt, that this advocate was not a grey- ford. 294 THE ASSEMBLY AND PARLIAMENT OF EDINBURGH. CHAP. VI. 1640. Jan. The Queen supports Leicester. Leicester rejected. Vane proposed. Feb. 3. Becomes SecretaiT. haired statesman, but. a woman, in spite of growing years, of winning grace and sparkling vivacity of eye and tongue. The Queen, too, was enUsted on Leicester's side, probably through Henry Percy, Northumberland's brother, who was also a brother of Lady Carlisle and Lady Leicester, and who stood high in her favour. Yet, in spite of his wife's pleading, Charles would not hear of her candidate. Whatever the cause may have been, Northumberland singled out Laud as the author of the mischief " To think well of the Ee- formed religion," he wrote, " is enough to make the Archbishop one's enemy." ^ A new combination was now proposed. At Hamil- ton's suggestion the Queen put forward Vane. Strafford knew him as an inefficient self-seeldng courtier. He had also given Vane personal offence, which he was not likely to forget. Though the estate of Raby was in Vane's possession, Strafford had chosen the barony of Eaby to give a subsidiary title to his earldom.* Eather than see Vane in office, Strafford urged that Coke should be retained. He was borne down by the influence of Hamilton and the Queen, and on Feb- ruary 3 Vane became Secretary of State. ^ Vane's son had been brought, in the preceding spring, to some outward show of conformity, and, as Joint Treasurer of the Navy, was engaged, amongst other occupa- tions, in reckoning up tlie payments of ship money as they came slowly in. ' Northumberlimd lo LeicestHV, Nov. 21, Dec. 13. Sydnet/ rapert, 618,623. ' Oavo lo TJop, Fil). 7, iS, P. 2)om. ccco-xliv. 54. * (JlarpDflon's ncodunl is boriu> out \\\ Koasotti's despntclios. 295 CHAPTER Vn. THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. It was not likely that Charles would even attempt to chap. remove the real obstacles to a good understanding ■ — r-^ between himself and his people. He could hardly, ^ ''^°' however, venture to face a Parliament without Release of liberatuig Valentine and Strode, the two of the com- and strode. panions of Ehot's imprisonment who still remained in custody. They had been the confessors, as Eliot had been the martyr, of the Parliamentary faith. After a seclusion from the world of almost eleven years they stepped forth into freedom.^ WhUst Charles was calculating the chances of a ^ 1639. »,.„., 1 ,-s The Queen Parhamentary grant for his Scottish war, the Queen anxious was, naturally enough, alarmed at the probability CathoUca. that Parliament would ask for a renewal of the per- secution of the Cathohcs. Con, who had pleaded Aug. their cause with her so successfully, had left England in the preceding autumn, and had died soon after his arrival in Rome. His successor was an Italian Eossettiat prelate, the Count Eossetti. Eossetti's first impres- g^jj sion of England had been one of amazement at the liberty enjoyed by the Catholics, and more especially at the language of Windebank who, though osten- sibly a Protestant, spoke to him 'like a zealous ' Bossingham's Newsletter, Jan. 24, Add. MSS. 11,045, fol- 87. I ■was quite unaware, when I wrote my last Tolumes, that their imprison- ment had not come to an end, as has been supposed by others, much earlier. 296 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CHAP. Vll. 1639. Sept. Asks pro- tection against tlie Parlia- ment. Dec. Plans for securing the Ca- tholics. 1640. Feb. The CatlHi- lic Peers to be allowed to sit and Tote. March. The Queen applies to Strafford. Catholic,' and offered to give him every information of which he might stand in need.^ As soon as he heard of the approaching meeting of ParHament, he appealed to the Queen for protection against the very probable demand of the Commons for his own dismissal. The Queen carried his representations to her husband, and returned with comforting assurances. Charles had told her, that if the point were raised he would reply that her right to hold correspondence with Eome was secured by her marriage treaty. " This," she explained to Eossetti, " is not true, but the King will take this pretext to reduce to silence any one who meddles with the matter." ^ Before long this precious scheme broke down. The necessary secrecy was not observed, and the project reached the ears of Coke. Coke, who was out of humour at his own dismissal, went about assuring all who would hsten to him that the treaty did not contain a word about a correspondence with Eome. Another scheme which presented itself to the Queen's mind was still more unwise. Many of the Cathohc Peers were prevented from taking their seats in the House of Lords by their refusal to take the Oath of Allegiance. It was now suggested that the Lords had no right to impose this quahfication, and it was hoped that in this way the Catholics would be better represented in ParUament than had hitherto been the case. Yet the Queen could not but feel that, even if she liad her wish in this matter, the prospects of the Catholics were very unfavourable. She apphed to Strafford for help. Strafford answered civilly, but his eivil answers did not ' RosseUiloBarberini, Sopl. ,"„, 7i'. O. Trmiscfifits. ' "II rho se bone non 6 voro, viinle nondimeno valersene il R6 per prelesl.o iht ribat(i\ro chiunqun san\ por trattarli di questo fatto." Rossotti to rwirlM'rini, 'j|[^,", Ihid. CHARLES'S FOREIGN RELATIONS. 297^ inspire confidence. He was always an enigma to the *^S^^- Queen and her friends. Eossetti was not quite sure whe- ■ — y—-' ther he was a Protestant or a Puritan, but was inchned, -^^^^^ on the whole, to regard him as a Puritan.^ If he meant, as he probably did, that Strafibrd had no wish to favour the Catholics, he was doubtless in the right. So shght were Charles's hopes of a successful 1639. issue of the ParHament which he had summoned, that Charles's he was already looking abroad for the support which ^Jth'""^ was likely to fail him at home. Since the sea-fight ^'■»"™! in the Downs and the detention of the Elector Palatine, he was more alienated from France than before, and more convinced that Eichelieu was at the bottom of his Scottish troubles. His relations and with with the States General were equally unsatisfactory, imdf.^*''"' Aerssens, indeed, had arrived on a mission of ex- planation ; but his explanations consisted simply in an assertion that Tromp had been doing good service to Charles by destroying the fleet of the common enemy ; and that, at all events, he had only followed the precedent set by Charles himself in 1627, when he seized a French ship in the neutral harbour of the Texel.^ Charles showed his displeasure in his recep- Proposed tion of a proposal made to him at this time for an EnVish a marriage between his eldest daughter Mary withTson and the only son of the Prince of Orange. He told Pil^ee of HeenvHet, the confidential agent of the Prince, that *^™°se. ' ° _ 1640. if he asked for his second daughter, Elizabeth, he Jan. might take the request into consideration. As the child was only four years old, the change was not Hkely to give satisfaction at the Hague.^ » Roseetti to Barberini, j^S^I, March H, -B. O. Tramoripts. ' Aerssens and Joachimi to the States General, Dec. —, Add. M88. 17,677, fol. 146. England imder Bv^hingham and Charles I., ii. 150. ^ Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, j^, Jan. f'j, Groen van Prineterer, Archives, Ser. 2, iii. 159, 169. sqB THE 8H0ET PARLIAMENT. CHAP. Vll. 1640. Feb. Proposed Spanish marriage. Feb. 7. llopton's instruc- tions. Feb. 18. Answer of Olivares. diaries had, in fact, another alliance in view. That veteran intriguer, the Duchess of Chevreuse, had suggested that Charles's eldest son and daughter should be united to the daughter and the son of the King of Spain. It was known that a new Spanish Ambassador, the Marquis of Velada, would soon be in England to join Cardenas in urging Charles to revenge the insult which had been offered him by the Dutch. Sir Arthur Hopton, the English agent at Madrid, was instructed to hint that if Velada brought proposals for a new Spanish marriage, they would be favourably received.^ It was not, indeed, likely that the overture would be really made. As usual, Charles took care to make the Spaniards understand how little his alliance was worth. Hopton was to say that his master found ' himself in a great strait ' in con- sequence of the occurrence in the Downs. It would be as dangerous to show ' a sense equal to the affront ' as to show ' none at all.' If he demanded reparation from the States, there would be no course open to him, in the probable event of a refusal, short of a declara- tion of war ; and, as matters stood, a declaration of war was simply impossible. What he wanted, in short, was that PhiUp should help him out of his present difficulty, on the understanding that Charles would help him in turn when he was in more pros- perous circumstances. The reply made by Olivares Avas not encouraging. He would hear nothing of an alliance unless Charles would actually declare war against the Dutch. In that case the old secret treaty, negotiated by Cottington for the partition of the Netherlands, should be revived, and Charles might chooso any part of the ' Aerssons to the Prince of Ornuge, J^J, Green van Prinsteren Archivet, Sri'. 'J, iii. 165. PROPOSED APPLICATION OF THE SCOTS TO FRANCE- igg and Fiance. Dutch territory whicK suited him best. If this offer ^haP, were accepted, the King of Spain would do that "— t" — ■ which had been asked in vain in the preceding j,^^ ' summer. He would lend Charles eight or ten thousand veterans in exchange for the same number of recruits. On the subject of the marriage Olivares was extremely reserved. In reporting this conversation Hopton warned March la. Charles that he had little to expect from the Spaniards. They had now but few ships and less money. Their habit was to promise mountains and perform molehills.^ These overtures to Spain were perhaps to some 1639. extent owinff to Charles's prior conviction that the Reiatiins Scottish troubles were the result of Eichelieu's in- Scotland trigues. As a matter of fact, Eichelieu had taken no part in them. It is true, indeed, that in May 1639 a certain Wilham Colvill had been instructed by the Covenanting leaders to visit the Hague and Paris, in order to ask for the mediation of the States General and the King of France, whilst another agent was to go with a similar object to the Queen of Sweden and the King of Denmark. Scruples, however, against the propriety of asking for foreign intervention pre- vailed ; and, though the letters which these agents were to have carried were written, they were not despatched.^ In proposing to make apphcation to France, the Scots did but revive the old policy of their ancestors. ' Windetank to Hopton, Feb. 7. Hopton to Windebank, Feb. 18, March 12, Clarendon MSS. 1,351, 1,353, 1,362. ' BailUe, i. 190. Draft to the King of France, Hailm's Memoriale, 60. The letter ultimately written is printed in Jtvshw.in. 1,119. In Mazure's Sht. de la Revolution, ii. 405, where it is also printed, it is followed by an instruction which is of a later date, and has no connection with the abortive mission of 1639. 300 THE SHOUT PARLIAMENT. CHAP. VII. 1639. Ma}'. Bellievre advocates interven- tion. Dec. Offers of Dunferm- line and Loudoun, Eichelieu refuses to accept them. The memory of the ancient league had not died away. Scottish archers still guarded the person of the King of France, and Scottish visitors to Paris in need of protection were in the habit of going straight to EicheUeu's Scottish chaplain Chambers, seldom trou- bUng themselves to pay even a visit of ceremony to the English Ambassador. Even in our days it has sometimes happened that a Scotsman can procure unwonted attention in Paris by the mere mention of his nationality. The pohcy of giving active assistance to the Covenanters had a warm advocate in BeUievre. He had long ago entered into communication with their leaders, and had sent emissaries to Scotland to watch the course of affairs. When Dunfermline and Loudoun arrived in London at the end of the year, they sent to the Ambassador to ask for French sup- port in case of need. In return, they were ready to engage to make no further treaty with Charles in which their alliance with France was not recognised, as well as to stipulate for the admission of Soots to the Committee of Foreign Affairs,^ where they would be in a position to give warning of anytliing which might be contemplated to the prejudice of that alliance. BelUevre would gladly have fallen in with this proposal. Eichelieu would not hear of it. All through the summer he had been warning the Am- bassador that it woidd be unwise to enter into any engagements with tlie Seots. The sauaoious Cardinal ' This proposal was based on a suggestion rondo by BoUievre in the autumn, llanko, who was tho (irst to tell tho slorv. raissed the point of this demand by translating tho ' Oonsoil dos Atlaires Etrang6res' by the I'rivy Council. A man might bo & Trivy Councillor, and know nothing of impoi'tniiod. THE LETTER OF THE SCOTS TO LEWIS XHL 30 1 held that Charles would ruin himself without any *^y^/- effort on the part of France. He now positively ' — -p — ' ordered Belhevre not to meddle in the affairs of peo.' Scotland. It was probably in consequence of this 1640. rebuff that Belhevre was recalled at his own request. Beiiievre'3 Early in January he returned to Paris. ^ In the beginning of February Traquair arrived in Feb. London, bringing with him the Scottish Commis- commis- sioners who had been deputed to lay the case of their London. countrymen before the King. By neither side could it be seriously expected that any good would result from their mission ; and Charles was more especially distrust- ful because Traquair had come into possession ^ of the The letter letter which the Covenanters had intended to send to faiis into France by Colvill in the preceding spring. When hands. Charles saw it he was confirmed in all his suspicions. Now, he thought, he would be able to prove to all men that rehgion had been but the pretext under which the Scots had cloaked deliberate treason. Nor were the Scots more hopeful of a satisfactory Feb. is. issue. They did not, indeed, break out into open son'^of*"' resistance, and they even allowed a hundred Enghsh casTieVe- soldiers to enter the Castle of Edinburgh as a rein- "^ "°^ " forcement of Ettrick's scanty garrison.^ Yet they knew that they must be prepared for the worst, and, on the day after the soldiers entered, Colvill was Feb. ig. despatched to France with a second letter asking for despatched the mediation of Lewis in the name of the ancient league.* 1 Ohavigny to BellieTre. Lewis XIH. to Bellievre, Apr. ^, Dec. |g, 5^, Bibl. Nat. Er. IS,91S> fol- 302, 393, 398. Bellievre to De la Barde, ^-^^, Arch, des Aff. Etr. xlvii. 510. * Balfawr, iii. 76. ' Ettrick to the King, Feb. 18, S. P. Bom. cccoilix. 58. * The Covenanters to Lewis XHL, Feb. 19, Bibl. Nat. Fr. iS,9iS. fol.410. The instructions printed by Mazure, ii. 406, refer to this mission. 302 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CHAP. vu. 1643. Feb. Montrose's poaition. Hope's con- versation with Bothes. The Scottish Cointnis- sion is heard. March. To this letter Montrose's signature was appended. If he wastendinjr towards Charles, he had not yet gone over to hitn altogether. It was necessary to keep up appearances, and in December he had been compelled by popular clamour to refuse an invitation to Court which had reached him from Charles himself.^ Yet it would probably be unjust to ascribe his conduct simply to a wish to keep up appearances. It may very well be that Charles's reluctance to throw the Bishops frankly overboard had its effect upon Mont- rose as well as upon others. How much Charles's hesitation on this point contributed to give strength to his political opponents is evident to all dispassion- ate inquirers. Sir Thomas Hope was one of the most fanatical of the Covenanters. " My lord," he said one day to Eothes, who had assured him that the King meant to restore the Bishops, " let no reports move you, but do your duty. Put his Majesty to it, and if it be refused then you are blameless. But if on these reports ye press civil points, his Majesty wiU make all Protestant princes see that you have not rehgion for your end, but the bearing down of mon- archy." ^ If Charles expected to derive any strength from the monarchical sentiment which was stiU living in Scotland, he must agree quickly with the Presby- terians. Unluckily for Charles, it was to England rather than to Scotland that he was looking for help. In his discussions with the Scottish Coiumissioners he showed no alacrity to win the hoai-ts of Si'otsraen by any plain declaration on the subject of Episcopacy. After some preliniiiiavy fencing, ho took up the posi- tion that ' the supreme niiigistrato must have authority ' Montroso to the Kinn, Dec. 26, Napier, Memoirs of Montrim, i. 228. ' Hope's Dinry, Jau. 14, 115. THE SCOTTISH COMMISSIONERS IN ENGLAND. 303 to call assemblies and to dissolve them, and to have a negative voice in them as is accustomed in all supreme powers of Christendom.' ^ He truly felt that the proposed Acts contained nothing less than a political revolution. But he had nothing positive to offer. Even when the Commissioners observed that, after all, the Bills had not yet passed the Articles, and were consequently still open to revision, he made no attempt to seize the opportunity by announcing his readiness to assent to the Bill for repealing the Acts by which Episcopacy had been legalised. No wonder the Commissioners were left under the im- pression that his reservation of the negative voice implied a purpose to restore Episcopacy at the first favourable opportunity.^ These discussions, meaningless in themselves, were carried on in the midst of warlike preparations. On February 24 arrangements were made for pressing 30,000 foot from the several counties south of the Humber,^ the northern shires being excused as having borne the burden heavily in the last campaign. At Edinburgh an appeal to arms was no less imminent. On the 25 th some ill-built works which had been erected as a defence to the castle, fell down, and the population of the town refused to allow Ettrick to carry in the materials needed to repair the damage. A few days later the Earl of Southesk, Sir Lewis Gordon, and other noted Eoyalists were seized and imprisoned.* The struggle for sovereignty in Scot- land was evidently about to recommence. One gleam of hope shone upon Charles's path. On March 16 Strafford crossed the Irish Sea, suffering, as ' Rvshw. iii. 1,035. ' ^^- "i- 994) i,oi8. ' Nicholas's Minutes, Feb. 24, S. P. Bom. coccxlv. 6. * Ettrick to the King, March 2, 11, 25, Ibid, ccccxlvii. 6, 89, cccczlriii. 81. Spalding, i. 260. CHAP. VII. 1640. March. Feb. Prepara- tions for war. Occur- rences iu Edinburgh. March. March 16. Strafford seta out for Ireland. 1640. March 16. •304 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CHAP, he was from his old disease, the gout. " Howbeit," he gaily wrote as he was preparing to embark, "one way or other, I hope to make shift to be there and back again hither in good time, for I will make strange shift and put myself to all the pain I shall be able to endure before I be anywhere awanting to my master or his affairs in this conjuncture ; and therefore, sound or lame, you shall have me with you before the beginning of the Parliament. I should not fail, though Sir John Eliot were hving." ^ Meeting of StrafTord kept his word. On the i8th he landed Parliament, iu Ireland. The Parhament had been already two days in session. A body so equally divided was always at the disposal of a strong ruler. "With his Uttle phalanx of officials well in hand, he could throw the majority in the House of Commons on which side he pleased. In 1634 he had thrown it on the side of the colonists of English birth. In 1640 he threw it on the side of the native Irish. Predisposed by their religious ties to dread the victory of the Covenanting Scots, the Irish Catholics would be ready to follow Strafford at least so long as he could con- vince them of his power. When he left England he had intended to ask for six subsidies, a grant which was estimated as equivalent to 270,000/. On the recommendation of the Council, liowovor, he con- tented himself with asking for four, or i8o,oooi., on condition that the Commons would supplement it by a declaration that, if more wore required, more should be given.''' • Strafford to P March 16, Sh-af. 7-iit,>rs, ii. 303. The editor ffives this letter as written (ci Socrt'tnvY Coko, though Ooke was no longer Secretary. I suspect (\in\viiv lo hnvo been tlie man. ' The KiiiK to Strallord, Mnivh .■, 3. The Irish ('oundl to Winde- Imnlc, March i<), 23, S/rnf. I^ttan, ii. 391, 394, 396, 397. Cromwell to Conway, March 31, .V. P. Bom, ccocxlix. 47. THE IRISH PARLIAMENT. 305 VII. 1640. March 23. The demand was made on the 23rd. Never vf&s chap, there a greater appearance of unanimity. Abhor- rence of the Covenanters expressed itself in every word which was uttered. The Kins was thanked for ^f.™'" ^^^^}'- o _ dies voted. not having taken what he needed by a simple act of the prerogative. He was assured that his Irish sub- jects would supply his needs if they left no more than hose and doublet to themselves. When the vote was taken, not a single negative was heard. Hands were stretched aloft and hats flung into the air in a burst of enthusiasm. Those who witnessed the scene declared that if one part of the assembly was more vehement than another, it was that in which the native Irish were to be found. This exuberant loyalty found full expression in a declaration by which the grant was accompanied.^ Its phrases sound unreal enough now. Yet they were doubtless not altogether unreal to those who uttered them. The zeal of the Irish Catholics, at least, was quickened by a lively anticipation of future favours. If they took the lead in the overthrow of the King's enemies, what could possibly be denied them ? In Strafford's eyes the declaration was a simple act March 24. of confidence in himself. The Irish, he wrote, would fnny '<> ba be as ready to serve with their persons as with their purses. By the middle of May he would be ready to take the field at the head of an army of 9,000 men, if only money were sent from England to enable him to make the first payments before the subsidies began to come in.^ The Session was speedily brought to an end, and the Lord-Lieutenant recrossed the sea in hope to be as successful at Westminster as he had been at Dublin. ' Jmirnah of the Commons of Ireland, i. 14T. ' Strafford to Windebank, March 24, Straf. Letters, ii. 398. VOL. I. X levied. 3o6 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. Ciur. VII. - 1640. March 34. The English cleotiona. The King advised to use force. He expects much from the letter of the Scots to LeTris. The English elections were held in March. The returns were not to the satisfaction of tlie Court. Suspicion was doing its work among the electors and the elected. Men spoke of the cavalry which was being raised for the Northern war as if it were in- tended to keep ParUament in check. When the mem- bers arrived in London, it was evident that they did not quail before the danger. Their talk was of limi- tations to be placed on the prerogative, and of calling in question the Ministers by whom it had been unduly exalted. The work of the Long ParUament was already in their minds.^ On the other hand, coun- sellors were not wanting to urge Charles to be pre- pared to resort to force, and, in the belief of those who were likely to be well informed, he cherished the idea as at least a possible resource in the not impro- bable event of a refusal of supplies.''* As if to give warning of coming danger, he appointed a consider- able number of Catholics as officers in his new army, whilst all who were tainted with Puritanism were sedulously excluded.^ It was no immediate blow that Charles contem- plated. He placed great confidence in the effect likely to be produced even upon the new House of Commons by the revelation which he had in store for them. On the back of the letter which Traquair had brought him was an address Au lioi. It was evident to Charles not only that the Scots had committed treason in addressing Lewis as their King, but that every reasonable person was certain to come to the same conclusion. The o])inion of the House of Com- mons would in this way be gained ovor to his side. ' Salvetti's ^fWsM/n; Mnvch J;;. » (liuetinian lo llio hoge, Mnivh H, March 5J, JVn. Tramcnpts. ' Rossetti to Barborini, ^27}"> ^- O. Trntuoripta. THE OPENING OF THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. 307 A copy of the letter was first sent to the King of chap France.^ Lewis, of course, disavowed having ever seen it before; and, as the letter which he had seen April li. was a different one, he was able to make this dis- The letter ' communi- avowal Avith at least literal truthfulness. Eichelieu catedto Lewis. congratulated himself that he had kept clear of all negotiation with the Scots. " By this event," he wrote, " M. de BeUievre will see that we have been more prudent than he."^ Of those whose signatures were appended to the „£ "c^'"*' letter, one only was in Charles's power. Loudoun "i°"°- was one of the Scottish Commissioners in London, He was at once committed to the custody of one of the sheriffs, and the other Commissioners shared his fate, though they had nothing to do with the letter. It is probable that Charles's real motive is to be found in his anxiety to cut off all communication between them and the members of the Enghsh Parliament, Li spite of the hopes which he founded on the ^^e^ofend effect of the letter which he had in his hands, Charles money, was depressed and anxious. The Privy Councillor's loan had been all too Uttle for his needs. In vain he called on the citizens to lend him ioo,oooZ. at eight per cent, for the necessary defence of the realm. Two days before the date appointed for the meeting of Parhament, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were summoned before the Council. Manchester assured them not only that they were sure to have the money repaid, but that they ought to be grateful to the King for offering such advantageous terms. The citizens were not to be persuaded by his eloquence.^ Parhament was opened on April 13. The new ' The King to Leicester, Apr. 11, Sydney Letters, ii. 645. ' Richelieu to Chavigny, ^^, Avened, vi. 689. ' RosBingham'a Newshtter, Apr. 14, S. P. Dom. ccccl. 88. X 2 3o8 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. ciiAP. Lord Keeper, who had recently been raised to the ' — ■-^— ' peerage as Lord Finch of Fordwich, set forth at length A^rn I ^^'^ disloyalty of the Scots, dwelt upon their unnatural" Finch'a conduct in opening negotiations with foreign States, "'the and pointed out that, now that Ireland had been opening of Pariia- civiliscd, Scotland was the only quarter from which England was open to attack. It was in defence as much of his subjects as of himself, that the King had been compelled to raise an army. For the payment of that army money was urgently needed. In order to anticipate any dispute about tonnage and poundage, a Bill had been prepared, in which those duties would be granted from his Majesty's accession. When this and a Subsidy Bill had been passed. Parliament would have some time to devote to the consideration of grievances, and, if the season of the year did not allow sufficient opportunity, another Session should be held in the following winter. The letter As soon as the Lord Keeper had finished his to the French spccch, the King called on him to read the intercepted duced. letter. " The superscription," said Finch, " is this — Au Roi. For the nature of which superscription, it is well known to all that know the style of France that it is never written by any Frenchman to any but to their own King ; and therefore, being directed An Roi, it is to their own King ; for so in effect they do by that superscription acknowledge hira." As the letter itself bore no intimation of any such acknowledgment, the whole evidonce of treasonable intention lay in the superscription ; and it is needless to say tliat this evidence was far too Uimsy to support the weight which it was intended to boar.^ Even if ' No doubt, Au JRoi was not in any proper sense a dkection. Several kllors would bo inoludud in oiin pacliet, ami mw-kud Aa Roi, Au Cardi- nal, &c., for the more instruction of the boarer. ATTITUDE OF THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. 309 the superscription had been treasonable, there was '^y,'^^- nothing to connect it with any one of those by whom the letter had been signed. On the 14th Loudoun ^ .j _ was examined. He asserted that he was completely i-oidoun ^ •> examinea, ignorant of the French language, but that, so far as he knew, the letter was harmless. At all events, it had never reached its destination. The King had gone too far to draw back. On April 16. the 1 6th the letter was read by "Windebank in the monsprJ House of Commons. It made no impression whatever buliness. there. The Commons were far more interested in noting that Einch had not had even a passing word to spare for the all-important subject of ship money.^ The intercepted letter was therefore simply ignored Grimston's by the Commons. , Harbottle Grimston, the member for Colchester, was the first to break the ice.''* He argued that, bad as a Scottish invasion might be, the invasions made upon the hberties of the subjects at home were nearer and more dangerous. Not only ought these grievances to be remedied, but an ex- ample ought to be made of those men with whom they had originated.^ Grimston was an excellent specimen of that great Gnmstou a middle party, on whom devolved the burden of main- party, taining in its essential parts the old constitution of the country. Born the second son of a baronet, he devoted himself in early manhood to the study of the law. On his elder brother's death he gave up his ' Rossingham's Newsletter, Apr. 14, S. P. Dom. ccccl. 88. The scanty notices of this Parliament which are to be found in Rnshworth may be largely supplemented from Rossingham's letters and notes. There is also a separate set of notes in Harl. MSS. 4,931, fol. 47, and there are special reports of speeches amongst the State Papers. ' This phrase, used by Clarendon of Pym is here restored to Grim- ston, to whom it properly belongs. Clarendon's account of this session is nearly worthless. ' Rushw, iii. 1,128. 1640. April 16. 310 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CHAP, profession as standing no longer in need of its emolu- ments. Soon afterwards he met and admired the daughter of Croke, the judge, who was to render good service to the State by his judgment in Hamp- den's case. He found that the old lawyer would not hear of a son-in-law who had turned aside from the legal plough, and, to gain a wife, young Grimston returned to the practice of the law. In 1638 he was appointed Eecorder of Colchester, and he now sat in the Commons as member for that borough. He Hved long enough to be able to boast that he had refused to take the Solemn League and Covenant, and that he had stood up alike against Cromwell and against Laud. He was a fitting Speaker of that Convention Parhament which recalled Charles H. without sharing in the violent intolerance of its successor, the Long Parliament of the Eestoration, and he died at an ad- vanced age two years before the accession of James H. Pious without fanaticism, and charitable without ostentation, he was naturally distrustful of all that was new and unexpected, and in this he did no more than reflect those conservative instincts which in every nation stand in the way of too rapid change.^ Speeches of Grimstou was followed by Seymour, in a speech and more especially directed against the ecclesiastical " ^^' ' grievances. After that Eudyerd discoursed, in his usual benevolent way, on the virtue of moderation, and proved decisively that he had grown neither wiser nor more resolute since he sat in the Pai'hament of 1628. As far as we know, no one rose in defence of Charles's governmout. Tii« Lords Whilst the tide was thus running strongly against Bdjourn. Cliarlcs's .systeiii in tho Conimoiis, it roooived au un- expected blow in the Upper House. At the end of ' (\illins' I'eeraye, viii. 214. PYM'S LEADERSHIP. 31I the sitting, Laud moved, as usual, that as the following chap. day was appointed for the sitting of Convocation, the House should adjourn over it, on account of the en- ^ ^j°g forced absence of the Bishops. Saye objected, on the ground that the presence of the Bishops was unneces- sary to give vahdity to the proceedings of the Peers. Laud modestly answered that he asked for the ad- journment not of right, but of courtesy. Finch came to the support of the Archbishop, stating that he was himself out of health, and that it would be difficult for him to attend, upon which the adjournment was voted solely on account of the Lord Keeper's inabiUty to be present. It was evident that the Bishops were as unpopular amongst the Lords as they were amongst the Commons. " The Lower House," was Northum- The Lords berland's comment on that day's proceedings, " fell atta4*the into almost as great a heat as ever you saw them in ^^'""p*- my Lord of Buckingham's time, and I perceive our House apt to take fire at the least sparkle."^ The next day petitions from several counties, com- Apni 17 plaining of grievances of every kind, were presented uons'from to the Commons. The courtiers described them as ^el™""" the Scottish Covenant ' wanting only hands.' If the petitions wanted hands, Pym gave them a Pym'a voice. He spoke for nearly two hours, a length to which the Commons of those days were unaccustomed. The speech itseK, sustained as it was by the fervour of strong conviction, had nothing of the poetic ima- gination for which members of earher Parliaments had never looked in vain to Eliot or Wentworth. Those who sympathised with Pym most thoroughly feared lest his long argumentative reasoning should strike coldly upon the ears of his hearers. When he sat down, they knew that their fears had been un- ' Northumberland to Oonway, Apr. 17, 8, P. Dom. ccocl. loi. 312 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CHAi'. founded. The general sense of the House was ex- 1640. pressed by cries of "A good oration."^ Apriu?. The House was in the right. Pym's speech was Its morita. Qj^g Qf thosB which gain immeasurably by subsequent study. Its greatness consists far more in what the speaker left unspoken than in what he said. Others could have summed up the well-known catalogue of grievances as well. The words of the petitions were too distinct to allow much room for addition. That which marks Pym from henceforth as a leader of men is the moderation combined with firmness with which every sentence is stamped. It was easy enough to start with an assurance that the King would be strengthened rather than weakened by granting the rehef demanded. The Scotch Covenanters had done as much as that. But it was not easy to say things which must have been diametrically opposed to all the King's ideas, and yet so to say them as to give as little offence as possible to men who had no sym- pathy with fanaticism or violence. It may possibly have occurred to Pym's hearers — it will certainly occur to his readers — that the cause which Pym and Eliot had alike at heart had gained not a little by tlie sad fate which had condemned the stainless martyr to an early grave. Pym on The first words with which Pym touched on the meiitary great questiou of Parhamentary privilesie showed how thoroughly he was in accord with EHot's prin- ciples. The ' powers of Parhament,' he said, ' are to the body politic as the rational I'acuUios of the soul to a man.' The wholo spirit of the coming revolution, at least on the political ^ide, was to be found in these ' " The best feared it -would scnvco have token because it was so plain ; bul nl the end of it all cried out, A good oration." Uml. MSS. 4,931, fol. 47. privilege. PYMS ATTACK ON CHARLES'S GOVERNMENT. 313 words. They made, indeed, the task of this Parlia- ^^^\^- ment hopeless from the first. It was the contention ' — 7 — ' of Charles against the Scots that he, and no assembly, ^ -j ^ civil or ecclesiastical, was the soul of the body politic. What would it advantage him to receive subsidies and to gather armies to impose his authority on Scotland, if he were compelled to yield at West- minster all that he claimed at Edinburgh. It was therefore to the nation rather than to Charles that Pym s appeal was addressed. If once this first prin- ciple were admitted, all the rest of his argument would follow. The complaint was justified, that the events of the last day of the Session of 1629 and the treatment of the imprisoned members had been distinct violations of the privileges of the House, and even that the sudden and abrupt dissolution of Parlia- ments before their petitions were answered was ' con- trary to the law and custom.'^ On turning to the ecclesiastical grievances, Pym 9" '■"o'e- 1 • ^ m-ii 1 siastioal in- stepped upon more uncertam ground. Till the novations, question of Church government were solved in the sense of rehgious liberty, there could be no permanent solution of the constitutional problem. Yet for Pym or for any other man to solve it yet was altogether impossible. The sense of irritation which had been roused by Laud's unwise proceedings had been con- ducive to a temper predisposed to treat Laud and his allies as the enemies of the Church and country. It might have been expected that, after the occurrences of the last eleven years, Pym would have called for measures far more stringent than had satisfied the last Parliament. Exactly the contraiy was the case. ' The ground on wliich the Scots had opposed the prorogation of their Parliament was that the matters were still dependent before the Lords of the Articles, and therefore neither accepted nor denied. 314 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. c^AP. In 1629 Eliot led the House in asking for the proscrip- ■ — 7 — tion of all but Calvinistic opinions. In 1 640 Pym after April 17. speaking of the danger from Popery, touched Hghtly upon the support which had been given in pubHc to ' the chiefest points of reUgion in difference between us and the Papists.' Abstaining from any attempt to set up a new doctrinal test, he commented less upon the opinions of his opponents than upon their ceremonial innovations. He spoke of ' the new ceremonies and ob- servances, which had put upon the churches a shape and face of Popery,' of the introduction of ' altars, images, crucifixes, bowings and other gestures,' the preferring of the men who were most forward in setting up such innovations, and the discouragement of the ' faithful professors of the truth.' Matters of small moment had been taken hold of ' to enforce and enlarge those unhappy differences,' and ' to raise up new occasions of further division.' Then, too, there had been ' the over rigid prosecution of those who ' were ' scrupulous in using some things en- joined,' which were yet held by those who enjoined them to be in themselves indifferent. Pym's remedy for the mischief lay at least in the direction of liberty. " It hath ever been the desire of this House," he said, " expressed in many Parliaments in Queen Elizabeth's time and since, that such might be tenderly used. It was one of our petitions delivered at Oxford to his Majesty that now is ; but what little moderation it hath produced is not unknown to us all. Any other vice almost may be better endured in a minister than inconformity." That there might be no doubt to what he referred, he enumerated the cases in which punishment had boon inflicted ' with- out any wai'rant of law.' Men, he said, had been brought to task for refusing to read the Declaration PYM'S attack on CHARLES'S GOVEllNMENT. 3 15 of Sports, for not removing the Communion table to the east end, for not coming to the rails to receive the Sacrament, for preaching on Sunday afternoons instead of catechising, and even for using other ques- tions than those which were to be found in the authorised Catechism. Finally, there had been abuse in the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. It cannot be denied that to grant Pym's demands would have broken up the Church system of Charles and Laud. But though some of the more extreme ceremonial forms would undoubtedly have been pro- scribed, the whole tone of his speech was in favour of a Uberal and comprehensive treatment of the Church question. The unnecessary restrictions upon conscientious rehgion held far the largest space in his argument. Even when Pym spoke of practices to which he took objection, it was the compulsion even more than the practices which he held up to animadversion. Finally, came the long enumeration of the poll- The civil tical grievances. The enforcement of tonnage and poundage, and impositions without a Parliamentary grant, which had been the subject of contention in preceding Parliaments, was naturally placed first. Pym distinctly asserted that in attacking these he had no wish to diminish the King's profit, but merely to establish the right in Parhament. Then came the grievances of the past eleven years — the en- hancement of the customs by the new book of rates, the compositions for knighthood, the monopolies in the hands of the new companies, the enforcement of ship money, the enlargement of the forests, the appeal to obsolete statutes against nuisances in order to fill the exchequer, whilst no attempt was made to abate the nuisances themselves ; and last of all, those grievances. 1640. April 17. 316 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CRAP, militaiy charges which were now for tlie first time treated as a grievance. Pym gave a history of the way in wliich these last charges had grown. Coat and conduct money, or the expenses of clothing newly raised levies, and of taking them to the place of rendezvous had originally been borne by the Crown. Elizabeth in her need had sometimes asked the coun- ties to advance the money till slie was able to repay it. By degrees the exception had become the rule, whilst the engagement to repay the advance had ceased to be observed. New customs were already springing up. Not only were men pressed against their will, but the counties were compelled to furnish pubHc magazines for powder and munitions, to pay certain officers, and to provide horses and carts for the King's service without any remuneration what- ever. As Pym knew, the strength of the King's authority lay in his being able to fall back upon the Courts of Law. As yet no one was prepared to strike at the root of the evil. Pym contented himself with pro- testing against ' extrajudicial declarations of judges,' made without hearing counsel on the point at issue, and against the employment of the Privy Council and the Star Chamber in protecting monopolists. Many of the clergy had thrust themselves forward to undertake the defence of unconstitutional power. It was ' now the high way to preferment ' to preach that there was ' Divine authority for an absolute power in the King ' to do what he would with ' the persons and goods of Englishmen.' Dr. Mainwaring had been condemned in the last Parliament for this offence, and he had now ' leapt into a Bishop's diair.' Then, returning to the point from which he STRENGTH OF PYM'S POSITION. 317 started, Pym pointed to the source of all other griev- ^^^j"^^- ances in ' the long intromission of ParHaments, con- ■ — 7 — ' . . 1640. trary to the two statutes yet in force, whereby it is ^p^^ ^^ appointed there should be Parliaments once in the ^i^J°^''„'f year.' I'arija- •' _ _ ments. How then was the mischief to be remedied ? The Here Pym refused to follow Grimston. He refrained ''®™®'^'- from requiring that any individual minister should be called to account. Let them ask the Lords to join in searching out ' the causes and remedies of these insupportable grievances,' and in petitioning the King for redress.^ Such a speech, so decisive and yet so moderate, carried the House with it. It laid down the lines within which, under altered conditions, the Long Parhament afterwards moved. It gave no offence to the hesitating and timid, as Eliot had given offence by summoning the King's officers to the bar, and by his wild attack upon Weston. It seemed as if both Houses had agreed to follow Pym. The next April is. , . Proceed- day the Lords called in question the appointment ingsinboth of Mainwaring to a Bishopric, whilst the Commons placed Grimston in the chair of a Committee of the whole House, sent for the records of the case of Ehot and his feUow-prisoners, and appointed a Select ' I eannot agree with Eanke in holding that the draft in the State Paper Office is more accurate than that given by Ruahworth. It leaves out all about the privileges of Parliament. The printed speech in the King's Pamphlets, used by Mr. Forster, is not perhaps to be taken as being literally Pym's as it was spoken. There was no thorough system of shorthand in those days. But it has every characteristic of Pym, and most probably was corrected by him, or by some one present on the occasion of its delivery, and I have quoted from it as from something better than " a later amplification." The report given in Rushw. iii. 21, is, as Mr. Forster has pointed out, another report of this speech. But Mr. Forster was wrong in saying that Pym did not speak on Nov. 7. 3i8 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CHAP. V 1640. ' April 18. The throe estates of the realm. The King to be an estate. April 21. Hftll obliged to beg pardon. Committee to draw up a narrative of the proceedings against them. Before the House rose, it had ordered that the records of the ship-money case should also be brought before it. The feeling against the Bishops was perhaps even stronger in the Lords than in the Commons. There was more of personal jealousy there, as there had been among the nobility of Scotland. It was in the House of Lords that, for the first time since the days of Lollardism, the old constitutional doctrine, that lay peers, the clergy, and the Commons were the three estates of the realm was brought in question. The Bishops were distinctly told that the three estates were the King, the Barons, and the Commons. " The Bishops then, it was said, would make four estates or exclude the King." ^ The words thus defiantly spoken did not touch the Bishops alone. The notion that ParHament was the soul of the body politic, had been welcomed by the Lords. The King was no longer to reign su- preme, summoning his estates, as Edward I. had summoned them, to gather round his throne. He was to be no more than a first estate, called on to join with tlie others, but not called on to do more. To such a pass had Charles brouglit himself by liis resolution to walk alone. The time was not fai' off when even so much participation would be denied him. On the 2ist the feeling of the Poors was even more strongly manifested. I^ishop HaU had vooontly attracted attention to himself by publishing, at Laud's instigation, a work entitled ' l^lpiscopacy by Divine Ttiglit,' in which lie liad argued tluit the primitive cha- racter of l'][)isc.opacy stampod it with Divine autho- ' //aW../tfS«. 4,931, fol. 47. THE KING DISSATISFIED. 319 rity.^ He now rashly spoke of Saye as one who chap. ' savoured of a Scottish Covenanter.' He was at — r— once ordered to the bar. " If I have offended," he .^ .f°' Apnl 21. said, " I cry pardon. ' The words were received with a shout of "No ifs," and Hall was forced to beg pardon in positive terms. In the meanwhile, the Lower House was busy with The Lower its grievances. Preparations were made to petition busy with the King on the breach of privilege in 1629, and to s"evances. draw up a statement of the case against the Crown on ship money and the impositions. On this, both Houses were summoned to White- ^,'°'''' «^- , ' . . . plains that haU. In the King's presence, Finch explained the the King will accept absolute necessity of a fleet, and declared that the any other King ' was not wedded to this particular way ' of sup- p^^ing a'' porting it, and that if the Houses would find the "*^^" money in some other manner, he would readily give his consent to the change. Then, after holding up the example of the fresh Parhament as worthy of imita- tion. Finch turned to the Lords. His Majesty, he said, did not doubt ' that, if the House of Commons should fail in their duty,' the Lords would concur with him to preserve himself and the nation. The appeal to the Lords was followed by an g^^^^i^g' appeal to a body upon which the Commons looked J?^^^^^ with no shght jealousy. On the 22nd, at Laud's «<"». ' Professor Masson is rather hard upon Hall all through this affair (^Life of Milton, ii. 1 24). It should he remembered that the hook was intended not as a private venture of Hall's, hut as a manifesto of the English Church. It was therefore perfectly reasonable that Laud, being invited to comment, should do as he was asked. After all, the comments were merely those which woujd suggest themselves to a mind rather more resolute and thorough than that of Hall, and Hall did himself no discredit by accepting them. There is nothing in them in the slightest degree discordant with Hall's own system, which may be seen briefly in a paper of propositions sent by him to Laud (Laud's Works, iv. 3IO)- 1640. April ai 320 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CHAP, request, Convocation unanimously granted six sub- sidies from the clergy.^ These subsidies would, in the usual course, require the confirmation of Parlia- ment before they could be levied, but it was natural that the Commons should not be very well pleased with the contrast between the alacrity of the clergy and their own deliberate hesitation. April 23. The next day, accordingly, the House went into o/the"com- Committee on the message delivered by the Lord takTgr^iev- Keeper, and resolved to demand a conference with ances first ^^^ -^^^^^ „ rj.-jj ^-^^ liberties of the House and kingdom were cleared, they knew not whether they had anything to give or no." ^ CoiS'^'" Wlien the news of this resolution reached the King, he was at supper. He rose angrily from tlie table, and summoned the Council to meet at once. That evening he had his sternest counsellor once more by his side. In spite of gout, Strafford had come back from Ireland. He found that his opponents at Court had taken advantage of his absence to complain of him as the main author of the summoning of so untoward a Parliament.^ He little heeded then.- words. He fiercely urged that Cliarles should go down to the House of Lords the next morning before the message of the Commons had been delivered, and should urge the Peers to declare that it was right that the satisfaction to be given to the King should pre- cede the presentation of grievances.'* Chad'cV'" Strafford's advice was taken, and at the opening of tKoid". the next morning's sitting, Charles appeared in the Upper House. This time lie spoke with his own ' Aiihiiii, i, 36. ■' Um-l. MNN. 3,931, fol. 47,6. » K.iHMoltitoltiirborini,';;,'';;'', i.'. 0. Trama-ipts. * Moiitrouil to lUilliovro, ^^i;;'',,-",, /lib/. Xnt. Fr. 15,995, fol. Si. STRAFFORD APPEALS TO THE LORDS. 32 1 mouth. The Commons, he said, had. put the cart ^^/^^ before the horse. His necessities were too serious to — y — ■ admit of delay. If the Commons would trust him, ^ ji^i he would make good all that Finch had promised in his name, and hear their grievances in the winter. In the other alternative, he conjured their lordships not ' to join with them, but to leave them to themselves.' In an attack upon the Bishops, the Lords were The Lords ready to go at least as far as the Commons. But ffKing. they were too accustomed to support the Crown to fall into opposition on such an appeal as this. In a House of eighty-six, of which eighteen were Bishops, sixty-one voted that the King's supply ought to have precedency of grievances. The mi- nority of twenty-five contained the names of Hert- ford and Southampton, who afterwards took the side of the King in the Civil War, as well as those of Bedford, Essex, of Brooke and Saye.^ Strafibrd had done neither the King nor the Lords service in thus thrusting the Upper House forward in opposition to the Lower. What he did amiss sprang from his fundamental misconception of the situation. Like WeULngton in 1831 and 1832, he saw the con- stitution threatened by a change which would shift completely, and for ever, the basis of power. BeUev- ing in his heart that this change would be prejudicial to the country, he was ready to resist it with every instrument that came ready to his hand. Like Wel- lington, he would appeal first to the House of Lords in the hope that the voice of the Lords would serve 1 The minority were Rutland, Southampton, Bedford, Hertford, Essex, Lincoln, Warwick, Clare, Bolingbroke, Nottingham, Bath, Saye and Sele, Willoughby of Parham, Paget, North, Mandeville, Brooke, Robartes, Lovelace, Savile, Dunsmore, Deyncourt, Montague of Bough- ton, Howard of Escrick, and "Wharton. Note by Windebank, S. P. Dom. ccccli. 39. VOL. I. Y 322 THE SHORT PAULIAMENT. as a rallying cry for the well-affected part of the nation. But there can be little doubt that he would have refused to be controlled by any numerical majority whatever, and would have fallen back upon an armed force if necessary, to beat down a resist- ance which he beheved to be destructive of all that was most valuable in the country. It was a fatal mistake, fatal if only because it was out of Strafford's power to keep erect that mingled system of law and prerogative which stood for the English constitution in his eyes. If the Commons persisted in their opinion, the only choice would be between a military despotism and the supremacy of the Lower House. If Pym could not in the face of Charles call back into existence the whole of the Elizabethan constitution, he was at least standing up in defence of its nobler and better part. The claim of Englishmen to determine their own poUcy, and not to be the humble recipients of bounties at the good pleasure of the King and the Bishops, was the question at issue. Pym might not produce a complete and perfect work. He might sometimes be harsh in his judgments and defective in penetrating motives ; but, for all that, it was the voice of Pym and not the voice of Strafford which appealed to the memories of the great England of the past, and which reached across the gulf of time to do, as Eliot would have said, the work of posterity, and to call into being the greater England of the future. April 27 Strafford had to content himself with the appro- monsde-' bation of the Court. Charles said openly that he brocTohof"' trusted him more than nil his Council. Even the privilege. Q^^ieen was won. Slio told him ^ that she esteemed him the most ciipnble iuul faithful servant her ' Montrouil to BeUiovro, ^j;';™ Bibl. Xat. Fr. 15,995, fol. 81. CONFLICT BETWEEN THE HOUSES. 323 husband had. The Commons were not likely to regard his performances in the same light. For a moment, perhaps, the thought of averting a collision gained the upper hand. Might it not be possible to vote money to the King with the proviso that it should not be used against the Scots ? Pym had little difficulty in showing the absurdity of the proposal ; and the House, recovering its balance, took up as a breach of privilege the suggestion about supply which had been made by the Peers, and demanded repara- tion of the Lords. Before the question, thus raised, came to an issue, Charles learned how little he could count even upon the Upper House on ecclesiastical matters. It needed his special intervention to hinder the Lords from passing a fresh censure on Main- waring.^ On the 29th the Lords resolved to maintain their April 29. position. But the resistance of the Commons had not maintain been without its effect. This time the King's majority *^" ^*"°' had dwindled from 36 to 20. The resolution of the Upper House let loose men's tongues. For the first time in Enghsh history its composition was unfavour- ably canvassed. Li that House, it was said, ' there were few cordial for the Commonweal ; ' its members spoke ' so cautelously as doth not become a free Commonwealth.' The votes of the Bishops and the Councillors were at the King's disposal. It was ^ "The House begins to proceed to censure Mainwaring; but the King sent word that they should desist, or not censure him so far as to make him incapable of his Bishopric. " The Archbishop affirmed that, if the Parliament did deprive a man of his Bishopric, it was in the King's power to remit that censure. Some said that he pleaded his own case. " My Lord Saye spoke nobly for the kingdom, but he had many adver- saries. He answered the Lord Keeper, the Archbishop, &c., but none was found a match for him but the Deputy of Ireland." Harl. M8S. 4,931, fol. 48. T 2 324 THE SHOUT PARLIAMENT. CHAP. VII. 1640. April 29. Mav I. Dr. Beale sent for. Shots fired from Edinburgh Castle. May 2. The King's moss.iHo. well known that a heavy pressure had been put on the Lords by the King. Carlisle and others ac- knowledged that they had voted against their con- sciences. Holland had been urged to speak on behalf of the King. He had given a silent vote and had retired to Kensington in disgust. Newport, on the other hand, declared that lie had been so agitated as to vote against the King by mistake. " They oi the Upper House," it was bitterly said, " were fully fitted for slavery." ^ On May 1 the first division of the Session was taken in the Commons. Pym stated that Dr. Beale, the Master of St. John's at Cambridge, had asserted, in a sermon, that the King had power to make laws without the help of Parliament, and moved that he should be sent for to account for his words. An amendment that the evidence should first be referred to a Select Committee was lost by a majority of 109. It was impossible to have a plainer indication of the temper of the Commons on ecclesiastical matters.* That same day news arrived from Scotland which made Charles more impatient than ever for an imme- diate grant of money. The first blood in a new civil war had been shed at Edinburgh. The citizens had thrown up a work opposite the Castle Gate, and Ettrick had replied by firing upon them Avith his cannon. Four of the townsmen had been slain and some houses injured.* Upon this the King himself intervened, asking for an immediate answer lo his requovst for money. In the Lords, Strafford distinctly announced that a ' Ilarl.MSS. 4,931, fol. 486. Moiitrouil to Bellievre, ^^, BiU. Nat. Fr. 15,995, fol' 32- ' (hmmoiis Joiiniiik, ii. 18, Rossinghom's Netotletttr, May 4, & P. Dotn. cocclii. 20. ' Ilowingham's NeivMler, May 5, .((/(/. MSB. 11,045, fol- "4- A DISSOLUTION THREATENED. 325 refusal would be followed by a dissolution, and there chap. •' VII. can be little doubt that Vane conveyed the same intimation to the Commons. The House went at ,, May 2. once into Committee, and broke up at the unusually 5e'"''« '° .. . ^ ^ . •' Committee. late hour of six in the evening without coming to any conclusion. Though no vote was taken, the general feeling of Feeling of 1 TT , -1-1 T«. 1 the House. the House was to be ascertained without dimculty. The impression left by the debate was that the Commons would have been quite ready to leave to some future time the discussion of their ecclesiastical grievances, and of that invasion of their privileges which they held to have taken place in 1629. But they were unwilHng to vote money until the question of arbitrary taxation had been fuUy cleared up. It must be finally settled, they thought, that the King had no right to take what they were prepared voluntarily to offer. Not only must the money required for the navy be levied by a Parha- mentary grant, but the money needed for the army as well. The military charges, especially coat and conduct money, must no longer be fixed upon the subject by the sole authority of the King.^ The next day was a Sunday. At the Council Mays. Board Strafford recommended the King not to allow taken in ship money to stand in the way of a reconciliation with the Commons. Charles consented that the ship money judgment should be carried before the House of Lords upon a writ of error, where it would undoubtedly be reversed. No better way of making the concession could possibly be devised. On Contest r J _ between another point Strafford found him less yielding. Strafford When Vane argued that no less than twelve subsidies, or about 840,000/., should be fixed as the price of ' Rossingham's Newsletter, May 5, Add. MSS. 11,045, fol. 114. 326 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CHAP VII. 1640. May 3, Vane gains over the King. May 4. Twelve subsidies demanded. The de- bate in Cummittec. 30 great, a concession, Charles seemed inclined to agree with him. Strafford, in the very spirit of Bacon, urged that there should be no haggling in the matter. ' He told the King, ' that the said offer to the Commons' House ought not to be conditional,' but that he should ' put it upon their affections for supply.' Charles answered, hesitatingly, that he feared less would not serve his occasion. Before Strafford's repeated warnings, however, he gave way at last and consented to be satisfied with eight.^ Strafford's urgency was entirely thrown away. It was impossible to rely upon Charles for any steady and consistent policy. It is exceedingly probable — though no evidence of the fact exists — that after the Council was dismissed. Vane drew away the TTing from the conciliatory attitude recommended by Strafford. At all events, he was able to appear in his place in Parliament the next morning to deliver a message, distinctly asking for twelve subsidies as the price of the abandonment of ship money. The House was again in Committee. Hampden asked that the question might be put whether the King's request, ' as it was contained in the message,' should be granted. Edward Hyde — then, as ever, anxious to step forward as the mediator between ex- treme opinions — asked that the question sliould be simply whether supply should be given at all.* He ' The only distinct information we have is fi-om Strafibrd's interroga- tories (Wlii taker's lAfe ofRaddiffe, 233). It is evident that they do not all relate to the same discussion. The last five interropktories are plainly connected with the later t^ouncil, at which a dissolution was re- solved on. ' So far, I suppose, wn may trust OlnriMuloii (ii, 7?). His accoimtoi this Parliament, Imwi'ver, is so innccvirati' tlmt I dare not use his narrs- tive of the debate. His nicnioiy only sorvod him to show the figure ol Vane as frustratinp; an nprconiKnt wliich, but for >'ano's delinquencies, would have bi'on brought iibmit by hinisi'lf. SHIP MONEY CHALLENQED. 327 might reasonably expect that many members who *^yjj^- would vote in the negative on Hampden's motion, ■ — 7 — ' would vote in the affirmative on his. ^ ' The debate which followed only served to bring out the difficulties of an agreement in a stronger Ught than Strafford had supposed to be possible, The dread of an early dissolution, indeed, had great effect. As far as the amount of the subsidies was concerned, those who most strongly objected to even a tacit acknowledgment of the legahty of ship money, were prepared to vote at least six subsidies ; and Strafford, at all events, was ready to advise the King to accept the offer. Glanville, the Speaker of the House, a lawyer of no mean repute, inveighed bitterly against taxation by prerogative. The judgment of the Exchequer Chamber, he said, ' was a senseless judg- ment.' All the arguments contained in it ' might easUy have been answered.' If it were allowed to stand upon record, ' after ages would see the foUy of their times:' It was ' against law, if he understood what law was.' ^ Yet even Glanville recommended that supply should be given. An understanding would doubtless have been come to on the basis laid down by Strafford, if there had been no other ques- tion but that of ship money before the Committee. As the debate went on, however, greater prominence Demand was given to the demand for the abolition of the abolition military charges which had been mooted on the pre- military ceding Saturday. One of the members for Yorkshire, " "^^' Sir WiUiam Savile, said that his constituents would not care how many subsidies were voted if only they were relieved of ship money. He was at once con- tradicted by Bellasys, the other member for the same ' The last sentence is from Clarendon. The rest from Ilarl. MSS. 4,931, fol. 49. 328 THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. CHAP. VII. 1640. May 4. Vane in- sists on the acceptance of the King's terms. county, who, some years before, had suffered im- prisonment for his insolence to Strafford. The men of Yorkshire, he now said, ' required to be eased of coat and conduct money, and other such military charges.' Unless their representatives brought them that relief they dared not return home. Another Yorkshire man, Sir John Hotham, put the case as strongly as possible. Ship money, he said, had cost the country but i 2,000/. The military charges cost it 4o,oooZ. Others again attacked the whole system of impressment which Selden had attacked in 1628.' Such speeches, received with evident approbation by the House, drew forth a fresh declaration from Vane. He rose to state that the King would accept nothing less than the twelve subsidies which he had demanded in his message. Upon this the Committee broke up without coming to a resolution, postponing further consideration of the matter to the following day. It is incredible that Vane should thus have acted without express authority from Charles.^ The ques- ' Rossingham to Conway, May 1 2, they did not provide the money, 'he would have 300,000/. of the City.' They were to return on the loth with a list of such persons in their several wards as they beheved to be capable of bearing their part of the loan, rated according to their, means. On the appointed day they came with- gt^^rd'a out the list. Strafford lost his temper. " Sir," he said *■»■■«»*«■ to the King, " you will never do good to these citizens of London till you have made examples of some of the Aldermen. Unless you hang up some of them, you will do no good with them."^ The King ordered, the Lord Mayor Garway to resign his sword and collar of office ; and though, at the intercession of the bystanders, he relented and restored them, he com- mitted to prison four of the Aldermen — Soames, Eain- ' Mushw. iii. 1,167. Rossingham's NeioiHettm-, May 13, S. P. Dom. cceoliii. 24. Rossetti to Barberini, May ^, B. O. Transcripts. ^ Sushw. Straf. Trial, 586. 34^ PASSIVE RESISTANCE. "^TOi"" ^^^i G^eere, and Adkins — who had been specially firn ' — 7 — ■ in their refusal. One of them, Alderman Soames, gavi Mayio. particular offence. " I was held an honest man whils mratoffour -'• "^^^ ^ commoner," he told the King to his face Aldermen, a ^nd I would coutinuc to bc 80 uow I am an Alder' man." The other Aldermen professed their readinesi to give in the names of the richer citizens, thougl: they objected to rate them according to their means. straflforci From the London citizens Strafford turned to th( and the Spanish Spanish Court. He had always supported an alUancc with Spain, and the recent occurrence in the Downs had strengthened him in his desire to break the maritime superiority of the Dutch. For the present, however, the conflict for empire must be waged in Scotland, and it was to gain the money rather than Spanish the fleets ofSpain that his efforts were directed. There ambassa- ^ doHin were now no less than three Spanish ambassadors in Kngland. ^ England. The Marquis of Velada and the Marquis Virgilio Malvezzi'-* had come to the assistance ol Cardenas, who, though he had been re-admitted to his right of audience, was in no good odour at the English Court. So great a diplomatic display was regarded by Charles as a sign that the new ambassa- dors were instructed to accept the proposals of marriage, of which he had communicated hints to OHvares a few months before.^ On this point, how- ever, the ambassadors remained obstinately silent. They declared that the object of their mission was solely to treat of a league against the Dutch. Before ' Salvetti's Ncwdetter, May ;',. Council Reguie); May lo. Eossin^ ham's Newsletter, May i2, iS, P. Dom. coccliii. 24. Rossetti to Bar- berini, May JJ, JR. 0. Ti-ameriptt. ' This visit explains ]\Iil ton's reference to him as 'their Malvwsri, that can cut Tacitus into slivei-s and stealts.' Erf, of Church Gov. Mal- vozzi must have been a well-ltnowa personage in London. " 1'. 298. THE NEGOTIATION WITH SPAIN. 347 the dissolution, Commissioners, of whom Strafford ^y.^^- was the leading spirit, had been appointed to nego- ' — 7^~~^ tiate with them on this subject. At once it appeared ^^°' that there was a radical difference of opinion between Negotiit- ■•■ tion on the the two parties. The Spaniards insisted that, by proposea accepting the secret treaty of 1630, the English Government should bind itself to an open rupture with the States General with a view to the ultimate partition of the territory of the Eepubhc. The Enghsh diplomatists preferred to start from Necolalde's articles of 1634, which would not involve an avowed breach with the Dutch. Under ordinary circumstances this radical differ- ence of opinion would probably have brought the negotiation to an end. But on May 10, the day of the imprisonment of the Aldermen, Strafford discovered how very doubtful was the prospect of obtaining any considerable sum of money from the City. The next May n. 1 ■■-,■,/-, 1 ■ TT- Strafford mommg, he visited the Ambassadors m person. His asks for a . . , . . , . loan from master, he told them, was ready, as soon as it was m Spain. his power, to join them in that league against the Dutch, which was the object of their wishes. But it was not in his power to do so as long as Scotland was unconquered. To conquer Scotland a large sum of money was needed. Why should not the Eing of Spain lend 300,000?. for that purpose ? As soon as Scotland was subdued war should be declared against the Dutch. Even for the present the English fleet could be used in conveying supphes to Flanders, and in protecting Dunkirk against a siege. Permission, too, would be given for the levy of 3,000 Irishmen for the Spanish service. The King of Spain should have ample security for the repayment of the loan, and, even if that failed, Philip might easily recom- pense himself by the seizure of the property of Eng- 348 PASSIVE KESISTANCE. CHAP. VIIl. 1640. Mnv ir. Hesitation of Charles. May 6. Plncaids against Laud. May II. Riots at Lambeth. lish merchants whose vessels happened at the time to be in Spanish harbours.^ The end of his tragic struggle against the world must have been drawing very near before even Strafford could have ventured on so audacious a pro- posal as this. The days which followed must have been for him the saddest in his life, far aadder than those in which, after the lapse of a year, he stood proudly con- scious of the rectitude of his cause on the scaffold on Tower HiU. In vain was the iron will and the ready wit given him if he could not breathe his own hardi- hood into the breast of the man without whom he was as powerless as an infant. In the very crisis of the struggle Charles hesitated and drew back. Strafford stood alone as the champion of the cause of monarchy It was not entirely without reason that Charlei was terrified. On the 6th papers were posted uj calling on the apprentices to join in hunting ' Willian the Fox ' for breaking the Parhamerit.^ Three days later a placard was placed up in the Exchange invit ing all who were faithful to the City, and lovers liberty and the Commonwealth, to assemble in St George's Fields in Southwark, on the early morning the nth. Warned in time, the Council ordered tha St. George's Fields should be occupied on the iitl by the Southwark Trained Bands.' The apprentice were not so easily baffled. They waited quietly til the Trained Bands had retired in the evening. 1 little before midnight a mob of some five hundrei persons, for the most part journeymen and appren ' Windebank to Hopton, May n, Clar. St. P. ii. 83. Velada 1 the Cardinal Infant, Apr. J§, May A, ^"5. Volada to Philip IV, May ^, ^, \ J3, Bi-uaaels MSS. Secr. d'Etat Esp. celxxxiv. fol. iS3t 201, 214, 24 258, 268, 276. '•' Laud's Works, iii. 2S4. " llituhw. iii. 1173. THE LAMBETH RIOTS. 349 tices, answered to the summons. In this class the general dishke of Laud was sharpened by its own special grievances against the new monopoUes.^ With a drum beating in front, the rabble took its way to Lambeth. Laud, warned in time, had placed his house in a state of defence, and had crossed the river to Whitehall for safety.^ The rioters, finding that their prey had escaped them, retired with threats of returning to burn down the house. Next morning May 12. the Council gave directions that watch should be kept by night as well as by day, and that the Trained Bands of Middlesex and Surrey should be called in to help in preserving order. Several persons were arrested on suspicion. Lisulting placards continued to insulting be posted in the streets, threatening an attack on the p'*''"'^- apartments of the Queen's mother at St. James's, and calhng on the mob to puU down her chapel and do what mischief they could to her priests. Others urged that Laud should be dragged out of Whitehall and murdered. One went so far as to announce that the King's palace was to let. Nor were these tumults confined to the mob alone. At Aylesbury some soldiers mutinied againt their officers, and twenty-two houses were burnt down before the disturbance was quelled. In Kent the yeomen and farmers who had ^^y j^. been pressed declared that they were not bound to go beyond the limits of their county, and left the ranks in a body. On the night of the 14th the Court was startled by a fresh outrage. The prisons in which the rioters were confined were broken open by a mob, and the prisoners were set at liberty. It was plain that something must be done if the country was not to lapse into an- 1 Joachimi to the Slates General, May |i, Add. MSS. 17,677 Q. fol. 190. ■ ' Laud's Works, iii. 284. 350 PASSIVE RESISTANCE. VHI. 1640. May 14, CHAP- archy. Orders were given to the Deputy-Lieu tenants und the Justices of the Peace of severa counties who happened to be in London, to retun Gflnerai' home to preserve order. DouVjts, however, wer( freely expressed whether the guardians of the peac< could be depended on. It was said that they hac been sent from London to keep them from the temp tation of imitating the Covenanting Tables. The sup port of the lower ranks was still more doubtful The recent imprisonment of the Aldermen had beer felt by the City as an insult. The freeholders anc farmers of Middlesex and Surrey had no love foi Laud. They were heard to mutter that if they musi fight they would rather fight against the Governmenl than for it. The defence of the Queen's mother was especially distasteful. It was known that she had urged her daughter to use her influence with the King during the sitting of the late Parliament, and i1 was taken for granted that this influence had beer used to hasten the dissolution. For the first time in the reign the name of Henrietta Maria herself was drawn into the political conflict.^ It could not weU be otherwise. It had been so natural for her to take the part of her husband's Eomau Catholic subjects ; so natural, too, for her to urge their cause in coutemp tuous disregard of a public opiuion, of which she neither understood the meaning nor estimated the The Queen weight. Yet, wlicu all allowance has been made foi PoiMfor the ignorance of a woman and a foreigner, it is diffi- cult to speak with patieuco of tlio rsish act of which Henrietta Maria, if not Charlos himself, was now ' Laud's Diary, fVorkt, iii, 235. Kuthio. iii. 1,173. Rossetti t< JJarborini, Mny ?,J, Ji. 0. 'J'iama-iiit$. Sivlvotti's .Vcifsfettc/-, May if Oiuslinian'H iK'Himtcli, Miiy J?, ''fii. Trmun-ipts. Bossingham's ii^tw li//f)-, May 19, NIoimo A/ AW, i4()7, foi. 198. Deputy-Lieutenants of Keni to tlin Ociiiiicil, May 11, S, 1\ Dom. ccccliii. 11, ai'l. THE QUEEN'S INTRIGUE WITH ROME. 35 1 guilty. At the height of the alarm Windebank chap. appeared before Eossetti, conjuring him to write to - — '-^— Eome for help in money and men. The Pope, it was j^^^' probably thought, would be ready to assist a King who had given some protection to the Cathohcs against subjects who were exposing them to danger and persecution.^ Whilst overtures so ruinous were being made to Strafford Eome, other voices were raised at Whitehall in con- *"' ' demnation of Strafford. Why, it was asked, had he brought things to such a pass without sufficient forces at his disposal to compel submission.''' The attack May 15. on the prisons brought matters to a crisis. Six oaiSons? thousand foot were ordered up from the Trained Bands of Essex, Kent, and Hertfordshire. It was impossible to fall back thus on popular support with- out conceding something to the popular agitation. On concessiona the 15th, the day after the attack on the prisons, "'^^' Hotham and BeUasys, together with the four Aldermen, were set at hberty, though the latter were required to enter into bond to appear in the Star Chamber when called on. The next day, when the Lord Mayor and Aldermen repeated their refusal to ^ Rossetti's letter of May || is not to be foimd amongst the Record Office Transcripts, but its purport is clear from Barberini's reply of June |§, and from Rossetti's answer to Barberini of Aug. |§. "Windebank is directly stated to have made the overture. It is impossible that he should have done so -without orders from the Queen or the King. That the Queen knew of this seems made out, by the fact that Rossetti as a matter of course communicated Barberini's reply to her, and also by the part she subsequently took in pressing for similar help in the course of 1641. On the other hand, the long conversation with Winde- bank, related in the last-named letter, turns so entirely on the King's proceedings, that it seems very likely that the secretary was originally commissioned by him. Indeed, if the Queen had opened the negotiation without her husband's knowledge she would hardly have employed a Secretary of State. ' Montreuil's Despatch, May if, Bib. Nat. Fr. 1 5,995, fol. 87. 352 PASSIVE RESISTANCE. CHAP. VUI. 1640. May 16. The loan not preiised, May 17. Roman Catholic books burnt. Proposed negotiation with Scotland. Abandon- ment of Strafford's policy. rate any man to the loan, they were sent avi without further reproaches. On the 1 7th the Sher of London were ordered to make a bonfire of a lai number of Eoman Cathohc books which had recen been seized. Even a party of young lawyers, who h drunk confusion to the Archbishop, were dismiss by the Council on the plea, suggested to them Dorset, that they had been really drinking confusi to the Archbishop's foes. There was even talk taking up again the dropped negotiation with Sa land. With the exception of Loudoun, the Scotti Commissioners were set at liberty.^ Traquair w asked whether he would undertake a mission to Edi burgh to preside over the Parliament which was meet in June. On Traquair's refusal, Hamilton w requested to go. The King, however, proposed delay Hamilton's journey, and to prorogue the Scottii Parliament for another month on the characterist ground that by the middle of July he would kno whether he was to have a loan from Spain whic would enable him to make war on Scotland.* Such was the end of Charles's first attempt to c all that power would admit. Though a list ( names of those quahfied to lend was sent in by tl: Aldermen, the project of forcing a loan from th London citizens was tacitly iibaudoned. Effor would still be made to enforce the payment of shi money and coat and conduct money; but even ship money and coat and conduct money were co lected with more rcgulai'ity than was Ukely to be th ' Montreuil's Despatch, May ijj, Bib. \at. Fr. 15,995, fol. 87. Jh fol. 89. Giusliiiian'a Dospolch, J|*>;/|'. 7".». Transcripts. OouncilRegt tor, May 15, Rmhw. iii. i,l8o. " Montreuil'a Despatches, May ;^;, J'J^,^, Bibl. Nat. Fr. 15,995, ft 89, 91. Giustinian's Ueapatch, ^~, Vm. Trmisa-ijits. Rossingham Newshttw, May 26, iSZomw MSS. 1,467, fol. 112, 1). FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES. 353 1640. May. case they would not pay the army in the field. By ^^^F' pressure upon official persons the loan which had been begun with the Privy Councillors was raised by May 15 to 232,530^.^ But this sum had been already spent, and except in the very unlikely case of a loan from Spain no way appeared to meet the necessities of war. The feeling with which Strafford's violence was regarded by loyal but unenthusiastic subjects was well expressed by Northumberland. " The May is. „ ,, , -,. Ill Nortnum- nature 01 most men, he wrote to Uonway, who had beriand's already been sent to drill the cavalry in the North, Conway. " is not willingly to acknowledge an error until they needs must, which is some of our condition here at this time. We have engaged the King in an ex- pensive occasion, without any certain ways to main- tain it ; all those that are proposed to ourselves have hitherto failed, and though our designs of raising this great army are likely to fail, yet are we loath to publish that which cannot many days be concealed. In plain terms I have little hope to see you in the North this year, which I profess I am extremely sorry for, conceiving it will be dishonourable to the King, and infamous for us that have the honour to be his ministers, when it shall be known that he shall be obHged to give over the design."* Strafford was no longer at hand to inspire courage into the fainting hearts at Whitehall. For some days he had been absent from the Council table, suffering from an attack of dysentery. On the first strafford'a news of the tumults, Bristol had sought him out, and sation had urged him to give his voice for another Parlia- Bristol, ment. To the calm, good sense of Bristol, the policy ' Account of the Loan, S. P. Bom. ccccliii. 14. ' North umlierland to Conway, May 18, 8. P. Bom, voir. I. A A 354 PASSIVE RESISTANCE. CHAP, of adventure into which the King had been drawn May i8. seemed devoid of all the higher elements of states- iiav'*°8 iTianship. When, some months later, Bristol gave ar account of his conversation with Strafford on this occasion,^ he stated ' that he never understood by the discourse of the Earl of Strafford that the King should use any force or power of arms, but only some strict and severe course in raising money by extraordinary ways for his supphes in the present danger.' To Bristol's plea for another Parhament, he was entirely deaf. He did not, indeed, show any ' dishke of the said discourse, but said he held it not counsellable at that time, neither did the present danger of the king- dom which was not imaginary, but real and pressing, admit of so slow and uncertain remedies ; that the Parliament, in this great distress of the King and kingdom, had refused to supply the King by the ordinary and usual ways, and, therefore, the King must provide for the safety of the kingdom by such ways as he should hold fit, and this examinant remem- bereth the said Earl of Strafford used this sentence, Saltis reipublicce suprema lex. This examinant hkewise thinketh that at the same time the said Earl of Straf- ford used some words to this purpose, that the King was not to suffer himself to be mastered by the fro- wardness or undutifulness of the people, or rather, he conceived, by the disaffection of some pai'ticular men.' Bristol proceeded to depose that, according to the best of his memory, Strafford added, ' that when the Krog should see himself master of his affairs, and that it should be seen that lie wanted not power to go through with his designs — as he hoped he would not dt> — then he conceived tluit, ' it would be advisable to call a ' The date is lixoil ns being not long after the dissolution, and also by the reference to the Lambeth tumults and the mutinies of the soldiers. STRAFFORD'S ILLNESS. 355 Parliament, ' and nobody should contribute more ^^l^F- than himself to all moderate counsels.' ^ — 7 — ■ When these words of high courage, worthy of a j^j ' better cause, were uttered, Strafford's health was strafrord'a . . . . unpopu- already giving way. The violence of the disease was la^ty- doubtless aggravated by all that was passing around him. The scowhng discontent of the gentry, the sup- pressed hatred of the London citizens, the growing detestation of the populace, coupUng his name at last with that of Laud in their anger, might have been met calmly and defiantly, if the assailed minister had been sure of support from his Sovereign. Strafford knew that his adversaries were not inactive ; that Holland, and Pembroke, and Dorset were sounding out his faults in Charles's ear ; ^ that Privy Councillors, His secrets. in spite of their oath of secrecy, had some days before betrayed to members of the House of Commons the resolution taken to dissolve Parhament before it was pubUcly announced ; ^ and that the secret of his negotiation with Spain had been no better kept.* The strain was too great for the weakly body in Hia he^ia which that will of iron was enshrined. In Ireland, ®'^^''^* " during his last visit, he had been racked by gout and dysentery. On his return he had been borne to London in a htter. When he found himself once more at the centre of affairs, he had shaken off his weakness. He had stepped without an effort into a commanding position in the Council. He had orga- nised the House of Lords in resistance to the Commons. Then, when the Dissolution came, it was he who had taken the lead in the high-handed compulsion which ^ Bristol's Deposition, Jan. 14, 1 641, Sherborne MSS. '' Montreuil's Despatch, May |l, Bibl. Nat. Fr. 1,599, ^ol- 89. ^ Form of oath, May 37, S. P. Bom. cccclv. 11. * Salvetti's Newsletter, May j^, |f . The security offered on the mer- chants' goods, however, seems to have remained a eecret. A A 2 356 PASSIVE RESISTANCE. CHAP. VIII. 1640. Mav. May 24. His con- valescence. was to gather up the resources of an unwilling nation to be used for purposes in which it took no pleasure. In a week after the DLs.solution, the excitement of the conflict had told upon hira, and he was again suffering. Then came the bitter disappointment of failure. On the 1 5th, the day on which the Aldermen were released, he was forced to receive the Spanish Ambassadors in bed.^ Two or three days later, his Ufe was in immi- nent danger. In some few the knowledge called forth expressions of bitter sorrow. One royalist poet, ignorant of what another year was to bring fortli, called upon him to live not for his own sake, but for the sake of his country.^ His personal friends were broken-hearted with grief. Wandesford, left behind as Lord Deputy to rule Ii'eland in his name, passed on the bitter tidings to Ormond. " The truth is," he wrote, " I am not master of myself, therefore I cannot enlarge myself much. If you did not love this man well of whom I speak, I would not write thus much." Then came days on which hope returned, and on the 24th the King visited him, to congratulate him on his convalescence. In the presence of the King, Strafford had no eyes for the vacillation of the man. To him Charles was stiU what Ehzabeth had been to her subjects, the living personification of government, at a time when government was sorely needed. True to his ceremonious loyalty, the convalescent threw off his warm gown to receive Ms Sovereign in befittuig guise. His imprudence went near to cost him his life. Struck down again by the chill, it was only after a week in which the physicians despaii-ed of recovery. ' Velftda In I'hilip 1\'., Mnv ij, BnmtU MSS. Sec. d'Etet Esp. cclxxxiv. 258. » This curious \vwm, probably the work of Cartwright, is in MS. in the library of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. CHARLES'S NEED OF MONEY. 357 that hope could again be spoken of to his friends. It chap. was not thus that he was to pass from this world of -- toil, of error, and of sin.^ Before Charles visited Strafford, he had already May 20. repented of his hesitation. The forces which he had with called to his aid had been sufScient to prevent any persisteiUn. repetition of the tumults. On the 20th it was resolved in Council that the proposed negotiation with Scot- land should be abandoned. A violent attack written by BaUhe, against Laud and his system,^ which had just reached the King's hand, made him more than ever averse to an accommodation. But the difficulty of finding means to conduct the war was as insuper- able as ever. By the end of the month the amount Difficulty of ship money collected barely exceeded 20,000^., less ingsMp than one-tenth of the sum required,^ and every letter ^""^^ to the Privy CouncU from the country carried news of the impossibihty of obtaining more. Constables refused to assess, and even when this difficulty had been surmounted those who were assessed refused to pay. If distresses were taken, the articles seized were either rescued by violence, or were left on the hands of the officers because no one would buy them. In and coat many parts of the country the levy of coat and con- duct"""" duct money was equally unpopular. Sometimes it was ™°°''y- directly denounced as illegal, and, where that was not the case, payment was refused on the score of poverty. Against this spirit of insubordination, the Council Measures , ■ 1 1111 -of the which met on the 20th took such measures as were m Council, its power. A Special Committee was formed to watch ' Wandesford to Ormond, May 26, 29, June 4, 7, Carte MSS, i. 197) 199) 200, 203. " Ladensium avToKaraKpuns, an answer to Lydmaclms Nioanor, by whom the Covenanters were charged with Jesuitry. Eossingham's Newsletter, May 26, Shane MSS. 1,467, fol. 112, b. ' Account of ship money, May 30, S. P. Dom. cccclv. 92. 358 PASSIVE RESISTANCE. CHAP. VIII. 1640. May 20. May 21. The riots declared troosonable. May 23. Execution of a rioter. May 21. Torture and execu- (iiin of Archer. over the enforcement of ship money,^ and orders were given to prosecute in the Star Chamber those amongst the Sheriffs who were held to have been more than ordinarily remiss. Equal severity was to be used to gather in coat and conduct money ; and five Deputy- Lieutenants of Hertfordshire, who had expressed themselves doubtfully as to the legahty of the impo- sition, were summoned before the Board.^ How much remained to be done may be gathered from the fact that, out of 2,600^. demanded from Buckinghamshire, only 8/. I OS. had been collected ; and, though this was an extreme instance, other counties were not far in advance.^ The day after these resolutions were taken, one of the leaders of the Southwark tumults was tried before a Special Commission. The judges laid it down that the disturbances amounted to High Treason, and supported their decision by a precedent from the reign of Elizabeth. The prisoner, a poor sailor, was therefore sentenced to be quartered, as well as hung, and the sentence was carried into execution at South- wark, though the authorities mercifully allowed him to liang till he was dead, before the hangman's knife was thrust into his body. John Archer was less fortunate. His paj-t had been to beat the drum in advance of the crowd which marched to the attack upon Lambeth. A glover by trade, he had been pressed into the King's service to go with the army as a drummer, and, for some reason or other, it was supposed that he could give informa- tion against persons in higli position, who Avere believed to have instigated tlicsc tumults. Orders ' Jtim/iw. iii. 1,184. " ]uiNHinpliiiiii'.s Acirflfttci; May 26, S/nniie MSf!. 1,467, fol. I12, b. ' (Jrano (o Ornnn, May 29, Tnniirr MtiS. Ixv. 78. THE EAST CASE OF TORTURE. 359 were accordingly given to put him to the torture, ^yj^j"- The last attempt ever made in England to enforce ' — 7 — ■ confession by the rack was as useless as it was bar- jj^y ' barous. Archer probably had nothing to disclose, and he was executed without making any revelation.^ These stern measures were not without effect. The excite- . , . . , , ment dies ior some time extraordmary precautions were needed, out. On the 27th a placard was fixed up in four places in the City, calling on the defenders of the purity of the gospel to kiU Eossetti. The King was insulted even within the walls of his palace. Some one scratched with a diamond on a window at Whitehall : " God save the King, confound the Queen and her children, and give us the Palsgrave to reign in this kingdom."'^ Charles dashed the glass into fragments with his hand. But there was no further disturbance in the streets, and after some little time the Trained Bands summoned to the aid of the Government were sent home or countermanded, and the capital resumed its usual appearance. During these days of disturbance. Convocation May 9 had been busily at work, in spite of the Dissolution tioncon- tinues of Pa,rliament. It was none of Laud's doing. The sitting, _ Archbishop shared the general opinion, that the end of the Parhament brought with it the end of the Convocation, and apphed to the King for a writ to disftiiss the ecclesiastical assembly. To his surprise, the King answered that he wished to have the grant of subsidies completed, and that the canons, the dis- cussion of which had been begun, should be finally adopted. He had spoken to Finch, and Finch had '■ Warrant to torture Archer, May 21, S. P. Doni. ccccliv. 39. Jar- dine's Reading on the Use of Tortwe, 57, 108. Rossingham's Newsletter, May 26, Sloane MSS. 1,467, fol. 112, b. * I retranslate from Eossetti's Italian. Rossetti to Barberini, j^^, R. 0. Transcripts. 36o PASSIVE RESISTANCE. CHAP. VJII. May 13 May 14. The law- yers pro- nounce it legal. May 15. May [6. Six Bubaidies granted a.s a bene\o- lence. The new canons n;,'rec'd on. assured him that the continuance of a session o: Convocation after the Dissolution of Parliament wai not prohibited by law. Laud expostulated in vain He was irritated that the King had conferred witt the Lord Keeper, rather than with himself, in a mattei which concerned the Church, and he had reason tc fear that the proceeding would not be so well ap proved of by public opinion as it was by Pinch, When the King's mind was made known in Convo- cation, some members of the Lower House expressed doubts of the legality of the course pursued, and Charles laid the question formally before a Committee of lawyers for their opinion.^ The opinion of the lawyers coincided with that of Pinch, and on the 15th, the day on which the King was giving in or everything else, it was announced to the two Houses that they were to meet on the next day for business. On the 1 6th Convocation took into consideration a precedent of 1587, when their predecessors had granted a benevolence to Elizabeth in addition to the subsidy which had received ParUamentary confirma tion. They, therefore, renewed their grant of 20,oooi a year for six years, only, instead of calUng it a sub- sidy, they called it a benevolence, or free contri- bution.^ Having thus expressed their loyalty, the Laudiac clergy published in seventeen new canons its maniffestc to a disloyal generation. Those canons, indeed, were not wanting in that reasonableness which Iras evei been the special characteristic of the English Church- ' The OommitteB consisted of Finch, Manchester, Chief Justice: Bramston and I,yl(pll(m, Attoruey-Qeneral Baiifc?s, and Sergeants Whit iiold and IToatli. » AV(/»on, i. 365. l-and'.s TIV/is. iii. 2S5. SU-\-\v's Life of IJ'hit^ff 1,497, iii. 196. rnrliiiiiicnt was still silting when this grant wa niadr. monies. THE NEW CANOJ^S. 361 They do not simply fulminate anathemas. They con- ^^\fl- descend to explain difficulties, and to invite to cha- ~— ,- — ' ' 1 . 1640. ritable construction. The canon relatmg to the ^ay. ceremonies began with a declaration that it was on thecere- ' generally to be wished that unity of faith were accompanied with uniformity of practice . . . chiefly for the avoiding of groundless suspicions of those who are weak, and the malicious aspersions of the pro- fessed enemies of our religion.' It went on to say that the position of the Communion Table was ' in its own nature indifferent,' but that the place at the east end being authorised by Queen Ehzabeth, it was fit that aU churches ' should conform themselves in this particular to the example of the Cathedral or mother churches, saving always the general liberty left to the Bishop by the law during the time of the ad- ministration of the Holy Communion.' This situation of the holy table did not imply that ' it is or ought to be esteemed a true and proper altar, wherein Christ is again really sacrificed ; but it is, and may be called an altar by us, in that sense in which the primitive Church caUed it an altar, and in no other.' As this table had been irreverently treated, it was to be surrounded with rails to avoid profanation, and^ for the same reason, it was fitting that communicants should jreceive at the table, and not in their seats. Lastly, the custom of doing reverence and obeisance upon entering and quitting the church was highly recommended, though in this the rule of charity was to be observed ; namely, ' that they which use this rite, despise not them who use it not, and that they who use it not, condemn not those that use it.' It can hardly be disputed that there is more of the liberal spirit in this canon than in the Scottish Covenant, It is fairly justifiable as a serious effort to 362 PASSIVE RESISTANCE. find a broad ground on which all could unite. It! fault was, that it sought to compel all to unite on th( ground which it had chosen. No doubt this was i common fault of the time. In the British Isles a1 least no one, with the exception of some few despisec Separatists, had seriously advocated the idea thai worship was to be tolerated outside the National Church. What was fatal to the canon on the cere- monies was that the worship which it advocated was not in any sense national. It approved itself to th€ few, not to the many, and the many who objected tc it had other reasons for being dissatisfied with the authorities by whom it was imposed. The Divine The cauous wcrc therefore at every disadvantage kings. in comparison with the Covenant, as far as theii subject matter was concerned. They were no less a1 a disadvantage in the sanction to which they ap- pealed. The Covenant claimed to be, and in the main was, the voice of the Scottish Church and people. The canons were only, in a very artificial sense, the voice of the English Church, and they were in no sense at all the voice of the English people. They were therefore driven to magnify the authority of the King from whom alone Convocation derived iti title to legislate. In the forefront of the argumentj therefore, was placed the inculcation of the obedience due to kings. '* The most high and sacred order ol kings," it was declared in a canon oi-dered to be read in churches four times in every year, " is of Divine right." It was founded in the prime laws of nature and clearly established by expi-oss texts both of the Old and New Testaments, that God had Himsel: given authority to kings ovor all persons ecclesiastica or civil. Thoiofore it was treasonable against God as well as ngainst the King, to maintain ' any inde- THE DIVINE EIGHT OF KINGS. 363 pendent coactive power either papal or popular,' ^^^f- whilst ' for subjects to bear arms against their kings, offensive or defensive, upon any pretence whatsoever,' jj^ ' was ' at the least to resist the powers which are ordained of God,' and such as resisted would ' receive to themselves damnation.' In this language there was nothing new. It had New im- been used in the sixteenth century to attack the Fanguage claims of the Pope. It would be used again in the latter half of the seventeenth century to attack the claims of the Presbyterians. Where Laud erred was in failing to see that an argument always derives its practical force from the mental condition of those to whom it is addressed. The Divine right of kings had been a popular theory when it coincided with a sup- pressed assertion of the Divine right of the nation. Henry Vlli. and Elizabeth had prospered not because their thrones were established by the decree of Heaven, but because they stood up for the national independence against foreign authority. Charles and Laud had placed themselves outside the national conscience, and their Divine right of kings was held up to the mockery of those to whom their assertions were addressed. Nowhere was Laud's feeble grasp on the realities The ques- oflife shown more than in the clause relating to taxation, taxation. It was the duty of subjects to give ' tribute and custom, and aid and subsidy, and all manner of necessary support and supply ' to kings, ' for the public defence, care, and protection of them.' Subjects, on the other hand, had ' not only possession of, but a true and just right, title, and property to and in all their goods and estates, and ought so to have.' A more innocuous proposition was never drawn up, , if it implied that the subjects were to be the judges 364 PASSIVE RESISTANCE. CHAP, whether their money was needed for the public ■ — T-— -^ defence. If, on the other hand, it implied that th< ji^j°" King was to be the judge, it erected a despotism as arbitrary as that which existed in France. Whal was the bearing of such high-sounding platitudes or the question really at issue — whether an invasion 0: Scotland was or was not necessary for the pubHc defence and protection of Englishmen 't Theetoe- In one point, at least, the new canons directlj imitated the Covenant. It was impossible that th< effective force of the oath which bound Scotsmer together could have escaped the eye of Laud. The Church of England, too, should have its oath, nol enforced by lawless violence but emanating from legitimate authority. " I, A. B.," so ran the formula " do swear that I do approve the doctrine and dis cipUne, or government, established in the Church oi England, as containing all things necessary to salva- tion, and that I wiU not endeavour by myself or anj other, directly or indirectly, to bring in Popisl doctrine contrary to that which is so established, noi •will I ever give my consent to alter the governmeni of this Church by archbishops, bishops, deans, anc archdeacons, &c., as it stands now established, and a; by right it ought to stand, nor yet ever to subject r to the usurpations and superstitions of the See Eome." Its unpopu- This oath, soon to be known to the world as th( ''"^" etcetera oath, was hardly likely to serve the purpose for which it was intended. Tho ridicule pUed on th( demand, that every clergyman, every master of art who was not the son of a nobleman, all who ha( taken a degree in divinity, laM-, or physic, all regis trars, actuaries, proctors, and schoolmasters, shouk Hwoar to make no attempt to alter institutions, whicl THE ETCETERA OATH. 365 the very framers of the formula omitted completely to *vi'n/ specify, would have had httle effect if the oath had in ^~^'^ any way given expression to the popular sentiment. jjgy_ It is true that, even in this unlucky production, all was not amiss, and in these days we may contemplate with satisfaction the spirit which demanded no more than a general approval of the doctrine of the Church as containing all things necessary to salvation. After all, the main fault to be found with the oath is that it was intended to be imposed on those who did not want to take it ; whilst the Covenant, at least in its earlier days, was intended to bind together, in con- scious unity, those who approved more or less zealously of its principles.^ The very existence of this Convocation, after the The right Dissolution of Parhament, was in itself a special tioutosit. offence. It accentuated the distinction, already sharp enough, between the laity and the clergy. The clergy, it seemed, were to form a legislature apart, making laws in ecclesiastical matters, and even laying down principles for the observance of Parhaments in such essentially secular matters as the grant of subsi- dies. No doubt it was the Tudor theory, that Con- vocation was dependent on the King and not on Parhament, just as it was the Tudor theory that the Boyal supremacy in ecclesiastical matters was vested in the Crown antecedently to Parliamentary statutes. The time was now come when the suflficiency of these theories to meet the altered circumstances of the time would be rudely put to the test. Even in Convocation itself, the question was raised. May 29. Bishop Goodman of Gloucester, who had retained his Goodman, bishopric in spite of his conversion to the Eoman GathoUc Church, took umbrage at a canon directed ' Canons, in Laud's Works, v, 607. 366 PASSIVE KESISTANCE. CHAP, at those professors of his creed who were more honest than himself. ' He would be torn with wild horses,' he told Laud, ' before he would subscribe that canon.' When he reached the place of meeting his courage failed him. He fell back on a denial of the right ol Convocation to make canons when Parliament was not sitting. Laud waved aside the objection and told him he was obliged to vote for or against the canons. On his refusal to do either, the Archbishop, with the consent of Convocation, suspended him from hi^ office. In the end, Goodman gave way and signed the canons as they stood. As soon as the King heard what had passed he committed the Bishop to the Gate-House, to answer for his offence in entering into communications with Eome whilst he remained a Bishop of the Engheh Church. Dissolution Charlcs and Laud were, before all things, anxious cation. to clcar themselves from the stigma of friendliness tc Eome. When Convocation was dissolved, on tlu 29th, the Archbishop protested that the King ' wa; so far from Popery that there was no man in Eug land more ready to be a martyr for our reUgion thar his Majesty.' ^ April. In such a case protests could avail little. Thej of Estates could not Call out the national enthusiasm, witliou burgh?" which Charles's cause was hopeless. Of such enthu siasm there was no lack in Scotland. A Conventioi of Estates, a kind of informal Parliament, had sat ii Edinburgh in April. It had taken every precautioi against surprise. Lord Eglinton w;is directed t( watch the coast from the Clyde to tlie Englis] Border against tlie landing of the Irish arnij ' Ijttud's IForks, iii. 287, vi. 539. Eossingham'a Xnc^ettcr, June : 9. Sloane MSS. 1,467, fol. 117, 121. Identical canons were passed l tbo Oonvooation of York. PROCEEDINGS OF THE SCOTS. 367 Argyle was naturally entrusted with the defence of ^^..^f- the Western Highlands. As in the preceding year — 7 — ' the main difficulty lay in Aberdeen. On May 5 the jj^ " Earl Marischal marched in, imposed a fine on the T''®.^?'\ J^ _ Manschai Eoyahst town, and enfoi'ced the signature of the J" Aber- Covenant.^ In Edinburgh, Ettrick had continued Ettriokin firing on the town from his impregnable position in c^ae"'^'' the Castle, and had killed some thirty of the inha- bitants in the streets.''' An attempt was made to undermine his defences, but the rocks on which they were built were so hard that the project was soon abandoned. At sea Charles's cruisers were let loose on Scottish commerce, and a large number of vessels were brought as prizes into English harbours. The Scottish Parhament had been prorogued ' to The ap- June 2. A decision would soon be taken upon the sessional attitude to be observed towards the King. No doubt "* ""^ ' could be entertained what that decision would be. Every letter from the South brought confirmation of the belief that England was not with Charles. It was openly said at Edinburgh, that as soon as Parha- ment met the Castle would surrender, and 20,000 Scots would cross the Border to support the demands which had been made by their Commissioners. Li such a temper the Scots were not hkely to The King respect the King's order for the prorogation of rogation?" Parhament till the beginning of July, an order which, as they rightly judged, was only intended to gain time for the completion of the English military pre- parations. TheCovenanting leaders consulted the prin- opmionu cipal divines and lawyers of their party on the course il^l^s, to be pursued, and received assurance that Parha- ^ Spalding, i. 267. * The Marquis of Douglas to Guthrie, May 21. Ernley to Conway, May 22. Intelligence sent to Conway, May 25, S, P. Dom, ccccliv. S', 75, 98. 368 PASSIVE RESISTANCE. RHAP. ment might lawfully sit without the presence either o — ■r'—' the King or his Commissioner.^ They were even in jj^ ■ formed that a King who sold liis country to a stranger The King's who dcsertcd it for a foreign land, or who attacked caiivassod. it with an invading force, might lawfully be deposed.' Startling as the question was, it was one which Such a could not but force itself on the minds of the Scottish impossible, leaders. There was something ridiculous in the phrases of devoted loyalty with which they besprinkled a King whom they were preparing to attack with force of arms. Yet, illogical as their position was, it was not in their power to abandon it. To do so would be to introduce hesitation into the hearts of ' Surnet, 165. "The Scots estates," writes Mr. Burton, "did not admit the irresponsibility of the Sovereign. We have seen them bringing James III. to task, and the precedent was made all the more emphatic by the attempt of the lawyers of the 17th century to conceal it by muti- lating the record in which it is set forth. The punishment of bad Sovereigns is a thing in which the literature of the country deals in a tone evidently directed towards practice. We find the estates of Scot- land dealing with many things now deemed the peculiar function of the executive. They kept in their own hands the power of making peace and war. . . . We shall find that at the time we have now reached," i.e. the first years of Mary Stuart, " a critical question was standing over. Whether the Crown had a veto on the acts of the estates ; in other words. Whether the consent of the Sovereign was necessary to an Act of Parliament, and down to the Union with England this question was not decided." Hist, of Scotl. iv. 93. ' The evidence for this is a deposition by Sir T. Steward that Argyle had said in his presence that at Edinburgh ' it was agitatt . . . whether or not ane Parliament might be holdane without the King or his Commissioner, and that a King might be depositt being found guilty of any of thir three : i . Venditio, 2. Descrtio ; 3. Invasio' Napier, Memoricdi of Montrose, i. 266. This seems to me credible in itself, and it is borne out by tho deposition of John Stuart even before his recant- ation {Ibid. i. 297, 299). It is evident, too, from the following phrase in a letter from Johnston, immediatoly to be quoted, that something of the kind was in agitation. " Moiilroso did dispute against Aigyle, Rothes, Balmerino, and myself, because some urged that, as long as we had a King, wo could not sit willioiil him ; and it was answered that to do the loss was more lawful than to do the greater." Napier, Me»noi)-i ofMon- trosr, i. 236. ARGYLE AND MONTROSE. 369 their countrymen, when hesitation would have been ^^\ff- ruinous, and would perhaps even raise qualms of — 7 — - conscience in their own bosoms. They therefore fell jj^,, " back on a technical informality in the manner in which the King's orders were presented to them. Montrose urged obedience on the ground that as long as they had a king they could not act without him. Argyle, Balmerino, Eothes, and Johnston significantly replied, ' that to do the less was more lawful than to do the greater.' ^ They held that it was better to act without their sovereign than to depose him. Montrose and his friends submitted. They were June 2. prepared to support the Eoyal authority if Charles Parua- showed himself ready to comply with the require- ™*° ments of the Scottish nation. They were not ready Montrose's to desert the cause which they had hitherto upheld in the face of a bearing so ambiguous as that of the King.^ Charles had as yet given no engagement to ' Napier, Memoirs of Montrose, i. 236. * "But the members of the said Parliament," wrote Montrose in 1645, " some of them having far designs unknown to us, others of them haying found the sweetness of government, were pleased to refuse the ratification of the Acts of the Assemhly, with the abjuration of Episco- pacy and Court of High Commission, introduced hy the Prelates, xuiless they had the whole alleged liberty due to the subject, which was, in fact, intrenching upon authority, and the total abrogation of his Majesty's royal prerogative ; whereby the King's Commissioner was constrained to rise and discharge the Parliament, and was urged to levy new forces to suppress their unlawful desires ; and, fearing lest their unlawful desires and our flat refusal of his Majesty's ofifer conform to the conference fore- said, should have moved his Majesty to recal what he had condescended unto, to the prejudice of religion and liberties of the subject ; and, on the other hand, calling to mind the oath of allegiance and covenant sub- scribed for the maintenance of his Majesty's honour and greatness — wrestling betwixt extremities, and resolved rather to suffer with the people of God for the benefit of true religion than to give way to his Majesty in what then seemed doubtsome, and being most unwilling to divide from them we were joined with in Covenant, did still undertake with them "' (JSapiei, Memorials of Montrose, i. 218). Whether this is a perfectly correct account of Montrose's state of mind five years before may perhap VOL. I. B B 370 I'ASSIV"]'; RESISTANCE VIII. 1640 Juno a *^vnT*" assent to the Acts abolishing Episcopacy. Nor wen other causes wanting to determine Montrose's actioi at this juncture of affairs. Sharing, as he did, t( some extent in Strafford's ideas on the place of monarchy in constitutional government, thougl laying more stress than Strafford did on the dutj of kings to take into consideration the wishes 0I their subjects, he was more under the limitations ol nationality than Straffbrd was. Monarchy was not tc him an authority disposing of the forces of the three kingdoms for the coercion of any one which happened to resist the wisdom of the Government. It was a purely Scottish institution. Beyond Scottish territory and Scottish men his thoughts did not travel. Whether Charles were right or wrong he was to be resisted if he attempted to enforce his views by means of an army of EngUsh foreigners. June II. Montrose, therefore, a halfhearted Covenanter passed." ° it might be, was a Covenanter stiU. His fellow- countrymen became Covenanters, if possible, more resolutely than ever. The Scottish ParUament made short work of the questions at issue. It speedily converted into laws, as far as it was possible to do so without the Royal assent, all the Bills which had received the approbation of the Lords of the Articles be doubted ; but it is at all events significant that he espresaes doubts whether the King might be induced to withdraw the coucesaons which he had made at Berwick. In writing to Chwles in 1641 Montrose dis- tinctly admits that the cause of the mischief -n'as not to be sought only in the conduct of the subjocls. They, he t«Us the King, are likely to fall from himself if, by removing the cause and by the application of whole- anme remedies, it be not speedily prevented. " They," he gors on to say, "have no other end but to proscvvo their religion in purity and thwr liberties entire." Mo even spealts ns if some modemte nlteration in the Acts ought to satisfy the King. "Any diflei-euce that may arise upon the Acts passed in the last I'oi'liament your Majosty's presence and the ftdvico and endeavours of your faithful sor\ ants will easily accommodate " (Ibid. i. 268). CONDITION OF THE ARMY. 37 1 before the prorogation in November. On June 1 1 ^yrff- the new constitution — it was nothing less than that — - was formally approved of, and ParHament separated, j„„g °i leaving behind it a numerous Committee of Estates, Endofth* 1 Session. empowered to conduct the government of the country The Com- .. mitteeof m Its name. Estates. Of these Acts an enthusiastic Covenanter declared that they exhibited ' the next greatest change in one blow that ever happened to this church and state these six hundred years by-past ; for in effect it overturned not only the ancient state government, but fettered monarchy with chains, and set new limits and marks ' to the same beyond which it was not legally to proceed.' * If such was the view taken of these Acts at Edin- May. burgh it was not likely that they would be acceptable "ship to Charles. Yet it was hard to say what he could ™™®^* do. His army was stiU to be formed. Conway's 2,000 Horse at Newcastle was the onlj'' force as yet dispos- able against the enemy. Conway's account of their state of^ condition was most depressing. The pistols which Horse!^' had been sent down to them were absolutely unser- viceable, and, as no money was to be had from London to meet the expense of repairing them, he had to give orders that twopence a day should be deducted from the pay of the troopers. A mutiny was the result ; and Conway, who had scant time to think of the Petition of Eight, ordered one of the ringleaders to be shot. The soldiers themselves were not such as to be easy of guidance. " I am teaching," wrote Conway, " cart horses to manage, and men that are fit for Bed- lam and Bridewell to keep the ten commandments ; so that General Leslie and I keep two schools. He hath scholars that profess to serve God, and he is instruct- ' i.e. boundaries, ' Balfour, ii. 379. B B 2 37^ PASSIVE RESISTANCE. ing them how they may safely do injury and all im ])iety. Mine to the uttermost of their power nevej kept any law either of God or the King, and they ar( to be made fit to make others keep them." ^ June 9 Almost as soon as the news of the determination ol OTdered to the Scottish Parliament to continue in session reached mraiey!'' the King, a desperate efibrt was made to extract ship money from the city of London. On June 9 the Lore Mayor and Sheriffs were before the Council. The Lord Mayor was asked why he had not collected the money, He replied that he had done his best. " Why," asked the King, " did you not distrain ? " The poor man pleaded that one of his predecessors was the de- fendant of an action brought against him in the King's Bench by the indefatigable Eichard Chambers, for his conduct in collecting ship money, and that he did not wish to be in the same position. "Xo man," said Charles peremptorily, "shall suffer for obeying my commands." Lord Mayor Garway was hardly the man to hold out as Alderman Soames had held out in the case of the loan. He was himself one June 10. of the collectors of the new impositions, and had made Failure of - „ \. ' the attempt good proht out oi an unparhamentary levy. The tocoUectit ^ J ■ 1 1 1 01 •«. 1 ,. next day, accompanied by the Sheriffs, he went from house to house to demand the money for the King. In the whole City only one man was found to pay it. The Lord Mayor then bade the Sheriffs to dis- train the goods of the refusers. They told him that this ' was his business, not theirs.' Entering a draper's shop, he took hold of a pioco of linen. The owner coolly asked to be allowed to measure tlie stuff before he parted with it. When he had ascer- ' Oonwfty to Laud, May 20. (\)iiway to Northumberland, May 20, Conway to the Countess of Devonshire, May 28, S. P. Bom. ccccliy, 301 38. GENERAL APATHY IN ENGLAND. 373 tained its length, he named the price of the goods, ^y^f- and said that he should charge it to his lordship's ■ — t^ — ' account.^ June II, On the nth the Common Council met to consider con'duot'^ another demand which had been recently made upon Secfjy" them. They had been required to furnish 4,000 men to the army, and to comply with the usual requisition for coat and conduct money. After some discussion the meeting separated without returning an answer, and this postponement of a resolution was almost tantamount to a refusal.''' Such a rebuff left Charles almost as much irritated g^aries"' with the City as he was with the Scottish Parliament, tunks of _ •^ ^ using force The ease "with which he had gained the mastery over pt^ the the turbulent apprentices brought the notion into his head that it would be possible to use armed force to compel the City to minister of its fulness to the necessities of the State. In his eyes the refusal of ship money and of coat and conduct money was a distinct rejection of legal obhgations, and compulsion would thus only be used to bring offenders upon their knees. Such fancies remained with Charles no more than fancies. To carry them out would take time, and it might be that, before he had effected his pur- pose, a Scottish army would cross the Borders to throw its sword into the scale. It would therefore and of be necessary to take up once more the scheme of a with the'" negotiation with the Scots. A peace with the north- ern kingdom might be patched up on the best terms which could be obtained, in the expectation that sooner or later an excuse would be given for recom- mencing the war with better chances, and for re- * EoBsingham's Newsletter, June l6, S. P. Dom. cccclvii. 36, " The Council to the Lord Mayor, May 31, Rmhw. iii. 1,188. Com- mon Council Journal, xxxix. 97, Corporation Records. 374 PASSIVE RESISTANCE, ^vitr <^^^<'in& Scotland to the obedience which it owed tc its rightful King.* Before Charles could resolve to take one course 1640. June I, The second or anothci", evcn worse news than that which had Sossicii of ' the Irish readied him from Edinburgh was spreading across >»ent. the Irish Channel. The Parliament of Ireland met for its second Session on June i. The enthusiasm, real or factitious, with which the subsidies had beer granted in March had long since died away. Strafford was no longer in Dublin to warn and to encourage. Nor was the situation the same in June as it had been three months before. Not only was there a differ- ence between the time of payment and the time oi promise, but there was no longer reason to beUeve that the Irish who supported the King would be on the winning side. Nor was the House of Commons quite the same as it had been in March. An Irish House of Commons was a very artificial production. Care had been taken that neither the Eoman Catholic ' This resta on tlie teetimony of Rossetti. He would be well informed by the Queen of what was passinff. After speaking of the guards placed by the King on Somerset Hoiise and St. James's, he says that this was done ' poiche avrebbe voluto, sotto questo colore di repri- mere tali seditioni, unire inaieme le sue forze per meglio tenere in offitic la cittil, e costriugerla formatameute a dargli qual sussidio di d&naro cbc per via parlamentaria non ha potuto ottenere. . . . Ma perch6 pel esaero la stagione troppo inanzi, e qiiesto dissegno del RA solamenti meditato, difficilmente o con molto progresso potrebbe effettuarlo ir quest' anno, si 6 inteso di piii che egli voglia paciflcare in qualche buon modo gli Scozzesi per hora et intanto aggiustare le cose d'lnghilterra pei non haver impedimento dietro le spalle, e proyedersi di danari e d'altrt cose necessarie per poter essere in termini a tempo piu mature di muo- versi contro la Scotia, et per conduri-e S. M" piu cnutamente il tuttc credessi che penai di voler and are con aparecchio pnciflco alle frontier di quel Regno, accommodarsi in qua! miglior modo clio si potes._ ^f" _. up enemies to give him trouble at some future day 1640. jjjg ^{yoi Montrose had one fatal weakness. Tht June. Argyle and comer-stone of his policy was the chance that Charles Montrose. ^ *^ would at last be frank and consistent. In reality Charles was wavering from day to day. Before th( end of June Hamilton had won him over to anothei June 27. attempt to concihate Scotland. On the 27th Loudoui andmiilon was set free and despatched with instructions whicl "" °™- were vague enough in themselves, but which seem t( have been explained to mean that Charles would no\s bind himself to carry out the Treaty of Berwick afteJ the Scottish interpretation ; and that, although h( refused to acknowledge the vahdity of Acts of the lat( session, he woiild promise not to interpose his vetc upon the Acts for the establishment of the Presby- terian Constitution, if they were presented to him ii a regular manner. On the otlier hand, Loudoun was to do his best to prevail with his countrymen ' thai the King's authority should not be entrenched upor nor diminished.' ^ As he passed througli Durham, Loudoun gave oul freely that lie was carrying poaoo to Scotland.- Wher ' Jiislriiclimia nnd !\liH'rfrt*«r, July I GiuBtinian'i Deepatcli, Jvilv JJ, I'm. Trniifcriptt. DEBASEMENT OF THE COINAGE. 393 threepence each, and which were to bear as a motto chap. in Latin the confident words, "Let God arise, let 1640. His enemies be scattered." ^ Of these coins the officers juiy u. declared they would be at once able to turn out the nominal amount of 14,000/. a week, and after a little preparation they would be able to turn out 30,000/. a week. Strafibrd recommended that the soldiers should be paid, at least for some time, in good money, but that all other payments out of the Exchequer should be made in bad money.^ As soon as the project was known there was a loud outcry. The citizens declared that nothing would induce them to accept the rubbish to which it pleased the King to give the name of shil- Ungs. The officers of the Mint asserted that their men would not work if their own wages were to be paid in the new coins. Strafibrd could but answer by threat- ening the workmen with the House of Correction. To the citizens he had already replied, by telling them that Frenchmen were worse dealt with than they, and that the King of France had recently sent round com- missioners to search the books of the Paris merchants in order to levy contributions on them.' Even in the Privy Council, the miserable scheme Boe-s op- met with warm opposition. Sir Thomas Eoe, who p"'*""' had recently been added to the Board, argued forcibly that it would be as disastrous to the Crown as to the people. Strafibrd had now ceased to have eyes for anything save the immediate present He broke out into a ragie, and rated Eoe soundly for his meddling. The King announced that the debasement was un- avoidable. The Attorney-General was directed to ' Exurgat Deut, ditsipentur inimici. ' Notes of the proceedings in the Committee, July 11, S. P. Dom. cocclix. 77. ' limhw. Straf. Ti-ial, 596. Strafford here is described as sicli, so that the question was probably first mooted earlier than it came openly forward. 394 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. IX. 1640. July 13. Nortluim- bi'i-livnd's opiuion. July 12. Mcirder of Lieutenant Sure. Mutiny at Dnventry. draw up a proclamation on the subject, and orders were given to prepare the new dies at the Mint.^ Every day marked Strafford more clearly thai before as tlie author or supporter of all violent anc ill-considered actions. Men with less burning heal in the cause could see what he could not see. " Tht keeping of disorderly and new raised men," wrote Northumberland, whose languid interest in the struggle enabled him to cast his glances around him with the impartiality of a mere spectator, " and the coining ol copper money, are shrewd signs that money is not sc plentiful as it ought to be at the beginning of a war, . I pray God those that were the advisers of i1 do not approve themselves more ignorant in the ways of governing an army than they would seem to be." ^ The disorders of the men on the march were stLU continuing. On the 1 2th the Devon men halting at Wellington, in Somersetshire, murdered Lieutenant Eure, a Cathohc officer, who refused to accompany them to church. The population of the town and neighbourhood sympathised with the perpetrators oi the crime. Not a man would stir to arrest the mur- derers. Even the neighbouring magistrates gave no assistance. The appointment of Catholic officers had not been by any means the source of strength which Charles had expected it to be. An indefinable feel- ing of uneasiness and suspicion was spreading through the ranks of the ignorant peasants on whom Charles had rested his cause. At Daventry, iive or six hun- dred Berkshire men broke out into mutiny. Some of them said they would not fight against tl\e Gospel ' Montreuil's Dosjiatcli, .Tuly l'^. 2?iW. AV. Fr. 15,995, fol- 99 ii!(M/i«i. iii. 1,217. ^'nif. yViW.'i, 591. ■^ Noitliiiinboi'liind to Coiiwnv, Jiilv 13. Northumlwrlaud to Astley July 14, iS. /', Dom. cccclix. 97, ccccl.t. ^ MUTINOUS STATE OF THE ARMY. 395 Others declared that they would not be commanded chap. by Papists. The determination not to serve iinder " — 7 — ' Catholic officers threw whole regiments into disorder, juiy 12. In a force intended to serve under Hamilton on the east coast of Scotland, a full half of the officers were Catholics, and it was only by calUng out the trained bands to seize the mutineers, and to thrust them into the House of Correction, that order was restored at all.^ Amongst men so ignorant and unruly it some- Juiyu. times happened that a clever officer gained an ascen- Wmdetank dency which raised him above suspicion. Winde- men.' bank's son heard that the men of his company had sworn to murder all Popish officers. He at once ordered them aU to kneel down and sing psalms, told one of his subalterns to read some prayers, and ended the scene by serving out beer and cheap tobacco at his own expense. The plan was perfectly successful. " They all now," he wrote to his father, " swear that they will never leave me as long as they hve, and indeed, I have not had one man run from me yet in this nine days' march ; but other captains of our regi- ment which marched a week before us, are so fearftil of their soldiers that they dare not march with them on the way ; their soldiers having much threatened them, and have done much mischief in all places they come, by steaUng and abusing every one, their officers daring not to correct them ; but I thank God, I have aU my men in so great obedience, that all the country as I go pray for me, saying they never met with so civil soldiers."^ ' GilDson to Conway, July 14. Byron's relation, July 14. Byron to Oqnway, July 20. Deputy Lieutenants of Devon to the Council, July 21, S. P. Bom. cccclx. 5, Jo, 52. " F. Windebank to Windebank, July 19, Ibid, cccclx. 46. 396 THE SCOTTISH LNVASION. CHAP. Under the evil news which came so thickly upor ^~-7~ — ■ him, Charles's resolution waxed and waned from day tc July II. day,^ whilst he was Ustening to counsellors^f war oi ^rMdata peace, as indignation or fear predominated in his mind July 19. On the igth news arrived from the North that tht News from iii • /--vt ii~»' scotiund. Scots contemplated the seizure of Newcastle. Once ie possession of the collieries there, they would be abk to dictate their own terms, as London could not en- dure the deprivation of the supply of coal.^ Charles saw in this intelligence the means of working upot the Londoners through their interests. On the 22nd the Lord Mayor was ordered to summon a Commor July 23. Council for the following day. On the 2 trd Cotting- Cottiagton , ^^ -, ■ i n- i i ^P and Vane in tou and Vane appeared m the City, the bearers of a ' ^' letter from the King, in which assurances were givec that if the long-asked-for loan of 200,000^. were novi agreed to, nothing more should be heard of tht debasement of the coinage. Leaving the Commor Council to discuss the demand, the Privy CounciUori amused themselves by strolling through the Clotl Exchange at Blackwell Hall. The owners of clotl; gathered quickly round them. They hoped, thej said, that they were not to be compelled to sell, foi copper, goods for which sterling silver had been paid The loan After a debate of an hour and a half Cottington anc fnaed. Vaue Were re-admitted, to be informed that the Com mon Council had no power to dispose of the monej of the citizens. mont o'f'he Charlcs was highly displeased wth the stiff-necke( coinage to obstinacy of the City. He at once ordered the officer proceed. "^ •' ' " Ad ogni modo provocata la M" sua dall' ardore della propri indignatione in yedersi ogni giorno pift offesa da nuove cause, conftis nelV istessime risolutioni, viva piona di perplessitil in appigliawi al ultimo partito, per non sapere 11 miglioro." Rosselti to Barborini, '^', Ji. O, Tranfciiptf. ' News from Scotland, July 17, S, P. Dom. A SPANISH LOAN DEMANDED. 397 of the Mint to proceed with the coinage. A scheme ^^y^- was prepared by which it was hoped to obviate the • — 7 — - worst consequences of that measure. For the sake j^, ' of the poor, all payments below the value of half-a- crown were still to be made in good silver. One tenth of all payments above that sum were to be made in the new copper money. As soon as this arrange- ment was announced men engaged in business drily remarked that in that case there would be a general rise of 10 per cent, in their prices. Again, Charles hesitated, and the plan was once more thrown over for further consideration. He reaped all the unpo- pularity of his proposal without any of the advan- tages which he might have derived from prompt and unscrupulous action.^ Whilst Cottington and Vane were pleading to no fresh purpose with the Londoners, Straflbrd was pleading obtlta a equally in vain with the Spanish Ambassadors. spSn"" Almost imploringly the proud and haughty minister adjured the Spaniards to come to his aid. If the pro- posed league and the consequent advance of 300,000/. was not at once to be obtained, would they not lend his master 1 50,000/. in his present straits, and defer the remainder till after the signature of the league ? If even that was not to be had, he would content him- self with 100,000/., half to be paid at the end of the month, and half three or four weeks later. He would give his personal security for its repayment in Novem- ber. The Spaniards replied that they had no orders to lend the money, but added a general assurance of their master's goodwill, which can hardly have con- veyed much satisfaction to Strafford.^ Almost at the ' Rossingham's Newsletter, July 27, S. P. Lorn, cccclxi. 33, ' Velada, Malvezzi, and C MSB. See. Esp. cclxxxv. fol. 47 ' Velada, Malvezzi, and Cardenas to Philip IV., ^^, Brusseh 398 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. IX. 1640. Similar application to France. The Pope will not lend. Proposal to bring in Danish soldiers. July 25. Martial law to be executed. same time, Cottington was maldng application to thi French Agetit for a loan of 400,000/. It is hardl; necessary to add that the request did not meet witl a favourable reply.'^ The Queen, too, had her share of disappointment the reply to the request which had been made in hei name, in the height of the tumults in May, arrivec from Eome. The answer was plain enough. I Charles would become a CathoUc, he should have botl men and money. Six or eight thousand soldiers, whc would serve the King to their last breath, would b( sent in vessels which would arrive under the pretexi of fetching alum. Unless he became a Cathohc it wai impossible to do anything for him.^ The complete failure to obtain money increased the difficulty of keeping order among the soldiers So far had the distrust of the EngUsh army gone that it was seriously proposed to levy two regiments oi Danish horse, and to bring them into England tc keep order amongst the mutineers ; and this project was only abandoned through the absolute impossi- bihty of finding the money for the levy.® If Danish soldiers were not to be had, at least the English officers might be empowered to execute martial law. " You may now hang witli more autho- rity," wrote Northumberland in forwarding these instructions to Conway ; " but, to make all sure, a pardon must come at last." The whole expenditure on the forces, he added, till tlie end of October, would be 300,000/., ' towards which wo have not in cash nor in view above 20,000/. at tlie most. If some ' Montreuil's Despatch, A"',ff,5tW. Xat. Fr. 15,995, fol. 104. ' Barberiiii to Itossoiti, Juno l'^, Uossotti to Bai'l)erini, ~^^^} , K. O. TrmiKcripln. ' UiustiMiiin's Di'spalcli, '^"'J^', Tni. Ti- Boagiugbam'B Keu'sMter, Aug. 4, iS. P. Ihni. cccclxiii. 33. Mon tveuil's Despatch. Aug. ,"„, Bibl. \nt. Kv. 15,995, fol. 107, Giustinian' Dospateh, A«(f. ,'.;, I'en. Tninarriytt. ENGLISH CO^nrUNIOATIOXS WITH THE SOOTS. 401 that. Personages of note and eminence had entered ^^^^^' into communication with their commissioners, and ' — ■ • — ' had given them assurances, which they had no reason j^^^' to doubt, that ParUament, if it met, would take up their cause, and would refuse to grant a sixpence to the King unless he consented to put an end to the war."- If nothing had passed since, the knowledge of the emptiness of the Exchequer, of the growing resistance to the various attempts which had been made to wring money from EngUshmen, and of the mutinous temper in which the troops were marching north- wards, must have convinced the Covenanting leaders that the time had now arrived in which they might strike hard without fear of consequences. There can be little doubt, however, that secret Communi- communications had passed between the Scots and between the English leaders. Before Loudoun had left London Ind the he had been in communication with Lord Savile, the kafw? son of Strafford's old rival, who had inherited the personal antipathies of his father, and whose hatred of Strafford placed him by the side of men of higher aims than his own. To him, as the recognised organ of the English malcontents, Johnston of Warriston addressed a letter on June 23, just at the moment juneaa, when Leslie's army was first gathering at Leith. After fetteTto"' expressing the not unnatural desire of the Scottish ^*''"*' leaders for a definite understanding with the English nobility, it asked for an extension of the National Covenant in some form to England, in order that the Scots might distinguish friends from foes, and for k special engagement from some principal persons that they would join the invading army at its entrance ' The commuEications through Frost, noticed by Burnet {Higt. of Own Times, i. 27) seem to relate to the period before the ParMa- meut. VOL. I. D D 402 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. JX. 1640. July 8. Answer of the Peers. Aug. Savile's forged en- gagemect. into Northumberland, or would send money for it support. This letter passed through Loudoun's hands, anc the answer was forwarded by Savile some days aftei the Scottish nobleman had set out on his return. Ii was signed by Bedford, Essex, Brooke, Warwick Scrope, Mandeville, and himself. It contained a distinci refusal to commit a treasonable act, and an assurance that the English who had stood by their side in the last Parhament would stand by their side still in a legal and honourable way. Their enemies were one, their interest was one, their end was one, ' a free Parliament,' to try all offenders, and to settle religion and liberty. This letter failed to give satisfaction in Scotland. Nor was its deficiency Ukely to be suppUed by an accompanying letter, fuU of the most unquali- fied offers of aid from Savile himself The Scots pressed for an open declaration and engagement in their favour. In the end of July or the beginning of August, Savile sent them what they wanted. He forged the signatures of the Peers with such skill that, when the document was afterwards submitted te their inspection, they were unable to point out a single turn of the pen by which the forgery might have been detected.^ ' 1 have probably surprised many of my rsaders by the fiicility with which I have accepted Oldmlxon's letters {Iti«t. of JEngL 141) as genuine. Oldmixon's character for truthfulness stands so very low that historians have been quite satisfied to treat the letters as a forgery. The internal evidence of their authenticity is, however, very strong. The letters of Johnston, of the Peers, and of Savile are written in so distinct a style, and that style so evidently appropriate to the cliaracter and posi- tion of the writers, as to require in a forger a very high art indeed— art which there is nothing to lead us to suppose tliat Oldmixon possessed. The allusions to passing events cannot all be tested, but there is none which 1 have succeeded in testing which is incorrect. The prediction that the troops would be on the Borders on July 10 indeed anticipated reality by t»n diiys ; but this is j\ist the mistake that Johnston was likely PREPARATIONS FOR INVASION. 403 Encouraged by these communications, Leslie had chap. in July taken up his post in Choicelee "Wood, about 1640. to make, and -which a skilful forger would avoid. On the other hand, July, the strongest evidence in favour of the letters is derived from the argu- ment hy which Bisraeli satisfied himself of their supposititious character. He asks how Oldmixon came to place the seven names at tho end of the Peers' letter when he assures us that those names were cut out from the original ? My answer to this is that the letter which Oldmixon produces is not what he says it was. The story of cutting out the names is horrowed by him from Nalson (ii. 428). Now there can he no doubt what the paper described in Nalson really was. It was a declaration and engagement on the faith of which the Soots said they had invaded England, and which they said the English Lords had broken. The letter in Oldmixon contains no engagement which was not fulfilled. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the forged paper was a different one from that which he has printed, and that it contained a promise of actual assistance. Nalson's evidence is of the highest authority as being an extract from the Memoirs of the Earl of Manchester, who, as Lord Mandeville, was one of those whose signature was forged. On the hypothesis that the letters were Oldmixon's forgery, we have to face the enormous difficulty that, after producing letters so wonderfully deceptive as the others were, he did not take the precaution of forging one from the Peers which would bear the slightest resemblance to the description which he himself had given of it. On my hypothesis every- thing is easily explained. Oldmixon met with these letters either in the original or in copy. Being either careless or dishonest, or both, he was not content to give them simply for what they were, but must needs give them out for the lost engagement for which Charles had sought in vain. The dates, too, as we have them, support this view. The Peers' letter is said to have been sent off from Yorkshire on July 8, about ten days after Loudoun left London. Manchester in his Memoirs says that the engagement was sent after Loudoun had been released, and had been some few weeks in Scotland. I would add that Henry Barley, the reputed bearer, was in York on July 28, signing the Yorkshire Petition, and it would be likely enough that Savile was encouraged to the forgery by the temper of the signers of that petition. If so. Barley's journey would be, as I have suggested, in the end of July or the beginning of August. Further, Henry Barley was ai-rested by a warrant from Strafford, dated Sept. 20, and confined in York Castle till he was liberated by the Long Parliament {Lords' Journals, iv. 100. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. iv. 30). The only piece of internal evidence against these letters is the reference to Lord Warriston, when he was not tiU later a Lord of Session. He was, however, a Scotch Laird, and a Scotch Laird might easily pass into a Lord in an English letter, his official title being that of Baron. My attention has been called by Lieut.-Col. Alexander Fergusson to the fact that John Napier, the inventor of logarithms D D 3 404 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. IX. 1640. July. I.eslio nenr Plan of a dictaror sliip. Aug. The Bund of ('umber- DaulU. four miles from Dunse.^ He, too, had difficult; in obtaining money and provisions for his array, am for some weeks he was obhged to content himself witl keeping a small force upon the Borders till supplie came in sufficient quantities to enable him to gathei his whole army for the projected invasion. Nor wen political divisions wanting to add to his distraction The huge Committee of Estates was but a cumbroui substitute for government ; and, as the prospect of j reconciliation with Charles melted into the distant fu ture, the Covenanters can hardly be blamed for look ing around for some temporary form of executive which would give unity of control to their action Naturally the name of Argyle was uppermost ir their thoughts, and plans were discussed, in some ol which it was proposed to constitute him dictator ol the whole country, whilst in others he was to rule with unlimited sway to the north of the Forth, whilst two other noblemen were to receive in charge tlie southern counties. * To such a scheme Montrose declared himseli bitterly hostile. He was still under the delusion thai it was possible to establish an orderly constitutional and Presbyterian government, with Charles at its head. Whether this notion were wise or foolish, it was shared, at least in theory, by a large majority oi \rIiose position was exactly that of Johnston, calls himself on tlie title- page the Baro de Murchistoun, and he also tells me that he is informed on high authority that in charters of such estates it was customary even to use the word Dominus of the owner. Oldmixon calls John- ston Sir Archibald Johnston, Lord of Warrieton, which is clearly ar anticipation of his subsequent title. It may, therefore, be argued that the ]/)rd Warriston in the letter i.«i the result of 01dmi.ion's ignorance. Yet after all, Jolmstou wius Loi'd of Warriston, not because he was a judge, but because he was proprietor of tbe estate. For Savile's ac- knowledgment of the forgery, see p. 437. ' Outsiilc tlio \Miiid is n s]>iit marked as Camp Moor on the Ordnance THE BOND OF CUMBERNAULD. 405' his countrymen, and when he entered into a bond ^i^ap- with eighteen other noblemen and gentlemen to '-^ ' ' protest against ' the particular and direct practising ^^g." of a few,' and to defend the Covenant within the bounds of loyalty to Charles, he only said plainly what few of his countrymen would care openly to" deny. This Bond of Cumbernauld, as it was called, took but a sentimental view of the position of affairs. But Scotland is a land in which sentiment is peculiarly strong, as long as it does not require the positive neglect of the hard facts of daily life. Amongst the signers of the Bond were such undoubted Covenanters as the Earl Marischal, who had been joined with Montrose in his attacks upon Aberdeen, the Earl of Mar, to whose keeping Stirling Castle had been safely trusted by the national Government, and Lord Al- mond, who was at that time second in command of the army destined for the invasion of England. The Bond itself was kept secret, but the feelings which prompted its signature were well known. In the face of this op- position it was impossible to persist in establishing a new Government, which would have shocked the con- science of the nation. It was arranged that half the Committee of Estates should remain at Edinburgh, whilst the other half should accompany the army to the field. It would be time enough to settle what the future constitution of Scotland was to be when the objects of the Invasion had been attained. In the pohcyof the invasion itself both parties were agreed.^ The small numbers of the forces on the Borders, The combined with the rumours of want of money, de- comman- ceived the Enghsh commanders. Up to August lo exw.t"""' Conyers and Erneley from Berwick, and Conway from ' Napier, Memoirs of Montrose, i. 262. Memorials of Montrose, i. 183,254. :. ; BIT inviisioii. 4o6 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. Newcastle, reported constantly that no invasior " — 7-^ — • to be expected, or that at most a mere foraging \u° "^^^ intended.^ At Court the truth was better u stood. The Scottish nobility and clergy who taken refuge there had friends in Scotland who care to keep them properly informed of ps events.'^ But the knowledge of the danger di( Vacillation make it any the easier to resist it. There wa old vacillation in Charles's mind. One day, c were given to disband the regiments which had told off to serve under Hamilton, because it was u stood that the men would break out into m rather than set foot on board ship. Anothei orders were given to bring them back to their co The preparations for coinage of base money suspended without being absolutely counterma A fresh attempt to obtain a loan from the City panies separately having broken down, the P and Dutch merchants residing in London were i with equal want of success, for a small lo 20,000^.* straflford Amidst all this welter of confusion Straffo the ground slipping away beneath his feet. Ic purpose had he placed himself in the forefront battle, had bullied aldermen, and cried out f enforcement of ship money and coat and c( money, if none of the things which he recomn were really done ? Except in himself * thorougl nowhere to be found. A bewildered king, a ' Oonway to North uniberlftnd, July 28. Ooiiyers to VVi July 29. Oonyers to Oonway, Aug. 4. &neley to Windetsnk S. P. Dmn. CGCcli, 58, ccrclxi. 40, i-cci-liiii. 31, 39. ' Vnne to Conway, Aur. 3, Cinr. Sf. P. ii. loi. ' Northumberland to Coinvny, Aug. 11, S. P. Dom. cccc Jciniliimi lo Iho t. rcl.wxv, fol. 149. THE NORTHERN ARMY. 4^9 upon an authority which was not lawfully his, and, by threats and encouragements, would long ago have fortified Newcastle. Conway had remonstrated that the place was in danger, and when he was told that he could have no money for the fortifications, had quietly acquiesced in his helplessness. He now wrote a doleful letter to Northumberland. Newcastle, he said, was utterly indefensible. At the utmost it might be guarded for a day or two. He had written to Astley to send him men from Selby, but men without money would ruin the country worse than the Scots. He had also written to Sir Edward Osborne, Strafibrd's Vice-President of the Council of the North, to put the Yorkshire trained bands in readiness, and to inform him how the country and the gentry stood affected. With his scanty numbers it was impossible for him to do anything against a whole army.^ Astley could do httle to help. By the nth Aug. n. 12,800 men had arrived at Selby, about half the forces in number with which the Scots were preparing to cross the Tweed, and of these 3,000 were entirely unarmed. All depended on the supply of money. The week before there had been a mutiny for want of pay, and a soldier had been hanged by martial law. Osborne's reply was equally discouraging. The York- Aug. 14. shire trained bands were completely disorganised. Yorkshire. Arms which had been lost in the last campaign had never been replaced. Four colonelcies were vacant, and it was impossible to find men in the county fit to fill them ' who stood rightly affected as to his Majesty's service.' If the men were called out, the gentry would refuse to lead them out 'of their own county. "I am persuaded," wrote the Vice-Presi- dent, "if Hannibal were at our gates some had ' Conway to Nortbumberland, Aug. 10, Clar. St. P. ii. 102, 4IO THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. IX. 1640. Aug. Confu- Bion at Whitehall. Scottish mani- festoes. rather open them than koep him out. ... I thi Scots had better advance a good way into ] umberland without resistance than we send thii to encounter them without pay ; for then, with^ question, they will prove more ravenous upc country than the Scots, who, for their own em to gain a party here, I beUeve will give the ci all the fair quarter that may be, which ou neither can nor will do." ^ An invasion welcomed by a large part of h jects, and regarded with indifference by the resi was the pass to which Charles had been brou eleven years of wilful government. At Wh everything was in confusion. The attacks up Communion rails had spread from Essex to He; shire. Laity and clergy were of one mind in p ing against the oath enjoined by the new c Everywhere there was lukewarmness and il Northumberland vowed that if he was to tal command he would not go without money.' that it was too late, pressing orders were s Conway to fortify Newcastle by the forced lal the townsmen.* The coming of the Scots was preceded manifestoes — one in the shape of a broadside pular distribution, the other as a small pampl more leisurely perusal. The Soots protested t matter must at last be brought to an issue, could not afford to continue in arms during minable negotiations. They were therefore ' A8tley to Conway, Aiipr. 11, 13, .,'f. P. Dom. ccccLxii Ogborne to Oonway, .\ug. 14, Clar. Sf. 1'. ii. 105. ' Salisbury to Windebank, Aiip;. 13. O. Bearc to W. Beare .v. r. Dnm. oocclxiii. 90. 98. » MontiiMiil's Dospatcli, .Vug. ]',, Bihl. .Vo/. l-"r. 15,995, f"'- ' Windebank lo (\>n\vny, A.n(f. 14, .V P. Dotn. cccclxiii. 99 THE KING'S RESOLUTION. 41^ to England to obtain redress of grievances from the King. But, with all respectful language towards Charles, they made it clear that it was not from him but from a Parhament that they expected redress. The last Parhament had refused to assist him to make war on Scotland. The next one would bring to justice Laud and Strafford, the instigators of the evil pohcy which had been pursued, and would relegate the Scottish Councillors who had been guilty of a hke fault to a trial in their own country by the laws of Scotland. The invading army would do no man any wrong, would shed no blood unless it were attacked, and would pay ready money for all the supplies which it consumed.^ Charles's policy of using EngHsh forces against Scotland was recoiling on his own head. Both nations were aKke sick of his misgovernment. The personal union of the Crowns would prove but a feeble hnk in comparison with the union of the peoples. The Scots Appeal to had appealed from the English King to the English ment. Parliament. Copies of the Scottish manifesto were circulated Aug. 12. in London on the I2th.^ Charles was never wanting festoin in personal bravery. At a council held on the i6th, Aug.°i6. he announced his intention of going in person to announras York, to place himself at the head of his disordered ^ti'goto army. He would listen to no objections. In vain Hamilton suggested that an army ill-affected and ill- paid might not be the better for the King's presence. In vain Holland asked whether the King would have any money when he arrived. In vain, too, Strafford, refusing to believe in the reality of the risk, and ' Information from the Scottish nation, TreatAj of Ripon, 70. The intentions of the army, Spalding, i. 321. ' Montreuil'e Despatch, Aug. ||, Bibl. Nat, Fr. 15,995, fol. 109. York. 412 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. IX. 1640. Aug. 17. Answer to the Yorkshire Petition. Aug. 19. The trained bands called out. Aug. 20. Tenants in knight- eei-vice summoned. thinking that a Scottish invasion would sting En into loyalty, declared that he was not satisfiec Newcastle was in danger, and that if the Scots in ' it would not be the worse for his Ma service.' Charles rightly felt that the post of h was in the North. Only by appearing in ] could he prove the untruth of the statement i Scottish manifesto that what had been done hac done by evil counsellors rather than by himself The next few days were spent in preparation the 17th a sharp answer was returned to the shire Petition,"'' criticising its inaccuracies, and e3 ing that the Petition of Right was never intern do more than to enact that soldiers billeted i pay for the provisions they consumed.' Thi« interpretation of the duties which he owed subjects did not prevent Charles from holdi subjects to the very letter of the law towards h: On the 19th he issued orders to the Lords Lieut of the midland and northern counties to call o trained bands for immediate service. On tht he directed that all persons holding by knight-; should follow him to the field, as their tenures them to do, though he added tliat he was re accept fines in lieu of service.* The now fi order to the sheriffs to pay-in the arrears c money was once more issued. To prevent i ill-feeling during the King's absence on the gro the etcetera oath, Laud was directed to 8usp( administration till October.^ ' Minut«8 of ("oiiiicil, AiiR. 16, Rardir. St. P. ii. 147. ' r. 399. " Privy Ccuincil to llie Counoil of York, Aug. 17, S. cccrlxiv. 17. * Tho Kii\(f 111 till' Lords IjiiMiloiinnl.-i of (vvlain counties, .\ /'. I>om. Proclnnmlion, A up. 30, I}i/iiirr, xx, 4jj, '' lliinlir. 'St. /', ii. 151, THE SCOTS CROSS THE BORDER. 413 For the army thus hurriedly ordered to be got ^*^^''- together it was now necessary to find a commander. ■ — 7 — ' Northumberland had always been hopeless of any auk.2o. good result, and his health had now broken down f„'™^j„V° under the strain.^ There was but one man capable the English ■■■ army. of occupying the post. With the title of Lieutenant- General Strafford was to be placed at the head of the Enghsh army. It was finally arranged that Hamilton's mutinous men should be disbanded.^ The Irish army was to be left to shift for itself. The ruin in the North was to come under the hand of Strafford. Not that Strafford was in any way despondent. He utterly refused to believe that Newcastle was in.- defensible, or that the trained bands of the North would not rally to the King when once he was amongst them.^ On the morning of the 20th the King set out from The King London. That night the Scottish army, some 25,000 Si Scots strong, crossed the Tweed at Coldstream. Montrose ^^"^^ was the first to plunge into the river to lead the way.* Leaving the garrison of Berwick on their flank, the Scots pushed steadily on. They issued a proclama- tion assuring the men of Northumberland that they would not take a chicken or a pot of ale without paying for it. They brought with them cattle and sheep for their immediate necessities. Spectators who, watched the blue-bonneted host as it passed, wondered at its discipline, and stared at the High- landers with their bows and arrows. Strafford, when all military force appeared to be melting away, had ' It has often heen suspected that this iUness was a feint tnirer by preroga- ' Petition of the I'oiis, .Vug. 28, S. P. Bom. civolxv. 16. The copy ill Rushworth, which, (la Bnnlto has pointed out, is incorrectly printed, contains the nftiims of Biinlol nnd Pafrot in tho place of those of Exeter and lliitliind. ' \'ano In ^^'indcbftnl(, S'pt, 1, \ ]•. Jhini, CHARLES IN WARLIKE HUMOUR. 425 tive was only mentioned to be rejected. Manchester chap. suggesttid that not merely a few peers but all should be summoned. They were the born counsellors of ' '^°' the King. In the reign of Edward III., such an assembly, the Great Council of the Lords, had assisted the King with large sums of money without any Parhament at all. Shrewder members of the Council urged that it would be as easy to summon Parliament at once as it would be to summon the Peers, and that the former alternative would be far more usefid. But it was something to put off the evil day for a season, and a formal recommendation Sept. 3. was forwarded to Charles to summon the Peers to meet in London as soon as possible.' So out of heart were the Councillors now, that they were already taking measures for strengthening the fortifications of Portsmouth as a last place of refuge for the King.''^ Charles did not as yet share in the terrors of his sept. 2. Council. He still believed it to be possible to rally dws not*'' the kingdom round him. " Tell the Earl Marshal ^^^'^'■ and aU the Council," he wrote to Windebank, " that we here preach the doctrine of serving the King, every one upon his charge, for the defence of the realm, which I assure you is taken as canonical here in Yorkshire ; and I see no reason why you of my Council should not make it be so understood there." '^ His confidence was not entirely without foundation. The Yorkshire trained bands were moving at last. One regiment marched into York on the evening of the 3rd, and the greater part of the remainder was Sept. 3. expected on the following day. Vane was once more in good spirits. " We shall have a gallant army," he ' Memorial of the Council, Sept. 2, Ilcrdw. St. P. ii. 168. OLserya- tions of the Council, Sept. 3, S. P. JDom. - Windebank's Notes, Sept. 2, Ibid. ^ The King's Notes, Sept. 2, Clar. St. P. ii. 96. 426 THE SCOTTISH INVASION, cjur. wrote. "God send us hearts to fight. We shall 1640. have horse and foot sufficient." It was for Juxon and Cottington to provide them in good time with money and provisions.* It was the last thing that Juxon and Cottington were capable of doing. The truth of his weakness was to be brought home to Charles througli the emptiness of his Exchequer. In the meanwhile he had to bend his ear to voices to which he was un- Sept.4. accustomed. On the 4th, after the occupation of tish Buppii- Durham, the Scots sent in a supphcation, couched in the usual humble terms, asking that their grievances might be redressed with the advice of an English Sept. s. Parhament.^ Almost at the same time, Mandeville The peti- . ... tion of and Howard arrived from London with the petition the Peers preaented. of the tWClvC PcerS. CounciT' Whilst the King's Council was debating on the summoned, answcr to be given to demands which, coming from such opposite quarters, seemed to be concerted together, Windebank's messenger arrived -with the news that the Council in London recommended the summoning of the Peers. It was at once received as the only possible solution of the difficulty. Very likely Charles only regarded it as a means of gaining time. Lanark, Hamilton's brother, who was now Secretary for Scotland, was ordered to announce to the Scots that the King had summoned the Peers to meet at York on September 24. But if they would express their demands more particularly, he would, by the advice of the Lords, give a fitting answer, and, in the meantime, he exjieeted the Scots to advance no farther.* The twelve Peers were ' Vano to AVindobank, Sept. 3, Clar. St. P. ii. 98. '■' J'i'lilioii of tlio Scots, Sopt.4, 7i'h,'.7im'. iii. 1,255. ' LaniirkV IJoplv, Si'pt. 5, Ibiil. 1,256. THE COUNCIL AND THE PEEKS. 427 expected to be contented with a similar reference chap. to a meeting of the Great Council. It was not likely that they would be well pleased gep^ g with so long a delay. In all outward form the petition was addressed to the King by twelve Peers, and by them alone. Care was now taken that copies Copies of should be distributed in London. One of these fell spread into Manchester's hands, and Manchester carried it to the Council. There can be little doubt that the publication of Popular the petition was the work of Pym. The force which sought. popular support had given to the Scottish Covenan- ters had not been lost upon him. Earlier Parlia- ments had been wrecked because they had confined themselves to Parliamentary procedure. The echo of their debates had hardly reached the popular ear. Eesolutions confined to the journals of the Houses could be torn out by the King. Documents prepared by committees could be seized and burnt. What was needed now was to bring the House of Commons into living connection with the wave of feeling which tossed outside its walls. In the Short Parliament Pym had stood forth as the leader of the Commons. He was now to stand forth as the popular agitator as well. Two of the Peers, Hertford and Bedford, went s«pt. 7. boldly before the Council, and asked the Councillors andBedfird to join with them in signing the petition. The council.'"' Councillors naturally refused to do anything of the kind. It was very strange, said Arundel, that they should ' desire the Scots to join in the reformation of religion.' The two lords were asked whether they knew of any Covenant like that of Scotland in England. They asserted that they knew of none. They declared that the Council of Peers could grant no money. Nothing but a Parliament could give 4^8 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. '^HAi\ salisfaction. As for the petition, it was not theirs ■ — 7 — ' alone. It was supported by ' many other noblemen and most of the gentry.' ' sc^t. 9. Far away in the North, the King hardly yet felt fseiings. the force of the tide which was running against him. His chief pre-occupation was the difficulty of finding money. " I see," he wrote to his ministers on their refusal to meddle further "with the debasement of the coinage, " ye are all so frightened ye can resolve on nothing." ^ It was evident now that money was only to be had by the goodwill of his subjects. But at York it seemed not altogether impossible that Sept. II. the subjects would now see their true interests. On of the Scots the- nth, the Council was summoned to consider the answer to be given to the Scottish demands, which had at last arrived, and which formulated, more clearly than before, the expectation of the invaders, that all the Acts of the last session would be accepted and the persons named as incendiaries be delivered for trial.* The message, galling as it was to the King, was accompanied by news which raised his The Scots hopes. The money which the Scots had brought with aontribu- them was already exhausted. The assurance that they would pay their way had held good till they liad gained their object. They now informed the magistrates of the two counties of Northumberland and Durham, together with the magistrates of New- castle, that it was for them to support the invading army, at the cost of 850/. a day. Tenants of the Bishop and Chapter were forced to pay rents by anticipation to the Scottish commanders/* Deserted ' Windetank's Notes, Sept. 7, Treat;/ of ifywrn, 79. Windebank to I hi' King, Sept. 7, C/tir. S/. P. ii. i to. ' Tho Kinj^'ti NoloN, Scuil. 9, Clnr. W. /'. ii. 112. •■' Thii ScolM to Ijimark, Sept. R, f\ii.tfiv'. iii. 1,258. ' IVtition nfTi'iiniits, Pu/hw. m. i,;;:. CHANCES OF RESISTANCE. 429 eely plundered, but those who remained at home and paid the contribution, suffered nothing.' houses were freely plundered, but those who remained chap Such news was worth much to the King's cause in Yorkshire. Strafford's expectation that English- men would rally round the King when they once understood what a Scottish invasion was, seemed destined to be realised. On the loth the King had sept. 10. held a review of the army. In the eyes of Vane it It York.'*'' was all that could be desired. " Braver bodies of men and better clad," he wrote, " have I not seen any- where, for the foot. For the horse, they are such as no man that sees them, by their outward appearance, but wiU judge them able to stand and encounter with any whatsoever." What was better still, the Yorkshire trained bands did not now stand alone. The counties of Nottingham and Derby were ready to send their men as soon as they were bidden, and some of their horse had already come in. Leicestershire was equally prepared. Stafford and Lincoln still held back, but hopes were entertained that they would not be want- ing. It was evident that the men of central England were unwilling to become tributary to a Scottish army.^ Encouraged by these demonstrations of returning Answer to loyalty, Charles sent a short answer to the Scots, re- ferring them to the Council of Peers for their answer, and demanding the immediate delivery of the prisoners -taken at Newburn.^ Charles, however, was not out of his difficulty, want of His army cost him 40,000/. a month, and he himself acknowledged that he would be undone unless he had • Vane to Windebank, Sept. 16, Hardw. St. P. ii. 180. ' Vane to Windebank, Sept. 10, 8. P. Bom. Sept. n, Hardw. St. P. ii. 172. Newport to Nicholas, Sept. 11, S. P, Dom. ' Lanark to the Scots, Sept. 11, Balfour, ii. 402. monev. 430 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. IX. 1640. Sept. 13. Yorkahire petition prepared. Sept. 13. Tlie Ymk- shiremen offer to support their trained bands. Sept. 13. Strafford a Knight of the liarter. Strafford's intentions. two months' pay secured.^ There was still uncertainty whether the Yorkshire gentlemen would take the pay of their trained bands on themselves. They drew up a petition demanding a Parliament. Strafford called them together again, obtained the rejection of the petition, and a direct offer to support their trained bands till the meeting of the Great Council. Strafford took them at once to the King. Charles received them most affably, and told them tliat in future he would require no more from them than 6,000 men instead of 12,000, that he would excuse them from the obligation of scutage, and that the heirs of those who might be killed in his cause should be freed from the claims of the Court of Wards. So far had Strafford succeeded. Charles was not slow in acknowledging his obligation. On the day on which the offer of the Yorkshiremen was made he held a special chapter of the Order of the Garter, and invested the Lord Lieutenant with the blue riband.^ What were Strafford's hopes and fears at this con- juncture we shall never know. Probably he hoped to deal with the Peers and even with the Pai'liament, which he must have foreseen to be inevitable, as he had dealt with the gentlemen of York. The Scottish invasion would drive them to rally round the thi-one, Charles would come forward with graceful conces- sions, and the old harmony of the EUzabethau government would be restored."^ ' The King's Notes, Sept. 11, Hnr. St. P. ii. 114. ' Vane to Windebank, Sept. 13, 14, Hardio. St. P. ii. 176, 177. Rush worth's statement (iii. 1,265) *!>** tJ^o Yorkshiremen insisted on retaining their demands for the summoning of Parliament is refuted by this evidence. ' There is a noteworthy echo of the hopefulness which at this time prevailed at "S'ork in a letter from Pocklington to Larabe, Sept. 14, S. P. Dorn. PUBLIC FEELING IN LONDON. 43 1 But for the strength of Puritanism it is possible that he would not have calculated amiss. Of the living force of religious zeal he had no understanding. It had little place amongst his neighbours in the North. In the South, where the danger was less pressing, Feeling in there was none of that revival of loyalty which had so unexpectedly arisen. In London especially, the progress of the Scots was regarded as a national triumph. "When the news of Conway's rout arrived it was received with every demonstration of joy.'- Placards were set up calling on the apprentices to rise for the reformation of religion, ' which, in plain Enghsh,' as Windebank explained, ' is the defacing of churches.' The Lord Mayor and Aldermen, however, had no intention of allowing a repetition of the riots of the preceding spring, and the attempt was promptly suppressed.^ The Scots hastened to relieve the citizens from any fear that their material interests would be affected, by assuring them that the all-important coal trade should remain open as before.^ The Council The London soon heard with alarm that a petition, not very dis- p''''*'"°- similar from that of the twelve Peers, was circulating in the City, and had already received numerous sig- natures. They at once ordered the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to put a stop to the scandal. But their petition of efforts were entirely fruitless, and they found that the *^'''*""s.v. clergy had a petition of their own in preparation as well. They could think of nothing better than to recommend the King to imprison the bearers of both petitions as soon as they arrived at York. Charles Sept. 18. was ah-eady growing impatient of the weakness of his ' Giustinian's Despatch, Sept. jj, Ven. TramcripU. " Windebank to the King, Sept. 7, Clat: St. P.ii. 113. ' The Scots to the Lovd Mayor, Sept. 8, Ruslm. iii. 1,259. 432 TIIK SCOTTISH INVASION. ciiAP. Ministers. " I could wish," he wrote on the margin ' — 7 — ■ of Windebank's despatch, " ve would show as much 1640. , '■ ., 1 ,,1 Sept 20 stoutness there as ye council me to here. ' The King's Thcsc tidiugs from the South were overwhelmingly Vfproof _ o n J to his convincing of the necessity of summoning Parliament. Yet Charles hesitated long. " Notwithstanding the Lords of the Council's advice for a Parliament," Sept. 18. wrote Vane on the i8th, "I do not find in his cau'par-''" Majesty yet any certain resolution foi; the same."^ homenf. There was one man, however, by his side who was now ready to persuade him that resistance was hopeless. Hamilton had no wish to be given up to his countrymeli to be prosecuted as an incendiary. He begged the King to allow him to leave the coun- try. He had urged Strafford and Laud, he said, to do the same thing, ' but the earl was too great-hearted to fear, and he doubted the other was too bold to fly.' Sept. One way, indeed, remained more dishonourable than ^ropos^"' flight, and that was one to which Hamilton had intrigiio. lowered himself in the preceding year. He might betake himself to Charles's opponents, might speak their words and accept their principles, in order that he might betray their counsels to the King. Thb was the service which Hamilton proffered, and which Charles accepted with gladness.' Whatever might be the result of Haniilton's in- trigue, his despondency could not fail to make an impression on Charles. It could make no real differ- ence in the position that a party of Scotch horse which liad come plundering into Yorkshire was cap- tured or slain ahuost to a man.* The news from ' The King's Notes, Sept. 20, Chr. St. P. ii. 117. ' Vane to Windebank, Sept. 18, Hardw. St. P. ii. 181. " Clarendon, i, 218, Mr. Disraeli's siifrpestion that this story is but a repetition of an earlier one seems to mp unsatisftictory. •' Vane to Wiiidehank, Sept, 20, ITunbr. .^Z. P. ii. 183. MEETING OF THE GREAT COUNCIL. 433 Scotland was most depressing. Dumbarton had sur- chap. rendered on August 29. On September 15 Ettrick's ■ — ^^ — - garrison, wasted by scurvy caused by the failing of ^^ ^°' fresh water, gave up the Castle of Edinburgh. Feeble J^^EdL and tottering, the brave defenders of the fortress ^"•'s'^ " Ciistle, and stepped forth with drums beatmg and colours flying. CaerUve- Their resolute bravery was no commendation in the eyes of the populace of Edinburgh. But for a guard of soldiers, which had been providently assigned to them, they would have been torn in pieces long before they reached Leith.^ A few days later Nithsdale's fortified mansion of Caerlaverock was taken by the Covenanters. The National Government was supreme from north to soiith.^ The news of the loss of Edinburgh Castle was sept. 22. known to the King on the 22nd. On that day the drapeli-" London petition was presented to him. It bore the sen"ed?" signatures of four aldermen and of ten thousand citizens. The Councillors in London were bidden to abandon the thought of imprisoning either the organisers of this petition, or Burgess, by whom the petition of the Clergy had been conveyed to York.3 It was impossible longer to resist the universal A Pariia- cry for a ParUament. Even if Charles had remained meet, deaf to the wishes of his subjects, his financial distress would have been decisive^ The pepper-money would support his army for a few weeks longer, and then the catastrophe would surely come. He would be as powerless to hold his forces together in Yorkshire as he had been powerless to hold them together in Norths umberland the year before. ' Balfour, ii. 403. Druminond to Hog, Oct. 3, S. P. Dom. ' BaiUie, i. 258. A story of the massacre of the garrison was circu- lated in England, but was soon contradicted. ' Vane to Windebank, Sept. 22, Hardw. St. P. ii. 184. VOL. I. F F 434 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CNAP. On the 24th the Great Council met in the hall of • — r-^— ' the Deanery at York. The King's speech gave clear „^ f^°' evidence of the distraction of his mind. He had Sept. 24, ^ , The King's Called the Peers together, he said, that by their tFio Graa°t advice he might proceed to the chastisement of the Council, rebels. Then, lowering his tone, he announced the issue of writs for a Parliament to meet on November 3, and asked for counsel, not on the best mode of chastising the rebels, but on the answer to be given to their petition, and on the means of keeping the army together tiU the meeting of Parhament. " For so long as the Scotch army remains in England," he said in conclusion, " I think no man will counsel me to disband mine, for that would be an unspeakable loss to all this part of the kingdom by subjecting them to the greedy appetite of the rebels, besides the un- speakable dishonour that would thereby fall upon this nation." Traquair's In the aftemoon the Peers met again. Traquair, by the King's command, repeated the narrative which had moved the Council in the preceding winter to declare the Scottish demands to be inadmissible. Evidently Charles had not yet abandoned the hope that the Peers would support him in the position which he had taken up. Such was not the view of commis- the situation which they took. At Bristol's motion treat.™ ^ they resolved to name sixteen of their own number as Commissioners to negotiate with the invaders. Every one of the seven who had signed the letter forwarded by Savile, reappeared amongst the number, and the remainder were favourable to a good understanding with the Scots. Bristol's Whatever their private opinions might be, the ersip. j^^j,^g -^^^ clearly aocoiHed tlio leadership of Bristol. His old loyalty was a sufficient guarantee that he OPENING OF NEGOTIATIONS AT RIPON. 435 would be no favourer of revolution, whilst he was chap. ' IX. known to be entirely hostile to the new system of government. No other Peer could compete with him in capacity for the conduct of the negotiation.^ The next day the Peers took the King's financial Sept. 23. • • • The Peers difficulties into consideration. It was acknowledged engage that at least 200,000^. were needed. Straffijrd urged nty'^trthe the necessity of supplying the money at once. If folV"'^ that army were to be dissolved the country would be lost in two days. He was not for fighting now. If they remained on the defensive they would wear out the Scots. The question of overpowering the Scots was not the foremost one with the other Peers. Now that a Parliament was to meet, said Bristol, the City would be ready to lend. It was ultimately resolved to send a deputation to Lendon to collect a loan of 200,000^. on the security of the Peers.^ It remained to be considered on what terms the sept.35. negotiations should be opened. The King proposed negotiation. that the Pacification of Berwick, that vague and in- conclusive arrangement which had been subjected to so many interpretations, shoiild be taken as the basis of the understanding. Was it not, asked the King, dis- honourable to go further than the Pacification ? If he had had his way he would have secured the support of the Lords in refusing the Acts of the late Parhament. He would not acknowledge that he must look upon the Scots as capable of dictating terms. Bristol took the more sensible view. " If his Majesty were in case," he said, " it were best to bring ' Vane to Winde'bank, Sept. 24, Sardw. St. P. ii. 186. Itttshw. iii. 1,275- ' Sir J. Borough's notes' of these and the subsequent meetings of the Great Council are printed in Hardw. St. P. ii. 208, from Harl. MSS. 456. The printed copy cannot always he relied on ; Mandeville's speech, for instance, is attributed to Savile at p. 209. p p 2 436 TIIE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP, them on their knees : but now, considering their IX. 1640. strength, Newcastle and the two provinces taken, we must now speak of the business as to men soptag. that have gotten these advantages."^ Charles was tronsto tiio not to be moved. In the instructions finally given, sioSera'.^ he declared his intention of keeping the Scottish castles in his own hands. As to such acts as were derogatory to his crown and dignity, he had in- structed Traquair, Morton, and Lanark to inform the Scots of his pleasure.''^ There could be little doubt what that information would be. The point, however, would not be raised Oct. 2. for some little time. The Commissioners of the two Meeting . ,^ i t atRipon. natious met at Eipon on October 2. It was evident, from the first, that the Scots were aware of the strength of their position* Scottish Loudoun, who took the lead on their side, said aemands. i • i i i • plainly, that his countrymen would not be content without taking into consideration events which had happened since the Pacification ; and he also took objection to the presence of six persons who had been named as assistants to the English lords, especially as one of the number was the obnoxious Traquair, pointed out as one of the incendiaries at whose trial and punishment they aimed. •'' The Scots seem to have been surprised at the tenacity with which Bristol, without contradiction from his fellow-Commissioners, fought them inch by inch. They had entered England under the belief that they had received from seven of the Commis- sioners present a positive offer of armed assistance, and they could not understand how those very men 1 llnriJw. St. r. ii. 225. » Itushv). iii. 1,283, 5 Bovough'H Treaty of Ripon (Ciimd. Soo.~), 1-17. Commieaioners to tho KiiiK, Oci. 2, Jiui/fw. iii. 1,289. SAVILE CONVICTED OP FORGERY. 437 should be found supporting the arguments against '^?^^- their claims. That evening, Loudoun and Johnston - — t^-— ' appHed anxiously to Mandeville for an explanation, oot!^°' charging him and the other six Peers with a breach j^etweef of their signed engagement. To this unlooked-for j^^g™"' accusation Mandeville answered that he knew nothing ""y^^'"'''®" about the matter. Loudoun and Johnston replied that the whole negotiation had passed through Savile's hands, and that he would be certain to bear witness to the truth. The next day, accordingly, Savile was sent for and interrogated. Prevarication Saviie's T T TiTin 1 confession m such company was useless, and he boldly acknow- of forgery^. ledged the forgery. He had acted as he had, he said, from motives of patriotism, and the only thing to be done, now that his falsehood was discovered, was to take advantage of its results for the common good. Savile's treachery was easily condoned. It was saviie's not Hkely that he would ever be trusted again by ooifdoned. those whom he had tricked ; but if, as is probable, he had been the medium through whose hands genuine as well as forged writings had passed, it is easy to understand the mixed motives of those who concurred in passing over so odious a trea.chery. Naturally, too, the Enghsh Lords were anxious to obtain from the Scots the incriminating paper. The Scots re- fused to give it up, but they cut out the supposititious signatures and burnt them in Mandeville's presence.^ ' Nalson, ii. 427. The story is extracted from Mandeville'a own Memoirs. Dr. Burton comments on it, that ' the doubts that any such affair ever occurred are strengthened by the absence of any reference to it in Mr. Bruce's Bipon Papers.' Surely he could not have been serious in supposing it likely that the official note-taker of the Conference would be invited to be present at this interview I The passage in question is to be found in a fragment now known as Add. MSS. 15,567, which is thus identified as a portion of the long-lost Memoirs of the Earl of Manches- ter. Its importance will be seen when the narrative reaches Strafford's arrest. 433 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. In the open discussions which followed, the ques- ' — 7 — ■ tion of the assistants was settled by the compromise Oot. 5. that they might give advice without showing ih°^neZ°^ themselves at the public conferences. Then came a tiation. debate on the terms on which a cessation of arms was to be granted. The Scots declared that nothing short of 40,000^. a month would satisfy them during their occupation of the northern counties, and that this payment must last until the conclusion of peace. The English Commissioners referred the demand to the King. State'of '' Before Charles gave his answer he was in pos- London. sessiou of better news from London than he had been accustomed to receive. In the last days of Sep- tember the exasperation of the citizens had been daily growing. At the election of the new Lord Mayor, they shouted out that they would have none who had opposed the petition to the King, and set aside the aldermen who stood highest on the list, and who, according to the usual custom, would have been elected without further difficulty. The greater part of the votes were divided between Geere, who had given his support to the petition, and Soames, who had been sent to prison for his resistance to the loan. Eiots, too, broke out in two of the city churches where Dr. Duck, the Bishop's Chancellor, had irritated the people by calling upon the church- wardens to take the usual oath to present ofleuders against the ecclesiastical law. In one of them the summons was received with shouts of No oath ! No oath I from the crowded assembly. An apparitor, who unwisely spoke of the disturbers as a company of Puritan dogs, was hustUnl and beaten, and was finally cairied off t,o prison by tlie shorilV wlio had been huuiinoncd in restore order. The Chancellor was glad THE CITY LOAN, 439 enough to escape in haste, leaving his hat behind chap. him.^ ■ — -^ — • All this was changed for a time by the arrival of ^ ''■°' the Peers from York. On October 2 an informal Oot.a. meeting was held, in which a number of the richer agrees 'to citizens appeared in the midst of the Common Councillors. As Bristol had anticipated, the declara- tion of a Parliament carried all before it. The Lord Mayor was invited to write to the City Companies to ask them to lend 200,000/. on the security of thePeers.^ The news of the success of the application to the Oct. 6. City reached York on the 6th,^ the day on which the Great the Great Council met to take into consideration the theSoottSh Scottish demands. The King had no certain advice . *'°™ ' to give. He hesitated between the risk of exaspe- rating the Scots, and the indignity of buying off the vengeance of rebels. Strafford had no such hesi- tation. " This demand," he said, " hath opened our eyes. Nothing of religion moves in this business." " The Londoners' example," he added, " hath much turned my opinion." Once more he was beginning to think that the Scottish exorbitance would give the King the support that he needed. He was for taking the defensive, and leaving the Scots to do their worst. Some, indeed — Lord Herbert of Cherbury, amongst them — ^were equally prepared to proceed to extremities. But the general feeling of the Peers inclined the other Oct. 7. way, and on the foUovdng day the King proposed tiationto that the negotiation should be removed to York, ap- Jyoitr* parently with the intention of bringing his personal influence to bear upon the Scottish Commissioners.* ' Rossingham's Nmsktter, Oct. 7, Add. MSS. 11,045, fol. 122. Windebank to the King, Sept. 30, Clar. St. P. ii. 125. * The Peers' deputation to the King, Oct. 3, 8. P. Dom. ' Vane to Windebank, Oct. 6, Hardw. St. P. ii. 193. * Hardw. St. P. ii. 241. 440 TIIE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP, The answer of the Scots to the Eoyal command ■ — 7^ — ■ was a blank refusal to obey it. They had not for- Oct. 8. gotten how some of their number had been detained Jo^sfTo' ill London when employed on a similar negotiation, come. They would not, they said, trust themselves in the midst of an army of which Strafford was the com- mander. They were empowered to name him ' as a chief incendiary.' In the Irish Parliament he had had no better name for them than traitors and rebels, and he was now doing his utmost to bring the negotiation to an end.^ Strafford Doubtlcss thc Scots had received tidings from their drive ^out" friends at York of the speech deUvered by Strafford fromUkter. two days before. They could not know of a proposal fiercer stUl which he was that very day penning, to be submitted to Eadchffe. His thoughts in these days of trouble must often have passed over the Irish Channel to that army which, but for the want of money, he would have brought over the sea to join in the attack upon the invaders. He knew, too, that there were in the North of Ireland 40,000 able-bodied Scotsmen, and that if Argyle chose, as had been threatened, to ^o amongst them he would find an army ready to his hands. In desperation he clutched at the notion of rousing the Irish House of Commons, which had met again at Dubhn on the ist, against these invaders upon Irish soil, If the Irish Pai'liament were to de- clare for the banishment of these men the Irish army would be strong enough, armed though the Scotchmen were, to carry its behest into exocutiou.* Wisely indeed did Ivadcliffe give his word against this terrible project. It would luno filled the North of Ireland with caniiij^c, with the solo result of rous- ' Tho SiviU'h (liMuini.s.xiomns' niiswor, Oct. 8, Iii<»/iw. iii. 1,-9-. •' W'hilakpr's Li/e «/ Jindctijl'f, 206. CLOSE OF TI-IE TREATY OP RIPON. 44 1 ing the indignation of England against the perpetra- chap. -tors of such a crime. The habit of driving straight • — -^ — - at his object, undeterred by the miseries which ^ ^°' would be wrought in attaining it, had been growing upon Strafford. To crush the Scots was the one object for which he now lived. On the 6th he had proposed to deliver up the populations of Northum- berland and Durham to the tender mercies of the invaders. On the 8th he proposed to give over the Province of Ulster to blood and flame. It was not for nothing that the Scots had named him as the chief mcendiary. Strafford was not to have his way. The refusal Oct. 14. Treaty of the Scots to come to York was meekly accepted, resumed The negotiation was renewed at Eipon with the sole " '''™' object of obtaining a modification of their demands. At last they agreed to accept a continuance for oct.21. two months of the 850Z. a day, or about 25,000?. a month, which they were drawing from the two coun- ties, on condition that the first month's payment should be secured to them by the bonds of the leading gentry of the dcounties, given on assurance that the JQng would recommend their case to ParHament ; and that the second month's payment should be provided for in a way to be hereafter settled — a stipulation which plainly pointed to a Parhamentary engage- ment. On these terms, a cessation . of arms was granted. The two northern counties were to remain in the possession of the invaders till the conclusion of the treaty. As soon as this arrangement was made, Henderson blandly informed the English Commis- sioners that they had the best of the bargain, as it was ' more blessed to give than to receive.' As the Oct. 22. day for the meeting of Parliament was now approach- tiation to 442 THE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP. IX. > , 1640. bo removed to Londou. Oct. 26. Last sitting at Ripon. Oct. 28. Wright elected Lord Mayor. The loan reduced to 50,000/. ing, it was arranged that further negotiations should be carried on in London, and on the 26th the Com- missioners of the two countries met for the last time at Eipon.^ The resolution to yield to the Scottish demands in their modified form, had probably been influenced by unsatisfactory news from London. The election of the Lord Mayor, indeed, had ended in a compromise. Neither Acton, who was supported by the King's Council, nor Soames, the candidate of the popular party, had been chosen. The choice of the electors had fallen upon Alderman Wright, the second on the list. But Charles cared far less about the London Mayoralty than he did about the London loan, and it must have been a real shock to his mind when he learned that the City Companies would only lend him a quarter of the sum for which he had asked. He would have to wait for the rest till Parliament met.^ Unless, too, the Parliament could supply him with authority as well as money, the most disastrous con- sequences might be expected. Li London at least the order which he had painfuUy laboured to establish, was entirely set at nought. On the 22nd the mob dashed into the High Commission Court, as it was preparing to sentence a Separatist, tore down the benches, seized upon the books, and threw the fiir- niture out of window. Laud, at least, maintained his courage to the last. He called on the Court of Star Chamber to punish the offenders if thoy did not wish to be called in question by the populace for their sentence on rrymio, Burton, and Bastwiok. But the Court of Star Chamber was no longer responsive to ' Tirnfy of Iti))on, 27. - Windobaiik to tlie Kinfr, Oct. 14, Chr. 6r. P. ii, 129. WORK OF THE GREAT COUNCIL. 443 his call. It was thought more prudent to indict some chap. of the rioters before the Lord Mayor and some Aldermen sitting on a Commission of Oyer and Ter- ^ ^°' miner. The grand jury could not agree to find a true bill against the prisoners, and the proceedings came to nothing. The result of this leniency was a fresh riot on the following Sunday. St. Paul's was invaded by the rabble, and a large quantity of papers, found in an office, were torn in pieces, in the behef that they were the records of the High Commis- sion.^ On the 28th the Great Council was gathered Oct. 28. together for the last time, to advise on the accept- ing of the ance or rejection of the compact made at Eipon. council. Even Strafibrd did not venture to recommend the latter course now, and the King's assent was therefore given to the arrangement. But he distinctly declared that the payment was a voluntary act on the part of the gentry. He would enforce no man to pay the Scots. The Great Council then broke up. It had not met work of in vain. It had done the utmost that was possible council, under the circumstances. It had obtained breathing time for the nation at the least expense which the hopelessness of immediate resistance would admit of. By selecting Bristol as its leader, it had declared equally against the extreme party which would have dragged an unwilling nation into staking its honour and safety upon the chances of a war to be waged by a beaten and undisciphned army, and against an equally extreme party which had looked with favour upon a hostile invasion. More than this, it had saved Charles from himself — from that hopeless vacillation ' 'RoBBiDgha.m' a Newsletter, Oct. 27, Nov. 3, Add. MUS. 11,045, fol. 128, 130. 444 TIIE SCOTTISH INVASION. CHAP, which delivered him over as a prey to rash violence "■ — -^ — on one day, and to unreal submission on the next. 001.118. What chance was there that the influence of thcXture^ Bristol would be maintained in the coming ParUa- ment ? It was not hkely that a House of Commons elected in such a time of suspicion and excitement, would be content with any measures which would be easily accepted by the King. It was not likely that the King, accustomed as he was to the exercise of arbitrary power, would accept meekly the restrictions which even moderate men sought to place upon him. Times were coming when such men as Bristol might well despair of the ship of State. He was not likely to secure the mastery over the coming Parhament. Nor was it at all likely that he would secure the mastery Charles's ovcr the King. The feelings with which Charles wMdf thr looked forward to meeting the assembly which he had whfch'ht"' been compelled to call into existence, are doubt- mraied"' ^^^^ admirably expressed in the opening pages of that little book which, if it be indeed a forgery, was the work of one possessed of no ordinary skill in the delineation of human character, and which was, in all probability, written by no other hand than that of Charles himself. " I cared not," so runs the passage, " to lessen myself in some things of my wonted prerogative, since I knew I could be no loser if I might gain but a recompense in my subjects' aflections. I intended not only to oblige my friends, but mine enemies also, exceeding even the desires of tliose that were fac- tiously discontented, if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sonso. The odium and offences which some men's rigour in Church and State had contracted u])()n my govornnient, I resolved to have expiated by such laws and rogulatiuns for the future THE king's expectations. 445 as might not only rectify what was amiss in practice, chap. lA.. but supply what was defective in the Constitution. I resolved to reform what I should, by free and full ^^^o- advice in Parliament, be convinced of to be amiss, and to grant whatever my reason and conscience told me was fit to be desired." ^ Between Charles's conception of his place in the Enghsh nation and the sad reality, there was, indeed, a great gulf. ' Eikon Basilike, ch, i. INDEX. ABE ATt KT.T, , Alderman, bargains on be- half of the Vintners, 76 Aberdeen, nature of its Koyalism, 159 ; Montrose's first visit to, 161 ; his second visit to, 223 ; Aboyne at, 237 ; Montrose's third visit to, 242; the Earl Marisehal and Monro at, 386. Aboyne, Viscount (James Gordon), es- capes from Montrose, 205 ; proposes to rouse the North, 216 ; taken by the Earl Mareschal, 223 ; his recep- tion by Hamilton, ibid. ; his proceed- ings at Aberdeen, 236; sends to Hamilton for help, 237 ; defeated by Montrose, 241 ; is chased through the streets of Edinburgh, 247 Adkins, Alderman, imprisoned for re- fusing to lend money to] the King, 346 Aerssens, Francois van, arrives to ex- plain the conduct of Tromp in the DoTpns, 297 Airlie, Earl of (James Ogilvy), burning of his honse, 388 Aldermen committed to prison, 345 ; set at liberty, 351 Anabaptists, attempts to suppress, 288 Antrim, Earl of (Randal Macdonnell), proposes to raise a force for the West of Scotland, 153; failure of his ^o- ject, 207 Archer, John, tortured and executed, 358 Argyle, Earl of (Archibald Campbell), his authority in the Highlands, 160- 175; his character, 176; declares in favour of the Glasgow Assembly, 177; refuses to come to Berwick, 248 ; his policy in the Scottish Par- liament, 256 ; directed to defend the Western Highlands, 367 ; argues that Parliament may meet in defiance of the King's demands, 369 ; his rule in the Highlands, 386; his raid upon Athol, 387; bums the House of AEU Airlie, 388; returns to the West, 389; talk of making him dictator, 404 Armstrong, Archie, discharged from his post as the King's jester, 132 Army, the English, preparations for the raising of, 191 ; its want of enthu- siasm, 211; Vemey's criticism of, 215 ; reinforcements ordered for, 219; good spirits of, 224; want of discipline in, 226 ; numbers of, 227 ; despondency of, 231 ; discomforts of, 232 : preparation for collecting it again, 303 ; condition of the cavalry of, 371 ; dissatisfaction of the men pressed for, 377 ; Catholic officers distrusted by, 379 ; want of discipline of, 380; mutinous conduct of, 394; collects at Selby, 409; distribution of, 417 ; review of, 429 — the Irish, Strafford's proposal to levy, 305 ; alleged intention of em- ploying it in England, 336 ; its ren- dezvous at Carrickfergus, 407 — the Scottish, expected to occupy the border, 210 ; occupies Kelso, 229 ; forces Holland to retreat, 230; en- camps on Dunse Law, 233 ; BaUlie's description of, 234 ; prepares to in- vade England, 400 ; encamps at Choicelee Wood, 403; crosses the Tweed, 413; its conduct in North- umberland, 414 Arundel, Countess of, her conversation with Con, 23 — Earl of (Thomas Howard), sent to strengthen the border fortresses, 149; appointed to command the first army against the Scots, 192 ; is the only peer who wishes to act vigorously against the Scots, 212 ; his proceed- ings at Sunse, 225 ; appointed cap- tain-general to the south of the Trent, 416 448 INDEX. ASS CAE Assembly of tho Cliureh of Scotland, the, iipponled to by the Covenantors, 146; is summoned to meet at Glas- gow, 165 ; divine right claimed for, 167; eluctoral machinery of, 167; its representative character, 169; meets at Glasgow, 171 ; is dissolved by Hamilton, 175; continues to sit, and abolishes episcopacy, 177; *P" pointed to meet at Edinburgh, 241 ; bishops summoned to, 246 ; its pro- ceedings at Edinburgh, 252. Astley, Sir Jacob, sent to prepare for war in the North, 189; his dis- couraging report, 385; gathers troops at Set by, 409 ; goes to Newcastle, 417; tries to rally the troops after the rout of Newburn, 420 Athol, Earl of (John Murray), seized by Argyle, 387 Aylesbury, houses burnt by mutineers at, 349 BAILLIE, ROBERT, his opinion on the riots at Edinburgh, 117; de- scribes the army on Dunse Law, 232; attacks Laud's system, 357 Balcanqual.Walter, Dean of Rochester, ■writes The Large Declaration, 198 ; made Dean of Durham, 199; flies from Durham, 421 Balmerino, Lord (John Elphinston), re- rises the Covenant, 1 26 ; argues that Parliament may meet in defiance of the King's commands, 369 Baner, Oeneral, his successes in Ger- many, 259 Bankes, Sir John, his argument in the ship-money case, 62 Bastwick, John, his early life and Flagellmm Pontificis, 4 ; his Apolo- ffeticiis and Litany, 5 ; 'lis trial in the Star Chamber, 6; execution of the sentence on, 9; his imprisonment, II Bedford, Earl of (William Russell), takes the lead in draining the Great Level, 86 ; votes against interfering ■with the Commons, 321 ; recom- mended to go home, 423 Bellasys, Henry, attacks the military charges, 327 ; is imprisoned, 344 ; set at liberty, 351 Bulli&vre, M, de, negotiates with Charles on behalf of Tromp, 266 ; wishes to support tho Scots, 300; is rooallod, 301 Berkeley. Justice, his opinion in tho ship-money case, 66 Bornhard of Weimar, his victories on the Upper Rhine, 187 ; death of, 263 Berwick, Charles arrives at, 224; sig- nature of the treaty of, 241 ; Conyers commands the garrison of, 291 Bishops, Laud's opinion on the antho- rify of, 8 — the Scottish, excite the jealousy of the nobles, 97 ; their part in the or- gaoisation of the Church, I02 ; their share in the preparation of the new Prayer Book, 103 ; are attacked as the authors of the change, 120 ; pro- test against their remaining in the Council, 122 ; accused before the Edinburgh Presbytery, 170; are at- tacked by Hamilton, 173 ; their de- clinator read, 174; secretly protest against the legality of the Assembly of Edinburgh, 251 ; abolished by the Assembly, 252; Charles refuses to rescind the Acts against, 255 ; abo- lished by Parliament, 257 Booking, destruction of Communion rails at, 399 Boteler, Lord (John Boteler), his change of religion, 17 Breisach captured by Bernhaid of Weimar, 187 Brereton, Sir William, his account of his travels in Scotland, 100 Brickmakers, Corporation of the, 72 Bridge of Dee.Montrose's victory at, 242 Bristol, Earl of (John Digby), advises the King not to advance to Berwick, 219; asserts that tho lords ■wish for a Parliament, 236 ; urges Strafibrd to recommend another Parliament, 353 ; gives an account of Strafford's conversation, 354 ; assumes the lead- ership of the Great Council, 434 Brooke, Lord (Robert GreriUe). refuses to follow the King to the war, 192 ; Infuses the military oath, 212 ; rotes against interfering with the Com- mons, 321 Buckinghamshire, slow payment of ship money in. 358 Bullion, seizure of, 392 Burgess, OoTnalius, carries the Ministers' petition to the King, 433 Burton, Henry, his sermons. For God mxd tha King, 4 : his trial in the Star Chamber, 6 ; rxocution of the sentence on, 9; his triumphal progress and imprisonment, 11 OAERLAVEROCK holds out for the King, 201 ; surrenders, 433 INDFX 44.9 CS3 CBA CiEsar, Sir Charles, buja the Master- ship of the EoUa, 206 Canons, the new English, passed by Convocation, 360 — the Scottish, proposed by the King, loi ; submitted to Laud and Juson, 103 ; issue of, 104 ; are revoked by the King, 164 Cardenas.Alonso de, is suspendedfrom in- tercourse with tlie Court, 183 ; refuses the loan of Spanish troops to Charles, 193 ; applies for gunpowder, 264 ; negotiates with Charles for aid to Oquendo, 265 ; negotiates with New- port, 268 Cardinal Infant, the (Ferdinand of Spain), sanctions negotiation with Gerbier, 182; refuses to send Spanish troops to England, 193 Carlisle, garrisoned, 191 — Earl of (James Hay), votes against his conscieuce, 324 — Lady, her relations with Strafford, 293 Carrickfeigus, the Irish army at, 407 Catholics, the. Laud urges the persecu- tion of, 14 ; Charles's feeling towards, IJ; their converts, 17; proclamation against, 22; improved position of, 23 ; their contribution to the Scottish war, 228 ; burning of the books of, 352 ; proposal to get money for, 377 ; appointed as officers in the army, 394 Chambers, Bichard, brings an action against the Lord Mayor, 69, 372; postponement of the case of, 381 Charles I., his position after eight years of unparliamentary government, I ; orders the publication of Laud's speech, 9 ; his feeling towards the Catholics, and his friendliness to- wards Con, 15 ; hesitates to suppress Con's proselytism, 19 ; issues a pro- clamation against the Catholics, 22 ; his opinion of Land's character, 23 ; his conduct in Williams's trial, 34; undertakes to finish the draining of the fens, 90 ; causes of his failure, 91 ; his love of art, 92 ; his policy in Scotland, 97 ; purposes an alteration of the worship of the Church of Scotland, 99 ; writes to the Scottish bishops about a new Prayer-book, loi ; receives the news of the riots in St. Giles', 112; cannot acknow- ledge his mistake, 114; orders the enforcement of the use of the Scottish Prayer-book, IIJ; persists in de- manding obedience, 117 ; directs the removal of the Council and the Session frota Edinburgh, 118; refuses to give an immediate answer to the petition about the Prayer-book, 121 ; seeks the advice of Traqiiair, 122 ; issues a proclamation in defence of the Prayer-book, 123 ; asserts that he hns not consulted Englishmen on his Scottish policy, 133 ; finds it difficult to resist the Scots, 136; resolves to gain time with the Scots, 137 ; de- mands the surrenderof the Covenant, 138 ; sends Hamilton a declaration, 141 ; orders Hamilton to obtain the surrender of the Covenant, 142 ; pre- pares for war, 144 ; permits Hamilton to return, 145 ; declares that he will only press the Prayer-book in a legal way, 146 ; feels despondent, 149 ; informs the English Privy Council of the state of Scottish affaire, 150 ; his treatment of Montrose, 157 ; au- thorises the meeting of an Assembly and Parliament in Scotland, and orders the circulation of a new con- fession of faith, 162 ; offers to limit episcopacy, and directs that a new covenant shall be signed, 165 ; Charles declares that he is preparing for war, 171; drifts into war, 179; his foreign relations, 180 ; wishes to support the Elector Palatine, 181 ; carries on secret negoti-itions with Spain, 182 ; allows Mary de Medicis to land, 185 ; prepares for war with Scotland, 189 ; asks for Spanish troops, 193 ; orders the publication of Laud's Conference with Fisher, igy ; states his reasons for going to war with Scotland, 198 ; rides into York, 205 ; issues a proclamation favouring the tenants of Scots in rebellion, 209 ; advances to Durham, 213; sends Aboyne to the Pirth of Forth, 216; issues a second procla- mation to the Scots, 217 ; allows Hamilton to negotiate, 218; orders reinforcements, 219 ; orders Hamilton to return if necessary, 220; arrives at Berwick, 224; his proclamation described as a Satanic temptation, 225 ; financial distress of, 227 ; sends for Hamilton, 231 ; finds that the nobility do not wish to fight, 232 ; sees Leslie's army on Dunse Law, 233 ; opens negotiations vrith the Scots, 237 ; takes part in the discus- sions, 238 ; is unable to keep his army together much longer, 239; negotiates for Scottish soldiers for the Palatinate, VOL. I. G G 450 INDEX. CHA CHU 243 ; dieputoB the interpretation put by the Scots on hie ongagementa, 244; summons bishops to the As- sembly, 246; believes himself to have been misrepresented by the Scots, 247 ; complains that the paci- fication of Berwick has not been observed, 248 ; his altercation with Bathes, 249 ; returns to Whitehall, 250 ; directs the Scottish bishops to protest against the legality of the Assembly, 251 ; wishes to introduce ministers into the Scottish Parlia- ment, 254; refuses to rescind the Scottish Acts establishing Episcopacy, 255 ; orders the prorogation of the Scottish Parliament, 258 ; his rela- tions with the Continent, 259 ; seeks the help of Spain, 260 ; objects to the Dutch claim to the right of search, 261 ; orders Pennington to protect the Spanish fleet, 262 ; hopes to gain advantage from the position of the Spanish fleet in the Downs, 264; negotiates secret'y with Spain, 265 ; makes offers to France, 267 ; sends his nephew to Alsace, 268 ; renews his negotiations with Spain, and is angry at the battle in the Downs, 273 ; and at his nephew's imprisonment, 273 ; makes Went- worth his counsellor, 275-278 ; sends back the Scottish Commissioners, 280; agrees to summon Parliament, 282 ; obtains a loan from the Council, 283 ; appoints Vane secretary, 294 ; liberates Valentine and Strode, 295 ; assures Rossetti of his protection, 296 ; offers the Princess Elizabeth to Prince "William of Orange , 297 ; pro- .poses a marriage alliance with the King of Spain, 298 ; receives the letter written by the Covenanters to the King of France, 301 ; hears the Scottish Commissioners, 301 ; expects to influence Parliament by the inter- 'cepted letter of the Covenanters, ,306 ; sends the letter to the King of France, 307 ; opens the short Parlia- ment, ibid. I appeals from the Com- mons to the Lords, 319 ; expresses his confidence in Strafford, 322 ; puts pressure on the Lords, 324 ; consults his Council on the best mode of dealing with the Commons, 325 ; announces a dissolution, 330; dis- solves the Short Parliamrnt, 331 ; nioftsurcs taken by him in propnriilion for a now war wilh Scotland, 344; opens a negotiation with Spain, 346 " hesitates to support Strafford, 348; proposals to prorogue the Scottish Parliament, 352 ; visits Strafford in his illness, 356 ; persists in the war with Scotland, 357 ; orders the pro- rogation of Convocation, 359; com- mits Goodman to prison, 366 ; orders the further prorogation of the Scottish Parliament, 367 ; thinks of compellingthe City to fimish soldiers, and of negotiating with the Scots, 373 ; sends Loudoun to renew negotiations in Scotland, 390 ; orders the debasement of the coinage, 392 ; offers to make peace with the Scots, 396 ; countermands the debasement of the coinage, 397 ; hesitates in face of the expected Scottish invasion, 407 ; resolves to go to York, 41 1 ; answers the Yorkshire Petition, 412 ; sets off from London, 413; writes from York of his need of money, 415 ; orders trained bands to be sent north, 416; consnlts the Council on the steps to be taken if the Scots march southwards, 424 ; expects that all men will serve in defence of the realm, 425 ; resolves to snmmon the Great Council, 426 ; hopes that his subjects will support him, 428 ; reviews his army, 429 ; cannot make up his mind to summon Parliament, 432 ; announces to the Gi*at Council that he has summoned Parliament, 434 ; authorises negoUation with the Scots, 435 ; proposes the removal of the negotiation from Ripon to York, 439 ; accepts the terms agreed to at Ripon, 443 ; his expectations from the Long Parliament, 444 Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, is defeated by the Imperialists, 181 ; in- vi tes Bemhard to assist him, 260 ; goes to Fntnce, 268 ; is imprisoned, 274 Chevreuse, the Duchess of, arrives in England, 184; advises the Queen to visit Berwick, 240; proposes a m&t- riago alliance between the Royal Families of England and Spain, 298 Chillingworth, William, his early life, 42 ; comparison of his opinions with those of IauJ, 43 ; his intercourse with Falkland, 44 ; his Ttdigion of Protestants, 46 Choioolee Wood, Leslie's army at, 403 Church of England, the, failure of Charles's attempt to restore harmony to, 1 INDEX 451 CTT COU City. See London, City of Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde), critieisma on his History of the Great SeheUion , 326, 328 Coal-shippers, the regulation of the trade of, 73 Coat-and-oonduct money, sj-eeohes against, 325 ; slow returns of, 357 ; pressure to collect, 391 Coinage, the, proposed debasement of, 392, 396 Coke, Sir John, threatened with dis- missal, 292 ; dismissed, 294 ; gives information on a misstatement of the Queen's, 296 Colchester, ecclesiastical court at, 286 Colvill, William, intended to go to France, 299 ; sets out for, 301 Commissioners of the opponents of the Scottish Prayer-hook chosen, 120 ; protests of, against the bishops sitting in the Council, 122 ; appoint a Committee known as the Tables, "S . . ^- of the Scottish Parliament arrive in London, 301 ; plead before the King, 302 ; are imprisoned, 307 ; are set at liberty, with the exception of Loudoun, 352 Commissions of Array, issue of, 382 Committee of Eight, the, consults on Scottish affairs, 279; Traquair's nar- rative before, 281 ; consulted on the proposed war with Scotland, 333 Commons, the House of, grievances discussed in, 309 ; determines to take grievances before supply, 320 ; wishes to get rid of arbitrary taxation, 325 ; debates the King's demand for twelve subsidies, 326 Communion, the, indictment of a minister for refusing to administer to the congregation in their seats, 288 — Table, the. Laud's view on the position of, 8 ; -declaration of the new canons on, 361 ; destruction of the rails of, 399, 410 Con, George, arrives as Papal Agent at the Queen's court, 15 ; his language about Laud, 16 ; his influence with the Queen, 16 ; attempts to make pro- selytes, 1 7 ; urges the Queen to sup- port his proselytism, 19 ; his contest with Laud, 21 ; his opinion of New- castle's character, 24 ; returns to Eome, and dies, 295 Contribution, the general, demanded for the Scottish war, 2p6; small results of, 227 ; analysis of, 228 Convention of Estates meets atEdin burgh, 366 Convocation, subsidies voted by, 319; continues sitting after the dissolution of Parliament, 359 ; grants subsidies, 360 ; passes canons, 360 ; the right to sit after the dissolution questioned, 365 ; dissolution of, 366 Conway, Viscount (Edward Conway), appointed to command the Horse against the Scots, 291 ; mutiny of his troops, 371 ; wishes to execute a murderer by martial law, 383 ; urges the necessity of fortifying Newcastle, 384 ; is ordered to exercise martial law, 398 ; believes that an invasion is imminent, 408 ; declares Newcastle to be indefensible, 409 ; his position at Newcastle, 417 ; occupies the ford at Newburn, 418 ; is defeated, 419 ; arrives at Darling- ton, 420 Conyers, Sir John, appointed to com- mand the garrison of Berwick, 291 Corporation, the new, 81 Corunna, sailing of a Spanish fleet from, 263 Cottington, Lord (Francis Cottington), takes Williams's part, 34 ; presses the Lord Mayor and Aldermen for a loan, 240; becomes a member of the Com- mittee of Eight, 279 ; his speech in the Committeeof Eight, 336 ; sent to ask the City for a loan, 396 ; attempts to obtain a loan from Prance, 398 ; raises money for the Crown on pepper, 414 ; appointed Constable of the To wer, 4 1 6 Council, the Great, its summons re- commended, 425 ; resolution of the King to call, 426 ; meets, 434 ; gives security for a loan, 435 ; last meeting of, 443 — the Privy, is informed of the state of affairs in Scotland, 149 ; committee on Scottish affairs appointed from, 150; does not expect to get money enough for the army, 227 ; presses the Lord Mayor for a loan, 237 ; agrees to the calling of a Parliament, 282 ; offers a loan to the King, 283 ; proposes to burn a heretic, 289 ; its opinion asked on the projected dis- solution of the Short Parliament, 330 ; amount raised by loan from, 353 ; attempls to enforce payment of ship- money and coat-and-conduct money, 357 ; recommends the summoning of the Oreat Council, 425 ; Hertford and Bedford before, 427 e a 3 452 INDEX. COD EDI Council, the ScottiBh, explains the difficulty of enforcing the use of the Prayer Book, 115; finds the opposi- tion too strong, 116; ordered to re- move from Edinburgh, 118; hesitates to, support the King, 146 Covenant, the King's, ordered to be substituted for the National Cove- nant, 165 ; protestation against, 166; few signatures obtained to, 167 — the Scottish National, its substance, 126 ; its signature in Edinburgh, 130 ; is circulated in Scotland, 133; signa- tures exacted to, 1 34; its surrender demanded by the King, 141 ; Wont- worth's opinion of, 154 ; proposal to oppose it with another confession of faith, 162 Covenanters, the, terms demanded by them, 141 ; refuse to surrender the Covenant, 143; engage to disperse, 145 ; appeal from the King to the Assembly and Parliament, 146 ; are encouraged by Hamilton, 147; en- gage not to choose an Assembly before Hamilton's return, 164 ; pro- test against the King's proclamation, 166; accuse the Bishops before the Presbytery of Edinburgh, 1 70 ; ap- peal to the English people, 196; write to Essex, 213 ; negotiate with Hamilton, 220; invited to Berwick, 248 ; communicate with the King of Prance, 299 ; intercepted letter of, 301, 306; question the right of the King to prorogue Parliament, 367 Coventry, Lord (Thomas Coventry), lends money to the King, 283 ; dies, 291 Craven, Lord (William Craven), taken prisoner by the Imperialists, 181 Crawley, Justice, his judgment in the ship-money case, 66 Crew, John, imprisoned, 344 Croke, Justice, his judgment on the ship-money case, 67 Cromwell, Oliver, his proceedings in connection with the draining of the fens, 89 ; nickname of ' Lord of the Fens ' applied to, 90 Crosby, Sir Patrick, attacks Wentworth, 275 ; is sentenced in the Star Cham- ber, 276 Cumberland, Earl of fHenry Cliffbrd), commands at Carlisle, 191 Cumbernauld, the bond of, 405 DALKEITH, guniiowd(>r stored at, 141 ; taken by the Covenanters, 201 Balzell, Lord (Bobert Dalzell), created Earl of Camwath, 258 Danish troops, proposal to introduce into England, 398 Davenant, John, Bishop of Salisbury, his remark on the position of the Communion table, 8 Denbigh, Earl of (William Fielding), Con's contempt for, 18 Dickson, David, is ready to persuade those who hesitate to sign the Cove- nant, 130 ; accompanies Montrose to Aberdeen, 161 ; Moderator of the Assembly of Eklinburgb, 252 Divine right of kings, the, view of the canons on, 262 Dorset, Earl of (Edward Sackville), his duel referred to by Bastwick, 7 ; threatens the Vintners, 76 ; charges Hamilton with treason, 207; makes excuses for lawyers who had drank confusion to the archbishop, 352 Dmmmond, of Hawthomden, WiUiam, approves of the King's proclamation, 166 Dumbarton secured for the King, 145 ; seizure by the Covenanters of the castle of, 201 ; again captured by the Covenanters, 433 Dunfermline, Earl of (Charles Seton), sent to open negotiations with the king, 23s ; visits Charles at Ber- wick, 249 ; arrives in London on a mission from the Scottish Parlia- ment, 279 ; his overtures to BelU- evre, 300 Dunglas, Leslie's camp at, 224 Dunse, Arundel's proceedings at, 225 Dunse Law, occupied by the Scots, 233 Durham, city of, occupied by the Scots, 421 — , county of, trained bands of, 415 EA-ST INDIA COMPAXV, the, its bargain for the sale of pepper to the King, 414 Edinburgh, riot at the reading of the new Prayer Book at, 109 ; second riot at, 116; third riot at, itS; sig- nature of tlie Covenant at, 130; nego- tiation for the surrender of the castle of, 145 ; purchase by Hamilton of the castle of, 170; seizure by the Covonaators of the casUe of, 200; Buthvon in command of the castle of, 246; riot at, 247; opening of the' Asseiubly at, 352 ; opening of the Parliament at, 253 j bad condition of EGL the castle of, 303 ; siege of the castle of, 324, 367 ; surrender of the castle of, 433 Eglinton, Lord (Alexander Montgo- mery), directed to watch the west coast of Scotland, 366 Wikon Basilike, quotation from, 444 Elector Palatine. See Charles Lewis. Elizabeth, Electress Palatine, and titu- lar Queen of Bohemia, hopes for as- sistance from Scottish soldiers, 243 — the Princess, marriage with Prince William of Orange proposed for her, 297 Elphinstone, Sir William, attacked by the mob at Edinburgh, 247 English Army, the. See Army, the English Esmond, Eobert, alleged manslaughter of, by Wentworth, 275 Essex, destruction of communion rails 111,399 — Earl of (Robert Devereux), ap- pointed second in command in the first war against the Scots, 192 ; re- ceives a letter from the Covenanters, 213; TOtes against interfering with the Commons, 321 Estates of the realm, new definition of the, 318 Etcetera oath, the, enjoined, 364 ; sus- pended, 412 Ettrick, Lord (Patrick Euthven), his position in Edinburgh Castle, 303 ; fires upon the town, 324 ; continues to hold out, 389 ; surrenders, 433 Eure, Lieutenant, murder of, 394 Excise, proposed, 281 FABRONI _ denies that the Queen Mother is coming to England, 185 Falkland, Viscount (Henry Gary), his death, 39 — , Viscount (Lucius Cary), his early life, 38 ; his character, 40 Fens, the drainage of, 83 Finances, the, flourishing condition of, 70 ; distress of, 227 Finch of Fordwich, Lord (John Finch),' reads the Covenanters' letter to Par- liament, 308; obtains an adjournment of the House of Lords, 31 1 ; his speech to the Short Parliament, 319; ap- proves of the prolongation of Convo- cation, 359 Finch, Sir John, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas,his conduct atPrynne's trial, 6 ; his judgment in the ship- money case, 67; appointed Lord INDEX. 453 HAH Keeper, 292 ; created Lord Finch, 308. See Finch of Fordwich, Lord Forest Courts, the, 71 Forthar, burning of the Earl of Airlie's house at, 388 France, navy of, 188 ; proposed loan from, 377 ; attempt to obtain a loan from, 398 Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange, proposes a marriage between his son and the Princess Mary, 297 r\ AGE, Colonel, suggests that Spanish \J troops may be used in England, 193 Garway, Henry, Lord Mayor, threatened for refusing to lend money to the King, 345 ; attempts to distrain for ship-money, 372 Geere, Alderman, committed to prison, 346 Genoese loan, a, proposed, 377 Gerbier, Balthazar, carries on a secret negotiation at Brussels, 182 Glanville, John, attacks ship-money, 327 Glasgow, the Assembly meets at, 171 Goodman, Godfrey, Bishop of Glouces- ter, retains his bishopric after conver- sion to the Roman Catholic Church, 365 ; is committed to prison, 366 Gordon, Lord, accompanies Huntly to Edinburgh, 204 Gordon, Sir Lewis, imprisoned by the Covenanters, 303 Great Council, the. See Council, the Great Great Level, the, drainage of, 86 Grey Friars' Church, signature of the Covenant at, 130 Grimston, Harbottle, early life and character of, 309 ; placed in the chair of the Committee on Grievances, 317 Gun, Colonel, alleged treachery of, 242 note HACKNEY coaches, licences for, 82 Hales, John, of Eton, his character and opinions, 49; his conversation with Laud, 52 ; becomes a Canon of Windsor, 53 Hall, Joseph, Bishop of Exeter, his Episcopacy hy Divine Right, 318 ; forced to beg pardon for insulting Say 6, 319 Hamburg, Congress at, i8o Hamilton, the' Marchioness of, failure of Mrs. Porter to convert, 18 Hamilton, the Marquis of (James Hamilton), makes money by the Vintners, 76; obtains a patent fcr 454 INDEX. HAM HIG liconaiiig hackoey coaches, 82 ; hia cliiiracl ur, 138; is sent as commis- sioner to Scotland, 140 ; threatens Kijthes, 141 ; arrives at Edinburgh, 143 ; suggests that an explanation may be added to the Covenant, 144 ; proposes to advise the calling of an Assembly and Parliament, 14$ ; secretly encourages the Covenantors, 147; returns to England, 148; his second mission to Scotland, 162; attempts to divide the Covenanters, 163 ; returns again to England, and cumes back to Scotland with freeh overtures, 164 ; advises that the Assembly be allowed to proceed to business, 169; purchases Edinburgh Castle, 170 ; presides in the As- sembly of Glasgow, 171 ; his account of the Assembly, 172 ; his dis- pleasure with the Bishops, 173 ; advocates war, 174; dissolves the Assembly, 175 ; reports on his mission before the English Council, 179; charged by Dorset with treason, 207 ; sent to the Firth of Forth, 209 ; writes from Yarmouth complauiing of his troops, 210 ; occupies Inchkeith and Inchcolm, 214; despairs of success, 215; pro- poses concessions to the Scots, 217 ; negotiates with the Covenanters, 220; his opinion on the chances of I he war, 221 ; sends two regiments to Berwick, 222 ; his reception of Aboyne, 223 ; ordered to come to Berwick, 232 ; arrives at Berwick, 236 ; advises Charles to abolish episcopacy, 237 ; is abused by the mob at Edinburgh, 246 ; resigns the Commissionership, 248 ; is autho- rised to talk freely with the Cove- nanters, 248 ; becomes a member of the Committee of Eight, 279 ; sup- ports a proposal to call a Parliament in England, 281 ; advises Charles to send Loudoun to Scotland, 390 ; ob- jects to Charles's journey to York, 411; proposes to betray the Scots, 432 Hamilton, William, created Earl of Lanark, 258 Hampden, John, his ship-monoy case, 58; Wciilworth's opinion of his Irimtment, 153 ; speaks in the Short Parliament, 326 Hiilflrld CliHHO, (lniiun«o of, S3 Jliiy, Sir Jolin, miiilii l.ovd I'rovust of liilinburgh, 1 16; is uuublu to ijiiiet the mob, 119; suggests that the opponents of the Prayer-book shall choose Commissioners, 120 Health Office, proposal to erect a, 80 Henderson, Alexander, draws np a petition against the Scottish Prayer- book, 113; appears before the Council, 115 ; takes part in drawing up theCovenant, 126; is ready to per- suade those who hesitat« to sign the Covenant, 130 iaccompaniesMontrose to Aberdeen, 161 ; is the probable author of the protestation against the King's Covenant, 166 ; is chosen Moderator of the Assembly of Glas- gow, 172 ; bis speech in the Assembly, 1 74 ; puts the question whether the Assembly can judge the Bishops, 175 Henrietta Maria, Queen, is urged by Con to make proselytes, 16 ; her content with I^ud, 19; treats the proclamation against the Catholics with contempt, 22 ; receives money from the Londonderry fines, 81 ; Eichelieu's overtures to, 184; begs that her mother may be allowed to land in England, 185 ; urges the Catholics to contribute to the Scottish war, 22S ; proposes a contribution by the ladies, 229; talks of visiting the army, 240; gains over Charles to the French, 267 ; supports Leices- ter and aft«rwards Vane for the Secretaryship, 294; is afraid lest Parliament vrill attack the Catholics, 295; begs the King to protect TvObsetti and to keep the Catholic Lords in Parliament., 296 ; her high estimation of StraflFord, 322 ; assailed for her part in poliiics, 350; her overtures to Bome, 351 ; protects the Catholics, 377 ; is refused a loan by Eome, 39S Herbert of Cherbury, Lord (Edward Herbert), proposeb to resist the Scots, 439 Hertford, Earl of (William Sevmonr), votes against interference with the Commons, 321 Hertfbrdshire, resistance to coaff*nd- coiiduet money in. 358 Heyl.vn, Peter, publislns A Coal from the Altar, 36 ; his account of a con- versation with Holes, 53 High Commission, Court of, its sen- ti-iice on Bastwick, $ ; Act Book of, 2S() ; riot in, 44a Highlanders, use of bows and arrows by, Jjo ; thiir fear of the cannon, 242 HOL Holbome, Robert, his argument in the ship-money case, 6l ; argnes for the Earl of Bedford in the case of the fens, 91 Holland, Earl of (Henry Eich), holds forest courts, 71 ; appointed to com- mand the Horse in the first Scottish ■war, 192 ; votes unwillingly by the King's orders, 324 ; objects to Charles's journey to York, 411 Hope, Sir Thomas, said to have insti- gated the riot at St. Giles', Hi; supports the petitioners against the Prayer-book, 121 ; his conversation with Eothes, 302 Hopton, Sir Arthur, conveys to the Spanish Government Charles's pro- posals about the fight in the Downs, 298 Hotham, Sir John, attacks the military charges, 328 ; is imprisoned, 344 ; is set at liberty, 351 Hull, a military magazine to be created at, 170 HuDtly, Marquis of (George Gordon), his influence in the Highlands, 160 ; proposed by Hamilton as Lieutenant of the North, 174; appointed Lieu- tenant of the Norfh, and dismisses his troops, 202 ; his interview with Montrose, 203 ; is carried to Edin- burgh, 204; refuses to sign the Covenant, 205 ; retires to England, 386 Hutchinson. John, his character, 28 Hutton, Justice, his judgment in the case of ship-money, 67 ; employed to mediate in a dispute about Hat- field Chase, 85 Hyde, Edward, opposes Hampden in the Short Parliament, 326 INCHCOLM, occupied by Hamilton, 214 Inchkeith, occupied by Hamilton, 214 Inverury, Huutly at, 202; plundered by Montrose, 203 Ireland, Wentworth's government of, 1 50 JAES, the Chevalier de, released from captivity, 184 Joachimi, Albert, protests against the protection given to Spanish soldiers, 261 Johnston of Warriston, Archibald, left at Edinburgh on behalf of the oppo- nents of the Prayer-book, 118; reads a protest at Stirling, 124 ; proposes the renewal of the Covenant, 126 ; is INDEX. 455 LkV chosen clerk of the Assembly of Glasgow, 172; argues that Parlia- ment may meet in defiance of the King's commands, 369; writes to Lord Savile, 401 Junto, the, see Committee of Eight Juxon, William, Bishop of London (Lord Treasurer), revises the Scottish canons, 103 ; offers to find 200,oooi for the Scottish war, 144; finds he cannot raise the money, 150 ; becomes a member of the Committee of Eight, 279 KEBLE, John, his opinion on the churches in Scotland, loi Kelso, a Scottish army at, 229 ; Hol- land's march to, 230 Kent, behaviour of the soldiers pressed in, 349 Kilvert, Eichard, brings charges against Bishop Williams, 33 ; presses the Vintners for money, 77 Kimbolton, Lord, see Mandeville, Vis- count Knight-service, tenants by, ordered to follow the King to the field, 412 Knott, Edward, his Charity mistaken, 44 LAMBETH, attack of rioters upon, 349 Lanark, Earl of (William Hamilton), announces to the Scots that the King has summoned the Great Council, 426 Large Declaration, the, its publication, 198 Latitudinarianism, influence of, 52 Laud, William, Archbishop of Canter- bury, his efforts to promote unity in the Church, 2 ; attempts to suppress unlicensed publications, 3 ; his speech at the trial of Prynne, Burton, and Bastwick, 7; his opinion on the ceremonies, and on the royal authority, 8 ; publication of his speech, 9 ; his dissatisfaction with Prynne's speech in the pillory, 11 ; libels on, 12; urges measures against the Catho- lics, 14; Con's talk about his con- version, 16; urges the King to stop Con's proselytism, 19 ; his contest with the Queen, 20; is too easily frightened by the Puritans, 32 ; em- ployed by Williams as mediator, 34 j ' his conversations with Hales, 52; increases the tithes paid to the City clergy, 81 ; his opinion on the chur''hes in Scotland, 99 ; revises the Scottish . Canons and Prayer-book, 103 ; insists 456 INDEX. Lie I MAN upon tUo uso of the Scottish Prayer- book, 112; eavos Archie ArmBtrong from a flogging, 133; regrtits the Queen Mother's visit, 186; nis Conference with Fisher published, 197 ; his opin- ion of the Pacification of Berwick, 250; urges the King to support Weutworth, 277 ; becomes a member of the Committee of Eight, 279 ; sup- ports tlie proposal to summon Parlia- ment, 281 ; thinks the Church is conformable, 286 ; refers Trendall'a case to the Council, 289 ; Northumber- land's ill opinion of, 294 ; proposes the adjournment of the House of Lords during the sittings of Convocation, 311 ; his speech in the Committee of Eight, 336 ; libellous placards against, 348; does not expect the prolongation of Convocation, 359; suspends Bishop Goodman, 366 Leicester, Earl of ( Eobert Sydney), a candidate for the Secretrtryship, 292 Leith, fortifications of, 214 Lennox, Duke of (James Stuart), favours Williams, 35; forged speech attri- buted to, 170 Leslie, Alexander, his early life, 195 ; appointed to the command of the Scottish army, 196 ; enters Aberdeen, 203 ; is expected to appear on the Border, 210; encamps at Douglas, 224; marches to the Borders, 231 ; encamps onDunseLaw, 233; respect shown to him, 234 ; proposes to provide soldiers for the Elector Palatine, 243 ; prepares to invade England, 391 ; *ncamps at Choicelee Wood, 403 Lewis XIII., King of France, refuses to allow his mother to return to France, 186; birth of his son, 187; disavows having communicated with the Covenanters, 307 Lilburn, John, charged with importing unlicensed books, 30; his trial and sentence in the Star Chamber, 31 Limerick, Wentworth at, 151 Lincolnshire, drainage of fens in, 86 Lindsay, Bishop of Edinburgh, tri(8 to quiet the rioters at St. Giles', 109; escapes with difficulty, no Li ndsey, Earl of (Robert Bertie), ordered to lake men to Berwick, 191 Linlithgow, the King's proclamation at, 121 I/(ifl>iM (if Ely, Viscount (Adam lioftus), his iliH|iuto with Wontworlh, 276; linwiTuliori of, 278 L iidon, the city of, growth of buildings in, 78 ; prohibition of new buildings in, 79 ; reduction of the fine on, 80 ; tithes payable to the clergy of, 81 ; proposal to extend the municipal boundaries of, ib. ; importance of, 93 ; its institutions, 94 ; asked for a loan for the Scottish war, 206 ; another loan demanded of, 229 ; pres- sure put on, 239; a loan ngain de- manded fiom, 307; threats used by Strafford to the citizens of, 345 ; attempt to extract ship-money £rom, 372 ; objects to furnish men for the Scottish war, 373; refnses to lend to the King, 396; rejects Boe's request for a loan for the King, 400 ; petitions for a Parliament, 431 ; loan gua- ranteed by the Peers &om,435 ; elec- tion of a Lord Mayor of, 438-442 ; loan by, 442 Londonderry, case of, in the Star Cham- ber, 80 Lord's Day, the, attacks on the Puritan conception of, 2 Lords, the House of, refuses to adjourn during the meetings of Convocation, 311; questions Mainwaring's appoint- ment to a bishopric, 317 ; Charles's appeal to, 320 ; supportis the King, 321 ; maintains its position by a decreased majority, 323 — of the Articles, the, reconstruction of, 253 Lome, Lord (Archibald Campbell), his feeling about the new Prayer-book, III. rO., NKW-8T11KKT BQCARS AKII ISVIILIAUKNT STItKKT BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 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Solicitor and Patent Agent, Lincoln's Inn Fields and Glas- gow. Fourth Edition, enlarged. 8vo. price \os. 6d. INDEX. Abbey &• Overton's Englibli Cburch History 15 Abiiey's Photography it ^e/o«'j Modem Cookery 21 Alpine Club Map of Switzerland 18 Guide (The) 18 /4»M0i' J Jurisprudence S Primer of the Constitution S Fifty Years of the English Con- stitution 5 Anderson's Strength of Materials 11 /4r»!r/ro»j5'V Organic Chemistry 11 Arnold: s (Dr. ) Lectures on Modem History 2 Mi sccUaneous Works 7 Sermons 15 (T.) English Literature 6 Authors 6 Amotl's Elements of Physics 10 Atelier (The) du Lys 19 Atherstone Priory 19 Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 7 /^jv^' J Treasvu-y of Bible Knowledge 21 Bacon's Essays, by Whaiely 6 Life and Letters, by Sfedding ... s Works S Bagelwt's Biographical Studies 4 Economic Studies 21 Literary Studies 6 Bailey's Festus, a Poem 19 Bain's Mental and Moral Science 6 on the Senses and Intellect 6 Emotions and Will 6 Baker's Two Works on Ceylon 17 fia//'i Alpine Guides 18 Elements of Astronomy 11 5arrc on Railway Appliances 11 £3;«/-w/(7«.t Mineralogy 10 Beaconsfield' s (Lord) Novels and Tales 18 & ig Becker's Charioles and Gallus 8 Beesly's Gracchi, M.-irius, and Sulla 3 5/a^i'j Treatise on Brewing 21 fi/ofi/iy'j German- English Dictionary 8 Blaine's Rural Sports 19 Bloxam's Metals 11 Bolland and Langs Aristotle's PoUtics 5 BouUbee on 39 Articles 15 -s History of the English Church... 15 Bourne's Works on the Steam Engine 14 Bowdler's Family Shakespeare 1 g Bramley-Moore' s Six Sisters of the Valleys . 19 Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art 12 Brassey on Shipbuilding 14 Brassey's Sunshine and Storm in the East . 17 Voyage of the '.Sunbeam' 17 Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles 15 ^TO«/« ;,v^ J Modern Englancf 3 Buckle's History of Civilisation a Buckton's Food and Home Coolaiy 21 Health in the House 13 Town and Window Gnnlcning,,. la Bull's Hints to Mothers 21 Maternal Mnnngoment of Children . 21 /fH«.rc//'j Angcl-Mi'ssiali , 16 Burj{oma.?ter s Family (I'lii') 19 Durlrd Alivr 18 Burke's Vicissitudes of Families 4 Cabinet Lawyer 21 Capes' s Age of the Antonines 3 Early Roman Empire 3 Carlyle's Reminiscences 4 Cfl&j'j Biographical Dictionary 4 Cay&yj Iliad of Homer 19 Changed Aspects of Unchanged Tmths ... 7 CAwBO'J Waterloo Campaign 2 Church's Begitming of the Middle Ages ... 3 Co/««JO on Moabite Stone &c 17 's Pentateuch and Book of Joshua. 17 Commonplace Philosopher 7 Comle's Positive Polity 5 Conder's Handbook to the Bible 15 Congreve's Politics of Aristotle 5 Conington's Translation of Virgil's .i£neid 19 Miscellaneous Writings 6 Contanseau's Two French Dictionaries ... 8 ConybeareasAHowson's^A. Paul 16 Cordery's Struggle against Absolute Mon- archy 3 Cotla on Rocks, by Lawrence 12 Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit... 7 Cox's (G. W.) Athenian Empire 3 Crusades 3 « Greeks and Persians 3 Creighton's Age of Elizabeth 3 England a Continental Power 3 Shilling History of England ... 3 Tudors and the Reformation 3 Cresy's Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 15 Critical Essays of a Coimtiy Parson 7 Crookes's Chemical Analysis 13 Culley's Handbook of Telegraphy 14 Curteis's Macedonian Empire 3 Davison's Thousand Thoughts 7 De Caisne ani Le M.1 outs hoxany 12 De Tocqueville's Democracy in America... s Dixon's Rural Bird Life 12 Doyle's (R.) Fairyland 13 Dun's American Food and Farming 21 Eastlake's Foreign Picture Galleries 13 HinU on Household Taste 14 Edwards on Ventilation &c 21 Edwards's Xile 17 ElUcotCs Scripture Commentaries i6 Lectures on Life of Christ ij Elsa and hcT Vulture 19 Epochs of Ancient Hislon.- 3 English History 3 Modem History 3 Ew.iLfs History of Israel 16 Antiquities of Israel 16 /■ai>*7ir«'j Applications of Iron 14 Information for Engineers 14 Mills and Millwork 14 Fiirrar's Language and Languages 7 fr.wcis's Fishing Book 19 I'rfniMu's Historical Geography 2 Froiidt's CiBsar. 4 English in Ireland i History of England i Short Studies 6 Gairdner's Houses of Lancaster and York 3 GiiHol's Elementary Physics 9 Natural Philosophy 9 Gardiner's Buckingham and Charles I. ... 2 PersonS Government of Charles I. 2 WOUKS published by LONGMANS &' CO. ■33 Gardiner's Puritan Resolution 3 . Thirty Years' War 3 German Home Life 7 G»fai>»'j Cavalier's Note Boole 7 GosMe'i Faust, by Birds' 19 bySelss 19 by Webb 19 Goodcve's Mechanics 11 '. Mechanism 14 Gores Electro-Metallurgy 11 Gospel (The) for the Nineteenth Century . 16 Grant's Ethics of Aristotle 6 Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 7 Gr^i/«j'j Christ the Consoler ...; 17 Horses and Roads 20 Hoskold's Engineer's Valuing Assistant ... 14 Hullah's History of Modem Music 12 — ^^ Transition Period 12 Hume's'Essa.ys 6 —— Treatise on Human Nature 6 Ihne's Rome to its Captiure by the Gauls... 3 History of Rome 2 Ingelow's Poems 19 Jameson's Sacred and Legendary Art 13 Memours by Macpherson 4 Jenkin's Electricity and Magnetism 11 %m7if J Life of Napoleon i Johnson's Normans in Europe 3 Patentee's Manual 21 Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 8 Jukes's Types of Genesis 16 yato on Second Death 16 ^a/«cA'j Bible Studies 16 -■ Commentary on the Bible 16 Path and Goal S KelWs Lake Dwellings of Switzerland.... 12 Kerts Metallurgy, by Crookes and Rohrig. 15 Kingzetts AlkaU Trade 13 Animal Chemistry 13 Knatchiull-Huges sen's Faiiy-Land 18 — Higgledy-piggledy 18 Landscapes, Churches, &c 7 ^tt«»«'f English Dictionaries 8 ■ Handbook of English Language 8 Leckys History of England i — ■ European Morals 3 — — Rationalism 3 ■ Leaders of Public Opinion 4 Lee's Geologist's Note Book 12 Leisure Hours in Town 7 Leslie's Essays in Political and Moral Philosophy 6 Lessons of Middle Age 7 Z,««r/Ai>rf"j (J. G.) Popular Works on Natural History ./ 11 'iwi/TOin/'j Geology YoHge's English-Greek Lexicons Yoiiatt on tne Do^ and Horse Ztller's Greek Philosophy S/oti:swfl,<,lf iSk Ci*. Printeis, Xni^^trtet S.jiinrCt LotuioH.