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 SISSANO 
 
 Movements of Migration Within 
 AND Through Melanesia 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM CHURCHILL 
 
 The Carnegie Institution of Washington 
 Washington, 1916 
 
H 
 
 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026915680 
 
CHURCHILL 
 
 <o:^ 
 
 CHART XVI 
 
 CCKLE.NBUR6 
 
 \ \ NUKUMANU 
 
 VNUOURIA " 
 
 / 
 
 BOUCAINVILLt 
 
 
 VE.LL* LAVELLA 
 
 o"; 
 
 Akiriwina 
 
 GUADALCAN 
 
 \„=" 
 
 S:>,<^"\. 
 
 ^-^~^ ••*. OUL.V.A 
 
 ^ ,? \ 
 
 NiriLOLC 
 
 \. 
 
 
 o'-::-\ 
 
 'S^ — "^ 
 
 NORe*«eAn e ^-yoi-ovv 
 
 VANUA LAVA^-Vo"^* 
 
 ^— ^ "OMe«L*V 
 
 PURE POLYNESIAN 
 
 MACWO 
 ARAO 
 
 SAMOA STREAM 
 
 ■"^(\Aaob*(( 
 
 MALtKULA\\^ EP, 
 
 :;,*> "uvea '^•<.. tr^'^ 
 
 _rUTUNA '^'•. ^^^ 'i 
 
 V <a7AaiK0 
 
 / <^. 
 
 \0 
 
 „«^-T. a 
 
 i^. 
 
 CROMANGA 
 
 VITI STREAM 
 
 tanna{> orOTUN 
 
 ^ f''^ "^" 
 
 y 
 
 ■\&>*NE 
 
 ■^•ii^r.:- 
 
 Migration Tracks in Melanesia. 
 
SISSANO 
 
 Movements of Migration Within 
 AND Through Melanesia 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM CHURCHILL 
 
 The Carnegie Institution of Washington 
 Washington, 1916 
 
 E.V. 
 
 - \ 
 
A.^02(i?,-?iO 
 
 CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON 
 Publication No. 244 
 
 PRESS OF GIBSON BROTHER 
 WASHINGTON 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Chapter I. Sources of Melanesian Material i 
 
 II. The Sissano Community 9 
 
 III. Sissano Words - 19 
 
 IV. Melanesian Annotations on the Vocabulary 29 
 
 V. Indonesian Annotations on the Vocabulary 103 
 
 VI. Geography of the Migrations 151 
 
SISSANO 
 
 Movements of Migration Within 
 AND Through Melanesia 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM CHURCHILL 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 SOURCES OF MELANESIAN MATERIAL. 
 
 In the course of our investigations into the anthropogeography of 
 the Pacific area we are soon brought to recognize that, while a certain 
 thread is drawn through the var3nng patterns of the fabric, the quaUty 
 of our ioformation varies widely in the several districts into which 
 that area has been grouped. From a motive of merely temporary 
 convenience it will be just as well to revive from the older systems of 
 gfeography the once famihar designation "Oceanica," which was 
 added as a sort of supplement to the hst of the continents of the 
 world. When first employed the term was intended to gather up all 
 the minor units of the Pacific and adjacent Asiatic sea, so that no part 
 of the earth's surface might escape the ritual ceremony of being 
 bounded on the north by this and on the south by that other, and of 
 having a capital situated on such and such river. The mind cramped 
 in youth by that sort of geography— I beUeve that the thin and very 
 square volume covered in slaty blue paper decorated with the whole 
 world reduced to a pair of pancake twins bore the name of one Mon- 
 teith — finds the real geography, the kind that lies at the back of 
 beyond, quite unorthodox. 
 
 It has been given me to find no little geography of the sort which 
 one approaches with sails close-trimmed to a steady trade-wind 
 breeze, which comes upon the sight as first a mere notch upon the 
 horizon in a negative manner of distant vision, then appears a blue 
 cloud which tmrns to green slopes and mountain peaks arising from 
 the ring of coral and the ever-dancing circlet of thunderous foam. In 
 such geography I confess a particular fondness for Bougainville of 
 the Solomons, the island which should be the particular habitat of 
 the BougainviUea, but is not, since no one has arisen to provide a 
 S3moptic relation between botany and geography. I have coasted 
 Bougainville through all its length, I have penetrated its interior a 
 dozen miles and thought myself lucky that I could retrace exactly 
 the miles of my iuward path from a people who incline to extend a 
 somewhat pressing invitation to dinner in which the relation of guest 
 to viand is quite simply stated in terms of gastronomy. Pond as I 
 am of Bougainville, the influence of a now remote Monteith has 
 been so strongly set in grain that I find myself apologetic because 
 this so shudderingly delightful island of my fancy has no capital upon 
 any river, nothing whatever which can be committed to memory as 
 metropoHs. A charming land, but geographically incomplete. 
 
 Monteith's Oceanica, as I find myself forced to remember it, began 
 at Sumatra and ended at Sala y Gomez. It included between the 
 western S and the eastern S, a decoration which suggests the collar 
 
 1 
 
^ SISSANO. 
 
 of SS which lord mayors wear in I^ondon at Guildhall dinners, all of 
 Indonesia, all of Melanesia, all of Polynesia, all of Micronesia, the 
 grand divisions which now are found better to serve our purpose and 
 which have generally cast old Oceanica into the storehouse of waste 
 timber of geography. Two of these oceanic divisions have been very 
 satisfactorily studied. In Indonesia we have reasonably complete 
 acquaintance with a dominant race which shows considerable uni- 
 formity throughout its subdivisions. In Polynesia we find the same 
 condition. In each area we discover certain contamination elements 
 which offer but sUght problems to the ethnologist; as between the 
 two areas we find a thread of union by which the older students of 
 systematic ethnology were led into error, but which we now employ 
 as a valuable clue for our guidance through the maze of a folk-move- 
 ment for which we have no documents. Micronesia has its own set 
 of problems, very interesting and seemingly very intricate when we 
 pass beyond the thread of Polynesia and Indonesia; but the equa- 
 torial groups of sun-baked islands are not to engage oixr attention in 
 the present studies. 
 
 Melanesia, with which we are to deal, lies between Indonesia and 
 Polynesia. Either it connects or it parts those two of the four great 
 oceanic divisions which we have indicated as set upon a satisfactory 
 basis of knowledge. Upon the charts it is seen to begin at or in the 
 vicinity of New Guinea; its southern point is at the Isle of Pines, 
 lying in the New Caledonian complex; its eastern limit is in Fiji. It 
 is subdivided, not ethnically but rather as a result of the slow progress 
 of discovery, into the Fiji Islands, New Caledonia, the Loyalty Islands, 
 the New Hebrides, the Santa Cruz Group, the Solomons, the Bismarck 
 Archipelago, the Admiralty Islands. 
 
 It is important that we fix in mind what is the present stage of our 
 information as to Melanesia, for when we refer to Melanesia in our 
 studies and use the descriptive adjective Melanesian it is essential 
 that we have a full appreciation of what its connotation really is. The 
 fact that all these names of the grand divisions of Oceanica are formed 
 on the same model, that they come into mind almost as a paradigm 
 of a single stem, makes it particularly important that we shall inform 
 ourselves as to whether Melanesia and Melanesian really carry the 
 same weight of meaning as Indonesia and Polynesia, as Indonesian 
 and Polynesian. 
 
 Geographically we are well informed upon Melanesia. Its dis- 
 covery history is as good as that of Pol3mesia. All the great adven- 
 turers of the Pacific have included the two in their explorations of the 
 South Sea. We have the records of Quiros and Mendana, of Cook, 
 of Bougainville, of Dumont d'Urville, and it is within this area that 
 La P^rouse met his fate. In more recent years, since Wilkes set the 
 pace in his masterly mapping of Fiji and its reefs, the navies of Ger- 
 
SOURCES OP MELANESIAN MATERIAI^. 3 
 
 many, France, and Great Britain have interrupted the tedium of guard 
 service with the accurate determination of geographic positions. 
 
 In the second line of knowledge, the intensive study of individual 
 communities in their social life, Melanesia falls far below the other 
 divisions. A beginning has been made; we have Prebendary Cod- 
 rington's somewhat diffuse work, Parkinson's careful account of thirty 
 years in St. George's Channel of the Bismarck Archipelago, Rivers's 
 brilliant study of the social units of the New Hebrides, a few records 
 of missionary endeavor in one of the straitest sects which may yield 
 to wearisome search scanty ghmpses of the life of Melanesian folk. 
 From these sources we derive important information on the cultural 
 history of the several peoples, but there is by no means sufficient 
 information on which to base more than the most cursory com- 
 parative study. We have still less information in the domain of 
 anthropometry; the records are few and so scattered over the area 
 that we are far from a conspectus; the most that we can derive from 
 their comparison is the recognition of the possibiUty that more than 
 one race is included within the designation of Melanesians. 
 
 Until our knowledge of Melanesia has been brought to a higher 
 stage, the chief reliance in our studies must rest upon the linguistic 
 record. Of course this is not to be considered final in the determina- 
 tion of race and affinity, but it is so much the best material available 
 that we are justified in utilizing its data for the estabHshment of com- 
 parative investigation. Yet even here otu: knowledge of Melanesia is 
 of very unequal advancement. We find three stages clearly marked. 
 In the first we have discovery records — ^more or less scanty collections 
 of words gathered by explorers; in the second stage we have works 
 which purport to be dictionaries of a few languages; in the third are 
 the essays which assume to state the problems of Melanesian philology 
 and in some sort to solve them. 
 
 Since our study of Melanesians must, as already set forth, rest 
 most largely upon the speech record and the use which we make of it, 
 it is essential that we pass under more detailed review these three 
 several stages, in order that we may evaluate the records and estimate 
 the importance which each may possess in our work. 
 
 The first, the discovery record, need not detain us here. In this 
 monograph we are to subject to intimate examination the discovery 
 record of one new-found language, and we shall find it advantageous 
 to include the general consideration with the particular examination 
 of the discovery of the Sissano. We note, however, as an essential 
 preliminary, that such works as Codrington's "Melanesian Languages" 
 and Ray's report on the languages of Torres Straits are at bottom 
 discovery records. 
 
 In the second, the vocabulary or dictionary stage, we are to find 
 our best material, for each of these works purports to be such a gram- 
 
4 SISSANO. 
 
 mar and dictionary of the language with which it deals as may equip 
 the stranger to speak it. In the scholastic idiom the words vocab- 
 ulary and dictionary connote generally a physical difference in size, 
 a third degree of space being introduced with the term lexicon. In 
 this connotation the best of the Melanesian dictionaries occupies 
 no more space than is required of a vocabulary, nor is there any such 
 breadth of treatment of the individual vocables as would serve to 
 raise the work into dictionary dignity. 
 
 In this class we find so-called dictionaries of the Fijian (a speech 
 at least half Polynesian), of Efate, of Mota, of Aneitjnim, all of south- 
 em Melanesia. Then after a long interval we find a dictionary of 
 the Pala, of the Tami, of the Bongu in the German possession of New 
 Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago. The extent of these vocabu- 
 laries is a function of the condition out of which they arise, the need 
 which is recognized by the white man of superior culture to commu- 
 nicate with the inferior black in terms of such speech as is or as may 
 be made comprehensible to him. 
 
 To satisfy this need the white man resident in Melanesia subjects 
 the Melanesian to an ahen speech, or else he devotes his attention to 
 the acquisition of some acquaintance with the Melanesian speech with 
 whose speakers he has elected to cast his lot. So far as this relates 
 to the Melanesian the controlling circumstance lies in the attitude of 
 the white man. If the newcomer regards the Melanesian as sheaves 
 to be garnered, the result is the painful acquisition of Melanesian 
 speech and ultimately a system of grammar and a dictionary; if, on 
 the other hand, he regards the Melanesian as the gamerer of sheaves 
 in an industrial as opposed to a pietistic sense, there results the jargon, 
 the now familiar Beach-la-Mar. Conunerce, industry, plantation life 
 employ the jargon as a lingua franca for readiness of communication 
 in a complex of mutually incomprehensible tongues; missionary 
 endeavor sets before itself the task of codifying so much of the speech 
 in which it engages its efforts as may serve to make a means of estab- 
 lishing the sacred text on a plane of communicabiUty, and in addition 
 so much more of the vernacular as may serve the ends of exposition 
 and the no less important end of securing the welfare of the missionary. 
 This somewhat rigid adhesion to the ideas which inhere in the Bible 
 and to the words necessary to communicate them have had a tendency 
 to Umit the extent of the printed vocabularies of Melanesia. Fairly rep- 
 resentative of the vocabulary of this type i« the dictionary of Mota, 
 with about 5,000 entries, the learned authors having been at pains 
 to explain that it does not purport to be exhaustive. In the northern 
 area of Melanesia we are pleased to observe that the German mis- 
 sionaries have compiled vocabularies more instinct with the genius 
 of the speech and less narrowly confined to their specific, and what 
 may fairly be described as professional, needs. 
 
SOURCES OF MELANESIAN MAT^RIAIv. 5 
 
 Since we have mentioned the numerical sum of one of the diction- 
 aries of Melanesia, we may properly give passing consideration to the 
 size of the vocabulary of these savages. From time to time it has 
 interested popular fancy to compute the average vocabulary of the 
 lower classes in our civilization. There seems to have been in this 
 amusement no particular precision in the estabhshment of what shall 
 be regarded as a vocabulary unit to be counted. In general it has 
 been proposed that the EngHsh hind — for in the United States a more 
 rigid compulsion in elementary education is operative against these 
 speculations — ^has a working vocabulary of not much beyond a thou- 
 sand vocables, and by increments of 500 at each step the higgler, the 
 small tradesman, and the tinker, who is always an outland man and 
 increases cultiure by voyaging along the broad highway, may attain 
 to the high sum of 2,500 words with which to traffic in the affairs of 
 life as it presents itself to him. Be this as it may, and it is scarcely 
 worth our while to regard the speculation as other than curious, the 
 condition among the Melanesian savages is radically different. He 
 knows no social gradation of education; in his society there is no dis- 
 tinction between the learned and the uncouth; in effect, that which 
 anyone knows is known by all; the only difference in vocabulary is 
 that which must exist between the inexperience of youth and the 
 stores of the aged and which reaches its highest point in a few very 
 ancient men who retain names of former customs which have passed 
 out of use in the advance of progress. We have seen that the Mota 
 dictionary, avowedly incomplete, contains 5,000 vocables. In the 
 course of recent study directed upon one of the least-known languages 
 of the Philippines, I had occasion to compute the extent of the vocabu- 
 lary of a circtunjacent and to a certain extent alHed folk, the Visayas. 
 In the Visayan dictionary compiled by Fr. Juan Fffix de la Encama- 
 cion we find 12,000 vocables, and the Visayas are scarcely more 
 advanced upon the road of civiUzation than the men of Mota or other 
 of the islands of Melanesia. Accordingly we feel justified in appraising 
 the best of our working vocabularies of Melanesia as representative 
 of barely 50 per cent of the languages with which they deal, and from 
 that highest level we deal with material which dwindles rapidly down 
 to the level of mere word Usts. 
 
 Thus we see how imperfect is the equipment with which we may 
 give value to the third stage in which our Melanesian material has 
 been presented to use, that which has assumed the form and method 
 of comparative philology. Some of the material in the second class 
 is prepared in such a manner as to fit it for consideration in this third 
 class; some even of the primal class of discovery record comes to us 
 equipped with the machinery of comparison. The dictionary of 
 Bfate affords an excellent instance of the mingling of the second and 
 third classes. The prime object of the author appears to have been to 
 
6 SISSANO. 
 
 adjust the speech of the people under his charge to the estabhshment of 
 his speculative theory that all the people of the island area, denominated 
 by him the Oceanic race, derive from some pre-Mosaic Semitic stock. 
 
 Prebendary Codrington is our standard authority for southern 
 Melanesia. His work falls within the first class by reason of the fact 
 that he provides more or less extended notes upon the grammar of 
 34 languages between the Loyalties and the southern Solomons. In 
 his vocabularies, however, he sets his work distinctly within the third 
 class; he presents in tabular form for convenience in comparison a 
 series of 70 vocables in 43 languages. Such comparison is interesting 
 as far as it goes, but it is clear that the material is far too scanty to 
 serve as the foundation for a valid theory of the interrelations of the 
 languages thus briefly noted. 
 
 In the hnguistic report of the Cambridge Torres Straits Expedi- 
 tion Mr. Ray has pursued the same method. For the Mabuiag and 
 the Miriam he records vocabularies of several hundred items ; for the 
 languages of Cape York Peninsula his record falls into a table of 35 
 vocables in 12 languages; from the coasts of British New Guinea, 
 now officially styled Papua, he extracts languages of two classes 
 which he designates Papuan and Melanesian. He subjects the 
 material in each case to tabulation of a list of the same 154 vocables, 
 which he treats with varying fuUness of record — ^46 languages in the 
 Papuan class, 39 in the Melanesian. 
 
 Captain Friederici also combines exploratory and comparative 
 work in his study of the languages of the Bismarck Archipelago 
 and adjacent coast of New Guinea. He has recognized that the 
 tabular method has the advantage of faciHtating ocular examination 
 of material, but that the very mechanical system which produces this 
 advantage sacrifices the intimate detail which is necessary to a proper 
 comprehension of the material involved. The three authorities ex- 
 hibit a growth in method as this difiiculty was recognized. Codring- 
 ton provides a rigid table, Ray a series of tables with footnotes of the 
 utmost terseness. Friederici has hit upon a method of sjmoptical 
 tables which adds greatly to the logical value of the information 
 therein presented. Three columns he assigns to Indonesia, generically 
 to the Bahasa Tanah and Alfuros of Ceram, of Bum, and of north- 
 eastern Celebes respectively; next, and centrally situated, comes the 
 column dealing with the speech of his particular study, that of the 
 Barriai group in western New Pomerania; three similarly generic 
 columns are used to carry the investigation still further — ^western 
 Papuo-Melanesians, Solomons, and New Hebrides. I employ the 
 genus suggestion in describing this extremely flexible system because 
 in each column it is possible to include material from specific lan- 
 guages pertinent thereto. The notes succeeding these tables are as 
 complete as it has been possible for the author to make them, in many 
 
SOURCBS OP MBLANBSIAN MATERIAL. 7 
 
 cases amounting to concise monographs upon the ethnic or linguistic 
 problems which present themselves. 
 
 It has seemed pertinent to offer this brief comment upon the man- 
 ner of linguistic treatment practised by our principal authorities, for 
 in the work of each we find an assumption that there exists a Melane- 
 sian race, and Friederici proposes carefully elaborated argument to 
 estabhsh as fact that this Melanesian race is not autochthonous, that 
 it has left traces of its sweep of migration upon the area which it now 
 occupies, just as the Polynesian race has left like memorials of its 
 culturally higher, longer, and perhaps wider migration, and that 
 from these traces he may establish the source of the Melanesians in 
 peoples included in Indonesia within the somewhat higher culture of 
 the Malayans. 
 
 These are points upon which the present inquiry is addressed. 
 The material upon which our comparative investigation is based is 
 contained in the following works; and since we shall have to make 
 incessant reference to one or other, I have added in this Ust the short 
 designation under which each is cited: 
 
 CoDRiNGTON. The Melanesian Languages. By R. H. Codiington, D. D., of the Mda- 
 nesian Mission, Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford. Oxford, 1885. 
 
 Ray. Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits. Volume III. 
 Linguistics, by Sidney H. Ray. Cambridge, 1907. 
 
 PoLYNBSiAN Wanderings. The Polynesian Wanderings: Tracks of the Migration Deduced 
 from an Examination of the Proto-Samoan Content of Efate and other Languages of 
 Melanesia. By William Churchill. Carnegie Inst. Wash. Pub. No. 134. 191 1. 
 
 DeuTSCh-NbuguinEa. Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse einer amtlichen Forschungsreise nach 
 dem Bismarck-Archipel im Jahre igoS. II. Beitrdge zur Volker- und Sprachen- 
 kunde von Deutsch-Neuguinea. Von Dr. Georg Friederici, Hauptmann a. D. 
 Erganzungsheft Nr. 5 der Mitteilungeu aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten. 
 Berlin, 1912. 
 
 Melanesische Wanderstrasse. Ut sup. III. Untersuchungen iiber eine Melanesische 
 Wanderstrasse. Berlin, 1913. 
 
 SuBANtr. The Subanu: Studies of a Sub-Visayan Mountain Folk of Mindanao. Part I. 
 Ethnographical and Geographical Sketch of Land and People. By Lieut. Col. John 
 Park Finley, U. S. A. Part II. Discussion of the Linguistic Material. By William 
 Churchill. Carnegie Inst. Wash. Pub. No. 184. 1913. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE SISSANO COMMUNITY. 
 
 It may be asked, and that not improperly, why we approach the 
 problems of Melanesia through so exiguous a medium as a mere frag- 
 ment of the speech of Sissano when we have the more considerable 
 vocabularies of the Bongu, the Tami, the Pala, and the Mota. 
 
 A determining reason inheres in the foregoing statement. We 
 have dictionaries of a few of the languages called Melanesian. In 
 the period, less than thirty years, in which these languages have been 
 studied through the methods of comparison, there has arisen a cer- 
 tain mass of assumptions which in the passage from hand to hand 
 have tended to become fixed as prejudices. Just because the Sissano 
 is wholly new, that it is presented to us in no more than the record 
 stage and without the attempt to adjust its twigs upon a family tree, 
 these conditions make it all the more valuable. Inasmuch as we shall 
 engage upon the study of the natiure and possibly the source of that 
 element of speech within the Melanesian area which exhibits the appear- 
 ance of kinship with other languages, we shall find our attitude of 
 inquiry in a better poise when we are dealing with fresh material. 
 The conclusions which we may derive from the newly acquired data 
 . will thus serve as standard for the critical examination of the conclu- 
 sions at which earUer students have arrived in the study of other data. 
 The extent of the Sissano material at present falls below the amount 
 offered in the dictionaries mentioned in the foregoing paragraph. We 
 are to examine but 120 vocables of Sissano speech; yet even that 
 scanty figure is more than half as much again as that upon which Cod- 
 rington erected the study of comparative Melanesian philology, falls 
 but 34 items below the hmit of Ray's material, and approximates three- 
 quarters of the sum of Friederici's material. On this score, therefore, 
 it is entitled to rank with the work of these authorities. 
 
 The geography of the Sissano communities estabUshes this speech 
 as in a position of pecuhar importance. It will be recalled that the 
 great island of New Guinea is bisected pohtically by the meridian of 
 141° E. AH that lies west of that Kne is a possession of the Nether- 
 lands. The eastern half is again partitioned by a mathematical 
 botmdary through untrodden waste of mountain and jungle. This 
 boundary leaves the Netherlands Hue at the parallel of 5° S., and 
 when the unknown land is explored will be drawn in a straight line 
 to the corner formed by the intersection of 6° S. with 114° B-; from 
 this comer it continues to the intersection of 8° S. with 147° B. ; thence 
 along the parallel of 8° into the sea south of the Bismarck Archipelago. 
 South of this Kne is the British Possession of Papua; north of it Ues 
 
10 SISSANO. 
 
 the German colony of Kaiser-Wilhelmsland.* On the north coast of 
 the German colony the Sissano communities he on the shore of a 
 lagoon not more than 5 miles east of the intersection of 3° S. with 
 142° E. This array of geographical coordinates shows that Sissano 
 is some 65 miles east of the Dutch-German boundary. 
 
 This remote westward position will be found particularly advan- 
 tageous for the purposes of our study, for it considerably removes 
 this language station from the possibiUty of mixed contamination 
 from successive waves of migration from divers sources which we are 
 forced to recognize in some of the eastern island areas where migra- 
 tion streams have converged. Yet in its westward position Sissano 
 is far enough east to have escaped a more modem contamination, 
 that of the raiding fleets of Malayan prahu. These adventurous 
 sailors in a quite recent period have visited and despoiled the western 
 coasts of New Guinea, both north and south, wherever they could 
 find articles worthy of their theft, or humanity which they could cap- 
 ture in slavery. On the north coast we have the most abundant 
 proof of the activity of these periodical raiders as far east as the great 
 Geelvink Bay and the island of Jobi. East of Jobi Point, which 
 marks the eastern extremity of Geelvink Bay, the coast becomes for- 
 bidding, landing-places are few, the forests which come down unbroken 
 to the sea offer Uttle to the advantage of the trader, and the human 
 population is too scanty to attract the slaver to an unprofitable 
 voyage. Sissano lies quite east of the common limit of modem Malay 
 intercourse. At the same time it hes so far to the westward as to be 
 close to the Indonesian region, with which we associate a certain very 
 distinct element of the languages called Melanesian and Polynesian. 
 If we are justified in tracing back this element to some manner of 
 source in lands where the Malayan stock is now dominant, we shall 
 be justified, until later discoveries may push a new station further 
 westward, in regarding Sissano as the threshold of an exit of migration 
 at some past time out of Indonesia. 
 
 We owe our knowledge of Sissano to two authorities. Friederid 
 has given us certain brief yet valuable notes scattered through his 
 " Melanesische Wanderstrasse " ; Dr. Richard Neuhauss, in "Deutsch 
 Neuguinea," includes a narrative of the communities as he found them, 
 not great in extent but important as being the first comprehensive 
 account of the place and people. In order that we may have for our 
 linguistic studies of Sissano the proper geographical background and 
 the essential ethnological surroundings, I shall present in this chapter 
 the material in extenso, with ascription of full credit and equal respon- 
 sibility to Dr. Neuhauss. His great work is intensive only upon the 
 
 *This statement rests upon the last delimitation of spheres of influence. As these 
 pages pass through the press, the colony of Kaiser-Wilhelmsland is in military occupation 
 of the Australian contingent subject to final determination in the treaty of European peace. 
 
THB SISSANO COMMUNITY. 11 
 
 Huon Gulf region in the extreme southeast of the colony, where he had 
 enjoyed the advantage of association with well-informed missionaries 
 who had devoted a decade to the study and improvement of the savage 
 population. Elsewhere in the colony his exploration was hasty and 
 there was lack of intelUgent assistance. But in Sissano, as we shall 
 see, he passed some weeks and had the aid of a German who had 
 lived in trading relations with the people for several years. 
 
 We are obHged at the outset to make a choice between Friederici 
 and Neuhauss in the form of the name of the community and its 
 speech. Neuhauss records it as Sissanu, Friederici as Sissano, yet 
 Neuhauss notes (page 27) that surrounding peoples call it Eissano. 
 We have ample warrant for assuming Friederici the more accomphshed 
 linguist; I have had occasion to check up his sense of vocal sound in 
 several parts of the Pacific and admire the accuracy of his ear. We 
 shall therefore follow his usage and employ as standard the form 
 Sissano.* 
 
 The following are the note of Dr. Neuhauss on the place and people : 
 
 At evening of August 8, 1909, the Siar anchored off Sissano, 45 kilometers 
 west of Eitap6, for the purpose of setting me down in the midst of the wilder- 
 ness. The population, the Waropu and Sissano, up to the present have been 
 brought into contact with civilization principally through the fact that the 
 government has found it necessary to inflict a slight punishment. The nearest 
 Catholic mission station, then but recently established, lies at Malol, 18 kilo- 
 meters west of Eitap6. The possibiUty of living for any length of time in 
 this wild society and of doing successftd work lay in the circumstance that 
 for several years, the world forsaken, the copra trader Schulz had made him- 
 self at home and that he received me into his primitive hut. He came first 
 to New Guinea as a sailor and had tried everywhere without making a success. 
 It was not that he was lacking in industry; weeks and months on end he 
 worked from morning to night, but in the end he was overcome by the irre- 
 sistible impulse to spend his hard won money to the last penny on drink. 
 
 During my six weeks stay in Sissano Schulz showed himself a good friend 
 of mine whom I must always recall with gratitude; and when I learned that 
 in the beginning of 1910 he had suddenly passed from Ufe I moinned him in 
 my inmost heart. 
 
 Since there is always a heavy surf on that coast, landing is not without 
 danger and scarcely does one ever come out of a boat without having made 
 the acquaintance of a swamping wave. My luggage came through the 
 experience in fair condition, and even the dozen large bottles of heavy export 
 beer which the captain had given to Schulz were brought ashore intact. 
 Their decapitation began at once and before midnight Schulz had drained 
 the last bottle to its last drop. I found myself under the need of wondering 
 what might be the outlook for my work. Yet Schulz reassured me when 
 he rolled onto his bed and stammered "To-morrow you shall see a quite 
 different Schulz." The prophecy was fulfilled, the thirst of weeks was 
 appeased, and where alcohol had ruled in full force for less than twenty-four 
 hours the rest of the time there was only weak tea and coffee. The water 
 
 ^ *Certain few artifacts in the museum of the University of Pennsylvania, collected earlier 
 than the visits of our authorities, are attributed to Zissano; this is added evidence in con- 
 firmation of the final vowel adopted as standard. 
 
12 SISSANO. 
 
 supply was particularly poor. While at the mission stations in Huon Gulf 
 they drink exclusively rain-water which is caught on the corrugated-iron roofs, 
 Schulz's hut was roofed with sago leaves, from which the rain-water poiurs 
 down dark brown and quite undrinkable. For our drinking-water we had 
 to depend on a small pool behind the house, an aquarium of mosquito larvae 
 and frogs and other small animal life and a bath for the dog. The green 
 fluid could be used in only tea or coffee. 
 
 The landscape produces quite a different impression from that in the Huon 
 Gulf region; a broad, flat coastal strip which is only occasionally interrupted 
 by outcrop of rock and which is covered with scrub and coconut palms. 
 Behind this small zone composed of beach-sand deposits lie swamps and 
 lagoons filled with fish; it is not until one goes farther inland that the moun- 
 tains begin to arise. On this coastal strip dwells a somewhat dense population 
 which lives principally on sago and fish. Since the lagoons aboimd in more 
 ducks than one may coxmt the European gormandizes in meat. Our carte 
 de jour read: morning, stewed wild duck with coffee; noon, stewed wild duck 
 with tea; evening, stewed wild duck with coffee. About once a week a parrot 
 or a savory pigeon added variety to the succession of meals. Schulz assigned 
 three cartridges of bird shot every morning to his gun boy. If he did not bring 
 home by noon at least six ducks he got a manual reminder, for one could feel 
 sure that on the score of friendship he had left too much of his game in the 
 villages. 
 
 Near the residence of my host lie eight Sissano towns (Nimas, Wakel, 
 Reindschen, Meinerek, Amsohr, Meinah, Bnmo, Meinraim) with a total of 
 some 1 ,000 inhabitants. Schulz, who had acquired some of the language of the 
 people, got along with them famously and gave them to understand that I was 
 a good friend of his and that they must not harm a hair of my head. With 
 great skill and dexterity he knew how to make them comprehend my object 
 in making collections and taking photographs, and certainly I should never 
 have obtained so much had not Schulz stood always faithfully at my side ready 
 to give his assistance. Among the ethnographic objects there he brought to 
 my attention a most remarkable piece. In scraping the pith out of the sago 
 stem the blacks use adzes in which the sharp stone blade is replaced with 
 blunt, round polished stones. All at once there appeared many tools of this 
 sort which were mounted, not with a stone, but with a roimd piece of metal. 
 This had the following explanation : In order to bring the hostile Sissano to 
 reason the government set in operation one more of its punitive expeditions 
 and shot up the beach towns with a few dozen small shells. But somebody 
 neglected to charge the shells properly and they fell without exploding or 
 doing any sort of damage to the soft sand. The Sissano were greatly delighted 
 at the presentation of such fine pieces of metal and had no more pressing 
 occupation than to dig them up and set them into their adzes in place of 
 stones. Apparently there had been a short time earlier at least two dozen 
 such shells in use. The attempt was made to buy them up secretly. Schulz 
 had the last specimen. 
 
 This recalls another happening where the shells of a punitive expedition 
 did really go off, but quite in another spot from that which was intended, 
 namely, in the ground far from the hostile towns. Whereupon the natives 
 held a thanksgiving festival because their fields had been so finely dug up 
 and they themselves spared the painful toil of breaking up their hard soil. 
 
 Near Sissano is the Waropu Lagoon, where there was a sudden sinking of 
 the earth's surface in the night of December 15-16, 1907. 
 
 In order more closely to examine the sunken district I boarded with Schulz 
 one of the canoes without outriggers for the extremely uncomfortable trip 
 across the Waropu Lagoon, which is of considerable extent and in which 
 
THS SISSANO COMMUNITY. 13 
 
 the winds stir up a strong sea. In order to keep the canoe from capsizing 
 and to lower the center of gravity as much as possible we had to sit imme- 
 diately upon the bilges of the canoe, and there is always water there. 
 
 After a voyage of half an hoiur on the Sissano I^agoon one emerges from a 
 forest of coconuts suddenly upon the sunken district where the dead and 
 leafless palm stems are a melancholy spectacle. This border zone is of a 
 width of I to 1 5^ kilometers. One has to wind in and out among the dead 
 trirnks with the utmost care, for the slightest bump would be sufficient to 
 bring rotting stems crashing down. Soon we are in the open lagoon and steer 
 directly for the sunken island where formerly 2,000 Waropu lived. Many 
 houses have already fallen in ruin before the dashing waves, some have 
 remained, especially a small spirit house into which we crept in order to loot 
 its heaped-up treasures. In their superstition the Waropu let everything 
 after the catastrophe lie untouched, so that we were able to carry away 
 decorated skulls, objects of magic-working, the rare dancing masks worn at 
 the circumcision festivals, and other such objects. 
 
 Then we continued to the other side of the lagoon to the Ar6p towns. The 
 Waropu formerly hving between the Sissano and the Arop had always been 
 in fiercest enmity with their neighbors and had occupied much the same 
 position as the Lae-Womba on the lower Markham River. It was clearly a 
 judgment of God that the calamity of the earthquake fell upon the Waropu 
 exclusively and that the sunken district ceased at the boundaries of the 
 Sissano and the Ar6p. It is clear that the small point of land on which 
 Arop stands is involved in a slow subsidence, so that the inhabitants in a little 
 while must forsake the place. 
 
 During the catastrophe the Waropu were able to embark quickly upon 
 their boats, so that only two children were drowned. Early next morning 
 they came for succor to the Sissano, who showed no sign of sympathy, but 
 set themselves in readiness to massacre their ancient foes, now defenseless. 
 Had Schulz not intervened there would have been a cruel bath of blood. 
 The Waropu then biult new towns on the shore of their lagoon. 
 
 One day Schulz informed me that he must go to Eitape in order to get 
 new trade from the store of the New Guinea Company. As a matter of fact 
 he had plenty of trade, but the quarter was near its end and thirst once more 
 began to plague him. He swore by all that was high and holy that he would 
 be back in five days. The voyage each way took up two days. 
 
 In Eitap^ he was in the way of wholesale trade, for he bought a whole 
 box at once containing 48 bottles of beer and went into camp beside it; if his 
 credit ran to it, as this time it did, he would get a second box and his sojourn 
 prolonged itself about two days. Eight days later Schulz had not returned, 
 but one of his black boys came back to Sissano. When I asked him what 
 was the matter with his master he said "Master Skuls did." I was in the 
 highest degree alarmed, for the death of my host put me in an unpleasant 
 position. Thank God, the case was not so bad, for I had not fully grasped 
 the niceties of the Pidgin. The black boy sought to express with the word 
 "did" no more than the fact that his master lay dead drunk. If Schulz 
 had been as dead as a rat the black boy would have said "did finish." When 
 his credit was exhausted they stowed Schulz and his trade aboard a small 
 schooner which came into view off Sissano in the early morning. But it 
 was evening before his legs recovered sufficient supporting power for Schulz 
 to think of coming ashore. Now my host was once more the most industrious, 
 the most sensible man, the best associate whom I could wish in the wilderness. 
 When a year and a quarter later he went again to Eitap^ he stayed "did 
 finish." (Pages 61-66.) 
 
14 SISSANO. 
 
 In Sissano I saw a half-albino woman (skin color about 21-22), but she 
 was so shy that I was unable to observe the color of her eyes and the hair, 
 which she wore under a hat. (Page 104.) 
 
 A Sissano chief lost one after another all five of his sons in the everlastmg 
 feuds with the neighboring Waropu. (Page 132.) 
 
 When in 1909 I sojourned with the Sissano, as yet uninfluenced by civili- 
 zation in their remoteness near the Dutch border, I had the fortune to be an 
 eye-witness of at least some of the circumstances of the circumcision feast. 
 The feast-magic had already lasted for five months; that is to say, the men in 
 particular had given up work, and the women, who commonly busied them- 
 selves, among other things, with pottery making, had declared a holiday. The 
 case was particularly a hardship for my friend Schulz, for diuing that time 
 he could not get a kilo of copra; the townsfolk always asstued him that all 
 would be well at the end of the feast, which they must await in the circum- 
 stances. This end was clearly yet remote, for the boys had only just been 
 circumcised and after the actual operation months must elapse before they 
 return to their towns. 
 
 The circumcision candidates, fourteen boys and yoimg lads between the ages 
 of some six to twenty years, lived part of the time on a hill across the lagoon 
 at a considerable distance from the settlements, and part of the time in the 
 neighborhood of the towns near the beach, where an indosure had been built 
 for them in the thick bush. On the side toward the sea this inclosure was 
 hedged with palm leaves at the edge of the bush, so that the youngsters, who 
 were under the guardianship of two fully grown men, were screened from 
 the glances of the women passing along the beach. On the place thus inclosed 
 were several shabby huts, mere roof shelters from the rain. The circumcision 
 candidates were daubed from head to foot with yellow and went completely 
 naked. The operation had been performed on them only a few days earlier 
 and the wounds were not yet healed; it amounted to no more than a com- 
 paratively insignificant incision in the foreskin. Every evening the blowing of 
 the great balum flutes resounded, whose piupose was to give warning to the 
 women that a dangerous spirit was abroad. After the circumcision feast the 
 lad is considered adult and takes part in the councils of the men. (Page 157.) 
 
 In the towns of Malol, Ar6p, and Ser, between Berlinhafen and the Dutch 
 border, there is a custom that every immarried villager must make his condi- 
 tion visible from a distance by wearing the bachelor belt of rattan. In Sissano 
 also some of the immarried men wear the bachelor belt. (Page 159.) 
 
 In Sissano the corpses of men and women are buried under the women 
 houses, never under the men houses. At the head and foot of the body they 
 stick a post in the earth and keep a small fire burning over the grave for about 
 a month. A short time earlier an old man had died there whose house had 
 already fallen down and who had passed the last years of his life in the neigh- 
 boring house of some of his kin. In this case they buried him between the yet 
 standing pillars of his old house and spread over the grave a roof shelter. 
 This fashion of burial is not usual in Sissano. A boy who died in Sissano at 
 the beginning of 1909 was buried under the house in which he had lived. 
 But they had cut the head off and buried it under another house. When some 
 months later I dug it up I found the bones in the vicinity of the foramen magnum 
 broken away, which showed that the brain had been taken out. (Page 163.) 
 
 The Sissano preserve in their spirit houses a row of skulls, apparently 
 those of chiefs and other prominent men. Although they hold these skulls 
 in high honor, they show not the slightest respect for others. As soon as 
 they saw that I was paying a good price for skulls they dug up the graves 
 under their houses in every direction in order to sell the mortal remains of 
 
THE SISSANO COMMUNITY. 15 
 
 their relatives. The women had to do this with long staves, but the men took 
 the purchase price. The skuUs heaped up in the spirit houses were not for 
 sale. Among the exhumed specimens were found the skuUs of men as well 
 as women, so that it is not here, as in Berlinhafen, the privilege of the men 
 to be preserved in the spirit houses. (Page 165.) 
 
 The long strands of hair which the old Sissano women wear hanging down 
 over the breast are a rare exception to the usual treatment of the hair. (Page 
 190.) 
 
 In order to develop the wounds inflicted by burning so that they may 
 become thick weals the people in Sissano, apparently in other places also, 
 smear the fresh wounds with a mixture of lime and the leaf juices of a plant. 
 This composition, which has a yellow color, is extraordinarily irritant. The 
 smarting which the women must undergo while decorating their bodies with 
 these moxa scars must be something frightful. (Page 192.) 
 
 Perforation of the alae and septum of the nose are practised by the Sissano. 
 (Page 194.) 
 
 In the neighborhood of Huon Gulf and in Sissano black teeth are regarded 
 as particularly fine. The coloring is done with black earth. The black 
 pigment is wrapped in a small packet, this is laid upon the teeth, and the 
 result is attained. In Sissano I collected a small container which had been 
 made as a holder for the black tooth pigment. (Page 195.) 
 
 In Sissano the penis bark wrapping is concealed beneath & sort of fiber 
 petticoat or a piece of bast cloth.* (Page 197.) 
 
 They build their houses on exceptionally high posts when the air is not 
 wholesome and when they must always be on guard against attack. A plat- 
 form 3 or 4 meters high is not without its difiEiculties to the attacker who 
 would seek to clamber up. The primordial form of the Papuan house appears 
 to be of the round type. At the present time this has practically vanished 
 from the coastal regions of Kaiser- Wilhelmsland, though I have seen some 
 in Sissano. The roof is supported by a center pole. But this style has 
 become unusual among the Sissano. (Page 215.) 
 
 A uniform house type is not found. This is noteworthy in the men houses 
 of Sissano, where we have round houses, oval houses with a platform under 
 the dwelling room, and finally houses without platform. The women houses 
 exhibit like variety; we find one with a veranda open above, a porch roof 
 without veranda, and the more common t5rpe with low-roofed verandas. 
 For decoration of the men houses long strings of the lower jaws of pigs are 
 hung between the posts. (Page 218.) 
 
 Among the Sissano the wooden sword is the weapon of women, for there 
 they take part in combat ; in peace times they employ the sword in breaking 
 up the soil. (Page 305.) 
 
 The protection of the body is particularly well cared for by the Sissano. 
 The warrior wears for the protection of his belly a cuirass of bark richly 
 carved (opSn). This is rolled up into a spiral and therefore adjusts itself 
 closely to the- belly. Before the breast depends a beautiful small shield 
 decorated with swine teeth and red and black wild seeds. Four particu- 
 larly fine breast shields of this kind are in the ethnographic collection of the 
 old castle in Heidenheim, Wiirttemberg. In addition there occurs here, 
 though quite rarely, artistically woven body armor, of which I collected one 
 specimen for the Berlin collection; they are manufactured in the district near 
 
 *With this statement it is necessary to compare vopun in the vocabulary. Appar- 
 ently the Sissano employ both customs, which elsewhere in the region are somewhat sharply 
 distinctive of racial difference. 
 
16 SISSANO. 
 
 the Dutch boundary and come to Sissano in barter. Finally, the Sissano war- 
 riors employ large wooden shields (aieripin) of the height of a meter and a 
 half and covering the whole of the man. These are decorated with artistic 
 carving and occur in the towns in extraordinary profusion. On this shield 
 the wounded warrior is borne away from the thick of the conflict by the 
 women. During an attack the warrior does not protect himself with the 
 shield, for its great weight would interfere with his use of the bow. It plays 
 a more important part in the defense of the town. There are also shields of 
 cassowary hide, but these are used only in dancing. (Page 306.) 
 
 My friend Schulz once had the opportunity on the veranda of his house 
 to be a spectator of a battle between Sissano and Waropu bitterly contested 
 in his immediate vicinity. The warriors, protected with body armor and 
 breast shield, stick a war amulet into the arm band and hang another on the 
 decorated breast shield. Then with frightful yells the enemies clash. The 
 women grasp their wooden swords and the great shields and as soon as a man 
 is put out of action by an arrow he is carried from the field on the shield. 
 The women do not directly participate in the fighting and employ their 
 wooden swords only to protect themselves when an enemy comes too near 
 them. They pick up the arrows after they have been shot, keep up the 
 supply of ammunition from the arrow reserve in the houses, and when a man 
 is wounded cut the arrow out of the flesh with bamboo knives. In all these 
 combats the yeUing is always the most frightful thing, and as soon as a pair 
 of wounds have been inflicted or one of the fighters falls the affair comes 
 to an end. The casualties would be far more severe if it were not that the 
 fighters leap about with the agility of apes and offer no certain target. I took 
 a cinematographic picture of one of these leaping archers and had great diffi- 
 culty in keeping the instrument trained on the man hopping like an india- 
 rubber ball. (Page 311.) 
 
 In but one of the eight Sissano towns is pottery practised. The method 
 is to take sausage-shaped rolls of clay, set them in layers, and smooth the 
 outside and inside with the hand. The Sissano women roll the day sausages 
 on a hard surface until they become quite smooth. (Page 324.) 
 
 In the west of our colony, among the Sissano, flouridies an art of wood 
 work which deals with large wooden shields, ladles, and taro stampers. While 
 the handle of the stamper exhibits a male figure with extraordinarily large 
 organs of generation, a specimen was collected in which its place was taken 
 by a kangaroo. Travelers who follow me in Sissano will not be likely to 
 find any good old pieces of this sort, for my Sissano friends fairly exhausted 
 the supply at the rate of a kitchen knife apiece. (Page 33.) 
 
 The Sissano celebrate a clothing feast at which the girls of six to eight 
 years receive from the givers of their names colored girdles of bark and skirts 
 of bast. The father of the family invites all the givers of names. Since the 
 child has several names it has therefore several name-givers (kakak). The 
 latter adorn the girl with girdle and skirt, paint her in gay colors, and to the 
 accompaniment of singing and dancing bring her before her parents, who 
 have not neglected to bake a huge cake of coconut and sago, 5 centimeters 
 thick, 3 to 4 meters broad, and 7 to 8 meters long. The women clothe them- 
 selves as men, put on the belly armor and breast shields, and blacken their 
 faces. Suddenly they appear in this disguise and armed with lemons from 
 the bush, with these they pelt the men, who reply in kind. It lasts but a few 
 minutes in all, then they withdraw and lay aside the disguise. Meanwhile 
 the decorated girls are brought in by the givers of the names, and on the 
 father's side begins the distribution of the cake and other articles of food. 
 Every name-giver gets from four to five backloads of eatables. In like 
 
TH^ SISSANO COMMUNITY. 17 
 
 manner all who have helped in the ceremony must be rewarded. Such a 
 feast naturally brings its giver to the edge of domestic ruin, but that never 
 turns Papuan hair gray. So long as he has something on hand he lives 
 happily. (Page 382.) 
 
 In the same fashion we shall assemble from Friederici the stray 
 mention of this people which is scattered through his "Deutsch- 
 Neuguinea." 
 
 In New Guinea I observed remarkably many instances of the Jewish cast 
 of features in the Arop-Sissano region. Among the Anuda folk are several 
 quite extraordinarily corpulent persons, such as I have encountered in the 
 same degree only in the atoll Uluthi (Mogemog) of the western Carolines 
 and in the case of one man among the Melanesian Sissano. (Page 28d.) 
 
 I have been able to examine but two new-born children in the course of 
 my travels, one in Kung, northern New Hanover, one in Sissano. A small 
 child of Javanese parents in HoUandia, Humboldt Bay, was already two days 
 old when I saw it. In none of these children was the blue birth-mark, the 
 Mongol spot, present; in skin pigmentation all three were noticeably Ughter 
 than their mothers. (Page 32b.) 
 
 While the glowing end of a coconut shell (the end where the eyes are) 
 is employed for the burning of small scar ornament, the people in the present 
 time use red-hot bottle necks for the production of larger amiular scars. 
 Similar scar ornament occurs in north New Guinea at Garget and in the 
 Arop-Sissano region. (Page 366.) 
 
 I myself have traveled through large areas of New Guinea whose inhabi- 
 tants were uncircumcised, for instance from Humboldt Bay over Wutung, 
 Wanimo and vicinity, Leitere to Ser. Upon the Sissano, lying still farther 
 east, a trader has given me vague statements as to circumcision, which unfor- 
 tunately I have not established as fact. It is quite possible that such is 
 the case; but, with every kind wish, the information derived from that trader, 
 by reason of something lacking in his personality, is not sufficiently reliable 
 to stand as fact except when corroborated (see page 13). (Page 45c.) 
 
 I have often observed the picking up of objects with the foot. This is 
 especially frequent in the Arop-Sissano region. (Page 57a.) 
 
 I have found in Sissano the use of the Polynesian swimming-board for 
 riding the breakers, surf-riding. (Page 596). 
 
 On the coast of northern New Guinea the people of Wanimo, Leitere, Ser, 
 Sissano, and Arop have assiu-ed me that the tear-greeting was unknown to 
 them. (Page 65c.) 
 
 In the regions poorly blessed with the coconut the mothers chew up boluses 
 of taro or sago for their ntursing children, but quite clearly with anything 
 but good results. A severe malady of the mucosa, particularly about the 
 anus and the genitalia, follows this sago feeding, as I have in many cases 
 observed in chUdren of the Arop-Sissano region. The lately deceased trader 
 Schulz, whose testimony on this point I regard as competent, since he had 
 had several Papuan women in the domestic side of his hfe, told me that 
 this illness regularly set in as a sort of inevitable children's sickness when 
 the child was weaned and put upon a diet of this chewed sago. The illness 
 is very painful. Not a few succumb to it. I observed in particular a little 
 girl of two or three years who lay shrieking with the pain on her father's 
 knee and rolling onto her back and then onto her belly. The genitalia and 
 anus were inflamed and covered with matter and scabs. Any one who has 
 ever had this disease is immune ever after. It is clearly a sickness of the wean- 
 ing. (Page gid.) [This suggests frambcesia. — W. C] 
 
18 SISSANO. 
 
 The Sissano practise a fashion of disposing of their dead quite similar to 
 that in vogue in the Motu district, as the trader Schulz has told me. The 
 late Schulz was of no particular intelligence, but a man who thought accord- 
 ing to his station and I hold him in pleasant regard. It happened to him to 
 spy through the chinks of a hut how the relatives squatted about a corpse 
 already far gone in corruption and dug out with their fingers meat or skin 
 from the rotting body and sucked them as tidbits. Schulz told me that 
 they were very careful to keep this secret and refused to speak about it. 
 (Page 165^.) 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 SISSANO WORDS. 
 
 The brief vocabulary which we are to consider in the present chapter, 
 and which is to serve as the foundation for our wider consideration 
 of the philological problems of this region, is derived from two sources. 
 Neuhauss supphes 88 entries, Friederici 33 ; the two authorities have 
 15 words in common, and in each of these instances I have given 
 preference to the form recorded by Friederici. I have likewise specified 
 the source only where variety exists and in that case have employed 
 the self-explanatory initials N and F. In general the forms of Fried- 
 erici' s provenience may be identified through the employment of 
 accents and other diacritical marks. His material is collated from his 
 comparative tables based upon the language of the Barriai of western 
 New Pomerania. Neuhauss (page 129) provides his Hst in loose order, 
 based upon his researches into the parts of the body, weapons, utensils 
 ■ — ethnica in general. He makes no note as to the phonetic sys- 
 tem followed. It is presumable that he employs the Roman letters 
 with the value which they have in German ; yet I have not attempted 
 to coordinate his record with that of Friederici. The latter employs 
 with great skill the phonetic system of Carl Meinhof , which is excellent 
 for the record of sounds up to but exclusive of the tonal qualification, 
 and, so long as we choose to cUng to the Roman alphabet rather than 
 some form of visible speech, this is better than most systems. 
 
 I. ai wood. 
 
 27. daman father. 
 
 2. (aieNiaiF). 
 
 28. dewun elbow. 
 
 3. aieripin wooden shield. 
 
 29. dirp small fish net. 
 
 4. ain to eat. 
 
 30. dond6n small, few. 
 
 5. aiseb6t taro pestle. 
 
 31. dopijn egg. 
 
 6. ajani head band decorated with seeds. 
 
 32. ega thou. 
 
 7. andaman brother-in-law. 
 
 33. (ehlN:elF). 
 
 8. and family house. 
 
 34. el stone axe. 
 
 9. SLtis&h comb. 
 
 35. eliak teeth. 
 
 10. ar pandanus. 
 
 36. ewSrk finger. 
 
 1 1 . arau sun. 
 
 37. (galukN:kaliikF). 
 
 12. at stone. 
 
 38. (gel) cf. tur gel. 
 
 13. atu to stay, remain. 
 
 39. gerke I. 
 
 14. aun dog. 
 
 40. ildin two. 
 
 15. awem hand. 
 
 41. japeok toe. 
 
 i6. bagSre slit drum. 
 
 42. jin pandanus fiber. 
 
 17. (bal) man-bal balus-pigeon (Ptilopus 
 
 43. kabon wooden handle, 
 
 sp.). 
 
 sel kabon sago pounder 
 
 17a. balum flute. 
 
 44. kagrepin shoulder. 
 
 18. bare forest. 
 
 440. kakak giver of name. 
 
 i8a. bei flying fox. 
 
 45. kaluk wooden pillow. 
 
 19. beltjk thigh. 
 
 46. karabun ladle. 
 
 20. blei forest. 
 
 47. (kusch N : vus F). 
 
 21. (bogir N : bagere F). 
 
 48. labok belly. 
 
 22. (bolN:pulF). 
 
 49. labon friend. 
 
 23. bondenen one. 
 
 50. (lapi N : lepi F). 
 
 24. bor boat without outrigger. 
 
 51. lele bark beater. 
 
 25. brun large, many. 
 
 52. lepi sago. 
 
 26. bul moon. 
 
 S3, lewen buttocks. 
 
 19 
 
20 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 54. lontamin sister. 
 
 55. mal perineal band. 
 
 56. man bird. 
 
 a. man bSl balus pigeon. 
 6. man dopdn bird's egg. 
 
 57. mangganton reinforcing strip on bow 
 
 and stern posts of canoe. 
 
 58. mangobu stone awl. 
 
 59. masdn cassowary-feather headdress. 
 
 60. moti small hand drum. 
 jSi. natu child. 
 
 62. nau salt water. 
 
 63. neu coconut. 
 
 64. nibdk head. 
 
 65. nirepok ear. 
 
 66. (niu N : a€u F). 
 
 67. (no N : 5n6 F). 
 
 68. (ohN:olF). 
 
 69. ol pot. 
 
 70. olen sword. 
 
 71. omuterok fringed neck ornament. 
 
 72. op6n belly armor. 
 
 73. pipip butterfly. 
 
 74. po areca nut. 
 
 75. peon island. 
 
 76. pul pig. 
 
 77. rSIn drinking-water. 
 
 78. ranran necklace of black fruits. 
 
 79. (rau N: Srau F). 
 
 80. rebin testes, spirit. 
 
 81. (rein N : rain F). 
 
 82. remir hair 
 
 83. (ripin) cf. aieripin. 
 
 84. rives stirring ladle. 
 
 85. saboche tobacco. ^ 
 
 86. (sebot) cf. aisebot. ^ 
 
 87. seehl basket. 
 
 88. sel stone. 
 
 sel kabon sago pounder. 
 
 89. siin pudenda muliebria. 
 
 90. solpenbal c/. tur solpenbal. 
 
 91. suk nose. 
 
 92. talel shell bell. 
 
 93. tamben cf. tur tamben. 
 
 94. tameng woman. 
 
 95. (tamin N : taming F). 
 
 96. tapel wooden dish. 
 
 97. tape crocodile. 
 
 98. tawelukfig eye. 
 
 99. tenan mother. 
 100. tin penis, 
 loi. to sugar-cane. 
 102. tur arrow. 
 
 tur gel arrow with broad smooth tip 
 
 of bamboo. 
 tur solpenbal fish arrow with three 
 
 points. 
 tur tamben arrow with barbs, 
 (turfe N : turien F). 
 turien bow. 
 ull bread fruit. 
 
 106. veren Casuarina. 
 
 107. viti hand drum. 
 vopun penis calabash. 
 vflm plantation. 
 vus rain. 
 wanan brother. 
 weliak tongue. 
 wepernfik knee. 
 
 114. wepok fist. 
 
 115. wesch paddle. 
 
 n6. wok boat with outrigger. 
 
 117. worfl man. 
 
 118. (wulN:bulF). 
 
 119. wun married person. 
 
 wun-damin wife. 
 wun-woru husband. 
 
 120. yaim spear. 
 
 103. 
 104. 
 105. 
 
 108. 
 109. 
 no. 
 III. 
 112. 
 113. 
 
 There is a wide interval between the first list of words collected by 
 the explorer and the dictionary of any speech. At the beginning there 
 is a series of possibiUties of error which by now have become famiUar. 
 At greater length and in more general terms than here seems necessary 
 I have discussed these pitfalls of the vocabulist in my recent work 
 "The Subanu," at page 45. 
 
 A common type of such error Ues in the fact that the inquirer into 
 the unknown speech knows quite definitely what he asks. The party of 
 the second part understands it to apply to something quite different, 
 for the aim of the inquisitive forefinger is not always true. I suspect 
 error of this source in two entries of this collection of words which 
 Neuhauss has provided — 
 
 elidk teeth 
 
 weliak tongue. 
 
 The vocables here proposed approximate as closely as do the physical 
 entities assumed to be denominated, the sole difference subsistkig in 
 an initial modifier. As to the value of this initial we are not informed; 
 it may be the German w, therefore a Ught labial intermediate in the 
 
SISSANO WORDS. 21 
 
 f-v group ; it may be the semivowel represented by the letter in EngUsh. 
 I have been unable to trace either form in our scanty Unguistic material 
 derived from this region; therefore there exists no means by which the 
 record may be made to yield the correction required. But by recon- 
 struction of the situation in which the record was made it is not diffi- 
 cult to see what has happened. Dr. Neuhauss has employed his index 
 finger; that ready but fractional handmaid of scientific inquiry at its 
 beginning has pointed at the particular part concerning which his 
 inquiry is made. In general one avoids the actual touch of the moist 
 parts of humanity; to even the most painstaking of linguists it might 
 in some sort seem hardihood to intrust a forefinger within too close 
 reach of that part of the cannibal wherewith he practises his anthro- 
 pophagy; it is not given to all men to be Van Ambergs in lions' mouths. 
 Accordingly, there has been reason for misapprehension on the part 
 of the savage, even though he was ready to instruct the stranger. 
 The forefimger was addressed to the major orifice of his face. He has 
 interpreted it as an inquiry as to his mouth in general, or in particular 
 as to his hps or his teeth or his tongue. Probably eliak-weliak, which- 
 ever may be the proper locution, denominates some one of these parts, 
 but we have no means wherewith to determine which is intended; 
 since we find in the available material no words for mouth and Ups 
 we are without data for determination by exclusion. We retain the 
 two forms in their vocabulary positions, but note this doubt as to form 
 and sense and leave the matter for the determination of the next 
 scholar who may visit this remote lagoon commtmity. 
 
 Dr. Neuhauss does not pretend to be a philologist. His interest 
 and his activity have been engaged profitably with other concerns of 
 life and he has not had the time to elaborate this small collection of 
 the words of a most obscure language. Our critical examination of 
 his material is not in any sense a reflection upon him as a collector; 
 we are profoundly grateful that in the midst of his other occupation 
 with this people he has fotmd the inclination and has been at the pains 
 to provide us with this equipment for the study of their speech. It is 
 solely to enhance the value of his work that we note the possibility of 
 error which surrounded him — ^perturbation factors which without partic- 
 ular training and long familarity he could not suspect and therefore 
 could not seek to correct in his field observations. 
 
 In many of the languages of the Pacific we find evidence that the 
 intellectuality of the speakers evades in several groups of noumena 
 the sense absolute and considers it only in certain relations. This 
 is particularly the case with the names of parts of the body. To the 
 searching inquisition of the questioning forefinger the reply is not 
 head, arm, foot, as concepts absolute, but always my head, my 
 arm, my foot, when the finger searches out the person interrogated, 
 or, when the questioner indicates his own members, thy head, thy 
 
22 SISSANO. 
 
 arm, thy foot. Each of these relations is expressed by compaction 
 with the word of a post-positive modifier, which may be more or less 
 denuded m form after the rule which obtains in the languages of 
 agglutination. Postponing for the present the argument of this 
 theme, more particularly its value in the determination of wider rela- 
 tions, we note that in the Sissano we have no difficulty in recognizing 
 the modifiers of this function as -k and -n, indicative of possession in 
 the first and third persons respectively. By interpolation from other 
 languages of this type we may assume that -m is indicative of posses- 
 sion in the second person; this material affords but 3 vocables with 
 final m (awem hand, vum plantation, yaim spear), and on this scanty 
 showing we hesitate to estabhsh this possessive modifier, except that 
 it may be present in awem as thy hand. 
 
 Of the 15 vocables with final k there appear biit 2 in which that 
 letter is integral to the stem, kaluk wok. Those in which it is prob- 
 ably the possessive mark are beluk, eliak, ewerk, japeok, labok, nibuk, 
 nirepok, omuterok, suk, tawelukug, weliak, wepemuk, wepok. I have 
 included in this list one instance of a final g, namely tawelukug, as 
 very likely associable. It will be seen that excision of the k terminal 
 leaves an open stem, except in the case of ewerk. 
 
 Of 35 vocables with final n we find the ratio inverted, for there are 
 but 12 in which it is at all possible to regard that letter as a possessive 
 mark. These are dewun, kagrepin, labon, lewen, mason, olen, opon, 
 rebin, siin, tin, turien, vopun. These also yield absolute stems ending 
 in a vowel. 
 
 This examination of possessive marks is essential to the comprehen- 
 sion of the case in the matter of two interesting entries in Dr. Neu- 
 hauss's vocabulary: 
 
 labok belly labon friend. 
 
 In the former of this pair we now find no difficulty in seeing the 
 possessive rather than the absolute; the philological index finger has 
 come to point somewhere below the bust measure of the bare addressee; 
 he repUes "my belly," which it is. We can reconstruct the scene out of 
 which comes the sense of labon. Again the forefinger is brought into 
 play; the collector of the speech points to a bystander and inquires 
 in the Beach-la-Mar, which has not yet largely penetrated so far into 
 the wilds, "that fellow friend belonga you?" To the same communi- 
 cative addressee the words are naught, the finger everything. Accord- 
 ing to his geometry a straight line may be produced indefinitely in 
 any direction; he produces the index line and discovers it to impinge 
 upon his friend and fellow citizen at or near the umbilicus. He replies 
 labon his belly ; the recorder enters it in his note book as "friend," and 
 once more we are reminded of the Tower of Babel. Verily the pitfalls 
 in the newly acquired vocabulary are many. In this instance we 
 
SISSANO WORDS. 
 
 23 
 
 suspect that the information was acquired when "Master Skuls did," 
 for that trader with the noble thirst, a Viking of the torrid zone, was 
 credited with a certain familarity with Sissano speech. 
 
 Before engaging with the inner content of these vocables of this 
 new tongue we shall find it profitable to give some consideration to its 
 form and phonetics. The alphabet appears to be as set forth in the 
 following table : 
 
 a 
 
 e o vowels 
 
 sonant 
 surd 
 
 y 
 
 ng 
 
 (h) 
 
 sh 
 
 r, 1 
 n 
 
 s 
 
 (w) 
 m 
 
 :} 
 
 semivowels 
 
 nasals 
 
 aspiration 
 
 sibilant 
 
 sonant 
 surd 
 
 kh 
 
 — 
 
 v(w)l 
 (f)vl 
 
 spirant 
 
 sonant 
 stu-d 
 
 g 
 k 
 
 palatal 
 series. 
 
 d 
 
 t 
 lingual 
 series. 
 
 labial 
 series. 
 
 mute 
 
 Because we derive our material through a German source, yet with- 
 out definite statement of the phonetic system employed by Neuhauss, 
 it has seemed advisable to employ marks of parenthesis to indicate 
 that there is uncertainty as to the spirant labials and the semivowel 
 proximate to the labial tract. It is probable that we have v and f of 
 the Enghsh value and that the semivowel w is missing. 
 
 We see at once that we have to deal with a language of far richer 
 phonetic development than any pertaining to the Polynesian family. 
 It is comparable with many of the languages classed as Melanesian. 
 
 It is markedly of the closed type. Whereas no Pol)niesian speech 
 tolerates a word or syllable ending in a consonant, the Sissano employs 
 the final consonant with the utmost freedom. To what extent the 
 syllables in words of more than one syllable are closed we may not 
 determine, for until we have a richer vocabulary and a wider acquaint- 
 ance with the usages of the language we are not justified in attempting 
 any study of the syllabification, except in such words as show the pro- 
 cess of dupUcation. DeaUng with the words of this hst as units for 
 consideration, we find but 27 open words. I have already pointed 
 out in the consideration of the possessive mark that its removal brings 
 into view several more open stems. These are indicated in the following 
 list of open words by the use of itaHcs. In the tables of this series refer- 
 ence to the words is made through the serial number prefixed to each 
 in the word list. The open stems are grouped by the final vowel. 
 
 a 32, 35, "2 
 
 e 2, 16, 18, 39, 51, 85, 15, 36, S3, 
 
 •JO, 104 
 i I, 6, 20, 50, 52, 60, 107, 44, 80, 
 
 8q, 100 
 
 o 8, 67, 74, 97, loi, 41, 48, 65, 71, 
 
 114, 49, S9 
 
 u II, 13, 58, 61, 63, 66, 79,117, ip, 
 
 64, 91, 98, 113, 28, 108 
 
24 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 In like manner we order the closed vocables by the final consonant, 
 in' this case the italic figures represent the post-positive possessive 
 marks which are not included in the reckoning. 
 
 ng 94 
 sh 47, 
 
 IIS 
 9, 68 
 
 98 
 17. 
 64. 
 10, 
 22, 
 88, 
 
 19, 35. 36, 37, 4^.440. 45, 48. 
 
 ^5> 7I' 91 1 112, 113, 114, 116 
 
 21, 24, 82, 102 
 
 26, 33, 34, 38, 55, 69, 76, 87, 
 
 90, 92, 96, los, 118 
 
 4, 
 40, 
 
 7, 
 
 42, 
 
 3, 
 31, 
 56, 
 81, 
 84, no 
 
 5, 12, 86 
 IS, 109, 120 
 29, 73 
 
 57, S9, 
 83, 8p, 
 
 14. 
 43, 
 70, 
 93, 
 
 23. 
 
 25, 
 46, 
 75, 
 99 
 
 27, 
 49. 
 77, 
 
 28, 
 53. 
 78, 
 
 30, 
 
 54. 
 80, 
 
 We may sum these records in two directions as showing the relative 
 frequency of the different final consonants: 
 
 Palatals 22 
 Nasals 37 
 
 Linguals 58 
 Sibilants 4 
 
 Labials 5 
 Spirants o 
 
 Mutes 22 
 
 As is the habit of figures, these probably speak for themselves, but 
 their language is not yet fully comprehensible. We observe that the 
 linguals and the nasals yield the greatest number of word-endings; 
 where these two lines of the count intersect we find the nasolingual n 
 affording the greatest number of instances of a final consonant. 
 
 We shall extend this arithmetical treatment to cover the occurrence 
 of all alphabetic elements which this material presents for our view. 
 
 y 
 ng 
 
 h 
 
 sh 
 
 kh 
 
 g 
 k 
 
 I, 
 
 2, 
 
 3, 
 
 4, 
 
 5. 
 
 6, 
 
 7. 
 
 8, 
 
 1 
 
 17. 
 
 19. 
 
 20, 
 
 22, 
 
 26, 
 
 33. 
 
 34. 
 
 35, 
 
 9, 
 
 10, 
 
 II, 
 
 12, 
 
 13. 
 
 14. 
 
 15. 
 
 16, 
 
 
 37. 
 
 38. 
 
 40. 
 
 45. 
 
 48. 
 
 49, 
 
 50. 
 
 51, 
 
 17, 
 
 18, 
 
 27, 
 
 32, 
 
 35. 
 
 37, 
 
 41, 
 
 43, 
 
 
 52. 
 
 53. 
 
 54. 
 
 55. 
 
 69. 
 
 70, 
 
 76. 
 
 87. 
 
 44, 
 
 45, 
 
 46. 
 
 48. 
 
 49, 
 
 50, 
 
 54, 
 
 55. 
 
 
 88, 
 
 90. 
 
 92. 
 
 96. 
 
 98, 
 
 105, 
 
 112, 
 
 118, 
 
 S6, 
 
 57, 
 
 58, 
 
 59. 
 
 61, 
 
 62, 
 
 77, 
 
 78, 
 
 
 =32 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 79, 
 
 85, 
 
 90, 
 
 92. 
 
 93, 
 
 94, 
 
 95, 
 
 96, 
 
 r 
 
 10, 
 
 II. 
 
 16, 
 
 18, 
 
 21. 
 
 24, 
 
 25, 
 
 29. 
 
 97. 
 
 98, 
 
 99. 
 
 Ill, 
 
 112, 
 
 120 = 
 
 = 54 
 
 
 
 36, 
 
 39, 
 
 44. 
 
 46. 
 
 65, 
 
 71, 
 
 77. 
 
 78. 
 
 2, 
 
 3, 
 
 5. 
 
 9. 
 
 15, 
 
 16. 
 
 18. 
 
 19, 
 
 
 79, 
 
 80, 
 
 81, 
 
 82, 
 
 83. 
 
 84, 
 
 102, 
 
 103. 
 
 20, 
 
 28, 
 
 32, 
 
 33. 
 
 34, 
 
 35. 
 
 36. 
 
 38. 
 
 
 106, 
 
 113, 
 
 117 
 
 =27 
 
 
 
 
 
 39, 
 
 41, 
 
 44. 
 
 51. 
 
 52, 
 
 53. 
 
 63. 
 
 6S, 
 
 n 
 
 3. 
 
 4, 
 
 6, 
 
 7. 
 
 8. 
 
 9. 
 
 14. 
 
 23. 
 
 70, 
 
 71, 
 
 80, 
 
 81, 
 
 82, 
 
 85. 
 
 86, 
 
 87. 
 
 
 25. 
 
 27. 
 
 28, 
 
 30, 
 
 31, 
 
 40. 
 
 42. 
 
 43, 
 
 88, 
 
 90, 
 
 92. 
 
 93, 
 
 94, 
 
 98. 
 
 99. 
 
 I03, 
 
 
 44. 
 
 46. 
 
 49, 
 
 53. 
 
 54. 
 
 56, 
 
 57, 
 
 59, 
 
 104, 
 
 106, 
 
 112, 
 
 113, 
 
 114, 
 
 115 = 
 
 =46 
 
 
 
 61, 
 
 62, 
 
 63. 
 
 64. 
 
 65, 
 
 66, 
 
 67. 
 
 70, 
 
 I, 
 
 2, 
 
 3. 
 
 4, 
 
 5, 
 
 6, 
 
 20, 
 
 21, 
 
 
 72, 
 
 75. 
 
 77. 
 
 78, 
 
 80, 
 
 81, 
 
 83. 
 
 89. 
 
 29, 
 
 35, 
 
 40. 
 
 42, 
 
 44, 
 
 50. 
 
 52. 
 
 54, 
 
 
 90, 
 
 93. 
 
 95. 
 
 99, 
 
 100, 
 
 103. 
 
 104, 
 
 106, 
 
 60, 
 
 64, 
 
 65. 
 
 66, 
 
 73, 
 
 77. 
 
 80, 
 
 81, 
 
 
 108, 
 
 113. 
 
 119 = 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 82, 
 
 83. 
 
 ^i\ 
 
 89, 
 
 95. 
 
 100, 
 
 104. 
 
 107, 
 
 s 
 
 5. 
 
 9. 
 
 59, 
 
 84. 
 
 85. 
 
 86, 
 
 87, 
 
 88, 
 
 112, 
 
 I2C 
 
 =34 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 90, 
 
 91. 
 
 iio- 
 
 = 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 5, 
 
 8, 
 
 21, 
 
 22, 
 
 23. 
 
 24. 
 
 30. 
 
 31. 
 
 d 
 
 7. 
 
 23. 
 
 27. 
 
 28, 
 
 29, 
 
 30, 
 
 31. 
 
 40 
 
 41. 
 
 43, 
 
 48, 
 
 49, 
 
 54. 
 
 57. 
 
 58, 
 
 59. 
 
 
 =8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 60, 
 
 65, 
 
 67, 
 
 68, 
 
 69, 
 
 70, 
 
 71. 
 
 72, 
 
 t 
 
 5. 
 
 12, 
 
 13. 
 
 54. 
 
 57, 
 
 60, 
 
 61, 
 
 71. 
 
 74. 
 
 75, 
 
 85. 
 
 86, 
 
 90, 
 
 97. 
 
 lOI, 
 
 108, 
 
 
 86, 
 
 92, 
 
 93. 
 
 94. 
 
 95, 
 
 96, 
 
 97 
 
 98. 
 
 114- 
 
 116, 
 
 117 = 
 
 =35 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 99. 
 
 100, 
 
 lOI, 
 
 102, 
 
 103. 
 
 104, 
 
 107 
 
 =23 
 
 II. 
 
 13, 
 
 14. 
 
 19, 
 
 25, 
 
 26, 
 
 28, 
 
 31. 
 
 m 
 
 7. 
 
 15. 
 
 27. 
 
 54. 
 
 55. 
 
 56, 
 
 57. 
 
 58, 
 
 37, 
 
 45, 
 
 46. 
 
 47, 
 
 58, 
 
 61, 
 
 62, 
 
 63, 
 
 
 59. 
 
 60, 
 
 71. 
 
 82, 
 
 93. 
 
 94, 
 
 95. 
 
 109, 
 
 64, 
 
 66, 
 
 71. 
 
 76, 
 
 79, 
 
 91. 
 
 98, 
 
 102, 
 
 
 120 = 
 
 = 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 103, 
 
 104, 
 
 105, 
 
 108, 
 
 109, 
 
 no. 
 
 III, 
 
 113. 
 
 v(w) 
 
 15, 
 
 28, 
 
 36. 
 
 53. 
 
 98, 
 
 III. 
 
 112, 
 
 113, 
 
 117, 
 
 118, 
 
 119= 
 
 =35 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 "4. 
 
 115, 
 
 116. 
 
 117. 
 
 118, 
 
 119 = 
 
 = 14 
 
 
 120, 
 
 (j6, 
 
 41, 
 
 42) 
 
 =4 
 
 
 
 
 f(v) 
 
 84. 
 
 106. 
 
 107. 
 
 108, 
 
 109, 
 
 110 = 
 
 = 6 
 
 
 57, 
 
 58, 
 
 94= 
 
 =3 
 
 
 
 
 
 b 
 
 5. 
 
 16, 
 
 17. 
 
 18, 
 
 19. 
 
 20, 
 
 21, 
 
 22, 
 
 9, 
 
 33, 
 
 68, 
 
 87 = 
 
 =4 
 
 
 
 
 
 23. 
 
 24, 
 
 25. 
 
 26, 
 
 43. 
 
 46, 
 
 48, 
 
 49. 
 
 47, 
 85 = 
 16, 
 
 II5=. 
 21,32,37 
 
 38. 
 
 39, 44- 57 
 
 98 = 
 
 =9 
 
 P 
 
 58, 
 
 3. 
 
 72, 
 
 64. 
 29. 
 73. 
 
 80, 
 31, 
 74. 
 
 85. 
 41. 
 75. 
 
 86, 
 44. 
 76, 
 
 90, 
 50, 
 83. 
 
 93 = 
 
 52, 
 
 90, 
 
 =23 
 
 65. 
 96. 
 
 19. 
 
 35. ' 
 
 30, 
 
 37. 
 
 39, 
 
 41. 
 
 43. 
 
 44. 
 
 
 97. 
 
 108, 
 
 113. 
 
 114 = 
 
 =20 
 
 
 
 
 45, 
 
 46, 
 
 47, 
 
 48, 
 
 64, 
 
 65, 
 
 71. 
 
 91. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 98, 
 
 112, 
 
 113, 
 
 114, 
 
 116 = 
 
 =21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
SISSANO WORDS. 
 
 25 
 
 We shall next proceed to order these sums upon the common table 
 of the alphabet, together with the percentage derived in each case. 
 I have already made a similar computation for the Samoan, as the 
 representative of a highly developed language of the South Sea. The 
 comparison of these totals and percentages derived therefrom will 
 prove interesting as exhibiting the variety which inheres in the two 
 types of language. 
 
 
 Vowels. 
 
 Conso- 
 nants. 
 
 Sum. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Vowels. 
 
 Conso- 
 nants. 
 
 Sissano 
 
 Samoan .... 
 
 204 
 2,540 
 
 276 
 1,722 
 
 480 
 4,262 
 
 42.4 
 59-6 
 
 56.6 
 40.4 
 
 We see at once how radically the two languages vary; this speech of 
 rudest New Guinea is consonantal in approximately the same pro- 
 portion as the soft tongue of Nuclear Polynesia is vocaHc. Such a 
 difference indicates clearly a great diversity in phonetic type. We 
 shall now examine the items one by one, recording the sum and the 
 percentage and adding in itahc figures the corresponding Samoan per- 
 centage. 
 
 semivowels 
 
 nasals 
 
 aspiration 
 
 sibilants 
 
 spirants 
 mutes 
 
 h 
 sh 
 
 kh 
 
 3 5 
 
 4 I 
 2 o 
 
 I o 
 
 {1 233° ^ 
 
 8.0 
 
 44 9 II 
 palatal series. 
 
 ^7) 
 32J 
 
 r 27 
 1 32 
 n 51 10.6 3 
 
 59 12.3 II 
 
 s 
 
 II 2.3 
 
 t.fl^^ 6.5 5.. 
 152 30.7 20.4 
 lingual series. 
 
 m 
 
 17 3-5 3S 
 
 V 14I. 
 f 6/- 
 
 •20 4.1 3.0 
 
 ^ ''443 
 p 20/^-' 
 
 8.9 1.4 
 80 16.6 8.g 
 
 labial series. 
 
 63 13 II 
 
 71 14. I 8.8 
 
 13 2.3 I 
 
 21 4-3 3Q 
 
 104 21.7 16.2 
 
 Before tracing the distinctive curves of the two languages thus 
 brought into comparison, it has been deemed advisable to prepare 
 another set of percentages: those of each vowel on the base of the sum 
 of the vowels, those of each group of consonants on the base of the 
 total consonant equipment. This is done in order to bring out in 
 sharper profile the graphic record of the speech characters. In the 
 latter ordering I find it advisable to deal with the consonants in one 
 order by their series postulated upon that organ of speech from which 
 they come and in the other by their quahty running across the three 
 speech-organ series. 
 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 i 
 
 » 
 
 u 
 
 i.3 
 
 1 
 
 'i 
 
 1 tn 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sissano . 
 Samoan. 
 
 26.4 
 39-3 
 
 22.5 
 19. 1 
 
 16.6 
 15 
 
 16.6 
 
 17-7 
 
 16.6 
 91 
 
 16 
 27.6 
 
 55 
 50.4 
 
 28.9 
 21.9 
 
 22.8 
 26.9 
 
 25.8 
 21.6 
 
 5 
 2.6 
 
 7.6 
 9.8 
 
 37-7 
 40.2 
 
26 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 40 
 
 20 
 
 10 
 
 From these percentages we derive the three curves which repre- 
 sent the phonetic character of the two languages brought under com- 
 parison. In each of the three 
 speech profiles it is easy to 
 observe how different the lan- 
 guages are. In order to direct 
 those who have not had to 
 deal with this graphic presen- 
 tation we point out the prin- 
 cipal lines of divergence. 
 
 In the vowel profile(Fig. i) 
 we note but one Une in which 
 the two are at all compara- 
 ble — the line which connects 
 the e with the i. In the 
 Sissano we remark the flatness 
 of the line i-o-u, which in the 
 Samoan is marked by a secondary peak at o and a marked drop at u. 
 
 The first profile of the consonants (Fig. 2), that based upon the 
 frequency of employment of the three consonant-forming organs, 
 
 CO 
 
 60 
 
 40 
 
 Samoa 
 
 1 
 
 x 
 \ 
 \ 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 Sissano 
 
 \ 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 \ 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ,m 
 
 \ 
 
 
 •■X 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 < 
 
 
 B 
 
 Fig. I . — ^Vowel profile. 
 
 SO 
 Samoa 
 
 20 
 Sissano 
 
 / 
 
 . 
 
 // 
 ft 
 // 
 
 If 
 
 \ \ 
 
 V \ 
 
 \ \ 
 \ \ 
 \ \ 
 \ \ 
 
 ft 
 1 / 
 / / 
 / / 
 / / 
 / / 
 
 \ \ 
 
 \ \ 
 
 \ \ 
 \ \ 
 
 V \ 
 
 7 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 Samoa 
 
 10 
 
 Palatal 
 
 Lingual 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Labial 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 / , 
 
 1 1 
 
 1 1 
 
 It 
 
 1 1 
 
 >< 
 
 \ \ 
 
 
 // 
 
 If 
 
 ij 
 
 11 
 
 ii 
 
 
 \ \ 
 
 N \ 
 \ \ 
 \ \ 
 \ \ 
 
 
 ij 
 
 ij 
 ii 
 1/ 
 1/ 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 Samivowd 
 
 Nasal Sibilant 
 
 Fig. 3. 
 
 Sipinnt 
 
 Mote 
 
 exhibits a remarkable peculiarity of difference. The two languages 
 represent opposite phases, for if either profile were turned over it 
 would be found closely to coincide with the other. The frequency 
 of the palatal in the proto-Samoan and of the labial in Sissano stand 
 at the same level; the frequency of the Sissano palatal is but Uttle less 
 than that of the labial in Samoan. 
 
SISSANO WORDS. 27 
 
 The profile drawn upon the several classes of consonants (Fig. 3) 
 exhibits two peaks with an intermediate depression. The depression is 
 due to the fact that the sibilant and the spirant are produced in the two 
 languages by but one organ apiece, for the occurrence in two instances 
 in Sissano of the palatal sibilant sh and in one instance of the palatal 
 spirant kh may be neglected. The final peak, that representing the 
 mutes, is effectively the same for the two languages. The former 
 peakj shows strong diversity, the Samoan peaks on the semivowel, 
 the Sissano on the nasal. We are particularly fortunate in this 
 comparison as to the sibilants, for the Samoan is almost the only lan- 
 guage in the Polynesian family in which the s has not undergone 
 mutation to the h proximate to the Unguals. 
 
 The aspiration appears in this Sissano material in these words : 
 
 anseh ehl oh seehl 
 
 The key to the explanation is found in ehl of the Neuhauss record, 
 for which Friederici gives the form el. From this we infer that 
 Neuhauss has employed the character h not as aspiration but rather 
 to indicate the quaUty of the preceding vowel. In the case of oh of the 
 Neuhauss record Friederici presents the form ol; this is far removed 
 from the ordinary type of mutation; therefore we may regard the h of 
 oh as a scrivener's error. Thus we find ourselves justified in removing 
 the aspiration from the alphabetic table of the Sissano, and for this 
 reason I have included it within the marks of parenthesis. 
 
 I observe but three instances in which double consonants are unmis- 
 takably established, blei, brun, dirp; possibly we may add thereto 
 ewerk. It will be observed with a view to future study that each 
 of the four instances involves the lingual nasal ; twice it follows a mute, 
 twice it precedes a mute. We note the fact, but in the paucity of 
 material we may not venttu-e upon an explanation thereof. There 
 are many instances of the concurrence of consonants, but for the pres- 
 ent these are susceptible of the explanation of syllable difference. 
 
 DupUcation, that strong character of the languages of Pol)aiesia, 
 is found in this Sissano vocabulary only in the cases of dondon, lele, 
 ranran. The type is that of conduplication according to my system 
 of differentiating this speech mechanism.* 
 
 '29 American Journal of Philology, 37. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 In the foregoing chapter we have assembled a word-list of this 
 ultimate western folk of the German province of Kaiser- Wilhelmsland. 
 It is very brief. From it we can obtain no impression of the manner 
 in which word follows word for the expression of the intellectual idea. 
 It is so scanty that it will little forward the next comer to that remote 
 lagoon. Yet it is not without its value. The objects which have 
 passed under linguistic review are for the greater part physical entities ; 
 they are among the first vocables which the inquirer into new speech 
 will seek to ascertain, for they are the parts of the body as to which 
 the least doubt of interpretation may subsist; they are the artifacts 
 most frequently met with in all savage communities. Accordingly, 
 despite their scantiness, these are the words for which we shall find 
 the widest range of comparable material over the greatest geogra- 
 phical extent. 
 
 Not because things are small should we despise them. It were greatly 
 to be desired that in this word-Ust we should find more vocables which 
 may be referred to the stock of some 250 words in this broad area 
 which are critical of language afi&nities. How few are referable to 
 that stock we shall see in this annotation, picking each out one by one 
 as we encounter it in following out the alphabetization in which the 
 vocabulary has just been presented. Yet each unit is fotmd to be of 
 the highest importance when its affiliations in other languages add 
 instance after instance of its employment by the dozen, by the score, 
 to the hundred mark, and in some cases even beyond. 
 
 In this chapter we shall confine our associations of these vocables 
 to the affiliations recognized in lands which lie eastward and south- 
 ward from the Arop-Sissano lagoons — eastward over the extent of 
 thousands of miles of ocean sparsely dotted with the island homes of 
 men, southward after an interval which is blanked by the rugged 
 mountainous interior of New Guinea, as to which we lack all informa- 
 tion which might bear upon the study of its inhabitants. Because 
 I feel that not on the existing scanty material are we justified in assum- 
 ing as proved the classification of the island languages into families, 
 I must set down a note as to the subdivision of this eastward and south- 
 ward material, reserving the discussion of the arguments involved 
 until the conclusion of this assemblage of pertinent material. 
 
 We find the languages of New Guinea assigned to position as Papuan 
 or Melanesian. From the Bismarck Archipelago to New Caledonia 
 and Fiji the term Melanesian is employed with the character of a 
 language family. Eastward from Fiji to Eater Islands, northward to 
 
 29 
 
30 SISSANO. 
 
 Hawaii, southward to New Zealand, we meet with a common family 
 of languages denominated the Polynesian. 
 
 As to the Polynesian we need have no hesitation. We have abun- 
 dant material from more than a dozen widely separated regions of the 
 existence of a language of a common parentage. Doubt may exist 
 as to the source of the Polynesian; there can be no doubt in the wealth 
 of material as to its position as a speech family. 
 
 In Melanesia we lack the richness of Polynesian material. At best 
 we have but a few vocabularies which may be at all characterized as 
 dictionaries; of nearly 200 languages we have no more than brief and 
 as yet quite unstandardized word-lists. For convenience of assign- 
 ment of the affihations with which we deal in this examination, I shall 
 continue the employment of the familiar term, but solely as a geo- 
 graphical designation and without prejudice as to the philological 
 principles involved. As a geographical convenience I subdivide this 
 area into three divisions. The southern extends from the Isle of Pines 
 through New Caledonia and the Loyalties, to include Aneityum, 
 Tanna, and Eromanga; from this southern diA^ision of Melanesia I 
 omit the Fijian, for I prefer to consider that in connection with the 
 Polynesian, with which it is at least equally allied. Central Melanesia 
 in this division embraces the New Hebrides, the Banks and Santa 
 Cruz groups, from Efatd north to 10° south latitude. Northern 
 Melanesia comprises the Solomon Islands from San Cristoval to 
 Buka. 
 
 Northwestward of the Solomon Islands lies the Bismarck Archi- 
 pelago of two principal islands. New Pomerania and New Mecklen- 
 burg, from the latter of which New Hanover is separated by no more 
 than a narrow channel. Included geographically in the group Ue the 
 Admiralty and several other small islands. Because we know as 
 yet so little of the races which are inhabitants of these islands, I repeat 
 the geographical subdivision here and temporarily sunder them from 
 the association which they may be found to possess with the Solomon 
 Islands in one direction and with New Guinea in the other. To the 
 Bismarck Archipelago East I assign so much of New Pomerania as 
 Ues upon St. George's Channel, the Duke of York or New Lauenburg 
 group which Ues within the channel at its narrowest point, New Ire- 
 land, with New Hanover and several islands lying eastward. The 
 Bismarck Archipelago North comprises the Admiralty group, the 
 Hermit group, and associated islets. The Bismarck Archipelago West 
 comprises those languages in the neighborhood of the Vitiaz-Dampier 
 Straits which we owe almost wholly to Friederici's zeal of collection. 
 
 For the present I deem it best to refrain from the New Guinea 
 division into Papuan and Melanesian, which my predecessors have 
 employed. In these notes I follow a geographical division. New 
 Guinea North extends as far eastward as the tip of the promontory 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 31 
 
 which is washed by the Vitiaz Strait, including therewith Tami Island. 
 New Guinea East extends from Huon Gulf around upon the south 
 coast as far as Dufaure Island. New Guinea South extends from 
 Dufaure Island along the shore of Torres Straits and the Gulf of Papua. 
 West of the boundary of the Possession of Papua we have such insuf- 
 ficient material that I have fotmd little that is pertinent; the same is, 
 in fact, true of the coast of the Possession lying west of Port Moresby. 
 In this chapter the examination of exterior identifications is con- 
 fined to the eastward, therefore later, migration points; in the next 
 we shall assemble the western or Indonesian identifications which 
 ex hypothesi we hold for earher affiliations in the sweep of folk-move- 
 ment. I append to the chapter a check-list of the languages brought 
 into this comparison, with an index note assigning to each its position 
 in this classification. In a few instances for which no exterior affilia- 
 tions appear I have made such notes as suggest themselves in the com- 
 parison of various Sissano words among themselves. 
 
 I . ai wood. 
 
 RBFBREncbs; Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 57:68, loid. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 
 216. Codrington, 51:65. Turner, 357. Ray, 502:144. Subanu. 121. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 kau Futuna, Niue, Fakaofo, Manahiki, 
 Nuguria, Maori, Rarotonga, Tonga- 
 rewa, Mangareva, Paumotu, Potuna, 
 Sikaiana, Nukuoro, Rapanui, Moiki, 
 Tonga, Uvea, Marquesas, Viti. 
 
 *au Samoa. 
 
 au Hawaii, Tahiti. 
 
 kao Aniwa. 
 
 kou Aniwa. 
 
 kai Viti. 
 
 oi Rotuma. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 2. aie 
 
 3- ei 
 
 4. eb iai 
 
 5. ieich 
 
 6. sere ie 
 
 7. ia 
 
 8. hai 
 
 9. kai 
 
 10. gai 
 
 11. gae 
 
 12. gair 
 
 13. regai 
 
 14. raga 
 
 15. rega 
 
 16. geiga 
 
 17. tangae 
 
 Sissano, Arop, Graget, Bi- 
 libUi, Jotafa, Manam, 
 Karkar, Paup, Vitu, 
 New Hanover, Kowa- 
 merara, Kilenge, Pana- 
 ieti, Wedau, Raqa,Oiun, 
 Maiekula, Ulawa, Bulu- 
 laha, Alite. 
 
 Sissano, Lihir. 
 
 Yakomul. 
 
 Lamassa. 
 
 Tumleo. 
 
 Nengone. 
 
 Graget. 
 
 Vaturanga, New Georgia. 
 
 Murua, EZiriwina, Galavi, 
 Paluan, Bierian, Malo, 
 Epi, Longa, Leut, Anei- 
 tyum. 
 
 Fagani, Nggela, Bugotu, 
 Omba, Gog, Tangoan 
 Santo. 
 
 Arag. 
 
 Murray Island. 
 
 Gog. 
 
 Lo. 
 
 Lakon. 
 
 Maewo. 
 
 Mota. 
 
 18. tankei 
 
 19. tenge 
 
 20. retenge 
 
 21. rekenge 
 
 22. enge 
 
 23. dango 
 
 24. ka 
 25- go 
 
 26. ke 
 
 27. ge 
 
 28. gi 
 
 29. eagi 
 
 30. oeagi 
 
 31. elagi 
 
 32. kaiwa 
 
 33. kaiwe 
 
 34. awe 
 35- au 
 
 36. hau 
 
 37. hau-ubu 
 
 38. gau 
 
 39. gau-bu 
 
 40. kau 
 
 41. maeau 
 
 42. tnaiiau 
 
 Merlav. 
 
 Motlav, Volow, Norbar- 
 
 bar. 
 Vuras. 
 Mosin. 
 
 Pak, Sasar, Alo Teqel. 
 Saa. 
 Wogeo. 
 Rubi. 
 
 Lou, Pak, Umre, Leng. 
 Maiekula. 
 Tanna. 
 Taupota. 
 Suau. 
 Taupota. 
 Sariba. 
 Dobu. 
 Kobe. 
 Mekeo, Pokau, Doura, 
 
 Kabadi, Motu, Hula, 
 
 Uni. 
 Motu. 
 Keapara. 
 
 Marina, Sinaugoro. 
 Galoma. 
 Sesake, Efat6, Epi, Nguna, 
 
 Aneityum. 
 Tavara. 
 Tubetube. 
 
32 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 43. malau 
 
 44. kasu 
 
 45. gazu 
 
 46. hasie 
 
 47. matiu 
 
 48. madiu 
 
 49. maziu 
 
 50. diwai 
 
 51. a ndivai 
 
 52. adavai 
 
 53- no 
 
 54- ono 
 
 55- ena 
 
 56. vengara 
 
 57. vegara 
 
 Awalama. 
 
 Efat6. 
 
 Nggao. 
 
 Wango. 
 
 Roro. 
 
 Mugula. 
 
 Roro. 
 
 Duke of York. 
 
 Gazelle Peninsula. 
 
 Kabakaul. 
 
 Ndeni. 
 
 Uni. 
 
 Nifilole. 
 
 Kiviri. 
 
 Kubiri. 
 
 58. keyama 
 
 59. kelama 
 
 60. rogona 
 
 61. rogoma 
 
 62. roi 
 
 63. ruai 
 
 64. liye 
 
 65. mokomoko 
 
 66. hiwo 
 
 67. kabakil 
 
 68. abei 
 
 69. rubwa 
 
 70. daha 
 
 71. kumbau 
 
 72. saqereu 
 
 Mukawa. 
 
 Galavi, Boniki, Mukawa. 
 
 Awalama. 
 
 Taupota. 
 
 Hdmatana. 
 
 Pet^t. 
 
 Ambry m. 
 
 Uni. 
 
 Tubetube. 
 
 Misima. 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 Tagula. 
 
 Bisapu, PunSm. 
 
 Nokon. 
 
 Nada. 
 
 When discussing this stem upon its identification in Subanu, I drew 
 attention to the fact that we here assemble three stems, and it is 
 by no means within our present power to prove that they derive 
 from a common source. With all the material in this list which we 
 may justifiably associate with each stem for purposes of examination 
 these three stems are ai (1-34), au (35-43), asu (44-49). Before 
 taking up the consideration of these major stems we shall make a 
 cursory examination of the other words from this area which do not 
 come into association with the triad. In citing these extraneous 
 forms for the note of such interassociation as may appear, I adduce a 
 central form, but wholly without prejudice of eventual determination 
 of source. 
 
 diwai (50-52). These three have clearly one soiu-ce. They are foimd 
 within a narrow geographical range in the eastern Bismardc Archipel- 
 ago, the Duke of York being the group of islands within the narrows 
 of St. George's Channel, the Gazelle Peninsula and Kabakaul being 
 within eyeshot on the northeastern promontory of New Pomerania. 
 There is no grave phonetic difficulty in associating therewith ruai (63) 
 and roi (62); the mutation r-d is very frequent in these languages, 
 and dual is not remote from diwai, and from ruai to roi is a simple step. 
 There is no geographical obstacle, for Petdt is on the eastern shore of 
 St. George's Channel, and Hdmatana in the northern Solomons is 
 within the range of recent folk-movement. 
 
 ono (54) . It is not unlikely that no and ena may possess a common 
 source. Superficially ono is closely afl&Uated herewith. Ndeni and 
 Nifilole are not widely separated in the northern edge of central Melane- 
 sia along a track of migration which I have sought to estabUsh as issuing 
 through Torres Straits. Uni is remote, at the extreme bight of the 
 Gulf of Papua. No matter how the movement of possible migration 
 along that coast be explained, whether according to my theory as 
 from west eastward along a main channel out of Indonesia, or accord- 
 ing to Friederici's view as a backward movement from east westward 
 as migrants coasting New Guinea from its north shore, this stem 
 should make its reappearance somewhere between the Gulf of Papua 
 
MEIyANBSIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 33 
 
 and the New Hebrides if it is to be considered common with the Ndeni 
 and Nifilole forms. Uni exhibits recognizable occurences of the com- 
 mon migrant material, but this lies outside that class. 
 
 vegara (57). Kiviri and Kubiri are separated by no great distance 
 across Collingwood Bay on the north shore of Papua; the two lan- 
 guages are in general similar; the mutation n-ng is common in this 
 area. In Ray's material this is the only instance of its occurrence 
 between Kubiri and Kiviri. On the other hand, I note but a single 
 instance in which g is common to the two languages. 
 
 kelama (59). The form keyama is either subdialectic or individual 
 in Mukawa, for we find the kelama form as well. We have several 
 instances of this 1-y variety within Mukawa. 
 
 rogona (60). We shall regard this as the type form, rogoma the 
 derivative, for in a later instance (ain 4) we shall fiind ani in the general 
 stem and am as a Taupota secondary form. 
 
 The remaining forms in the list occur but once each ; not one seems 
 associable with any other. 
 
 Stem ai. 
 
 This is numerically the most frequent by far in New Guinea and 
 Melanesia. We find it as a nude stem ; we also find it with a palatal 
 prefix. As to the latter point we may not speak definitely as to whether 
 it is anassiunption upon the nude stem or the word has tmdergone frontal 
 abrasion from a primal stem kai into the form ai. In the recent variety 
 of speech in the Pacific we have abundant evidence of the disappearance 
 of k as objectionable, followed by the resumption of that consonant as 
 coming once more into fashion; but in this resumption it is not restored 
 to the place which comparison with imaffected languages shows it should 
 fill, for it reappears as a t contamination. To assume a primal ai stem 
 reasonably accords with my theory of the growth of these languages 
 by the appUcation of consonantal modulants. 
 
 ale is reported by Neuhauss from Sissano, where Friederici finds the 
 simpler ai. To the latter we owe its ascription to the eastern Bis- 
 marck Archipelago, geographically remote. With it we may compare 
 32-34, in which awe is found in the western Bismarck Archipelago 
 and kaiwe and kaiwa on islands at the southeast promontory of New 
 Guinea. In the Lamassa we may identify ai with prefix of i and from 
 this we may pass to ia. Assuming the consociation of ei with ai, and 
 Yakomul is in the region on the north coast of New Guinea where ai 
 predominates, we note the corresponding series ei-iei-ie (3, 5, 6). 
 We shall base no argument on these two series, for each rests upon a 
 single instance in each of its members, but we enter them upon the 
 record for such value as they may possess. Ray makes an obscure 
 note upon the series of words signifying the bow, "its stick (i. e., of 
 arrow)." This note applies to Awalama aina, Taupota pidu-aina, 
 
34 SISSANO. 
 
 Galavi keina, and Boniki kaena. It is possible that this will be held 
 sufficient warrant for the inclusion of these forms in conjunction with 
 this ai stem. 
 
 When modulation is appUed to the ai stem we find a prefixed palatal 
 mute, surd in kai, sonant in gai, the difference not diagnostic but 
 resting upon the habit of the particular speech. The variety of hai 
 (8) is controlled by local conditions. Codrington estabhshes the rule 
 that the g of Nggela speech becomes h in the passage to Vaturanga, 
 close neighbors in the Solomons. We lack this statement for his un- 
 particularized language of New Georgia, but as it is within the same 
 circle of speech the same rule probably holds. Accordingly we regard 
 hai as a variant of the gai series. As to 12 we make this note: Cod- 
 rington records gait as from Murray Island, but in Ray's more recent 
 and far more complete study of the speech of the languages of the 
 islands of Torres Straits nothing in the least resembling this is recorded 
 either in Miriam or Mabuiag, the two languages which cover what- 
 ever region might appear as Murray Island in any source from which 
 Codrington might draw. The Arag gae (11) is scarcely distinguish- 
 able from the gai type and occurs in the close vicinity thereof. 
 
 From 13 to 23 we encounter a perplexing variant; yet because it is 
 included within regions of the predominance of the kai type we must 
 regard it as associated with that stem. It appears to be a kai mutant 
 with one or more prefixes of a nature which we can not yet identify 
 in sense value. In examining the mutants of the stem we need pay 
 Uttle attention to the passage g-ng and k-nk, for these are common 
 in the Pacific. As variants set upon the gai stem we note regai (13) 
 and tangae (17) immediately associable with gae (11). As variant 
 set upon the kai stem, with the same mutation to kei as appears in 
 ei from ai (3, 5), we note tankei (18). From 13 and 17 depend in 
 succession 14-16; from 18 depend 19-22. In 13-15 we find the prefix 
 ra (re), in 17-19 the prefix ta (te) ; in 20-21 we have both prefixes, for 
 the mutation te-ke (21) is normal in these languages. In 22 in a group 
 of closely alUed village dialects te has become e through a habit of 
 dropping t which characterizes these languages. In 16 we seem to 
 have a duplication of the gai stem gel, after the manner of kei (18) 
 and a degradation form ga as in 14-15. In 23 we leave this partic- 
 ular area and are at some distance in the Solomon Islands, yet the 
 relation with the type 17-22 is unmistakable; we regard da as the 
 variant of ta (17-18), and go as a further deterioration of gai through 
 ga (14-16). 
 
 In 24, 26-28 we find demolition forms of kai-gai with which we have 
 famiUarized ourselves in the next preceding paragraph. The go of 
 25 may be, as we have found needful in 23, a residual of gai; but by 
 reason of its occurence in a region of the predominance of the kau 
 stem (35-43) it will be preferable to assign this to that source. 
 
M^LANBSIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUI.ARY. 35 
 
 The group of consimilars 29-31 is particularly difficult of adjust- 
 ment. The three forms occur in two languages north and south of 
 the extreme southeastern tip of New Guinea. The only forms with 
 which a possible stem gi might be related are 26, found at a consider- 
 able distance in the northern Bismarck Archipelago, and 27, still more 
 remotely placed at the south of Melanesia. The prefix of this puta- 
 tive stem eludes analysis. 
 
 Stem au. 
 
 Here we associate the forms 35-43. In 41-43 we have a distinct 
 association restricted to two points at the southeastern tip of New 
 Guinea and an island Ijdng not far off that shore. This type suggests 
 a kinship with the au stem, modulated by a prefix composition member 
 of uncertain value. In the Tavara and Tubetube the difference is 
 so sHght as to be negligible, the appearance in Awalama of 1 in the 
 place of a vowel recurs in several instances in that language and is 
 paralleled by the same usage in Galavi, Boniki, and Mukawa (59), 
 and probably in Taupota (31), these languages being found not widely 
 separated on the same stretch of coast. 
 
 Associated with this au stem we find the same consonantal modu- 
 lants as with ai, namely, h, g, k. Motu and Keapara (36-37), closely 
 aUied languages, most probably derive their hau from the gau form, 
 since that alone appears in that neighborhood. The kau type is found 
 only in the New Hebrides. Concerning the affix ubu (bu) (37, 39) 
 we continue Ray's note that probably it signifies the trunk, and we 
 point out that in the Polynesian employment of this au stem it is 
 almost wholly without ability to stand alone, requiring the preface 
 of another member, which usually yields the form of the type la-kau. 
 
 Stem asu. 
 
 I present this stem in the nude form solely through inference, for 
 in none of the material which we examine does it appear without the 
 support of a consonantal prefix. If we admit hasie we have in 44-46 
 the same series of consonantal modulants, h, g, k, as in ai and au. 
 Codrington's material from Wango affords no second instance of a 
 transformation of final u to ie, but at the same time it is to note that 
 his material affords only one instance where such a transformation 
 might, be possible, namely, that of asu. Yet since it Ues on the track 
 of migration toward communities in which the kasu stem appears 
 unmistakably, we need have no hesitation in admitting this to the 
 series, despite the vowel anomaly. The forms 47-49 are less clear. 
 They occur at widely separated spots on the south shore of Papua — 
 languages so different in vocabulary that in Ray's collection we find 
 but two other words in which the sUghtest similarity may be discovered. 
 Despite this objection there is sufficient resemblance to suggest a 
 
36 SISSANO. 
 
 connection with the asu stem; mutation of s to its sonant z and to 
 the mutes of the same series is familiar in the collation of the languages 
 of this general region; we are not to suppose a mutation of palatals 
 to labial nasal m, but rather to look upon that as a distinct consonantal 
 modulant applied to the common stem. 
 
 In the next chapter we shall recur to the distribution of these three 
 stems and shall attempt to trace their broader geographical distribu- 
 tion. At this point we draw attention to the fact that both ai and au 
 pass through Melanesia and along the track of later and eastward 
 migration; ai just impinges upon Nuclear Polynesia in Viti and Rotuma 
 after showing a wide use in Melanesia; au with much less frequency 
 in the western islands has overrun the whole of Polynesia, and is 
 found equally in communities of the Tongafiti and the Proto-Samoan 
 migration from Samoa forward. 
 
 3. aieripin wooden shield. 
 
 Since Neuhauss uses the form aie for wood instead of ai it seems 
 reasonable to regard this as a composite of aie and ripin and to regard 
 the latter as a vocable of undetermined sense (83). This word-list 
 is so exiguous, there is so complete an absence of phrases whereby 
 we might uncover the usage, that we are by no means equipped to 
 explain the second member of this composite. The only assistance 
 which we find is in items 56, 88, 102, and 119 of the word-Ust in the 
 preceding chapter. In 56 we find two words set together; man bal, 
 of which the former is tmmistakably identified as a common word for 
 animal and psrticulsrly bird, seems to be a case of apposition of a 
 general noun with its particular appellative in which may, and presiun- 
 ably does, inhere a descriptive value; man dopun, however, appears 
 to our comprehension as a genitive or adjectival use of man with dopun 
 as the principal noun, therefore the modifier preceding the theme. 
 In 88 we find no assistance on this point, for sel and kabon are equiva- 
 lent structural parts of the sago-pounder as being the stone and its 
 wooden helve. The arrow designations (102) suggest that the principal 
 noun comes in the former position and the modifier follows ; this order 
 appears also in the analysis of the instances in 119. Therefore we 
 may interpret aieripin in the sense that ripin has adjective value 
 limiting or describing aie. There remaims the possibility that n is the 
 sign of third personal possession and that ripi is the second stem. 
 
 4. ain to eat. 
 
 References: Melanesische Wanderstxasse, 53; 41. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 188, 199. 
 Turner, 370. Ray, 487:41. Subanu, 124. Polynesian Wanderings, 191'. 
 
 POIvYNESIAN. 
 kai Marquesas, Rarotonga, Manahiki, ai Hawaii, Tahiti, Marquesas. 
 Niue, Fakaofo, Tonga, Maori, 'ai Samoa. 
 Paumotu, Rapanui, Mangareva, kana Viti. 
 Nukuoro, Kapingamarangi, Futuna, kani Viti. 
 Uvea, Nuguria, Fotuna. ate Rotuma. 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABLARY 
 
 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 
 I. ai 
 
 Suau. 
 
 
 19. angi 
 
 Mekeo. 
 
 2. e'ai 
 
 Dobu. 
 
 
 20. ean 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 3 kai 
 
 Sariba. 
 
 
 21. aan 
 
 Nufoor. 
 
 4. kaina 
 
 Aniwa. 
 
 
 22. an 
 
 Panaieti. 
 
 5- qai 
 
 Mugula. 
 
 
 23. ana 
 
 Roro. 
 
 6. kani 
 
 Tubetube, Galavi, 
 
 Boniki, 
 
 24. anan 
 
 Misima. 
 
 
 Mukawa, Oba, 
 
 Marina, 
 
 25. a 
 
 Oiun. 
 
 
 Epi, Sesake, Efat6. 
 
 26. hani 
 
 Keapara. 
 
 7. kan 
 
 Kilenge. 
 
 
 27. lani 
 
 Kelana. 
 
 8. kanega 
 
 Tagula. 
 
 
 28. hanahana 
 
 Ulawa. 
 
 9. gani 
 
 Rook Island, Sinaugoro, 
 
 29. ghen 
 
 Lifu. 
 
 
 Mahaga. 
 
 
 30. hang 
 
 Aneityum. 
 
 10. g'ani 
 
 Omba, Arag. 
 
 
 31. eng 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 II. gania 
 
 Rubi. 
 
 
 32. ing 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 12. ganigani 
 
 Galoma. 
 
 
 33. vanga 
 
 Nggela. 
 
 13- gan 
 
 Tami. 
 
 
 34. kam 
 
 Kiriwina, Galavi, Mukawa. 
 
 14. gaan 
 
 Solor. 
 
 
 35. kom 
 
 Kiriwina. 
 
 IS. gangan 
 
 Malo. 
 
 
 36. qam 
 
 Murua. 
 
 16. nganngan Arag. 
 
 
 37- am 
 
 Tavara, Taupota, Wedau, 
 
 17. gad 
 
 Nada. 
 
 
 
 Kwagila, Raqa, Kiviri. 
 
 18. ani 
 
 Roro, Uni, Pokaii 
 
 Kabadi, 
 
 38. ni 
 
 Tanna. 
 
 
 Motu, Hula, 
 
 Tavara, 
 
 39. nenini 
 
 Eromanga. 
 
 
 Awalama, Taupota, We- 
 
 40. kaka 
 
 Nengone. 
 
 
 dau, Ninigo. 
 
 
 41. balu 
 
 42. ki 
 
 Kubiri. 
 
 New Caledonia. 
 
 Two stems are clearly present in this collection, ai and ani, each 
 of which has undergone such consonantal modulation as we have 
 already seen in the first of these note items, and the latter extends 
 through a long series of demoHtion forms which we could not associate 
 with the ani stem if it were not that we find successive disintegration 
 stages set out in an orderly array. The items 38-42 and ate of Rotuma 
 I regard as extraneous to these two stems. It may be that ni (38) 
 and the associable Eromanga word derive from ani quite as much as 
 does an (22) and a (25) ; but the examination of the material shows 
 that ni represents a different principle effective upon the ani stem. 
 We have abundant confirmation of the demolition appHed to the final 
 in ani-an-a, but 38 and 39 are the only instances which at all suggest 
 that the final syllable remains strong and that the weakening appears 
 in the initial syllable. The items 40-42 are wholly remote from any 
 possibility of association with the two stems of this series. 
 
 Stem ai. 
 This is the common word throughout Pol5Tiesia in both migration 
 waves. It has been assumed into the Beach-la-Mar jargon as kaikai 
 and thus has received a wider currency which might lead to error in 
 interpretation of its presence in languages where it is not reasonably 
 to be expected. In Melanesia it is found in five stations of observa- 
 tion, four of which cluster about the southeast cape of New Guinea. 
 Especial note should be made of the Aniwa kaina (4). Although 
 this island is included within the New Hebrides, its population and 
 speech are largely Polynesian, and in general I include it within that 
 speech family. Its kaina is a transition form between Polynesian 
 kai and Viti kana, and the association of the latter with kani will 
 appear in the examination of that stem. The ai stem is not complete ; 
 
38 SISSANO. 
 
 it lacks hai and gai, which we might expect ; but the ai and kai forms 
 are typical of the modulation which we have seen in item i and which 
 we shall shortly see in the ani stem. The Dobu e'ai (2) seems to be 
 ai with a preface ; in Ray's Hst there are evidences of the use of k, and 
 there is nothing corresponding to e' through which we might arrive 
 at a better comprehension of the form. In Mugula qai (5) we en- 
 counter the so-called Melanesian q, a phonetic unit which requires 
 some explanation. 
 
 From my earlier studies upon this subject I extract the following 
 citation : 
 
 We observe a group of forms in which the initial consonant is subjected to a 
 wide yet systematic variation. This peculiarity is known as the Melanesian 
 q. It is a composite of k and b and w; in this composite k may become ngg, 
 b may become mb or p. It is not to be interpreted as the effort on the part 
 of Melanesians to compass an unwonted Polynesian sound, for it is of far 
 greater frequency in Melanesian words for which we can find no aflSliation 
 with Polynesia. Rather are we to regard it as showing the struggle in sound 
 evolution by a primitive people in the genesis of their speech who are coming 
 into first possession of a labial mute and whose imtrained buccal muscles reveal 
 to us the wrestling.* 
 
 Ray records the use within the area of the so-called Melanesian 
 languages of Torres Straits as follows (page 419) : 
 
 The compound guttural and labial consonant, which is common in the 
 Melanesian Islands, is found also in New Guinea, but nowhere with its fxdl 
 sound kpw. Just as in the Island languages, as the gutttual is sooner or later 
 superseded by the labial the sound oi k or p relatively predominates. In 
 some languages, or in some words in one language, one or the other element is 
 conspicuous, so conspicuous that either the guttural or labial is missed. On 
 the mainland of New Guinea the sound is always a combination of a guttural 
 with w, as kw or gw. It is remarkable that whilst the combination with a 
 labial is not found on the mainland it is very common on the Louisiade Islands, 
 where pw and bw are found in all the languages except Misima and Tagula. 
 
 It is clear that q in the Melanesian languages as estabhshed most 
 largely under the direction of Codrington and q of the New Guinea 
 languages refer to different phonetic elements. The confusion arises 
 from the fact that the missionaries to whom we owe the first records 
 of speech in this region have mistaken q as the representative of any 
 obscurely mouthed consonant. In Melanesia it is a labial which is 
 thus obscured; in Torres Straits it is a palatal, for Ray writes "it is 
 always a combination of a guttural with w." 
 
 Accordingly this qai is really kwai or gwai, and that is closely akin 
 to kai or gai. 
 
 Stem ani. 
 
 Much of our material assignable to this stem is readily grouped after 
 a simple series exhibited in this tabular form : 
 
 ga 
 
 am 
 kani 
 
 ana 
 
 an 
 kan 
 
 gam 
 hani 
 
 hana 
 
 gan 
 han 
 
 *The Polynesian Wander: 
 
MElvANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 39 
 
 Here we have exactly the series of consonantal modulants which we 
 saw employed in the first item of these notes. 
 
 The nude stem ani (i8) is by far the most frequent type in Torres 
 .Straits; in fact these records identify it in a single occurrence outside 
 this region, namely, in Ninigo of the northern Bismarck Archipelago. 
 Herewith we include Mekeo angi (19) with the note that n-ng mutation 
 is frequent in that speech. The demolition form an may be the 
 result of the final abrasion applied to ani or ana, and the same uncer- 
 tainty persists through the yet more fragmentary form a. In Barriai 
 ean (20) and in Nufoor aan (21) we note the same sort of prefix as in 
 Dobu e'ai (2). In accordance with the simple n-ng mutation we 
 may include Jabim eng and ing as variants of an, this being the more 
 probable since the material includes so large a proportion of ani material 
 and lacks any other stem form from which this might derive. 
 
 The ani stem in New Guinea appears both on the south coast and 
 at the east; kani (6) is restricted to the east promontory and then 
 leaps to the New Hebrides and to Viti. The first abrasion form kan 
 appears in the Bismarck Archipelego. In kanega (8) of Tagula we 
 find a sufiix for which we lack explicative material; we note that 
 suffixes appear in gania (11), gad (17), and in anan (24). 
 
 Our gani series is represented from 9 to 17 and in the simpUcity of 
 its ordering calls for little more than inspection. DupUcation is 
 present in 12, 15, and 16, and in the hana series in 28. Arag nganngan 
 
 (16) Ues within the n-ng mutation and is unmistakable. Nada gad 
 
 (17) is a doubtful form; in the preceding paragraph I have included it 
 with the sufiixed forms as produced from a final abrasion type ga. 
 Such a ga would fall in series with a which we have found to exist; it 
 would then enlarge the series to such an extent that we might feel 
 justified in interpolation of a theoretical ka for the estabhshment of 
 the Nengone kaka (40). Yet since the whole question of a suffix rests 
 on scant and uncomprehended material we may not give this sug- 
 gestion whole support. It is far more probable that this gad is asso- 
 ciated with the Polynesian kati stem as meaning to bite ; in fact, Ray's 
 material collated in that sense seems to establish this beyond perad- 
 venture. 
 
 The hani series, quite typical in the treatment of nude stem with 
 consonantal modulant, is very brief in this material. Keapara yields 
 us the type form hani (26) ; the lani (27) of Kelana in western Bismarck 
 Archipelago is anomalous, for the type of consonant modulant in these 
 stems lies in the palatal series and here we have a lingual liquid. This 
 removes it from the possibihty of mutation; but the liquid is, in speech 
 evolution toward consonant possibility, an earUer acquisition, therefore 
 we may look upon lani as a treatment of ani in the process of partic- 
 ularization more primitive than the palatal series of which kani is 
 the type. 
 
40 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 5. aisebot taro pestle. 
 
 This is clearly a compaction of ai wood with sebot, of sense not to be 
 determined from the scanty data here presented. A note as to the 
 carving of the handle of this implement will be found at page 16. 
 
 7. andaman brother-in-law. 
 
 Here is naturally suggested a connection with another term of 
 relationship, daman father. We lack material upon which to base an 
 interpretation of the an element, if it is to be considered a word stem, 
 as it is safe to assume. Much remains obscure in the sense of such a 
 compaction, for we can not readily figure to ourselves any system of 
 affinity in which any element conditioned by the word for father can 
 result in brother-in-law, a passage from consanguinity to aflSnity. 
 Furthermore, it is to note that in the social system of these savages 
 the relationship of brother-in-law does not arise for specific designa- 
 tion. It is altogether likely that we have here an error in recording. 
 
 8. an6 family house. 
 
 References: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 85&. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 2 lo. Tur- 
 ner, 357. Ray, 492: 77. Polynesian Wanderings, 341. Subanu, 113. 
 
 fanua 
 hanua 
 vanua 
 fenua 
 
 henua 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 Samoa, Aniwa, Fotuna. 
 
 Rotuma. 
 
 Viti. 
 
 Futuna, Uvea, Sikaiana, Vaitupu, 
 
 Kapingamarangi, Moiki, Faka- 
 
 ofo, Marquesas, Tahiti. 
 Nuguria, Marquesas, Rapanui, 
 
 Paumotu, Manahiki. 
 
 whenua Maori, Bukabuka. 
 
 enua Mangareva, Bukabuka, Raro- 
 
 tonga. 
 fonua Tonga, Niue. 
 honua Hawaii. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 I. vanua 
 
 Arag, Vanua Lava, New 
 Georgia, Marina, Maewo, 
 Sesake, Malo, Mota, Omba, 
 Ugi, Kabadi, Uni, Pokau, 
 Vitu. 
 
 2. vanue Omba. 
 
 3. vanu Lakon. 
 
 4. vanu-ga Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara. 
 
 5. venua Epi, Santo. 
 
 6. venue Baki. 
 
 7. vene Retan. 
 
 8. vonua Baki. 
 
 9. vono Pak, Sasar, Vuras, Leon. 
 
 10. na-vno Motlav. 
 
 11. vonio Norbarbar. 
 
 12. wanua Duke of York. 
 
 13. qano (kwano) Hula. 
 
 14. fanua Bierian, Efat6. 
 
 15. fSneu Central Carolines. 
 
 16. ffinu Graget, Paluan, Leut, La- 
 
 massa. 
 17- fanufan Mortlocks. 
 
 18. fenua Vanikoro. 
 
 19. fenu Malekula. 
 
 20. finua Fagani. 
 
 21. panua Mekeo, Panaieti, Barriai. 
 
 22. pangua Mekeo, Panaieti. 
 
 23. panu 
 
 24. panuh 
 25- pon 
 
 26. poon 
 
 27. poom 
 
 28. banua 
 
 29. bang 
 
 30. binS 
 
 31. binfi 
 
 32. bdnu 
 33- mbona 
 34' hanua 
 
 35- h4nuo 
 
 36- henua 
 
 37. henue 
 
 38. hfin 
 39- eanua 
 
 40. ianua 
 
 41. anua 
 
 42. anu 
 
 43- 3n6 
 
 44- ene 
 45. no 
 
 Karkar, Pak. 
 
 Tami. 
 
 Vrin^gol. 
 
 Sissano. 
 
 Arop. 
 
 Galoma. 
 
 BiUbili. 
 
 Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- 
 fanga, Panangai, Sali, Le- 
 makot. 
 
 Lakurumau, Munuwai, Loch- 
 agon, Fezoa, Lawu. 
 
 Lou. 
 
 Nggela. 
 
 Ugi, Laur, Lambell, Motu. 
 
 Bissapu, Laur. 
 
 Saa. 
 
 Saa. 
 
 Hanahdn. 
 
 Suau. 
 
 Tubetube. 
 
 Roro, Motu, Mandm. 
 
 Rubi. 
 
 Sissano, Arop, Malol, Tumleo, 
 Paup, Keapara. 
 
 Marshalls. 
 
 Sissano, Arop, Malol. 
 
MElvANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 41 
 
 The sense diversity herein involved, though not particularized in 
 this series of variant forms, has been sufficiently discussed in "The 
 Polynesian Wanderings" and in "Subanu." We sum the conclusions 
 there set forth in the statement that in Polynesian culture the stem 
 may signify the mold, the land in which one Uves, the whole round 
 world. In Melanesia it may signify place in general, then island (as 
 in the Polynesian Kapingamarangi), village, last of all house, as here 
 in the Sissano. The specification in this definition of the usage in 
 Sissano is employed to set the family house off against the more 
 dignified houses of the men's society and the so-called spirit houses. 
 
 Friederici disclaims any purpose of establishing for the degradation 
 forms found in New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago the devo- 
 lution from the fanua type; yet in my judgment a very satisfactory 
 descending series is manifest in the foregoing ordering of the material. 
 This we shall examine through the Melanesian area in the light of such 
 suggestion as may be deduced from the history of the word in the mod- 
 ern Polynesian tongues. There we see in operation a double set of 
 modifications. 
 
 We have already established as fact that the more permanent 
 element of any Polynesian vocable inheres in its vowel skeleton ; that 
 the play of mutation most variously affects the consonantal element. 
 We shall, accordingly, give our first consideration to the less fixed 
 consonants of the stem. We shall find in the Polynesian forms a nor- 
 mal diagram of the word which may be presented to view in the formula 
 labial -j- vowel + nua, in which the final element is fixed and under- 
 goes no change. We have had occasion to establish the fact that in 
 this family of languages the labials are of all consonants the most sub- 
 ject to mutation and have offered in explanation of this phenomenon 
 the hypothesis that this mutability lies in the fact that the speakers 
 of the languages in question have not yet far advanced upon the con- 
 trol of the lips as speech organs to be employed with fine precision. 
 The strongest form of this initial labial is the spirant; sonant spirant 
 V is foimd only in Viti vanua and is there associated with the a type 
 of the mutant vowel; siurd spirant f appears in the three forms fanua, 
 fenua, fonua, associated with each of the three t5rpes of the mutant 
 vowel. From this strong labial position the next step in mutation is 
 upward in the series, that is, toward the weaker quaUty, arriving at 
 the aspiration; here also we find in use the three vowel types in the 
 forms hanua, henua, honua. The next step is a weakening to the 
 semivowel proximate to the lingual series, w as still affected by the 
 aspiration, hw, in the Maori whenua. The final step is to the oblit- 
 eration of the initial consonant, as in enua. The vowel mutation we 
 have just shown to extend in the series a-e-o, and this mutation 
 seems not to be conditioned by any change in the mutant labial which 
 precedes the vowel. 
 
42 SISSANO. 
 
 We shall clarify the Melanesian situation by appls^ing in the first 
 instance the stem formula just presented. The forms which follow 
 the formula, for the present disregarding variety in the nua element, 
 are i, 2, 5, 6, 8, 11, 12, 14, 15, 18, 20, 21, 22, 28, 34, 35, 36, 37> 39i 
 40, 41. In this list the bold-faced type distinguishes forms which a.re 
 encountered in the Polynesian series. Here we see that the initial 
 consonant modulant follows from the labial spirants f and v the same 
 course of weakening as in Polynesian, even to extinction (41), for we 
 note (12) the Duke of York wanua as in close approximation to the 
 Maori whenua, and (34-37) we have an aspirated group from north- 
 ern Melanesia and the eastern Bismarck Archipelago with an outlier 
 in southern New Guinea. Likewise in eastern New Guinea, in the 
 closely associated languages of Suau and Tubetube, we have (39-40) 
 an interesting form intermediate between hanua and anua; as between 
 eanua and ianua the difference is of the slightest; they stand together 
 as a sUght transition form produced by the weakening of the spiritus 
 asper, leaving but a ghost of its impress before extinction. In parts 
 of New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago we encounter a move- 
 ment of strengthening of the labial, to the mutes sonant and surd b and 
 p ; so far as relates to this element of the stem these are the forms 2 1- 
 33, the clearest types being Mekeo panua and Galoma banua. 
 
 We are now in position to consider the initial element of the final 
 evolutionary stage of this stem. Reverting to our stem formula stated 
 as labial + vowel + nua and stating for the present specific inquiry the 
 second member, the mutable vowel, as a, we reduce the formula to labial 
 + anua. We have now to consider the status of the mutant labial in 
 two possibilities. It may have been an original possession of a stem 
 which has undergone mutation in accordance with the habit of the 
 several languages in which we discover it. This is the common 
 system of interpretation of similar cases. Against this interpretation 
 I strongly incline to set the somewhat considerable series of instances 
 in which the mutant labial has reached the strongest position in the 
 mutes b and p. If the archetype of the stem had been banua or 
 panua there would have been no need for the Samoan to weaken 
 it to fanua, for in the Polynesian languages we have attained to 
 the richest development of the labials to be found in the Oceanic area, 
 and it would have been simple for the Samoan to employ panua and for 
 the Viti to employ mbanua. On the other hand, if we assume an arche- 
 type anua we shall find our difficulties resolved. The more intimately 
 I prosecute these minute investigations into primordial stems the 
 more convinced do I become that a theory of mere mutation of con- 
 sonants fails to account for form variety and the greater support do 
 I obtain for my hypothesis that, in the evolution under the play of 
 conscious intelligence which picks up the animal cry and by the appli- 
 cation of consonant modulants with coefficient value transforms it 
 
MELANBSIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 43 
 
 into a medium of more or less precise communication of thought, 
 we are to begin with the weaker forms, the more vocaUc shapes, and 
 employ such consonant possibilities as may exist to the particulariza- 
 tion of a diffuse thought into a specific idea. 
 
 In this instance assume a diffuse anua upon which arises the need 
 of selection of one noumenon for specific designation. It is yet too 
 early to attempt to pick out the broadly diffuse sense of archetypal 
 anua. Even when it has been subjected to such infiuences of preci- 
 sion as we here encounter, we find the sense still far too diffuse to 
 comport with om: conception of a vocable as a speech unit, for, as 
 aheady pointed out, fanua has such a wide range of signification as 
 shall include soil, land, house, hamlet, all in a single term. From 
 extended comparison of the vocabulary material we discover that 
 there were many meanings basic in an archetypal anua; we note 
 solely for a single instance the anuanua which designates the rainbow 
 and probably the Galaxy. When the need was felt in community of 
 the parent stock of this speech, to particularize the group of signifi- 
 cations hereinbefore noted there arose, or was reached after selective 
 effort, the plan of employing, as the consonant modulant whose 
 coefficient value should effect this end, a labial or, better stated, to 
 use the lips. In my conception of what took place this determination 
 was arrived at long anterior to the scission into independent speech 
 units of the labial possibilities; this will serve best to account for 
 the widest possible diversity of labial modulants such as we can trace 
 out through this series. We meet here a most interesting problem, the 
 conscious selection of a labial as modulant in this specification. To 
 philology the problem must ever remain recondite, far beyond the 
 possibility of linguistic solution; its comprehension must be left to 
 psychology, and particularly to that new department of speech psy- 
 chology in which Wundt has made such a brilliant beginning. Here 
 we have not to deal with why a labial was selected for this purpose by 
 infant minds in the infancy of speech; our task is simply to estabUsh 
 from the material spread upon this record before us the fact that by 
 conunon consent a labial-at-large was chosen for this end and that 
 each of the twigs of this language stem employs such one of the labials 
 as best comports with the genius of its speech. When once the labial- 
 at-large has come into being as the generally accepted consonant 
 modulant of this specification of the vocable, and when each major 
 group of the languages here involved had settled upon what partic- 
 ular strength of labial to employ, we are willing to admit the commonly 
 received laws of consonant mutation as becoming effective. Thus 
 in the case of the strictly Polynesian group we admit the selection of 
 the spirant group and the choice out of that group by consonant 
 mutation of surd Samoan fanua and sonant Viti vanua. 
 
44 SISSANO. 
 
 Next we shall consider the second element of major variety in this 
 stem, the only remaining variant in the Polynesian group, the mutable 
 vowel which precedes the nua element. In the Polynesian we find 
 this mutation confined within the series a-e-o. In the Melanesian 
 material we discover the great bulk of the mutation within this series, 
 but with two somewhat widely separated centers in which we encounter 
 the i type. We note the a series, 1-4, 12-17, 21-24, 28-29, 34-35, 
 38-43. Similarly the e series, 5-7, 18-19, 36-37, 441 then the o series, 
 8-1 1, 25-27, 32-33. The new material which Melanesia introduces, 
 the i series, occurs in 20 Fagani finua of northern Melanesia but 
 clearly associable with the type fanua, and 30-31 bina, bine of the 
 eastern Bismarck Archipelago. 
 
 In the Polynesian series we have noted that the nua element is 
 subject to no alteration in form; it appears as a constant element. 
 This is by no means the case in Melanesia ; the changes offer an inter- 
 esting study and their systematic evolution is essential to the estabUsh- 
 ment of the continuity of the stem. The nua element remains without 
 alteration in i, 5, 8, 12, 14, 18, 20, 21, 22, 28, 34, 36, 39, 40, 41. 
 
 The consonantal element n is but scantily altered; it is almost 
 continuous throughout the series. In 22 we have pangua with the 
 n-ng mutation, which also appears in 29 bang. In 26 and 27 the 
 correlated forms po6n and poom seem to fall into grouping with 
 25 pon. If this be admitted we have the n-m mutation. This muta- 
 tion is excessively rare; in a much wider comparison of Melanesian 
 material (The Polynesian Wanderings, 135) I have discovered but a 
 single instance and that extremely doubtful; of the converse m-n 
 mutation there is better proof {ibid., 136). We are, therefore, without 
 solution of the two forms here involved. 
 
 Of the vowel mutation of this element the simplest form is that 
 in nue, one readily comprehensible. This occurs twice; in 2 vanue 
 and in 37 henue, in central and northern Melanesia respectively; 
 15 fdneu central Carolines is Micronesian and outside our present 
 limits, yet it is readily explicable as fanue after metathesis, a not 
 infrequent modifier. Of the same simple type is nuo. This also 
 occurs twice, in 6 venuo of central Melanesia and 35 hanuo of the 
 eastern Bismarck Archipelago. A more remote modification, yet 
 which seeks to retain the three units of nua, is ii vonio, which can 
 not be considered apart from 9 and 10, with which it forms a dialectic 
 group. 
 
 The next mutation group is formed by abrasion of the final nua 
 vowel, thus reducing the element to two units instead of three. We 
 find this new and degraded element nu in 3, 16, 17, 19, 23, 24, 32, 42. 
 Taking nu as a new base, we find mutants as follows: no in 9, 10, 
 1 3 . 43 . 45 ; ne in 7 , 3 1 , and possibly in 44 ene of the Marshalls, Microne- 
 sian, and therefore beyond our scope; na in 30 and 33. 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUIvARY. 
 
 45 
 
 The ultimate step consists in the abrasion of the secondary nu by 
 the still further loss of its vowel. "We thus obtain forms in a final n, 
 but in each case we arrive at them seriatim and there can be no doubt 
 of their authenticity in devolution; these are 25 pon, with 26-27 
 uncertainly associable, 38 han, and 29 bang with the addition of 
 n-ng mutation. 
 
 10. ar pandanus. 
 
 Kbf^r^nc^s: Melanische Wanderstrasse, 122: 11. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 2iod. 
 
 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 
 
 fala Samoa 
 
 , Tonga, Futuna. 
 
 
 
 haa 
 
 Marquesas. 
 
 fara Tahiti 
 
 
 
 
 whara 
 
 Maori. 
 
 faa Marquesas. 
 
 
 
 vadra 
 
 Viti 
 
 . 
 
 haia Hawaii. 
 
 
 
 ara 
 
 Mangaia. 
 
 hara Mangareva, Rapanui. 
 
 
 
 ka-hara 
 
 Kapingamarangi . 
 
 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 
 
 I. fdran 
 
 Lauan, Nonapai, 
 
 Lakure- 
 
 13. a mbSl 
 
 Tanga. 
 
 
 fanga. 
 
 
 
 14. war 
 
 
 Bongu. 
 
 2. faren 
 
 Sali, Lemakot. 
 
 
 
 IS. wal 
 
 
 Tami. 
 
 3. a teren 
 
 Panangai. 
 
 
 
 16. ara 
 
 
 Gilberts. 
 
 4. fanda 
 
 Panaras. 
 
 
 
 17. a ren 
 
 
 Avelus, Mongai. 
 
 5. far 
 
 Mortlocks. 
 
 
 
 18. dren 
 
 
 Majum. 
 
 6. vanda 
 
 Vitu. 
 
 
 
 19. ararum 
 
 Nayama-Pararas. 
 
 7. aveden 
 
 Munuwai, Nemassalang, 
 
 Fe- 
 
 20. anda 
 
 
 Limba, Langanie. 
 
 
 zoa, Lawu. 
 
 
 
 21. andan 
 
 Lamassa. 
 
 8. avSdin 
 
 Lakurumau. 
 
 
 
 22. oar 
 
 
 Tiimleo. 
 
 9. para 
 
 Wuvulu, Aua, 
 
 
 
 23. ar 
 
 
 Ser, Sissano, Vrin4gol, Akur 
 
 10. parapara 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 
 
 24. ran 
 
 
 Bauung, Ngamat. 
 
 11. pant 
 
 BilibiU. 
 
 
 
 25. ren 
 
 
 Bagail, Lossuk. 
 
 12. bare 
 
 Luf. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Although this Melanesian series involves many obscure forms, there 
 need be little difficulty in tracing out the succession. The Viti vadra 
 affords an important clue. This mutation I have determined as the 
 attempt by a preface of the nasal of the same series to protect and 
 preserve the uvular r (Samoan Phonetics, 17 Journal of the Polyne- 
 sian Society, 152). The principle of nasal support appears active in 4, 
 6, II, 13, 20, and 21. The mutation 1-d or r-d is well recognized in 
 Melanesian studies and calls for no particular comment. We note 
 a final n concerning which we can have no Polynesian evidence, since 
 we have no record of noun substantives before the present type of 
 open syllables was adopted. It is so well represented in the Melane- 
 sian material that we safely regard it as a part of the original stem; 
 it is found in i, 2, 3, 7, 8, 17, 18, and 21. Assuming an archetypal 
 faran, we have in 1-5 a simple series of forms with f initial, in which 
 4 fanda corresponds to Polynesian fala and fara. In 6, 7, 8 we find 
 a series in which the initial consonant has undergone mutation to v; 
 in 9, 10, and 11 to p; in 12 and 13 to b; and in 14 and 15 to w. We 
 thus are led simply from an archetypal faran to 1 1 pant, and thence 
 by ready inference to pantan or pandan, the latter being the Malay 
 designation from which we have latinized pandanus, for the common 
 
46 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 derivation by dictionary etymologists from Malay pandang, meaning 
 conspicuous, lacks both accuracy and sense. From 1 6 to 21 we find 
 the same treatment appUed to a working stem lacking the initial labial; 
 19 arSrum is here included, but with some doubt, for the rum element 
 is incongruous and we lack data upon which to explain it. In 22 
 and 23 we find an ara stem after final abrasion, and in 22 oar we find a 
 step slightly weakened from the semivowel stage which occurs in 14 war 
 and 15 wal. In 24 and 25 we find the archetypal faran reduced by 
 frontal abrasion. Probably this represents an archetypal aran not 
 yet differentiated by the initial labial, and the abrasion in 24-25 is 
 then not syllabic, but merely the wearing off of frontal a. 
 
 II. arau sun. 
 
 References: Melanesische Wanderstrasse,i33d. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 200:10. Ray, 501:135. 
 
 I. garo 
 
 Galoma. 
 
 8. aru Rubi. 
 
 2. galo 
 
 Sinaugoro. 
 
 9. alo Efate, Malo, Tangoa, Wuvulu, 
 
 3. haro 
 
 Keapara, Kerepunu. 
 
 Aua, Kaniet. 
 
 4. arau 
 
 Arop, Sissano. 
 
 10. aloan Ninigo. 
 
 5- ttii 
 
 Ser. 
 
 II. al Marshalls. 
 
 6. aro 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 12. at Graget. 
 
 7. aro 
 
 Hula. 
 
 13. ant Bilibili. 
 
 This stem falls quite short of the Polynesian family; in fact, with 
 one notable exception, it is confined to the region of New Guinea 
 and the Bismarck Archipelago. The exception is 9 alo, which appears 
 at three stations of record in central Melanesia. It is quite impos- 
 sible from the sHght available material to determine whether the 
 consonantal prefix in 1-3 pertains to an earHer stem or has been 
 assumed in conformity with some local influence; we note that the 
 forms are narrowly restricted to a single region in Papua. The series 
 6-9 involves no difficulty, and 10 aloan is probably alo compacted 
 with a modifier whose sense we are tmable at present to determine. 
 The Marshall Islands he outside our province, but ii al is readily 
 derived from alo and we include it here as providing the coimecting 
 link whereby the 1-t mutation may estabhsh the place of 12 at and, 
 with the addition of the principle of nasal preface, may set 13 ant 
 in the series. In these studies we find abundant evidence of the 
 employment of diphthongal au in place of o; therefore 4 arau is readily 
 derivative from alo, and 5 rau follows by frontal abrasion. 
 
 fatu 
 
 vatu 
 hatu 
 
 12. at stone. 
 
 RUPBRENCEs: Melanesische Wanderstrasse. 135. Deutsch-Neuguinea. 
 Ray, 500: 133. Subanu, 115. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Tahiti, Faka- 
 ofo, Futuna, Aniwa, Fotuna, 
 Sikaiana, Manahiki. 
 
 Viti. 
 
 Kapingamarangi. 
 
 hathu Rotuma. 
 
 whatu Maori. 
 
 haku Hawaii. 
 
 atu Mangareva, Mangaia. 
 
MEI.ANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUIvARY. 
 
 47 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 1. fatu 
 
 2. fat 
 
 3. fat 
 
 4. fas 
 
 5. vatu 
 
 6. vat 
 
 7. a vat 
 
 8. ni-vat 
 
 9. votu 
 
 10. vot 
 
 11. veto 
 
 12. veat 
 
 13. ve'e 
 
 14. ve 
 
 15. ni-vit 
 
 16. varu 
 
 17. var 
 
 18. wat 
 
 19. watwat 
 
 20. hatQ 
 
 21. hat 
 
 22. hat 
 
 23. hat 
 
 24. hat' 
 
 25. 'hat 
 
 26. 'hat 
 
 Efate, Nguna. 
 
 Lamassa, Lamb6in, Ngolhon. 
 
 Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- 
 
 fanga, Sali, Panangai, Le- 
 
 makot, Fezoa. 
 Feis, Mogomog. 
 Nggela, Vaturanga, Sesake, 
 
 Bierian, Mota, Arag, Vitu, 
 
 Sigab, Kowamerara. 
 Mota, Belik, Lakurumau, 
 
 Munuwai, Lochagon, Ne- 
 
 massalang, Lawu. 
 Molot, Kait, Kalanga. 
 Eromanga. 
 Tatau, Bierian. 
 Marei, Simberi. 
 lai. 
 
 Volow. 
 Alo Teqel. 
 Nifilole. 
 Malekula. 
 Tagula. 
 Malekula. 
 
 Duke of York, Raluana, King. 
 Baravon, Duke of York. 
 Hanahan. 
 Bissapu, Punam, Nokon, Le- 
 
 musmus. 
 Pala, Lambell. 
 SuraUl. 
 Hamatana. 
 Kalil. 
 Laur. 
 
 27. fi hat 
 
 28. n-hat 
 
 29. had 
 
 30. hot 
 
 31. patu 
 
 32. pdt6 
 
 33. pato 
 34- pat 
 
 35. ne-pat 
 
 36. pat 
 37- pat' 
 38. patfl 
 39- pa 
 
 40. pa 
 
 41. batu 
 
 42. yat 
 43- at 
 44. at' 
 45- fa'u 
 
 46. fau 
 
 47. vau 
 
 48. veu 
 
 49. hau 
 
 so. hoi-hau 
 
 51. bau 
 
 52. daku 
 
 53. gaku 
 
 54. vakuna 
 
 55. veku 
 
 56. weku 
 
 57. pak 
 
 58. kat 
 59- gat 
 
 Kambangeriu. 
 
 Aneityum. 
 
 Bauung, Ngamaf 
 
 Lihir. 
 
 Solomon Islands. 
 
 BilibiU. 
 
 Mandm. 
 
 Modnus. 
 
 Aneityum. 
 
 Graget, Mouk. 
 
 Kopar. 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 Dallmannhafen, Graget. 
 
 Muschu. 
 
 Alu, Awa. 
 
 Kung. 
 
 Sissano, Arop, Tsoi, Nokon. 
 
 Tobadi. 
 
 Fagani. 
 
 Mekeo. 
 
 Hula, Keapara. 
 
 Mugula, Suau. 
 
 Saa. 
 
 Ulawa. 
 
 Galoma. 
 
 Kiriwina. 
 
 Kiriwina. 
 
 Kabadi. 
 
 Tubetube. 
 
 Sariba. 
 
 Brierly Island. 
 
 I/imba, Langanie. 
 
 Limba, Langanie. 
 
 Of the well-ordered Polynesian series only fatu, hatu, and vatu are 
 established in the Melanesian languages, but we may infer the atu 
 form from the occurrence (43, 44) of its immediate successors. Yet 
 in Melanesia we have so complete a series of forms that we may carry 
 the varieties of this stem unhesitatingly down to forms which, without 
 such a suite of intermediaries, we should find it impossible to associate 
 with the fatu source. Most of the variation in this Ust falls within 
 mutation methods already quite f amiHar and which call for the briefest 
 notice. Each unit of the stem is subjected to mutation. Initial f 
 passes to its sonant v (5-17, 47-48), to the semivowel w (18, 19), 
 to the aspiration h (20-30, 49-50), downward in the series from 
 spirant to mute, surd p (31-40), sonant b (41, 51), to extinction 
 (43-44) with a somewhat anomalous employment of the remote semi- 
 vowel y in 42. The dominant vowel a is well preserved ; we find muta- 
 tion to e in 11-14, 48, 55-56; to i in 15; to o in 9, 10, 30. The muta- 
 tions of t are so critical in estabhshiag the continuity of the series 
 that particular attention must be given to the support of each 
 instance encountered. The facile movement from surd to sonant d is 
 found only in 29 had. The mutation t-s is found in 4 fas derived 
 from the extra-Umital Micronesian Caroline Islands. This mutation 
 is, however, well estabhshed in Pol3mesia and in Melanesia and will pass 
 muster here. The mutation t-r (i 6-1 7) is not found in Polynesian ; its 
 
48 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 existence has not been firmly established in Melanesia (The Poly- 
 nesian Wanderings, 302) ; the most that we may venture is to propose 
 this identification as not without some ground. The t-k which has 
 had such a compelling sweep over Polynesia is less marked in the 
 Melanesian tongues, yet its existence has been satisfactorily estab- 
 lished. So far, then, as relates to this unit of variety in items 52-57, 
 we need have no doubt, although in other particulars these are the 
 most obscure of all the fatu derivatives. The extinction of t, of 
 equally compelHng sweep in Polynesia as is its kappation, is less 
 frequent in Melanesia, but it has been proved in a sufficient number 
 of instances; this enables us to include items 45-51 in the series without 
 hesitation. The final vowel is frequently abraded after the common 
 custom of many of these languages in order to produce the closed 
 stem which seems more cordial to Melanesian enunciation. We find 
 the mutation u-o in 11 and 33, u-e in 32, for both of which there is 
 abimdant confirmation. At the end of the Ust (52-59) I have set a 
 small group of forms which are in varjdng degrees doubtful. In 57 
 pak we shall have little hesitation in hanging the form by kappation 
 on 34 pat, concerning whose afiiliation with fatu there can be no doubt. 
 In the group of consimilars 54-56 I am sure that we are justified in 
 finding a vahd derivation; omitting the added syllable in vaku-na we 
 shall find in kappation a good derivation from vatu and this once 
 estabhshed 55 and 56 swing into Une. The Kiriwina forms 52 daku and 
 53 gaku are very difficult. If 53 be estabhshed as a fatu derivative it is 
 apparent that 58 and 59 follow as easy corollaries. Although in the 
 "Polynesian Wanderings" I have noted a few and very doubtful 
 instances in which the mutation f-d, f-g shghtly suggests itself, I can 
 not accept it. If we were to assume for these forms a mutant batu 
 stem, we might be led aside to consider a progression of mutes, a 
 principle well estabhshed in other language famihes; but in these 
 isolating languages such a progression is not to be considered for a 
 moment, for mutation here is narrowly restricted to the possibiUties 
 of each speech organ and does not pass to any other, save for the very 
 modern movement of interserial mutation in the nasals and the mutes 
 which has not yet been estabhshed beyond the palatals and the Unguals. 
 
 1 8a. bei 
 
 flying fox. 
 
 RUPBRBKCB: Deutsch-Neuguinea, 201: 19. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 peka Futuna, Niue, Rarotonga, Ma- 
 
 ngaia. 
 pekapeka Maori. 
 
 pe'a Samoa. 
 opeapea Hawaii, 
 beka Sikaiana, Viti, Tonga 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 1. bfika Kowamerara, Namatanai, 
 
 Namarodu, Lalinau, Bi- 
 sapu, Punain. 
 
 2. mi mb£ka Kowamerara. 
 
 3. bfigS Vitu. 
 
 4. bege Belik. 
 
 5. bianga Barriai. 
 
 6. bek Nokon. 
 
 7. mi mb6k Tatau. 
 
 8. a mbi&k Lihir. 
 
 9. bea Wuvulu, Aua. 
 10. b6i Ser, Sissano. 
 
MElyANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 49 
 
 Little need detain us in the Melanesian series, for the mutations 
 are ahnost all of familiar types. The k-ng mutation in 5 bianga is of 
 frequent occurrence. In this form and in 8 mbiak we find the stem e 
 reproduced by ia, in which we detect a shght suggestion of semivowel 
 introduction of the principal vowel. This treatment is rare in Mela- 
 nesia, but it is found as a distinctive character of the speech of Volow 
 in the northern New Hebrides, concerning which Codrington notes: 
 "It is characterized by the introduction of e before a and i before e 
 in a close syllable; this latter peculiarity is not heard in the mouths 
 of all the people, but it is characteristic." (Melanesian Languages, 322.) 
 A Volow instance has been recorded at item 12 of the list of 12 at 
 preceding. The incorporation of this stem in the present work rests 
 upon the Ser-Sissano bei, an imperfect form ; yet as the a-i mutation 
 occurs in the final and unaccented syllable and is supported by frequent 
 similar instances in the Melanesian languages, we may regard the 
 identification as sufficiently satisfactory. 
 
 1. por Ser, Malol. 
 
 2. bor Sissano. 
 
 3. bur Sissano, Arop. 
 
 24. bor boat without outrigger. 
 
 4. bul Murap4, Tsoi, Kawieng. 
 
 5. bil Dyaul, I/emusmus, Panemego. 
 
 6. vul Kung. 
 
 The series runs only through this northern New Guinea region 
 and with sense modification into New Hanover. In the Sissano 
 lagoons the object designated is distinctly the pirogue and not the 
 outrigger; in 4 and 6 it is the outrigger boat; and in 5 it is boat without 
 any distinction stated. 
 
 26. bul moon. 
 
 RSPBRSNCSS: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 117:98. Ray, 494: 88. Turner, 354. 
 Codrington, 47: 41. Polynesian Wanderings, 329. Subanu, 141. 
 
 pupula Niue. 
 vula Viti. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 I hula, hual Rotuma. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 1. pulan Chamorro. 
 
 2. pula Wuvulu, Aua. 
 
 3. pul Paluan, Lou, Umre, Leut, 
 
 Uap. 
 
 4. pura Angadi, Mimika. 
 
 5. puna Wuvulu, Aua. 
 
 6. bura Lakahia. 
 
 7. bulo Uni. 
 
 8. buia Uni. 
 
 9. bul Ser, Sissano. 
 
 10. mbul Mo^nus. 
 
 11. bol Pak, Leng. 
 
 12. bue Hula, Keapara, Galoma. 
 
 13. bu Arop. 
 
 14. furan Lobe, Mairassis. 
 
 15. fdlOn Sali, Lemakot. 
 
 16. ffllen Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- 
 
 fanga. 
 
 17. flen 
 
 18. fule 
 
 19. ful 
 
 20. vula 
 
 21. mi vura 
 
 22. vule 
 
 23. vuia 
 
 24. vul 
 
 25. vol 
 
 26. hura 
 
 27. hiilen 
 
 28. a hiilSn 
 
 29. huia 
 
 Lochagon, Nemassalang, La- 
 
 kurumau.Munuwai, Fezoa, 
 
 Lawu. 
 Graget. 
 Saran. 
 Pokau, Marina, Arag, Mota, 
 
 Vaturanga, Nggela, Bugo- 
 
 tu, Belaga. 
 Kowamerara. 
 Omba. 
 Pokau. 
 
 Merlav, Gog, Lakon. 
 Mosin. 
 Wango. 
 Lemusmus. 
 Lihir. 
 Doura. 
 
50 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 30. hua Motu. 
 
 31. wuran Namatote. 
 
 32. wula Maewo. 
 
 33. wol Vuras, Motlav,' Volow, Mo- 
 
 sin. 
 
 34. wui Rubi. 
 
 35. uran Utanata, Karufa. 
 
 36. Cilang Nayama-Panaras. 
 
 37. ulen 
 
 38. ulen 
 
 39. fllln 
 
 40. mi flra 
 
 41. ola 
 
 42. e ngoling Tegarot. 
 
 Bauung, Ngamat, Bagail, 
 Majum, Lossuk, Avelus, 
 Mongai. 
 
 Kung, Tsoi. 
 
 Limba, Langanie. 
 
 Tatau. 
 
 Ambrym. 
 
 The Polynesian series is of much greater extent than is here offered, 
 but in the main the use of the stem in designation of the moon has 
 jdelded to the later term masina. The basic signification of the stem 
 fulan is that of shining or emitting a bright Ught. This theme will 
 be found discussed at length in "The Polynesian Wanderings" and 
 needs no attention in this place. In the Melanesian series the sense 
 is wholly that of the moon as the shining body. The final consonant 
 remains in i, 14-17, 27, 28, 31, 35, 37-39, and with a facile mutation 
 to ng in 36 and possibly in 42. The initial consonant runs the whole 
 series of possible mutations in the labial series. The u vowel is 
 remarkably permanent; we find mutation to o in 11, 25, 33, 41, and 
 possibly in 42; in 17 flen we assume its extinction, a most unusual 
 case involving the bringing together of two consonants. The second 
 consonant exhibits great persistence as 1-r; in 13 bu it has finished 
 by final abrasion from 9 bul; in 12 bue, and in 30 hua, and in 34 wui 
 it has somewhat anomalously dropped out from between the two 
 vowels and the loss is not to be explained as a fiinal abrasion. In 8 
 buia, in 23 vuia, and in 29 huia we find in a restricted group of lan- 
 guages in Papua reported by Ray the mutation 1-i; this is rare in all the 
 material which we have set under review in other and more compre- 
 hensive work upon these tongues, but the principle is by no means unfa- 
 miliar in modem European languages. The changes which the second 
 vowel undergoes offer nothing of note. In 42 we have ngoling, a form 
 of doubtful association with this stem. We could give it room with- 
 out difficulty if it were possible to comprehend a mutation p-ng; we 
 do not find this exactly, but the precisely similar f-ng seems to be 
 involved in the case of (Polynesian Wanderings, 271) — 
 
 Samoan fia 
 
 Vaturanga ngisa 
 
 Nggao ngiha 
 
 It is therefore possible to admit this form. 
 
 37. daman father. 
 
 RarBRSNCBS: Melanesische Wanderstrasse. 141: 158. Ray, 488:46. Polynesian 
 Wanderings, 272. Subanu, 144. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 tama Samoa, Fakaofo. 
 tama Aniwa, Viti. 
 tamai Tonga, Uvea. 
 
 tamana Futuna, Sikaiana, Fotuna, Nugu- 
 
 ria, Nukuoro. 
 taman Kapingamarangi. 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 51 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 1. tama Efatfi, Mota, Duke of York, 
 
 Buka, Baravon, Nggela, 
 Laur, King, Sesake, Malo, 
 Bierian, Tangoan Santo, 
 Arag, Vaturanga, Bugotu, 
 Motu, Sinaugoro, Rubi, 
 Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, 
 Panaieti, Misima, Nada, 
 Murua, Kiriwina, Dobu, 
 Mukawa, Kubiri, Raqa, 
 Kiviri, Barriai, Kobe, Ja- 
 bim. 
 
 2. tama Pala. 
 
 3. tamaa Redscar Bay (N. G.). 
 
 4. tama-ge Kilenge, Maleu. 
 
 5. t4ma-gn Barriai. 
 
 6. tamai Mota. 
 
 7. tamam Mandm. 
 
 8. tame Oiun. 
 
 9. tema Efat6. 
 
 10. etma Aneityum. 
 
 11. temi Eromanga. 
 
 12. tima Santo. 
 
 13. timi(n) Tanna. 
 
 14. tumai Nifilole. 
 
 15. daman 
 
 16. dama 
 
 17. hama 
 
 18. 'ama 
 
 19. ama 
 
 20. wama 
 
 21. kama 
 
 22. rama 
 
 23. karama 
 
 24. tata 
 
 25. cliacha 
 
 26. dada 
 
 27. ma 
 
 28. mama 
 
 29. mamai 
 
 30. mam 
 
 31. nam 
 
 Subanu. 
 
 Jabim, Bukaua, Tami. 
 
 Roro. 
 
 Ulawa, Wango, Uni. 
 
 Saa, Bululaha, Wagawaga, 
 
 Mekeo, Hula, Keapara, 
 
 Galoma, Tavara, Awalama, 
 
 Taupota, Wedau. 
 Fagani. 
 Pokau, Doura. 
 Tagula. 
 Baki. 
 
 Malekula, Tangoan Santo. 
 Nengone. 
 Raqa. 
 Nggao, Lo. 
 Mota, Omba, Gog, Alite, 
 
 New Georgia, Koita, Motu. 
 Boniki, Galavi. 
 Merlav, Lakon, Pak, Sasar, 
 
 Vuras, Mosin, Alo Teqel, 
 
 Motlav, Volow, Norbar- 
 
 bar. Rumba. 
 Panaieti, Misima. 
 
 Through 19 items of variant forms this orderly series is convincing, 
 for the mutations are of the most frequent and best-established types. 
 In ID etma we have no difficulty in noting the influence of metathesis 
 upon the next preceding form. The aspirated form 17 hama is not 
 extraserial mutation, for I have already established that the aspira- 
 tion is triple, at least in its incidence, and that an aspiration Ues proxi- 
 mate to each consonantal series. Particular interest attaches to 20 
 wama. This is found within a group of languages which have attained 
 the ama form by the method of frontal abrasion. It seems that the 
 w in wama represents the stage of transition between an initial t and 
 its extinction, a ghost of a remembrance that there was originally 
 some sort of consonant there, a function which may well be performed 
 by the obscure semivowel w. We may interpret 21 kama in terms 
 of the kappation of t, which is so frequent in eastern regions of the 
 Pacific. The mutation t-r is sufficiently well established to account 
 for 22 rama. This, may serve to establish 23 karama, in which the 
 form occurs with some sort of prefix ; though the two points are widely 
 separated, they are, in my interpretation of migration movement, 
 associable as ports along the Viti Stream from Indonesia to Melanesia 
 by way of Torres Straits. A group of three forms, 24-26, seems to 
 involve the abrasion of the final syllable of tama and the duplication 
 of the former ; those linguists of a school not yet wholly inactive, who 
 seek to find the origin of infant speech in instinct, might employ the 
 argument from dada, which our infants share with the savages of 
 Raqa, except for the fact that this same series shows in 28 mama a far 
 more extended employment of a name for father which in the infancy 
 
52 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 of Europeans is devoted to the other parent. In this next group 27 
 ma follows readily upon 19, undergoes duplication to produce 28, in 
 29 receives the same addition that appears in Polynesia and in 6 and 
 14, then by final abrasion becomes 30 mam. The passage from mam 
 to nam involves a mutation which is infrequent, yet which has been 
 observed in other of these studies. (See page 133.) 
 
 31. dopiinegg. 
 
 RBPBRBnce: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 37a, 86a. 
 
 I . tipdng Ser. 
 
 This is the only cognate which appears in these records, two forms 
 of vocable found only in the Sissano lagoons and of uncertain source. 
 
 34. el stone ax. 
 
 RBPERENce: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 77b. 
 
 I. 
 
 el 
 
 Sissano. 
 
 2. 
 
 iere 
 
 Jotafa. 
 
 3- 
 
 y6r 
 
 Paup, Yakomul. 
 
 4. 
 
 iem 
 
 SaU. 
 
 5- 
 
 iem 
 
 Lauan. 
 
 6. 
 
 aiyetn 
 
 Lemakot, Lakurumau, Pana 
 ngai. 
 
 7. 
 
 a riam 
 
 Gazelle Peninsula. 
 
 8. 
 
 kiem 
 
 Majum. 
 
 9- 
 
 gila 
 
 Ngela. 
 
 10. 
 
 giro 
 
 Keapara. 
 
 II. 
 
 gilo 
 
 Galoma. 
 
 12. 
 
 kilokile Bugotu. 
 
 13. 
 
 ira 
 
 Motu, Kabadi, San Cristoval 
 
 14- 
 
 ilama 
 
 Suau. 
 
 15- 
 
 irSn 
 
 Nissan. 
 
 16. 
 
 ari 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 17- 
 
 kima 
 
 Limba. 
 
 18. 
 
 bare 
 
 Wogeo. 
 
 Lacking cognates in Polynesia and Indonesia, we are scantily able 
 to trace out what unity of stem may be supposed to exist in this 
 series. The items 1-3 are clearly enough a single stem; another is 
 seen in 4-8; yet a third, much wider in extent, in 9-15. The Barriai 
 ari may through metathesis devolve from 13; probably in that case 
 18 bare may find association therewith. Likewise 17 kima is closely 
 allied with 8 kiem. On such scanty material it would be unwise 
 to seek to establish stem unity. Yet I must point out that in 1-3, 7, 
 9-16, and 18 we find either e(i) r (1) or re(i) ; that from 7, in which the ri 
 appears, we find a consistent suite in 6-4-5-8. If, then, all these 
 forms are reducible to the two types er and ri it wiU involve no great 
 difi&culty to establish the possibility of the interchangeabihty of the 
 two stem elements, or rather their passage by two channels from a 
 common source. It is by no means improbable that this stem is 
 associable with 88 sel stone. Color is lent to this view by the fact 
 that the metonymy of designating an article by its component 
 material is much anterior to the systems of formal rhetoric. To 
 denominate this type of club as the stone finds a parallel in nuclear 
 Polynesia where club names are as various in their forms, yet it is 
 perfectly permissible to use the term lakau wood. In the savagery 
 which persists into our own mihtancy, the expression "cold steel" 
 instances the case in point. 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 53 
 
 45. kaluk wooden pillow. 
 
 RBFERBNcbs: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 109: 81. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 209: 87. 
 Polynesian Wanderings, 241. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 alunga Samoa. 
 
 aruna Nuguria. 
 
 olunga Tonga. 
 
 urunga Maori, Rarotonga, Mangareva. 
 
 ulunga Futuna, Uvea, Niue. 
 
 uluna Hawaii. 
 
 urua Tahiti. 
 
 turua Tahiti, Marquesas. 
 
 rurunga Paumotu. 
 
 rangua Rapanui. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 1 . n& kulflngd. 
 
 2. nakflluing& 
 
 3. gulungen 
 
 4. gulungun 
 
 5. kaluk 
 
 6. kaliik 
 
 7. kaluke 
 
 8. kSlik 
 
 9. kalika 
 
 10. kolu 
 
 11. alflga 
 
 12. alok 
 
 13. ilinga 
 
 14. olangen 
 
 Kilenge. 
 Barriai. 
 Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- 
 
 fanga. 
 Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- 
 
 fanga. 
 Sissano, Arop, Yakomul, 
 
 Dakur, Put, Kumenim. 
 Paup. 
 Kaip. 
 BiUbili. 
 Bogadjim. 
 
 Vrindgol, Tsinapali, Akur. 
 Man4m. 
 Tumleo. 
 Mota Maligo. 
 Munuwai, Lochagon, Ne- 
 
 massalang. 
 
 15. olangon 
 
 16. olana 
 
 17. olingen 
 
 18. dlungen 
 
 19. ulingen 
 2.0. ulunga 
 
 21. uldngSn 
 
 22. iiliingen 
 
 23. uliingin 
 
 24. uilinga 
 
 25. uilana 
 
 26. ulumwa 
 
 27. unua 
 
 28. tuluna 
 
 29. lula 
 
 30. piilQngen 
 
 31. vatlungen 
 
 Lakurumau. 
 
 Hamatana. 
 
 Lawu. 
 
 Panagai. 
 
 Panaras. 
 
 Mota Veverau. 
 
 Avelus, Lossuk. 
 
 Bagail, Majum, Mongai, 
 
 SaU, Lemakot. 
 Fezoa. 
 Ponape. 
 Hanah^n. 
 Efate. 
 
 Dufaure Island. 
 Wuvulu, Aua. 
 Limba, Langanie. 
 Lamassa. 
 Tegarot. 
 
 The technical question is well discussed by Friederici in his "Mela- 
 nesische Wanderstrasse," as cited above. In Samoa, where we have 
 abundant material wherewith to study the vocabulary of the elder or 
 Proto-Samoan migration and the junior or Tongafiti swarm, we find 
 alunga used of the soft pillow or roll of siapo and (k)'ali of the wooden 
 headrest. In the examination of this Melanesian series we shall find 
 the point at which these two now diverse terms unite in a common 
 stem. In the Polynesian series we may follow a series from alunga to 
 urua which involves none but famihar mutations; to this series belongs 
 Rapanui rangua, as explained in detail sub voce in "Baster Island." 
 In Tahiti turua and Paumotu nirunga we see the impulse to preface the 
 alunga stem with some consonant. In the similarly prefaced forms in 
 Melanesia we have no instance of a prefaced t, but the Paumotu rurunga 
 is immediately paralleled by 29 luluna. In the examination of the 
 prefaces in Melanesia we find a consistent series through the first 10 
 items in which the palatal is used, k 8 times, the sonant g twice. This 
 series of prefaced forms has particular importance in establishing the 
 stem unity of alunga and *ali. From i kulunga under the interplay of 
 vowels which freely characterizes this stem, together with the common 
 and serial ng-k mutation, the first step leads us to 7 kaluke, the next by 
 added vowel change to 9 kalika, the next to 8 kalik; from this point 
 abrasion of the final consonant yields kali, which has not yet been 
 discovered in Melanesian material but is suggested by 10 kolu; kali is 
 
54 SISSANO. 
 
 a form in use in Viti and the loss of the k characterizes modern Samoan, 
 and thus we arrive at 'all without a break in the chain. 
 
 Following the study of the prefaced forms, we find two which are 
 somewhat anomalous, 30 pulungen and 31 vatlfingen The latter seems 
 to be a compaction of vat, a word-stem of sense not yet determined, 
 and the remnant of 21 ulungen after frontal abrasion. But the p pre- 
 face in pulungen offers an interesting suggestion. In Paumotu rurunga, 
 28 luluna, and 29 lula we find a group of Hquid prefaces. But in 3 gulfl- 
 ngen, and i kfilunga, in Tahiti turua, in 30 pulungen, we find a complete 
 series of mute prefaces, palatal g-k. Ungual t, labial p. We have already 
 pointed out another series of mutation which suggests progression of the 
 mutes. In the isolating languages of the Pacific we can estabhsh no such 
 simple rule as the Grimm's law of the inflected tongues of the Indo- 
 European family, but we shall find a great interest in the few, perhaps 
 fortuitous, instances in which we may trace the beginnings of such a 
 system. It serves here to set against this apparent suggestion of 
 mute progression that the method of mutation normal to these isolat- 
 ing languages is most distinctly serial and that no frequency of inter- 
 serial mutation is discovered save among the nasals, and that only 
 partially. 
 
 In the Polynesian series we find an a-o-u range of the initial 
 vowel, but with a considerable preponderance of u. The same inclina- 
 tion holds in Melanesian; we have 17 forms in u, 7 in a, 6 in o, and a 
 single instance of i in 13 ilinga, a vowel which does not appear at 
 all in the Polynesian series. Two widely separated forms of close 
 resemblance are 24 uilinga of the central Carolines and therefore 
 properly Micronesian, and 25 uilana of the northern Solomons. I have 
 proAdsionally counted these among the u forms, but there seems reason 
 to assign them to the i group. The ictus in uilana suggests that the 
 preceding u has value as compensatory for the loss of a vanishing 
 consonant, a suggestion which I have advanced in the discussion 
 of 39 eanua in item 8, and 20 wama in item 27. The stem 1 retains 
 its character throughout Melanesia, with the single exception of 
 27 unua, and this 1-n mutation is quite common and involves but 
 the slightest possible movement in progress of the lingual possi- 
 bilities. The second stem vowel remains u without change in the 
 Polynesian series after resolving the metathesis of Rapanui rangua, 
 and is constant through 19 Melanesian forms. It passes to a in 
 14-16 and 25, a group of closely related languages; 29 lula is prob- 
 ably of this a series, but the form is so much reduced below criti- 
 cal character that we include it only on tolerance. It is represented 
 by o in but one form 12 alok. The passage to i possesses great 
 critical importance for us in the establishment of the unitv of 
 alunga and 'all; we find it in 8, 9, 13, 17, 19, and 24. The mutation 
 undergone by the ng element is typical of Oceanic speech ; it passes to k 
 in 5-9 and 12, to g in 11, to n interserially in 16, 25, and 28, and to 
 
meivAne;sian annotations on th^ vocabulary. 
 
 55 
 
 extinction in lo, 27, and probably in 29. The mutation to mw in 26 
 ulumwa is local to Efate and is susceptible of explanation in the slight 
 command of the lips in speech which has been attained by that singu- 
 larly backward folk. The final a is retained unmodified in all Polyne- 
 sian and in 12 of the Melanesian items; it is obliterated to produce a 
 resultant closed vocable in 5, 6, 8, and 12, and in complete excision 
 of the final syllable in 10 and 29; it passes to e in 7. Its greatest 
 modification in Melanesia is harmonious inter se but anomalous in the 
 series of phonetic changes. This consists in the assumption of a final 
 n accompanied by vowel modification. If this n were regarded as 
 pertaining to an archetypal stem we should expect to find its retention 
 in other than this specific form; such, however, is not the case, and 
 it is noteworthy that we have no evidence of what should be the 
 simplest case of its employment, for alunga— n does not occur and the 
 assumed n invariably is accompanied by modification of the vowel. 
 The forms met with are predominantly of the en type, in 3, 14, 17-19, 
 21-22, 30-31, once each in in in 23, in on in 15, in un in 4. It does 
 not appear that this modification of the final vowel under the addition 
 of n extends its influence to the next preceding vowel, for we find final 
 en with preceding u in 3, 18, 21-22, final un with preceding u in 4, 
 final in with preceding u in 23, final en with preceding a in 14, final 
 on with preceding a in 15, final en with preceding i in 17 and 19. 
 
 52. lepi sago. 
 
 Rbfbrbncgs: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 125:122. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 231: 
 148. Ray, 406: 109; 497: 109. 
 
 pia Samoa, Niue, Maori, Sikaiana, 
 
 Marquesas, Mangareva. 
 piapia Tahiti, Futuna. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 biebia Tonga. 
 yambia Viti. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 1. rapia 
 
 2. rapiana 
 
 3. rabia 
 
 4. lapia 
 
 5. labia 
 
 6. yabia 
 
 7. labia 
 
 8. lebia 
 
 9. leiba 
 
 10. rabi 
 
 11. rapi 
 
 12. rapich 
 
 13. labi 
 
 14. Iambi 
 15- Japi 
 
 16. lapich 
 
 17. lepf 
 
 18. iabi 
 
 Keapara, Kabadi, Suau. 
 
 Kabadi. 
 
 Motu, Doura, Hula, Sariba, 
 
 Panaieti, Murua, Dobu, 
 
 Wedau. 
 Galoma. 
 
 Nakanai, Sinaugoro, Misima. 
 Musa, Tagula, Kiriwina. 
 Manukolu. 
 Nada. 
 Rubi. 
 
 Koiari, Koita. 
 Yakomul. 
 Paup. 
 Jabim. 
 Tami. 
 
 Arop, Malol. 
 Tumleo. 
 Ser, Sissano. 
 Mulatia. 
 
 19. abi 
 
 20. ebi 
 
 21. £pi 
 
 22. bia 
 
 23. bia 
 
 24. a cnbia 
 
 25. piapia 
 
 26. vlatovo 
 
 27. vCiataho 
 
 28. viiato 
 
 29. ngovia 
 
 30. ngavie 
 
 31. bariam 
 
 32. barao 
 
 33. baleo 
 
 34. bayau 
 
 35. baiyau 
 
 36. pareho 
 
 Paluan, Pak. 
 
 Lou. 
 
 Mouk. 
 
 Shortland Islands. 
 
 Alu, Awa, Belik, Bisapu, 
 
 Punam. 
 Namatanai, Lalinau. 
 Ngela. 
 Burruwe. 
 Hamatana. 
 Petat. 
 
 New Hanover. 
 Bauung, Ngamat. 
 Nufoor. 
 Luf. 
 Pokau. 
 Maisin. 
 Musa. 
 Roro. 
 
 The sense in this series of forms is conditioned by the geographical 
 extent of the sago palm. In Viti its existence was not economically 
 
56 SISSANO. 
 
 recognized until Dr. Seemann discovered it in Viti Levu.* It does not 
 become a source of food until we pass through Melanesia almost to 
 New Guinea. The word, however, exists in Polynesia, as shown 
 by the series here set forth, and it is applied to the arrowroot. This 
 gives ground for the interpretation of the element pia as descriptive 
 of some quality which is equally true of the arrowroot and of the pith 
 of the sago palm. The most distinctive common quality, which would 
 appeal to the savage mind as a quality worthy to serve for descriptive 
 designation, is that each exists in the form of a sticky paste and that 
 each in the process of preparation gives off an abundant waste of 
 feculence which in those warm lands speedily undergoes an offensive 
 corruption. That the sense of pia hes somewhere in these characters 
 is inferable from the fact that in Maori it denotes the gum exuding 
 from trees; in Tahiti the gum of the banana blossom, blood clot, and 
 the lochia; in Moriori diarrhea; and in Tongan it expresses the sense 
 of purulence. In the more-developed forms of the name of sago in 
 Indonesia and the New Guinea region we shall do well to bear in mind 
 that these are compactions of some general noun qualified by the 
 character expressed by pia. The Melanesian series has been so ordered 
 as to show a course of devolution from a certain standard form regarded 
 as a compaction in the beginning and then treated as an established 
 unit. This series extends through the first 21 items with satisfactory 
 continuity. The working stem here is ra-pia, in which the initial 
 consonant follows common mutations through 1 and a semivowel to 
 extinction in 19-21. In 6 and 7 we have the Viti form and in 18 a 
 devolution form by final abrasion. If 9 leiba is not a printer's error in 
 Ray's report, it is readily comprehensible as metathetic upon 8 leiba. 
 In lo-ii, 13-15, 17-18 we find the immediately succeeding type of 
 rabia after final abrasion, and in 12 and 16 we find a pair of forms of 
 this abraded type which have picked up a new final in the palatal ch. 
 In 19-21 we find this abraded type still more reduced by the not 
 infrequent frontal abrasion. In the group 22-30 we begin with the 
 simple bia stem which extends in the series to 25 piapia, a duplication 
 form which occurs in Tahiti and Futuna. In 29 and 30 we have a 
 parallel of rapia in which via-vie, a simple variant of pia, is applied in 
 the descriptive position to a stem nga-ngo ; it does not seem likely that 
 nga can be associated with ra, though there do exist instances of the 
 r-ng mutation. In 26-29 ^^ have a group in which an unmistakable 
 pia derivative is defined by the addition of three several stages of a 
 stem as to whose signification we have no clue. Friederici cites Ray 
 as suggesting metathesis as operative in the case of 34-35. It may 
 be applicable to the whole series 31-36. Taking a start in 31 baiiam 
 and comparing the assumption of final m with the syllable assumed in 
 2 rapiana, we can readily see how mechanically baria is metathetic 
 
 *Seemami "A Mission to Viti," 291. 
 
M^LrANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON TH^ VOCABULARY. 57 
 
 Upon rabia. That once granted, it is simple evolution in form to account 
 for the remainder of the series. But while the metathesis is mechani- 
 cally possible, there is grave reason to doubt its feasibiUty in another 
 and most important regard. We have seen that ra-bia is a compac- 
 tion of a noun and a descriptive modifier. In these languages, while 
 such compaction is easy and tends to assume a certain degree of per- 
 manence, it is scarcely comprehensible that the component words 
 can so far have lost their individuality as to suffer metathesis from 
 one word unit to the other destructive of each. We may illustrate 
 this in English: "dun cow" is a similar association, though not com- 
 paction, of noun and descriptive modifier; metathesis would produce 
 "cun dow," which might pass muster as a Spoonerism, but which 
 certainly wrecks the sense of each word. 
 
 55. mal perineal band. 
 
 References: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 114:93. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 2oSa. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 malo Samoa, Viti, Futuna, Niue, Hawaii. I maro Atiu, Maori. Tahiti, Mangaia, Ma- 
 
 I ngareva, Rapanui. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 Aweleng, Amga, Mait, 
 Namarodu, Punam, Sura- 
 lil, Pororan, Petat, Malol, 
 Keule, Siassi. (Waigiou : 
 mar; Nufoor: maar.) 
 
 6. mol Tumleo, Manikam. 
 
 7. mel Bogadjim. 
 
 8. miiol Tumleo. 
 
 1. malo Mota, Barriai, Kobe, Omba. 
 
 Wogeo, Manam. 
 
 2. malomalo Pororan, Petat, Omba. 
 
 3. mSiTO Anuda. 
 
 4. malu Tsinapali. Akur, Vrinigol, 
 
 Kait. 
 
 5. mal Arop, Sissano, Paup, Yako- 
 
 mul, Karkar, Siar, Saran, 
 Graget, Bilibili, Langtub, 
 
 The study of this series of Melanesian designations for the import- 
 ant article of male attire is complicated by the fact, which Friederici 
 points out, that in most of the communities here recorded the men 
 went wholly nude until quite recent times. Their earliest contact 
 with a type of culture shghtly above their own was in the introduction 
 of mission endeavor, and in this the pioneers were largely Samoan 
 teachers. Thus was provided a channel for the introduction along 
 with the new garb of its Samoan name malo. At the same time there 
 is reason to determine that at least some Melanesian communities 
 had vocables of this stem from their remote antiquity. The mutation 
 in this series offers little upon which to comment, for all the altera- 
 tions are of the most familiar type. 
 
 56. man bird. 
 
 References: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 71:160, 142&. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 
 192. Ray, 392:11, 483:11. Codrington, 39:5. Subanu, 132. Polynesian 
 Wanderings, 372. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 manu Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti, Mangareva, 
 Rarotonga, Mangaia, Futuna, 
 Niue, Uvea, Fotuna, Bukabuka, 
 Maori, Hawaii, Nuguria, Rapanui, 
 
 Marquesas, Paumotu, Viti, To- 
 ngarewa, Kapingamarangi. 
 man man Rotuma. 
 
58 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 7 
 8 
 9 
 lo, 
 
 manua 
 
 manual 
 
 manuwai 
 
 tnaniji 
 
 manuwu 
 
 malu 
 
 man 
 
 II. 
 
 12. 
 
 13- 
 14- 
 15- 
 i6. 
 
 17- 
 
 in-man 
 
 na-man 
 
 maan 
 
 mang 
 
 main 
 
 mane 
 
 mdni 
 
 i8. 
 19- 
 
 20. 
 21. 
 22. 
 
 23- 
 24. 
 
 25- 
 26. 
 
 27- 
 28. 
 
 29. 
 30. 
 31. 
 32. 
 
 manlm&ni 
 
 manumanu 
 
 menu 
 
 menok 
 
 men 
 
 mean mean 
 ni-min 
 mien 
 mon 
 
 m6nmdn 
 ma 
 
 mah 
 mo 
 
 mamu 
 nanu 
 
 Aneityum. 
 
 Makura. 
 
 Brierly Island. 
 
 Man^tn. 
 
 Ser. 
 
 Mongai. 
 
 Tsoi, Lossuk, Lawu, Mu- 
 nuwai, Lochagon, Ne- 
 massalang, Fezoa, Kon- 
 do, Yalui, Lamassa, 
 Lambom, Tubetube. 
 
 Avelus. 
 
 Uni. 
 
 Baki, West Epi. 
 
 Eromanga. 
 
 Pak, Motlav, Norbarbar, 
 Sasar, Volow. 
 
 Tumleo. 
 
 Malekula. 
 
 Paup, Yakomul. 
 
 Kilenge, Vanua Lava, 
 Lo, Alo Teqel, Retan, 
 
 Paluan, Lou. 
 
 Bukaua, Graget, Kowa- 
 merara, Sigab, Simberi, 
 Tagula. 
 
 Lakon. 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 Kubiri, Raqa, Oiun. 
 
 Marina. 
 
 1. manul< New Ireland (Carteret 
 
 Harbor). 
 
 2. manug Tanna. 
 
 3. manu Kobe, Kelana, Vitu, 
 
 Bauung, Ngamat, 
 
 Lauan, Nonapai, La- 
 
 kurefanga, Sali, Lema- 
 
 kot, Lemusmus, Pan- 
 
 angai, Domaru, Mailu, 
 
 Motu, Pokau, Kabadi, 
 
 Sinaugoro, Hula, Kea- 
 
 para, Galoma, Rubi, 
 
 Suau, Nada, Awalama, 
 
 Taupota, Mukawa, 
 
 Efat^, Sesake, Epi, 
 
 Bierian, Maewo, Mota, 
 
 Ulawa, Wango, Bulu- 
 
 laha, Fagani, Saa, Arag, 
 
 Omba, Vaturanga, 
 
 Bugotu, Nggela, 
 
 Nguna, Ruavatu, Ugi, 
 
 Belaga. 
 Kiriwina, Dobu. 
 Mouk, Moanus. 
 Leng. 
 
 Bagail, Majura. 
 Burruwe, lapa. 
 Alite. 
 Barriai, Siassi, Tami, 
 
 Rook, Arop, Sissano, 
 
 Wogeo, Limba, Langa- 
 
 nie, Bissapu, Punam, 
 
 Tubetube, Murua, 
 
 Pala, Laur, Merlav, 
 
 Mota, Norbarbar, Gog, 
 
 Vura, Mosin, Gilberts. 
 
 The zoological content of this vocable has been sufficiently studied 
 in The Polynesian Wanderings (page 372). It serves to designate 
 all animated creatures which have not been specifically named, and 
 for the most part this appUes to those beings whose habitat is on the 
 earth or in the air, for we find very few examples of its extension to 
 animals of the waters. In our Melanesian material the word is defined 
 almost wholly as bird, but it is altogether likely that riper acquaint- 
 ance with these languages will show that manu has been also the wider 
 connotation. When we examine the Indonesian contributions to the 
 record of this stem we shall have to note the characteristic final palatal. 
 Owing to the genius of the Pol)Tiesian languages this final consonant 
 is prevented from appearing, but in this Melanesian series the manuk 
 form is singularly absent; it occurs but three times, manug and 21 
 menok in southern Melanesia, i manuk on no particularly good author- 
 ity in the eastern Bismarck Archipelago. We should expect it to be 
 more frequent in the New Guinea region as nearer the great extent of the 
 form in Indonesia. We note, however, from this region in the items 
 4-8 a tendency toward expansion of manu through vowel additions 
 which may be taken to suggest some relation to the Indonesian forms. 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 59 
 
 In general we find a smooth succession of simple mutation forms, the 
 change principally affecting the former vowel of the stem and retain- 
 ing the m-n consonant pair unaffected. The mutations of the n, 
 omitting reference to its excision as shown in 28-30, are the following: 
 to 1 in 9, to ng in 14, and to m in 31. The m remains unaltered 
 except in 32 nanu. The two forms 31 mamu and 32 nanu, though 
 widely separated geographically, are associable in mutation mechanics; 
 the mutation is interserial, Ungual to labial and labial to lingual 
 respectively, and is abundantly supported in each direction. 
 
 560. man bal Ptilopus pigeon. 
 
 RBirSRSNCSs: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 13S: 149. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 201. 
 
 I 
 
 bdlus 
 
 Lauan, Lalinau, Punam 
 Namarodu, Kait, La- 
 ma.ssa, Bauung, Laur 
 I/ambell, King, Ngamat 
 Bagail, Majum, Lossuk 
 Fezoa, Lakurmnau, La- 
 wu, Panangai, Munu- 
 wai, Lochagon, Nemas- 
 salang, Lauan, Nonapai, 
 Lakurefanga. 
 
 2. 
 
 balusi 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 3- 
 
 b^Iis 
 
 New Hanover, Limba, 
 Langanie. 
 
 4- 
 
 e mbaUs 
 
 Tegarot. 
 
 s. 
 
 mbalut 
 
 Tami. 
 
 6. 
 
 mbaluz 
 
 Mantok, Siassi. 
 
 7- 
 
 balu 
 
 Wuvulu, Aua. 
 
 8. 
 
 abalu 
 
 Gazelle Peninsula. 
 
 9- 
 
 tnbalu 
 
 Kobe, Vitu, Baravon. 
 
 10. 
 
 ambalu 
 
 Matupi. 
 
 II. 
 
 bdro 
 
 Marei, Simberi. 
 
 12. 
 
 mi mboru 
 
 Tatau. 
 
 13- 
 
 mi mbaru 
 
 Kowamerara. 
 
 14- 
 
 baolu 
 
 Alu. 
 
 IS. 
 
 bola 
 
 Nggela. 
 
 16. 
 
 bal 
 
 Ninigo, Limba, Langanie. 
 
 17- 
 
 a mbal 
 
 Tanga. 
 
 18. 
 
 mbal mbal 
 
 Kaimanga, Rook. 
 
 19- 
 
 bal-rahe 
 
 Yakomul. 
 
 20. man-bSl 
 
 21. abol 
 
 22. but 
 
 23. mbun 
 
 24. balus 
 
 25. am baliis 
 
 26. balij 
 
 27. mbalus 
 
 28. baliis 
 
 29. bareng 
 
 30. bariidii 
 
 31. mimblel 
 
 32. palusi 
 
 33. palfisio 
 
 34. paluch 
 35- palu 
 36. padlu 
 37- pale 
 
 38. pal 
 
 39. maim-pail 
 
 40. mim-piel 
 
 41. pol 
 
 42. man-piili 
 
 43. valiis 
 
 44. volus 
 
 Sissano. 
 
 Kilenge. 
 
 Pak. 
 
 Rook. 
 
 Pire, Bisapu, Jabim, Pa- 
 
 labong. 
 Lihir. 
 Nissan. 
 Suralil. 
 Palabong. 
 Nasioi. 
 Barriai. 
 Paup. 
 Jabim. 
 Buk'aua. 
 Ponape. 
 Wuvulu, Aua. 
 Wuvulu, Aua. 
 Ambry m. 
 Ninigo. 
 Ser. 
 Paup. 
 
 Paluan, Leut, Lou. 
 Arop. 
 Mongai, Lauan, Nonapai, 
 
 Lakurefanga, Sali, Le- 
 
 makot. 
 Avelus. 
 
 Except for the items 14, 15, 29, 34, and 37 this series is restricted to 
 the Bismarck Archipelago and Kaiser- Wilhelmsland. The lactma in 
 Torres Straits and through Melanesia is due to the paucity of our 
 material outside .of the collections of Ray and Codrington, neither 
 of whom included this bird-name in their comparative lists. The 
 Ust deserves preservation here because we shall have occasion to dis- 
 cuss its Indonesian affiUates. The series exhibits the brutality of 
 the treatment which is bestowed upon their languages by these begin- 
 ners in speech. Yet it is possible to trace out the thread of common 
 origin when the various forms are thus ordered upon the attention. 
 We may neglect the particular consideration of the several muta- 
 tions, which for the present are curious rather than important. 
 
60 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 6i. natu child. 
 
 Refbrencbs: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 1070. Ray, 485: 25. Polynesian 
 Wanderings, 198. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 nati Tahiti. 1 ati Samoa, Maori, Tahiti, Mangareva, 
 
 ngati Maori, Mangaia, Paumotu. Marquesas. 
 
 I etu Rapanui. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 I. 
 
 ndtu 
 
 Tobadi, Sissano, Lihir, Laur, 
 
 10. 
 
 netin 
 
 Malekula. 
 
 
 
 
 Nokon, Gazelle Peninsula, 
 
 II. 
 
 netei 
 
 Volow. 
 
 
 
 
 Bissapu. 
 
 12. 
 
 nten 
 
 Motlav. 
 
 
 2. 
 
 natu 
 
 Tami, Szeak-Bagili, Alu, 
 Awa, Barriai, Motu, Si- 
 naugoro, Suau, Sariba, Tu- 
 betube, Panaieti, Dobu, 
 
 13. 
 
 nat 
 
 Mouk, Bauung, 
 Kung, Tsoi, 
 Duke of York, 
 nus. 
 
 Ngamat, 
 
 Lamassa, 
 
 Pala, Moa- 
 
 
 
 Tavara, Awalama, Tau- 
 
 14. 
 
 anSt 
 
 Petat. 
 
 
 
 
 pota, Wedau, Galavi, Bo- 
 
 15- 
 
 fa-nat 
 
 Lamassa. 
 
 
 
 
 niki, Mukawa, Kubiri, Ra- 
 
 16. 
 
 not 
 
 Paluan, Lou. 
 
 
 
 
 qa, Kiviri, Oiun, Gog, 
 
 17. 
 
 natugi 
 
 Omba, Mosin. 
 
 
 
 
 Baravon, Lambell, Waga- 
 
 18. 
 
 natui 
 
 Maewo, Mota. 
 
 
 
 
 waga. 
 
 19- 
 
 nitui 
 
 Arag. 
 
 
 3- 
 
 natiin 
 
 Tumleo, Lakon. 
 
 20. 
 
 notui 
 
 Vuras. 
 
 
 4- 
 
 natung 
 
 Kung. 
 
 21. 
 
 nutu 
 
 Efat6, King, Lamassa. 
 
 5- 
 
 naku 
 
 Pokau, Doura, Kabadi. 
 
 22. 
 
 ngatu 
 
 Manam. 
 
 
 6. 
 
 nahu 
 
 Roro, Hula. 
 
 23- 
 
 ngaunga 
 
 Mekeo. 
 
 
 7. 
 
 nau 
 
 Keapara, Galoma. 
 
 24- 
 
 latu 
 
 Jabim, Kiriwina. 
 
 
 8. 
 
 nati 
 
 Bissapu, Meriav, Efate, Bier- 
 
 25- 
 
 ata 
 
 Bukaua. 
 
 
 
 
 ian, Omba, Makura. 
 
 26. 
 
 ati 
 
 Efatd. 
 
 
 9- 
 
 anati 
 
 Malekula. 
 
 27- 
 
 tu 
 
 Vitu, Matupi. 
 
 
 In my dictionary of Rapanui I expressed considerable doubt as 
 to the association of etu with this stem. The added material 
 placed at hand removes that objection and, far from doubting etu, 
 I now regard it as an important memorial of the Proto-Samoan migra- 
 tion thus preserved in a distant backwater of the most remote Poly- 
 nesian peopling. This comports with my beUef that the origin of 
 the swarm which peopled Easter Island was in Samoa at the time of 
 the hostile advance of the later Tongafiti swarm out of Indonesia. 
 Four forms in this series, 3 natun, 10 netin, 12 nten, and 4 nitung, suggest 
 a final consonant in the archetypal stem. The variety of the second 
 vowel is important, and from the parallelism of the forms in i along 
 with those in u it appears that the divarication must have come early 
 in the life of the word. Forms in u are i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 17, 18, 19, 
 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27; forms in i are 8, 9, 10, 26. Forms in e, 11 
 and 12, are regarded as variants upon the i base. The initial n is 
 very constant : the ng mutation, a particularly common one in Oceanic 
 languages, appears only in 22 ngatu, a form which parallels the Maori 
 ngati variant upon the nati base. If 23 ngaunga be admitted to asso- 
 ciation with this stem, and this will need further evidence to protect 
 a t-ng mutation, it will provide a second instance of n-ng mutation; 
 24 latu exhibits the not unfamihar n-1 mutation, one of peculiar 
 interest as proving that n is not yet so firmly seated in consonantal 
 value as to avoid recession to the more primitive liquid of its lingual 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUIvARY. 
 
 61 
 
 series. The former vowel of the stem remains a in a large number of 
 items, passes to e in lo, ii, and by inference in 12, to i in 19, to o in 16 
 and 20, and to u in 21. The stem t is most permanent in character; 
 its only variants are k in 5, h in 6, extinction in 7, and the doubtful 
 ng in 23. A group of languages in the northern New Hebrides, 17-20 
 exhibits a suffix of i or gi which in two instances is accompanied by 
 modification of the former stem vowel. The 10 netin form is valuable 
 for its bearing upon Rapanui etu. Just as Maori ngati is represented 
 by one of the u base forms in Melanesia, so contrariwise Rapanui etu 
 is represented by an 1 base form. 
 
 63. neu coconut. 
 
 RBPBRBncbs: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 1086. Deutsch-Neuguinea. 193. Ray, 
 94:28,485:28. Codringtoa, 41: 14. Polynesian Wanderings, 390. Subanu, 138. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 niu Samoa, Tonga, Fakaofo, Futuna, Niue, 
 Uvea, Viti, Rotuma, Fotuna, Nuku- 
 oro, Nuguria, Moiki, Maori, Raro- 
 tonga, Manahiki, Tongarewa, Ha- 
 
 waii, Paumotu, Mangareva, Rapanui, 
 Marquesas, Aniwa, Kapingamarangi 
 nu Mangaia. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 3- 
 
 niQ 
 
 4- 
 
 a niu 
 
 5- 
 
 na niu 
 
 6. 
 
 neu 
 
 7- 
 
 neii 
 
 8. 
 
 neo 
 
 9- 
 
 neiu 
 
 10. 
 
 njyu 
 
 II. 
 
 nihu 
 
 12. 
 
 niwi 
 
 13- 
 
 nijog 
 
 Kowamerara, Tatau, Barriai, 
 Namatote, Siar, Ragetta, 
 Kelana, Siassi, Rook, Lobo, 
 Motu, Kabadi, Pokau, Dou- 
 ra, Sinaugoro, Keapara, 
 Hula, Galoma, Mugula, 
 Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, 
 Panaieti, Nada, Dobu. Port 
 Moresby, Mandm, Moanus, 
 Sissano, Efat6, Lifu, Sesake, 
 Epi, Arag, Ulawa, Wango, 
 Fagani, Bululaha,Vaturanga, 
 Nggela, Bugotu. 
 
 Kobe, Pak, Mouk, Graget, 
 Tobadi, Ingros, Yakomul, 
 Eluaue, Emsau, New Han- 
 over, Sigab, Alu, Awa, Ndai. 
 
 Barriai, New Hanover. 
 
 Nakanai. 
 
 Kilenge, Tangoa. 
 
 Sissano, Arop. 
 
 Malol. 
 
 Bilibili, Liraba, Langanie. 
 
 Tumleo. 
 
 Karufa. 
 
 Misima. 
 
 Areimoa. 
 
 Jibu. 
 
 14. liu 
 15- ni 
 
 16. & ni 
 
 17. ning 
 
 18. nip 
 
 19. nu 
 
 20. a nu 
 
 21. ngup 
 
 22. ne 
 
 23. nge 
 
 24. nek 
 
 25. unoi 
 
 26. ngoi 
 
 27. nur 
 
 28. e nflr 
 
 29. nul 
 
 30. nun 
 
 31. niura 
 
 32. diura 
 
 33. neura 
 
 34. rura 
 
 35. neru 
 
 36. nuia 
 
 Alite. 
 
 Wogeo, Lauan, Nonapai, Laku- 
 
 refanga, Sali, Panangai, Le- 
 
 musmus, Lemakot. 
 I/akurumau. 
 Tami. 
 
 Bukaua, Jabim. 
 Nengone, Nifilole. 
 Tegarot. 
 Ivonga. 
 Arop. 
 Bugi. 
 Bagail, Majum, Avelus, Los- 
 
 suk, Mongai. 
 Tagula. 
 Dabu. 
 Munuwai, Lochagon, Nemas- 
 
 salang. 
 Fezoa. 
 Lawu. 
 
 Panaras-Nayama. 
 Mukawa. 
 Kwagila. 
 
 Tavara, Awalama, Taupota. 
 Kubiri, Kiviri. 
 Vella Lavella. 
 Kiriwina. 
 
 In my earlier examinations of this vocable I was led to the view that 
 niu is a compacted form of ni and u, of which the definitive u yet 
 remains of undetermined signification and ni is replete with the sense 
 of the coconut, whether as tree or nut product thereof. This view is 
 confirmed by the greater richness of forms here collected and by the 
 wider establishment of forms already familiar. Before resuming the 
 dissection from compacted forms of the varieties of stem ni, we shall 
 
62 SISSANO. 
 
 find advantage in discussing the variants of the modifying element u 
 or other. The most frequent added member is u. In 9-1 1 we find 
 from widely dissociated languages a preface to this u, semivocalic in 10 
 ni-j^J, vocalic of the same series in 9 ne-iu, aspirated in 11 ni-hu; 
 this forms a readily comprehensible series of coefl&cient-functioning 
 modulants of secondary stem u; in 13 ni-jog we may have an equiva- 
 lent of the yu of ni-yu, but in the lack of certainty of the phonetic 
 system employed in the writing of Jibu in roman characters we are 
 doubtful, but if j be used in its English double consonantal value we 
 have an inexpUcable anomaly; in 12 ni-wi we find no difficulty in 
 tracing the modification of u into its proximate semivowel w before 
 an additional assumption of i. This assumed i may be found in 25-26, 
 there assumed by a variant of stem nu. 
 
 We next consider a group of assumed final consonants with the u 
 stem. In 13 ni-jo-g we find a palatal mute, in 21 ngup we are dealing 
 not with u modifier but with nu stem and therefore the labial mute 
 p is to be omitted from this series; in 27-30 we find a group of inter- 
 related forms included within a very frequent mutation type, the 
 liquids r in 27-28 and 1 in 29, and the proximate nasal n in 30. In 
 31-34 and 36 we encounter a most interesting group and probably 
 not so easy of resolution as appears on superficial examination. I had 
 at first regarded these forms as the compacted ni-u plus an assmned 
 ra. It is quite possible that in this set of forms we are dealing with a 
 vocahc variant of stem nu with the addition of a modifier ra. This 
 is clear in 34 ru-ra, where we encotmter the frequent n-r mutation. 
 In 36 nuia, which is distinctly in series with 31-34, if we regard a as 
 devolution from ra we shall be left with a compaction nui instead of 
 niu. This can scarcely be admitted as correct metathesis. It seems 
 more satisfactory to regard the compaction as nu-ia, in which is 
 readily recognizable la as mutant upon ra, as to which we note that 
 the interchanges of vowel and liquid have been set forth on pages 
 35 and 50. This assumed ra becomes by abrasion of the final vowel 
 the parent of the r-l-n forms in 27-30. In 24 ne-k we find a palatal 
 mute assumed by a variant of ni stem. Vella Lavella 35 neru is not 
 to be associated with the wide variation in this vocable; the intrusion 
 of r is prohibitory of ascription to niu; ne might seem a ni derivative 
 as in several instances in this series ; ru might be derived from the nu 
 stem; but to interpret the vocable as conjoint of these two elements 
 would be to regard a primitive stem as modifying itself, a process 
 wholly foreign to the genius of these languages. Accordingly we must 
 rule neru out of the identifications. The stem n is remarkably constant ; 
 we find its mutation to Uquids in 14 liu and 34 rura, and to labial 
 mute d in 32 diura. In the Polynesian system we note in Mangaia 
 the preservation of nu which in our Melanesian material we find of 
 considerable frequency. It is found in 19-21, 27-34, 36. A group 
 
M^IvANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 63 
 
 in which we find the stem ne, an easy variant of ni, is 6-9, 22-24. 
 The two forms unoi and 26 ngoi are clearly associable, a primitive 
 stem as no by devolution from nu having assumed a final i as 
 in 12; the stem no has varied in 26 to ngo, but in 25 remaining 
 unaltered it has attached itself to u of undetermined sense. Out of 
 this complex of three dozen widely varying items we feel justified in 
 extracting two varieties of primitive stem, ni which varies to ne, and 
 nu which varies to no. In 15-16 we find clear proof that ni is sufiicient 
 to carry the sense without additions, in 22-23 that ne can do the same, 
 and in 19-20 that nu is equally strong. 
 
 69. ol pot. 
 
 Rbferbnces: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 70: 151, 139: 151 
 
 Deutsch-Neuguinea 
 
 
 
 
 214c. Ray, 405: loi, 496: loi. 
 
 
 
 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 
 kuro Viti. 
 
 
 
 'ulo Samoa 
 
 
 kulo Tonga, Nuguria. 
 
 
 ulo Niue. 
 
 
 
 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 
 I. kuro 
 
 Tangoa. 
 
 
 
 10. ol 
 
 Sissano. 
 
 2. na kulo 
 
 Kilenge. 
 
 
 
 II. kore 
 
 Shortland Islands. 
 
 3- gulo 
 
 Sinaugoro, Hula, 
 
 Keapara. 
 
 12. ure 
 
 Dobu. 
 
 4. kul 
 
 Tami. 
 
 
 
 13. gureva 
 
 Suau. 
 
 5- ku 
 
 Pak, Jabim. 
 
 
 
 14. gurewa 
 
 Sariba, Misima. 
 
 6. uro 
 
 Motu, Maiva, 
 
 Roro, Kabadi, 
 
 15. karong 
 
 Bongu. 
 
 
 Gosisi. 
 
 
 
 16. olun 
 
 Misima. 
 
 7. ulo 
 
 Kelana, Galoma, 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 17. urun 
 
 Panaieti. 
 
 8. nipji-uru 
 
 Aneityum. 
 
 
 
 18. kudsi 
 
 Kai. 
 
 9. ur 
 
 Rook. 
 
 
 
 19. buro 
 
 Efate. 
 
 The history of this stem is largely conditioned by technical factors. 
 The pot presupposes workable clay and the discovery of the fictile 
 art in at least its more primitive details of molding and firing. In 
 the comparatively recent vulcanism of the islands of Polynesia potter's 
 clay is but scantily found and the art of the potter is non-existent. In 
 many parts of Melanesia the art and the material exist, the nearest 
 approximation to the distinctly Polynesian area being in Fiji, where 
 pottery has attained no inconsiderable development. It will be seen 
 in this series of identifications that the name designating earthenware 
 articles occurs only in Nuclear Polynesia and may very properly be 
 assigned to the more ancient Proto-Samoan migration. 
 
 Since the word is absent from the Tongafiti migration languages 
 we shall consider two explanations. It may have been an ancient 
 vocable in the Polynesian before its dispersal in Indonesia and the 
 divarication of the two migration movements, and in the course of 
 distant wanderings over tracks that did not unite until long afterward 
 in central Polynesia the word was lost to memory through the loss of 
 the objects thereby denoted. Or the word may have been picked up 
 by migrant Polynesians as a loan word from Melanesians who were 
 in possession of the art. I incHne somewhat toward the latter theory, 
 
64 SISSANO. 
 
 but we may defer its consideration until we recur to the stem in the 
 discussion of Indonesian relations. 
 
 Before leaving the Polynesian identifications we must consider a 
 note made by Pratt in the Samoan dictionary. In the first edition 
 of that work (1862) the learned author sets against 'ulo the comment 
 "introduced." The second edition (1876) is lacking to my library; 
 but in the third (1892) the note had been amplified to the specific 
 statement "a Tongan word." I called to the attention of the Rev. 
 J. E. Newell the fact that, if introduced at all, the word was quite as 
 much loan material in Tonga as in Samoa and that its nearest source 
 was to be found in Viti kuro. Agreeing with me in general, he was so 
 conservative in his editing of the fourth edition (191 1) of Pratt that 
 he did not alter the note. In Tonga there is no manufacture of pottery 
 nor working of clay; the pots were an object of oversea trade wili 
 Fiji and the name came with the pots, the only change being the shift 
 from r to 1 in conformity with a phonetic principle operative in Tonga 
 and Samoa. 
 
 Tregear and Percy Smith make an equivalent note upon ulo in 
 Nine. The word and the object may have been carried from Tonga 
 to Samoa and to Nine, for the latter had no commerce with Fiji and 
 the Samoan intercourse with Fijians in the early legend period I hope 
 in time to prove had naught to do with the archipelago which at 
 present bears the designation of Fiji or Viti. Notwithstanding this 
 lack of intercourse, the ascription of the word to Tonga is less satis- 
 factory than its reference to Viti as the point of original distribution. 
 In the Melanesian series we have some very satisfactory identifications 
 in devolution order. For technical reasons there is a lack of instances 
 of the stem in Melanesia proper ; in fact all that I have recovered are 
 I, 8, II, 19. 
 
 In this connection we should observe also that Codrington, our 
 best source of Melanesian vocables in comparison, has not noted this 
 word in his tables ; therefore it is not impossible that as more vocabu- 
 laries of Melanesia become available we shall be able to fill up these 
 lacunae. Tangoan kuro is absolutely estabhshed as of this stem, for 
 it is exactly the Viti form. So much of Aneityum nipji-uru as may 
 be related to this stem involves the change of the latter stem vowel 
 from o to u. This may be regarded as supported by the confirmation 
 of 16-17. The estabhshment of 11 kore requires the confirmation of 
 the variation of the latter vowel from o to e and the variation of the 
 former stem vowel from u to o. Neither of these is at aU unusual in 
 the mutation system developed in these Melanesian studies. The 
 u-o mutation is abundantly upheld by 10 ol and 16 olxm; the o-e muta- 
 tion finds support in 12-14. The citation 19 buro which Friederid 
 draws from Efat6 I have been unable to verify, for it does not appear 
 in Macdonald's dictionary of some speech of that island. If accu- 
 
MBLANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THB VOCABUI,ARY. 
 
 65 
 
 rately recorded it would involve mutation by progression of mutes, 
 a principle which is quite unestabHshed in these Is^nguages. We there- 
 fore leave it out of the account. 
 
 We find, accordingly, in Melanesia proper, the stem surely estab- 
 Ushed at three determining points — ^the extreme south of the New 
 Hebrides, the central region of that group, and the center of the Solo- 
 mon Islands — two points upon my Viti stream, one upon the Samoa 
 stream. The other affiliations are derived from New Guinea in the 
 three divisions which I have proposed for reference and from that 
 part of the western Bismarck Archipelago immediately adjacent 
 thereto. Friederici points out in the Bismarck Archipelago at large 
 the existence of a diverse stem and quite cogently estabUshes its inde- 
 pendent character, although in one form pot it suggests acquisition 
 through Beach-la-Mar from an BngUsh source. In the items 2-7 
 and 9 we have a smooth series of identifications. The Sissano 10 ol, 
 on which this inquiry rests, entails no difficulty. In 12-14, after 
 omitting the accidental additions which are in harmony through 
 three languages, we have no difficulty in seeing a series of affiUates. 
 The only thing which might miKtate against this identification is 
 that Misima has not only 14 gurewa but also 16 olun, diverse deriva- 
 tives from the same stem; but this is matter of no grave importance. 
 The Bongu 15 kar6ng is somewhat violent in affiHation, but the fact 
 that it falls into series with 16-17 ^^ the assumption of a final nasal 
 admits it to consideration. The Kai 18 kudsi has no more resem- 
 blance than the ku, the mutation 1-ds is not supported elsewhere in 
 these languages, and in this series we find no evidence of o-i mutation, 
 except as it may progress from o-e, which occurs in 1 1-14. 
 
 73. pipip butterfly. 
 
 RSPBRBHCSs: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 67: 131, 130: 131. Deutsch-Neugu nea, 
 2026. Ray, 394; 23, 485: 23. Codrington 41: 12 Polynesian Wanderings, 23 1 . 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 bebe 
 
 pepe Samoa, Futuna, Uvea, Niue, Nuku- 
 oro, Fotuna, Nuguria, Tahiti, Mar- 
 quesas, Maori. 
 
 Tonga. 
 mb^mbS Viti. 
 pep Rotuma. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 I. p6pe 
 
 2. lepepe 
 
 3. pepele 
 
 4. pepeqa 
 
 5. pepea 
 
 6. pep 
 
 7. peb 
 
 8. pipi 
 
 Hula, Keapara, Galo- 
 ma, Lauan, Mota, 
 Saa, Bululaha, Fa- 
 gani, Ulawa, Nguna, 
 Tangoa, Arag, Ma- 
 rina. 
 
 Epi. 
 
 New Georgia. 
 
 Dobu. 
 
 Vrindgol. 
 
 Lakon, Pak, Sasar, Alo 
 Teqel. 
 
 Norbarbar. 
 
 Namau, Elema, Ua- 
 ripi, Toaripi, Lepu. 
 
 9. ndrapipi 
 
 10. pip 
 
 11. pipip 
 
 12. papiwa 
 
 13. papapi 
 
 14. papelug 
 
 15. paubuuk 
 
 16. bebe 
 
 17. bebe 
 
 Mo4nus. 
 
 Lo. 
 
 Sissano. 
 
 Kunini, Jibu. 
 
 Dabu. 
 
 Bugi. 
 
 Tanna. 
 
 Baravon, New Britain, 
 Domara, Mailu, 
 Rubi, Suau, Sariba, 
 Massim, Wango, 
 Vaturanga, Efat4, 
 Arag, Buka, Omba, 
 Maewo. 
 
 Petat, Alu. 
 
i8. 
 
 beb6 
 
 Hamatana. 
 
 39- 
 
 uleulebe 
 
 Ngela. 
 
 19. 
 
 kau-bebe 
 
 Motu, Sinaugoro. 
 
 40. 
 
 mbe 
 
 New Hanover. 
 
 20. 
 
 bembe 
 
 Baki. 
 
 41- 
 
 bawe 
 
 Buka. 
 
 21. 
 
 mbembe 
 
 Omba, Maewo. 
 
 42. 
 
 koribaba 
 
 Musa. 
 
 22. 
 
 kg mbSmbS 
 
 Vitu. 
 
 43- 
 
 ababang 
 
 Chamorro. 
 
 23. 
 
 baba 
 
 Laur. 
 
 44- 
 
 babbub 
 
 Marshalls. 
 
 24- 
 
 bebebi 
 
 Panaieti, Misima. 
 
 45- 
 
 bibi 
 
 Hanahan. 
 
 25- 
 
 beberoho 
 
 Manukolo. 
 
 46. 
 
 karabimbim 
 
 Kwagila. 
 
 26. 
 
 beberu 
 
 Mulaha. 
 
 47- 
 
 bobo 
 
 Wogeo. 
 
 27- 
 
 bebeu 
 
 Taupota, Wedau. 
 
 48. 
 
 bdbo 
 
 Barriai, 
 
 28. 
 
 beberuka 
 
 Koita. 
 
 49. 
 
 nil b6b6 
 
 Kilenge. 
 
 29. 
 
 bebeula 
 
 Savo. 
 
 50. 
 
 bobdbe 
 
 Mandm. 
 
 30. 
 
 arabembemta 
 
 Mukawa, Raqa. 
 
 51- 
 
 bobodi 
 
 Pak. 
 
 31- 
 
 be&mbea 
 
 Kowamerara. 
 
 52- 
 
 bobokoro 
 
 Tuom, Siassi. 
 
 32. 
 
 beb 
 
 Merlav, Gog, Motlav, 
 
 53- 
 
 boiboi 
 
 Tumu. 
 
 
 
 Volow. 
 
 54- 
 
 kili-bob 
 
 Bilibili, Graget 
 
 33. 
 
 kamba 
 
 Lambell. 
 
 55- 
 
 fefe 
 
 Mekeo. 
 
 34- 
 
 bam 
 
 Lamassa. 
 
 56. 
 
 fefek 
 
 Kiviri, Oiun. 
 
 35- 
 
 beba 
 
 Nada, Kiriwina. 
 
 57- 
 
 fifi 
 
 Milareipi. 
 
 36. 
 
 bebabeba 
 
 Boniki. 
 
 58. 
 
 vebe 
 
 Malo. 
 
 37- 
 
 bebi 
 
 Mugula, Tubetube, 
 
 59- 
 
 p5pea 
 
 Vrinagol. 
 
 
 
 Tagula, Murua, 
 
 60. 
 
 jeropero 
 
 Roro. 
 
 
 
 Brierly Island. 
 
 61. 
 
 capeu 
 
 Awalama. 
 
 38. 
 
 ebebelo 
 
 Pokau. 
 
 62. 
 
 gopu 
 
 Tavara. 
 
 We deal here with a series which involves the characteristic mutation 
 system of the labials in Melanesian speech. In my examination of the 
 labials of these primitive languages I have seldom encountered a stem 
 whose simplicity of structure and whose extension over so wide a 
 distribution of remote languages has afforded so excellent a base on 
 which to study out the labial movements. We have a vowel short 
 in quantity preceded by a labial. While employing for convenience 
 the term mutation, I can not regard as active here any principle at 
 all comparable with Grimm's law of the progression of the mutes in 
 the Indo-European languages. For purposes of fixing the meaning 
 of this stem there has arisen and has come into common consent the 
 employment of a labial, some labial, whichever can best be compassed 
 in the stage of control of the hps in speech which has been attained 
 by the several groups of speakers in any given community. I have 
 sought vainly to discover some principle imderlying the choice of the 
 particular labial brought into use; this on the assumption that the 
 choice is governed after some such orderly manner as is the progression 
 of the mutes in languages of the higher type. All becomes clear and 
 reasonable, however, if we regard the several labials as fimctions of 
 the motive to employ the lips in speech to specify in the consonantal 
 modulant preface that coefficient value which shall tend to set aside 
 the basic vowel in this combination as revealing a sense more or less 
 specific and furnishing a step toward the estabUshment of a noun vo- 
 cable through a descriptive attributive. In this instance we encounter 
 the complete range of the labials, as in the following hst: 
 
 f S5-S7. 
 V 58. 
 w 41. 
 
 Here we find the strongest insistence upon the mutes, and particu- 
 larly upon the sonant b, this being particularly marked in the lan- 
 
 p 1-15. 59, 61. 62. 
 
 b 7, 15-20, 23-32, 34-39> 41-54. 58. 
 mb 20-22, 30, 31, 33, 40, 46. 
 
MEI.ANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 67 
 
 guages in which the sonant mute is so imperfectly acquired as to call 
 for the help of the preface of the nasal of its own series, mb, in order 
 to secure its pronunciation at all. In a smaller group we find the 
 spirants, surd f in a compact language group in Papua, surd v once 
 occurring in a region far remote. Even the semivowel proximate to 
 the labial tract, w, is once met with in the variety of this vocable; 
 other stems in which it is employed with some greater frequency tend 
 to corroborate this instance. The stem is almost uniformly dupli- 
 cated or in a condition reduced from duplication by abrasion of the 
 final vowel. The nude stem appears but once in 40 mbe; in com- 
 paction with other stems we may trace it in 33 kamba, 39 uleulebe, 61 
 kapeu, and 62 gopu. The vowels exhibit considerable variety, as shown 
 in this list of the characteristic vowel of the monosyllabic forms and 
 the combination of the two vowels in the completely duplicated forms : 
 
 e 6, 7, 32, 34, 40. 
 
 e-e 1-5, 16-22, 23, 24-30, 38, 55-56, 58. 
 
 e-a 35. 36- 
 
 e-i 37- 
 
 i 10. 
 
 i-i 8,9,11,45,46,57. 
 
 a-a 42, 43. 
 a-e 14, 41. 
 a-i 12, 13. 
 0-0 47-52. 
 o-e 59. 
 
 In 23, 33, and 34 the vowel is recorded by a German authority as a. 
 Inasmuch as this recorder has not been generally confirmed by the 
 succeeding explorations of Friederici in the same field, I attach no 
 great weight to this umlaut, and for practical purposes have included 
 these forms in the e classes. In the "Polynesian Wanderings," 
 loc. cit., I have extracted from languages about the Guh of Papua a 
 comparative series of forms which at several points bear close resem- 
 blances to the pepe series, this series carrying the signification of the 
 wing. The association in sense is so noteworthy that it would not be 
 improper to suspect a community of source in some archetype stem 
 of such scope of meaning as to admit both the vocables. 
 
 In his argute elucidation of 49 nal bobo Friederici traces out a most 
 interesting series of compactions of the bird-butterfly sense. Unfor- 
 tunately we lack data upon which to resolve the other compactions 
 of this series, yet the recurrence of certain types can not be without 
 significance. In these Hsts the position of the hyphen denotes the 
 place in the compacted form occupied by the extraneous element, 
 whether initial or final. We segregate a group in which some commu- 
 nity may be imagined: 39 ule-, 2 le-, 29 -ula, 3 -le, 38 -lo, 14 -lug. 
 Another group is found as initial — the series seems well established : 
 46 kara-, 9 ndra-, 30 ara-, 42 kori-, 54 kill-; once only is this found 
 as final, 52 -koro. A final series appears in 28 -ruka, 25 -roho, 
 26 -ru, 27 and 61 -u. Another is 12 -wa, 4 -pwa, 5, 31, and 59 -a. 
 Yet another is 50 -be, 24 -bi, 13 -pi, 11 -p. Three forms are repre- 
 sented singly — 19 kau-, 15 -k, 51 -di. 
 
 In closing, a few notes should be made upon certain of these forms. 
 Tanna has particularly deformed its borrowings from migrant races; 
 
68 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 rarely can we be positive about any identification; but 15 paubuuk is 
 worthy of inclusion on the score of the persistence of the labials, despite 
 the vowel deformation and the addition of an extraneous element in -k 
 or -uk. In 31 beambea and in 53 boiboi the presence of the t3rpical 
 labials is somewhat offset by the intrusion of added vowels; this is 
 sufficient to cast grave doubt upon the affiUation. Likewise 60 peropero 
 is very doubtful. I give it place in the record simply because it 
 occurs within a region in which pepe affiUates are abundant. 
 
 76. pulpig. 
 
 Rai^RBHCBS: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 68: 136. Hanke, Grammatik und 
 VokabulariumderBongu-Sprache. X17. Ray,405: 100,496: 100. Codrington, 
 48: 47. Polynesian Wanderings, 428, 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 buaka Tonga. 
 
 
 poaka Maori. 
 
 
 puaka Futuna 
 
 , Niue, Uvea, Nukuoro, 
 
 pua'a Samoa 
 
 
 Rarotonga, Mangareva, Rapanui 
 
 puaa Tahiti, 
 
 Marquesas, Hawaii. 
 
 Rotuma. 
 
 vuaka Viti. 
 
 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 
 1. puaka 
 
 Nengone, Lifu. 
 
 36. bole 
 
 Dallmatmhafen. 
 
 2. boako 
 
 Rubiana. 
 
 37- bell 
 
 I/awu. 
 
 3. pakasi 
 
 Aniwa, Fotuna. 
 
 38. poro 
 
 Tavara, Awalama, Tau- 
 
 4. bokasi 
 
 Sesake. 
 
 
 pota, Wedau, Galavi, 
 
 5. bukahi 
 
 Bierian. 
 
 
 Boniki, Mukawa. 
 
 6. bwokas 
 
 Efate. 
 
 39. poro 
 
 Reboine. 
 
 7. bwakas 
 
 Efate. 
 
 40. poro 
 
 Entsau. 
 
 8. mpokas 
 
 Eromanga. 
 
 41. aiporo 
 
 Roro. 
 
 9. pigath 
 
 Aneitjrum. 
 
 42. polo 
 
 Savo. 
 
 10. puka* 
 
 Tanna. 
 
 43. pore 
 
 Ingros. 
 
 11. puka 
 
 Adaua. 
 
 44. pore 
 
 Tobadi. 
 
 12. uango 
 
 Efat6. 
 
 45. pole 
 
 Dallmarmhafen. 
 
 13. wango 
 
 Sesake. 
 
 46. foro 
 
 Kubiri, Raqa, Kiviri, 
 
 14. v6k6 
 
 Bagail, Majum, Avelus, 
 
 
 Oiun. 
 
 
 Lossuk, Mongai. 
 
 47. bor 
 
 Saran, Mandm. 
 
 15. vonggo 
 
 Bauung, Ngamat. 
 
 48. bor 
 
 Keule. 
 
 16. bSnggo 
 
 Tsoi. 
 
 49. bor 
 
 Ragetta, Siassa, BilibiU, 
 
 17. uak 
 
 Efat^. 
 
 
 Simberi. 
 
 18. boro 
 
 Adaua, Musa, Duke of 
 
 50. mbor 
 
 Laur. 
 
 
 York. 
 
 51. mbor 
 
 Nokon, Siualil. 
 
 19. boro 
 
 Wogeo. 
 
 52. bol 
 
 Sissano, Buramana, Ko- 
 
 20. b6r6 
 
 Molot. 
 
 
 liku, Male, Sunggun, 
 
 21. mboro 
 
 Vitu. 
 
 
 Limba, Daman, lAn- 
 
 22. mboro 
 
 Kowamerara, Sigab, Ta- 
 
 
 ganie, Kaliko. 
 
 
 tau, Mar6i, Wogeo. 
 
 53. mbol 
 
 Tami. 
 
 23. mbdro 
 
 Kait, Kalangor. 
 
 54- bur 
 
 Dagor, Vatai. 
 
 24. bolo 
 
 Nggela. 
 
 55- bul 
 
 Put, Kumenim, Bongu. 
 
 25. balauta 
 
 Kilenge (bolo-uta). 
 
 56. bul 
 
 Bongu. 
 
 26. bdl6 
 
 Musddu. 
 
 57. bel 
 
 Bogadjim. 
 
 27. mbolo 
 
 Nakanai. 
 
 58. por 
 
 Seleo. 
 
 28. bdroi 
 
 Kabakaul. 
 
 59- Pul 
 
 Tumleo. 
 
 29. mbdroi 
 
 Matupi, Kambangeriu, 
 
 60. pul 
 
 Sissano. 
 
 
 Kondo, Yalui, Lamassa. 
 
 61. boalo 
 
 Aola. 
 
 30. bdrfi 
 
 Palabong. 
 
 62. mbo&l 
 
 Lihir. 
 
 31. b6re 
 
 Pala. 
 
 63. poalo 
 
 Tubetube. 
 
 32. borfi 
 
 Namarodu, Lalinau, Bi- 
 
 64. buer 
 
 Dagur, Vatai. 
 
 
 sapu, Punam. 
 
 65. buel 
 
 Dagiu-, Vatai. 
 
 33- bdre 
 
 Kelana. 
 
 66. bu£l 
 
 Vrinagol, Tsinapali, Akur. 
 
 34- bdrl 
 
 Munuwaj, Lochagon, Ne- 
 
 67. pfler 
 
 Paup, Yakomul. 
 
 
 massalang, Pezoa. 
 
 68. piidl 
 
 Ser, Arop, Mal61. 
 
 35- b4re 
 
 Sek6. 
 
 69. pan 
 
 Mal61. 
 
M^LANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 69 
 
 70. vfl61 
 
 Vrin4gol, Tsinapali, Akur. 
 
 71. boroma 
 
 Kabadi, Motu. 
 
 72. boromo 
 
 Mawata, Kiwai. 
 
 73. borom 
 
 Miriam. 
 
 74. burum 
 
 Mabuiag. 
 
 75. buluma 
 
 Uni. 
 
 76. boloma 
 
 Pokau. 
 
 77. blome 
 
 Xunini. 
 
 78. foloma 
 
 Uni. 
 
 79. woroma 
 
 Jibu. 
 
 80. bonomo 
 
 Binandele. 
 
 81. borogo 
 
 lapa. 
 
 82. buruka 
 
 Sariba, Murua. 
 
 83. buruku 
 
 Nada. 
 
 84. bonogo 
 
 Burruwe. 
 
 85. bunuka 
 
 Kiriwina. 
 
 86. poraa 
 
 Mailu. 
 
 87. boraa 
 
 Domara. 
 
 88. bosu 
 
 Nggao. 
 
 89. bos 
 
 Siar. 
 
 90. bos 
 
 Graget. 
 
 91. botho 
 
 Bugotu. 
 
 92. pom 
 
 Hanahan. 
 
 93. pum 
 
 Lehona. 
 
 94. pum 
 
 Buka. 
 
 95- apum 
 
 Buka. 
 
 96. boama 
 
 Yela. 
 
 97. pudm 
 
 Hatnatana. 
 
 98. paum 
 
 Buka. 
 
 99. bo 
 
 Wango, Alite, Vaturanga, 
 
 
 Belik. 
 
 100. bo 
 
 Anir. 
 
 loi. bo 
 
 Tanga, Jabim. 
 
 102. mbo 
 
 Maragum, Rumba. 
 
 103. mbwo 
 
 Yela. 
 
 104. kmbwo 
 
 Motlav, Gog, Norbarbar. 
 
 105. nggmbwo Volow. 
 
 106. kbwo 
 
 107. ba 
 
 108. be 
 
 109. bu 
 no. po 
 
 111. pwo 
 
 112. kpwo 
 
 113. kmpwo 
 
 114. pu 
 
 115. bobo 
 
 116. bobu 
 
 117. bawa 
 
 118. baa 
 
 119. kmbwoe 
 
 120. poe 
 
 121. kpwoe 
 
 122. kmpwoe 
 
 123. boi 
 
 124. boi 
 
 125. mboi 
 
 126. bue 
 
 127. pui 
 
 128. woe 
 
 129. wue 
 
 130. bawe 
 
 131. bai 
 
 132. pae 
 
 133. boa 
 
 134. boo 
 
 135. bou 
 
 136. mbuo 
 
 137. pou 
 
 138. poii 
 
 139. plio 
 
 Pak, Sasar. 
 
 Leitere. 
 
 Ruavatu, Aola, Bukaua. 
 
 Pak. 
 
 Ulawa, Bululaha, Paluan, 
 
 Mouk. 
 Saa. 
 
 Lakon, Vuras, Mosin, Lo. 
 Alo Teqel. 
 Binandele, Amara, M 6 - 
 
 robe. 
 Tubetube, Tagula. Brier- 
 
 ly Island. 
 Panaieti, Misima. 
 Mugula. 
 Rubi. 
 
 Omba, Maewo. 
 Nifilole, Marina. 
 Arag, Mota. 
 Meriav. 
 Bok. 
 
 Liuaniua, Lakurumau. 
 Langtub. 
 Baki, Ambrym. 
 Epi. 
 Gaima. 
 Girara. 
 Dobu. 
 Sinaugoro. 
 
 Hula, Keapara, Galoma. 
 Shortland Islands. 
 Fagani. 
 Ninigo. 
 Tumuip. 
 Moanus. 
 Mouk. 
 Lou. 
 
 In proportion as competent observers supply us with data con- 
 cerning the cultural life of Melanesia we shall find the pig one of the 
 most valuable agencies in tracing out the movement of folk migra- 
 tion athwart the islands of the Pacific. At present our best informa- 
 tion upon the part which the pig plays in the life of Melanesia, its 
 status as a bride-piece, its intimate association with the initiation 
 into the secret fraternities, its entanglement with the magic of daily 
 life, is recorded in the interesting volumes of Rivers on the history of 
 Melanesian society lately put to press. Of the pig in general he writes : 
 
 There is much reason to believe that the pigs found in Polynesia by the 
 earlier European navigators were widely different from the domestic pig of 
 Europe, even if they were not members of a different species such as is still 
 found in New Guinea. The Melanesian pig still differs widely in appearance 
 from our own. If the considerations which have led me to ascribe other 
 elements of culture to the kava people have any weight, the pig should have 
 been introduced into Oceania by this people. (W. H. R. Rivers: The His- 
 tory of Melanesian Society, II 460.) 
 
 The suggestion of this introduction to the islands was made much 
 before Rivers turned his attention to the problems of Oceania. Since 
 the work in which this priority exists (Thomas Powell's natural history 
 
70 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 in Samoan) is now rare and written in a language unfamiliar to the 
 Cambridge scholar, it is certain that he had no acquaintance with the 
 work of his predecessor. I translate from the Samoan the following 
 statement. It is clear that Powell, a trained naturaUst as well as 
 missionary, had not himself seen the Samoan pig, but he had the 
 opportunity to obtain the description from the older Samoans, who 
 could point out the differences between the introduced hog and that 
 with which they were familiar before the coming of Sus scrofa. 
 
 There was formerly in Samoa another hog whose name was the alou. It 
 is likely that this hog was brought from some land in Asia by the Samoan 
 chiefs who first touched at these islands. This animal resembled the China 
 hog. Its body was rounded, dark colored, and pretty. Its head was rather 
 short, its legs short, its ears somewhat small ; it was very tame. It is a long 
 time since this hog has been seen in Samoa. Probably it was made extinct 
 in the feasts celebrating the establishment of the kingdom of Jesus to which 
 the Samoans flocked in great numbers. (Thomas Powell: 'O le Tala i Tino 
 o Tagata ma Mea Ola 'Ese'ese, 230.) 
 
 We shall recur to this suggestion of introduction made by Powell 
 and by Rivers after the examination of the linguistic material for the 
 discovery of such evidence as it may bring to bear upon the theme. 
 
 In a former work (The Polynesian Wanderings, 428) I discussed the 
 linguistics of this group of words upon material considerably less com- 
 plete than is now available. Therefore the present note is intended to 
 replace the earher comment, for the material is now examined de novo. 
 From that former note I wish to repeat the statement that the sug- 
 gested derivation of Polynesian puaka through loan from EngUsh 
 pork is wholly untenable; it would be quite as reasonable to suggest 
 that 133 boa of the Shortland Islands is a loan from English boar. 
 
 In ordering these words in the foregoing tabular arrangement I have 
 discovered certain classes, and these classes I have set in succession 
 by reason of the appearance of development, upward or downward 
 as the case may be ; but for the present I must reserve the important 
 point of evolution suggested by this arrangement. These classes in 
 Melanesia and the items involved are the following : 
 
 A. Polynesian (puaka) type i- 2 
 
 B. labial-palatal-sibilant 3- 9 
 
 C. labial-palatal 10-17 
 
 D. labial-liquid dissyllable 18-46 
 
 E. labial-liquid monosyllable 47-60 
 
 F. labial-(2 vowels) -liquid 61-70 
 
 G. labial-liquid-w 71-80 
 
 These variants group themselves around the forms puaka, pakasi, 
 bore, and bo, and we shall first examine the forms which appear asso- 
 ciable with each of these four standards. 
 
 puaka type. — This is standard throughout Polynesia, it occtus in 
 Rapanui, where the pig was unknown, or, more accurately stated, had 
 not been included in the migration which peopled Easter Island. In 
 
 H. 
 
 labial-liquid-palatal 
 
 81-85 
 
 I. 
 
 labial-liquid 
 
 86-87 
 
 J. 
 
 labial-sibilant 
 
 88-91 
 
 K. 
 
 labial-w 
 
 92-98 
 
 L. 
 
 labial 
 
 99-114 
 
 M. 
 
 labial duplicated 
 
 115-118 
 
 N. 
 
 labial (2 vowels) 
 
 I 19-139 
 
M^I^AN^SIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 71 
 
 this island the word had been retained and was employed as a general 
 designation of the larger animals, and when the hog was reintroduced 
 by European voyagers it took the new name horu. In Samoa also 
 puaka is generic of any of the larger animals, while retaining its specific 
 appHcation to the hog. It may have value in connection with the 
 social history of swine in the Pacific to note that in Samoan puaka is 
 not permissible in the presence of chiefs. In the courtesy speech 
 its place is taken by alou or more generally by manuvaefa, the four- 
 legged animal or quadruped. I have been unable to verify Powell's 
 statement that there were two pigs, one named puaka, the other alou, 
 for my most learned informants declare that the latter is no more than 
 the name of the same animal in courtesy speech. In Melanesia puaka 
 is found in two widely separated localities. In its unmodified form 
 we note its occurrence in Lifu and Nengone. In my earher note I 
 suggested its introduction by Samoan missionaries. This does not 
 now seem to me a valid suggestion; it would apply only to Lifu and 
 not at all to Nengone ; it is unUkely that from Samoan pua'a the New 
 Caledonians and Loyalty Islanders could restore with such precision 
 the missing palatal mute. The boako of Rubiana is quite removed 
 from the possibiUty of such missionary contamination. Accordingly 
 we prefer to regard these instances as survival of the passage of the 
 Polynesian migrations, the kava people of the ingenious and import- 
 ant social classification established by Rivers, one (Rubiana) along the 
 Samoa stream, the other a dereUct on the Viti stream. 
 
 pakasi type, items 4-17. — I had formerly noted that 6 bwokas and 
 7 bwakas, both of Efate, marked the transition phase from puaka to 
 pakasi. This should be withdrawn, for the bw is clearly no more than 
 a manifestation of the frequent uncertainty of the Melanesian use of 
 the labials, of which we have many examples. We are still more 
 debarred from the explanation that the pu of puaka is due to Poly- 
 nesian inability to pronounce the labial, for in aU those languages 
 the labials are very precisely enunciated. Inasmuch as puaka is noun 
 substantive and therefore not subject to the addition of formative 
 suffix, we have no means of determining if ever it had a final s, but 
 since we have three forms (3-5) which could be used in the open 
 type of Polynesian speech, we must feel sure that, so far as concerns 
 the final syllable, pakasi could not become puaka. Rejecting the 
 suggestion as to w in 7 bwakas, for it is not at all vocalic but only an 
 excrescence on the consonant b, we are equally certain in the rejection 
 of association of the two forms so far as relates to the earher portion 
 of the words. This is clear when we examine the syllabification of 
 the words, pu-a-ka and pa-ka-si. Before the k we have in Polynesia 
 two syllables ; we have no knowledge of a single case in Oceanic speech 
 in which a consonantal syllable such as pu has lost its essential vowel 
 and has united over the gap to form a new syllable such as pa of 
 
72 SISSANO. 
 
 wholly different value. "We now see no possibility of any interasso- 
 ciation between puaka and pakasi. 
 
 Regarded as an independent vocable pakasi presents here an inter- 
 esting Hnguistic history. Items 3, 4, 5 show the word at its best 
 and fullest, the variety of the first vowel and the mutation from s to h 
 in 5 are all among the commonplaces of the philology of the Western 
 Pacific. The same is true of the abrasion of the final vowel in items 
 6-9, a very common procedure in such of the languages of Melanesia 
 as prefer the closed type. We have aheady commented on the initial 
 modified consonant in the Efat^ forms, the lack of labial precision 
 whereby before the pronunciation of the mute is completed the organs 
 slip back into the more easy semivowel position and a slur is produced. 
 We have the opposite treatment of the labial mute in 8 tnpokas of 
 Eromanga. Before the mute can be pronounced the organs have 
 first to assume the more familiar and habitual nasal position and the 
 sounding of the hp consonant carries the trace of that prefatory posi- 
 tion, a process of frequent occmrence and one which I have desig- 
 nated as mutes with the preface of the nasal of the same series. 
 
 In item 9 pigath of Aneitjoim the modification of the final sibilant 
 will be recognized as the defective speech famiUar to us as the Usp, 
 the result of a neglect to assume the precise position of the tongue 
 necessary for the issuance of the sibilant. A similar diversion of the 
 tongue, though in a different direction, gives the common s-h mutation 
 which we have noted in 5 bukahi. The Tanna form 10 puka' appears 
 as a secondary derivative from one of the closed forms with a sUght 
 geographical argument in favor of Eromanga as the source; but we 
 have such scant information on the vocabulary of Tanna that we 
 can not pass definitely upon this form; it may be that a whole fiaaal 
 syllable has been abraded. The Adaua 1 1 puka comes from the other 
 end of Melanesia and may not be associable herevdth. 
 
 Items 12, 13, and 17 fall together for consideration. It is easy 
 to derive 12 and 13 from pakasi by abrasion of the final syllable and 
 by mutation of the difficult initial mute to semivowel and vowel 
 respectively of the same buccal area, and from uango to 17 uak is but 
 a second step in abrasion to a closed syllable. It will be observed, 
 however, that in Sesake 13 wango exists side by side with 4 bokasi, and 
 in Efate 12 uango with 6 bwokas. It is not impossible for a primitive 
 and a derivative therefrom to exist simultaneously in any speech; 
 in fact, we have in Efat^ a secondary derivative 17 uak. This objec- 
 tion, therefore, need not be held vital. 
 
 Geographically at a great distance, on that account all the more 
 interesting, we examine the forms 14-16. There is no linguistic 
 reason why they should not be taken as coordinate with 12-13 i^ 
 their relation to the pakasi stem ; indeed, their possession of the final o 
 links them closely with the Efatd and Sesake forms. These are from 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THB VOCABULARY. 73 
 
 the New Guinea and Bismarck Arctdpelago region and so far support 
 Captain Friederici's argument in favor of a migration exit through 
 Vitiaz Straits, which would bring the canoe fleets so far to leeward 
 as to fall into my Viti stream, for which I have suggested the exit 
 from Indonesia through Torres Straits. This comports well with the 
 fact that all these Melanesian identifications lie within the region 
 reached by that migration stream, to which we should add 1 1 Adaua 
 from Dyke Acland Bay- in New Guinea. This can have no bearing 
 on my Torres Straits exit, for the two streams must inevitably mingle 
 at the lyouisiades and thenceonward flow in common. 
 
 boro type, items 18-87. — The life-history of this stem is so pecu- 
 liarly compUcated that we shall find it advisable to examine its variety 
 in accordance with the table on page 70, in which it occupies classes 
 D, E, F, G, H, and I. 
 
 Class D, items 18-46. — Here we find the initial consonant as b in 
 18-20, 24-26, 28, 30-37, and with preface of the nasal of the same 
 series mb in 21-23, 27, and 29; as p in 38-45 ; as f in the single instance 
 of 46 foro from four languages closely set together in ColUngwood Bay 
 in New Guinea, where the natural drainage is through the Dampier- 
 Vitiaz Straits. The second consonant, the liquid, is r in most cases; 
 the simple mutant 1 is found in 24-27, 36-37, 42 and 45. The close 
 resemblance between 46 foro and 14 voko suggests examination; to 
 Unk the two would require the estabhshment of the k-r or r-k mutation. 
 In the extended mutation studies in the "Polynesian Wanderings" 
 the former does not appear at all, the latter in but a single instance 
 {op. cit. 366). We regard foro-voko as no more than a resemblance. 
 The former vowel o holds in a majority of the forms. A mutation 
 to a appears in 25 and 35, this o-a interplay being not infrequent in 
 these languages. 
 
 Friederici has very shrewdly interpreted the evidently compacted 
 25 balauta as bolo-uta, the hog of the bush. The only possible 
 objection is that uta of the landward regions is distinctively a Poly- 
 nesian word which I have not elsewhere had the opportunity of dis- 
 covering in Melanesia, with the sole exception of Nguna euta landward 
 apud Tregear. In Indonesia it is found in Malay utan and Visayan 
 yuta. In the paucity of otu- vocabulary material this failure to find 
 uta is inconsiderable. This uta appears in Mota, and Codrington 
 and Palmer make the note that it is used very commonly in Melanesia, 
 all of which confirms Friederici's ingenious reading of the compacted 
 form. Another compaction, 41 aiporo, he interprets as a determinan 
 compound of ai from the intrusive gai word for pig with the common 
 poro, a possibility in these languages. In 37 beli we have a double 
 vowel change, but 36 bole may serve as an intermediate step in the 
 passage. The latter vowel o remains through a majority of these 
 forms. The mutation o-a is found only in 25 balauta. The frequent 
 
74 SISSANO. 
 
 0-e mutation is found in 30-33, 35-36, 43-45- In the same direction 
 and but a slight step in progress the o-i mutation is found in 34 and 39. 
 In 28 and 29 we find the addition of another vowel syllable i. This is 
 distinctly not a phonetic variation; the final syllable i is added to the 
 poro stem for some reason inherent in the sense. We have no means 
 of determining the shade of meaning thereby established, yet it is not 
 without significance that we find the bo stem distinguished in items 
 1 19-132 by this i (e). 
 
 In connection with boro we should examine class G, in which the 
 stem is differenced by the addition of a nasal syllable, ma in 71, 75-76, 
 78-79; me in 77; mo in 72, 80; and simple m in 73, 74. In these 
 varieties the stem 0-0 is largely preserved; the change to u-u in 75 
 buluma is checked up by 76 boloma of Pokau, a language intimately 
 associated with Uni. In 77 blome we have the rare excision of an in- 
 terior vowel, as b(o)lome, but it is indisputable that this excision 
 is what has taken place; compare Barriai 8 tna in the collation of 99 
 tenan. In 78 foloma we are in line with 46 foro of the simple stem, 
 and in 79 woroma we find a yet further mutation along the labial series 
 to the simple ease of enunciation of the semivowel. In 80 bonomo we 
 find the facile r-n mutation and for a principal form refer to 72 boroma. 
 The u-u of 74 burum hangs upon the other abraded form 73 borom as 
 buluma hangs upon boloma. 
 
 Here also we include for consideration class H. This differs from 
 class G in that the added element is palatal — sonant mute g in go in 
 81 and 84, surd mute k in ka in 82 and 85 and in ku in 83. In 81 and 
 84 we have the 0-0 stem associated with o in the added element; 
 in 83 the u-u stem associated with u in the added element; but 82 
 and 85, in which stem u-u is associated with a in the added element, 
 disprove the natural suggestion of vowel coloration through influence 
 of the stem. 
 
 I have adjusted 86-87 ^^ this point because they suggest the addition 
 of a palatal ka followed by obliteration of the mute. In certain of 
 the Polynesian languages this would challenge no contradiction. 
 Whether it holds of these New Guinea languages which Ray classes 
 as Papuan is doubtful, inasmuch as we find the k in the phonetic 
 equipment of the languages. It is probably simpler to regard this 
 as the assumption of a, but that is without confirmation elsewhere 
 in this discussion. 
 
 We now recur to class E, items 47-60; merely the boro stem after 
 it has undergone abrasion and become the closed bor. The initial 
 b is found in 47-57, with nasal preface in 50, 51, and 53; p in 58-60. 
 Of the succeeding liquid we have r in 47-51, 54 and 58; 1 in 52, 53, 
 55-57, 59-60. The stem is found in 47-53, 58; it changes to u in 
 54-56 and 59-60; to 6 in 57. 
 
MElyANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 75 
 
 At this point I interject class F for consideration. It has the con- 
 sonant structure of boro-bor, but between the consonants appear two 
 vowels producing an extra syllable. The suggestion occurs that bo 
 of 61-63 might be a variant expression of the slurred b more commonly- 
 written bw; this is negatived by the presence of the accent in 64-70. 
 It is clear that the forms included in this class are in interdependence, 
 but to attempt to associate them with bor involves a phonetic prin- 
 ciple for which we have not as yet confirmation. Yet it seems quite 
 likely, and, subject to correction, I assign this group provisionally 
 to the bor type. 
 
 Class J, items 88-91, form a group in which 88 bosu and the Usping 
 91 botho show such relation to boro as 89-90 bos to bor. This involves 
 the r-s mutation, and my studies in these languages have not dis- 
 closed this movement. In view of the fact that we can support the 
 mutation 1-t by several instances, and that 1-s is mutation in the same 
 direction but to a point nearer in the same series, we may give con- 
 siderable weight to the 1-th mutation occurring in lango-thango from 
 Bugotu (The Polynesian Wanderings, 361). 
 
 Class K, items 92-98, is principally found in the northern Solomons, 
 but with an interesting instance 96 from Papuan New Guinea, which 
 is of pecuHar significance because Rossel Island, where the language 
 is spoken, is far advanced on the course toward the northern Solomons 
 which would be followed by a canoe coasting the south shore of New 
 Britain. The seven forms are clearly interdependent; they hint 
 somewhat strongly at an association with bor. The forms of class 
 G 71-80 seem to come within the same system. We have no warrant 
 for the r-m mutation, and in the absence thereof this class remains a 
 puzzle. 
 
 Class L, items 99-114, falls readily under the type form bo, and 
 that is clearly a regular devolution form in the series boro-bor-bo. 
 The initial consonant b is found in 99-109, p in 110-114; in each case 
 we have examples of the Melanesian inability to enunciate labials 
 distinctly in 102-106 and 111-113. The stem o is found in 99-106 
 and 110-113. The vowel changes to u in 109 and 114, to a in 107, 
 to e in 108; the stem is here so far reduced that we may not venture 
 to affirm that the two latter are really bo variants except in so far as 
 these mutations are not unknown, and the persistence of the b points 
 in that direction. 
 
 Class M, items 11 5-1 18. — The form 115 bobo suggests dupUcation 
 of the bo stem. To pass by mutation to bobu involves a change of 
 stem vowel which is quite rare in the mechanics of dupHcation, yet 
 not impossible. The same note, applied to the consonant, holds in 
 bawa as a duphcant of 107 ba; but having once admitted this form, baa 
 naturally follows. The latter pair seem associable with 130 bawe and 
 134 boo. 
 
76 SISSANO. 
 
 Class N, items 1 19-139, embraces many variant forms which have 
 in common only the fact that they involve an initial labial followed 
 by two vowels. Items 11 9-1 2 2 form a compact group in which we 
 seem to discover the stem bo increased by e and it may be possible 
 to include therewith 128 woe. In 123-125 we find bo increased by i. 
 These two increments are found appUed to a modified stem bu in the 
 case of e in 126 and 129, i in 127. In 130-132 we find a group of the 
 same increments applied to a ba base. Items 135, 137-138 fall 
 together into one group, 136 and 139 into another, which have a resem- 
 blance to bo, although proof of association eludes our search. 
 
 The multiphcity of uncouth names in the linguistic tabulation 
 is the record of a geography all unknown save to a few specialists. 
 It is advisable to present the results of this investigation in terms of 
 such geography as find record on the charts. Briefly, therefore, I 
 note the principal locations of each of the major stems foimd in this 
 research. 
 
 puaka type. — Polynesia passim, Rubiana of the Solomons on the 
 Samoa stream, Lifu and Nengone (New Caledonia and I/Oyalties) 
 in deflection from the Viti stream. 
 
 pakasi type. — New Hebrides on the Viti stream, Bismarck Archi- 
 pelago if voko be accepted as of this type. 
 
 boro type. — New Guinea, Bismarck Archipelago, Solomon Islands. 
 
 bo type. — New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Banks group. 
 
 In view of the social importance of the pig of Melanesia we shall 
 serve an end of convenience by collating the references thereto scat- 
 tered through the great work by Rivers, from which we have already 
 made a valuable citation. The references are to "The History of 
 Melanesian Society." 
 
 The Ronalung group (Merlav, Banks Group) is connected with Merig 
 through a woman of that island who saw a bird give birth to a girl child in 
 a nut tree (ngai). The woman looked after the girl and also had children 
 of her own. One of these children came to Merlav and went to the vUlage 
 of Vanmisi, where she married. One of her sows went one day to a place 
 called Ronalxmg and there gave birth to a girl who is the ancestress of the 
 Ronalung (social) division. Though the people are thus connected with 
 Merig, it is not from the woman of that island, but from the pig that they 
 are believed to be descended (I 25). 
 
 In Merlav when a man dies his wife's brother gives money and pigs to 
 the relatives of the dead man and helps to support his widow (I 43). A 
 marriage is usually negotiated by a third party, who arranges the amoimt 
 which shall be paid by the bridegroom to the relatives of the bride. In one 
 case of which I was told in Rowa (Banks Group) the amount so paid was 60 
 fathoms of shell money and 2 pigs (I 49). 
 
 (Ceremony of initiation into the fraternity of Sukwe ia Mota.) If he con- 
 sented John would announce that Mark would "wusuHe about Kwatagiav." 
 Then Mark would bring a pig and tie it to a stake near the door of the 
 gamal. Some man would blow a conch shell five times, three long continuous 
 blasts and two interrupted blasts, upon which Mark would smack {wusvlie) 
 
M^IvANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 77 
 
 the pig on the back, a man standing by saying, "Let Mark now smack the 
 pig for Kwatagiav." The pig then becomes the property of John (I 64). 
 
 (Another initiation ceremony.) The pigs had already been handed over 
 and the pas^ments of money were being made (I 70). 
 
 (Initiation.) Thirty-seven people contributed altogether, their amounts 
 varying from i to 12 fathoms, three also giving pigs (I 71). 
 
 (Initiation.) To the man who fetched the cycas trees Charles gave a pig 
 and the 2 exiia fathoms (I 73). 
 
 (Initiation.) After dancing for about 5 minutes Charles put the measur- 
 ing rods against the thatch of the house and went to bring three stout pointed 
 posts, which he stuck in the ground in a row on one side of the dancing ground, 
 the posts being about 4 feet apart. Then from a shed he brought a very fine 
 pig, which he tied to post No. i, and then taking up the measuring rods, 
 danced again. After a few turns he again put down the rods and fetched a 
 second pig, which he tied to the second post. He danced again without the 
 rods and then brought a pig to tie to the third post. Two more posts were 
 then erected and two pigs were tied to these. Then Charles himself brought 
 a sixth post and tied another pig to it and again danced, but now with a pig's 
 jawbone in his left hand and the measuring rods in his right, and after a few 
 turns he went into the house. Abraham, the old man who was "making the 
 Sukwe," then set up two stakes close by the gamal and Charles came out of 
 the house with 7 fathoms of money in his right hand, and taking up the pig's 
 jawbone in his left hand, he danced again a few turns. A woman, belonging 
 to the village of the dancing party, then came and stood in the dancing 
 ground near the house and Charles laid the 7 fathoms of money over her left 
 shoulder. Three of the fathoms were to repay money she had given to the 
 dancers, a tenth of a fathom to each, while the other 4 fathoms were given 
 in addition. When he had given the money Charles again took the measur- 
 ing rods and danced. A man then brought out three more pigs and tied 
 two to the stakes set up by Abraham and the third to a cycas tree near the 
 gamal and then Charles went on dancing. When he ceased Abraham put a 
 leaf of the tree-fern in the thatch under the eaves of the house just over the 
 doorway, and then went to the dancers and received from one of them a bow 
 and arrow, which he carried into the house. Charles then danced again, 
 holding 4 fathoms of money in his right hand and the pig's jawbone in the 
 left, and when he stopped a small boy, whom Charles called mak, came from 
 the dancing party and Charles laid over his head the 4 fathoms, so that one 
 end of the string of money hung over his face and the other down his back. 
 The boy had helped to hire the dancers and had paid them 2 fathoms and he 
 received the other 2 fathoms as interest on his outlay. . . . The dancers 
 were then told to continue and Abraham and Charles again danced, the former 
 now holding the arrow in his right and the bow in his left hand. Both men 
 then stood by pigs Nos. 7 and 8 and Abraham slapped them in succession on 
 the back, speaking to Charles as he did so, and then both danced again. Then 
 Abraham fitted lus arrow to the string of his bow and drew his bow to shoot 
 the pig No. 9, but Charles laid his hand on his arm to stop him. The pig 
 was to be killed for a feast, but as the next day was Sunday the killing was to 
 be deferred to the following week. Charles then went on dancing alone with 
 the jawbone and the measuring rods and then sat down to rest in the shade 
 near his house. ... At a period in the song of the dancers the kava roots 
 were laid on the ground by the side of pig No. 2. . . . Six men then stood 
 outside the gamal with conch shells and blew fourteen or fifteen times, blow- 
 ing "for the pigs and for the money." As they blew Charles and his father 
 Alfred stood by the pigs Nos. 5, 4, i, 2, 3, and 6 and both smacked the backs 
 
78 SISSANO. 
 
 of the pigs in succession one after the other. . . . The conch shells were 
 handed into the gamal, but probably by mistake, for they were at once passed 
 out again and blown while Charles brought out another pig and handed it 
 by the thong to Abraham and then danced again with the jawbone in his 
 hand. Abraham then carried the money and measuring rods into the house, 
 and coming out again loosed pigs Nos. 3 and 4, which were taken away. The 
 pig which should have been shot was also taken away to be kept for the feast, 
 and as it was led away the dancers danced behind it and thus made their exit 
 from the dancing ground. . . . Abraham took away the remaining pigs, 
 which became his property (I 73). 
 
 Anyone who wishes to visit the tabooed place to fish or fetch food has to 
 pay a large sum of money to the man whose signs of rank they are. This 
 payment removes the tapu, upon which occasion the owner has to kill a pig 
 and make a feast for all the members of the Sukwe who belong to the same 
 rank as himself (I 77). 
 
 (Initiation, Motlav.) The head of a pig with tusks is put down on the mat 
 in front of the child. . . . An old man now blows the conch shell four times 
 and at the end of each blast the child takes a stone and puts it down on the 
 top of the head of the pig. . . . The chUd is now called nat vuhe rau. ... All 
 the women who have taken part in this ceremony call the child (or man) 
 nat or natui, child, while he calls them vev or vev vuhe rau (Motlav) or veve vus 
 rawe (Mota), this meaning "mother, strike (or kill) hermaphrodite pig." 
 The child or man may not marry any of these women and sexual relations 
 between them would be regarded very severely (I 80). 
 
 (Initiation.) The money which the candidate collects is paid to this 
 introducer, who has in turn to provide a pig. Before this pig is killed it is 
 laid on its back with its legs stretched out, and each man who is to be initiated 
 stamps once with either right or left foot on the breast of the animal, which 
 is then killed and eaten. For the tmimportant societies which can be entered 
 by those who have not eaten in the gamal, pigeons may take the place of the 
 pig (I 88). 
 
 A man must not cut or use in any way a plant which is the badge of a 
 society to which he does not belong, the penalty being the fine of a pig to the 
 members of the society whose badge he has used (I 93). A mistake made 
 during the production of the werewere sound is visited very severely on the 
 performer. He has to pay a tusked pig, and if he can not provide it himself 
 his relatives have to do so for him. We were told that in the old dajrs a man 
 who could not expiate the offense with a pig was hanged, the regular method 
 of inflicting the death punishment in the salagoro (I 98). 
 
 (Initiation.) A man wishing to join the society gives a pig {rawe) to some- 
 one already initiated, and in doing so would smadc the animal on the back 
 just as in initiation into the gamal, a man blowing a conch shell and saying 
 "Let X now smack the back of the pig." . . . The introducer gives back a 
 pig of the ordinary kind, which is known as his answer. The candidate has 
 then to give six other pigs to six men already initiated (I 98). Each of the 
 men who have been given pigs takes 3 yards of money to the salagoro which 
 he represents. . . . The nuts are eaten and the milk drunk, and those who 
 have eaten may not leave the village till each has received a fathom of money 
 from the recipients of the pigs (I 100). 
 
 All the food cooked for the talasa feast must be eaten; if anyone allows 
 this food to drop from his hand he has to pay a heavy fine of a pig or money. 
 Salagoro food is never given to the pigs (I 105). Aiter the talasa feast the 
 skulls or jawbones of the pigs which have been killed are put up in trees or 
 on stakes called palako as memorials of the occasion (I 106). 
 
MELAN^SIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUIvARY. 79 
 
 The legend of the Tamate liwoa of Petanpatapata on Vanua Lava is told 
 at length. It involves the offer of the bride-piece for a girl by a line of suitors, 
 a typical statement being, "So he took a well- tusked boar and a rawe with 
 tusks and a hundred fathoms of money." A note supplies the information 
 that the rawe is "a special kind of pig said to be hermaphrodite, with large 
 tusks" (I 107). 
 
 There are other conditions which influence the act of joining the Tamate 
 societies, some acting as obstacles and others as motives. Of the former 
 one very important is that a man must liquidate his debts before he can be 
 initiated, and this must be done with money, pigs not being sufficient (I 122). 
 
 A very efficient obstacle is the difficulty of getting anyone already a mem- 
 ber to undertake the duty of acting as introducer. When a man enters a 
 society he has to obtain the services of a member to whom he gives money, 
 the native expression being that he has to tiro mun this man. Though the 
 introducer receives money from the initiate, he has to give a pig, or pigs if 
 more than one man is initiated. If a man has only one good pig he will not 
 consent to act as introducer, because a consequence would be the loss of this 
 pig. This is so well recognized that a man who is known to be so situated will 
 not be asked to act. If, on the other hand, a man has a pig which is a fence 
 jumper, yam eater, or a public nuisance, he will be only too glad to act as 
 introducer and thus get rid of the animal with profit (I 123). 
 
 The disputers would have to pay fines of pigs to those societies the names 
 of which had been taken in vain (I 124). 
 
 In all these cases payments of pigs or money or both appear to be the most 
 important features of the initiations (I 131). 
 
 The chief features of the kolekole are the dance, the killing of pigs, and the 
 payments to those who participate, and everyone will try to excel his neigh- 
 bor in the splendor of the dance, the number of the slaughtered pigs, and the 
 liberality of payment (I 132). 
 
 There are similar rites (magic) to increase the supply of. pigs, fish, and 
 fl3dng foxes. In order to promote the fertility of pigs a special stone is buried 
 (I 163)- 
 
 (Arag, New Hebrides.) Members of the Subwe moiety (social) call the 
 Tagaro people matan dura (sow) (I 191). 
 
 (Arag.) The man who wishes to marry settles with the parents of the girl 
 how many pigs he will give and it is arranged in how many days he shall be 
 ready with them. . . . Only the brothers and the sister's son of the father 
 are to get the pigs which the bridegroom is about to present (I 207). The 
 father gives her one of his own pigs to kill as a sign that it is the last of his 
 property yrith which she will have an5rthing to do. She kills the pig with a 
 club and is then again wrapped up in her mat. One of the husband's party 
 is then deputed to fetch the pig, this duty being regarded as a high honor. 
 A relative of the father stands over the animal to resist its being taken, but 
 the man of the husband's party has only to succeed in touching its body for 
 the resistance to cease, when the pig is cut up and the parts distributed. 
 The bridegroom takes the head, which he gives to some bachelor of his party. 
 The man who is given the head in this manner may not marry a widow, but 
 must marry a girl not previously married. . . . When the husband's village 
 is reached, the girl, still wrapped up, is put down in the open space of the 
 village and the husband presents pigs to the father, at least four being given, 
 and if the husband is an important man more than this number. . . . Then 
 the father of the girl distributes the four pigs he had received to his brothers 
 and to his sister's son (I 208). 
 
80 SISSANO. 
 
 (Arag.) The names of women have similar prefixes which denote differ- 
 ences of rank, but it was said that the rank is acquired altogether by the 
 killing of pigs (I 210). 
 
 (Santa Cruz.) The father's sister gives a pig for the feast, which takes 
 place when the child's ears are bored (I 222). 
 
 (Vanikoro.) Those who offend (the marriage rules) have to pay turtle 
 shell and pigs (I 225.) 
 
 (Guadalcanar.) He offers (to the naroha bird) food in the form of pud- 
 ding, as well as fish, pork, and tobacco, and the bird gives him the mana, 
 which enables him to kill his enemy (I 243). 
 
 (Fiji.) The Watlevu also planted food and had in addition the special 
 privilege of eating the pig's head, usually the perquisite of warriors (I 272). 
 
 (Tikopia.) There are no pigs on the island (I 333). 
 
 (Tikopia.) Dillon and Dumont d'Urville state that the people at one 
 time had pigs and fowls, but had destroyed them on account of the harm 
 done to their gardens (I 353). 
 
 (Arag.) The husband gives pigs, but he receives in return property from 
 the relatives of his wife. It is, however, doubtful whether tlus gift of pigs 
 from the man is to be regarded as pvurchase; it is more probable that it is 
 one of those incidents which has formed the starting point of marriage by pm-- 
 chase rather than actual purchase itself (II 105). 
 
 (Banks Group.) It is the custom to give pigs and money for a wife, but 
 probably only for a wife other than the widow of the mother's brother. If I 
 am right in supposing that a man only gives pigs and money for his wife 
 when the woman he marries is other than his uncle's widow, the most natural 
 explanation is that these payments correspond to the gift of the Arag bride- 
 groom, but have developed into an organized system of payment for a bride 
 (II 108). 
 
 (Ambrym.) The giving of pigs is an essential part of the ceremonies of 
 initiation or of raising in rank (II 228.) 
 
 (Malekula.) A man receives a new name on each rise in rank; each of 
 these occasions is accompanied by the killing of pigs (II 229), 
 
 Eastern Polynesia: (Arioi.) The societies were entered by a process of 
 initiation, and both initiation and raising to a higher rank were accompanied 
 by ceremonies of which the offering of a pig formed an essential part (II 242). 
 
 The prominence of the pig in the ritual of the secret organizations sug- 
 gests that it may have been introduced by the people who founded these 
 organizations. If so it becomes natural that the pig's jawbone should be 
 used as money in the Torres Islands and that this object should be prominent 
 in the dances connected with initiation into one of the higher ranks of the 
 Sukwe. It may be noted that it is not only in the secret organizations of 
 Melanesia that the pig is important, but it also takes an important place in 
 the ritual of initiation into the Arioi societies of Pol3mesia (II 460). 
 
 (New Britain.) A new member is allowed to see the bullroarer on pajonent 
 of a pig, and by means of a second pig obtains admission to the dance (II 512). 
 
 (New Britain.) Note of the employment of stone statues of the pig in the 
 Ingiet society (II 517) and the magical use of the pig in the conjxurations of 
 the society (II 521). 
 
 The chief material objects which I have been led to ascribe to the kava- 
 people are the following: kava, shell money, the pig and fowl, the bow and 
 arrow, the wooden gong, the conch shell, the fillet, and the cycas tree (II 533)- 
 
 (New Britain: Sulka.) The only restriction on food of which we know 
 is that certain men and women may not eat the flesh of the pig, but this 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 81 
 
 practice does not appear to be hereditary, a mother settling whether her child 
 shall or shall not observe the restriction (II 538). 
 
 (New Ireland: Siara.) The dog and pig are also totems (II 543). 
 
 (New Hanover.) The snake, lizard, shark, dolphin, and pig (in carved 
 masks) represent malignant beings (II 545). 
 
 (San Cristoval.) When a pig is sacrificed in this island a bit of the flesh 
 is burnt upon a stone and the blood of the pig is poured upon the fire (II 546). 
 
 77. r^ drinking water. 
 
 RSPQRSNC^S; MelaoesischeWanderstrasse, 143: 163. Polynesian Wanderings, 396 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 lanu 
 
 Samoa, Tonga, Putuna. 
 
 ranu 
 
 Mangareva. 
 
 fakalanu 
 
 Tonga, Niue, Futuna. 
 
 fa'alanu 
 
 Samoa. 
 
 ndranu 
 
 Viti. 
 
 
 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 
 I. danum 
 
 Tobadi. 
 
 14. ren 
 
 Marshalls. 
 
 2. danim 
 
 Munuwai, Lochagon, Lak- 
 
 15. dan 
 
 SuralU, Nokon, Wogeo. 
 
 
 urumau, Nemassalang, 
 
 16. ndan 
 
 Limba, Langanie. 
 
 
 Lawu, Fezoa. 
 
 17. e-ndan 
 
 Tegarot. 
 
 3. ddmun 
 
 Pororan, Petat, Hanahan. 
 
 18. rain 
 
 Sissano, Arop. 
 
 4. ddnim 
 
 Molot, Kalangor. 
 
 19. reen 
 
 Tumleo. 
 
 5. a-ndaniin 
 
 Kait. 
 
 20. rien 
 
 Tumleo. 
 
 6. ranu 
 
 Motu. 
 
 21. rieng 
 
 Paup, Seleo, Yakomul. 
 
 7. rani 
 
 Tanna. 
 
 22. rai 
 
 Malol. 
 
 8. rfimun 
 
 Hamatana. 
 
 23. mi-nda 
 
 Kowamerara, Sigab, Tatau 
 
 9. ndru 
 
 Vitu. 
 
 
 Marei, Simberi, 
 
 10. nalu 
 
 Galoma. 
 
 24. ta 
 
 Bissapu. 
 
 II. nanu 
 
 Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara, 
 
 25- ta 
 
 Lalinau. 
 
 
 Rubi. 
 
 26. ta-va 
 
 Kabakaul, Raluana, Matu- 
 
 12. ran 
 
 Suein, Efate, Mortlocks. 
 
 
 pi, Ratawul. 
 
 13. ran 
 
 Uap, Gilberts. 
 
 27. tach 
 
 Namarodu. 
 
 The definition drinking water is somewhat too specific. It is more 
 likely that the stem lanu is descriptive of a quality found in water 
 such as may be used for drinking and for washing. The lavatory 
 use predominates in the Polynesian occurrences of the stem, where 
 fakalanu particularizes the washing with sweet water after bathing 
 in sea-water, for the salinity of the tropical Pacific sea is so high that 
 evaporation leaves the skin covered with fine crystals which are 
 inconvenient. The noun in Viti waidranu determines this descrip- 
 tive quality of the lanu stem, for it is a compaction of wai, the common 
 word for water, and of lanu, and as a compaction has the sense fresh 
 water. The vai stem is of such wide application to all waters and 
 to other liquids as to warrant the belief that its original sense was 
 fluid. In the Polynesian it is necessary to add another element when 
 one would express the sense of potable water, the type being the 
 Samoan sua-vai. This element sua recurs with other names of fluids, 
 sua-susu milk when used as a beverage, sua-niu the water of the greeii 
 coconut. In Melanesia the lanu stem appears sometimes in place of 
 vai and sometimes side by side with it. 
 
82 SISSANO. 
 
 In the study of this suite of forms we are under the necessity of 
 examining at the outset the effect of metathesis, a phonetic prin- 
 ciple peculiarly frequent in this stem. This principle needs close 
 study before we can assume to comprehend the phonetic motive of 
 its application, but its mechanics are simple. In an earUer work 
 (Easter Island, page 26) I have made the beginning of an examination 
 of the theme, and at present I am not justified in advancing beyond 
 the results there set forth. The most that has been done is to devise a 
 system for the record, and eventually for the comparative study, of 
 vocables in which metathesis is discoverable. In that examination 
 sufl&cient material was available to estabUsh the fact that metathesis 
 can be consonantal or vocalic. The device for estabUshing the types 
 of metathesis is of extreme simpUcity in the languages of open struc- 
 ture and may be made to serve for the closed syllables also. In this 
 scheme a is employed to designate the vowel of the first syllable, 
 whatever it may be, E the vowel of the second, i of the third, and so 
 on ; B is employed to designate the initial consonant of the first syllable, 
 c of the second, and so on. 
 
 In the first group of metatheses which we encounter in this suite 
 we find the change appUed to the stem lanu. This will be repre- 
 sented in the record scheme by the type bace. The metathetic form 
 is of the simplest and numerically most frequent type represented by 
 the type cabe, in which the vowels of the stem remain fixed, the 
 initial consonants of the syllables interchange places. Thus we find 10 
 nalu, by a slight and f amiHar liquid mutation 9 naru and by a scarcely 
 less frequent mutation n nana. Friederici notes the possibility, it 
 seems to him highly probable, that these forms are derivative from 
 ngalu, the common Polynesian word for wave and particularly breaker; 
 to me it seems far more reasonable to regard these as metatheses 
 upon lanu. The second group consists of variants upon the closed 
 stem danum. In my earUer examination of the principle it was not 
 necessary to take into consideration the forms of closed syllables, 
 for that work was concerned solely with the open Pol3Tiesian languages. 
 The closed syllable may readily be represented by the emplo5naient 
 of a typographically varied symbol of the same order as the initial 
 consonant; thus meto is of the type bace, and mento would become 
 BAfecE and meton would become bacEc. The closed stem danum is 
 of the type bacec; by metathesis to the type bacEC we find 3 damun; 
 from stem 2 dfinim, subjected to a simple vocaUc mutation, we find 4 
 dSnim; and from a stem ranum, which we may properly interpolate 
 on the strength of the occturence of 6 ranu, we find 8 rdmun. Pro- 
 visionally we observe that metathesis in the closed syllable is accom- 
 plished through the interchange of the former with the latter conso- 
 nant. This is provisional, adopted only for mechanical convenience. 
 
MBlvANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 83 
 
 I am not prepared to state that closed syllables are primordial. 
 My h3rpothesis of the evolution of speech by the application of con- 
 sonantal modulants leads more and more distinctly to the belief 
 that the earliest employment of consonants was their initial appH- 
 cation to the vowels. Of course it is not beyond the bounds of possi- 
 bility that a later stage of development hit upon the device of adding 
 a final consonant. At present it is not feasible to determine that 
 point. However, we have many instances in which a stem now open 
 in Polynesian appears closed in many Melanesian languages through 
 the presence of a final consonant and that, in its turn, is clearly a 
 development through abrasion from a former open stem. For an 
 example of this we need look no further than the next preceding item 
 (76 pul) where, in items 3-1 1, we have the series pakasi — mpokas — 
 puka. Much study must be put upon this problem before we can 
 arrive at a satisfactory determination ; here I do no more than note the 
 possibility that closed stems have arisen through final abrasion of 
 the vowel of an added open syllable. Along this line of reasoning 
 danum is not to be represented by bacbc but as BAC]eD(i) and the meta- 
 thetic damun is not bacEC but badec(i) ; this signifies that all conso- 
 nantal metathesis consists solely of the interchange of initial conso- 
 nants of succeeding syllables. 
 
 Having cleared away the compHcations introduced by the meta- 
 thesis the series runs for some distance with satisfactory smoothness. 
 Items 1-5 exhibit the closed ranum type, and in 2, 4, and 5 we note 
 the mutation u-i in the latter syllable, and to this series belongs 8 
 r^mun. Items 6, 7, 9-1 1 exhibit the open ranu type with the u-i muta- 
 tion in 7. From 12 to 17 we find readily comprehensible variants 
 of the ran type, merely ranu which has undergone final abrasion of 
 vowel to be adjusted to speech in which the closed type is preferred. 
 This is evidential that the stem was introduced to these regions by 
 folk who employed ranu and from whose memory had passed t±ie recol- 
 lection of an earlier, if indeed earher, stem danum or ranum (?). The 
 r-d mutation is frequent in these languages; in this series it is found 
 in 1-5, 15-17. At this point I have inserted the distinctly northern 
 New Guinea type 18-22, in which we recognize a ran type with that 
 duphcation of vowels which we note in speech of this particular group 
 and whose explanation we are not yet far enough advanced in the 
 knowledge of the Hnguistics of the region to comprehend. The items 
 23-27 may stand as of the ran type after yet fmrther final abrasion. 
 The Namarodu 27 tach is anomalous in the assumption of a final 
 palatal; we note that Friederici reports it as less positive than the 
 palatal of German nach. The form 26 ta-va, somewhat widely dif- 
 fused on the Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain, is explained by this 
 author as a compaction of the water words ranu and vai. In this 
 explanation it corresponds to the Viti wai-dranu already mentioned, 
 but the elements are set in different order. 
 
84 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 80. rebin testes, spirit. 
 
 RSFBRBNCBS: Deutsch-Neuguinea, 229. Melanestsche Wanderstrasse, 100: 67. 
 
 laben Siar, Garget (testes). 
 
 This stem is a thin inclusion within the territory of the more frequent 
 laso stem. It is not identified in Indonesia, nor have we any record 
 of its appearance elsewhere in Melanesia. Its occurrence is limited 
 to Astrolabe Bay and the Sissano lagoons on the north shore of New 
 Guinea. 
 
 88. sel stone. 
 
 Note has aheady been made of the apparent association of sel with 
 34 el the stone axe. Our Sissano material is too slight to admit of 
 extended discussion, yet in so many of these languages the s-h muta- 
 tion has been traced as far as extinction of the initial consonont that 
 it is not unreasonable to assume its existence here. See note on page 
 12 relative to the sago pounder. 
 
 91. suk nose. 
 
 RBFSr^ncSS; Melanesische Wanderstrasse, xiS: 104. Codringtoa. 48:46. Ray, 
 404:97,495:97. Polynesian Wanderings, 343. Subanu, 119. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 isu Samoa, Futuna, Fakaofo, Aniwa, ihu Tonga, Niue, Uvea, Maori, Tahiti, 
 Manahiki, Nuguria, Fotuna, Ro- Hawaii, Marquesas, Mangareva, 
 
 tuma. Paumotu, Rapanui, Tongarewa, 
 
 ishu Moiki. Nukuoro. 
 
 iu Rarotonga. ushu Kapingamarangi. 
 
 udhu Viti. 
 
 
 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 is'u 
 
 Mugula. 
 
 
 20. 
 
 lisui 
 
 Maewo. 
 
 2. 
 
 isu 
 
 Suau, Sariba, Tube 
 
 tube. 
 
 21. 
 
 barisu 
 
 Wango. 
 
 
 
 Adaua. 
 
 
 22. 
 
 usu 
 
 Efate, Rook. 
 
 3- 
 
 izu 
 
 Roro. 
 
 
 23- 
 
 usung 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 4- 
 
 izun 
 
 Siassi. 
 
 
 24- 
 
 uzum 
 
 Siassi. 
 
 5- 
 
 ishuda 
 
 Bonarua. 
 
 
 25- 
 
 udu 
 
 Motu. 
 
 6. 
 
 idu 
 
 Pokau. 
 
 
 26. 
 
 osu 
 
 Buka. 
 
 7. 
 
 itu 
 
 Roro, Kabadi. 
 
 
 27- 
 
 tigusu 
 
 Efatfe. 
 
 8. 
 
 iru 
 
 Hula, Galoma, Rubi, 
 
 Vitu. 
 
 28. 
 
 guhu 
 
 Ambrym. 
 
 9- 
 
 ilu 
 
 Sinaugoro, Keapara. 
 
 
 29. 
 
 sunu 
 
 Baki. 
 
 10. 
 
 ihu 
 
 Ngela, Bugotu. 
 
 
 30. 
 
 lusu 
 
 Tami. 
 
 II. 
 
 iu 
 
 Raqa, Oiun. 
 
 
 31. 
 
 barusu 
 
 Fagani. 
 
 12. 
 
 wesu 
 
 Buka. 
 
 
 32. 
 
 palusu 
 
 Ulawa, Bululaha 
 
 13- 
 
 uies 
 
 Buka. 
 
 
 33. 
 
 pwalusu 
 
 Saa. 
 
 H- 
 
 ngisu 
 
 Sesake, Epi. 
 
 
 34- 
 
 ngore 
 
 Efate. 
 
 15- 
 
 in-gidjin 
 
 Aneityum. 
 
 
 35- 
 
 ngongora Alite. 
 
 16. 
 
 nisung 
 
 Nok6n. 
 
 
 36. 
 
 nunura 
 
 Barriai, Kobe. 
 
 17- 
 
 kinihu 
 
 Bierian. 
 
 
 37. 
 
 soku 
 
 Jibu. 
 
 18. 
 
 neliu 
 
 Nggao. 
 
 
 38. 
 
 ururu 
 
 Doura. 
 
 19- 
 
 niu 
 
 Awalama, Taupota 
 kawa. 
 
 , Mu- 
 
 
 
 
 As earlier pointed out in former studies of this interesting series 
 of vocables, I am disposed to recognize the persistence of a primal 
 stem su of some manner of application to the lower part of the human 
 and simian face, to the anterior face of other animals, limited and 
 particularized in its application to the naso-mandibular region. In 
 
MHLANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABtJLARY. 85 
 
 languages of the plane of development occupied by the Polynesian 
 we find a differentiation of two parts of the naso-mandibular region, 
 isu the nose, gutu the mouth. Yet in the less-advanced thought of 
 Melanesia we find in many instances that the two organs have not 
 yet been permanently differentiated and that one or other of these 
 accretion forms does duty indifferently for mouth or nose. A similar 
 diffusion obtains in Enghsh snout and German schnauze. We do 
 not encounter this primal su short of Sissano; it recurs in Indonesia 
 among the Subanu, a people not distinctly superior in culture, as 
 soong. 
 
 The Polynesian shows in its determinant forms isu and gutu a formal 
 distinction of the earlier vowel to separate the nose vocable from the 
 mouth vocable. Yet Viti udhu shows that this is not wholly constant, 
 for udhu, clearly a mutant of usu, is employed in the sense of isu; 
 and an intermediary form, ushu of Kapingamarangi, is of great signifi- 
 cance. The two types, i and u, interlace throughout Melanesia with- 
 out distinction of sense; our knowledge of none of this material is 
 yet so intimate as to admit of the determination whether the two 
 words interchange as vocables or whether the two organs have not 
 yet been particularized for specific naming. In the foregoing tabu- 
 lation items 1-2 1 are of the i series, 22-33 of the u series. Except 
 for 13 uies and 15 in-gidjin, the latter vowel, which I assume to be the 
 vowel of the primal stem su, remains constant. Regarding uies in 
 conjunction with 12 wesu, reported from the same island, we have no 
 difficulty in regarding it as a variant of wesu after abrasion of the 
 final vowel. Aneityum is so crabbed in speech that we are very chary 
 about the estabhshment of derivations which involve the action of 
 mutation principles based upon our material from that speech alone. 
 It is possible that gidjin is an isu derivative; there is sufficient resem- 
 blance to warrant its inclusion in the series, but its anomaUes must 
 not be admitted to the argument. 
 
 Before discussing the extrinsic modulation elements we shall best 
 examine the suite of the s of the primal stem su. It remains unaltered 
 in items i, 2, 12-14, 16, 20-23, 26-27, 29-33. It passes to z in 3-4, 
 24; to sh in 5, as in Polynesian Moiki and Kapingamarangi; to the 
 mutes, d in 6 and 25, t in 7. These are all mutations downward in 
 the Ungual series, from weak to strong. There is also mutation 
 upward, progressive weakening. It passes from sibilant to aspirate 
 in ID, 17-18, 28; it passes to the Uquids, r in 8, 1 in 9; it becomes 
 extinct, probably through the aspiration, in 11 and 19. 
 
 We find the advanced stems isu and usu modified by consonant 
 prefaces. The preface most frequent in employment is nasal, the 
 lingual n of the same series as the stem consonant s, this being found 
 in 16-19 3-iid 29, for the cabe metathesis nusu-sunu is clear; the palatal 
 ng is found in 14 and 27, from the latter of which 28 guhu depends. 
 
86 SISSANO. 
 
 either through the ng-g mutation, or else in Ambrym, as in so many 
 cases in the Pacific g is employed to represent ng. A liquid preface 
 gives an interesting series both for isu and for usu; in 20 Usui we 
 find it employed upon isu with a terminal addition, in 30 lusu we 
 find it employed with usu; each of these secondary compactions 
 undergoes further distinction with an element which is found as ba 
 in 21 and 31, as pa in 32, and in 33 is affected by the Melanesian dif- 
 ficulty in enunciation of the labials. We find another preface syllable 
 ki in 1 7 kinihu. A terminal syllable makes its appearance in 5 ishuda. 
 Final consonants occur. Sissano suk suggests the inclusion of 37 soku 
 in the derivation chain; final ng is found in 16 and 23, final n in 4, 
 final m in 24. The Efat^ 34 ngore introduces us to a small and 
 interesting group. I am not prepared to pass upon the affiUation of 
 this group with the su stem; yet if we start with 27 ngusu, also 
 from Efat6, we find in 26 osu warrant for the o and in 8 iru warrant 
 for the r. It is, however, quite clear that 35 and 36 are assodable 
 with ngore and perhaps the same is true of 38. 
 
 94. tameng woman. 
 
 RSFSRSNCSS; Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 145. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 216. 
 
 1. tamen Tumleo. I 3. tamine Kobe. 
 
 2. taming Paup, Yakomul. | 
 
 Friederici includes these forms within the series of fine woman, 
 but I am unable to estabhsh the chain of aflSUation through which 
 such association might be settled. This stem recurs with sHght pho- 
 netic variety in 54 lon-tamin sister and in 119 wun-damin wife. 
 
 97. tapo crocodile. 
 
 RSF^RBNCBS: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 112c. 
 
 tapu Ser. 
 
 Friederici records these two forms after discussion of the widely 
 disseminated bua crocodile, and the passage deserves citation in full. 
 
 Zu erwahnen sind daim noch zwei Worte, die wieder zeigen, dass ein gewisser 
 Zusammenhang zwischen den Melanesiem des Westteils der Nordkuste von 
 Kaiser- Wilhelmsland und der Gegend der Tabar-Inseln und von Limba und 
 I/anganie (Neu-Mecklenburg) besteht. Denn wir haben in: Ser: tapu; 
 Sissano: tapo; Tumleo: aleo; Paup: aluo; Yakomul: aliu; Kowamerara 
 (Tabar-Ins.) : mi-16wa; Tatua (ebenda): mi-kopo; I^imba und lyanganie: 
 Idiia. 
 
 In the material here assembled I find myself unable to trace the 
 interassociation which Friederici postulates. No more is it possible 
 to adjust even so congruent a pair of vocables as Ser-Sissano with the 
 general bua type. 
 
MELANBSIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 87 
 
 99. tenan mother. 
 
 RSFSKSNCBS: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, il8: 100. Deutsch-Neaguinea, 313:138. 
 Codrington, 47:43. Ray, 403: 90, 494: 90. Subanu, 146. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 tina Samoa. 
 
 tina Viti. 
 
 tinana Futuna, Sikaiana. 
 
 tinga Potuna. 
 jina Tonga. 
 kina Liuaniua. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 1. tina 
 
 2. tina 
 
 3. tinan 
 
 4. tinang 
 
 5. tino 
 
 6. tinong 
 
 7. tsitsina- 
 
 8. tna 
 
 9. retne 
 
 10. tena 
 
 11. dina 
 
 12. dinemi 
 
 13. dena 
 
 14. zina 
 
 Graget. 
 
 Maleu, Nakanai, Mari- 
 na, Vaturanga, Nge- 
 la. New Georgia, 
 Rubi, Tagula. 
 
 Ninigo, Sarin, Siar. 
 
 Leut. 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 Umre. 
 •nggu Vitu. 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 Vuras. 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 Tami, Bukaua. 
 
 Eromanga. 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 Uni. 
 
 15. sina 
 
 16. hina 
 
 17. hinana 
 
 18. inna 
 
 19. ina 
 
 20. na 
 
 21. nage 
 
 22. ine 
 
 23. nene 
 
 24. nana 
 
 25. neina 
 
 26. neia 
 
 27. nia 
 
 Pokau, Doura, Motu, Sinau- 
 goro, Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, 
 Nada, Dobu, Mukawa. 
 
 Panaieti, Tavara, Awalama. 
 
 Roro. 
 
 Mekeo. 
 
 Wango, Fagani, Hula, Kea- 
 para, Galoma, Misima, Mu- 
 rua, Kiriwina, Giun. 
 
 Duke of York. 
 
 Kilenge. 
 
 Koiari. 
 
 Nengone, Koita. 
 
 Agi, Uberi. 
 
 Hagari, Koiari, Maiari, Koita. 
 
 Agi, Uberi, Yela. 
 
 Yela. 
 
 This series exhibits quite clearly a succession of devolution forms 
 based upon the mutation of the initial consonant down to its extinc- 
 tion. In this succesion we find t in items i-io, d 11-13, z 14, s 15, 
 h 16-17, extinction 18, 19, 22. In other respects there is little in the 
 fiarst 19 items which calls for notice. The Barriai 8 tna is clearly 
 t(i)na, and 9 retne is a compaction of an unidentified element with a 
 similar ehsion as re-t(i)ne. It is possible that the Duke of York na 
 derives from tina in its ina type by apocope, but when we reach so 
 elemental a word form we may not express a positive determination 
 on its afiiliations. It may be that na-ge (21) is an evolution of this 
 primitive form. Some confirmation of na may be foimd in the series 
 beginning with 22. The Koiari ine is clearly a tina derivative from 
 the type tine, which we have already seen in 9 re-t(i)ne. In languages 
 intimately associated with the Koiari we find the resultant ne dupli- 
 cated in 23 nene of the Koita, and with a distant sporadic reappear- 
 ance in Nengone. The remainder of the suite clearly follows upon 
 our acceptance of the association of nene with the tina stem. It is 
 interesting to note that this particular suite is found in those languages 
 of New Guinea which have been classed by Ray and others among 
 the Papuan or non-Melanesian. (See page 133.) 
 
 100. tin penis. 
 
 RSFBRBNCSs: Deutsch-Neuguinea, 215: 144. Polynesian Wanderings, 431. 
 Subanu, 149. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 uti Viti. ure Maori, Rapanui, Tahiti, Mangareva, 
 
 ule Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Hawaii. Paumotu. 
 
 oe Marquesas. 
 
88 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 
 I. uti 
 
 Efat6, Eluaue, 
 
 Emsau, Jabim. 
 
 10. witin 
 
 Siassi. 
 
 2. utid 
 
 Siassi. 
 
 
 II. gudin 
 
 Tami. 
 
 3. fiting 
 
 Lihir. 
 
 
 12. kutira 
 
 Kilenge. 
 
 4. utine 
 
 Arag. 
 
 
 13- ut 
 
 Lemusmus, Dyaul. 
 
 5. utira 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 
 14. usi 
 
 Motu. 
 
 6. oti 
 
 Ninigo. 
 
 
 15. usina 
 
 Kabadi. 
 
 7. otin 
 
 Sar4n. 
 
 
 16. usii 
 
 Lalinau. 
 
 8. otine 
 
 Maewo. 
 
 
 17. us 
 
 Pala. 
 
 9. ne-oti 
 
 Bierian. 
 
 
 18. u 
 
 Bongu. 
 
 In the Melanesia!! material we find stems uti and usi, and we have 
 sufficient instances of the t-s mutation to warrant us in assuming the 
 affiHation. The uti stem extends into the Polynesian area only in 
 the single case of Viti. It is possible that Polynesian ule might 
 derive from uti. Two objections arise : one that the vowel mutation 
 i-e is by no means frequent in the Polynesian fixity of the vowels, 
 the other is that the Polynesian form would then be secondary to the 
 Melanesian, and that is contrary to general observation based upon 
 the most extensive comparative studies. 
 
 loi. to sugar cane. 
 
 REFBRBNCfi: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 147: 176. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 to Tonga 
 
 Niue, Paumotu, Tahiti, Ma- 
 
 tolo Samoa 
 
 Futuna. 
 
 ngareva, Marquesas. 
 
 toro Aniwa. 
 
 
 toa Rapanui. 
 
 ndovu Viti. 
 
 
 thou Rotuma. 
 
 
 
 
 
 MELAN 
 
 ESL 
 
 A.N. 
 
 
 I. to 
 
 Sissano, Wanimo, Leitere, Ser, 
 
 13- 
 
 tohe 
 
 Hamatana. 
 
 
 Arop, Wogeo, Bilibili, Bau- 
 
 14- 
 
 t6h6 
 
 Hanahan. 
 
 
 ung, Ngamat. 
 
 15- 
 
 tohu 
 
 Motu. 
 
 2. ne-to 
 
 Aneityum. 
 
 16. 
 
 tura 
 
 Bongu. 
 
 3- do 
 
 Tami. 
 
 17- 
 
 tovu 
 
 Vitu, Marei, Simberi, Bur- 
 
 4. tou 
 
 Malo, Mota, Siassi. 
 
 
 
 ruwe. 
 
 5. tou 
 
 Graget, Longa, lapa, Morobe. 
 
 18. 
 
 tuf 
 
 Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- 
 
 6. tau 
 
 Paup. 
 
 
 
 fanga, Sali, Lemakot. 
 
 7. teu 
 
 Rook. 
 
 19- 
 
 a-tuch 
 
 Bissapu, Punam, Nokon. 
 
 8. teOi 
 
 Yakomul. 
 
 20. 
 
 eb-toch 
 
 Lamassa. 
 
 9. tfio 
 
 Pak. 
 
 21. 
 
 ut6ch 
 
 Petat. 
 
 ID. tU 
 
 Tumleo, Bagail, Majum.Ave- 
 
 22. 
 
 top 
 
 Siassi 
 
 
 lus, Lossuk, Mongai, Le- 
 
 23- 
 
 tup 
 
 King, Kait. 
 
 
 musmus, Limba, Langanie, 
 
 24. 
 
 a-r6f 
 
 Munuwai, Nemassalang 
 
 
 Belik. 
 
 
 
 Fezoa. 
 
 II. te 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 25- 
 
 a-ruf 
 
 Lakurumau, Panangai, Lawu 
 
 12. ti 
 
 Jabim. 
 
 The examination of the Polynesian material exhibits the to stem 
 and three variants, accretion by a vowel and by an added syllable 
 beginning with a liquid and with a labial respectively. The simple 
 stem and all these variants and none other we find in the Melanesian 
 material. 
 
 The initial consonant undergoes mutation only in 3 do, the simplest 
 of all mutations. The vowel of the simple stem becomes u in a niunber 
 
MKlvANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 89 
 
 of languages; the less regular mutation to e and i appears only in 
 Jabim in items ii and 12. Accretion through a liquid is rare in the 
 Polynesian series, being found only in Samoa and Futuna; we recog- 
 nize it in Melanesia only in the single instance of 16 tura, and this 
 with some hesitation, for while we may support the o-u mutation 
 on the strength of 10 tu the vowel of the second syllable appears 
 only this once as a. Accretion through a labial is unmistakable in 
 17, 18, 22-25, and the palatal in 19-21 comes into the series as labial 
 by reason of Friederici's note that the ch has almost the f sound. In 
 17 tovu we have the aflOliate of Viti ndovu. 
 
 In the aspirate forms 13-15 we may discover a transition stage in 
 the direction of the forms where the accretion is but a vowel without 
 consonant introduction. The mutation from the labials to an aspirate 
 proximate to that series is of considerable frequency; the dropping 
 of the aspirate is even more frequent; thus we find a simple series 
 from 17 tovu through 15 tohu to 4 and 5 tou. Thus Unking items 4-9 
 into the system we find progressive vowel alterations including the 
 transposition in 9 tuo. It is not altogether certain that the two 
 forms 24 and 25 which involve the t-r mutation are derivatives from 
 this stem, yet the mutation is not unknown and 18 tuf provides a 
 ready point of departure. 
 
 102. tur arrow. 
 RbpiSRSnc^: Deutsch-Neuguinea, I3id. 
 
 I. tu Graget. 
 
 i. tu Siar. 
 
 3. ang-du Bogadjim. 
 
 4. nsu Tami. 
 
 5. ma- to Tisasi. 
 
 6. tun Langtub. 
 
 7. na-tun Kilenge. 
 
 8. tunga Kopoam. 
 
 9. tur Ser, Sissano, Arop, Malol. 
 
 10. ator Paup. 
 
 11. tatur Tumleo, Dakur, Su^n. 
 
 12. totor Wogeo. 
 
 13. tetor Muschu. 
 
 14. tatfiar DS.kur. 
 
 15. totual Put. 
 
 16. tuluch Nissan. 
 
 17. toto Bawaipa. 
 
 18. doso Nupanob. 
 
 Lacking comparable forms in Polynesia and in Indonesia, it will 
 be idle to pursue this series exhaustively. The items are arranged 
 in such order as has suggested itself and it might be possible to estab- 
 lish one or more series of affiliates. So far as relates to these studies 
 the presentation of the record suffices. In the next vocable, 104 turien 
 bow, the presence of tur is unmistakable. 
 
 105. ull breadfruit. 
 
 RSPSRBNCQ; Melanesische Wanderstrasse, So (i). 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 ulu Aniwa, Nuguria. 
 
 *ulu Samoa. 
 
 uru Tahiti. 
 
 ul Rotuma. 
 
 kulu Rarotonga. 
 
 kuru Mangareva, Nuguria, Aniwa, Sika- 
 
 iana, Kapingamarangi. 
 uhu Liuaniua. 
 
90 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 1. ul Ninigo, Arop. 
 
 2. fll Graget. 
 
 3. 01 Karkar. 
 
 4. uU Sissano. 
 
 5. ull Ser. 
 
 6. afll Tutnleo. 
 
 7. ur Nufoor. 
 
 8. uri Tobadi. 
 
 9. yal Vrin&.gol, Tsinapali, Akur. 
 
 10. ule Bilibili. 
 
 11. ulfl Bluaue, Emsau. 
 
 12. u Jabim. 
 
 13. kul Wogeo. 
 
 14. kul Paluan, Lou, Mo4nus. 
 
 15. kulu Vitu. 
 
 16. gul Nayama. 
 
 17. vol Dallmannhafen. 
 
 18. fal 
 
 19. wul 
 
 20. un 
 
 21. on 
 
 22. ongoi 
 
 23. unu 
 
 24. unuri 
 
 25. kun 
 
 26. kun 
 
 27. kunu 
 
 28. kunori 
 
 29. gun 
 
 30. gunu 
 
 31. won 
 
 32. gum 
 
 33. kumu 
 
 Afur. 
 
 Paup, Yakomul. 
 
 Siassi, Barriai. 
 
 Lifu, Mare. 
 
 Mekeo. 
 
 Motu, Galoma, Rubi, Dobu, 
 
 Kobe. 
 Suau. 
 Kilenge. 
 Siassi. 
 Mugtda. 
 Wedau. 
 Nayama. 
 
 Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara. 
 Nokon, Muschu. 
 Tatni. 
 Kiriwina. 
 
 Friederici has subjected the breadfruit names to such a searching 
 examination and has drawn a conclusion so brilliant that I hesitate 
 to traverse his conclusions even in a single particular. He estab- 
 hshes four stocks of breadfruit names, the un, the mai, the bareo, and 
 the be. Of these the former two follow a parallel and often inter- 
 lacing coturse from Indonesia. His un stock is traceable from the 
 northwestern tip of Sumatra, through Indonesia, along the north 
 coast of New Guinea, down through Melanesia (its occurrence in Lifu 
 and Mare (21) is at the ultimate Melanesian outpost), thence into Poly- 
 nesia, as exhibited in the proper section of the foregoing tabulation. 
 His mai stock falls within that speech group which, with no great 
 precision, we call Micronesian, is found in the Santa Cruz and New 
 Hebrides groups, and extends into Pol)mLesia. In this inquiry we 
 have to concern ourselves only with the former of these stocks. 
 
 I can not find myself in accord with Friederici in naming this the 
 un stock. His studies are based upon the Melanesian with a back- 
 ward gaze upon the Indonesian; this is sufficient to establish the un 
 forms in his view as primal. My examination of the identical material 
 is based upon the Pol)aiesian. That group of languages I regard as 
 portative of these elements of the many languages of Indonesia as 
 well as Melanesia; therefore I look upon the un stock as secondary 
 and derivative from a Proto-Poljoiesian, which can have been nothing 
 but ulu or uru or kulu-kuru. 
 
 We may not undertake to determine the point whether the initial 
 palatal is primal or has been assumed. The k in these oceanic lan- 
 guages is subject to a peculiar movement. At some period whose 
 remoteness we are unable to estimate a tendency to obUterate the k 
 was operative in many of the languages of the Pacific tract. It may 
 have been a progressive movement; in some languages ancient, in 
 others more modem. In the Samoan it is clearly but briefly exterior 
 to the beginning of our knowledge. It is now eighty years since 
 the first missionaries made the acquaintance of this speech. They 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 91 
 
 came equipped for their studies with a practical knowledge of the 
 speech of Tahiti, from which the k had then completely dropped 
 out. But when they listened to a word from Samoan lips with which 
 they were famiHar in Tahiti they noted a difference in this particular 
 sufficiently great to call for note in recording the new speech. We 
 find an illustration in this breadfruit word, in Tahiti uru with a com- 
 plete aboUtion of the'k, but in Samoan they found themselves under 
 some phonetic necessity to particularize attention upon the dropping 
 of the initial and to write the word 'ulu. The inverted comma is 
 used consistently in the written Samoan to record the absence of that 
 palatal mute. 
 
 The phonetic problem is for the most part disregarded by those 
 foreigners who assume to speak some sort of Samoan, yet^it is essential 
 to the proper use of the speech and involves no insurmountable dif- 
 ficulty. The vowel introduced by inverted comma, to which has 
 been assigned the name "break," is pronoimced as of its proper quality 
 but from the palatal mute position. Effectively the speech organs 
 are set in the position for the production of the k and immediately 
 without emitting the k sound, pass to the voicing of the vowel. That 
 this is of importance is illustrated by the fact that between ulu the 
 head and *ulu the breadfruit the only means of distinction is the 
 break. Its presence in Samoan is proof that the dropping of the k is 
 most recent. While upon this theme we note the still more modern 
 swing back to the resumption of the palatal mute in pronimciation, 
 but now addressed upon the Ungual mute with the result that in 
 written Hawaiian and in spoken Samoan the t has been completely 
 replaced by k, a phonetic development fitly described as the process 
 of kappation. 
 
 The dropping of k from a primal kulu is thus easily accounted for. 
 It would be more difficult to predicate a primal ulu and to account 
 for the assumption by widely sundered peoples of k and none other, 
 as shown in items 13-16 and 25-33. The only objection to postulating 
 a primal kulu lies in the labial group 17-19 and 31. To pass from 
 palatal to labial is not in the scheme of the mutations of these lan- 
 guages, all the more difficult to consider by reason of the extreme dif- 
 ficulty of using the lips in the most of the Melanesian languages. It 
 is easier to regard these labial forms as sporadically developed from 
 ulu as a secondary stage of kuru. 
 
 In estabUshing the un forms as derivative from kulu we encounter 
 no phonetic difficulty, for the 1-n mutation is abundantly determined. 
 We find confirmation in the close parallelism of the two tjrpes of form, 
 kulu-kunu 15 and 27, kul-kun 13 and 26, gul-gun 16 and 29, ulu-unu 
 II and 23, ul-un i and 20; the only case in which we do not find a 
 clear parallel is 30 gunu for which gulu is not yet discovered. Second- 
 ary to the im tjrpe we find in 22 ongoi a mutation of n-ng as well as a 
 
92 SISSANO. 
 
 strong resemblance to the accretion forms 24 and 28 unuri-kunori; 
 another secondary form involving the n-m mutation is foimd in 33 
 kunu and 32 gum. The two obscure forms 6 adl and 9 yal seem asso- 
 ciate with the labial type akeady discussed. The former vowel stands 
 at u with great consistency; we find a passage to o in 21, 22, and 31, 
 to a in 9 and 18. For the latter vowel we have scantier record, owing 
 to the common disposition of Melanesian speech toward closed sylla- 
 bles which is sufficiently potent to sacrifice an original final vowel by 
 abrasion; it stands as primal u in 11, 15, 23, 24, 27, 30, and 33; it 
 passes to in 22 and 28, to e in 10, and to i in 8. 
 
 107. viti hand drum. 
 
 RBPERCnc^: Melanesische Wanderstrasse. 890. 
 
 5. at el Paup. 
 
 6. ati Paup, Yakomul. 
 
 7. aiti Tsinapali, Akur. 
 
 1. bSti Ser. 
 
 2. vJti Sissano. 
 
 3. vati Arop. 
 
 4. veti Arop. 
 
 We find ourselves concerned here with a small group of New Guinea 
 stock exhibiting readily associable affiliates on a common stem. We 
 are quite unable to trace the stem elsewhere in Melanesia and not 
 at all in the greater areas which lie west and east respectively. 
 
 108. vopun penis calabash. 
 
 The linguistic material is lacking whereby we might trace in this 
 character of dress the movement of the peopling of these islands. 
 But the item is so important in its relation to the growth of the cloth- 
 ing attire and exhibits such interesting detail of the beginning of the 
 sense of corporal modesty that I am sure that it will be of service to 
 include here the record of the minute examination made by Friederid: 
 
 Es diirfte ftir einen Ethnologen kaum zweifelhaft sein dass diese Art der 
 Kilenge und Barriai Leute ihr Male [the common perineal band of the islands] 
 mit hochgebundenem Penis und freiheraushangenden Hoden zu tragen ein 
 died jener Entwicklungsreihe bildet zu der auch die Kynodesme gehort und 
 welche wenigstens zum Tell in engen Beziehvmgen zu jener anderen Reihe steht 
 die durch Penisschutz in irgend einer Form charakterisiert ist. Ich stellte 
 zunachst die Orte fest, soweit meine Kenntnis reicht, wo wir eine ganz ahn- 
 liche Trageweise finden wie die in Frage stehende. Da sind zunachst die 
 Bewohner des Miindungsgebiets des Mamberonmo, im besonderen des 
 Dorfes Kukundori, die die glans des hochgenommenen Penis zwischen Bauch 
 und eine vielfach um den Leib gewundene Fischleine klemmen. Zu bemerken 
 ist aber dass in dieser Gegend auch Penisschutzvorrichtimgen getragen werden 
 in Gestalt von Kokosschalen oder Hiilsen (klappemdoppen) imd der bekann- 
 ten Penis-Kalebassen der Angriffshafengegend. Denselben hochgebundenen, 
 vermittelst der langen Vorhaut unter den Giirtel geklemmten Penis, haben 
 wir dann in der Utanata-Gegend, aber auch hier wieder mit der Modifikation 
 dass ein alter Mann gesehen wurde der die glans in ein angebundenes Schneck- 
 engehause gesteckt hatte. In dieser ganzen Gegend, bei den Tugere imd 
 Toro, finden wir diese Mischung; der Penis ist nach oben geholt, ohne oder 
 mit Schnecke, die Hoden hangen in jedem Falle frei und unbedeckt herunter. 
 
MElvANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE) VOCABULARY. 93 
 
 Schliesslich haben wir in der Gegend von Port Moresby (Motu) eine Trage- 
 weise des Penis, die jener der Barriai und Kilenge sehr ahnlich ist; nur hangen 
 hier die Hoden nicht frei nach rechts heraus, sondern das Scrotum wird durch 
 die T-Binde in zwei Teile geteilt so dass nach jeder Seite eine Halfte heraus- 
 hangt. Dass diese Leute auch sonst mannigfach den Bewohnern von West- 
 Neu-Pommern ethnisch nachstehen hatte ich schon einige Male Gelegenheit 
 anzudeuten. Dass endlich diese Trageweise eine Art von Kynodesme 
 bedeutet hat schon Hovorka sehr richtig erkannt, und damit verweise ich 
 auf die Verbreitung der letzteren innerhalb Polynesiens, die ich bereits an 
 einer anderen Stelle zu beleuchten versucht habe. 
 
 SchliessUch haben wir eine ganz nahverwandte Erscheinung auf den Hebri- 
 den-Inseln Malekula, Tanna und vielleicht auch Ambrym, sowie auf Neu- 
 Caledonien. Aus Griinden des narak nach Somerville, oder zum Schutz 
 gegen Schaden nach J. R. Forster, tragen diese Leute bei freihangenden Hoden 
 den Penis fest eingewickelt, mit Schnur oder Band nach oben gezogen und am 
 Gtirtel befestigt. Der Penis steckt de facto in einem zylindrischen Penis- 
 futteral, das durch Schnur in Stellung nach oben gehalten wird. Die Parallele 
 mit den Barriai und Kilenge Leu ten geht noch insofern weiter, als auch bei 
 den Malekula, Tanna und Neu-Caledonia Leuten durch incisio operiert ist; 
 aber wahrend die Scham der Barriai wo anders sitzt und sie keine Schwierig- 
 keit machen, den incisierten Penis sehen zu lassen, haben die Tanna und 
 Malekula Leute die grosste Scham dies zu tun. Diese ganze in den letzten 
 Absatzen besprochene Sitte, die ganz offenbar friiher einmal eine war oder 
 sich aus einer gemeinsamen Wurzel abgeleitet hat, zeigt wieder einmal durch 
 ihre Zahl von Varianten auf einem, ethnologisch betrachtet, raumlich und 
 zeitlich begrenzten Raume, wie nichts im Volkerleben stillsteht, wie alles 
 lebt, sich entwickelt oder zuriickgeht, sich verandert zum Fortschritt oder 
 zum Verfall. 
 
 Der erste Anblick eines Tanna-Mannes beriihrt noch viel merkwiirdiger 
 als der eines Barriai oder Kilenge. Es nimmt daher nicht Wunder dass die 
 Missionare diese Leute fiir nicht "decently" gekleidet erklart, sondern in 
 dieser Penis- Verhiillung ein "disgusting costume" erblickt haben, obwohl sie 
 in eben demselbes Satz zugeben, dass jene Leute in dieser von ihren Vatern 
 iiberkommenen Sitte absolut nichts Unanstandiges, sondern im Gegenteil 
 etwas durch ihre Anstandsgesetze Gebotenes erblicken. Der Anblick ist 
 allerdings fiir jemand, der sich nicht den Ruck geben kann, frei von euro- 
 paischen Vorurteilen an ein Naturvolk heranzutreten, sicherlich an sich nicht 
 asthetisch, und wirkt auch auf einen Ethnologen dadurch wenig erfreulich, 
 dass die leicht ersetzbaren xmd daher sauberen Eingeborenen-Stoffe der Zeiten 
 von Cook und Forster gegen schmutzige europaische Lappen ausgewechselt 
 sind, well diese fiir wertvoller gehalten werden, nicht so leicht zu ersetzen 
 sind und daher getragen werden, bis sie verfaulen und verfallen. 
 
 In Amerika haben wir die richtige Kynodesme bei den Chichimeken von 
 JaUsco, bei den Insel-Karaiben, Warrau in Guayana, in der Provinz Avurra 
 im Cauca-Tal, bei den Mayoruna des Amazonas und bei Anwohnem der 
 Magelhaes-Strasse. Den hochgebundenen Penis der Barriai finden wir bei 
 den Paressi Brasiliens. 
 
 Kehren wir nun von Neu-Caledonien, von Osten nach Westen, zu einem 
 Ueberblick uber die noch nicht genannten Penis-Schutzvorrichtungen zuriick, 
 so ergibt sich folgendes: Auf Ulawa, Stid-Salomonen, bemerkte Surville 
 Blatter-Penishullen, von denen die Expedition Mendana nichts erwahnt. 
 Auf Emirau wird nach Parkinson neben dem Ovulum ovum auch eine kleine 
 gelbe Klirbisart als Penisbedeckung benutzt; ich habe das nicht bemerkt 
 und sah auch verhaltnismassig nur wenige der weissen Ovula. Von der St. 
 
94 SISSANO. 
 
 Matthias Gruppe habe ich nur die nach Suden vorgelagerten kleinen Inseln 
 besucht, die Hauptinsel habe ich uberhaupt nur betreten um ein Paar Gesteins- 
 proben zu nehmen. Auf den besuchten Insehi nun war das Verhaltnis 
 genau wie auf Emirau, nur wenige Leute trugen die Schnecke. 
 
 Die nachste Station bilden die Admiralitats-Insehi. Ob hier auf alien 
 Inseln das Ovulum ovum als Penisbedeckung getragen worden ist erscheint 
 mir sehr zweifelhaft. Carteret, der Entdecker, erwahnt nichts hiervon, 
 obwohl er den Anzug der Leute beschreibt, und sicher erscheint dass das 
 Tragen des Ovulum zuriickgeht. So habe ich auf Pak, Lou, und Paluan nicht 
 einen einzigen Mann mit dieser Penisbedeckung gesehen. 
 
 Das Zentrum des Penis-Kalebassen-Gebiets von Nord-Neuguinea ist der 
 Angriffshafen. Die Leitere- Leute haben diesen Penisschutz zweifellos friiher 
 auch durchweg getragen. Eine einzelne solche bemalte Kalebasse fand ich 
 in Sissano, wo man sie vdpiin nannte, aber gleich auf Befragen eingestand 
 dass sie aus Wanimo stamme. 
 
 Die Westgrenze an der Humboldt-Bai ist nicht so ganz klar und erfordert 
 einen Augenblick Verweilen. Van der Sande stellt als Westgrenze Ka.p 
 Bonpland und als Ostgrenze der Penis-Kalebasse Leitere fest, wo sie nur 
 sporadisch vorkamen. Dieses Ergebnis stimmt allerdings in grossen Ziigen. 
 In Leitere, wo Finsch, sein Entdecker vom Wasser auf, einige Penis-Kale- 
 bassen im Gebrauch fand, tragt sie nach rund 25 Jahren kein Mensch mehr. 
 Als ich wahrend meines Marsches entlang dieser Kiiste dicht ostHch der 
 Make-Halbinsel am Angriffshafen die ersten beiden Wanimo-Leute mit 
 solchen Kalebassen traf , waren wir alle, die wir die Ktiste nun von Yakomiil 
 einschliesslich an kannten, iiber diesen Anblick hochst erstaunt; einige 
 meiner Leute machten sich lachelnd gegenseitig darauf aufmerksam. Von 
 hier bis einschliesslich der Sek6-D6rfer, also bis zum Kap Bonpland, habe ich 
 keinen erwachsenen Mann gesehen der die Penis-Kalebasse nicht trug. Es 
 ergibt sich also, dass den Leuten von Leitere bis Dyambue, die alle Glieder 
 einer Stammesfamilie sind und die eine Papua-Sprache reden, die Penis- 
 Kalebasse urspriinglich eigen war, dass aber die Leitere-Leute diese Sitte in 
 den letzten Dezennien abgelegt haben. Als Grund hierfur kann ich nur 
 annehmen dass Leitere, obwohl wissenschaftUch so gut wie unbekannt, doch 
 schon seit vielen Jahren von Arbeiter-Anwerbern aufgesucht wird, und so 
 von aussen beeinflusst worden ist. 
 
 Aus den Quellen ergibt sich nun aber, dass iiber diese Grenzen hinaus, 
 auch von den Anwohnem der Humboldt-Bai, den Jotafa-, sowie Enchau- und 
 Imbi-Leuten, teilweise solche Kalebassen getragen wurden, und zwar fruher 
 mehr wie neuerdings. Ich stimme nun Van der Sande vollkommen bei, dass 
 ein aussen vor der Humboldt-Bai treibendes Schiff nicht ausmachen konnte, 
 ob die besuchenden Leute aus den kalebassentragenden Sfeko-Dorfem gekom- 
 men waren oder aus der Bai. Ich glaube ferner auch mit Van der Sande, dass 
 die eigentlichen J6tafa der inneren Bai durchaus nackend gingen, wie ihre 
 Nachbarn vom Sentani-See, die Kalebassen also hochstens einmal entlehnt 
 trugen; dagegen habe ich in dieser Hinsicht einige Bedenken betreffend der 
 Enchau- Und Imbi-Leute, die tatsachlich mit solchen Penis-Kalebassen 
 bekleidet gesehen worden sind und die — vom Schiflf oder vom Lande aus 
 betrachtet — doch genau in entgegengesetzter Richtung von den Sek6-Leuten 
 wohnen. Diese Frage, die mit dem zur Verfiigung stdienden Material nicht 
 zu I5sen ist, verdient im Auge behalten zu werden, denn auch linguistisch 
 sind Unterschiede zwischen den Bewohnern der Innen- und Aussen-bucht von 
 Humboldt-Bai vorhanden. 
 
 Vergessen werden darf an dieser Stelle nicht der Penisstocher, der bei 
 diesen Leuten zur Penis-Kalebasse gehort, wie der Kalkspatel ziu: Kalk- 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABXJLARY. 95 
 
 Kalebasse. Der Penisstocher, der die Gestalt einer holzemen Stricknadel 
 hat, steckt neben dem Kamm im Haar und tritt von hier aus haufig in Tatig- 
 keit. Die Kalebasse, die den Zweck hat, den Penis gegen Beschadigung im 
 Busch Oder Insekenangriffe zu schiitzen, hat den Nachteil, dass sie sich leicht 
 lockert und beim Schwimmen oder Gehen durch Wasser vollauft. Nach 
 jedem Passieren eines Flusses von grosserer Tiefe als Spalthohe — ^was uns 
 damals im Januar, in der Regenzeit, alle Augenblicke passierte — entstand ein 
 Aufenthalt, wahrend dessen meine Kalebassentrager ihr Topfchen abnahmen 
 und entleerten, eine neue griine Blatteinlage in die rimde Offnung legten, den 
 Penis hineinsteckten und nun mit Hilfe des Penisstochers diesen so weit 
 hineinstopften, bis er ganz verschwunden und die Kalebasse dicht am Bauch 
 lag. Auch wahrend des Marsches, bei jedem Halt, beim Sitzen am Lager- 
 feuer kann man beobachten wie sie ihren Stocher aus den Haaren ziehen. 
 Toilette machen, und dann den Stocher wieder an seinen Platz stecken. 
 Alles dies fiel mir schon nach wenigen Tagen gar nicht mehr auf : so sehr 
 gewohnt man sich an die fremdartigsten Anblicke, wenn man immer solche 
 Leute um sich hat. (Deutsch-Neuguinea, 153.) 
 
 I have cited at this length the statements of fact as observed by 
 Friederici because of the importance of this detail of custom in estab- 
 lishing the interlacing of several stems in this New Guinea path of 
 migration. He continues the discussion with an interesting and 
 instructive argument upon the localization and development of the 
 sense of modesty in the unclad. 
 
 109. viim to plant. 
 
 RBPBr^qnc^; Deutsch-Neuguinea, 214: 139, 
 
 I. 
 
 ijma 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 5- 
 
 vum 
 
 Sissano. 
 
 2. 
 
 uma 
 
 Motu, Maiva, Efat6. 
 
 6. 
 
 bum 
 
 Arop. 
 
 3- 
 
 um 
 
 Wagap. 
 
 7- 
 
 umwa 
 
 Mota. 
 
 4- 
 
 vum& 
 
 Vitu. 
 
 8. 
 
 uman 
 
 Anejtyum 
 
 We have here a sparsely distributed stem occurring on the north 
 shore of New Guinea and at the west end of Neu-Pommern in the 
 Vitiaz Strait channel of translation, on the south coast of New Guinea 
 at a point considerably remote from the Vitiaz Strait, again in the 
 New Hebrides at Mota, Efate, and Aneityum. The Motu-Mota 
 location serves to set this stem on the Viti stream; the Sissano-Barriai 
 location points to the confluence of migration through Vitiaz Strait 
 with my Viti stream and has no bearing on Captain Friederici's conten- 
 tion that the establishment of this exit wipes out my Samoa stream in 
 the Bismarck Archipelago. He notes concerning this stem that it is com- 
 mon in Malayo-Polynesian; I can identify it in no Polynesian language. 
 
 no. vus (kusch) rain. 
 
 RBifSEENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 124:118. Codrington, 48:48. Ray, 
 405:102,496:102. Polynesian Wanderings, 322. Subanu, 148. 
 
 POI.YNESLA.N. 
 
 uha Tonga, Niue. 
 
 ua Samoa, Fakaofo, Futuna, Uvea, 
 Fotuna, Nuguria, Sikaiana, Tiko- 
 pia, Maori, Tahiti, Hawaii, Raro- 
 tonga, Marquesas, Rapanui, Ma- 
 ngareva, Manahiki. 
 
 udha Viti. 
 
 uva Kapingamarangi. 
 
 uas Rotuma. 
 
96 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 I. 
 
 usa 
 
 Sesake, Marina, Maewo, Va- 
 turanga, Tangoan Santo, 
 Suau. 
 
 2. 
 
 usana 
 
 Dobu, Kubiri. 
 
 3- 
 
 usan 
 
 Kiviri. 
 
 4- 
 
 us 
 
 Santo, Malekula. 
 
 5. 
 
 eus 
 
 New Ireland. 
 
 6. 
 
 ous 
 
 Nok6n. 
 
 7- 
 
 na sawa 
 
 Kilenge. 
 
 8. 
 
 uha 
 
 Ngela, Bugotu. 
 
 9- 
 
 uh 
 
 Lakon. 
 
 lO. 
 
 uhe 
 
 Arag, Omba. 
 
 II. 
 
 ehe 
 
 Aneityum, Eromanga. 
 
 12. 
 
 usha 
 
 Aola. 
 
 13- 
 
 utha 
 
 Guadalcanar. 
 
 14. 
 
 ura 
 
 Rubi, Manam, Vitu, 
 
 15- 
 
 urata 
 
 Buka, Bougainville. 
 
 16. 
 
 uruotta 
 
 Bougainville. 
 
 17- 
 
 urei 
 
 Gog. 
 
 18. 
 
 uta 
 
 Alite, Gower Island. 
 
 19- 
 
 kusana 
 
 Mukawa. 
 
 20. 
 
 kuse 
 
 Sariba. 
 
 21. 
 
 qesi 
 
 Murua. 
 
 22. 
 
 qes 
 
 Nada. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 23. kusch 
 
 24. kaDs 
 
 25. vus 
 
 26. ua 
 
 27. yuo 
 
 28. duo 
 
 29. o 
 
 30. ui 
 
 31. wa 
 
 32. bwa 
 33- va 
 34. nihua 
 35- buk 
 
 36. reu 
 
 37. abara 
 
 38. awara 
 
 39. auaha 
 
 40. wat 
 
 41. wet 
 
 42. weta 
 
 43. wend 
 
 44. wen 
 
 45. wena 
 
 Sissano. 
 
 Paup. 
 
 Sissano, Arop. 
 
 Efat^, Epi, Ndeni, Koiari. 
 
 Baki. 
 
 Bongu, Bogadjim. 
 
 Ambrym. 
 
 Graget. 
 
 Yoda, Binandele, Amara. 
 
 Efat6. 
 
 Koiari, Kokila. 
 
 Bierian. 
 
 Ser. 
 
 Arag, Merlav. 
 
 Roro. 
 
 Barriai. 
 
 Kobe. 
 
 Pak. 
 
 Sasar, Alo Teqel. 
 
 Lo. 
 
 Volow. 
 
 Norbarbar, Vuras, Mosin. 
 
 Mota. 
 
 The Proto-Samoan stem has been established as uha, retained in 
 Niue and Tonga in Pol5mesia, in 8 Ngela and Bugotu and readily 
 identifiable in 9-1 1 in Melanesia. From this primal stem certain of 
 these languages proceed by obliterating the inconvenient aspiration 
 jdelding the ua type. This has been the case most largely in Poly- 
 nesia; in Melanesia we find 26 ua in the New Hebrides and in one of 
 the so-called Papuan languages of Torres Straits ; we can trace this 
 form through 27-30; in 31 we find the first stage of hardening in the 
 employment of the semivowel; in 32 it has advanced a stage farther 
 and has become distinguished by one of the amorphous labials so 
 frequent in Melanesia; thence in 33 has passed to a more sharply 
 defined labial; in 34 we find ua or metathetic uha with a preface of 
 undetermined sense. 
 
 In certain other of these languages the inconvenient aspiration is 
 disposed of by a process of strengthening, in which, so long as the 
 mutations are limited to the lingual tract, we have no difficulty in 
 following the movement. The briefest mutation is h-s. This appears 
 metathetically in Rotuma uas, is found in 1-6, possibly in 7, and 
 again in 19-22 and 24-25. The mutation to sh is found indisputably 
 in 12 and seems to appear in 23, but as to the latter we must note 
 that the validity of the word needs determination and that the initial 
 k may be found to remove 19-24 from affiliation with the uha stem; 
 yet in the same connection we observe that vus, which Friederici 
 records in the place of kusch, offers the sole instance of a labial pre- 
 face, for in 31-33 we have established that the labial is not a preface 
 but a modification of the initial u. The next stronger mutation th is 
 found in 13 utha from Guadalcanar and a slightly advanced stage in 
 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUIyARY. 
 
 97 
 
 Viti udha. The ultimate possibility of strong mutation along the 
 lingual series is to t, which is found in i8 uta in Alite and Gower. 
 Postulating a metathesis of uta into uat, as we have seen to be the 
 case from usa to Rotuma uas, we shall find no difficulty in passing 
 to 40 wat, as we have noted in the case of 31 wa; and having once 
 estabhshed wat in the chain of affiliation, the forms of the group 41-45 
 fall systematically into line. 
 
 The mutation of h to r falls within the lingual series, but in the 
 detailed examination of mutation forms in the "Polynesian Wander- 
 ings" I have failed to estabUsh such a mutation by a single instance. 
 It may be suspected as operative in 14 ura, in 17 urei, in the metathetic 
 36 reu; to these forms we subjoin others in which r appears, 15-16, 
 and the group 37-39, which Friederici rejects from the uha series 
 and in which we can do no other than agree with him. 
 
 In 19-24 we find what seems to be the us stage of the stem prefaced 
 by more or less distinct palatal consonants. This group is confined 
 to New Guinea and appears on the north shore and in Torres Straits. 
 The labial preface has been discussed in connection with va and with 
 vus; we note in addition 35 buk, which would not be included at all 
 if it were not that Ser is so close geographically to Sissano as to suggest 
 common influence. 
 
 115. wesch paddle. 
 
 RSFSRSNCBS; Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 122; no. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 261. 
 Ray, 496: 99. Polynesian Wanderings, 429. Subanu, 117. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 fohe Tonga, Niue. 
 
 foe Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, 
 
 kaiana, Tikopia. 
 foi Fotuna. 
 vodhe Viti. 
 
 Si- 
 
 hoe 
 
 ohe 
 
 Maori, Tahiti, Marquesas, Rapanui, 
 Mangareva, Hawaii, Tongarewa, 
 Nuguria, Nukuoro, Liuaniua, Nu- 
 kumanu, Tauu, Kapingamarangi. 
 
 Mangareva. 
 
 1. fSze 
 
 2. fos 
 
 3. ns 
 
 4. hose 
 S- hos 
 
 6. hos 
 
 7. hes 
 
 8. hote 
 
 9. hode 
 
 10. vose 
 
 11. vose 
 
 12. ta-vose 
 
 13. voze 
 
 14. vozi 
 
 15. vos 
 
 melanesian. 
 
 
 Gower Island. 
 
 16. 
 
 VOS 
 
 Lamassa, Lambom, Laur, 
 
 Liiberu. 
 
 
 
 Panemego. 
 
 Tanga, Anir, New Ireland. 
 
 17- 
 
 ta-v6s 
 
 Siassi. 
 
 Nakudukudu, Kalil, Soa, Ha- 
 
 18. 
 
 vode 
 
 Pokau. 
 
 matana. 
 
 19- 
 
 voe 
 
 Awalama, Taupota, Wedau, 
 
 Nokon, Suralil, Pororan, Pe- 
 
 
 
 Galavi, Boniki. 
 
 tat, Hitau. 
 
 20, 
 
 vesl 
 
 Vokau, Vriu4gol. 
 
 Mouk. 
 
 21. 
 
 vies 
 
 Arop, Mal61. 
 
 Liba, Lassu, Langanie. 
 
 22. 
 
 ne-hev 
 
 Aneityum. 
 
 Malanta. 
 
 23- 
 
 posi 
 
 Rook. 
 
 Koiari, Koita, Motu. 
 
 24. 
 
 poke 
 
 Mekeo. 
 
 Mopde, Burruwe, lapa. 
 
 25- 
 
 bos 
 
 Malekula. 
 
 Suau. 
 
 26. 
 
 bote 
 
 Roro. 
 
 ICelana. 
 
 27. 
 
 bot 
 
 Tami. 
 
 Vitu. 
 
 28. 
 
 boe 
 
 Mukawa, Kubiri, Oiun. 
 
 Vella Lavella. 
 
 29. 
 
 boi 
 
 Kiviri. 
 
 Nemassalang, Lakurumau, 
 
 30. 
 
 uose 
 
 Efate, Sariba. 
 
 Bol, Fatmilak, Tatau, Topi- 
 
 31. 
 
 wose 
 
 Mota. 
 
 meda, Sambuari, Kowa- 
 
 32. 
 
 wosi 
 
 Sariba, Mugula. 
 
 merara. 
 
 33. 
 
 woase 
 
 Sariba. 
 
SISSANO. 
 
 
 Malanta. 
 
 54. OS 
 
 Dyaul. 
 
 Efatd. 
 
 55. hosa 
 
 Palabong. 
 
 Efat6. 
 
 56. wosa 
 
 Matantuduk. 
 
 Jenbi. 
 
 57. wosa 
 
 Namarodu. 
 
 Emirau, Eluaue, Emsau, 
 
 58. uasa 
 
 Pala. 
 
 Kung. 
 
 59. wasa 
 
 Bisapu. 
 
 Kabadi. 
 
 60. W&S& 
 
 Pire. 
 
 W4remo. 
 
 61. was 
 
 Ivihir. 
 
 Jattina. 
 
 62. wSs 
 
 Mahur, Massait, Mali. 
 
 King, Kait. 
 
 63. vole 
 
 Nakanai. 
 
 Epi. 
 
 64. pore 
 
 Barriai, Kobe, Wuvulu 
 
 Labdr. 
 
 63. ore 
 
 Mandm. 
 
 Lamussong. 
 
 66. wai 
 
 Jlio. 
 
 Kawieng. 
 
 67. ai 
 
 Yakomdl. 
 
 Komalabi^. 
 
 68. aiis 
 
 Paup. 
 
 Komald. 
 
 69. ais 
 
 AU. 
 
 Kokoia. 
 
 70. aus 
 
 Anggfel. 
 
 Panakoudo. 
 
 71. v6 
 
 Kabakaul, Molot. 
 
 MurapS.. 
 
 72. vea 
 
 Tanna. 
 
 Belik. 
 
 73 na-pe 
 
 Kilenge. 
 
 Lemusmus. 
 
 
 
 98 
 
 34. woate 
 35- "OS 
 
 36. uohe 
 
 37. ohe 
 
 38. ose 
 
 39. ode 
 
 40. oe 
 
 41. faso 
 
 42. voso 
 
 43. voho 
 
 44. hoso 
 
 45. g6s5 
 
 46. oso 
 
 47. oso 
 
 48. 5so 
 
 49. osd 
 
 50. 5so 
 
 51. oso 
 
 52. 3-ds6 
 S3- OS 
 
 The stem is fohe and in most of the varied forms here assembled we 
 engage with the mutations of the two consonants. In the first forty- 
 items we run the whole course of Ungual variabihty even to extinc- 
 tion, and nothing calls for particular comment except 37-40, iu which 
 we find, in remotest New Guinea, the form ohe, which recurs in 
 southeastern Polynesia. The mutations of the h in the second syl- 
 lable run a characteristic path with but few anomahes; 24 poke is 
 admissible only as a kappation upon a pote base suggested by 26-27. 
 The vowel skeleton is chiefly o-e with variation to o-i in 14, 23, 29, 
 32. The former vowel is found as i in 3 fis, which appears a satisfac- 
 tory identification, as e in 7, 20-22. In 22 hev we find a metathesis 
 upon a vehi which does not appear in the record, but which may prop- 
 erly be interpolated from 20 vesi. The items 41-62 seem to belong 
 to a stem in 0-0, which is strangely parallel with the fohe stem. In my 
 estimate of the tendency of these languages to preserve their strength 
 in the vowel structure I incline to distrust the likelihood of so general 
 a variation from fohe to a putative f oho ; yet the two forms as naming 
 the same physical object interlace all through Melanesia, and it is 
 possible that they have a common source, and in the examination 
 of this stem we are led to the acceptance of forms having a-o vowel 
 structure, o-a and a-a, through which we are led to 62 wes. The items 
 63-65 establish yet another stem. It might be derivable from fohe, 
 except for the fact that the h-r mutation nowhere appears in a position 
 to be confirmed. In items 66-70 we have another stem from the New 
 Guinea region which we can readily estabUsh within its own limits, 
 but which it is extremely unlikely has any association with the fohe 
 stem. The items 71-73 seem scarcely associable with one another 
 and not at all with the stem principally under this examination. 
 
MBLANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 99 
 
 1 1 6. wok boat with outrigger. 
 
 RSffBRBNCBS; Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 50: 24. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 197, 261. 
 Codrington, 40: 8. Ray, 484: 15. Suhanu. iso. 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 vaka 
 
 vaga 
 waka 
 
 Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Faka- 
 ofo, Rapanui, Paumotu, Manga- 
 reva, Marquesas, Mangaia, Ra- 
 rotonga, Manahiki, Tauu, Nu- 
 guria, Sikaiana, Nukumanu, 
 Aniwa. 
 
 Nuguria. 
 
 Sikaiana, Maori, Kapingamarangi. 
 
 wangga Viti. 
 wanga Aniwa. 
 
 vak 
 
 va'a 
 
 vaa 
 
 waa 
 
 va 
 
 ak 
 
 Nukumanu. 
 Samoa, Anuda. 
 Tahiti, Marquesas. 
 Hawaii. 
 Liuaniua. 
 Rotuma. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 I. vaka 
 
 2. vako 
 
 3. vago 
 
 4. vak 
 
 5. vliSk 
 
 6. vfiok 
 
 7. buSk 
 
 8. waka 
 
 9. waka 
 10. waga 
 
 II. wdga 
 
 12. oaga 
 
 13. wage 
 
 14. wdngga 
 
 15. oangga 
 
 16. woga 
 
 17. wonga 
 
 18. w6g6 
 
 Suau, Vaturanga, Ngela, Savo, 
 Bugotu, Nggao, New Geor- 
 gia, Aola. 
 
 Vokau. 
 
 Vokau, Vrin4gol. 
 
 Amge. 
 
 Malol. 
 
 Sissano. 
 
 Ser. 
 
 Suau, Galavi, Boniki, Muka- 
 wa. 
 
 Tobadi, Ingrau, Entsau. 
 
 Mugula, Sariba, Tubetube, 
 Panaieti, Tagula, Nada, 
 Dobu, Kiriwina, Taupota, 
 Wedau, Galavi. 
 
 Barriai, Kobe, Kilenge, Jam- 
 na, Jenbi, Bo, Bissapu, 
 Palabong. 
 
 Kabakaul. 
 
 Ingres, Nakudukudu, Kalil. 
 
 Nakanai, Rook, Vitu, Kondo, 
 Kambangeriu, Epi, Arag. 
 
 To. 
 
 Pire, Namarodu, Matantu- 
 duk. 
 
 Kelana. 
 
 Labdr. 
 
 19. wang Lamassa, Lambom, Mimias. 
 
 20. vanga Alite. 
 
 21. wak Graget. 
 
 22. wan Tami. 
 
 23. won Jabim, Bukaua. 
 
 24. warn Tavara, Awalama, Taupota. 
 
 25. wa Wedau, Raqa, Kiviri, Oiun, 
 
 Oleai. 
 
 26. wa Manukwari, Mokmer, Ansus, 
 
 Wooi. 
 
 27. wa Pom, Sirewen, Wuvulu. 
 
 28. ua Feis. 
 
 29. wai Saonek, Soron, Mokmer, 
 
 Manukwari. 
 
 30. faka Fagani. 
 
 31. haka Ulawa, Wango, Saa, Bululaha. 
 
 32. hak Abutdmete. 
 
 33. aka Maewo, Mota, Duke of York, 
 
 Mol6t. 
 
 34. angga Omba. 
 
 35. anggo King, Kait. 
 
 36. age Molot. 
 
 37. ak Merlav, Gog, Lakon, Sasar, 
 
 Vuras, Mosin, Norbarbar. 
 
 38. ok Pak, Alo Teqel, Motlav. 
 
 39. ong Volow. 
 
 40. eka Lo. 
 
 41. nak Aweleng. 
 
 Linguistically this series calls for little comment, since the order- 
 ing of the material is sufficiently illuminative. The loss of the initial 
 consonant observed in 33-40 is found also in Rotuma at the thresh- 
 old of Nuclear Polynesia. Despite the anomaly of the initial in 
 41 n^, I have included the form because of the occurrence in that 
 region of an initial n with somewhat demonstrative value function- 
 ing as article. A comparison of the geography of this record with 
 that exhibited in the next preceding, also a term of navigation, shows 
 that in the New Guinea and Bismarck Archipelago region the vaka 
 ship does not extend so widely as the fohe paddle. This is because in 
 this region we find a most marked advance in naval construction, which 
 has progressed beyond the mere dugout in which stability is based 
 entirely on the outrigger and has reached the beginning of ship-build- 
 ing in the mon boat, whose stability is secured by its structure. The 
 intrusion of this boat has obliterated the common canoe name. 
 
100 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 Check-List op Mei^anesian I/AnguagES. 
 
 The abbreviations employed in this list are used to assign the geographical position of the 
 languages roughly. Melanesia appears as Mel. and is subdivided into three regions: the 
 southern, Mel. S., includes New Caledonia with the Loyalty Islands and of the southern 
 New Hebrides takes in Tanna, Aneityum, and Eromanga; central Melanesia, Mel. C, 
 includes the remainder of the New Hebrides with the Banks and Torres groups; northern 
 Melanesia, Mel. N., distinguishes the Solomon Islands, including Buka, although there is 
 a growing reason to believe that this northernmost island belongs linguistically to the Bis- 
 marck Archipelago. The Bismarck Archipelago is similarly subdivided into BA. N. for 
 the northern tier of islands from Neu-Hannover through the Admiralty and other groups; 
 BA. E. for the eastern region of Neu-Mecklenburg, the Duke of Yorks, and the eastern 
 extremity of Neu-Pommem; BA. W. for the western part of Neu-Pommem, beginning at 
 Nakanai and including the islands in Dampier-Vitiaz Straits. New Guinea is likewise 
 divided into three areas; NG. N. for the whole north coast as far as Huon Gulf opening on 
 Dampier Straits; NG. E. for the region from Huon Gulf to the southeastern extremity 
 and including the Louisiades and to Dufaure Island on the south coast; NG. S. for the 
 south coast west of Dufaure Island and including Torres Straits. 
 
 Abutumgte 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Bo 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Erakor 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Adaua 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Bogadjim 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Eralado 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Afur 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Bok 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Eromanga 
 
 Md. S. 
 
 Agi 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 B61 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 
 
 Agomes 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Bonarua 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Pagani 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Ali 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Bondar 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Patmilak 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Ahte 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Bongu 
 
 Ng. N. 
 
 Fauro 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 Alo Teqel 
 
 Mel.C. 
 
 Boniki 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Fez6a 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Alu 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Brierly Id. 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 
 
 Amara 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Brumer Id. 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Gaima 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Ambrym 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Buga 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Galavi 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 AmgS 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Bugi 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Galoma 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Aneityum 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Bugotu 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Gelik 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Angga 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Bdin 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Girara 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Anir 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Buka 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Gog 
 
 Md. C. 
 
 Ansus 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Bukaua 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Gogohd 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 Arabule 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Bululaha 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Gosisi 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Arag 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Buramana 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Gower 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 Arifamu 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Burre 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Graget 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Ar6p 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Bdrruwe 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 
 
 Ataiyo 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 
 
 Hagari 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Aua 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Dabu 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 HamatSnS 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 Awa 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Dakur 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Hamba 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Awalama 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Daui 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 HanahSn 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 AwSleng 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Dgrpiiap 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Hinsal 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Ay6 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Dobu 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Hitau 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 
 
 Domara 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Hula 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Bagail 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Doura 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 
 
 Baining 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Duauru 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 I4pa 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 Baki 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Duke of York 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Ingrau 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Balade 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Dungerwab 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Ingros 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Bangu 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Dyaul 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Iworo 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Barriai 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bauung 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Efat6 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Jabim 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Bawaipa 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 ifehanu 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 J4mbue 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Belaga 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Eitapd 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 jamnS 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Baik 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Elema 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Jenbl 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Bern 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Eluaue 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Jibu 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Berepo 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Emirau 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 J6tafa 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Bierian 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Emsau 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Jiio 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Bilibili 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Entsau 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 
 
 Binandele 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Epi 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Kabadi 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Bisapu 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Epiul 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Kabakaul 
 
 BA. E. 
 
MEI^ANSSIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THS VOCABUlvARY. 
 
 101 
 
 Kabine 
 
 NO. N. 
 
 Laur 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Miriam 
 
 NO. a 
 
 Kaip 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Laurup 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Misima 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Kairfru 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Lehona 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 MS^nus 
 
 EA. N. 
 
 Kait 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Leitere 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 MSkmer 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 K^lil 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Lemakot 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Molot 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Kambangeriu 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Lemusmus 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mono 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Kambotor6s 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 LSng 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Mopiie 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Kamkab^ng 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Leon 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 M6robe 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Kaniet 
 
 BAN. 
 
 Lepu 
 
 NG. a 
 
 Mosin 
 
 MelC. 
 
 Karau 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Letatan 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mota 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Karkar 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Uut 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Motlav 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Katatar 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 LiSpari 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Motu 
 
 NG. a 
 
 Katendan 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Liba 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mouk 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Kaup 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Lifu 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Mugen 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Kavu 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Lihir 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mugula 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Kawieng 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Likiliki 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mukawa 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Keakalo 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Limba 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Mulaha 
 
 NG. a 
 
 Keapara 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Liriau 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Muliama 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Kelana 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Li vara 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Munuwai 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Kerepunu 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Liwuan 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 MurSpa 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Keru4r 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Lo 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Murare 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Keule 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Logdu 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Murik 
 
 NO. N. 
 
 Kilenge 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 LongS 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Murua 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 King 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 L6u 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Mdschu 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Kiriwina 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Luberii 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 
 
 Kitawa 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Luf 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Nada 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Kiviri 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 
 
 Nakanai 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Kiwai 
 
 NG. a 
 
 Mabti 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Nakddukiidu 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 K6be 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Mabuiag 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Nakukur 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 K6fi 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Maewo 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Namarodti 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Koiari 
 
 NG. a 
 
 Magara 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Namau 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Koita 
 
 NG. a 
 
 Mahaga 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Nasioi 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Kokaa 
 
 NG. a 
 
 Maiiir 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Naviliag 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 K6ko 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Maiari 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Nay^ma 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Kokoia 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mailu 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Ndai 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 KoUku 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Maisin 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Ndeni 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Komalabii 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mait 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Ngkete 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Komald 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Maiva 
 
 NG. a 
 
 Netnassalang 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Kondo 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Makura 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Neneba 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Kopar 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Male 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Nengone 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Kopo4m 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Malekula 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Nerokwag 
 
 Mel. a 
 
 KBromM 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Maleu 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Ngamat 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 K6tai 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Mali 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Ngao 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Kowamer4ra 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Malo 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Ngatua 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Kubiri 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Maiei 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Ngela 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Kumgnim 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Mamau 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Ngolhon 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Ktmg 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Manam 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Nguna 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Kunini 
 
 NG. a 
 
 Mangut 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Nifilole 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Kwagila 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Manikam 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Niss4n 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Kwamera 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Manukolu 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Nodup 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 
 
 Maniikwari 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Nogogu 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Labdr 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Maragum 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Nokon 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Lakon 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Maramasiki 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Nonapai 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Lakurefanga 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mare 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Norbarbar 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Laklirumau 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Marina 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Nori 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Latndssa 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Massait 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Nowau 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Lamban 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 MatangkSr 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Numanuma 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Lambell 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Matantuduk 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Nuraerat 
 
 Mel. a 
 
 Lamb6ra 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Matupi 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Nupanob 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Lambli 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mawata 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Nusalik 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Lambusso 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mekeo 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 
 
 limpet 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mengen 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Oiun 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Lamussong 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Merlav 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Omba 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Langanie 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mesi 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 
 
 Langtub 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Milareipi 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Paama 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 L4ssu 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mimias 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 PaiSga 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Lauan 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Mioko 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Pak 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
102 • 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 Pak 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Sig4b 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Uaripi 
 
 NG.S. 
 
 Pala 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Sikube 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Uatom 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 P41abong 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 SimbM 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Uberi 
 
 NG.S. 
 
 Panaieti 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Simbo 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Ugi 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 Panakondo 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Sinaugoro 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Ulawa 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Pdnaras 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 SfrewSa 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 tJmbSa 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Panem^go 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 SissSno 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Umre 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Pangkumu 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 S6a 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 Ungachdm 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Pante 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Sogerl 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Ungalik 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Paup 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 S6rong 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Uni 
 
 NG.S. 
 
 Petat 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Suau 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Usiai 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Pire 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Suen 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 UtSm 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Pisirami 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Sulka 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 
 
 Pokau 
 
 NO. S. 
 
 Suku 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 vaiis 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 P6m 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Sungum&na 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Valman 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Popfiko 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Stiralil 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Vanikoro 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Popolo 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 
 
 Vatai 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Poror4n 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Tabar 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Vaturanga 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 PunSm 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Tagota 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Vella Lavella 
 
 Md. N. 
 
 Put 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Tagula 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Vitu 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 
 
 Tami 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Vokau 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Qatvenua 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Tandis 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Volow 
 
 Md. C. 
 
 Ragetta 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Ttoga 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Vrinagol 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Raluana 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Tangoan 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Vtmaputs 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Ra'na 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Tanna 
 
 Mel. S. 
 
 Vumnarara 
 
 Md. C. 
 
 Raqa 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 TarSwai 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Vuras 
 
 Md. C. 
 
 Ratawul 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Tasiko 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 
 
 Reboine 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Tasimboko 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Wagipa 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Retan 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Tatau 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Waigeu 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Rogea 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Taui 
 
 BAN. 
 
 Waima 
 
 NG.S. 
 
 Rook 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Taupota 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Wamea 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Roro 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Tavara 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Wamira 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Rubi 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Tawambossi 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Wango 
 
 Md.N. 
 
 Rubiana 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Tegarot 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Wanimo 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Rubrub 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Teperoi 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 WSremo 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Rukumbu 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Thae 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Wan 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 
 
 Tiob 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Watpi 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Saa 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Tisasi 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Weasisi 
 
 Md. S. 
 
 Sali 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 To 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Wedau 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Sambuari 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Toaripi 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 wa 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Sa6ngk 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 TobSdi 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Wog&j 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Saraa 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Toboroi 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Wooi 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Sariba 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Tongoa 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Wuong 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Sasar 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Topimgda 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Wiitung 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Savo 
 
 Mel. N. 
 
 Tsemalu 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Wuvulu 
 
 BA. N. 
 
 Seko 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Tsoi 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 
 
 Seleo 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Tubetube 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 YSko 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Ser 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Tugeri 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Yakomul 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Sesake 
 
 Mel. C. 
 
 Tiimleo 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Yela 
 
 NG. E. 
 
 Siar 
 
 NG. N. 
 
 Tumu 
 
 NG. S. 
 
 Yengin 
 
 Md. S. 
 
 Siassi 
 
 BA. W. 
 
 Tumuip 
 
 BA. E. 
 
 Yoda 
 
 NG. E. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 The individual items brought under study in this chapter are to 
 a certain extent continuous with the items of the same distinguishing 
 number in the preceding collation of material. Those already famihar 
 with the progress of these studies of the element of speech common 
 to Polynesia, Melanesia, and Indonesia, or to various pairs of these 
 three hypothetical language groups, will recognize the object of 
 convenience sought to be obtained by segregating the Indonesian 
 word material from the Melanesian in the examination of sotirces of 
 origin and possible tracks of folk movement deducible therefrom. 
 We continue the assumption that the Polynesian languages have 
 existed more or less diffusely in Indonesia; that they have been carried, 
 at least in the earlier or Proto-Samoan migration, through Melanesia, 
 and have there left traces persisting as loan material within the body 
 of different languages of that island region. In the preceding chapter 
 we have examined the Sissano in this connection. To the support 
 of this assumption, which as a hjrpothesis is certainly workable, we 
 have amassed in earher works of this series a considerable body of 
 data which is for the most part confirmatory. 
 
 On this assumption we continue to regard the Polynesian element 
 yet traceable in various languages of Indonesia as a persistence of 
 Polynesian not wholly expelled by the onward movement of the 
 M^ayan folk of a somewhat higher order of cultural attainment. 
 We regard the persistence of Polynesian in Indonesian as differently 
 conditioned from the recognizable presence of the same element in 
 Melanesia. In the progress of Polynesian migrants expelled from 
 the Asiatic island region they would appear as a superior race to the 
 peoples of Melanesia whom they encountered on their generally 
 southeastern way; they would be impressing new thoughts and new 
 speech from above downward. Quite the opposite was the case in 
 Indonesia. There the Malayans were the superior folk; they had 
 reached the age of the smiths and the websters; they were the victors 
 in combat; the persistence of Polynesian material was due to the 
 retention in domestic servitude of women taken captive; the speech 
 element came from below upward and was shaped to the might of the 
 conquerors as a thing despised. 
 
 The several items in this chapter add to the material in the preced- 
 ing chapter the discussion of the Indonesian element necessary for 
 the more complete discussion of the problems involved. In this case 
 it is not necessary to repeat the citation of authorities, for that has 
 been sufficiently dealt with before. 
 
 103 
 
104 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 I . ai wood. 
 
 80. aow 
 
 81. hazo 
 
 82. kai 
 
 83. ai 
 
 84. ai-ie 
 
 85. ail 
 
 Bum Alfuro. 
 Malagasy. 
 Tombulu, Teor. 
 Bahasa. 
 Ceram Alfuro. 
 Bahasa. 
 
 73. kayu Malay, Baju, 
 
 74. kaju Tombulu. 
 
 75. kayao Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 76. gayo Subanu. 
 
 77. cahoy Subanu, Visayan. 
 
 78. kau Buru Alfuro. 
 
 79. kao Burn Alfuro. 
 
 Here also we find the three stems which have been distinguished in 
 all our former inquisition into this vocable. These are ai (82-85), 
 au (73-80), asu (81). We have noted that stem ai is numerically the 
 most frequent in New Guinea and Melanesia; in Indonesia we find 
 but four occurrences of its use, three in the eastern subdivision close 
 to the northwestern tip of New Guinea, and Tombulu not far remote 
 in Celebes ; in the area of Polynesian settlement it occurs only in Fiji 
 and Rotuma. This material adds nothing to the comprehension of 
 the position of the asu stem; 81 hazo, of which we note a variant hazu, 
 approximates 44 kasu and 45 gazu and in the initial aspiration cor- 
 responds with 46 hasie; it is possible that 77 cahoy from the southern 
 PhiHppines is associable with this stem, for thus can we better account 
 for the presence of the inner aspirate as a mutation product of the 
 sibilant, and from the fact that this is common to Subanu and Visayan 
 we may regard it as later than the Subanu 76 gayo. In the paucity 
 of the material we can do no more than to note the sporadic char- 
 acter of the occurrence of the stem, Madagascar, Philippines, Solomon 
 Islands, New Hebrides, a single instance in each particular locus, and 
 (47-49) two very doubtful instances on the Torres Straits shore of 
 New Guinea. The au stem appears unmistakably in the three citations 
 (78-80) from the Alfuro of Buru, and is there observed in the nude 
 form (80), but also with the modulant k, which is largely fotmd in 
 the New Hebrides and is the dominant form in Polynesia. The 
 group involving the semivowel y in the interior position (73-77) seems 
 best associable with au, in which case we regard the semivowel as no 
 more than a light septum phonated in consequence of the recognized 
 need of preventing the coalescence of u with the preceding a; if , on the 
 other hand, the phonetic value of the semivowel is regarded as vocalic, 
 we should have the suggestion of a coimection with stem ai seriously 
 comphcated by the problem of explaining the final vowel or vowels. 
 If these forms are regarded as part of the au stem we shall set apart 
 this stem in the same dominant position in Indonesia as in Pol3mesia. 
 
 
 
 4. ain to eat. 
 
 
 43- 
 
 cana 
 
 Subanu. 
 
 51. caon 
 
 Visayan. 
 
 44- 
 
 kane 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 52. ijenan 
 
 Massaratty 
 
 45- 
 
 mo-konie 
 
 Togeau. 
 
 53. anee 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 46. 
 
 kan 
 
 Tontemboan. 
 
 54- ane 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 47- 
 
 ma-kan 
 
 Malay, Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 55. niane 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 48. 
 
 mangan 
 
 Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 56. en 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 49. 
 
 kaan 
 
 Ceram-Bonfia. 
 
 57- aa 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 50. 
 
 gaan 
 
 Subanu, Solor. 
 
 58. a 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
INDONJSSIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THB VOCABULARY. 105 
 
 The Stem ai which prevails in Polynesia, which in the Melanesian 
 area appears only in a small group of languages in Torres Straits, 
 is wholly lacking to this showing of Indonesian material. 
 
 The several forms here included fall within the scheme of the ani 
 stem, which we have seen to dominate Melanesia and to come within 
 the Polynesian language circle only in Fiji. They adjust themselves 
 to the diagram scheme of this stem, as akeady set forth with certain 
 lacunae here indicated by the use of parentheses and with two addi- 
 tions to what has been observed in Melanesia. The references to 
 type forms are made clear by the employment of the serial numbers. 
 
 ^(58) 
 
 ani (54) 
 
 (ana) 
 
 an (56) 
 
 kani (44) 
 
 kana (43) 
 
 kan (46) 
 
 (gam) 
 
 gana (48) 
 
 gan (so) 
 
 (hani) 
 
 (hana) 
 
 (han) 
 
 In the discussion of the Melanesian material we found occasion to 
 note that the nude form ani is by far the most frequent form in Torres 
 Straits. This ani, and demolition forms (53-58), in Indonesia is 
 characteristic of that group of islands which I have provisionally set 
 apart as eastern Indonesia. They lie close to the western shore of 
 New Guinea in a somewhat doubtful position in relation to migration 
 tracks. In the common condition of coastal voyaging, namely, the 
 estabUshment of the track from headland to headland by eyeshot, a 
 canoe party from these islands might just as readily go north as go south 
 when the New Guinea coast rose into view. If north we should look 
 for traces of their passage on the north shore of that island, if south 
 we should expect to pick up their memorials in Torres Straits. Here 
 we have both: Subanu ain is of the an type, a single instance of the 
 discovery of the nude stem along the northern route if we include 
 therewith Ninigo; the Torres Straits group of languages is crowded 
 with examples of this stem. The form with palatal preface is discov- 
 ered in two cases in this eastern group, 44 kane and 49 kaan. The 
 other occurrences are to be classed as western (47), central (45-46), and 
 northern (43, 47-48, 50-51). 
 
 8 . ano family house . 
 
 46. 
 
 banua 
 
 Malay, Bicol, Celebes Alfnro. 
 
 51- 
 
 bonoa 
 
 Subanu. 
 
 47- 
 
 benua 
 
 Malay, Togean 
 
 52. 
 
 ben a 
 
 Amblaw. 
 
 48. 
 
 vanua 
 
 Celebes Alfuro. 
 
 S3- 
 
 pena 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 49- 
 
 wanua 
 
 Bugis. 
 
 54- 
 
 fena 
 
 Buru. 
 
 50. 
 
 banoa 
 
 Visayan. 
 
 SS- 
 
 hena 
 
 Bahasa, Ceram 
 
 The ten forms fall immediately into two groups, each consistent 
 within its own lines. The former group (46-51) lies within the scheme 
 of the common vocable, labial -{- vowel -|- nua, except that in Visayan 
 and Subanu we note vowel change in the final element; in fact, allowing 
 for yet another simple vowel change in 51 bonoa, this group falls within 
 the scheme of labial -f anua. The Alfuro 48 vanua reappears in Fiji 
 within the Polynesian area and is widely spread throughout Melanesia 
 
106 SISSANO. 
 
 in the New Hebrides, the Solomons, and Torres Straits. ' The Malay 
 47 benua is characteristic of the Polj^esian at large, but apparently 
 it is not critical in the establishment of Tongafiti or Proto-Samoan 
 provenience. The forms in b are characteristic of the most advanced 
 languages of Indonesia, wholly lacking in Polynesia, and somewhat 
 infrequent in Melanesia. The Bugis 49 wanua occurs only in the 
 Duke of York (12), but the employment of the labial semivowel is 
 exhibited in the Maori and Bukabuka whenua. The mutation of the 
 former vowel of the putative stem anua exhibited in 5 1 bonoa recurs 
 only in the small Melanesian group 8-1 1 and possibly in a degradation 
 group of forms in 25-27, 32-33. The other two language provinces 
 yield us no parallel for the PhiUppine forms in -noa, but the move- 
 ment may exist in 9-1 1, 13, 43, and 45. This group of standard forms 
 is extended over western, central, and northern Indonesia. The second 
 group of forms (52-55) entails the reduction of -nua, to -na, and this 
 change is accompanied throughout by e as the former vowel. As 
 already stated, the only method by which we can comprehend this 
 alteration is to regard -nu as a new stem estabUshed by abrasion 
 and then subjected to vocahc mutation of u. A Ust of such mutant 
 forms has already been presented; here we have to do with -na, which 
 occurs in 30 and 33. None of the forms in this group is exactly found 
 in Melanesia, but we note that the group is narrowly restricted to 
 eastern Indonesia. 
 
 ID. ar pandanus. 
 
 26. pandan Malay. I 28. panrang Bugis. 
 
 27. pandang Macassar. I 
 
 These three forms are distinctive of the Indonesian treatment of 
 the archetypal stem faran and are quite congruent inter se. The 
 mutation n-ng has come frequently under our notice in the course of 
 these examinations. The Bugis is generally of a more primitive type 
 than the present standard of the Malay and remains considerably 
 closer to the Polynesian original in such loan material. In this instance 
 it gives us the introduction of the support of the preface of the nasal 
 of the same series as expressive of some slight difl&culty in reproducing 
 the distinctive r of faran; the same preface continues through the 
 Malay and Macassar effort to compass the stronger Hquid, and in 
 these two instances the effort has resulted in the leap from the easiest 
 phonation of the labial series to the mute at the other extreme, a 
 linguistic principle upon which we have already commented at length. 
 
 
 
 II. 
 
 arfiu sun. 
 
 
 14- 
 
 alo 
 
 Celebes Alfuro, Napu. 
 
 
 19. le&T 
 
 Kei, Banda. 
 
 15- 
 
 alu 
 
 Celebes Alfuro. 
 
 
 20. lea 
 
 Massaratty. 
 
 16. 
 
 endo 
 
 Celebes Alfuro. 
 
 
 21. leamata 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 17. 
 
 lara 
 
 Aru (Wokau). 
 
 
 22. riamatai 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 18. 
 
 Idor 
 
 Aru (Udjir). 
 
 
 23. lean 
 
 CelebesAlfuro. 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 107 
 
 We have hitherto noted that the alo stem fails to reach the Poly- 
 nesian languages of the present, but we must regard it as certain that 
 this stem was included in the speech of migrants out of Indonesia 
 for some distance along the track followed by a Polynesian swarm. 
 In the Melanesian collation we find the stem unmistakably in the 
 New Hebrides, along Torres Straits, in the Dampier-Vitiaz Straits, 
 in the northern Bismarck Archipelago, and probably in the Arop-Ser 
 lagoons on the north coast of New Guinea. In Indonesia the alo 
 stem is clearly recognizable only among the Alfuros of northern 
 Celebes. Concurrently with a clear alo rtms a stem which in its 
 simplest form appears as lea of Massaratty, and with a nasal suffix 
 of some sort, as lean, this enters the alo region of Celebes. In the 
 two Bahasa forms leamata and riamatai we encounter a second sun 
 word of the type form mata which is of wide occxurence in the Indo- 
 nesian family, its presence in determinant compaction with this lea 
 and with other stems showing that neither lea nor the others carried 
 the specific sun sense with sufficient strength to survive in all cases. 
 We are unable to establish any commimity of source for lea and alo ; 
 furthermore, we can not establish either as having the same origin as 
 the general Polynesian la; the only element common to the three is 
 the Hquid consonant, and this single point of agreement is far too 
 slender to serve as a link. For the alo forms we have no difficulty 
 in setting forth a migration track from northern central Indonesia 
 along the north coast of New Guinea, on a coiirse offshore from that 
 island to the northern members of the Bismarck Archipelago, on a 
 course alongshore through the Dampier-Vitiaz exit, and by reverse 
 coastwise saiUng to the south shore of New Guinea and by remoter 
 voyaging to a yet more distant landfall in the New Hebrides on the 
 course which I have proposed as the Viti stream. The lea stem is 
 found in the eastern division of Indonesia in a position which might 
 lead to transmission along either course about New Guinea. 
 
 
 
 12. at stone. 
 
 
 60. 
 
 fatu 
 
 Massaratty. 
 
 65. watu 
 
 Magindano, Savo, Maronene, 
 
 61. 
 
 fahou 
 
 Satawal. 
 
 
 Kolon, Kei, Banda, Celebes 
 
 62. 
 
 vato 
 
 Malagasy. 
 
 
 Alfuro. 
 
 63- 
 
 batu 
 
 Malay, Kayan, Silong, Macas- 
 
 66. wadu 
 
 Bima. 
 
 
 
 sar, Togean, Ceram, Rumbia, 
 
 67. hatu 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 
 
 Mengkoka, Bouton, Bahasa, 
 
 68. hatul 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 
 
 Celebes Alfuro. 
 
 69. haul 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 64. 
 
 bato 
 
 Ilocano, Subanu, Visayan, Bon- 
 toc Igorot. 
 
 
 
 We observe here the remarkable closeness with which the Indo- 
 nesian forms cling to the Polynesian original; indeed, there is far less 
 variety than has been observed in the intricacies of Melanesian speech. 
 Bahasa 68 hatul offers an assumed consonant for which we find else- 
 where no parallel. The form is important, however, for it establishes 
 
108 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 n this stem the variant in the same speech 69 haul. The evanescence 
 of the mute under the protection of an interior position is anomalous, 
 but this clear instance serves in expUcation of the Melanesian forms 
 which have undergone the same loss (45-5 1 ) . These forms are equally- 
 divided between the southern Solomons and Torres Straits, and for 
 whatsoever value it may possess we note that the Indonesian instance 
 derives from the extreme east of that region and convenient to the 
 southern exit. 
 
 
 
 
 14. atin dog. 
 
 
 
 RBi'BRBNcbs: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 57:70, 104 a. Deutsch Neu-Giiinea, 
 
 
 
 190, 20s :5 
 
 X, 216, 219. 
 
 Ray 
 
 396:36, 487:36. 
 
 
 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 kau 
 
 Ngela, Anudha. 
 
 
 IS- 
 
 gaune 
 
 Kilenge, Maleu. 
 
 2. 
 
 kaua 
 
 Barriai, Geelvink 
 
 Bay, 
 
 16. 
 
 g'one 
 
 Manukolo 
 
 
 
 Tami, Vitu, Roro, Ka- 
 
 17. 
 
 ngaun 
 
 Graget. 
 
 
 
 badi. 
 
 
 18. 
 
 kapuna 
 
 Limba, Langanie. 
 
 3- 
 
 kauwa 
 
 Kobe, Vitu, Barriai. 
 
 19- 
 
 kapune 
 
 Kowamerara, Sigab, Liki- 
 
 4- 
 
 kauwek 
 
 New Hanover. 
 
 
 
 
 liki. 
 
 5- 
 
 kauuku 
 
 Murua. 
 
 
 20. 
 
 mi-kopon 
 
 Tatau. 
 
 6. 
 
 kaun& 
 
 Nayama-Panaras . 
 
 
 21. 
 
 kapul 
 
 Lambom. 
 
 7- 
 
 kaun5 
 
 Tobadi. 
 
 
 22. 
 
 gdbun 
 
 Kelana, Rook. 
 
 8. 
 
 kawuna 
 
 Lobo. 
 
 
 23. 
 
 baun 
 
 Bogadjim. 
 
 9- 
 
 koung 
 
 Tami. 
 
 
 24- 
 
 haun 
 
 Suein. 
 
 10. 
 
 kdnye 
 
 Ingros, Entsau. 
 
 
 25- 
 
 aun 
 
 Sissano, Arop, Tumleo, 
 
 II. 
 
 kanua 
 
 Rotuma. 
 
 
 
 
 Seleo, Paup, Yakomul. 
 
 12. 
 
 gaun 
 
 Siar, Ragetta, Langtub, 
 
 26. 
 
 awuna 
 
 Namatote. 
 
 
 
 Bilibili, Szeak-Bagili, 
 
 27. 
 
 wona 
 
 Ansus, Wandamen. 
 
 
 
 Karkar. 
 
 
 28. 
 
 auwou 
 
 Wedau. 
 
 13- 
 
 gaon 
 
 Siassi. 
 
 
 29. 
 
 bwauwa 
 
 Tubetube. 
 
 14- 
 
 gawun 
 
 Siassi. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 INDO^ 
 
 rESIAN. 
 
 
 3°- 
 
 kafuna 
 
 East Ceram. 
 
 
 37- 
 
 kaho 
 
 Tobelo. 
 
 31- 
 
 afiina 
 
 Watu Bela. 
 
 
 38. 
 
 asu 
 
 Old Java, Sanguir. 
 
 32. 
 
 apula 
 
 Gorontalo. 
 
 
 39. 
 
 assu 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 33- 
 
 kapuna 
 
 Bentenan, Siau. 
 
 
 40. 
 
 wasua 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 34- 
 
 kauna 
 
 Halmaheira. 
 
 
 41- 
 
 jassu 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 35- 
 
 kaso 
 
 Halmaheira. 
 
 
 42- 
 
 ahu 
 
 Sikka. 
 
 36. 
 
 kasu 
 
 Galela. 
 
 
 43- 
 
 aho 
 
 Halmaheira. 
 
 Nowhere in this collocation do we find anything which suggests 
 the common Polynesian kuU dog stem, very little which seems associ- 
 able with any stem in the eastern languages which might apply to 
 the dog. In the Indonesian material we discover two or perhaps three 
 stems which appear to maintain independent existence; these are in 
 type form afuna, auna, and asu. 
 
 Stem asu — ^The variety in the treatment of this stem is very slight 
 and the several forms depart in the least degree from the tjrpe. The 
 final vowel undergoes modification to o in 43 aho, 35 kaso, and 37 
 kaho. The central s remains unchanged, except for the frequent and 
 readily comprehended substitution of aspiration for sibilant in 42 ahu, 
 43 aho, 37 kaho. A tendency toward the assimiption of a consonant 
 preface becomes apparent in the initial semivowel in the Ceram forms 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 109 
 
 40 wasua and 41 jassu, and reaches its limit in the initial palatal 
 mute k in 35-37. In 40 wasua the assumption of a final vowel is 
 not matched in any other use of this stem. The stem asu is not 
 traceable in our Melanesian material, except in so far as we might seek 
 to estabUsh a devolution series in the form asu-ahu-au; but this direc- 
 tion of variety is quite unlikely, as I shall show in its proper place. 
 We must not neglect to point out that in Viti oso to bark we have 
 the designation of one of the dog's faithful activities which closely 
 resembles this stem, although the Melanesian gap is as yet unbridged. 
 
 Stem afuna. — ^The characteristic form of this stem consists of the 
 vowel succession a-u with or without an initial palatal mute, but 
 invariably parted by one of the labials. This preface may be k as in 
 30, 33, 18, 19, 20, 21 ; g as in 22 : or the nude stem as in 31 and 32. The 
 labial which we estabUsh as critical of this stem may be f as in 30 and 
 31 ; p as in 32-33, 18-21 ; or b as in 22. It is quite possible that this 
 labial septum is represented not only by the spirant and the mute, 
 but by the semi-vowel adjacent to the labial series, w. With this 
 emplojTnent of w as a resultant product of the labial inefficiency we 
 have already become quite famiUar, and the resemblances of semi- 
 vocalic forms with purely consonantal forms are clearly shown, 8 
 kawuna with 30 kafuna, 14 gawun with 22 gabun, 26 awuna and 27 wona 
 with 31 afuna. The stem in Indonesia and largely throughout Mela- 
 nesia is trisyllabic, the final syllable being for the most part -na, the 
 consonant has undergone mutation n-1 in 32 apula and 21 kapul, a muta- 
 tion supported by an abundance of estabUshed instances; the final 
 vowel a mutates to e in 19 kapfine, and has undergone abrasion in 
 14 gawun, 20 kopon, 21 kapul, and 22 g^bun. 
 
 Stem auna. — ^Here we enter upon the intricacies of the origin of this 
 series of dog words. In the consideration of the stem afuna we have 
 carried the series from the employment of the strong labial mute through 
 the spirant down to the semi-vowel. Regarded solely as an academic 
 problem in phonetics, we may quite as readily proceed to the next 
 step, the weakening of the labial already debiUtated to w, and find 
 the last stage in auna, which preserves the characteristic vowel pair 
 a-u and the specific consonant of the final syllable. On this hypo- 
 thesis we should from 8 kawuna derive 34 and 6 kauna and with a 
 recognized vowel change 7 kaun6 and under abrasion from kauna to 
 kaun (not fotmd) we should reach 9 koung; similarly from 14 gawun 
 developed by abrasion from gawuna (not found) we should derive 15 
 gaune and therewith include as a degradation form 16 g'one and from 
 gawun direct 12 gaun, 13 gaon, and, with mutation of the initial con- 
 sonant, 17 ngaim. In hke manner 26 awuna through an as yet imdis- 
 covered awun should direct us to 25 aun. Still regarding the n as 
 critical, we are left with a few forms which seem associable with this 
 stem, yet which are somewhat anomalous: 24 haun may be under- 
 
110 SISSANO. 
 
 stood as an aspiration of 25 afin but the assumption of an initial labial 
 in 23 baun does not comport with the recorded history of this group 
 of stems; 11 kanua may be linked with 34 and 6 kaima, for we find 
 the speech of Rotuma to be strongly characterized by metathesis, 
 which in this case would take the form of the transfer of the initial n 
 of the syllable na to a new position as initial of the syllable u, a meta- 
 thesis included in my discussion of this mutation method (Easter 
 Island, 29); ID konye has resemblance to kanixa, it may be that such 
 metathesis has been effective in Ingres and Entsau at the entrance 
 into Melanesia as in Rotuma at the distant exit therefrom. 
 
 In the examination of the stems afuna and auna, which are possibly 
 but a single stem, we have passed under review all the forms which are 
 characterized by the vowel pair a-u associated with a succeeding n. 
 Now we consider residual forms which preserve the a-u but lack the 
 nasal element. As a formal exercise, probably a mere juggling with 
 phonetic rules, we should start from kaun postulated as a product of 
 34 and 6 kauna, though not recorded, and through the principle of 
 final abrasion develop i kau. We might deal with 2 kaua as a weaken- 
 ing of 8 kawuna by loss of the nasal, but the history of the stems pro- 
 vides us no instance of such weakening and in general it must be 
 regarded as highly anomalous. It is easier to regard the final a of 
 kaua as an assumption which in turn has picked up the semivowel 
 preface exhibited in 3-4 and 28-29. ^^ 4 kauwek we should have no 
 difficulty in comprehending the assumption of a final k, for that is 
 not an infrequent occurrence in several Melanesian tongues; the uku 
 of 5 kauuku may be associable herewith, or it may be a distinct stem 
 gathered up in order to give precision to the diffuse signification of 
 kau, that is to say, a determinant compound has been formed. 
 
 In this discussion reference has been made more than once to an 
 academic problem of phonetics, and in so far as this term may seem 
 to cast a shadow of doubt over the course of the argument, it will be 
 held to have served the end which it was employed. To a certain, 
 in fact to a very large, extent all problems of phonetics are academic; 
 from amassed facts of observation it is proper to deduce rules which 
 may be held to govern the usage of any speech. Here we mention 
 Grimm's law. It may properly be impleaded in the trial of any of 
 the linguistic possessions of the Indo-European languages, for it is 
 the resultant of innumerable instances carefully codified and made 
 applicable. But the validity of Grimm's law does not in itself estab- 
 lish the equal validity of other phonetic laws which seem to derive 
 from a hnguistic group of far different constitution. Because Grinmi's 
 law holds for Indo-European speech it does not necessarily follow 
 that in these primitive tongues of Melanesia and the but shghtly 
 advanced tongues of Indonesia we shall find inherent vahdity in a 
 law of progressive devolution. In the foregoing examination of this 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. Ill 
 
 material we seem to have followed a law of progressive devolution 
 in accordance with which we have found ourselves passing from a 
 higher, because more complex and more completely developed, form 
 by successive stages of debilitation of the strong consonant to its 
 weaker congener, eventually of reduction of consonant strength of 
 whatever degree to semivowel weakness, and finally to extinction; 
 and side by side with this process runs the attrition of the final vowel 
 and at last of the newly become final consonant. Thus, along strictly 
 academic hues, wherein we postulate the vaUdity of the rules which 
 we create, we present the chain of devolution from kafuna to kau. 
 
 In phonetics we have been trained so long in the study of the break- 
 ing down of forms from the higher to the lower, progressive deformity, 
 that we rest imder the obsession of regarding our phonetic laws as 
 invariable in their operation in that direction solely. In this group 
 of languages it is becoming more and more clear that we have to do 
 with evolution rather than devolution, that all growth is progress, that 
 the motion is from below upward, in form from the simple to the com- 
 plex, in sense from the broad and diffuse to the particular and precise. 
 In this view of the situation there is no reason why we should not invert 
 the foregoing series and present the evolution from kau to kafima. 
 It will be objected that we have no knowledge of laws governing the 
 assumption of formative elements. Quite true; but that is not essen- 
 tially objectionable. We should the rather rejoice in the opportunity 
 to carry out in vivid and growing material the observations which 
 afford us at some more advanced stage the opportunity of formu- 
 lating the laws deducible from these observed phenomena. Further- 
 more, we must never lose sight of the fact that in any Uving speech 
 the law is secondary, it is but the average of falhble criticism of what 
 is observed; supreme above the law Ues the Ufe of the speech and the 
 will of the folk who use it for the communication of their thought. 
 
 Without as yet attempting to assert the law of growth by assump- 
 tion, let us examine the kau stem as the beginning rather than as the 
 end product. For convenience we repeat the items which now come 
 under review: 
 
 1. kau. 3. kauwa. 5. kauuku. 28. auwou. 
 
 2. kaua. 4. kauwek. 29. bwauwa. 
 
 In 28/ and 29 we find ourselves close to the ultimate of simplicity, 
 an unprefaced stem au. I/ikewise we find otirselves close to the voice 
 of the dog; we have to face the suggestion of onomatopoetic speech. 
 It must be acknowledged that onomatopoeia has at times been over- 
 worked in the theory of speech beginning; at other times it has been 
 denied with somewhat too much of insistence, the truth being that 
 each case in which it is sought to employ this principle must be judged 
 independently on its own merits. 
 
112 SISSANO. 
 
 Here we have a case which seems unmistakable. A stem au repro- 
 duces as well as may be in human speech the voice of the barking 
 dog, and because the dog's bark is insistent, repetitive, we shall designate 
 this familiar domestic tone by dupUcation as au-au. Now, those of 
 us who do not take Mrs. General's pains to prune and prism our enun- 
 ciation — certainly those who employ the primitive speech of the child- 
 hood of advanced culture, and equally those who as primitives in cul- 
 ture employ a speech altogether under the childish rule — ^find that the 
 enunciation of au-au by reason of the vowel strength becomes auwau 
 This is clearly the form which we have listed as 28 auwou. 
 
 In our own speech the name of the voice of the dog is bowwow. 
 We are well instructed that no animal short of human elevation is 
 able to employ consonants; even among men we see in these studies 
 that not all of them have attained to faciUty in the use of the Ups in 
 speech. We can certify ourselves that no dog can frame the labial b, 
 yet in reproducing the character of his voice we employ the labial to 
 represent something which our ear mistakes for consonant, an appulse. 
 Elsewhere I have been sedulous (Subanu, 68) in dealing with this 
 principle; I have defined it as the initial of all sound, the beginning 
 of the characteristic vibration from a state of rest. Loosely we 
 employ bowwow; any person curious in such matters who wiU practise 
 the phonation of au-au with a strong initial movement of the dia- 
 phragm will see for himself that it is possible to reproduce the appulse 
 without any suggestion of the labial; but as we lack any alphabetic 
 or diacritical character which shall give the direction to make a strong 
 movement of the diaphragm, it has been found convenient to approxi- 
 mate this result by emplo5dng the labial initial. In our present 
 material we find this labial in 29 bwauwa. 
 
 As between dog and dog we have not taken general pains to dif- 
 ferentiate the voice in any marked degree, although we do preserve a 
 distinction between the bay of the mastiff and other bass dogs and the 
 yap of the tenor terriers. In bowwow the b and the w interpret an 
 appulse which may best be rendered by labial expression. In yap 
 we find a semivocalic interpretation of a less-prolonged appulse which 
 may best be interpreted by palatal expression. That this appulse 
 attains the k value is indicated by two words, kiyi (kaiyai) which has 
 been allowed to occupy a grudging position in the dictionaries, and 
 kiyoodle (kai3aidl), which exists in speech below the dictionary plane. 
 It is not in the least improbable that the same palatal tj^e of appulse 
 exists in coyote (kaiyote) from the Mexican coyotl. From material 
 familiar to our own speech system we have estabUshed the k value of 
 the appulse; therefore we need have no hesitation in the appulse in- 
 terpretation of the assumed initial in the kau series. 
 
 Adriani and Friederici affirm with positiveness that kau and asu can 
 by no means be associated. I am not prepared to contravene their 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 113 
 
 decision, yet it is by no means impossible that asu or ahu may repre- 
 sent a development stage of the primordial onomatopoetic au. 
 
 We find the word for a dog in these languages to have developed 
 out of the sound of the dog's bark; in other words, these peoples in 
 the childhood of common culture, employ the same term as the begin- 
 ning speakers in childhood of an advanced culture stage; children here 
 and adults there, alike, call the dog bowwow. We have observed that 
 in Polynesian culture the dog has a name derived from some other 
 source; none the less the bowwow persists; even if not employed to 
 name the barking animal it designates his bark; thus Samoa 6u, 
 Maori ao, Hawaii and Tahiti aoa, all signifying to bark. 
 
 17. bal (man-bal) pigeon. 
 
 RSPQRSNCBS: Melanesische Wanderstrasse. 138. Deutsch-Neuguinea. 301. 
 
 INDONESIAN. 
 
 45. balod Visayan. 
 
 MICRONESIAN. 
 
 46. paluch Ponape. I 48. bolochol Palau. 
 
 47. baluk Satawal. | 
 
 POLYNESIAN. 
 
 49. lupe Samoa, Niue, Futuna, Uvea, 
 
 Sikaiana, Hawaii. 
 
 50. lube Tonga, Vanikoro. 
 
 51. rupe Maori, Tahiti, Rarotonga, 
 
 Nuguria, Mota. 
 
 52. ruve Viti. 
 
 53. rape Marquesas. 
 
 54. na-lopa Aneityum. 
 
 55. upe Marquesas. 
 
 56. rube Gilberts. 
 
 Attention has already been directed upon the fact that the habitat 
 of this balus form is narrowly restricted to the Bismarck Archipelago 
 and to a certain stretch of the northern coast of New Guinea. The 
 sole occurrence of the tj^e of which we have any record in the Indo- 
 nesian area is confined to the Visayan of the southern PhiKppines, a 
 region immediately proximate to the New Guinea and Bismarck 
 Archipelago area of occurrence. Without adventuring upon the little- 
 studied problem of the relation of Micronesia to the other subdivisions 
 of Pacific ethnography, we observe that in the Palaus and Carolines 
 we find a somewhat clear indication of intercourse with the southern 
 PhiHppines. I have appended the series of affiliates of the general 
 Pol3Tiesian word for pigeon and have therewith included from Mela- 
 nesia Vanikoro, Mota, and Aneit3ami, from Micronesia the Gilbert 
 Islands. It is necessary to use caution in establishing affiliation in 
 these groups of languages whose structural laws we are but beginning 
 to explore ; yet we know that metathesis is of great frequency in the 
 speech of the Pacific. With this note of caution it is suggested that 
 lupe preserves the early stem, which may have been lupes, for the 
 modern disposition of the Polynesian to the open form would account 
 
114 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 for the attrition of the final sibilant and the nature of the word as a 
 noun substantive precludes the possibility of the preservation of a 
 final consonant through the employment of protective sufiixes. Con- 
 siderable support of the suggestion that balus is metathetic upon lupe 
 derives from the fact that in Indonesia, Micronesia, and Melanesia 
 the range of balus is so narrow that all the occurrences might have 
 come from a single source. In the comparison of languages we have 
 had many occasions to observe the estabHshment of new types fer 
 metathesin; in the use of any one of the Polynesian languages the ear 
 is struck by the frequency of metathesis. Therefore it strains no 
 probability to suppose that from some primitive Polynesian source 
 some Indonesian derived the metathetic form — accepted it as a base 
 and then gave it new currency within the range of wandering covered 
 in his raids. 
 
 1 8a. bei flying fox. 
 II. cala-biang Tagal. 12. bauk Rotti. 13. baii Timor. 
 
 In the Tagal form Friederici postulates the identity of cala with 
 Javanese kalang and then hnks the biang element with the peka stem 
 through the Barriai bianga. In the paucity of Indonesian material 
 we may venture no further than the recognition of the general simi- 
 larity as pointing to possible derivation from a common source. 
 
 24. bor boat without outrigger. 
 7. pr&hu Malay. 8. prahii Banda, Ambon. 9. parao Tagal. 
 
 These forms are included for comparison with the much- worn words 
 of New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago. It is possible that 
 they associate with the common Polynesian folau. 
 
 26. bul moon. 
 
 43. bulan Malay, Salayer, Ilocano, 
 
 Subanu. 
 
 44. bolan Visayan. 
 
 45. bulang Tringanu. 
 
 46. bulrang Menado. 
 
 47. bulani Kayeli. 
 
 48. bula Kaili, Bouton. 
 
 49. bular Amblaw. 
 
 50. buran Ceram, Sanguir. 
 
 51. burang Solor, Salibabo. 
 
 52. bulam Molucca. 
 
 53. balan Baju. 
 
 54. fulan Aru. 
 
 55. fhulan Wayapo, Massaratty. 
 
 56. phulan Saparua, Ahtiago, Tobo, 
 
 Teor. 
 
 57. phulani Awaiya. 
 
 58. fula Rotti. 
 
 59. furan Lobo. 
 
 60. funan 
 
 61. fuya 
 
 62. fuan 
 
 63. volana 
 
 64. wulan 
 
 65. wulani 
 
 66. wura 
 
 67. wuan 
 
 68. hulan 
 
 69. hulani 
 
 70. hulanita 
 
 71. huran 
 
 72. haran 
 
 73. ulan 
 
 74. ulang 
 
 75. ulano 
 
 76. o'ra 
 
 77. o'sa 
 
 Timor. 
 
 Togean. 
 
 Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 Malagasy. 
 
 Gilolo, Solor, Java, Mata- 
 
 bello. 
 Caimarian. 
 Bima, Bolanghitam. 
 Gah. 
 
 Morella, Wahai. 
 Batumerah. 
 Liang. 
 Ceram. 
 Lariko. 
 Magindano. 
 Kisa. 
 Ceram. 
 Tidore. 
 Galela. 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 115 
 
 The Indonesian affiliates form so consistent a series that there can 
 be no doubt of their association with the common Polynesian forms, 
 and the terminal denudation of the latter is exactly paralleled in 
 Indonesia by 48, 58, 61, 66, and probably by the greatly mutilated 
 forms 76-77. The vowel strength of the word lies in the pair u-a, and 
 this has undergone but Httle modification and that in mutations which 
 are well established; we find o-a in 44, 63, and perhaps 76-77; the 
 less frequent u-a mutation is evident in 53 and 72. The central liquid 
 follows the recognized mutation series through the interesting passage 
 to the semivowel in 61 fuya and thence to extinction in 62 fuan and 
 67 wuan. The mutation to extinction of the initial labial is typical. 
 For the inclusion in this suite of 76 o'ro we find some argument in 
 the frontally abraded forms 73-75 and the establishment of the o-a 
 pair; but 77 osa is unusual and would not at all arise for considera- 
 tion save for its evident likeness to 76, for the 1-s mutation has not 
 arisen in any of my studies of Indonesian and Polynesian. The 
 Menado form 46 bulrang is anomalous as regards the diverse dupli- 
 cation of the central consonant. 
 
 27. daman father. 
 
 32. tama 
 
 33. ama 
 
 34. &ma 
 
 35. ama 
 
 36. a'ma 
 
 37. a'mam 
 
 38. amdi 
 
 39. amaeolo Teluti. 
 
 Klemantan, Toradja. 
 
 Sasak. 
 
 Bima. 
 
 Visayan, Bontoc Igorot, 
 Kolon, Salayer, Liang, 
 Lariko, Teor, Saparua, 
 Awaiya, Caimarian, Wa- 
 hai, Bahasa, Buru, Celebes. 
 
 Morella. 
 
 Kayeli. 
 
 Ahtiago 
 
 40. amao 
 
 41. amana 
 
 42. iama 
 
 43. yaman 
 
 44. jaman 
 kiamat 
 gama 
 mama 
 
 48. mam 
 
 49. naama 
 
 50. nama 
 
 45- 
 46. 
 47- 
 
 Amblaw. 
 
 Bouton. 
 
 Menado. 
 
 Sanguir. 
 
 Tobo. 
 
 Bolanghitam. 
 
 Subanu. 
 
 Gah. 
 
 Mysol. 
 
 Massaratty. 
 
 Wayapo. 
 
 In the consideration of the Melanesian affiliates it seemed advis- 
 able to conduct the examination along the lines of seemingly established 
 phonetic principles. Thus the several variants were referred to a 
 postulated tama stem. Here in the assembling of the Indonesian 
 material we shall find it to our advantage to give particular attention 
 to our postulated tama. Is tama the primitive stem? It is the only 
 form known to Polynesian, it is by far the most frequent form in 
 Melanesia, in Indonesia it occurs but twice, and the languages in 
 which it does occur are relatively unimportant. In other words, have 
 the Indonesians, who have perfect facih^y in the use of the lingual 
 mute, excised the t entirely? Have the Melanesians, who in but a few 
 scattered instances lack t facihty, felt the same movement of oblitera- 
 tion in nearly half their languages? And having, without cause 
 which we can discover, mutilated the tama stem, under what impulse 
 of speech have so many Indonesians and Melanesians assumed not 
 only one but indeed several initial consonants? 
 
116 SISSANO. 
 
 The inquiry will be facilitated by a synoptical ordering of the mate- 
 rial derived from the two great linguistic provinces: 
 
 Nude stem ama 33-41. 18-19 
 
 Aspiration preface hama 17 
 
 Semivowel preface yama 4^-44 
 
 rama 22-23 
 
 wama 20 
 
 Nasal preface mama 47-48, 27-30 
 
 nama 49-50. 31 
 
 Palatal preface kiamat 45 
 
 gama 46 
 
 kama 2 1 
 
 Lingual preface tama 32, 1-14 
 
 dama 15-16 
 
 Herein we outUne a series of type forms in which we note but a 
 single irregularity; kiamat is seen on inspection to be a palatal preface 
 to yama, which is itself already prefaced by a semivowel. We can 
 conceive of no system of speech whereby a primordial t in mutation 
 can chase itself all over the phonetic diagram in more complicated 
 moves than here are suggested. Here we find every class and every 
 series of consonants save the labials, and these we have already learned 
 are so late in acquisition that many of these speakers have not yet 
 reached faciUty in their emplojmient. 
 
 On the other hand, assume a primordial stem ama, which in this 
 synopsis I have set down as the nude stem. Very frequently in this 
 research we have to recognize the tendency to speciaUze the diffuse 
 noumenon into something particular and to designate this speciali- 
 zation by modulating the obscure, because general, by a consonant 
 serving as the coefficient of the particular sense. Assume in such 
 case that which a glance at the geography of the regions and even the 
 slightest acquaintance with their ethnography wiU amply warrant; 
 assume a race of generally alHed speech, but broken up into small 
 and diffuse communities without means of intercommtmication. Let 
 each scattered unit of this group feel the impulse, their common herit- 
 age, to particularization by consonantal coefficients. Then in the 
 condition of their wide severance into unassociated communities it 
 would be idle to expect that the genius of the speech could direct all alike 
 to the choice of the same consonant coefficient. In this wise we can 
 comprehend the existence of several types of the ama stem in Indonesia 
 before the expulsion of the Polynesians. The movement of Poly- 
 nesians out of their early home in the Malay seas was no such going 
 out as the great national trek from Goshen ; it could not be, for there 
 was neither a god to part the waters nor a Moses to lead a race. The 
 course in its broad Unes was fixed — as fixed as the rails of steam com- 
 munication — but it was traversed by small flotillas of refugees seeking 
 freedom in their small canoes. Singly and in succession each sought 
 his way down through Melanesia, each with his own dialectic equip- 
 ment, and thus the diverse types of the ama stem were led into wider 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 117 
 
 currency. On the charts we can follow out these lines with interest. 
 We have already noted that tama in its father sense (Subanu, 144) 
 is wholly Proto-Samoan; we associate with this fact the interesting 
 circumstance that the only instances of the lingually prefaced tama 
 in Indonesia derive from the Klemantan of Borneo and the Toradja 
 of Celebes, and that of the latter great island an outUer is Salayer, 
 an island name carried over leagues of sea by the Samoans and pre- 
 served to the present day in the honorific salutation of Tutuila as 
 the Island of Salaia. 
 
 It seems, therefore, wholly preferable to regard ama as the primitive 
 stem, primordial so far as our explorations can be prosecuted into 
 this beginning of a world speech, and that the present variety shows 
 us the operation of a great law of particularization of sense determin- 
 ing specification in form. 
 
 45. kaltik wooden pillow. 
 
 32. 
 
 kalang ulu Malay, Lubu. 
 
 39- 
 
 olonSn 
 
 Tagal. 
 
 33- 
 
 karang ulu Java, Buru. 
 
 40. 
 
 ulunan 
 
 Magindano. 
 
 34- 
 
 halang ulu Batak. 
 
 41- 
 
 gulunan 
 
 Bagobo. 
 
 35- 
 
 olaoan Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 42. 
 
 ;aluling 
 
 Dyak. 
 
 36. 
 
 goloan Subanu. 
 
 43- 
 
 caraluni 
 
 Tettiun. 
 
 37- 
 
 olon Tagal. 
 
 44- 
 
 kluni 
 
 Tettum. 
 
 38. 
 
 helen Dyak. 
 
 45. 
 
 iklunin 
 
 Galoli. 
 
 The three forms which head this Indonesian list explain themselves 
 very simply. The Malay kalang signifies support and ulu is common 
 to Indonesia and Polynesia in the sense of head. The series 35-41, 
 all save 38 of PhiUppine provenience, shows a little accented develop- 
 ment from ulu head. In the Indonesian affiliates of this stem (Subanu, 
 149) we find the presence of a final n in Wayapo, Massaratty, Teor, 
 and Tobo; of the similar m in Kayeh. This may indicate that in 37 
 olon the Tagal makes a distinction between the head support with the 
 final n of an older form and the head itself as ulo equivalent of olo ia 
 the more modern form. This may also be true of the Dyak 38 helen. 
 On this reading of the material we should identify olon as head and set 
 apart -an rather than -nan as formative element in 39-41, all forms 
 from the PhiHppines. This opinion as to the formative element then 
 receives support from 35-36 in which -an is affixed to an olo represen- 
 tative. The assumption of a palatal preface g in 36 and 41, both Phil- 
 ippine and of an early type, is of great interest when we put these 
 occurrences into geographical relation with the similarly prefaced 
 forms in Melanesia i-io, all being on that shore of New Guinea and 
 the adjacent Bismarck Archipelago which is most ready of canoe access 
 from the southern PhiHppines. The forms 42-45 exhibit an elusive 
 similarity with the ulunan type; 42 and 43 clearly form a pair, 44 and 45 
 another, and 43-44 show the transition ; but when we orient the ulun 
 stem upon the best-developed phase of this type, 
 
 karaluni 
 ulun 
 
118 SISSANO. 
 
 we find ourselves engaged uncertainly with a new formative element 
 for which we have no clear explanation. This may be a formative 
 syllable kar (gal) prefixed, in which case we should note that in the 
 forms 32-34, occurring not only in the west but also in the north and 
 in the east of Indonesia, we find such an element in kar-ang; but as these 
 forms occur within the region of the formative infix, we must not 
 neglect the possibility that they arise from the already prefaced golon, 
 inferential from Subanu golo head, in the type form g-ar-olon, from 
 which we may easily derive karaluni. Each suggestion is but a specu- 
 lation; at present we want the data upon which to prosecute the 
 research to a solution. 
 
 52. lepi sago. 
 
 37. lapia Ambon, Bahasa. 
 
 38. labia Baree Toradja. 
 
 39. labia Gorontalo. 
 
 40. lepia Ambon, Bahasa. 
 
 41. elpia Amblaw. 
 
 42. lepial Ambon, Bahasa. 
 
 43. ripial Ambon, Bahasa. 
 
 44. rambia Malay. 
 
 45. rombia Malay. 
 
 46. rumbia Tontemboan. 
 
 47. humbia Sanguir. 
 
 48. bia Gorontalo. 
 
 49. b6a Bunda. 
 
 50. bi Vier Radja. 
 
 In the forms 48-50 we find particular reference to the fecula and in 
 certain cases the addition of a determinant element is required when 
 extending this element to the tree which produces it; thus, in Gorontalo 
 we find bia designating the fecula and la-bia the tree ; in Bum bia and 
 biapun respectively. The labia type is of such wide extent in the two 
 western provinces as to constitute a special stem. A resemblance is 
 noted to the general Polynesian la which exists independently in the 
 sense of the branch or limb of a tree, which compacts with another weak 
 stem in la-kau to designate a tree. This is noted as a resemblance 
 only in this connection through lack of intermediate data; in the 
 "Polynesian Wanderings," page 304, will be found a summation of the 
 scattered occurrences of this word in Melanesia and in Indonesia. 
 
 The Vier Radja bi seems to suggest an earher tjrpe of the pia stem, 
 for in languages which tolerate the open form exhibited by bi there 
 must be the same tolerance for the open pia and therefore we can not 
 see any reason to suspect that bi is an abrasion product. In the 
 Melanesian series we find no evidence of the emplojonent of bi inde- 
 pendently, but in compaction with the la element we note its presence 
 in the forms 10-21. These are confined to New Guinea and the adja- 
 cent Bismarck Archipelago, but the obvious conclusion as to source 
 is complicated by the fact that certain of the occurrences are credited 
 to the south of New Guinea and to peoples classed as Papuan, that 
 is, non-Melanesian. In 41 elpia we find no diffictdty in recognizing 
 metathesis, in 42-43 the assumed final 1 is anomalous and receives 
 no support elsewhere in the history of the stem. 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 119 
 
 
 
 
 56. man bird. 
 
 
 33- 
 
 manu 
 
 Bahasa, Ceram 
 
 Alfuros, 
 
 43 
 
 manuti 
 
 Wayapo. 
 
 
 
 Savu, Kisa, Menado, San- 
 
 44 
 
 mano 
 
 Saparua, Lariko, Liang, 
 
 
 
 guir, Sula, Morella, Cai- 
 
 
 
 Batumerah. 
 
 
 
 marian, Baju, Salibabo, 
 
 45 
 
 manok 
 
 Kei, Banda, Bentenan, Ka- 
 
 
 
 Togean, Bouton 
 
 
 
 
 yan, Magindano, Subanu, 
 
 34- 
 
 manuk 
 
 Malay, Ponosakan 
 
 Sulu. 
 
 
 
 Visayan, Bontoc Igorot, 
 
 35- 
 
 manul 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 
 
 
 Matu, Gah, Matabello, 
 
 36. 
 
 manue 
 
 Amblaw, Awaiya. 
 
 
 
 
 Teor. 
 
 37. 
 
 manui 
 
 Kayeli. 
 
 
 46 
 
 manoko 
 
 Bolanghitam. 
 
 38. 
 
 manuo 
 
 Teluti. 
 
 
 47 
 
 mani 
 
 Waigiou Alfuro. 
 
 39- 
 
 manuol 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 
 48 
 
 manik 
 
 Gani. 
 
 40. 
 
 manuwa 
 
 Ceram Alfuro. 
 
 
 49 
 
 monok 
 
 Dyak, Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 41- 
 
 manuwan 
 
 Ahtiago. 
 
 
 50 
 
 malu 
 
 Ceram Alfuro. 
 
 42. 
 
 manut 
 
 Massaratty. 
 
 
 51 
 
 malok 
 
 Wahai. 
 
 In Indonesia we find a considerable occurrence of the final k which 
 has been twice noted in Melanesia; the forms in which it occurs are 
 34, 45-46, 48-49, 51, representing a score of languages. I have sug- 
 gested (Subanu, 132), but on less complete material, that the final 
 palatal is a part of the stem manuk. It now seems preferable to regard 
 the k as an assumption of a word-determining element under the genius 
 of Indonesian speech and not a pertinence of the stem. Thus only is it 
 possible to correlate the forms of the type in 1 in manul (35) and manuol 
 (39). of the type in t in manut (42) and manuti (43), in n in manuwan 
 (41). Of these variants mutation of consonants could be employed 
 to explain none save the t forms, and even that is only remotely pos- 
 sible. Of the inner consonant we have but a single variant, malu (50) 
 and malok (51). The n-1 mutation is well established in these language 
 provinces, and in Melanesia we find one of these forms in 9 malu 
 credited to Alite. The former vowel undergoes but one mutation, 
 a-o, found in 49 monok, which occurs in the Dyak and Bontoc Igorot, 
 both languages of a type but slightly advanced, and the same muta- 
 tion has been observed in 26 mon and 27 monmon from Melanesia in 
 two particular regions of the northern Bismarck Archipelago and the 
 northern New Hebrides. The final vowel appears to be under a 
 notable tendency toward mutation, a tendency obscurely comprehen- 
 sible as in some way of a compensatory character, a movement which 
 is also apparent in the frequent Indonesian assumption of one of several 
 final consonants. Of these mutations we find two distinct types. 
 That exhibited in the formula u-o is a recession toward the central 
 vowel; that exhibited in the formula u-e is a movement to a position 
 of similar advance on the other limb of the vowel scale. With these 
 clear mutations I include the several instances in which merely ocular 
 inspection seems to present cases of an unmodified u plus the assump- 
 tion of a new final vowel, as shown inter alia in the case of 38 manuo. 
 It appears to me that in such cases the apparent mutation u-uo is really 
 the mutation u-o, but that in the course of the change sufficient of 
 the u persists to give the impression of a semivowel Ughtly impressed 
 upon the resultant vowel and that the mutation is better expressed 
 
120 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 as u-wo. The mutation u-o is foiind in its simple form in 44-46, 49, 
 and 51, and in the u-wo form, as already noted, in 38-39; with this 
 I include u-uwa in 40 manuwa and 41 manuwan as a second step in 
 recession toward the central vowel, and this mutation u-a finds support 
 in the Melanesian forms 4-6. The mutation u-i is found in its simple 
 form in 47 mani and 48 manik, with the support of Melanesian 17-18 
 mani and 1 6 mane ; the u-wi form appears in 37 manui found in Melanesia 
 (7) and in 36 manue. 
 
 37- niu 
 
 Bima, Uap. 
 
 38. nju 
 
 Dyak. 
 
 39- nyu 
 
 Salibabo. 
 
 40. niyog 
 
 Bicol, Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 41. inyug 
 
 Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 42. nihu 
 
 Malagasy. 
 
 43- njior 
 
 Malay. 
 
 44. niula 
 
 Gah. 
 
 45- nier 
 
 Liang. 
 
 46. niwer 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 47. niwel 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 48. niwi 
 
 Kayeli, Wayapo, Massaratty, 
 
 
 Amblaw. 
 
 63. n&v. coconut. 
 
 49. nimel 
 
 50. nimil 
 
 51. nikwel 
 
 52. niweli 
 
 53. liweli 
 
 54. nuelo 
 55- luen 
 
 56. nu 
 
 57. nui 
 
 58. nuim 
 59- nua 
 
 60. nur 
 
 61. niu-gao 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 Lariko. 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 Batumerah, Caimarian. 
 
 Awaiya. 
 
 Teluti. 
 
 Wahai. 
 
 Java. 
 
 Sulu. 
 
 Ahtiago. 
 
 Tobo. 
 
 Malay. 
 
 Subanu. 
 
 Nothing is here added to the material presented in the "Subanu" 
 at page 138, and it is here offered simply to complete the record. The 
 general discussion of the stem will be found in the Melanesian chapter. 
 
 69. ol pot. 
 
 20. kuro 
 
 21. kura 
 
 22. kure 
 
 23. kuren 
 
 24. kuring 
 
 25. kurreng 
 
 26. kuden 
 
 More. 
 
 Baree Toradja. 
 
 Minahassa. 
 
 Bum. 
 
 Buru, Sanguir. 
 
 Tiruray. 
 
 Magindano. 
 
 27. ura 
 
 28. uran 
 
 29. wurung 
 
 30. unen 
 
 31. uren (ulen) 
 
 Celebes Alfuro. 
 
 Timor. 
 
 Sumba. 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 32. urene (ulene) Bahasa. 
 
 33. ulono Bahasa. 
 
 In the preceding consideration of this vocable I have made it clear 
 that the immediate soturce for Polynesia is Fiji; therefore we are unable 
 to settle if this be Polynesian stock or accumulation from Melanesia. 
 In general, however, it is fair to assume that any word of such wide 
 extent must have Polynesian origin, for this race was the great migrant 
 race of the Pacific, and the Melanesians seem to have moved but little 
 since their first appearance in the islands of the western Pacific, a 
 beginning as to which we are wholly without details. If kulo were of 
 Melanesian source, as suggested by its occurence in Fiji, we should 
 find it impossible to explain how it could have worked backward against 
 the movement of migration and have obtained so wide an extent in 
 Indonesia. Taking all the factors iinto consideration, it seems safe 
 to assume the stem to have been Polynesian speech during the resi- 
 dence of that people in the Malay seas, to have been carried down 
 through the Melanesian traverse, and to have dropped out of modem 
 Polynesian Cise only by reason of the absence in those newer masses 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 121 
 
 of volcanic extrusion of the clay which is an essential antecedent of the 
 fictile art and of the vocabulary arising therefrom. In Indonesia there 
 is some freedom of treatment of the stem, but Viti and Nuguria suggest 
 a primitive kuro; this form dominates Melanesia and is conspicuous 
 in Indonesia. In Magindano 26 kuden we find an instance of the r-d 
 mutation with which we have made ourselves familiar in these studies. 
 This item also presents the final nasal which characterizes so much 
 of the Indonesian use of this stem, as n in 23, 26, 28, 30, 31, 32, and 33, 
 as ng in 24, 25, and 29. In Melanesia we find three instances of the 
 final nasal in 15-17. 
 
 73. pipip butterfly. 
 
 63. pepeue 
 
 64. pepeul 
 
 65. paopao 
 
 66. kalipopo 
 
 Morella. 
 Amboyna. 
 Ambon, Bahasa. 
 Minahassa. 
 
 67. kalibobo Gani. . 
 
 68. lipopo Baree Toradja. 
 
 69. kopokopo Ambon, Bahasa. 
 
 70. sosoboba Loda. 
 
 In this series it is easy to trace out the pepe stem, except in the case 
 of 69 kopokopo, which is included solely since it occiurs with a clear 
 instance of pepe in Ambon and Bahasa and may in some obscure way 
 be associable through metathesis. The only other instance in which 
 we encounter k in association with pepe is 15 paubuuk, credited to 
 Tanna and on all accounts to be held as doubtful. Our Melanesian 
 inquiry segregated a number of extraneous elements compacted with 
 pepe. In Indonesia we find two of these identifiable, -ul in 64 pepeul is 
 the same as 29 bebeula, and 69 lipopo and 2 lipepe are clearly the same 
 as le- ; in 66 and 67 we find kali in representation of the Melanesian series 
 kara-kili-, already established. The geographical relation of Mina- 
 hassa and Baree Toradja in Celebes is so close that we may compare 
 lipopo with kalipopo as divers stages of the same type. Our material 
 does not enable us to determine which of these is the primitive type 
 in respect of the former element of the compacted form, but we find 
 the same diversity extending through Melanesia. In 70 sosoboba we 
 find conjoined with a pepe derivative a second element which is unique 
 in the history of this word so far as we have been able to trace it. 
 
 74. po areca nut. 
 
 RqpBrBnces: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 75 : 5. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 202 ; 24. 
 
 MELANESIAN. 
 
 I. 
 
 bu 
 
 Barriai, Jabim, Munuwai, 
 
 6. 
 
 a-biie 
 
 Palabong, Molot. 
 
 
 
 Fezoa, Lemusmus, Nokon, 
 
 7- 
 
 mbue 
 
 Mouk. 
 
 
 
 Uap. 
 
 8. 
 
 a-bu6 
 
 Belik. 
 
 2. 
 
 mbu 
 
 Kaimana, Jabim, Suralil, 
 
 9- 
 
 a-mbflo 
 
 Lihir. 
 
 
 
 Uap. 
 
 ID. 
 
 bua 
 
 Barriai, Kobe, Kilenge, Si- 
 
 3. 
 
 mi-mbu 
 
 Tatau. 
 
 
 
 naugoro, San Cristoval, 
 
 4- 
 
 po 
 
 Tumleo, Sissano, Arop. 
 
 
 
 Palau, Wogeo, Eluaue 
 
 5- 
 
 bu6 
 
 Keule, Bagail, Majum, Los- 
 suk, Lauan, Panangai, 
 Lakurumau, Limba, Lan- 
 ganie, Lawu. 
 
 
 
 Emsau, Kung, Tsoi, Bau- 
 ung, Ngamat, Murua, Ki- 
 riwina. 
 
122 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 II. mi-mbfla Kowamerara, Sigab. 
 
 12. buai 
 
 13- 
 14- 
 IS 
 
 a-mbuai 
 bua-kau 
 bua-tau 
 
 i6. buach£ 
 
 25. bua 
 
 26. buah 
 
 27. buwa 
 
 28. pua 
 
 29. puah 
 
 30. puwak 
 
 Namarodu, Lalinau, Punam, 
 Bissapu, Laur, Kamban- 
 geriu, Kondo, Yalui, Lam- 
 bell, Lamassa. 
 
 Gazelle Peninsula. 
 
 Pokau. 
 
 Motu. 
 
 Burruwe. 
 
 17. b&bus 
 
 18. boko 
 
 19. pua 
 
 20. vfle 
 
 21. potu 
 
 22. p6u 
 
 23. pCipus 
 
 24. fum 
 
 INDONESIAN. 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 Ambon, Bahasa. 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 Maldives, Rotti, Banda. 
 
 Timor, Ambon, Bahasa. 
 
 Ceylon. 
 
 31. fua 
 
 32. hua 
 
 33. huah 
 
 34. huwa 
 
 35. hual 
 
 36. wua 
 
 Put, Kumenim. 
 
 Hamatana. 
 
 San Cristoval, Maramasiki. 
 
 Ulawa. 
 Avelus, Lauan, Mongai, Sali, 
 VrinSgol. 
 Paup, Yakomul. 
 Paup, Yakomul. 
 Afue. 
 
 Buru. 
 Bahasa. 
 
 Ambon, Bahasa. 
 Ambon, Bahasa. 
 Bahasa. 
 Tombulu, Tonsea. 
 
 Through this series continuous through Indonesia and into the north- 
 ern islands of Melanesia there runs a straight thread of easy identi- 
 fications of a stem of which the most frequent type is bua. The vari- 
 ants of the initial labial lie within the range of mutation with which 
 we have made ourselves familiar — ^from mute through spirant to 
 semivowel in 36 wua and to aspiration in 32 hua. In a few cases we 
 find an accretion to the standard stem; in 35 hual a terminal liquid, in 
 30 puwak a terminal palatal mute, but here we must note that aU the 
 languages of Ceylon lie outside the linguistic province with which we 
 are dealing; in 16 bua-che we meet a palatal of uncertain import, in 13 
 a-mbuai we find a vocalic accretion. In 14 and 15 btxa-kau of Pokau 
 and bua-tau of Motu it is clear that we have dialectic differences of 
 the same word. The former element is manifestly the most comipletely 
 developed form of the present stem bua. Ray notes that Motu t 
 regularly becomes k in Pokau; therefore we accept tau as primal in 
 this pair; this negatives the immediate guess that in this compaction 
 we recognize the common stem kau tree, and in both these languages 
 (p. 31, No. 35) we find that kau is represented by the form au. The 
 vowel skeleton of the stem is represented by the pair u-a and the 
 former undergoes no change in the variant forms which remain dis- 
 syllabic. The latter vowel undergoes mutation from a to e in 5-7 
 and 20, to o in 8 and 9. 
 
 Because of the intricate interlacing of monosyllabic with dissyllabic 
 forms of the stem in closely related languages, we feel justified in 
 classing with the bua stem a stem of the type bu ; but without attempt- 
 ing to settle whether this is a more primitive tj^pe or the product of 
 degradation by abrasion, save that it is proper to repeat the note 
 that the abrasion of a final vowel with which we are most familiar is 
 directed to the production of a closed syllable and does not seem appli- 
 cable to any instance in which abrasion exposes another vowel. Atten- 
 tion may be directed upon the occurrence of stem bu in Uap of Micro- 
 nesia, a storehouse of much that seems to represent a very primitive 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUIvARY. 123 
 
 Proto-Polynesian. It is possible that 24 fum represents the bu stem 
 with a nasal accretion, but in the paucity of data this must remain a 
 mere suggestion. In 17 bubus and 23 piipfis we may find a dupUcated 
 bu with sibilant accretion. The frequent u-o vowel change estabHshes 
 po in its narrowly restricted occurrence on the north coast of New 
 Guinea. It would be mere guesswork to seek to associate with the 
 po type such forms as 18 boko, 21 potu, and 22 pou, though we note 
 that the latter two are clearly of the same source. 
 
 The extent of this bua stem has an interest far transcending its 
 lexicographic importance. Conditioned by a certain large but not 
 complete botanical factor, we engage here with the division of two 
 diverse cultures as estabhshed by the customs of betel-chewing and 
 kava-drinking. There has arisen in ethnological reports as well as in 
 the narratives of the merely curious traveler such a distortion of terms 
 in connection with the betel-chewing that it seems advisable to con- 
 tinue the movement introduced by recent authorities and avoid as 
 much as possible the term "betel-chewing." Even in so careful a 
 work as Roorda van Eysinga's " Maleisch-Nederduitsch Woorden- 
 boek" we find this confusion. Under the word sirih defined as betel 
 {Piper betle) he adds "daoen sirih hetwordt met pinang, gambir, kalk 
 en tabak gekauwd," and "makan sirih betel nuttigen, betel kauwen." 
 Then under the word pinang he gives the definition "de areek of betel- 
 noot die bij den betel gebruikt wordt." He has given the four or five 
 ingredients of the quid. The matter is detailed at greater length by 
 Colonel Finley in "The Subanu," page 20. The betel constituent 
 is the leaf of that pepper plant ; it is of course a misnomer to transfer 
 that name to the fruit of the Areca catechu palm, as we have just 
 seen in the definition of pinang. To avoid this established error it is 
 becoming the custom to refer to the unseemly stimulant as sirih- 
 chewing. 
 
 This stimulant characterizes all of Indonesia and immediately adja- 
 cent Melanesia where the palm and the pepper grow or may be culti- 
 vated. It does not appear at all in Polynesia, where the areca palm 
 and this particular pepper are lacking. In Melanesia the custom of 
 sirih-chewing has not extended to the limits of the habits of the two 
 plants, it has not yet reached the New Hebrides, and its introduction 
 to the southern Solomons is within the memory of man. The most 
 careful, as it is the most complete, presentation of the theme, so far 
 as it relates to Melanesia, we owe to the field researches of Dr. Rivers. 
 It is advisable to collect his scattered passages in order to present the 
 treatment of the theme as a whole in order that we may see clearly 
 what brilliant ethnographical use he makes of the subject in far broader 
 relations than the mere practice by savages of one of those social vices 
 which go so far in all conditions short of the angeHc host, concerning 
 which we are not briefed, to ameUorate the tedium of life. These 
 
124 SISSANO. 
 
 citations are all drawn from his volume "The History of Melanesian 
 Society," but the order of citation varies considerably, as will be seen 
 by the pagination credits, from that which he has followed in the 
 sequence of development of his observations in the passage from 
 island to island under the compulsive direction of the infrequency of 
 means of travel. 
 
 For the purpose of simplicity I have so far spoken of the immigrants into 
 Melanesia as if they were all of the same culture and the same stock. It is 
 now necessary to study the immigrant culture in different parts of Melanesia 
 more closely, with the aim of discovering whether it had the homogeneous 
 character hitherto assumed, or whether it was itself complex. 
 
 There is nothing more striking in the distribution of objects throughout 
 Melanesia than the respective ranges of the two substances, kava and betel. 
 Kava is found in the southern and eastern islands of Melanesia, as well as 
 in Polynesia, while betel is used in the northwestern part of Melanesia. It 
 has usually been supposed that there is a hard and fast Une between the kava 
 and betel regions of Melanesia, the line passing between the Torres Islands 
 and the Santa Cruz group. It is clear, however, that this Une is not so sharp 
 as has been supposed. Though the use of betel is an obvious featiue of the 
 culture of Vanikolo, there is no doubt that kava is also used on ceremonial 
 occasions. There seems to be little doubt that kava is not used in Santa 
 Cruz and the Reef Islands, even in ceremonial, while the use of betel is habit- 
 ual. In Tikopia, an island which, though distinctly Polynesian, has yet 
 had frequent conununication with the Santa Cruz group, the use of kava ia 
 ceremonial stands beyond doubt, though the use of betel prevails in every- 
 day life. We have at present no evidence whatever of the use of kava ia 
 the Solomons. In Polynesia the drinking of kava is almost universal, the 
 chief places where the custom does not exist being New Zealand and Easter 
 Island. In both places, however, the word, in its usual form or as kawa, is 
 found with the meaning of "bitter," while in New Zealand kawa and kawa- 
 kawa are also applied to a species of pepper {Piper excelsum) much used in 
 religious ceremonies, and also to various ceremonies themselves. 
 
 The view generally accepted is that kava has been introduced into Melanesia 
 from Polynesia. In some parts of Melanesia it is probable either that the 
 use of kava has been so introduced or that recent Polynesian influence has 
 greatly modified an earlier method of using the substance. Thus, in Anai- 
 teum, Tanna, Aniwa, and Futuna (Fotuna) the name is the same as in Poly- 
 nesia, while in Eromanga it is ne have. In the Banks Islands it is called 
 gea and in the Torres Islands gi, both of which are perhaps related to the 
 Polynesian word. When, however, we come to the northern New Hebrides, 
 we find that in Pentecost [Arag] kava is malohu, in Ef at£ maluk [not recorded 
 in Macdonald's dictionary], in Epi milik, and in Malekula meruk, words 
 which, though evidently related to one another, are absolutely unrelated to 
 the Polynesian term. In Fiji again we find a wholly different term, yanggona. 
 
 The evidence from language is confirmed by the study of the method of 
 making the drink. Where the name differs from the Polynesian word, the 
 method of preparation is also, with one exception, very different. The 
 exception is Fiji, where kava is used in a way closely resembling that of 
 Polynesia, although the Fijian term has no affinity whatever to the Poly- 
 nesian name. It is possible, however, that the word yanggona comes down 
 from a time when the mode of preparation was different. In Pentecost the 
 root is not chewed but grated, and those who are drinking usually arrange 
 
INDONieSIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE! VOCABUI^ARY. 125 
 
 themselves in pairs, one man preparing the kava for the other. In the Banks 
 and Torres Islands, where the terms for kava have a distinct resemblance to 
 the Polynesian word, there is a likeness to the Polynesian method in that the 
 root is chewed, but otherwise the mode of preparation is fundamentally 
 different. In the Torres Islands each man makes the drink for himself, 
 using special small cups in a manner fully regulated by custom. In the 
 Banks Islands also small cups only are used, and though the root is chewed 
 by one man for several others, the ritual is wholly different from that of 
 Polynesia. 
 
 In the southern New Hebrides, where the term used for the drink agrees 
 with that of Polynesia, the resemblance to Polynesian procedure is much 
 closer. In Tanna each man chews a piece of the root, from which a boy 
 prepares the liquid in a wooden trough. Enough is first prepared for three 
 men, and then the same root is used for another three. In Eromanga the 
 procedure resembles that of Polynesia still more closely. The root is chewed 
 by boys, the chewed mass laid in a wooden vessel, water is added, and the 
 mixture strained through coconut fiber and served in coconut shells. 
 
 An essential distinction between the different methods is that, in Poly- 
 nesia and Fiji, kava is always prepared in quantity and then shared out 
 among those present or among the more important persons in the assembly, 
 while in Melatnesia the whole thing has a far more individual character. 
 Each man makes it for himself in the Torres, two men make it for each other 
 in Pentecost, or one man prepares the substance in turn for a number of 
 men in the Banks. In association with this more individual character we 
 find that in place of the large bowl in which the kava of Polynesia and Fiji 
 is prepared, the Melanesians of the northern New Hebrides, Banks, and 
 Torres Islands make it in the small cups from which they drink. 
 
 It is possible that the more individual methods of Melanesia are merely 
 a secondary result of the connection of kava with the Sukwe. In the Banks, 
 for instance, kava is generally drunk in or at the gamal; if there had been at 
 one time a more rigorous separation between the members of different divi- 
 sions of the Sukwe than appears to exist at present, the more social fashion 
 of Polynesia would have been impracticable. If, therefore, kava had been 
 introduced from Polynesia in comparatively recent times, it is possible to 
 see in the ritual of the Sukwe and similar institutions an obstacle to the 
 orthodox Polynesian procedure. The separation between different ranks of 
 the Sukwe may have made more individual methods necessary, and minor 
 variations of procedure in the organizations of different islands may have 
 produced the differences now found in the Banks and Torres Islands and 
 Pentecost. It is thus possible to suggest a mechanism whereby the Melane- 
 sian methods may have evolved away from that of Polynesia, but the differ- 
 ences are so great that their explanation is probably to be sought in some 
 other way than by direct introduction from that region. 
 
 There is one feature of the use of kava in the Torres and Banks Islands 
 and in the northern New Hebrides which is even more important than either 
 nomenclature or mode of preparation in pointing to the great antiquity of 
 the practice in Melanesia. In these islands, and especially in the Torres 
 group, it is evident that the use of kava is most intimately associated with 
 the religious practices of the people. The drinking of kava is a prominent 
 feature of the ritual of such occasions as birth, initiation, and death, and on 
 these occasions kava is offered to the dead with the accompaniment of prayer. 
 It is extremely unlikely that a practice introduced in relatively recent times 
 from Polynesia would have come to be so closely associated with the religious 
 beliefs and practices of the people, and especially with the cult of the dead. 
 
126 SISSANO. 
 
 I have so far considered chiefly the region of Melanesia with which I deal 
 particularly in this book, but if the use of kava is ancient there it is probably 
 ancient also in the southern New Hebrides; it may be that the closer resem- 
 blance to Polynesian procedure which is found in such an island as Eromanga 
 is due to modification of an ancient practice through more recent Polynesian 
 influence. The account of a case in which the Fijian method was adopted 
 in the Banks Islands well illustrates how an ancient procediure can be modified; 
 it may be pointed out that a chance visitor who saw the proceedings described 
 by Mr. Durrad would have had no hesitation in deriving the practice of the 
 Banks Islands from that of Polynesia or Fiji. 
 
 The distribution of the use of kava in the Santa Cruz Islands is strongly 
 in favor of its fundamental place in Melanesian culture. According to the 
 available evidence kava is not drunk in the Reef Islands, the ciilture of 
 which is largely Polynesian, while its use is undoubtedly present in Vanikolo. 
 If the use of kava had been due to relatively late Polynesian influence this 
 would be very difiicult to understand. We should have to suppose that an 
 element of Polynesian culture is absent in those islands which one must 
 suppose to have been the medium of its introduction, while it is present in 
 another island of the group in which Polynesian influence in general is least 
 apparent. It is very significant that the only island of the Santa Cruz 
 group in which we have definite evidence of the use of kava is one which lies 
 nearest to the Torres Islands geographically and resembles those islands 
 in its culture more closely than other parts of the group. 
 
 An interesting possibility is suggested by a study of the treatment of the 
 kava root in Polynesia and in different parts of Melanesia. In Polynesia 
 the root was formerly chewed. We have no evidence that it was pounded 
 or grated in any part of this region till quite recent times, when the practice 
 of chewing has been given up in many places through European influence. 
 In Fiji the root was generally chewed when the islands were first visited, but 
 it would seem that the original Fijian practice, at any rate in the interior 
 of Viti Levu, was to grate or pound the root, the practice of chewing having 
 been introduced from Tonga. 
 
 In the Banks and Torres Islands the root is chewed, but in the New 
 Hebrides, which we have every reason to regard as a region of more archaic 
 cultm-e, it is grated and there is no chewing. We find, then, grating or 
 pounding the root in those regions, viz, Pentecost and the interior of Viti 
 Levu, which the nature of the systems of relationship has led us to regard 
 as regions of more archaic Melanesian culture, while chewing is found in 
 Polynesia and in the Banks and Torres Islands. 
 
 One is tempted to ask whether the use of kava may not have been a prac- 
 tice of the aborigines of Melanesia which was taken over by the immigrants 
 into that area; in this connection I may recall the fact that, in the northern 
 New Hebrides and in Fiji, the terms for kava are wholly different from those 
 of Polynesia and of other regions of Melanesia. It is also noteworthy that 
 the people of Pentecost have a tradition of the origin of kava, said not to 
 be known in the neighboring Banks Islands. This tradition is that kava 
 was first discovered through the observation of its effects on a rat which 
 had been nibbling a root. [The story in great detail and with the added 
 item of the use of sugar cane for the correction of the intoxication is included 
 in my collection of Samoan myths.] When in Fiji, however. Professor 
 Stanley Gardiner was told a similar story of the origin of the practice in 
 Tonga, so that the idea is probably not indigenous in Pentecost. [It should 
 be noted that the presence of the tale in three such widely sundered loca 
 argues most strongly for a common source of both story and custom.] 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 127 
 
 The nature of the terms for kava in the New Hebrides and Fiji, and the 
 practice of grating or pounding the roots in those islands in place of the chew- 
 ing of Polynesia, suggests that the use of kava may have originated among 
 the aborigines of Melanesia and have been taken from them by the Poly- 
 nesians instead of the movement having been in the contrary direction, as 
 is usually supposed. 
 
 The use of kava is, however, so characteristic and widespread a feature of 
 Polynesian culture, and it is so unUkely that it can have been adopted from 
 the aboriginal Melanesians, that we seem driven either to assume its inde- 
 pendent origin in Melanesia and Polynesia or to look elsewhere for the true 
 explanation of its common presence in these two parts of Oceania. 
 
 There are certain facts connected with the use of kava in Melanesia which 
 point to an explanation in harmony with the scheme of immigrant influence 
 in Melanesia which has been formulated in the last two chapters. A striking 
 feature of the use of kava in Melanesia is its close connection with the Sukwe 
 of the Banks Islands and with the Nanga of Fiji. It was in the most sacred 
 division of the nanga, called the nanga tambutamhu or sacred compartment, 
 that the kava bowl stood. 
 
 Even in the southern New Hebrides, where, so far as we know, the secret 
 organizations do not occur, the use of kava is definitely connected with the 
 houses where the men eat and sleep. Further, a universal feature of Melane- 
 sian procedure is the rigorous exclusion of women from all participation in 
 its use, and this exclusion is probably to be associated with the institution 
 of the men's house and the secret organizations. This at once suggests 
 that the use of kava belongs to the immigrants to whom I have ascribed the 
 origin of these organizations, and the force of this suggestion is greatly 
 strengthened when we find that kava is closely connected with the ghosts 
 of the dead, whose cult has also been ascribed to these immigrants. It is 
 clear that, when offerings of kava are made with prayer, both offering and 
 prayer are directed to the ghosts of the dead and not to the vui or spirits 
 which have never been men. If kava thus belongs to the culttue of the 
 immigrants it is easy to understand why its use was at one time limited to 
 the higher ranks of the Sukwe and why, even now in the Banks Islands, 
 kava should only be made by one of Tavatsukwe or higher rank, while only 
 those of this rank should dnnk in the gamal. I have suggested that this 
 rank represents the dividing line between the original members and those 
 who were introduced later; on this supposition the Umitation to people of 
 the Tavatsukwe rank and above becomes perfectly natural. 
 
 Two striking differences between the Melanesian and Polynesian methods 
 of using kava are its more definitely religious character in the former, and 
 its more strict limitation to men ; and it is noteworthy that in both of these 
 respects the practice of Tikopia resembles that of Melanesia. In Tikopia 
 kava is only used in religious ceremonial connected with a cult of dead ances- 
 tors, from which women are excluded, so that to the parallels considered in 
 the last chapter we have now to add this close resemblance between the 
 practice of Tikopia and that of the secret organizations of Melanesia. It 
 has been argued that Tikopia represents an early stage of Polynesian culture, 
 and the resemblance between Tikopia and the secret organizations of Melan- 
 esia in the mode of using kava thus strengthens the hypothesis that the 
 ancestors of the Polynesians and the immigrants who founded the secret 
 organizations were one and the same people. 
 
 If now we turn to the distribution of the custom of chewing betel mixture, 
 *'. e., a mixture of areca nut, betel leaf, and lime, we find that the practice is 
 limited to the northwestern part of the area with which I deal, but that this 
 
128 SISSANO. 
 
 region forms only one corner of a vast area of distribution extending through 
 New Guinea and the Malay Archipelago to India. 
 
 There are indications that the area of distribution has extended its limits 
 in Oceania in relatively late times, even if it is not still extending. In Vani- 
 kolo and Tikopia betel and kava occur together, but while betel is chewed 
 in everyday life, the use of kava is limited to reUgious ceremonial. In this 
 case there can be no doubt that the offerings of kava represent the more 
 ancient custom and that betel chewing is a later practice. The existence of 
 both substances in these islands and the difference in their mode of use sug- 
 gest the presence of two cultures, one of which is encroaching upon the area 
 of the other. The Santa Cruz Islands, with Tikopia as an outlier, would 
 seem to be a field in which the encroachment of the later culture is still in 
 progress. 
 
 The distribution of kava and betel thus suggests the presence in Oceania 
 of two cultures which may be called the kava culture and the betel culture, 
 respectively. I propose to adopt as a working assumption for the rest of 
 this book that these two cultures belong to two immigrant peoples whom I 
 shall call the kava people and the betel people. When I use these terms in 
 future it must be borne in mind that they are not terms for the people of 
 Oceania who use kava and betel now, but are terms for the hypothetical 
 bodies of immigrants who introduced the use of these two substances. 
 
 I propose also to adopt a special name for the indigenous population which 
 the kava people found in Melanesia. We have seen that the earliest form 
 of social organization of which we have evidence was on a dual basis asso- 
 ciated with matrilineal descent, dominance of the old men, and the peculiar 
 forms of marriage which are either known to exist in Melanesia or have been 
 revealed by the analysis of its systems of relationship. It wiU be convenient 
 to have a name for the people on whom the immigrants exerted so great an 
 influence, and as the most essential feature of their social organization was 
 its dual character, I propose to call them the dual people. Here, as in the 
 case of the terms kava people and betel people, I do not use the term dual 
 people for those who now possess the dual system of society, but for the 
 hypothetical element in the existing population of Melanesia formed by the 
 people inhabiting its islands when they were first visited by the immigrants. 
 Since the argument has shown reason to believe that the inhabitants of the 
 Solomon Islands and Fiji once possessed the dual system, we must suppose 
 that these islands were at one time inhabited by the. dual people; I make 
 this the working assumption of the argument which f oUows : 
 
 It follows from the distribution of kava and betel that the kava people 
 settled in southern Melanesia, Fiji, and Polynesia, while the betel people 
 did not extend in their southeasterly movement beyond the Solomon and 
 Santa Cruz Islands. It is, of course, possible that certain elements of the 
 culture of the betel people may have been carried directly or indirectly to 
 southern Melanesia, Fiji, and Polynesia, but it seems more probable that 
 we have in the culture of these regions the results of the influence of the kava 
 people uncomplicated by the culture of the betel people. 
 
 In the Santa Cruz Islands, where both betel and kava are used, it is clear 
 that we have to do with elements belonging to the three cultures; and for 
 reasons I have already considered we can be confident that in these islands 
 the kava people were the earlier and the betel people the later comers. It 
 must at present be left an open question whether the betel people themselves 
 reached these islands or whether certain elements of their culture, including 
 betel, may not have reached these islands indirectly. We can be fairly con- 
 fident that the betel chewing of Tikopia is the result of intercourse with the 
 Santa Cruz Islands rather than of a settlement of the betel people themselves. 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 129 
 
 I have now to consider the question whether the Solomon Islands are also 
 the seat of the mixture of three cultures. It is possible that the kava people 
 never reached these islands, so that, when the betel people arrived, they 
 blended directly with an indigenous population possessing a dual organiza- 
 tion comparable with that of southern Melanesia. If, on the other hand, 
 the kava people settled in the Solomons and blended with the dual people 
 and were later joined by the betel people, it is evident that we shall have a 
 far more complicated problem than appears to be presented by the more 
 southern islands. 
 
 We shall have in this case to consider the results of the blending of one 
 people with another whose culture was already complex; we shall have to 
 inquire how far elements of the culture introduced by the earlier settlers 
 were obUterated or obscured by the betel people. An obvious fact to be 
 dealt with will be the absence of kava in the Solomons, for if those I have 
 called the kava people once settled in the Solomons a practice has since 
 disappeared which forms so striking a feature of their culture elsewhere that 
 I have chosen it as the means of their designation. All traces of their cul- 
 ture, however, are not likely to have disappeared, and I have now to con- 
 sider what evidence we possess of the presence of the culture of the kava 
 people in the Solomons. 
 
 When formulating my scheme of the origpin and development of the Sukwe 
 and Tamate societies of the Banks Islands I pointed out that certain promi- 
 nent features of the secret organizations are present in the Solomons as part 
 of the general and public culture of these islands. These features are a 
 cult of the dead, the institution of totemism, and the practice of taboo. If 
 now we examine the culture of the Solomon Islands we find that all three of 
 these features are only present, so far as we know, in one region, that com- 
 prising Florida, Ysabel, Guadalcanar, and Savo, and many parts of San 
 Cristoval, which may conveniently be spoken of as the matrilineal region. 
 
 The religious cult of this region is essentially a cult of ghosts; its social 
 organism stands alone in the Solomons in being based on totemism, and the 
 protection of property by means of taboo marks connected with the ghostly 
 tindalo is a prominent featm^e of the culture. It is in this matrihneal region 
 that the resemblance between the secret ritual of the Tamate societies and 
 the open culture of the Solomons comes out most strongly. Further, it is 
 only in this matrilineal region that we have any evidence of secret societies 
 similar to those of southern Melanesia. 
 
 According to my scheme it is the kava people who founded the Tamate 
 societies, and it is the culttu-e of this people which is enshrined in their ritual; 
 it wiU therefore foUow that, if the kava people settled in the Solomons, it is 
 the matrihneal region which has preserved their culture most purely. I 
 propose to adopt as my working hypothesis that the kava people settled in 
 the Solomons, and that in the matrilineal region of these islands there has 
 been preserved the culture resulting from the blend of the kava people with 
 the dual people but relatively Uttle influenced by the betel people, while 
 other parts, such as Ulawa and Malaita and the more western islands, are 
 places where the influence of the betel people has been predominant. It is 
 noteworthy that the matrilineal islands occupy the central portion of the 
 Solomons, suggesting that the betel people have gradually invaded the 
 islands from several sides ; it is probable that their culture was still encroach- 
 ing on that of the earUer settlers when the islands were first visited in the 
 last century. 
 
 The complete absence of betel chewing in Fiji shows that the betel people 
 can have had no direct influence in these islands; on the assumption I am 
 
130 SISSANO. 
 
 now making Fiji should be the seat of the interaction of the kava people 
 with the dual people, more recent Polynesian influence being, of course, 
 also present. On this assumption we should except to find that Fiji has 
 closer affinities in culture with the matrilineal region than with other regions 
 of the Solomons, and there can be little doubt that this is the case. The 
 resemblance is particularly striking in their systems of relationship. No 
 systems recorded in this book show a closer resemblance than those of the 
 coastal people of Fiji and of the matrilineal region of the Solomons. There 
 is not merely a resemblance in structure dependent on the fact that both are 
 based on the cross-cousin marriage, but many of the terms are the same in 
 the two places, the identity extending even to the possessive pronoims. 
 Further, the close resemblance which thus exists between the terms of rela- 
 tionship of the two places is only one instance of general linguistic similarity, 
 for F. W. Schmidt has especially noted (Mitt. Anthrop. Ges. Wien, 1899, 
 XXIX, 251) the close resemblance between the languages of Florida, Ysabel, 
 and Guadalcanar and those of Fiji. 
 
 Another feature which brings Fiji into relation with the matrilineal region 
 of the Solomons, and both places into relation with the Banks and New 
 Hebrides, is the presence of secret societies. If these societies are institu- 
 tions founded by the kava people it is a striking fact in favor of the pre- 
 dominance of this people in the matrilineal region of the Solomons that it 
 should be in this region only that secret societies are known to have existed. 
 
 I now return to the substances which form the special subject of this 
 chapter. I have spoken of the culture of the matrilineal region of the Solo- 
 mons as having been relatively Httle influenced by the betel people. Though 
 there is reason to beUeve that their influence was slight compared with that 
 exerted on other regions of the group, it is evident that it was by no means 
 small absolutely, and one of the facts to be explained is the disappearance 
 of kava. 
 
 So far as we know at present this disappearance is complete. It may be 
 noted that kava is used in such a way in Vanikolo and Tikopia that it might 
 easily be overlooked; as a matter of fact its use in Vanikolo has been com- 
 pletely overlooked until now, and has been recorded in this book for the first 
 time. It is therefore possible that kava may yet be found in the Solomons, 
 perhaps in the ritual of the bush people, of whidti we are at present completely 
 ignorant. In southern Melanesia kava is closely connected with the secret 
 organizations and with the cult of ghosts; we should therefore expect to 
 have found its use connected with the Matambala of Florida, and it is possible 
 that kava disappeared with the extinction of these societies. 
 
 In any case there is so much which suggests the presence of the kava people 
 in the matrilineal region of the Solomons that it is legitimate to assume that 
 kava was once used in those islands; if so, its disappearance would have 
 been merely the result of a further progress of the changes which have made 
 it so inconspicuous in Vanikolo that it has hitherto escaped attention. It 
 remains to inquire whether there are any conditions which will explain how 
 a practice introduced from without should succeed in displacing another, to 
 which we must suppose the people to have been attached by long custom. 
 
 It is not, I think, diflScult to see how kava, in so far as it is used as a daily 
 stimulant, may have been displaced by betel mixture. Kava is a substance 
 which can only be used after prolonged preparation; even in those parts of 
 Melanesia where it is used the supply is generally far from plentiful. Fur- 
 ther, in the Banks Islands its use is properly limited, not merely to men, but 
 to the older men and chiefs, and it is probable that this limitation would 
 also have been present in the Solomons. 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUIvARY. 131 
 
 The constituents of betel mixture, on the contrary, are always at hand. 
 They are carried in the basket or bag ready for immediate use at any moment : 
 the mixture is used by both sexes and at all ages, and both the areca nut 
 and the betel pepper are abundant in the Solomons, so that even if they were 
 brought from elsewhere by human agency it is evident that they have thriven 
 abundantly. It is not unnattual that substances which can be used imme- 
 diately, which are abundant and freely available to all, should have displaced 
 in everyday life one which, if we are to judge from the evidence elsewhere, 
 was scarce and only allowed to a small proportion of the population. 
 
 If, then, kava was once present in the Solomons and other places invaded 
 by a betel-chewing people, it is not difficult to see why the earlier use of kava 
 should have been displaced by the practice of betel chewing, at any rate in 
 the ordinary life of the people. It becomes readily intelligible why, in such 
 islands as Vanikolo and Tikopia, where we may suppose the introduction of 
 betel to have been relatively recent, the use of kava has wholly disappeared 
 from ordinary life and is drunk only in connection with religious ceremonial, 
 or is made only in order that it may be used as a religious offering. 
 
 I can not conclude this chapter without a brief consideration of the origin 
 of kava drinking. The practice of betel chewing is widespread, and Melanesia 
 forms but one corner of so large an area of distribution that we can be confi- 
 dent that it was brought into Melanesia by an immigrant people as a fully 
 developed practice. With kava the case is different. Its use is limited to 
 Polynesia and Micronesia, Melanesia including the Admiralty Islands and 
 New Guinea, and there can be little doubt that it is within this area that we 
 must look for the origin of the practice. It is probable that it was not 
 brought by the kava people as a ftdly developed custom, but arose through 
 the needs and conditions of their new home. 
 
 The suggestion I make concerning the origin of kava drinking is one which 
 involves a conclusion which will only be reached at a later stage of my argu- 
 ment. I mention it only in order to be able to deal with the origin of kava now. 
 
 This conclusion is that there was no very great difference between the 
 cultures of the kava people and the betel people. Probably both peoples 
 came from the same part of the world and the differences between them are 
 perhaps to be explained merely by the lapse of time between the two streams 
 of migration and by developments and changes which took place during the 
 interval. Betel chewing is a complex practice which involves the use of three 
 different substances (still more are used at present in some parts of the Malay 
 Archipelago) ; it must have arisen by a process in which one substance was 
 first added to another and then at a later stage the third substance added 
 to the other two. It is possible that when the kava people left their old 
 home the custom of betel chewing was still in process of development and that 
 at this time the practice was limited to the chewing of the leaf of the betel 
 pepper, or it may be that it was only this element of the mixture which they 
 succeeded in carrying to their new home. Still another possibility is that the 
 migrants may have been acquainted with betel chewing in its entirety, but 
 brought none of its constituents with them, so that they could only use such 
 ingredients of the mixture, or plants which resembled these ingredients, as 
 they found in their new home. In either case it may be supposed that they 
 first chewed the leaves until it was discovered, perhaps in the way suggested 
 by the Pentecost story, that the root furnished a more potent means whereby 
 to procure the desired effect of the plant. Having once discovered the 
 properties of the root, it may be suggested that it became the custom to grate 
 or pound it in some places and to chew it in others, and that from these 
 begiimings there have developed the various methods of preparing the sub- 
 stance which are found in different parts of Melanesia and Polynesia. 
 
132 SISSANO. 
 
 Some facts may be mentioned in favor of this mode of origin of the use of 
 kava. In the Bismarck Archipelago, according to Stephan and Graebner, 
 the pepper used as a constituent of betel mixture is probably Piper methys- 
 ticum, suggesting that the betel people foimd this plant when they reached 
 this region and substituted it for that they had used in their former home. 
 Further, the betel pepper is known in various parts of Polynesia as kavakava- 
 atua (Marquesas), 'ava'avaaitu (Samoa), and avaava-atua (Tahiti). These 
 names clearly indicate the sacred character of the plant, and it seems possible 
 that this sanctity is due to the tradition of the existence and use of this 
 plant in the former home of the kava people. It may be noted that one of 
 the very few plants used in Tikopia as a remedy is the kavakava, which may 
 be the betel pepper. 
 
 I suggest, then, that the use of kava was a development of the practice 
 of chewing betel, a view which has already been advanced in somewhat 
 different form by Christian (Caroline Islands, 189). This seems to furnish 
 by far the most probable explanation of the origin of a practice which is 
 distinctly Oceanic. 
 
 One alternative must be mentioned. It is possible that the practices of 
 drinking kava and chewing betel do not indicate two successive migrations, 
 but have arisen only through the absence of the proper constituents of betel 
 mixture in certain parts of Oceania. Thus, it might be held that the absence 
 of betel chewing in southern Melanesia, Fiji, and Pol3Tiesia is due to the 
 absence of the areca palm, so that it was only in these parts of Oceania that 
 the immigrants were driven to the exclusive use of a betel pepper identical 
 with, or similar to, that used in betel chewing. It might seem to be in favor 
 of this view that the areca palm is said to be absent in Fiji and Polynesia, 
 although its presence has been recorded in the New Hebrides. 
 
 There are, however, two sets of facts which make this alternative improb- 
 able. There can be little doubt that many of the food plants and other 
 objects of economic importance of Oceania have been introduced by the 
 immigrant peoples to whom I have ascribed the use of kava and betel; we 
 should then have to explain why these immigrants failed to introduce the 
 arcea palm in a similar way. Still more conclusive, however, is the fact 
 that the presence and mode of use of both kava and betel in Vanikolo and 
 Tikopia show that there have been successive introductions of the two 
 substances. I have therefore no hesitation in adhering to my hjrpothesis 
 of the two streams of migration into Melanesia which I denote by their 
 respective uses of kava and betel. (Chapter xxvi, pp. 243-257.) 
 
 (Tikopia.) The evidence of outside influence was of the slightest; very 
 few of the people wore anything but the native dress, a loin cloth of tapa 
 stained with turmeric. They swarmed over the ship in the most fearless 
 and free manner, talking vociferously and ready to lay hands on any object 
 which took their fancy, their general appearance and their teeth and Ups 
 stained red with betel mixture driving some new members of the crew to 
 hide themselves in alarm. . . . We visited one of the chiefs . . . and were 
 given some excellent food consisting of sago flavored with coconut. (Vol. I, 
 pp. 298-299.) 
 
 (Tikopia.) At the death of a chief another chief comes to make an offering 
 of kava before burial takes place and it is probable that this offering is also 
 made in the case of ordinary people. (Vol. I, p. 313.) 
 
 (Tikopia.) All the relatives would abstain from betel, but only for about 
 two months. . . . For the first ten days after death offerings of food and 
 kava are made at the grave daily and betel is usually offered too. These 
 offerings of food and occasionally of betel continue indefinitely, probably 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 133 
 
 for as long as the existence of the grave is recognized. The kava, on the other 
 hand, at first offered daily, is later poured out at longer intervals till six 
 months after death, from which time offering is made every six months. As 
 we shall see shortly the graves are the scenes of the offerings of kava on 
 many other occasions. (Vol. I, p. 314.) 
 
 (Tikopia.) A man who asks a question chews betel and taking some of 
 the chewed mass from his mouth he holds it out to the possessed man, saying 
 "eat" and it is eaten by the possessed man, who is then ready to answer his 
 questioner. (Vol. I, p. 322.) 
 
 (Tikopia.) Betel mixture is used by the people largely and the areca nut 
 (kaura) and betel leaf (pita) must be very plentiful. The Ume, called kapia, 
 is kept in simple undecorated gourds, and the elderly chief of the Tatunako 
 whom I saw on my visit prepared his betel mixture in a cylindrical vessel 
 with a spatula, exactly in the same way as is done by elderly men in the 
 Solomon Islands. It seemed quite clear that the kava which is used so exten- 
 sively in ceremonial is never drunk. (Vol. I, p. 333.) 
 
 (Tikopia.) Near the bowl (of sacrificial food) was placed some turmeric, 
 scented water, areca nut, betel leaf, and lime. . . . The chief's second son, 
 Paetearikitonga, then made kava, which Paevatere took to the chief, who 
 held it over his head twice with prayer and then potued it over one packet 
 of food, a second bowl of kava being poiu-ed on the other packet. The chief 
 then pounded up betel leaf, areca nut, and lime and, after holding the mixture 
 twice above his head with prayer, he placed it with the other offerings. 
 (Vol. I, p. 337.) 
 
 It is probable that this process of simpUfication (of relationship) would 
 be assisted by later immigrant influence, and the nature of the systems of 
 Ulawa, Saa, and Eddystone suggests that the influence of the betel people 
 has been especially strong in these islands, and it is therefore significant 
 that they possess the simplest of aU the Melanesian systems I have recorded. 
 . . . We should not expect that terms of relationship introduced by the betel 
 people would have a wide distribution, and we have little evidence which 
 allows us to ascribe such introduction on any large scale to this people. The 
 terms, however, common to Ulawa and to Heuru in San Cristoval, and such 
 a term as sasi, which seems to be spreading through Malaita, may have been 
 derived from the betel people, and other of the Malaita terms, such as di 
 used for the cross-cousin, and loma and bara used for relatives by marriage, 
 may also have come from this soturce. We need, however, a far larger col- 
 lection of systems from this part of Melanesia to enable us to distinguish 
 such terms with certainty. AU that can be said at present is that the avail- 
 able evidence suggests that the betel people were not responsible for such 
 fundamental changes in the social organization, and consequently in the 
 systems of relationships, as seem to have followed the advent of the earlier 
 immigrants, and such changes as they produced were probably in the direc- 
 tion of simplification of a kind which did not involve the introduction of new 
 terms. There are, however, certain words which are possibly common to 
 both kava and betel peoples; thus, tama has so wide a distribution (see pp. 
 50, 115) as to suggest that it is such a word. Its presence in southern Melan- 
 esia, Fiji, and Polynesia shows that it certainly formed part of the vocabulary 
 of the kava people, but it is also present in Eddystone, and with elided initial 
 letter in Ulawa, where the influence of the betel people has been especially 
 pronounced. Probably both peoples used this term. Similarly, tina is used 
 in Eddystone as well as in Polynesia, Fiji, and the matrilineal region of the 
 Solomons, and here again the term may have been common to both cultures. 
 A more doubtful word is iva, used for brothers and sisters-in-law. This 
 
134 SISSANO. 
 
 term is found in the matrilineal region of the Solomons and in Eddystone, 
 and probably in the modified form ihe or iha in Ulawa and Saa. Further, it 
 almost certainly occtu-s in Fiji, both as part of ra-iva and among the Tavua 
 people without the prefix. On the other hand no form of the word has been 
 recorded in any part of Polynesia. The word thus raises a difficulty, for, 
 if it belonged to the kava people, we should expect to find it in Polynesia, 
 and its presence in the matrilineal Solomons and Fiji is a difficulty if it be 
 ascribed to the betel people. I can only suggest that it is a term, common 
 to both peoples, which has disappeared in Poljaiesia. (Vol. II, pp. 312-313.) 
 
 It is an essential part of my general scheme that the immigrants into Melan- 
 esia practiced a cult of the dead as the prominent element in their religion. 
 Since this cult of the dead is a pronounced feature of the religion of Tikopia 
 and of the secret societies of southern Melanesia, it follows that it is to be 
 ascribed to the kava people. A cult of the dead is also the prominent feature 
 of the religion of islands, such as Fddystone and Malaita, where I suppose 
 the influence of the betel people to have been predominant. We have 
 therefore to conclude that the cult of the dead was common to both the 
 immigrant streams supposed to have entered Melanesia. . . . We can with 
 some confidence ascribe the highly developed cult of the skull in the Solomons 
 to the betel people, but we can not so confidently exclude a skull cult from 
 the religion of the kava people. . . . The sanctity of the head among the 
 kava people thus suggests some community of culture between them and the 
 betel people. It suggests that the practices of the betel people are only a 
 further development of beliefs and practices already possessed by the kava 
 people; and that the kava and betel people were only two successive streams 
 of migrants possessing closely related cultures. (Vol. II, pp. 258-260.) 
 
 The conclusion to which this and the preceding chapters have led us is 
 that Melanesian society, as we now know it, is the outcome of the blending 
 of a number of diGferent peoples. First, a people possessing the dual organiza- 
 tion of society; next, an immigrant people who introduced the use of kava 
 and were the founders of the secret organizations of Melanesia; thirdly, a 
 people who introduced the practices of head hunting and betel chewing; and 
 lastly, relatively recent influences from Polynesia and Micronesia. There 
 is reason to believe that the earliest of these peoples, the dual people, was 
 itself complex, having as one of the constituent elements a people who 
 interred their dead in the sitting position; but the problem before us is 
 sufficiently involved without the introduction of this complexity. I propose, 
 therefore, in the succeeding chapters to ignore it as far as possible and to 
 treat the dual people as the aborigines of Melanesia. ... In the attempt to 
 analyze Melanesian culture I shall pay especial attention to the kava people 
 and the dual people, and shall not attempt any thorough examination of the 
 culture of the betel people. The material with which I deal in this book is 
 derived chiefly from the more southern islands of Melanesia, which I suppose 
 to have been uninfluenced by the betel people. If I am right in supposing 
 that these islands are the scene of the mixture of only two main cultures, it 
 is evident that the analysis will be a far easier task than in the Solomons, 
 where we have, in addition, the influence of the betel people. The most 
 favorable condition for an inquiry into the culture of the betel people would 
 be the study of some region where their influence has been dominant and 
 where the influence of the kava people has been relatively sUght. Such a 
 region seems to exist in the more western islands of the British Solomons 
 which have been studied by Mr. Hocart and myself; the share taken by the 
 betel people in the production of Melanesian culture can only be adequately 
 considered after the full account of this work has been published. (Vol. II, 
 pp. 290-291.) 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUI^ARY. 135 
 
 Such enormous phonetic variation (as in the Banks Islands and the New 
 Hebrides particulariy) is very difficult to understand on any hypothesis other 
 than that on which I am proceeding, according to which it would be the 
 result of phonetic differences in the speech of the peoples who inhabited 
 these islands before the arrival of the kava people. It is more difficult to 
 say what may have been the influence of the betel people and other later 
 comers into Melanesia. The languages spoken in the islands where the 
 influence of the betel people has been especially strong are of the same 
 general character as those of other parts of Melanesia. The betel people 
 must have had some effect on vocabulary, but the evidence for their influence 
 seems to be so slight that this people probably furnish an example of the 
 widely accepted principle that language follows the mother. It is probable 
 that the betel men married women of the islands where they settled, and 
 that their children adopted the languages of their mothers. This process 
 would be the more natural if the language of the betel people did not differ 
 very widely from that of the earUer immigrants. The existence of common 
 elements in the use of kava and betel, in the cult of the dead and in the material 
 culture, has led me to regard the kava and betel peoples as closely allied to 
 one another, and the slight differences between the languages of places 
 settled by the betel people and those they did not reach suggest that the 
 languages of the kava and betel peoples did not differ in any fundamental 
 respect from one another. (Vol. II, p. 470.) 
 
 The chief material objects which I have been led to ascribe to the kava 
 people are the following: kava, shell money, the pig and fowl, the bow and 
 arrow, the wooden gong, the conch shell, the fillet, and the cycas tree. (Vol. 
 
 II. P- 533-) 
 
 The plank built canoe {mon of New Ireland) seems to have been especially 
 developed among the betel people. (Vol. II, p. 536.) 
 
 It is probable that they (the Matankor of the Admiralty Islands) are 
 representatives of a migration earlier than that of the betel people who 
 seem so largely to have influenced the Moanus, and I propose now to consider 
 how far there is any evidence which would lead us to identify their culture 
 with that of the kava people. In entering upon this topic it will be natural 
 to begin with kava drinking. This practice occurs in the Admiralty Islands, 
 and as in other parts of Polynesia, its use has generally been ascribed to 
 relatively recent Polynesian influence. The juice of the root, however, is 
 expressed between stones and is drunk by men, the mode of preparation 
 being thus of a kind which I suppose to have been practiced by the kava 
 people of Melanesia. If the practice was introduced from Polynesia it must 
 have been at some remote time before chewing had become the Polynesian 
 practice. According to Parkinson the method is like that of Ponape, so that 
 relatively recent introduction from Micronesia must be regarded as a possi- 
 bility, but it may be noted that the only place in the Admiralty Islands 
 where we know definitely of the use of kava is Lou, which is one of the seats 
 of the Matankor. This suggests that there still lingers in this island one of 
 the original customs of the kava people which has disappeared everywhere 
 else in northern Melanesia. (Vol. II, p. 553.) 
 
 Before entering upon the statement of the views upon the kava 
 problem which have resulted from my own studies, it will be proper 
 to comment on certain of the foregoing conclusions offered by our 
 learned authority. 
 
 In the Tanna method of preparation (p. 125) we find a difficulty 
 of usage. After the method in use in all Polynesia and in Fiji it would 
 
136 SISSANO. 
 
 be quite impracticable to make a second infusion. In those cultures 
 the dried root after comminution by chewing or pounding undergoes 
 the process of maceration, the minute fragments of the woody fiber 
 of the root being removed from the infusion by being caught in a 
 tangle of hibiscus fiber. This is the converse of straining, whereby 
 the material might be conserved for future use if such were considered 
 desirable; for the hibiscus swab collects the particles and they are 
 then thrown away in the process of shaking out the swab. Even if 
 the particles were kept, as would be the case in a process of straining 
 whereby the liquid was removed from the solid rather than the solid 
 removed from the Hquid by swabbing, it is not easy to see what second 
 use could be made of the renmant, for the first maceration dissolves 
 out practically all the active principle contained in the starch-cells 
 of the root, and I have certified to myself that the portion removed by 
 the swab retains almost none of the characteristic flavor of the fresh 
 root and probably Uttle of its active principle. 
 
 In the region of the secret societies of the Banks Group it is noted 
 by our author (p. 225) that the religious character of kava use argues 
 against the recent introduction from Polynesia of the custom. We 
 should note in a most important addition to this fact the further fact 
 that in Polynesia kava is not in the least associated with religious 
 custom or rehgious ideas. We do find kava used by the gods (a per- 
 tinent example is in the Samoan story of peeping Pava in my manu- 
 scripts) , but such use is exactly as is the use of man on the earth below, 
 a social custom. The nearest suggestion of rehgious idea may be 
 conceived to appear in the Hbation to the divine principle which per- 
 sists in Samoan usage. In spilling a few drops of the infusion upon 
 the pavement just at the edge of the house the first who drinks mur- 
 murs the phrase "Let the god drink; this recognition is decorous." 
 But as this is used as a grace before any meat it will be manifest that 
 it does not particularize the use of kava. 
 
 Several notes find place along with the remarks of Dr. Rivers (p. 226) 
 upon the chewing or pounding of the root. It must be understood 
 clearly that the island taste does not revolt at the practice of having 
 the root chewed in the mouths of others and no part of the operation 
 seems unbecoming. In fact, I venture to record that as a result of 
 1 ong experience with kava in all parts of the Pacific it is not mere idle 
 fancy to hold and to express the opinion that there is a distinct dif- 
 ference in the quaUty of the infusion which can be traced only to the 
 difference in the mode of preparing the root for maceration. When 
 made from pounded root the infusion has a raw flavor quite inferior 
 to the smoother blend when chewed. In the latter process we have 
 not only the stimulation of the saHvary glands in normal response 
 to the presence within the mouth of a foreign substance, but the active 
 peppery principle of the root set free by solution within the ruptured 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUI^ARY. 137 
 
 starch-cells induces a much greater flow of saliva. Within the mouth 
 in the molar grinding of the root the starch-cells are not only separated 
 from the intractable woody fiber, but are themselves bruised open, 
 with the result that the saHva may reach the starch itself. We may 
 conclude that when the starch is brought freely into contact with the 
 saliva, and this for a much longer period than is utihzed in the mastica- 
 tion for the stomach, the process of ptyalization causes normal changes 
 in the starch which can not be without their effect in the maceration 
 which follows. That the method in Polynesia was uniformly that of 
 chewing is substantiated by all the discovery record. We have fmrther 
 evidence of the great antiquity of the method, for in Samoa we find 
 the word 'aumaga employed to designate the young men in their cere- 
 monial position in society, and this word is merely "the chewers." 
 I assume the vaHdity of the statement that in the interior of Viti Levu 
 the original practice was to pound the root, but I have never seen it in 
 the country of the Kai Colo. On the Fijian littoral, even of Viti 
 Levu, pounding was distinctly understood to be a concession to foreign 
 prejudices; the introduction of chewing from Tonga, if such were 
 indeed the case, could hardly have reached the mountaineers. 
 
 In connection with the mixture of the two cultures on the Polynesian 
 island of Tikopia I should make a note on the Verge Islands to the 
 north (The Polynesian Wanderings, 4) even as far as Kapingamarangi 
 north of the equator. While the inhabitants are almost pure Poly- 
 nesians and might be expected to have the kava custom, we lack 
 definite evidence in the scanty memoranda of their speech which has 
 been published. I regret that in the loss of my field-notes I am unable 
 to report positively upon the use of kava in that chain of islands. It 
 is for that reason that in distributing upon my culture chart the bound- 
 aries of the kava and the betel I have left the Verge Islands out of 
 the scheme. 
 
 To the kava people Dr. Rivers (p. 125) assigns the secret societies 
 of the Banks Group and, by extension throughout the area of matri- 
 lineal culture, of the Fijian nanga. Before this determination can 
 meet with whole acceptance it will be necessary to consider the Poly- 
 nesian culture in this respect, for it is not to be denied that the Poly- 
 nesians represent the highest attainment of that culture group. With 
 the exception of the arioi of Tahiti we have no information as to the 
 existence of any fixed body within the community which might be 
 regarded as a society in the restricted and technical sense here involved, 
 and even in the case of these joyous pagans we find naught of ritual 
 and arcana which might suggest the society structure. Such being 
 the case, it is difficult to accept this assignment of the societies to the 
 kava culture, for it is inconceivable that a ritual observance should 
 have persisted when the whole purpose of the ritual has vanished so 
 completely as not to leave a trace. 
 
138 SISSANO. 
 
 Dr. Rivers notes (p. 130) that kava requires prolonged preparation. 
 This is, of coiurse, only comparative. My experience has been in 
 Samoa, where the practice is made graceful by fine details of courtesy, 
 that the preparation of kava, from the presentation by the guest of 
 the dried root to the clapping of hands which establishes satisfaction 
 with the strength of the infusion, consumes about 30 minutes. 
 
 Our author touches (p. 131) upon the portage of the ingredients of 
 sirih-chewing. This engages directly with my suggestion (The Poly- 
 nesian Wanderings, 139) of crop colonies. There is nothing inherent 
 in the nature of the betel-pepper plant which would operate to pre- 
 clude its carriage from one such port of call to the next, where it might 
 be again cultivated to maturity and to fresh transport beyond. The 
 difficulty is still less in the case of the areca nut. The seed, the por- 
 tion which must inevitably be carried by the wanderers, since that 
 is the part which alone is utihzed in sirih-chewing, woidd at once 
 suggest itself for planting in conmnmities where the tree was not 
 indigenous. The seed might be carried for at least a year, many seeds 
 in small compass, for its germinating power would endure much longer 
 than that period, and we must remember that in the conditions of 
 such folk migration the actual time spent at sea was measured by no 
 more than a week beyond the amount of water which could be carried 
 in a canoe and the longest time between semi-permanent stops (those 
 necessitated for revictuaUng) was equally Hmited by the impractica- 
 bility of transporting with the voyagers in any canoe any considerable 
 supply of staple vegetable food. 
 
 Continuing the theme. Dr. Rivers (p. 131) advances the supposition 
 that the leaf of the pepper was first chewed and then the root was 
 selected as producing more distinct results. I have experimented 
 with both of the peppers involved in these two cultures. As to the 
 kava pepper (Piper methysticum) I can report that the leaf contains 
 in no appreciable degree the principle potent in the root, whether dry 
 or undried. The leaf, somewhat succulent, contains an appreciable 
 amount of sap, its flavor is almost wholly that of raw collenchyma, 
 much as in the leaf of the cabbage, and, while there is a sUght sugges- 
 tion of pungency of the pepper type, it is far milder that that of the root 
 of the radish. The root, on the other hand, while not more pungent 
 or peppery than the radish, produces almost instantaneously an effect 
 upon the mucosa of the mouth which is most comparable with the 
 effect of a dose of magnesia; and this sensation extends even beyond 
 the region actually in contact with the root chewed and in no long 
 time is noticed as far as the pharynx, even though in the operation 
 of chewing kava preparatory to maceration particular pains are taken 
 to avoid even the shghtest deglutition, in order that the comminuted 
 root may be most practically ptyalized. The sirih leaf {Piper betle) 
 has practically the same flavor as that of the kava pepper. For 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE) VOCABULARY. 139 
 
 itself it would scarcely be chosen, but in combination with the areca 
 nut it is siurely effective as an excipient and, so far as judgment may 
 be based upon mere buccal testimony unsupported by chemical analy- 
 sis, probably it has much value as an adjuvant. I have tested each 
 of the three chief ingredients of the sirih quid, the lime and the areca 
 and the betel singly, and also each combination of two elements. By 
 itself or in combination with the lime the betel leaf amounts to noth- 
 ing. By itself or in combination with the lime the areca nut lacks 
 defined flavor; one is engaged in masticating a dry mass of woody 
 fiber to no particular profit or pleasure. The addition of the sirih 
 to the areca develops a flavor which neither had singly and the com- 
 pletion of the mess by adding the lime serves only to accent this 
 conjoint flavor without appearing to add any new modifier of its own. 
 I shall not attempt to set in verbal order the taste of sirih-chewing; 
 to me it is objectionable ; yet experience proves that its use will aUay 
 the sense of hunger when meals are too widely spaced. 
 
 Continuing this note. Dr. Rivers cites the existence of sirih in 
 various parts of Polynesia. I have grave doubts of this. In the 
 Marquesas Bishop Dordillon defines kavakava-atua merely as poivrier 
 sauvage, which is neutral as to the point involved. In Nukuoro this 
 composite form is used of Piper methysticum. In Tahiti avaava-atua 
 is not recorded in Bishop Tepano Jaussen's dictionary, but he exhibits 
 as the only identified variety avaavairai {Piper latifolium). In Samoa 
 we have ' ava' ava-atua and ' ava' ava-aitu as synonyma for various species 
 of pepper {Piper latifolium, P. puherulum, P. insectifugum) . No dic- 
 tionary of Polynesian speech includes the betel pepper. 
 
 Incidentally and in a by-path we should note the use of sago in 
 Tikopia (p. 132). This is the characteristic food of Melanesia, just 
 as the yam in certain regions and the taro in others are Polynesian 
 staples. Its use in Tikopia is quite as much a trace of Melanesian 
 culture advance on the forgotten Polynesian community as is the sirih- 
 chewing. It is interesting to recall that in Fiji the use of sago was 
 so completely out of mind that when Dr. Seeman discovered the tree 
 and commented upon its food value the Fijians were wholly unaware 
 of the method of washing out the fecula from its pith. 
 
 The Hst of material objects which Dr. Rivers presents as characteriz- 
 ing the culture of the kava people shows distinctly that grave diffi- 
 culty wiU confront us in the effort to adjust the great Polynesian race 
 to a position of membership among the kava people, by him defined 
 as the hypothetical body of immigrants who introduced the use of 
 this substance. The material objects which he is led to associate 
 with the body of cultural possession or attainment denominated by 
 its most distinctive object, the kava infusion (p. 135), may conven- 
 iently be restated : kava, shell-money, the pig, the fowl, the bow and 
 arrow, the wooden gor^g, the conch shell, the fillet, the cycas. Poly- 
 
140 SISSANO. 
 
 nesian culture possesses of these the kava, in greater extent and 
 involving more formal courtesy but completely lacking the ritual 
 character observed in parts of its Melanesian occurrence. It has the 
 pig, but merely as a food article; in parts of Polynesia, e. g., Samoa, 
 there is a bad connotation and the name is indecorous and must be 
 replaced by a periphrasis such as four-legged animal. It has the 
 fowl, also as food and lacking position in the myths, except that in 
 Samoa a probably modern and quite etiological myth attempts to 
 explain the obvious and misleading Sa-moa as the place of hens. It 
 has the wooden gong in two forms varying in size, one portable by 
 hand, the other requiring a rest upon logs on the town green, each form 
 being of the same type of a hollowed piece of hard wood resonant under 
 percussion. It has the conch shell pierced for use as a trumpet, but I 
 have no knowledge of its emplo)anent for other than signal purposes. 
 Shell money has no existence in any of the Polynesian settlements. 
 I have used the monetary term which has come into use for conven- 
 ience, but I do not assume here to come to a decision as to its cur- 
 rency import. The resemblance between the diwarra, to employ one 
 of the Melanesian names which has acquired some frequency of use, 
 and the wampum of the eastern American Indians, particularly 
 Iroquoian and by later extension Algonkian, is one of those obvious 
 things which lead us into error. The strings of hght and dark disks 
 of shell in the western Pacific look hke the strings of Hght and dark 
 shell which constituted the famihar wampum. Inasmuch as wampum 
 was known as a currency medium, and to that extent a money, it 
 was easy to apply to the Melanesian strings the designation shell- 
 money. Professor Frank Gouldsmith Speck, of the Department of 
 Anthropology of the University of Pennsylvania, has estabhshed 
 (lecture yet unpubUshed) that the currency employment of wamptmi 
 is of extremely late development and that it was not Indian in origin, 
 but was engrafted upon the ceremonial and mnemonic use of the 
 material by contact with the Dutch settlers of the New Netherlands. 
 If, therefore, the currency value of the source of this suggestion is 
 disposed of as an excrescence, we may remain in doubt as to the 
 currency value of the Melanesian shell-money. In my acquaintance 
 with the use of the strings of shell disks in Melanesia I have never 
 been satisfied that they serve the end of a circulating meditim or money 
 of account. The bow and arrow is scarcely to be held critical of a 
 distinction between Polynesians and Melanesians. It is clear that 
 the Melanesians employ it as a weapon of offense; it is equally clear 
 that its use is excessively rare in the regions of uncontaminated Poly- 
 nesian culture. We find it in full use in Fiji ; in Tonga it was employed 
 in the purely aleatory sport of rat-shooting; in Samoa and Tahiti it 
 was a toy; the same is true of bows reported by Schmelz from the 
 Tuamotu and by Friederici from Mangareva, both almost at the 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 141 
 
 extreme eastern limit of Polynesian settlement. In Easter Island, 
 the ultimate of the Pol}Tiesian movement eastward, I find the arrow 
 designated by vero, but as that word in general means a spear or 
 lance, that is, properly a pointed weapon of offense which may be 
 thrust forward but retained in the hand as a lance or may be cast as 
 a missile spear, and since the word for bow is missing and there is 
 found no such word as fana which elsewhere designates the shooting 
 of the arrow, this incomplete record may be neglected. The fillet is 
 one of the obvious conveniences of Hfe when the hair is worn long 
 and on that account it is misleading as a culture character. 
 
 In connection with the secret societies of Melanesia it is clear that 
 the fillet has some ritual value. Dr. Rivers (History of Melanesian 
 Society, 446) writes: "It is possible that the fillet of the Banks and 
 Tikopia is a survival of such an elaborate head covering (the caps of 
 the terminaUa statues of Easter Island), in which case we should 
 have another Hnk between the ritual of secret societies and megalithic 
 monuments." It is a far cry from a mere hair snood to a high hat, 
 and when we carry it beyond to the megalithic monuments of the 
 Pacific we stray in a mist of conjecture. The cycas is physically 
 present in the vegetable kingdom of Polynesia; it has its textile use; 
 but nowhere do we find any ritual connotation of any sort and even 
 in Melanesia such connotation is narrowly restricted to a single group 
 of secret societies. 
 
 We now rectir to a consideration of the spread of the two culture 
 objects which have prompted this long and intricate excursus, the 
 betel and the kava. Our culture chart presents to the eye the prin- 
 cipal areas of each of these culttu-es, the point of overlapping and 
 slightly of intermingling lies in the central region of Melanesia. 
 Sirih-chewing has a wide rearward extent. We can find it on the 
 Asiatic continent in India; it covers the whole of Indonesia; it extends 
 eastward in Melanesia along the Solomon Islands, with a small area 
 at the south as yet unoccupied; it has made in Tikopia at least one 
 inclusion of Polynesian people. The impression which we obtain 
 from the study of the chart, from our own acquaintance of the move- 
 ment forward in the Solomons to communities which within the 
 memory of men had not yet acquired the habit, is of a custom which 
 is steadily progressing. Because it comes later in the known path 
 of migration, because in the vital instance of Tikopia we see it ousting 
 the former kava custom, we look upon it as a modern habit, relatively, 
 that is, to the great Polynesian migration swarming. The kava cul- 
 ture area presents an entirely different picture. Its intensity is 
 deepest at the forward edge of movement; its rearward edge shows 
 ragged persistence in the Melanesian area over which the migration 
 has passed; we find in Tikopia a survival yielding before the advance 
 of sirih-chewing; we find another such survival in Matankor of the 
 
142 SISSANO. 
 
 Admiralty Group; it is likely that in the islands of the Polynesian 
 Verge, where in the chart a space is left blank, there is another sur- 
 vival. Sirih-chewing has its strong central body in Indonesia, it has 
 in Melanesia an active and conquering advance guard; kava-drinking 
 has its strength in Polynesia; in Melanesia it has nothing but a rear 
 guard of weakness; and wherever the two come into combat it is the 
 sirih which overwhelms. We regard the Indonesians as prime carriers 
 of the sirih culture; at least we may say confidently that in every 
 most distant region reached by Indonesians sirih-chewing is estab- 
 hshed. We do not regard the Indonesians as necessary for the portage 
 of Indonesian custom to the extreme hmit of the sirih area, there can 
 be no trace of Indonesian origin in the sirih of Tikopia. But habits 
 have a way of spreading, bad habits particularly. We know of no 
 great voyages of Malayan peoples east of New Guinea, but we do 
 know of many small voyages of social interchange, mostly war, 
 between minor settlements of folk along the track from New Guinea 
 eastward; such things are constantly taking place. We can readily 
 conceive of a western hamlet which has received the sirih from Indo- 
 nesians at first hand communicating it to the next eastern hamlet as 
 a new thing, a satisfactory thing ; therefore on the one score attractive 
 to experiment with and on the other score valuable to hold. It com- 
 municates to the next, and still along new territory, always increasing 
 the area in regions far ahead of the possibiHty of direct transmission 
 from its soiurce. I have seen exactly that method of translation in 
 the case of Solomon Islanders and have witnessed the extension of 
 the area. Dr. Rivers has recorded a similar case in Tikopia. 
 
 The spread of kava is in different pUght. In its eastern extension 
 it has been wholly in the possession of Polynesian people; therefore 
 we are under no necessity of differentiating the Polynesians and the 
 more extended group to which Dr. Rivers has assigned the designation 
 kava people. The kava people from Samoa to Hawaii and Tahiti 
 are Polynesians and nothing else. Through those regions of southern 
 Melanesia, the New Hebrides complex, where we find kava we find 
 such considerable linguistic traces as to warrant us in the conclusion 
 that Polynesian migration has been commorant in those islands for 
 periods of uncertain yet of considerable duration. With this lin- 
 guistic picture clearly before our view we are imder no need of looking 
 for other than Polynesian carriers of the custom, if indeed it were not 
 also a possession of such prior Melanesian population as that which 
 Dr. Rivers denominates the dual people. In the northern region of 
 Melanesia, principally the Solomon Islands, where our linguistic 
 trace is even more strongly drawn, yet where the kava custom is all 
 but absent, we have in Dr. Rivers's narrative a brilUant and cogent 
 explanation of the vanishing of what may have been the older custom 
 before the newer and more stimulating, therefore more satisfactory, 
 habit ; and in this same region we find the actual stage of transition. 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 143 
 
 Tangled as the problem may appear at the first and even at the 
 second view, the clue may be threaded out. We find the kava cus- 
 tom in the possession of the people at present the sole and sUghtly, 
 if at all, contaminated inhabitants of Polynesia. We have been able 
 to trace through hnguistic survivals the tracks of their migration; we 
 have estabhshed their ancient occupancy of Indonesia, their traverse 
 through Melanesia, their present possession of Polynesia. In Poly- 
 nesia we find the complete, in Melanesia the partial, sway of the kava 
 custom; in Indonesia the complete absence thereof and the equally 
 complete dominance of sirih-chewing. In the treatment of this 
 material Dr. Rivers shows that it is impossible to account for kava as 
 introduced from Polynesia into Melanesia, and in this decision I am 
 wholly at one with him upon the grounds which he adduces and upon 
 others which have not come within the scope of his investigation. In 
 general he inclines to regard the origin of kava as Melanesian in some 
 sort, as there assumed by the wandering Polynesians and transported 
 along their eastward course. In this direction he is led most strongly 
 by two observed factors — the commonly ritual and religious employ- 
 ment of kava in Melanesia, its complete absence in Indonesia. The 
 latter of these will be included in our further discussion of the problem. 
 The former seems to me to clear itself up. If we look upon primal 
 Melanesia as inhabited by peoples ignorant of the kava custom, if 
 we introduce thereto in the migration movement the greatly superior 
 Polynesian culture carrying the kava custom, we should look to find 
 the Melanesians adopting somewhat timorously, on the established 
 principle of omne ignotum pro magnifico, this distinctive custom of 
 the strange and conquering race. It would then be natural to find 
 this custom surrounded by evidences of the respect which the superior 
 Polynesians had won for themselves and all that was theirs ; we should 
 find the foreign custom restricted to chiefs, to reUgious ceremonies, to 
 the mysteries of the secret societies; and these are precisely the 
 Melanesian restrictions upon kava. 
 
 The assignment of a strictly Melanesian source of kava is not 
 sufficient to account for the spread of that culture through the Pacific. 
 I have set forth two migration swarms out of Indonesia into the 
 Pacific — ^the Proto-Samoan the elder, the junior Tongafiti, separated 
 within the mixing area of Nuclear Polynesia by a considerable lapse 
 of time, and I have made it clear that while the Proto-Samoan course 
 lay along the island chains of Melanesia in two somewhat distinct 
 streams, the Samoa stream up the mnd and the Viti stream to lee- 
 ward, the linguistic record makes it plain that the Tongafiti course 
 lay entirely outside of Melanesia. In Nuclear Polynesia we have 
 had considerable success in distinguishing these two migrations, and 
 in this distinction we have found each to be in possession of the kava 
 custom. It would be impossible to assign a Melanesian origin to the 
 
144 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 Tongafiti kava, since that migration had had no communication with 
 Melanesia. We have not been able to lay out the early track of Tongafiti 
 migration, except in this particular of Melanesian exclusion. I have 
 suggested that it is possible that such careful examination of the speech 
 material of Micronesia as we have been able to expend upon the 
 speech material of Melanesia may reveal the traces of Tongafiti 
 entrance into the Pacific by an equatorial or northern traverse. It 
 is at this point proper to note that in Micronesia we have the kava 
 custom more or less widely extended, and in this case intercommunica- 
 tion with Melanesia is expressly contraindicated. 
 
 We have botanical evidence of the existence of the physical basis of 
 the kava custom in Indonesia; the Piper methysticum is reported from 
 several islands, although it is not now in use. The conditions of the 
 problem are most satisfactorily met by assuming the origin of the kava 
 custom among the Proto-Polynesians during their residence in Indo- 
 nesia anterior to the Christian era, and fiulher assuming its expulsion 
 therefrom in the company of its addicts by the sirih-chewing Malayan 
 invaders. From this source we can see the Proto-Samoan migrants 
 carrying the kava custom through Melanesia (this without prejudice 
 to a possible independent development of a kava usage in Melanesia, 
 which would be neutral so far as regards our greater problem), and 
 we can suggest for later determination the explanation of Tongafiti 
 migrants carrying the kava custom into such subdivisions of Micro- 
 nesia as we know to practice it. We have aheady bestowed consider- 
 able attention upon the advance of sirih-chewing upon peoples addicted 
 to the kava custom. By combining these two elements, the older 
 and the more modem customs, we shall find an explanation of the 
 present distribution of sirih and kava which seems to entail no serious 
 difficulty at any point. 
 
 91. suk nose. 
 
 39- 
 
 iru 
 
 Bahasa, Ambon, Kolon. 
 
 54- 
 
 ison 
 
 East Ceram. 
 
 40. 
 
 hiru 
 
 Bahasa, Ambon. 
 
 55- 
 
 Hsu 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 41- 
 
 irun 
 
 Minahassa. 
 
 56. 
 
 iri 
 
 Bahasa, Ambon. 
 
 42- 
 
 irung 
 
 Java. 
 
 57- 
 
 ili 
 
 Bahasa, Ambon. 
 
 43. 
 
 idung 
 
 Java. 
 
 58. 
 
 Ileng 
 
 Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 44- 
 
 inu 
 
 North Ceram. 
 
 59- 
 
 nien 
 
 Bmni. 
 
 45- 
 
 niru 
 
 North Ceram, AUor, Mina- 
 
 60. 
 
 nieni 
 
 Bum. 
 
 
 
 hassa. 
 
 61. 
 
 ninin 
 
 East Ceram. 
 
 46. 
 
 nirun 
 
 Kei. 
 
 62. 
 
 uruna 
 
 Malagasy. 
 
 47- 
 
 ngirung 
 
 Minahassa. 
 
 63- 
 
 urong 
 
 Dyak. 
 
 48. 
 
 ngilung 
 
 Minahassa. 
 
 64. 
 
 kamuru Macassar. 
 
 49- 
 
 ngijung 
 
 Celebes Alfuro. 
 
 65- 
 
 ngunu 
 
 Halmaheira. 
 
 50. 
 
 ilu 
 
 Bima. 
 
 66. 
 
 nunu 
 
 Temate. 
 
 51- 
 
 nilunu 
 
 Kei, Banda. 
 
 67. 
 
 usnut 
 
 Gani. 
 
 52- 
 
 ninu 
 
 Bahasa. 
 
 68. 
 
 soong 
 
 Subanu. 
 
 53- 
 
 ninura 
 
 Ambon. 
 
 69. 
 
 nge 
 
 Bum. 
 
 The Indonesian material shows the same interlacing of isu and 
 usu forms as in Melanesia and at the edges of Poljmesia in Viti and 
 Kapingamarangi, the isu type being represented by the forms 
 39~55. the usu by 62-68. In this speech area we find a significant 
 group of transition, or at least intermediate, forms in which the vowel 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 
 
 145 
 
 framework is of the type i-i or i-e as shown in the forms 56-61. 
 Common to Indonesia and Melanesia are the forms iru (39 and 8) 
 and ilu (50 and 9), and close similarity is exhibited in many other 
 forms. 
 
 The stem consonant s remains tmchanged in Indonesia far less 
 frequently than we have found it in Melanesia; it is found in 54, 55, 
 67, and 68, of which the last-cited displays an anomaly. A mutation 
 from weak to strong is observed in the passage to d in 43. In general 
 it shows a greater tendency to weakening than has been the case in 
 Melanesia. We find mutation to the Uquids quite common, to r in 
 39-42, 45-47, 56, and 62-64; to 1 in 48, 50, 51, 57, and 58. Mutation 
 to the nasals, a brief step short of the liquids, is found to n in 44, 52, 
 53, 61, 65, and 66. The mutation to j (y) in 49 is in the direction of 
 extinction and forms a ready bridge to the loss of the stem consonant 
 in 59, 60, and possibly 69. The prefaces, of equal appHcation to isu 
 and usu forms, are such as we have seen in Melanesia, n in 45, 46, 
 51-53, 59-61, and 66; ng in 47-49, 65 and 69; 1 in 55; and in addition 
 the aspirate in 40. The form 55 lisu is of peculiar moment, because 
 we are able to trace it on the Une of transit through the Dampier- 
 Vitiaz Strait (30 Tami) along the very interesting southern Solomon 
 region as far as Maewo in the New Hebrides. Final consonants 
 occur as n in 41, 46, 54, 59, and 61; ng, in 42, 43, 47-49, 58, and 63. 
 We have added syllables na in 62, ni in 60, nu in 51, ra in 53. 
 
 While there is a wide variety of forms in the three language areas, 
 
 the mutation system is readily acceptable, and the isu and usu 
 
 tjrpes are so satisfactorily spaced along the migration track that we 
 
 can feel convinced of the substantial unity within the variety of this 
 
 word. 
 
 99. tenan mother. 
 
 Bouton. 
 
 Menado, Dorey. 
 
 Sanguir. 
 
 Mengkoka. 
 
 Muna. 
 
 Kayeli. 
 
 Morella, Batumerah. 
 
 Teluti. 
 
 Wayapo, Massaratty. 
 
 Tobo. 
 
 Gah, Matabello. 
 
 My sol. 
 
 We have here no material additional to that which has been recorded 
 in the consideration of the word in connection with its appearance 
 in the Subanu. In Indonesia we find but three forms which preserve 
 the t of the Pol3mesian which enters so largely into Melanesian use, 
 but these three quite suffice for purposes of identification. All other 
 Indonesian forms are readily discoverable in Melanesia except 45 
 aina and 47 nin, forms which are substantially estabUshed by Indone- 
 sian resemblances. 
 
 28. 
 
 tin an 
 
 KJemantan. 
 
 36 
 
 indna 
 
 29. 
 
 tinSno 
 
 Rumbia. 
 
 37- 
 
 inany 
 
 30. 
 
 tiwdno 
 
 Maronene. 
 
 38. 
 
 inungi 
 
 31. 
 
 ink 
 
 Sassac. 
 
 39- 
 
 inano 
 
 32. 
 
 ina 
 
 Subanu, Bontoc Igorot, 
 
 40. 
 
 inanu 
 
 
 
 Teor, Kolon, Bima, Am- 
 
 4.1. 
 
 inamo 
 
 
 
 blaw, Liang, Lariko, Sapa- 
 
 42- 
 
 inao 
 
 
 
 rua, Caimarian, Awaiya, 
 
 43- 
 
 inau 
 
 
 
 Wahai. 
 
 44- 
 
 neina 
 
 33- 
 
 inai 
 
 Klemautan, Ahtiago. 
 
 45- 
 
 aina 
 
 34- 
 
 inahSn 
 
 Visayan. 
 
 46. 
 
 nina 
 
 35- 
 
 guina 
 
 Subanu. 
 
 47- 
 
 nin 
 
146 
 
 SISSANO. 
 
 loo. tin membrum virile. 
 
 19. uti Rotti, Timor, Ambon, Ceram, 
 
 Gorontalo, Bunda, Subanu. 
 
 20. wuti Gorontalo, Bunda. 
 
 21. otin Visayan, Tagalog. 
 
 22. oti Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 23. utien Tuburuasa. 
 
 24. butu Lombok. 
 
 25. wota Savu, Suinba. 
 
 26. us Karas. 
 
 27. ul Lamotrek. 
 
 The particular interest of this Ust Ues in 27 Lamotrek ul. It is 
 not Indonesian but Micronesian, and occupies a most important 
 position in the understanding of the Polynesian vocables. We find 
 in Viti the uti form with a straight chain of migration from Indone- 
 sia throughout Melanesia. But the Polynesian form is ule. The 
 occurrence of ul in Micronesia is a landmark of migration through 
 the equatorial Pacific, such as I have suggested as the probable track 
 of Tongafiti movement out of Indonesia. Although uti and ule 
 here represent different stages of migration and totally different 
 paths, the two forms fall into association, for the mutation 1-t or 
 t-1 is frequently foiuid. We are therefore justified in holding the t 
 forms the older and in regarding ule as a later development, possibly 
 at some point after the Tongafiti left Indonesia upon that little-dis- 
 coverable course which led them into reunion with the earUer mi- 
 grants of their own people in Nuclear Polynesia. 
 
 1 01. to sugar cane. 
 
 26. tebu Malay. 
 
 27. tobu Ambon. 
 
 28. tob Makian, Vier Radja. 
 
 29. towu Baree Toradja, To Bungku, 
 
 To Mori. 
 
 30. tohu Ambon. 
 
 Except for the shght vowel change in Malay, these Indonesian 
 forms are in accord with those which we have recorded from Melanesia 
 and from Fiji. Interest attaches to 29 towu and 30 tohu as show- 
 ing that even so far away as Indonesia there is a tendency to the 
 reduction toward the quite general Pol3aiesian to. 
 
 46. oha 
 
 47. usan 
 
 48. uan 
 
 49. huya 
 
 50. ulah 
 
 51. ulan 
 
 52. clan 
 
 53. hulan 
 
 54. ulane 
 
 55. ulani 
 
 56. hulani 
 
 57. ulano 
 
 58. ulanu 
 59- ura 
 
 60. hura 
 
 61. uran 
 
 
 no. vus ram. 
 
 
 Bolanghitam. 
 
 
 62. 
 
 huran 
 
 Baju 
 
 Kayan. 
 
 
 63. 
 
 haran 
 
 Lariko. 
 
 Gah. 
 
 
 64. 
 
 urana 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 Sula. 
 
 
 65. 
 
 hurani 
 
 Teor. 
 
 Amblaw. 
 
 
 66. 
 
 orana 
 
 Malagasy. 
 
 Gani, Wahai, Salu, 
 
 Timor, 
 
 67. 
 
 urano 
 
 Ambon. 
 
 Tobb, Ambon, 
 
 Ceram, 
 
 68. 
 
 urang 
 
 Bugis. 
 
 Makian. 
 
 
 69. 
 
 urong 
 
 Salibabo. 
 
 Visayan. 
 
 
 70. 
 
 udjan 
 
 Togean, Minahassa. 
 
 Liang, Morella. 
 
 
 71- 
 
 utchan 
 
 Chamorro. 
 
 Awaiya, Ambon. 
 
 
 72. 
 
 otjan 
 
 Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 Kayeli, Caimarian. 
 
 
 73- 
 
 hujan 
 
 Malay, Randol. 
 
 Batumerah. 
 
 
 74- 
 
 uda 
 
 Kaili, Minahassa. 
 
 Minahassa. 
 
 
 75- 
 
 udan 
 
 Rotti, Minahassa, Bontoc 
 
 Bual. 
 
 
 
 
 Igorot. 
 
 Ende. 
 
 
 76. 
 
 hudan 
 
 Java. 
 
 Galela. 
 
 
 77- 
 
 udama 
 
 Matabello. 
 
 Tidore, Pampanga, 
 
 Solor, 
 
 78. 
 
 ut 
 
 Mille. 
 
 Sikka, Minahassa, 
 
 Ambon, 
 
 
 
 
 Ceram. 
 
 
 
 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE) VOCABUIvARY. 147 
 
 In this Indonesian assemblage we discover the Proto-Polynesian 
 uha in practically unmodified form in 46 oha, the reformed meta- 
 thetic Rotuma uas in 47 usan, the common Polynesian ua in 48 
 uan, and 49 huya is but hghtly differenced therefrom. This Proto- 
 Polynesian type may be traced without much confusion in a com- 
 prehensive chain throughout Melanesia into Nuclear Polynesia and 
 thence eastward by purely Poljmesian migration movements. The 
 remaining Indonesian forms are almost wholly variant forms of a con- 
 sistent series of development by the mutation of the central consonant 
 from h onward. Prom 50 to 69 the change is a mutation to the liquid 
 semivowels l-r; this mutant occurs sparsely in Melanesia (14-17) on 
 the north shore of New Guinea at Manam, somewhat inland on the 
 south shore of the great southeastern peninsula of that island, off the 
 south shore of Neu-Pommern, at Buka and Bougainville at the north 
 of the Solomons, and widely removed at Gog in the northernmost 
 New Hebridean complex. It suggests the traverse through the 
 Dampier-Vitiaz exit with a rearward coastal movement to the Rubi 
 locus. A strengthening mutation to the mute of the lingual series d 
 is found in 74-77, a variant which is absent from Melanesia. The 
 intermediate mutation to dj (70-72) appears only in 13 Guadalcanar 
 utha, and that may be a secondary development from another 
 mutant form. We are therefore justified in the decision that in the 
 general migration through Melanesia it was only the uha type that 
 was transported, that the Polynesians left Indonesia before mutation 
 had begim, and that a much later partial migration in the former 
 track after corruption had set in is responsible for the slight trace of 
 the ura type. I have included the ut from Mille as showing that 
 the migration eastward along the equator carried to Micronesia a 
 later form of evolution and thus indicates the relatively modern 
 period of Tongafiti migration. 
 
 115. wesch paddle. 
 
 75. fosa East Ceram. I 77. bogsay Visayan. 
 
 76. bosoi Celebes Alfuro. | 78. fohe Subanu. 
 
 We are still left with a paucity of Indonesian material, but these 
 forms show that Polynesians left behind them here, as all along their 
 Melanesian traverse, evidence of the early fohe type of stem. 
 
 42. waga Wayapo, Massaratty, Buru 
 
 43. waha Tobo. 
 
 44. waa Kayeli, Amblaw. 
 
 45. haka Liang, Morella, Batume- 
 
 rah, Bahasa. 
 
 46. banca Tagalog. 
 
 116. wok boat. 
 
 47. bangca Visayan, Parapanga. 
 
 48. fangka Bontoc Igorot. 
 
 49. bunka Bouton. 
 
 50. wanga Bolaang, Mongondou. 
 
 51. wangkang Malay, Macassar. 
 
 52. wog Gani. 
 
 This not only preserves the history of the stem in Indonesia, but 
 enables us to reconstruct the primitive form. This offers an unsus- 
 pected glimpse at the beginning of Polynesian phonetics. 
 
148 SISSANO. 
 
 In the present stage of Polynesian speech we find only the surd 
 of the palatal mutes, and we observe that a tendency is strongly 
 marked to drop this k in many of the languages. That the kappa- 
 tion of the t is in many cases succeeding this extinction of the k may 
 be taken as evidence of the long existence of this movement to drop 
 the palatal. If the Proto-Polynesian vocable had been vaka we 
 should expect to find in later forms only vaka and vaa, for this 
 consonant entails no difficulty to those who have retained it. In this 
 comprehensive siurvey of the history of the word in the three language 
 areas the Fijian now for the first time affords a clue to the past. It 
 employs the form wangga, in which we see the sonant mute g pre- 
 faced by the nasal of its own series, a mechanical device with which 
 we have become quite famiUar in the course of these studies. The 
 Viti possesses the surd k and finds no diflficulty in its employment. 
 Accordingly if the vocable in the form in which it was brought to 
 Fiji had been vaka we should find waka in Viti. But the Fijian 
 has shown himself particularly sedulous in preserving the sounds of 
 speech importations, even when they involved consonants quite 
 unfamiUar to the usage of his own phonetics. Here we have evidence 
 that by his characteristic method of employing the serial nasal pre- 
 face the Fijian has done his best to preserve the sonant g ahen to his 
 speech and has succeeded with most interesting results. This shows 
 clearly that the word when brought to Fiji was vaga. From this 
 we may argue that Proto-Polynesian was in possession of the sonant 
 g, that finding it objectionable the early members of the family 
 allowed it to become surd k, and that in later times the same objec- 
 tion to the palatal mute led to its extinction, a process which is still 
 operative in living tongues of the family. With this clue from Viti 
 we can trace the same movement in Indonesia (46-51) and in Mel- 
 anesia (14-15, 17, 19-20, 34-35, and 39). The original stem vaga is 
 preserved in Indonesia in 52, and in Melanesia is of very frequent 
 occurrence. 
 
 CHECK-LIST OF INDONESIAN LANGUAGES. 
 
 The subdivisions of Indonesia are in no sort in this finding list governed by any scheme 
 of linguistic provinces, for the determination of such a. distinction has yet to be made. 
 Here no object is sought but that of geographical convenience. I have accordingly made 
 a division into five general parts as indicated by the following initials. The western 
 division denoted by W includes Sumatra, Java, and Bali with the Malay language. The 
 central region, C, comprises Borneo and Celebes. The eastern division, E, includes the 
 islands between Celebes and the coast of New Guinea, principally Sula, Ceram, Banda 
 and Gilolo or Halmaheira. The northern division, N, consists of the PhiUppines with the 
 Sulu Archipelago as a. purtenance. The southern division, S, includes the chain from 
 Lombok to Timor Laut. 
 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABUL,ARY. 
 
 149 
 
 Ahtiago 
 
 E 
 
 Halmaheira 
 
 E 
 
 Ponosakan 
 
 C 
 
 Ake Selaka 
 
 E 
 
 Hila 
 
 E 
 
 Punan 
 
 C 
 
 Alfuro 
 
 E 
 
 Huamual 
 
 E 
 
 
 
 Allor 
 
 S 
 
 Hukumina 
 
 E 
 
 Roni 
 
 E 
 
 Amblaw 
 
 E 
 
 
 
 Rotti 
 
 S 
 
 Amboyna 
 
 E 
 
 Igorot 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 Aru 
 
 E-S 
 
 Ilocan 
 
 N 
 
 Salayer 
 
 C 
 
 Asililu 
 
 E 
 
 
 
 Salibabo 
 
 C 
 
 Atjeh 
 
 W 
 
 Java 
 
 W 
 
 Sandol 
 
 
 Awaiya 
 
 E 
 
 Jobi 
 
 E 
 
 Sanguir 
 
 C 
 
 Bagobo 
 
 N 
 
 Kaibobu 
 
 E 
 
 Saparua 
 Sarawak 
 
 E 
 
 Bahasa tanah 
 
 E 
 
 Kaili 
 
 
 Sam 
 
 c 
 
 Baju 
 
 C 
 
 Kaioa 
 
 E 
 
 3assa.c 
 
 Bali 
 
 w 
 
 Kawi 
 
 W 
 
 Savu 
 Serwatti 
 
 s 
 s 
 w 
 
 E 
 
 Baliyon 
 
 c 
 
 Kayan 
 
 c 
 
 Banda 
 Banka 
 Bara 
 
 E 
 W 
 E 
 
 Kayeli 
 
 Kei 
 
 Kissa 
 
 E 
 E-S 
 
 S 
 
 Silong 
 Sirang 
 
 Baree 
 
 c 
 
 Klemantan 
 
 c 
 
 Solor 
 
 S 
 N 
 E 
 N 
 W 
 
 s 
 
 Basakrama 
 Batak 
 
 w 
 
 N 
 
 Lampong 
 
 w 
 
 Subanu 
 
 Sula 
 
 Sulu 
 
 Sumatra 
 
 Sumbawa 
 
 Batavia 
 
 W 
 
 Landak 
 
 c 
 
 Batjan 
 Batumerah 
 
 E 
 
 E 
 
 Lariko 
 Liang 
 
 E 
 
 E 
 
 Bentenan 
 Beu 
 
 c 
 
 Lobo 
 Loda 
 
 E 
 
 Sunda 
 
 w 
 
 Bicol 
 Billiton 
 
 N 
 W 
 
 Lombok 
 IvUbu 
 
 S 
 W 
 
 Tagalog 
 Teluti 
 
 N 
 E 
 
 Binue 
 
 Bobongko 
 
 Bolaang 
 
 Bolanghitam 
 
 Bonfia 
 
 Borneo 
 
 Bouton ' 
 
 Brissi 
 
 Bual 
 
 Bugis 
 
 Buli 
 
 Bunda 
 
 Burn 
 
 c 
 c 
 c 
 
 E 
 
 c 
 c 
 
 s 
 
 c 
 
 E 
 
 c 
 
 E 
 
 Macassar 
 
 Madura 
 
 Magindano 
 
 Marae 
 
 Manatolo 
 
 Massaratty 
 
 Matabello 
 
 Matu 
 
 Menado 
 
 Menangkabau 
 
 Minahassa 
 
 Mindanao 
 
 Mindoro 
 
 C 
 
 w 
 
 N 
 
 S 
 E 
 E 
 
 C 
 
 w 
 c 
 
 N 
 N 
 
 Teor 
 
 Ternate 
 
 Teto 
 
 Tettum 
 
 Tidore 
 
 Timor 
 
 Tiruray 
 
 Tobelo 
 
 Tobo 
 
 Togean 
 
 Tomaku 
 
 Tombulu 
 
 Tondano 
 
 E 
 E 
 S 
 S 
 E 
 S 
 N 
 E 
 E 
 C 
 E 
 C 
 C 
 
 Caimarian 
 
 E 
 
 Moluccas 
 
 E 
 
 Tonsawang 
 
 C 
 
 Celebes 
 
 C 
 
 Mongondou 
 
 c 
 
 Tonsea 
 
 C 
 
 Ceram 
 
 E 
 
 Mordla 
 
 
 Tontemboan 
 
 c 
 
 Champa 
 
 N 
 
 Moro 
 
 N 
 
 Toradja 
 
 c 
 
 Dorey 
 
 E 
 
 Mysol 
 
 E 
 
 Tringanu 
 
 w 
 
 Dyak 
 
 C 
 
 Napu 
 
 C 
 
 Udjir 
 
 E-S 
 
 Ende 
 
 S 
 
 Nusalaut 
 
 E 
 
 Vaiqueno 
 
 s 
 
 Flores 
 
 s 
 
 Ombay 
 
 S 
 
 Visayan 
 
 N 
 
 Gah 
 
 E 
 
 Palamata 
 
 E 
 
 Wahai 
 
 E 
 
 Galela 
 
 E 
 
 Pampanga 
 
 N 
 
 Waigiou 
 
 E 
 
 Galoli 
 
 S 
 
 Pangasinan 
 
 N 
 
 Watu Bela 
 
 E 
 
 Gani 
 
 E 
 
 Pani 
 
 
 Wayapo 
 
 E 
 
 Gilolo 
 
 E 
 
 Patani 
 
 E 
 
 Weeda 
 
 E 
 
 Goram 
 
 E 
 
 Patasiwa 
 
 E 
 
 Wetta 
 
 S 
 
 Gorontalo 
 
 C 
 
 Piru 
 
 E 
 
 Wokam 
 
 E-S 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 
 
 When we essay to set upon charts of the island regions the linguistic 
 data presented in the foregoing chapters, we find our studies clarified 
 in certain particulars and complicated in yet others. In the coturse 
 of these studies every one of the vocables developed in the examina- 
 tion of the Sissano material has been entered on large-scale charts 
 of Indonesia and of Melanesia respectively. These results have 
 been checked by similar graphic entry of all the vocables discussed in 
 "The Polynesian Wanderings" and in "The Subanu." It results, 
 therefore, that we have delineated in terms of geography the great 
 bulk of that element of one or more languages of Polynesia which can 
 be identified as common with one or more languages of Indonesia, 
 and for the most part which has been discovered in languages of 
 Melanesia. These individual charts have been consoHdated for the 
 estabHshment of the more general and characteristic tracks of speech 
 movement and are now open for discussion. 
 
 Before engaging our attention with the tracks of speech movement 
 it will be well to devote our attention to the cultiu-al areas of Melan- 
 esia. So far as relates to the present investigation we assume the 
 practical uniformity of the culture of Indonesia and of Polynesia. 
 It is true that in many particulars each of these areas exhibits con- 
 siderable variety of social order and its manner and custom is by no 
 means uniform, but in the present study otur pxurpose will best be 
 served by assuming two practically uniform societies, and by exam- 
 ining the intervening Melanesian area as the field whereupon we 
 shall observe the interchange of these diverse cultiires. 
 
 Because the social order of Melanesia is as yet too scantily known 
 we can not work surely in dissecting out purely Melanesian material. 
 But we must bear in mind that Melanesia, before it fell under the 
 influence of Polynesian culture at one period and of Indonesian 
 culture at another and probably much later period, svirely had at 
 least one culture group of its own. In the present state of our infor- 
 mation there is a suggestion at least worthy of consideration that 
 three somewhat distinct cultures have occupied diverse regions in 
 Melanesia. Quite provisionally and merely for convenience I propose 
 the subdivision into Buka culture as designating the social state of 
 the northern Solomons and the eastern Bismarck Archipelago; Solo- 
 mon culture for the southern Solomons and adjacent islands; New 
 Hebridean cultiure for southern Melanesia. It is very doubtful that 
 the culture of New Caledonia and the adjacent I^oyalty Islands may 
 be included in the proximate New Hebridean culture; there seems 
 something far more archaic and certainly far less mixed with aUen 
 
 151 
 
152 SISSANO. 
 
 culture elements, and it may prove that this extreme southern region 
 will fall into a group of its own. It is equally clear that in southeast 
 New Guinea and in the western Bismarck Archipelago we have a 
 culture which differs from that of the Buka. On the north coast of 
 New Guinea we find an interlacing of cultures, some of which may 
 be assignable to Melanesian. In the southeast Ray has set forth a 
 dual system of Melanesian and Papuan. This is good as far as it 
 goes, but his Melanesian of British New Guinea will need further 
 study before we may feel sure of its association with the Melanesian 
 of other regions. 
 
 Thus it will be seen that we are not in position to postulate any- 
 thing Uke a consistent Melanesian culture upon which has been over- 
 laid the alien cultures of Polynesia and Indonesia respectively. We 
 look rather for several somewhat discrete culttues in Melanesia as 
 persisting under the foreign veneer and at times protruding through 
 the overlying mass. 
 
 In hke manner, as there is variety in the subsisting base of Melane- 
 sian culture, so is there diversity in the appUcation of foreign influence. 
 In general it is probably safe to characterize the application of 
 Polynesian culture as direct, the product of personal contact dming 
 the period of the migrations; and to characterize the movement of 
 the advance of Indonesian culture as a movement of convection 
 where new cultural phenomena have indirectly extended in advance 
 of the zone of personal contact of Melanesians with Indonesians and. 
 have reached new ground by the gradual spread of new material and 
 moral objects. We should, then, expect to find in the Melanesian 
 area at least these possibiUties : one or more regions in which a Mela- 
 nesian cultxu-e remains practically tmmodified by alien accretion; 
 regions in which Melanesian cultiures have been modified by Polyne- 
 sian culture. Such would be the condition throughout Melanesia 
 after the Pol3Tiesian migration era and before the succeeding era of 
 Indonesian influence. When the Indonesian culture followed more 
 slowly over a Melanesia thus conditioned we should look for three 
 possibilities— a Melanesian culture still unmodified by either culture, 
 a Melanesia modified by one or the other cultiu-e, a Melanesia first 
 modified by Polynesian culture and then by the Indonesian and show- 
 ing various degrees of intermixture and assimilation of the three 
 elements. 
 
 Such a subdivision is natural in any hypothesis. It is really a 
 statement of the problem far more simple than would arise in actual 
 study if we had all the data upon which to rest such an investigation. 
 On this plan we should be deaUng with at least five secondary stages 
 of no less than three Melanesian bases, sufficient to show that the 
 subdivision of Melanesia by culture areas would be a problem far 
 from simple. It is by reason of this intricacy which I have sought to 
 
GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 153 
 
 suggest must essentially inhere in the problem that I have restricted 
 my cultural chart to a very few elements and to such only as appear 
 before us with any wealth of data. 
 
 In the cultural chart (Chart I) the division by tint distinguishes a 
 culture division which beyond any doubt represents two alien culttures 
 with the least possible admixture of a subsisting Melanesian culture. 
 Here we have the areas of the kava culture of the Polynesians and the 
 sirih culture of the Indonesians. It is botanically possible that the 
 area of the culture may represent an admixture of Polynesian upon a 
 Melanesian base. In a few instances noted in the linguistic discus- 
 sion of this theme we may admit the persistence of Melanesian kava 
 culture, but in the main this kava culture is distinctively Polynesian. 
 In the area of the sirih culture we see at present nothing which might 
 suggest a subsisting Melanesian culture. The Indonesian source is 
 beyond doubt, even though we find the culture extended far beyond 
 the direct reach of Malayan voyages. The sharpness of the boundary 
 between the two cultures is more graphic than real. It will be seen 
 that in the geography of Melanesia we are not dealing with land- 
 masses of any considerable size, but with islands which fall loosely 
 into groups where canoe-sailing is possible from any point of departiure 
 to the next landfall immediately in view, and these groups are gener- 
 ally separated by such intervening spaces of empty sea that voyaging 
 must be fortuitous to navigators lacking compass and chart. 
 
 It is only at a very few points, therefore, that this sharpness of 
 boundary as set forth on the chart needs consideration. In a nega- 
 tive sense two of these considerable points are in the Admiralty 
 Islands north of New Guinea and the region of Vanikoro-Ticopia 
 north of the New Hebrides complex, these being the sole instances 
 in which is found any concurrency of the sirih and kava customs. 
 As already explained, the apparent lacuna between the two cultures 
 in the region of the islands of the Polynesian Verge to the east of the 
 Solomon Islands is based upon mere paucity of vocabulary material; 
 the probability is that these islands fall within the kava culture area. 
 The only important point of a sharply drawn boundary lies in the 
 southern Solomons. Here is a narrow and readily voyaged strait; on 
 the windward side of it the sirih culture is fully established, to leeward 
 Guadalcanar and San Cristoval lie outside of both cultures. We 
 have some grounds for looking upon this leeward group as having at 
 one time had the kava culture which has now passed out of memory, 
 that in the advance of the sirih culture it has been passed by. 
 
 This particular area of the southern Solomons attracts our attention 
 in the consideration of another specific problem. The two problems 
 do not appear associable, except in geographical community, for one 
 to a certain extent appears to postulate the absence of Polynesian 
 influence and the other its presence. This second problem has to do 
 
154 SISSANO. 
 
 with the amount and quaUty of the Polynesian content in the lan- 
 guages of Florida and Guadalcanar facing the northern seaway of 
 Malanta and in the languages of San Cristoval and Ulawa facing 
 Malanta's southern seaway; to which must be added the wholly 
 Polynesian communities still farther to leeward in Moiki and Moava. 
 
 At first glance there seems to be a discrimination between the two 
 regions in the two Malanta seaways which exhibit this marked amount 
 and highly specific quality of Polynesian linguistic material; but 
 when we assign the vocabulary material to its proper place on the 
 chart this discrimination vanishes. Of some three score vocables in 
 the languages of these two groups which are recognizably Polynesian 
 inclusions in various Melanesian tongues we find 49 which appear in 
 both seaways, 1 1 that are restricted to the northern channel, and but 
 6 which are found in the southern channel without extending to the 
 northern. The group in the northern seaway seems to have its 
 center at Belaga, to extend with great frequency to Vaturanga at the 
 north of Guadalcanar, with only a slightly less frequency to Bugotu 
 and Ngao at the south of Ysabel, and in a markedly lower degree to 
 AHte upon the nearest part of the west coast of Malanta. The 
 southern group forms the figure of a quadrilateral of fairly equal 
 frequency on each face, the determining, points being Wango and 
 Fagani on San Cristoval; Saa and Bululaha on the southern tip of 
 Malanta, regarded as amounting to but a single locus; Ulawa, lying 
 to windward of the channel proper. Neglecting the six vocables 
 which appear in the Ulawa- Wango complex without identification at 
 the north, regarding with particular insistence the estabHshed direc- 
 tion of Polynesian folk movement, I incUne most strongly to regard 
 the Belaga group as the center of speech distribution within these 
 two areas. Force is added to this view by the fact that in this northern 
 seaway we encounter several vocables which next appear in Nuclear 
 Polynesia and appear to have come at no point into such contact with 
 the peoples of the New Hebridean complex as might result in lending 
 speech material. This double locus in the southern Solomons, there- 
 fore, appears as a valuable point for the identification of the Samoa 
 stream of Proto-Samoan migration which I have already proposed. 
 
 In connection with this double locus in the southern Solomons we 
 find an interesting check control station at Alite. So far as we may 
 employ a system of examination by comparison of the quaUty of 
 comprehensibility in the Pol)Tiesian loan material, AHte falls far 
 below Ngela and Belaga. This we should expect to find. The 
 character of the migration of the Polynesians, small flotillas of adven- 
 turous comrades keeping together for mutual protection, is such as to 
 condition the results of their intercourse Avith Mglanesians to small 
 islands where their numbers and their military effectiveness would 
 secure their safety during the more or less extended terms during 
 
GEIOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 155 
 
 which they were forced to lay up for the growing of new crops as 
 victual for their voyages. Alite, however, being on the mainland, 
 could offer at best but an insecure halting-place, and whatever Poly- 
 nesian influence might have made a lodgment would tend to oblitera- 
 tion in the greater numbers of the population of the larger island, which 
 would resume its sway after the passage of the intruders. 
 
 Sufiiciently near to be considered in connection with this region of 
 strongly marked Polynesian influence in languages distinctly Melane- 
 sian, we note the occurrence of almost ptire Polynesian settlement in 
 Moiki and Moava, the Rennel and Bellona of the charts. We can 
 not estabUsh the origin of this settlement. If we accept the possibiHty 
 of a migration track through Torres Strait south of New Guinea it is 
 quite consistent therewith to regard Moiki and Moava as a station 
 thereupon; the chief objection thereto inheres in the problems of 
 navigation and canoe-saiUng, and to this objection full weight must 
 be given. During the trade-wind season the winds over that tract of 
 sea blow most commonly from east and southeast and generally within 
 that sector. From any point of departure in the mouth of Torres 
 Strait or at the nearest of the I/Ouisiade Islands either of these winds 
 would be a head-wind and no canoe could lay a course which would 
 fetch these two islands. The same objection holds as to a possible 
 migration track along the north shore of New Guinea and through 
 the Dampier-Vitiaz exit with Kiriwina or Nada as a point of departure. 
 
 No difl&culties of seamanship appear when we investigate the possi- 
 biUty of a Moiki settlement from a highly distinct Polynesian track in 
 another direction. Parallel with the northeastern aspect of the chain 
 of the Solomon Islands we find at no very great distance offshore the 
 islands of the Polynesian Verge, a clearly marked trace of Polynesian 
 folk movement established north of the Line in Nukuoro and Kapi- 
 ngamarangi, and south of the equator in Tauu, Nuguria, Nukumanu, 
 I/iuaniua, Sikaiana, Ticopia. We see upon the chart a very attrac- 
 tive suggestion. If a straight line be laid down with one end at 
 Nukumanu-Iyiuaniua and the other at Moiki-Moava, it will be seen 
 to pass through the Solomon Islands in the fairway between Guadal- 
 canar and Malanta, and this fairway is the region in which we have 
 found such distinct evidence of Polynesian loan material in the lan- 
 guages of Ngela, Vaturanga, and Wango. 
 
 The mere drafting of straight lines upon charts is idle delineation 
 tmless the Unes may be brought into correlation with known forces of 
 nature. In this sea area the rhumb of the trade wind is predominantly 
 east. This and other meteorological constants are available for study 
 in the Pilot Charts of the South Pacific for each quarter of the year. 
 It scarcely needs argument to establish the period of canoe voyages 
 in the Pacific as conditioned by the prevailing fair-weather season of 
 the trades and as avoiding the discomfort and peril of the rainy season 
 
156 SISSANO. 
 
 of baffling winds and frequent hurricanes. Taking the Nukumanu- 
 Liuaniua point of departure, the easterly trade-wind would offer the 
 best point of saiUng for a double canoe through the critical chaimel 
 of the southern Solomons and thence to Moiki-Moava. This is not 
 proposed as a definite solution of the problem, for it is not by any 
 means a simple one, but it is offered as suggesting a possible expUca- 
 tion in the terms of seamanship which must underUe such migration 
 as this in the Pacific conducted wholly by sea and in lumbering canoes. 
 
 Another social boundary is laid down upon the cultm-e chart with 
 considerable approach to accuracy, this being now for the first time 
 possible by reason of the careful collation which the random material 
 has undergone at the hands of Dr. Rivers. The theme in this instance 
 is social, the fundamental character of the family unit. The regions 
 lying south and west of this Une are in possession of the dual society 
 in which the dominant factor of sex relation is the existence of mar- 
 riage classes and the principle of exogamy. The area in which this 
 holds embraces New Guinea and all of Melanesia. In this, as in two 
 other social elements, I have suggested a subdivision of Fiji. In this 
 archipelago the Hne of demarcation is not to be considered as possessing 
 positive geographical value; such value it may no longer be possible 
 to extract from the plexus of intermingled Poljmesian and Melanesian 
 material in Fiji. But it does seem to me advisable to utilize this 
 method of directing attention upon the fact that Viti is not to be 
 regarded as wholly Melanesian in its cultvure any more than in its 
 language. Since the windward islands show Unguistically and somatic- 
 ally the greater proportion of Polynesian elements, far more than 
 can be charged up to the recent interchanges with Tonga which we 
 know to have preceded the period of European discovery history by 
 only a few generations, it has been deemed satisfactory to draw these 
 lines suggestive of social demarcation north and south through the 
 Koro Sea in effectively the center of the archipelago. 
 
 Apparently as an enclave within the area of the dual society there 
 exists a somewhat irregularly placed region in which we find in present 
 existence or readily deducible from surviving customs a social order 
 characterized concurrently by the order of matrilineal descent and 
 the maintenance of the social state through confraternities accom- 
 panied by more or less of the mystic and magical characters. This 
 enclave includes to the north that Guadalcanar and San Cristoval 
 region in which we have already particularized the absence of the 
 sirih culture, and approximates the area which we have just had under 
 consideration as a fairway between Liuaniua and Moiki-Moava. In 
 the New Hebrides complex the enclave is heavily set upon the Banks 
 Group and Torres Islands, which in certain other particulars exhibit 
 points of difference from the peoples of the northern New Hebrides 
 with which in general they are associable. The extension of this 
 
ge;ography of the migrations. 157 
 
 social area to Melanesian Fiji is not so clearly established as is the case 
 in its northern and central determining points, but by inference from 
 many custom survivals we are amply warranted in drawing the bound- 
 ary as presented upon the accompanying chart. 
 
 With far less accuracy of determination I have felt justified in 
 delineating the hne of demarcation of the pottery culture. In general 
 we may feel confident that fictile art is a Melanesian possession and is 
 quite lacking to the Polynesians. But the presence of pottery is 
 quite irregularly spaced within the Melanesian region. The line on 
 the chart is provisional only; there is a great paucity of data, and for 
 many communities the evidence must be characterized as inconclu- 
 sive. It is, therefore, quite certain that this boundary will require 
 extensive readjustment. 
 
 In an even higher degree this uncertainty characterizes an important 
 culture determinant, the emplo3rment of the bow and arrow. I have 
 not yet succeeded in differentiating the use of the bow as an offensive 
 weapon (in general Melanesian) from the bow as an implement of 
 sport or toy of the young (in general Polynesian but with a possible 
 exception in the Tuamotu which upsets all calculations). For this 
 reason I have not essayed to draw upon the culture chart the curve 
 of the bow-and-arrow custom. An excellent beginning of the study 
 has been pubhshed quite recently by Friederici (Bin Beitrag zur 
 Kenntnis der Trutzwaffen der Indonesier, Siidseevolker und Indianer, 
 Baessler-Archiv, Beiheft VII, 1915). He presents two charts covering 
 Indonesia, Melanesia, and Polynesia, one for the bow and the other 
 for the arrow; for the bow he outHnes the geographical extension of 
 bows of three tj^es, or rather of three Hnguistic stems, and for the 
 arrow he shows two t3rpes. 
 
 A wholly anomalous and aUen culture element makes a brief but 
 distinct and positive entrance into the area under present discussion. 
 On this account the curve of the loom culture is of peculiar interest. 
 The art of the webster is quite absent from Polynesia; in Melanesia 
 it is clearly established in Ndeni and in the northernmost of the Banks 
 Group. The occurrence of the loom in islands of the Polynesian 
 Verge need not be taken to militate against its absence from Poly- 
 nesian culture in general, for the weaving of I,iuaniua and Nukumanu 
 is to be regarded as merely establishing a migration stage of a foreign 
 art. The nearest locus of the textile art is in Micronesia north of the 
 I/ine, where, in the Caroline Islands, it has attained a high develop- 
 ment within certain material limits. For this reason I have decided 
 to express the curve of the Verge and Melanesian occurrences of the 
 loom and of woven fabrics as opening toward the north in suggestion 
 of a probable derivation from the Carolines. We lack any data upon 
 which to postulate communication between the Verge islands and the 
 Melanesian islands, in which woven fabrics persist from such modern 
 
158 SISSANO. 
 
 antiquity as is possible to delicate materials in lands where humidity 
 and mildew work together to Umit durabiUty, for in these islands we 
 can infer the loom only from the web. But in Nukumanu and 
 Liuaniua, as well as in other islands of the Polynesian Verge, we 
 encounter a mass of legend whose interpretation looks toward some 
 degree of communication with the equatorial islands by way of Kapi- 
 ngamarangi. Upon this point attention is directed to the investiga- 
 tions of Thilenius (Ethnographische Ergebnisse aus Melanesien, I 
 Theil, Die Polynesischen Insehi an der Ostgrenze Melanesiens, Nova 
 Acta, Halle, 1902). 
 
 Before we enter upon the detailed examination of the general track 
 or tracks of speech movement out of Indonesia through Melanesia 
 into Polynesia we must devote particular attention to a critical area 
 represented by New Guinea. This great island interposes a mass of 
 land in the general sweep of folk migration out of the Malay seas 
 which is to be considered not so much an obstacle as a conduit. In 
 the modem navigation of vessels well found and equipped with instru- 
 ments of mathematical precision for their direction, New Guinea is 
 an obstacle to the seaman, a region of channels tortuous through a 
 tangle of hidden dangers, a land-mass to be shtmned. To the primitive 
 voyager in his crazy canoe, following the line of coast from headland 
 to headland, completely lost when driven offshore, such a land-mass 
 is a welcome aid to his navigation. Ignorant of any haven to which 
 his wanderings may bring him, he is content to coast in the stiller 
 waters and to follow the leadings of the shore always within his view. 
 To the Proto-Polynesians under the impulse of flight out of Indonesia 
 before the better-armed Malayans advancing from the west, New 
 Guinea has projected itself as a wedge deep into the channel of their 
 escape. In the nature of this flight there is naught which might pre- 
 dispose to a course on one side of New Guinea or the other. Those 
 who put to sea from the northern islands of the Malay Archipelago 
 would reach the New Guinea coast at various points on its northern 
 shore and would be led generally eastward under the orientation with 
 which the whole course of their migration is instinct. Other bodies 
 of wanderers coasting along the southern tier of Malayan islands 
 would reach the New Guinea coast along the Arafura Sea and would 
 be led generally eastward on their flight. Those whose flight took 
 its departure from islands centrally situated in Indonesia, e. g., Celebes, 
 on reaching the nearest New Guinea coast might be led in either 
 direction, as determined by some condition quite narrowly local. 
 When first encountered in the line of flight the New Guinea wedge 
 produces but a shght deflection, yet in the middle course the diver- 
 gence of the two streams is great. In my judgment they did not 
 reu nite until many weary leagues of sea had been passed and the 
 severed fleets reassembled first in Nuclear Polynesia. It is upon this 
 
GEOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 159 
 
 judgment, itself resting upon the detailed study of speech material 
 along the Melanesian chain, that in "The Polynesian Wanderings" I 
 rested my conception of the two coiu-ses of migration, the Samoa 
 stream and Viti stream, as denominated by their respective terminal 
 points. It is possible that at a few points there may have been some 
 currents leading from one current to the other ; one such we shall have 
 shortly to examine, but in the main the reexamination in this work of 
 the earlier material with considerable additions tends to confirm my 
 view as to this divarication of migration streams. 
 
 It should be made clear at the outset that our linguistic material 
 from New Guinea is as yet scanty, but as other ethnical material is 
 still less available, we are forced to set our greatest reliance upon the 
 comparison of languages. As between the north coast and the south 
 we have about the same number of stations of speech record; yet 
 there are two factors of difference which are somewhat influential 
 upon the results which we may derive. It is only the north coast 
 series of tongues which comes to us in any larger bulk than mere word 
 lists, since for the Bongu we have a rather considerable volume of 
 vocabulary. The recording stations along the north coast are so 
 spaced that we are able to obtain a somewhat comprehensive view 
 from Geelvink Bay to and into the Bismarck Archipelago. The 
 recording stations along the south coast are compactly grouped in a 
 comparatively restricted area from the eastern shore of the Gulf of 
 Papua to the Louisiades. This leaves us a great gap between the 
 Gulf of Papua and the Arafura Sea and the southern tier of Malayan 
 islands from which we have no speech records whatever. In the 
 inconvenience of this fact there is nothing which argues against the 
 passage of the Viti stream through Torres Strait; equally there is 
 nothing confirmatory. A still more important difference between 
 the speech records of the north coast and those of the south coast is 
 that in the latter the Polynesian element is appreciably nearer to the 
 type normal to that speech family. We are not in possession of 
 sufficient material to admit of a comparison by quantity, but the 
 superior quality of the southern material is immediately manifest. 
 
 We shall best begin our examination of migration courses relative 
 to New Guinea as a wedge-conduit by looking at the particular area 
 in which migration tracks following along the north shore might be 
 led into reunion with such as may have followed the south shore out 
 from Indonesia. We may regard the Sissano-Arop lagoons as a some- 
 what critical point in the northern coasting voyages. At some point 
 in this vicinity the seamanship of such voyaging would lead to a 
 point of departure for those fleets which under the actuation of any 
 of several causes might relinquish the mere skirting of land in sight 
 and put out upon the northern sea. On some such theory of diversion 
 we incline to account for a certain, though not complete, element of 
 
160 SISSANO. 
 
 the migration track which we can discern as extending from northern 
 New Guinea on the one hand and from the southern PhiUppines on 
 the other and identified by the inclusion of Proto-Polynesian speech 
 material in the northern islands of the Bismarck Archipelago. 
 
 Of the remnant of the north New Guinea coasting stream the next 
 point of diversion occurs at the Dampier-Vitiaz Straits. At this 
 point it would be equally convenient for coasting fleets to continue 
 southward on the coast of the semi-continental island or to set a 
 short course for the channel islands, Long and Umboi (Rook). The 
 fleets thus deflected from the New Guinea coast make a landfall at 
 the nearest western point of Neu-Pommern, which in itself acts as a 
 wedge-conduit for this migration stream. It is equally possible in 
 sailing coastwise from this western point to be attracted northward 
 along the shore or southward ; in fact, we have quite positive evidence 
 at the west point (Kilenge and Barriai) of no inconsiderable mixture 
 of aUen Polynesian Unguistic accumulations. The evidence at present 
 within reach seems to indicate the north shore of Neu-Pomunem as 
 the more traveled route, but on the south shore we have sufficient 
 evidence (LiebHche-Inseln, Aweleng) that this route also was used. 
 These divaricated migrations naturally conmingle at the eastern end 
 of Neu-Pommern. It is to be held possible that the Trobriand Islands 
 (Kiriwina, Murua, and Nada serving as datum points) may have 
 been reached either by fleets passing southerly out of the Dampier- 
 Vitiaz exit or from a secondary point of departure on the south coast 
 of Neu-Pommern. 
 
 Otu: particular interest here engages with the possibility of another 
 branch of.the north coast migrants, those who have not been attracted 
 to a deflection to Long and Umboi, but who may be considered as 
 having continued along the New Guinea coast of Vitiaz Strait and as 
 having thus been led toward the Louisiades. 
 
 All the available data bearing upon this branch of the north-coast 
 migrants has been set down upon the accompanying charts (II to V). 
 Here we see the score of vocables upon which alone it is possible to 
 rest any inquiry into the use of the Vitiaz Strait as a fairway to south- 
 eastern New Guinea. Scanty though the material is, it has seemed 
 advisable to distinguish it upon the charts as Polynesian and Melane- 
 sian, the latter term being employed without precision and as sigmfjdng 
 no more than that the speech is not Polynesian and not what is at 
 present classed as Papuan. In each of these charts the small rectangle 
 at the upper margin is employed merely as a sjmibol indicative that 
 the vocable has been more or less definitely estabUshed as occiuring 
 at one or more of the points of linguistic record along the north-coast 
 line of migration. The numerals in the legend attached to the various 
 lines of tracing refer to the vocabulary items in earlier chapters. 
 Having subdivided the material into Polynesian and Melanesian, the 
 
GEOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 161 
 
 still further division into specific and general clears the problem to its 
 final simplicity, these terms being used to distinguish between those 
 vocables traceable through the Vitiaz Strait which appear on one only 
 of the shores of the great southeastern prolongation of New Guinea 
 or upon both. 
 
 We find but six vocables accredited to Melanesian tongues which 
 it is possible to trace through the Dampier- Vitiaz exit. When we 
 direct our attention particularly upon the northern offshore islands 
 (Kiriwina, Mtunia, Nada) we note that one vocable comes out of the 
 straits as far as Kiriwina and is not found elsewhere in the region, that 
 two are recorded in Kiriwina and Murua, and that one of these appears 
 also upon the north shore of the promontory; that one (Chart III) is 
 met with in Kiriwina, Murua, and Nada ; that its identification extends 
 to Dobu in the central offshore islands; that it is found at least once 
 on the adjacent north shore of the promontory, and that it is found 
 quite generally along the south shore from Motu to the I^ouisiades. In 
 Charts II and III we observe two anomalies. In the former a vocable 
 carrying a Vitiaz Strait element appears in the Motu-Hula-Sinaugoro 
 region on the Gulf of Papua and is not identified at any point in the 
 intermediate region until it recurs upon the north coast. It will be 
 understood that the Hne which connects this area with the symboUc 
 rectangle is not intended to express migration over sea and land, but 
 is simply indicative. In Chart III we observe one vocable whose 
 identity is established from the Vitiaz Strait; thence at practically 
 every datum point on the north shore and in one of the southern off- 
 shore islands; it occurs at the most distant point of the Gulf of Papua 
 coast after a gap in which in other cases we find much of our most 
 valuable identification of Polynesian material. 
 
 We have but one clear case in which it appears that a Melanesian 
 word is traceable on the north coast of New Guinea, down through the 
 Vitiaz Strait and the south-extending coast to and around the south- 
 eastern tip of the great island. So far as relates to any speech element 
 which seems Melanesian we have but this single instance which may 
 lend itself to the idea that there was a speech movement from the 
 north coast to South Cape and there a reversal of direction toward the 
 Gulf of Papua. 
 
 We next examine in Charts IV and V the sixteen Polynesian vocables 
 in which we can detect the suggestion of exit from the north coast 
 through the Vitiaz Strait. On Chart IV there is but a single instance 
 in which we find what should appear to be the characteristic picture 
 of such migration, and here we have the material identified upon the 
 north shore of the promontory and in Kiriwina and Murua of the off- 
 shore islands. In the other four cases the identification is restricted 
 to the Gulf of Papua coast, is anomalous, and the first lines out of the 
 symboUc rectangle are but indicative. On Chart V we find that 
 
162 SISSANO. 
 
 practically all the material is susceptible of the explanation of move- 
 ment of continued coasting around the South Cape and reversal of 
 direction into the gulf. This is the view held by Ray and Friedend. 
 Upon this set of charts will be found all the data upon which they rest 
 their judgment— just a score of vocables. To establish this view we 
 should require a considerable showing of words which, after being well 
 identified on the Une of the north coast migration course, should be 
 discovered on the shore nearest Vitiaz Strait toward the south and 
 then should be definitely traced around South Cape and westward 
 into the Gulf of Papua. This important problem of the reversal of 
 current into the gulf will better be studied with the larger mass of 
 New Guinea material next to be considered — that in which we have 
 not been able to find any clear trace of this Dampier- Vitiaz element. 
 
 Before dismissing this particular group we must note that between 
 Vitiaz Strait and our first discovery of these vocables in this area there 
 intervenes the not inconsiderable gap of 3 degrees of latitude. The 
 data record in this gap is scanty, yet in the few word-hsts which are 
 available there is a complete absence of these critical vocables. 
 
 When we take up the study of the speech of this critical New Guinea 
 region for which we are unable to detect afiiUation with the migration 
 track through the Vitiaz Strait, we shall have to deal with a much 
 larger number of vocables within Ray's hst of 154 items. In the 
 succeeding charts the traces of common speech are drawn for each 
 item and the distinctive Unes are consolidated by tens. We continue 
 the division as between Melanesian and Polynesian. We make a 
 further division to accord with a suggestion of speech provinces into 
 which the area is divisible. It is much too early in the study to attach 
 definite importance to these provinces; when ovu" information becomes 
 greater it is probable that they will prove to be no more than sugges- 
 tions; but they are a beginning toward a solution and as such are 
 offered as providing a present convenience in the examination of the 
 material. These provinces are as follow: Gulf Coast, the eastern 
 shore of the Gulf of Papua from Mekeo in the north, inclusive of 
 Galoma-Sinaugoro at Keakalo Bay; South Cape, from Galoma to 
 Tubetube in the Engineer Group, that portion of the southern coast 
 between the Aura River and Dufaure Island being negligible because 
 the languages at present reported along its extent fall into the classifica- 
 tion of Papuan; East Coast, from Milne Bay northward to Colling- 
 wood Bay, and in this province there appears the suggestion of a 
 subdivision at Cape Vogel which may associate the Boniki with the 
 southern and the immediately adjacent Mukawa with the northern 
 region; Louisiade region, the southeastern islands with record sta- 
 tions at Panaieti, Misima, and Tagula; Dentrecasteaux region, the 
 eastern islands, with record stations at Dobu, Kiriwina, Murua, and 
 Nada. 
 
GEOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 163 
 
 Gulj coast (Charts VI and VII). — In each language stock we have 
 no difficulty in observing three groups of association. The northern 
 group is based upon Mekeo, Roro, Uni, Pokau, and Doura. On the 
 Melanesian chart we find two strongly characterized pairs, Uni-Roro 
 and Doura-Pokau, and these pairs are linked by the frequency of the 
 Pokau-Roro association, a line of such strength as appears but twice 
 elsewhere on this chart. On the Polynesian chart we find the same 
 pairs and the same linking of pairs, but with a marked reduction in the 
 weight of the lines. Here we encounter a diagonal linking of the pairs, 
 Uni-Pokau, which does not show itself on the Melanesian chart. 
 From Roro both charts exhibit lines of affiliation, exclusive of Pokau, 
 which extend to Kabadi, Motu, and the Hula-Keapara pair individ- 
 ually. These lines are by no means heavy, and the only difference 
 between the Melanesian and the Polynesian charts is that the lines 
 Roro-Kabadi and Roro-Motu are one tmit heavier in the former. 
 
 The next group along this coast comprises Pokau, Kabadi, and 
 Motu, with scanty interrelations of the inner Doura with Kabadi and 
 Motu. Each chart exhibits the same relative strength of the lines 
 Pokau-Kabadi and Kabadi-Motu, so that we may regard the three 
 sites as under the same sweep of speech movement. The line Pokau- 
 Motu is relatively stronger in the PoljTiesian chart. Between Pokau 
 and Hula-Keapara exclusive of Motu we find traces of interrelation, 
 but so scanty as not to call for particular remark. The third group 
 associates Motu with the particularly strong association of Hula- 
 Keapara-Galoma and brings it at that southern region into contact 
 with the interrelation of the inland Sinaugoro and Rubi with the same 
 coastal commimities. The Melanesian chart shows particularly 
 strong association of Hula with Keapara and but a single unit lower 
 between Keapara and Galoma; the line Galoma-Rubi-Sinaugoro is 
 practically of the same weight as the line Hula-Motu. The Poly- 
 nesian chart exhibits a line of the same weight from Motu by way of 
 Hula and Keapara to Galoma, a manifestation of a more even dis- 
 tribution of the influence which has been at work; the inner associa- 
 tion with Rubi and Sinaugoro is distinctly less prominent. The final 
 note upon the two charts is that the eastward extension of these stems 
 into other provinces is greater in the Polynesian material than in the 
 Melanesian, and that implies far greater extension relatively to the 
 varjdng amounts of material. 
 
 South Cape (Charts VIII and IX). — ^The examination of the two 
 language stocks in the matter of the draft of material from the Gulf 
 Coast province makes clear a difference, even though the significance 
 thereof must for the present elude our study. The Melanesian chart 
 presents the lines of this draft for each of the terminal points. We 
 find Suau the principal terminus, Mugula and Sariba at the ends of 
 lines of equal weight, Tubetube somewhat inferior, while the material 
 
164 SISSANO. 
 
 which is drawn through this province without coming to shore is 
 represented as of the same weight as the Mugula and Sariba Unes. 
 The Polynesian chart, however, while keeping Suau as of the same 
 first importance and Mugula in second place, sets Sariba and Tubetube 
 on the same scale of unimportance, and, as in the Melanesian stock, the 
 draft from the Gulf Coast which passes without a check beyond the 
 South Cape is of the same weight as the Mugula Une. Suau on the 
 Melanesian chart is of the first importance in speech affinities. Its 
 strongest relation is with Sariba; its next is with Mugula, but by a 
 considerable interval; with Tavara, its nearest neighbor along the 
 coast in the next northern province, as with Tubetube, its direct 
 affiliation is at the minimum. The affiliation of Mugula is most 
 marked with Suau; it shows a trace with Sariba and Tubetube. 
 Sariba, most strongly affiUated with Suau, is very nearly as closely 
 in touch with Tubetube; there is a minimum trace in the direction 
 of Tavara. Tubetube may be taken as the outpost of the province. 
 Its strong relation with Sariba has been noted. It is important to 
 note its position as a distributing point of affiliations extending beyond 
 this province very strongly marked into the Dentrecasteaux province 
 and almost equally into the Louisiades, yet not at all into the East 
 Coast province. Sariba extends into the Dentrecasteaux and the 
 Louisiades in the same ratio as does Tubetube, but only to the extent 
 of half the number of vocables. Suau shows but a trace of extension 
 directly to the Louisiades and little more to Dentrecasteaux and the 
 east coast. Mukawa exhibits exterior relations in a single instance 
 of affiliation on the east coast. The Polynesian chart of this region 
 shows somewhat marked difference. Suau remains the principal 
 point. Its richest association is stiU with Sariba; it is joined to 
 Mugula and Tavara by Hues of equal weight, and that but little short 
 of the cturve of Suau-Sariba; with Tubetube direct it exhibits but a 
 trace of association. Sariba offers much the same picture as on the 
 Melanesian chart. Its relations with Suau and Tubetube are in the 
 same ratio; its relation with Tavara is less. Tubetube on each chart 
 shows no affiUation with the east coast. It affiliates to an equal 
 extent with Dentrecasteaux and the Louisiades, and this figure is the 
 same as that of its affiUation with Sariba. Sariba shows a trace of 
 affiliation with the east coast and with the Louisiades, but a trifle 
 more mth the Dentrecasteaux. Suau shows with the Dentrecasteaux 
 an affiliation quite as strong as with Sariba in its own province, in the 
 next degree with the east coast, and only a trace with the Louisiades. 
 Mukawa shows a trace of affiliation with the Louisiades. 
 
 East Coast (Charts X and XI). — This province and that of the 
 South Cape should be critical of any movement of migration by coast- 
 wise voyaging which should bring together streams following the 
 north and the south coasts, respectively, of New Guinea. The proof 
 
GEOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 165 
 
 of such a folk movement should most distinctly appear in the region 
 Awalama-Tavara-Suau, with extension to Sariba and in a less degree 
 to Tubetube. We have already seen in the Melanesian chart of the 
 South Cape how sUght is the affiUation between Suau and Sariba with 
 Tavara. In the corresponding chart of the east coast we discover at 
 once that Tavara is the terminus of a very consistent series of affiUa- 
 tion which extends northward with much imiformity as far as Wedau 
 and in only a slightly less strong phase into the northern subdivision 
 of the province. Between Tavara and Awalama essential unity is 
 discernible in a little less than hah the vocables available for our study. 
 This value undergoes accretion as we nm over the languages of the 
 north shore. The group Awalama-Taupota-Wedau shows such imity 
 in an even half of the vocabulary data; in the hamlets of the shore of 
 Goodenough Bay, Wedau and Galavi estabUsh a two-thirds unity 
 which extends as far as Boniki at the tip of Cape Vogel, the possible 
 point of subdivision of this province. From Tavara there are ves- 
 tiges of direct affiUation with Taupota and Wedau which has passed 
 outside of Awalama. In amount this is a mere trace, and it does not 
 extend into the Goodenough Bay country. The Goodenough Bay 
 group is estabUshed by Wedau-Galavi-Boniki, but we find a trace of 
 affiUation as between Wedau and Mukawa at the beginning of the 
 northern group, excluding Boniki, and on the Galavi-Mukawa Une 
 we have considerable confirmatory data. In the northern group we 
 find a somewhat strongly drawn line of affiUation between Boniki 
 and Mukawa; thence with about half the weight it is prolonged from 
 Mukawa to Kubiri, and finally with a reduction of one unit from 
 Kubiri to Kiviri. In the ColUngwood Bay region we find a fairly 
 weU-defined interrelation between Kwagila and Kubiri. Of the four 
 languages which dominate this bay we find two clearly defined pairs, 
 Raqa and Oiun as one, the inner pair, Kubiri and Kiviri pairing around 
 the other pair. The exterior relations of this province reach in but 
 one direction — ^to Dobu, the nearest record station of the Dentre- 
 casteaux province, a trace from ColUngwood Bay, a trifle more from 
 Goodenough Bay, and somewhat more than one-tenth of the available 
 data from the Wedau-Taupota-Awalama-Tavara filiation. The Poly- 
 nesian chart shows some interesting points of diversity in addition 
 to a marked reduction of the common elements. From Suau as rep- 
 resenting the South Cape province we find the filiation with Tavara 
 very sUght. Between Tavara and Awalama the affiUation is no more 
 than half of that seen in the Melanesian language group. From 
 Awalama by Taupota to Wedau the amount of affiUation is denoted 
 by the same Tavara-Awalama line instead of increasing, as is the case 
 upon the Melanesian chart. Above Wedau the affiliation is less than 
 between Tavara and Awalama, instead of greater, as in the Melanesian 
 chart; and this curve continues out of Goodenough Bay and around 
 
166 SISSANO. 
 
 Cape Vogel without suggesting the subdivision of the province which 
 seems so plainly indicated in our Melanesian material. In ColUng- 
 wood Bay there is but a trace of afl&liation between Kwagila and 
 Kubiri, and the Raqa-Oiun and Kubiri-Kiviri pairs are scarcely dis- 
 tinguishable. The exterior relations are the same in amount and 
 destination as on the Melanesian chart, a trace from Collingwood Bay, 
 a trifle more from Goodenough Bay, and a more strongly marked line 
 from the Awalama region. While the figures establishing these lines 
 are the same on the two charts, the fact that the Polynesian material 
 is smaller in sum gives these three notes of affiliation a higher percent- 
 age value in the Polynesian group. 
 
 Louisiades region (Charts XII and XIII). — ^The provisional estab- 
 Kshment of this province has probably been somewhat overmuch 
 governed by the geography of the charts. It has seemed simpler to 
 include Tubetube with the South Cape by reason of proximity, yet 
 when the languages are better known it is quite likely that Tubetube 
 will fall more satisfactorily with the louisiades. Our Melanesian 
 chart exhibits the close relation of Tubetube and Panaieti, amounting 
 to about one-fifth of the recorded data. Panaieti aflfihates with Misima 
 to the extent of two-fifths. The aflSHation of Misima and Tagula 
 amounts to about one-seventh. The exterior relations of the province 
 are interesting. Panaieti and Misima show a trace of aflfiliation with 
 Suau and Sariba independently, and Tagula to the same shght degree 
 is associable with Sariba and Tubetube. Misima exhibits a higher 
 degree of afliliation with the east coast province at Awalama. In the 
 Dentrecasteaux region Panaieti and Misima show a trace of aflfiliation 
 with Dobu; Panaieti has a somewhat higher relation with Kiriwina 
 and Murua and a trace with Nada; Misima shows but a trace of 
 association with Kiriwina, Mtunia, and Nada. The Polynesian chart 
 offers a markedly dissimilar picture; with the exception of the inter- 
 relations of Tubetube-Panaieti and Panaieti-Misima of equal weight, 
 the series is but a matter of traces too sHght to lend weight to any 
 suggestion of explanation. 
 
 Dentrecasteaux region (Charts XIV and XV).— Both our charts at 
 the first glance suggest arachnid industry, but when we give attention 
 to the relative importance of the several fines we obtain a clear picture 
 of the speech relations within the province and the extension of such 
 relations to and from other provinces. In the Melanesian chart we 
 note at the outset a strongly featured community of the northern 
 islands Kiriwina, Murua, and Nada amounting to two-fifths of the 
 material; associable with this community we observe the interrelation 
 of Kiriwina and Dobu to one-third of this degree, attended by traces 
 of interrelation of Dobu with Murua and Nada. Despite its distance 
 m the Louisiades, Panaieti, as akeady mentioned, is appreciably in 
 touch with at least Kiriwina and Murua of these northern islands. 
 
GEOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 167 
 
 Dobu again is related with Suau at the first unit of the scale which 
 we have been employing, with Sariba at the second, with Tubetube 
 at the third unit. When, now, we bring into comparison the Poly- 
 nesian chart, we find the picture much simpler and the dominant lines 
 reduced greatly in weight. We have the same even curve of Kiri- 
 wina-Murua-Nada affihation, but all the other lines are of the first 
 unit and represent mere traces, except the Dobu-Tubetube affihation 
 of equal weight with that which extends through the northern group. 
 
 This graphic delineation of the affiliations of Polynesia and Melane- 
 sian languages at this extreme southeastern tip of New Guinea suggests 
 any number of interesting problems of smaU scope which in time will 
 undoubtedly repay investigation. In relation to the present work we 
 shall rest satisfied with the discussion of the major problem of the 
 direction of the movement of speech around this southeastern promon- 
 tory and of its connection with the estabKshment of the larger sweep 
 of PoljTiesian migration into the Pacific. 
 
 We have in the first place to set down a memorandum of the char- 
 acter of that element in these charts which we, following our few 
 predecessors, find it convenient to designate as Melanesian. The most 
 which we may venture to posit of the vocables in this group is that 
 they occur in the keeping of peoples whom we for the present elect 
 to denominate Melanesian and that they are not identified in any 
 language of Pol)Tiesia. There exists a certain possibiHty that some 
 of these vocables may belong to the Poljmesian language as it was con- 
 stituted at the period of the sojourn of Polynesian migrants in the 
 place where these words are now found; they may be survivors. That 
 such a chance of remote siurvival conditions the comparison of these 
 widely distributed languages is shown in some of our earHer studies. 
 In the Visayan of the southern PhiHppines we find the word alimango 
 as the name of a crab; we find the same word in Samoa in the same 
 sense; yet if the word had dropped out of Samoan we should have no 
 means of knowing that the Visayan word is Polynesian and it must 
 have gone on record as ptirely Indonesian. Therefore it is clear that 
 we are not warranted in the statement that this element is wholly 
 non-Polynesian merely because it is not now identifiable in the Poly- 
 nesian of the present and of which the dictionaries are notably incom- 
 plete. According, upon this series of charts we shall distinguish 
 between Polynesian and Melanesian only those traces of language 
 movement which markedly differ, and where the traces follow the 
 same course we shall feel justified in refraining from attaching too 
 much importance to the different designation of the two elements. 
 
 In the discussion of language movement as an index of folk move- 
 ment around this critical New Guinea point, earlier investigators have 
 taken the position more or less distinctly that the movement was 
 from the north down the east coast and thence westerly into the Gulf 
 
168 SISSANO. 
 
 of Papua. In "The Polynesian Wanderings," working over the 
 material afresh and with a broader scope, I felt justified in proposing 
 a general eastward migration stream from southern Indonesia and 
 along the south coast of New Guinea through Torres Strait. We now 
 proceed to the general examination of this critical region relative to 
 the two migration streams on either side of New Guinea. 
 
 It has been pointed out that just at the spot where we should expect 
 to find the most complete evidence of reversal of language movement, 
 at the extreme tip of New Guinea, we find the curves of affihation at 
 their lowest degree. North of that point on the east coast, west thereof 
 on the south coast, we find considerable areas in each of which afl&Ua- 
 tion is conspicuous, yet we lack the evidence of connection between these 
 diverse areas. Furthermore, assuming the rotmding of the cape, 
 there is nothing on these charts which might estabUsh such rotmding 
 as directed westward from the east coast rather than northward from, 
 the south coast ; there is quite as much argument on one side as on the 
 other. Each extremity of this critical area is disjunct from the migra- 
 tion stream with which it is sought to connect it. But there is observ- 
 able here a difference in the conditions of the problem. The CoUing- 
 wood Bay region of affihation is separated from the Vitiaz Strait by 
 some 3 degrees of latitude ; the Motu region is parted from the nearest 
 point of Indonesia in which we have record of Polynesian language 
 material by all of lo degrees of longitude. Yet here a difference 
 exists. In the 3 degrees between Vitiaz Strait and the Eaviri speech 
 the land has been visited; at several points the languages have been 
 collected at least to the same extent as in the region for which these 
 hues have been traced, and at every such datum point the Poljnaesian 
 element is wanting. In the greater distance between the Arafura 
 Sea and Motu the land has been almost unvisited; there is a long 
 stretch of coast for which we have no authority to postulate that it 
 does not contain Polynesian smvivals. Thus far we have done no 
 more than advance the argument that it is quite as possible for the 
 folk movement to have progressed easterly around the southeastern 
 cape as westerly, and we must add at this point our knowledge that 
 all Polynesian migration is instinct with motion away from the west. 
 
 Now consider the quality of the affihation of these Polynesian 
 survivals. On the whole of the east coast the quahty is low; it calls 
 for no httle art to discover in common speech the persistence of a Poly- 
 nesian stem ; and of the survivals along the north coast of New Guinea, 
 with which it is sought to Unk this movement, the quality is equally 
 low. On the other hand, the quahty reaches its highest to the west. 
 In Motu and in Sinaugoro and Galoma exist many words which would 
 pass muster for Samoan current to-day. It seems impossible to con- 
 sider a speech affiliation of low quality arising from a contaminated 
 source as capable of recovering its purity the farther it travels from 
 
GEOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 169 
 
 its putative sotirce. If this objection inheres in the argument for 
 derivation from the north, New Guinea migration and reversal of 
 current into the Gulf of Papua, regard the hypothesis of a Torres 
 Strait migration eastward. In this conception of the case Motu and 
 its neighboring coast Ues as our nearest datum point to an uncon- 
 taminated source in proximate southern Indonesia; the degradation 
 in quality is progressive eastward in the line of traverse as the wander- 
 ing Polynesians tarried with an alien and inferior folk and left their 
 impress upon minds poorly equipped to assume the superior culture. 
 On this assumption of the independent migration stream eastward 
 through Torres Strait we find our difficulties reduced to a minimum; 
 we find confirmation in the line of affiliation wherealong quaUty is 
 maintained — a line clearly marked from the Gulf Coast province to 
 Suau, to Sariba, to Tubetube, to Panaieti with almost unimpaired 
 weight. On this assumption it is not particularly necessary to explain 
 away the progressive degradation of Polynesian material on the east 
 coast; it may even have come to pass aside from direct Polynesian 
 contact, but at second hand through Melanesian interchanges; and 
 it is immaterial if we credit the affiliations of Kiriwina-Murua-Nada 
 to drift from the nearest coast of Neu-Pommern. 
 
 We are now in a better situation to consider the general probabiUties 
 of migration through Melanesia as set forth to view on Chart XVI. 
 When we examine the possibilities of folk movement in this region we 
 encounter three interlacing hypotheses: 
 
 Assuming the migration eastward of the Proto-Polynesians out of 
 Indonesia under a sufficient stress of expulsion (for in the nature of 
 the case a draft of attraction to happier lands in the Pacific could not 
 exist), if the migrants touched at uninhabited islands we should expect 
 to find the laggards of the migration scattered along the course and 
 speaking a pttre, albeit archaic, Polynesian. Such we find in a clearly 
 drawn and interesting track upon the chart. The region nearest to 
 Indonesia in which we first identify this migration track is north of 
 the equator (not included in this chart), at Kapingamarangi and 
 Nukuoro. Other record-points in a generally southeasterly course 
 are Tauu, Nuguria, Nukumanu, Sikaiana, the Reef Islands, Ticopia, 
 and Anuda, whence the course is clear to Rotuma, Futuna, Uvea, and 
 Samoa. Attention has already been directed upon the probability 
 of a deflection of some of this migration through the southern Solomons 
 to a clear record-point at Moiki-Moava. In the two channels between 
 Malanta and Guadalcanar and Malanta and San Cristoval, respec- 
 tively, we find more or less high degrees of intermingling with strictly 
 Melanesian material, and the same is true of the Reef Islands, Ticopia, 
 and Anuda; for in these cases we have other reason to predicate the 
 
170 SISSANO. 
 
 existence of an autochthonous population at the period of Polynesian 
 occupancy. At the arrival of this and other migrations in Nuclear 
 Polynesia a very general diffusion took place; the trace upon the 
 chart denotes in its simplest form the fact of such diffusion; it is not 
 intended to imply the particular preference of Samoa over any other 
 point of such distribution. 
 
 B. 
 
 Assuming the presence at the time of Proto-Polynesian migration 
 of races alien to this ethnic stock at certain points in Melanesia, we 
 should look for various forms and various degrees of contamination 
 of persisting Polynesian linguistic material along the migration track. 
 In earlier works I have discussed at length the character of such 
 migration. In this connection I renew attention upon one of the 
 factors which seems above all others to dominate the problem. A 
 social unit migrating by land is able to victual itself from the country 
 which it traverses, its route is distinctly governed by the available 
 food supply, it avoids deserts and other regions in which game and 
 grass are scanty. The discovery that the country just pioneered will 
 not support the migration is promptly followed by retracing the track 
 to the last region in which victual is abtuidant; a new route is sought 
 by scouts where the food-supply promises to suffice. So much for 
 the sweep of Attila across Asia and Europe; so much for the conquest 
 of our western plains as far as the mountain backbone of the conti- 
 nent and beyond to the foimding of our great empire on the Pacific; 
 so much for the great trek of the Boers out from Cape Colony to a 
 greater Africa of freedom beyond. Migration by land must follow 
 the line of the most abundant victual. 
 
 But migration by sea is far other. The sea is ploughed by many 
 keels, but no crop grows for the feeding of the sailor. His last article 
 of food and water must be carried between the port he has left and the 
 haven of his desire. When food fails the sailor the sailor fails the ship ; 
 a few days the ship of starvation drifts imtillered, the sport of wind and 
 wave, awaiting the friendly gale which shall give it sea burial, and there 
 an end. In these very waters we have the record of voyaging to the 
 edge of failure of victual — BUgh in his crowded boat after the mutiny 
 of the Bounty, the Pandora's boats with Bligh's mutineers, both 
 winning through to the East Indies in starvation. We can only 
 imagine what mute tragedies of this sea must have accompanied the 
 ignorant navigation of the Polynesian migration, all passed from 
 human knowledge because none survived, even as none survived to 
 tell the bitter voyage into the unknown of those French sailors of 
 La P^rouse who built a boat on Vanikoro out of the wreck of their 
 frigate and sailed away to starve. When our whalemen scoiu-ed the 
 Pacific they provisioned for three years and they could always make 
 
GEOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 171 
 
 some port long before they began to run short; they had the cargo 
 space; their food was portable. The Polynesians had most inferior 
 cargo space in their canoes and their food lacked portability, for it 
 was almost solely fresh vegetables. Upon this point of victual we find 
 preserved a migration record. The voyage which brought the Maori 
 to New Zealand was protracted beyond the food-supply possible to 
 some of the canoes, and tradition has preserved for our information 
 the knowledge that it was at the last necessary to have recourse to the 
 crew as food, a double economy in that each paddler who kept his 
 mates aUve became also one less mouth to feed. I have been able to 
 examine a few of the great double canoes of Polynesia, probably to be 
 taken as fair representatives of the vessels of the great migrations. I 
 judge that the hold and deck space on the canoes which I have sur- 
 veyed was capable of carrying of the bulky vegetable supply no more 
 than sufficient victual and water than would sufi&ce to maintain the 
 people of such a vessel for little over a week— ten days at the outside 
 on «hort commons. This means that the units of the fleets of such 
 migrations, not considered as under any admiralty of control of 
 their movement, but each for himself, must at brief intervals come to 
 land for purposes of revictualment. 
 
 Such landing-points fall Ukewise into the possibiUty of three classes. 
 The simplest comprises those lands without habitants, such as we 
 believe to have been the case in the islands of the Polynesian Verge. 
 Here the migrants might be expected to find a day-by-day support, 
 but to accumulate provision for a further voyage would call for such 
 sojourn as would afford time for agricultiural operations. Each such 
 island would prove attractive to some of the fleet; they would be 
 content to enjoy their new-found peace. Thus we should expect to 
 find such islands of undiluted Pol3mesian races as we do find dotted 
 along a thread from the Carolines to Nuclear Poljmesia. Each such 
 island would form a new point of departure when population approached 
 the limit of productivity or when feud arose within the settlement of 
 this proud and war-enjo3dng race. Thus each would be both settle- 
 ment and crop colony. That such has been the case, even in default 
 of tradition in Melanesia, is permissible inference from what we know 
 to have come to pass in Samoa and many eastern island communities, 
 even to the outermost limit of the island Pacific. 
 
 In the second class we have to consider the probability of the natture 
 of the reception of Polynesians by existing populations. That it 
 could have been peaceable is impossible to consider, for peace even to 
 the world's highest peoples is an aspiration rather than a fact. We 
 picture the coming of Polynesians to Melanesian communities in the 
 light of a raid of sea marauders. Pood is a necessity, fighting a joy, 
 resistance meets onslaught. It matters not what the result of these 
 unchronicled combats in a distant sea, the ethnic result is practically 
 
172 SISSANO. 
 
 the same whichever may win. These are battles to extinction of the 
 fighting men; the women go with the victory. If we may judge the 
 past from the present, the Polynesian raider is of the better courage; 
 he knows better his trade of fighting; the Melanesian advantage lies in 
 numbers. If the Polynesian wins he takes the Melanesian women 
 to his community; if the Melanesian wins the Polynesian women of 
 the fleet remain; in either case the next generation presents a mixed 
 blood and a mixed speech and it matters little in which order the mix- 
 ture is produced. In case of such an onfall where the result has been 
 a Melanesian victory, the cross of alien blood tends progressively to 
 wane under the dilution of this mixture by successive matings with 
 pure Melanesian strains. In case of Polynesian victory the victors 
 may sail away and leave the cross behind to undergo the same absorp- 
 tion, or the progeny of such mixture may be carried along with the 
 Polynesian sires to undergo gradual absorption in that strain. In some 
 cases we may see the probability of a settlement of victorious Poly- 
 nesians upon land won from Melanesians, in which case the cross- 
 mixture would tend to fairly equal replenishment from each source, 
 and we should discover a race of hybrids with contamination of cus- 
 tom and speech; and this is just what we do find at several points in 
 the Melanesian chain. 
 
 In the third class of such settlement along the route of migration 
 we find an operative factor which tends to produce the permanent 
 occupation. This is the yearly recurrence of the hurricane season, 
 the months between December and March, when the trade wind is 
 deranged. In this period of almost incessant rains, and rain is very 
 uncomfortable to the bare islander, the wind either fails entirely in 
 dull days of dreary calm or else reaches such violence of gale that only 
 the stoutest ships may live afloat, and even ashore soUdly constructed 
 buildings plane through the air. When this season meets the canoe 
 voyager a sojourn ashore is made necessary, no matter where he be. 
 This factor, then, conditions the other reasons for such a halt. 
 
 C. 
 
 The third of these possibilities is that Melanesian communities 
 which have come into possession at their home site of a given amount 
 of Polynesian material, somatic or cultural or Unguistic, may themselves 
 migrate to communities thitherto untouched by the general Pol3mesian 
 movement. Here we encounter strong probabiUty of such Melanesian 
 migration, but we lack definite detail. At the time when the islands 
 of the western Pacific were densely populated there was lack of interest 
 in preserving the record of their tradition history. Now, when interest 
 has been attracted to the importance of this study, the islands have 
 been depopulated by the infamy of the labor trade and the memory 
 of the past has vanished. It is possible to feel the existence of at 
 
GEOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 173 
 
 least three subdivisions of Melanesia, and underlying the present 
 Melanesian in certain of the larger islands a persistence of an earlier 
 and yet more primitive folk. But we can not yet prove the limits of 
 these subdivisions; perhaps it will be found too late; and though it 
 is probable that in more than one region we are dealing with Poly- 
 nesian material mutilated by second-hand transmission, we may not 
 differentiate it from direct accumulations along the migration sweep. 
 
 Upon this chart I continue the division of the Samoa stream along 
 the northern New Guinea coast, the Bismarck Archipelago (and now 
 I attach greater importance to the establishment of the line eastward 
 of Neu-Mecklenbiu-g on the strength of the Lihir record-point), thence 
 through the Solomon Islands and eastward to Nuclear Polynesia. Set 
 off from this I draw the Viti stream out through Torres Strait to the 
 New Hebrides and thence by the more southerly course to Nuclear 
 Pol3Tiesia. 
 
 When we take up the investigation of the Pol5rnesian material per- 
 sisting in the varied languages of the Malay Archipelago as shown on 
 Chart XVII, we feel at once that the problems are somewhat of a 
 different order than those which are drawn out from the Melanesian 
 nexus. There we have to deal with a folk movement under an impulse 
 outward from the rear, led onward along courses whose direction is 
 made clear by the most casual study of the charts. Here we find 
 ourselves confronted with a notably diflferent set of factors. 
 
 In respect of the mere fact of the persistence of a certain scanty 
 yet abxmdantly recognizable element in Indonesian languages which 
 we must recognize as a borrowing from Polynesian, we find no great 
 difficulty. We are concerned with roughly about 250 vocables; very 
 few indeed are represented at all generally in Indonesian languages. 
 Thus we conclude that the borrowing was not at a single center and 
 thence carried by the onward movement of the peoples who first 
 assumed this material. Rather do we find that this assumption has 
 taken place in various proportion at several or many spots where 
 Indonesians came into somewhat enduring contact with persons who 
 spoke some Polynesian tongue. Furthermore, from the essential con- 
 cord of the borrowed material with itself and with the present Poly- 
 nesian of the Pacific we hold the opinion that at the time of such con- 
 tact the Polynesian spoken in Indonesia was to all intents and pur- 
 poses a single speech. 
 
 At this point we require a brief statement of the history of this 
 period of contact of the two peoples. Our postulate of the presence 
 of Proto-Polynesians in the Indonesian area deduces from the persist- 
 ence of this loan material. Against the possibility that Poljmesian 
 material has been communicated to Indonesia by westward drift we 
 set two determinant facts. One is the uniformity of Polynesian 
 tradition-history that the original home of the race was in the west, 
 
174 SISSANO. 
 
 which engages with the climatic constants of Melanesia to support 
 the theory of eastward migration. The other fact Ues in Indonesia 
 itself. If the theory of drift material were otherwise tenable we should 
 expect to find the greater mass of such at the eastern border of the 
 Malay Archipelago, say from the PhiHppines down to Aru and Timor 
 Laut, steadily recessive in a westerly direction, and reaching its mini- 
 mum in the Kawi of Java and the Malay of Sumatra; which we find 
 to be not in the least the case. Polynesian loan material is to the full 
 as abimdant in the west as in the east. 
 
 Recorded and datable history of India and of Java presents to us 
 considerable detail of the onward sweep of peoples now Indonesian a 
 Httle earher than the Christian era. We are unable to find a sure 
 recognition of a home of Polynesians earher than the Malay Archi- 
 pelago, but of the Indonesians we have a clear record of their passage 
 through India and of their entrance upon the islands of their present 
 abode by way of the Malakka Peninsula and Sumatra. We know 
 this horde to have been superior to the Proto-Polynesians in a vital 
 point of culture; they were already smiths. The history of mankind 
 shows conclusively that the race with the knife possesses the earth; 
 the man with the club and the dornick shaped to his hand is beaten; 
 he dies or he scuttles away. These Malayans had the kris; under 
 its aUen designation of bolo it has been the weapon of serious resistance 
 in the Phihppines to a culture whose weapon is as much superior to 
 the kris as the knife is superior to the stone hatchet. Before the 
 approach of the knife-armed Malayans the Proto-Poljmesian resistance 
 could not endure; the club fighters died or fled. At each point of 
 former Proto-Polynesian occupancy of Indonesia we assume the defeat 
 of the armed resistance, and the whole story of primitive man the 
 world around warrants this assumption. We then have at that point 
 a debellated commtmity cultmrally inferior; the active men killed in 
 the decisive battle of their tiny world, the non-combatants, women, 
 children, and the aged awaiting the event. If sufficient of the active 
 warriors remain ahve, if their force still suffices to admit of certain 
 freedom of action of their part, we may conceive of a voyage of escape, 
 the conquerors quite satisfied with such an easy outcome, the cruising 
 for new homes to which the enemy has not yet penetrated. Such 
 must have been the origin of the great migrations eastward whose 
 course we have been tracking. If the defeat of the original inhabi- 
 tants has been sufficient to prevent the possibility of such escape we 
 find the vanquished reduced to slavery by the victor, a condition of 
 life which does not begin to become intolerable until a much higher 
 advance in general culture. Experience shows abundantly how 
 readily a victor people tends to assume some element of the domestic 
 speech of its slaves. This is prominent in our picture of Indonesia 
 during its transition period two millenniums ago. 
 
GEOGRAPHY OP THE MIGRATIONS. 175 
 
 It is difficult to excavate below the present culture of the Malayan 
 Archipelago with much hope of finding out what may have been the 
 extent of Proto-Polynesian occupation of the islands before the coming 
 of the invader. A careful examination of the speech and of the custom 
 life of a few scattered peoples within this area, such as the Acta of the 
 Philippines, the Punam of Borneo, the Baree-Toradja of Celebes, 
 leads in the direction of the opinion that during the period of xmdis- 
 turbed Proto-Polynesian race occupation there were areas of peoples 
 yet more primitive. But it seems fair to assume that the Proto- 
 Polynesian occupation of Indonesia was practically uniform and 
 general. Accordingly the lines on Chart XVII differ in quaUty from 
 those which we have drawn on the Melanesian chart. Here we have 
 a consoUdation of all the lines connecting the loca of affiliation recorded 
 in the chapter next preceding. Yet they do not present the character 
 of lines of folk movement as do those in Melanesia; we do not sense 
 upon them the feeling of destination. The motion in this region, the 
 lines of conquest and occupation of Indonesia, neither of these per- 
 tains to its Proto-Polynesian element; it is the proper function of the 
 student of the Malayan peoples. Until the moment of escape from 
 a lost field of battle the Polynesian here is sessile; mobility is the 
 character of the Malayan. Yet certain of the exterior lines of affilia- 
 tion, while they do not impress us as so instinct with motion as do 
 the Melanesian traces, do suggest lines which might be traveled. At 
 the extreme west we find the ultimate outposts of the Polynesian race, 
 not great in extent, yet sufficing to establish a line at least of Indo- 
 nesian migration, one determined by Silong on the west of the Malakka 
 Peninsula, the other better determined by Nicobar and the significant 
 status of the Mentawei Islands west of Sumatra. From Sumatra we 
 have three Unes of affiliation which are very strongly marked. One 
 leads through Borneo in the direction of the PhiUppines, the other 
 into Java and the southern chain of islands, the third toward Mada- 
 gascar. Almost all our affihations of the Malagasy, of whatever 
 linguistic stock, point with great imiformity to Sumatra-Java and 
 very Httle to other parts of the archipelago. We regard this migra- 
 tion to Madagascar as comparatively late, dating from a period when 
 the people of Sumatra- Java had assumed whatever Pol3aiesian ele- 
 ment characterizes their respective languages. We are not in any 
 sort justified in the theory, which was held as recently as the time of 
 De Quatrefages, of Polynesian occupation of that remote island of the 
 African continental mass. 
 
 From Java we trace eastward two lines. One may smoothly be 
 drawn along the scarcely interrupted chain of southern islands as far 
 as Timor Laut and Aru, where it approximates that Viti stream of 
 migration which the study of the Melanesian material has led me to 
 propose and earnestly to support. From Madura we lay out a trace 
 
176 SISSANO. 
 
 which appears to fork at the south of Celebes, one traversing that 
 interesting island northward into the PhiUppines, the other estabhshed 
 by Salayer (a point of pecuUar Samoan interest) and Bouton and 
 thence forking into the Moluccas. A northerly fork is established by 
 Sula on the way to Gilolo; a southerly fork engages with Ceram and 
 Buru, islands from which we derive much valuable material. From 
 Ceram we derive lines in the northerly direction by way of Mysol 
 and Waigiou which bring us to the westerly tip of New Guinea; here 
 engage lines from Gilolo and from the PhiHppines, and here these 
 converging lines approximate that course of Polynesian migration along 
 the north shore of New Guinea upon which we are all in agreement. 
 
 Here for the present we leave these studies of the great Polynesian 
 migration. Some httle has been accomplished. We have freed the 
 problem from the error and the misleading of the theory of a Malayo- 
 Polynesian speech family and a Malayo-Polynesian race. We have 
 established the existence of two somewhat widely distinct migrations 
 of Polynesians into the Pacific with an interval of centuries. For the 
 earUer of these migrations we have traced three courses through 
 Melanesia and into the present Polynesia. The situation of Poly- 
 nesia is reasonably clear in its main outlines. Owing to the depopula- 
 tion of Melanesia many problems must remain insoluble because of 
 the impossibiUty of acquiring data. In Indonesia much work can 
 be done; it is hoped that it will engage the renewed effort of those 
 scholars who have devoted their lives to the study of the culture and 
 of the speech of the mixture of races whose homes are in the Malay 
 Archipelago. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 abrasion, compensated 51 
 
 inner 74, 108 
 
 vowel to vowel 122 
 
 absolute significations 21 
 
 Admiralty Islands, kava 135, 153 
 
 adze 12 
 
 Aeta 175 
 
 affinity 40 
 
 ai 31 
 
 aieripin 16, 36 
 
 ain 36, 104 
 
 aisebot 16, 40 
 
 albino 14 
 
 Alfuro, Buru 6 
 
 Celebes 6 
 
 Ceram 6 
 
 'aU 53. 117 
 
 alimango 167 
 
 Alite, Polynesian influence 154, 155 
 
 cUoa 70, 71 
 
 alphabet, conspectus 23 
 
 alunga 53, 117 
 
 Ambrym, pig 80 
 
 Amsohr 12 
 
 amulet 16 
 
 andaman 40 
 
 Aneityum, kava 124 
 
 Aniwa, kava 124 
 
 an6 40, 105 
 
 Anuda, corpulence 17 
 
 Polynesian community 169 
 
 appulse 112 
 
 ar 45, 106 
 
 Arag, kava 124 
 
 pig 79,80 
 
 arSu 46, 106 
 
 archery 16 
 
 armor 15 
 
 areca nut 121 
 
 Arioi 80 
 
 Ar6p 13, 14, 17 
 
 arrows 16 
 
 aspiration 27 
 
 at 46, 107 
 
 lUi 60 
 
 'aumanga 137 
 
 aun 108 
 
 Awalama linguistics 165, 166 
 
 awem 22 
 
 bachelor belt 14 
 
 Bahasa tanah 6 
 
 bal 59, 113 
 
 balum flute 14 
 
 Banks Group, culture 156 
 
 kava. 124,125,126,129,130 
 
 loom 157 
 
 pig 76 
 
 Baree-Toradja i75 
 
 bark v "3 
 
 Barriar 6 
 
 battle ^ ^ 
 
 Beach-la-Mar 4, i3, 22, 37 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 bei 48, 1 14 
 
 Belaga, Polynesian influence 154 
 
 betel, chewing 123 
 
 leaf 138 
 
 people 128 
 
 in Polynesia 139 
 
 Bismarck Archipelago, culture 151 
 
 geography. . . 30 
 
 bo 75 
 
 Boniki linguistics 162, 165 
 
 bor 49, 1 14 
 
 hor 73 
 
 boro 73 
 
 bow 13s, 140, 157 
 
 bowwow 113 
 
 brain, removed from skull 14 
 
 breadfruit 89 
 
 break 91 
 
 bride-piece 76 
 
 Bruno 12 
 
 Bugotu, Polynesian influence 154 
 
 Buka cidture 151 
 
 bul 49, 1 14 
 
 buU roarer 80 
 
 BuliJaha, Polynesian influence 154 
 
 burial i4, 18, 134 
 
 burning scar 15, 17 
 
 canoe, form 12 
 
 navigation 171, 172 
 
 Caroline Islands, loom 157 
 
 carving 16 
 
 cassowary 16 
 
 circumcision 13, 14, 17 
 
 closed stems 23, 83 
 
 clothing 15 
 
 feast 16 
 
 coconut shell 17 
 
 Codrington, R. H., The Melanesians. 3 
 
 Melanesian 
 
 Languages 3,6 
 
 coitus, interdiction 78 
 
 compensatory semivowel 51, 54 
 
 condi, kava culture 135, 140 
 
 consonant, acquisition 42, 43 
 
 modulants 43, 1 16 
 
 mutability 41 
 
 contamination 10, 29 
 
 cookery 16 
 
 corpulence 17 
 
 coyote 112 
 
 crop colonies 138,155 
 
 cycas, kava people 135, 141 
 
 daman 50, 115 
 
 Dampier-Vitiaz Straits 
 
 145, 146, 147, 155, 160, 161, 162, 164, 167 
 
 dancing 16 
 
 dead, cult of 134 
 
 decoration, bodily 15 
 
 shields 16 
 
 Dentrecasteaux linguistics 166 
 
 determinant compounds 73, no 
 
 177 
 
178 
 
 INDBX. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 dictionaries, Melanesian languages... 3 
 
 disguise, women as men 16 
 
 diwarra 140 
 
 Dobu linguistics i6i, 162, 166, 167 
 
 dopun 52 
 
 double consonants 27 
 
 Doura linguistics 163 
 
 drum, kava culture 135. 14° 
 
 dual, people 128 
 
 society 156 
 
 ducks, food staple 12 
 
 duplication 27, 75 
 
 earthquake 
 
 Easter Island, bow 
 
 statues 
 
 Eddystone Island, betel people 
 
 Efatfe, dictionary 
 
 kava 
 
 12 
 141 
 141 
 134 
 7 
 124 
 
 Eitap6 1 1, 13 
 
 el 52 
 
 eliak 20 
 
 Epi, kava 124 
 
 Eromanga, kava 124, 125 
 
 evolution of speech iii 
 
 exogamy 156 
 
 / phonetics 
 
 f-d mutation 
 
 f-g mutation 
 
 f-ng mutation 
 
 Fagani, Polynesian influence . 
 
 23 
 48 
 48 
 50 
 154 
 
 fala 45, 106 
 
 family unit classification 156 
 
 fanua 40, 105 
 
 fatu 46, 107 
 
 feud 13 
 
 feast 13. 16 
 
 Fiji, bow 140 
 
 cultural divisions 156 
 
 kava 124, 127, 137 
 
 matrilineal descent 130 
 
 pig 80 
 
 Samoan intercourse 64 
 
 fillet, kava culture 135, 141 
 
 final consonants 24 
 
 vowels 23 
 
 fire 14 
 
 fish, food staple 12 
 
 Florida, matrilineal society 129 
 
 flute 14 
 
 foe 97.147 
 
 food 16, 17 
 
 tabu 80 
 
 Fotuna, kava 124 
 
 fowl, kava culture 135, 140 
 
 framboesia 17 
 
 Priederici, Georg; Melanesian langu- 
 ages 6 
 
 phonetic reliability 11,19 
 
 Sissano vocabulary 9 
 
 funerary pigs 76 
 
 g, Proto-Polynesian 148 
 
 final 22 
 
 g-h mutation 34 
 
 PAGE 
 
 g-ng mutation 34 
 
 Galavi linguistics 165 
 
 Galoma linguistics 163. 168 
 
 Geelvink Bay, Malay raids 10 
 
 ghosts, Solomon Islands 129 
 
 Graget 17 
 
 grave 14 
 
 Guadalcanar, kava 153 
 
 matrilineal descent. ... 129 
 
 pig 80 
 
 gutu 84, 144 
 
 h, obliteration 
 
 Sissano use 
 
 vowel mutation . . 
 
 h-dh mutation 
 
 fe-r mutation 
 
 h-s mutation 
 
 h-sh mutation 
 
 h-t mutation 
 
 h-th mutation 
 
 hair 
 
 hanging 
 
 hat 
 
 head hunting 
 
 house, burial 
 
 circumcision. 
 
 96 
 
 27 
 
 42 
 
 97 
 
 97 
 
 96 
 
 96 
 
 97 
 
 96 
 
 IS 
 
 78 
 
 14 
 
 134 
 
 14 
 
 14 
 
 spirit 13, 14 
 
 types 15 
 
 Hula Unguistics 163 
 
 index finger exploration 21, 22 
 
 Indonesia, language check-list 149 
 
 Polynesian element 173 
 
 race identification 2 
 
 infants 17 
 
 infix 118 
 
 inhumation 14 
 
 initiation 76 
 
 iron adopted 12 
 
 isu 84, 144 
 
 Jewish features . . . 
 Jobi, Malay raids. 
 
 17 
 
 lO 
 
 k, abrasion 
 
 final 
 
 possessive suffix. 
 
 k-nk mutation 
 
 k-r mutation 
 
 kai 
 
 33. 90 
 
 22, lie, 119 
 .... 22 
 
 34 
 
 73 
 
 ... 36, 104 
 
 .... 10 
 
 • ■• S3. 117 
 
 16 
 
 Kaiser-Wilhelmsland 
 
 kalflk 
 
 kangaroo 
 
 Kapingamarangi, Polynesian com- 
 munity 15s, 169 
 
 kappation 33,9° 
 
 kati 39 
 
 kau 31, 104 
 
 kava, Banks Group 77, 124 
 
 ceremony 136 
 
 chewing 126, 136 
 
 culture 153 
 
 Indonesia 144 
 
 leaf 138 
 
 libation 136 
 
INDEX. 
 
 179 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 kava — continued. 
 
 Melanesian 141 
 
 people 71, 80, 128, 129, 138 
 
 Polynesian source 142 
 
 rat origin 126 
 
 religious custom 136, 143 
 
 root 138 
 
 Solomon Islands 130, 142 
 
 time of preparation 138 
 
 used by gods 136 
 
 Keapara linguistics 163 
 
 kh negligible 27 
 
 Kiriwina linguistics 
 
 160, 161, 162, 166, 167, 169 
 
 Kiviri linguistics 165, 168 
 
 kiyi 112 
 
 kiyoodle 1 12 
 
 Kubiri linguistics 165 
 
 kusch 95i 146 
 
 Kwagila linguistics 165 
 
 l-d mutation 45 
 
 l-i mutation 50 
 
 l-th mutation 75 
 
 l-y variety 33. ii5 
 
 1 ex vowel 35. 62 
 
 la'au 118 
 
 labials, Melanesian 71. 75 
 
 mutability 41, 66 
 
 Polynesian 71 
 
 labok 22 
 
 labon 22 
 
 Lae-Womba 13 
 
 lanu 81 
 
 Leitere 17 
 
 lemon 16 
 
 lepi 55. 118 
 
 lime 15 
 
 lips, lack of control 41, 71, 72, 75 
 
 liquids, early acquisition 39 
 
 lisp 72 
 
 Liuaniua, loom i57 
 
 Polynesian community. . . . 155 
 
 loom culture 157 
 
 Lou, kava i35 
 
 Louisiades, linguistics 166 
 
 Loyalty Islands culture 151 
 
 lupe 113 
 
 m possessive suffix 22 
 
 m-n mutation 44 
 
 mw 55 
 
 macula mongolica 17 
 
 magic objects 13 
 
 tnal 57 
 
 Malagasy I75 
 
 Malanta, betel people 134 
 
 seaways iS4 
 
 Malay raids 10 
 
 Malekula, kava 124 
 
 pig 80 
 
 malo 57 
 
 Mal61 II. 14 
 
 man 57. 119 
 
 Mangareva bow 140 
 
 manu 57. 119 
 
 PAGB. 
 
 manuvaefd 71 
 
 marriage, classes 156 
 
 interdiction 78 
 
 mask 13 
 
 matambala society 130 
 
 Matankor kava 135 
 
 matrilineal society 134, 156 
 
 megalithic culture 141 
 
 Meinah 12 
 
 Meinerek 12 
 
 Meinhof, Carl; phonetic system 19 
 
 Meinraun 12 
 
 Mekeo linguistics 163 
 
 Melanesia, cultural areas 151, 173 
 
 discovery history 2 
 
 immigrants 123 
 
 Indonesian influence 
 
 10, 103, 152 
 
 knowledge general 5 
 
 linguistics 3, 163 
 
 migration movement 7 
 
 Poljmesian influence 152 
 
 race diversity 2 
 
 race unity assumption ... 7 
 
 subdivisions 30 
 
 Melanesian migration 172 
 
 Melanesian language, check list 100 
 
 contamination. 10 
 
 extent 29 
 
 Melanesians, New Guinea 152 
 
 men houses 14 
 
 Mentawei Islands 175 
 
 Merig 76 
 
 Merlav, pig 76 
 
 metathesis 
 
 44.51.52.57.82,85, 110, 113, 118, 121 
 
 Micronesia, race problems 2 
 
 migration, maritime factors 170 
 
 ■ successive waves 10 
 
 Misima linguistics 166 
 
 Moava, Polynesian community 
 
 154. 155. 169 
 Moiki, Polynesian community 154, 155, 169 
 
 Mongol spot 17 
 
 Mota, dictionary 5 
 
 initiation 76 
 
 mother speech 135 
 
 Motlav initiation 78 
 
 Motu linguistics 163, 168 
 
 moxa 15. 17 
 
 Mugula linguistics 163, 164 
 
 Mukawa linguistics 162, 164 
 
 Murua linguistics 
 
 160, 161, 162, i66, 167, 169 
 
 mutes, frequency 26 
 
 nasal preface 45, 72, 106, 148 
 
 progression 48, 54, 65 
 
 n, final 22, 24 
 
 possessive suffix 22 
 
 n-l mutation 60, 109, 119 
 
 n-m mutation 44 
 
 n-ng mutation 33. 39. 44, 60 
 
 n-r mutation 62 
 
 Nada linguistics 160, 161, 162, 166, 167, 169 
 name giving 16 
 
i8o 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 nanga 127, 137 
 
 nasals, frequency 27 
 
 preface 45. 72, 106, 148 
 
 natu 60 
 
 necrophagy 18 
 
 n6u 61,120 
 
 Neuhauss, Dr. Richard 10, 21 
 
 New Britain pig 80 
 
 New Caledonia culture 151 
 
 New Guinea, cultures 152 
 
 linguistics IS9 
 
 Melanesians 167 
 
 migration factors 158 
 
 political subdivision. . . 9 
 
 New Hanover pig 81 
 
 New Hebridean culture 151 
 
 New Ireland pig 81 
 
 Ngao, Polynesian influence 154 
 
 Ngela, Polynesian influence 154, 155 
 
 Nimas 12 
 
 niu 61, 120 
 
 Nine 64 
 
 nose perforation 15 
 
 Nuguria, Polynesian community. 155, 169 
 
 Nukumanu, loom 157 
 
 Polynesian community 155, 169 
 Nukuoro, Polynesian community.. .155, 169 
 
 o-au mutation 46 
 
 Oceanica i 
 
 oh 27 
 
 Oiun linguistics 165 
 
 ol 27, 63, 120 
 
 onomatopoeia iii 
 
 open stems 23, 25 
 
 opon IS 
 
 ou 113 
 
 p-ng mutation 50 
 
 painting 14, 15, 16 
 
 pakasi 71 
 
 palatals, frequency 26 
 
 Panaieti linguistics 166, 169 
 
 pandanus 45 
 
 Papua 6, 9 
 
 Papuan and Melanesian 6, 30 
 
 Parkinson, R. ; Dreissig Jahre in der 
 
 Sudsee 3 
 
 parrot 12 
 
 Pava 136 
 
 pe'a 48, 1 14 
 
 penis wrapper 15, 92 
 
 pepe 65, 121 
 
 Petanpatapata 79 
 
 phonetics, laws iii 
 
 Meinhof system 19 
 
 Sissano 23 
 
 pia 55. "8 
 
 pig, hermaphrodite 78, 79 
 
 jawbones I5. 77 
 
 kava culture 135, 140 
 
 migration index 69 
 
 pigeon 12, 78 
 
 pile building 15 
 
 pipip 65, 121 
 
 platform houses 15 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 po 121 
 
 Pokau linguistics 163 
 
 Polynesia, race identification 2 
 
 Polynesian language, contamination. 10 
 
 extent 30 
 
 population 12 
 
 possessive sufiixes 22 
 
 pottery 14, 16, 63, 120, 157 
 
 Powell, Thomas; pig in Polynesia. . . 70 
 
 psychology of speech 43 
 
 puaka 68 
 
 pul 68 
 
 Punam 1 75 
 
 punitive expeditions 11,12 
 
 pupula 49, 1 14 
 
 g, Melanesian. 
 
 38 
 
 r uvular 45 
 
 r-d mutation 32, 45, 12 1 
 
 r-k mutation 73 
 
 r-n mutation 74 
 
 r-s mutation 75 
 
 rSin. 81 
 
 Raqa linguistics 165 
 
 Ray, S. H.; Melanesian q 38 
 
 Torres Straits languages 3, 6 
 
 rebin 84 
 
 Reef Islands, betel 124 
 
 kava 126 
 
 Polynesian community 169 
 
 Reindschen 12 
 
 relative significations 21 
 
 Rivers, W. H. R. ; History of Melane- 
 sian Society 69, 76, 124 
 
 Ronalung pig ancestry 76 
 
 Roro linguistics 163 
 
 Rowa 76 
 
 Rubi linguistics 163 
 
 5 mutation 36 
 
 s-h mutation 72 
 
 s-th mutation 72 
 
 Saa, betel people 133 
 
 Polynesian influence 154 
 
 sago 12, 16, 55, 118, 132, 139 
 
 sago adzes 12 
 
 Samoa, bow 140 
 
 etiological myth 140 
 
 Samoa Stream 159, 169, 173 
 
 San Cristoval, kava 153 
 
 matrilineal society.. . . 129 
 
 pig 80 
 
 Santa Cruz, betel 124, 128 
 
 kava 126 
 
 loom 157 
 
 pig 80 
 
 Sariba linguistics 163, 164, 165, 167, 169 
 
 Savo, matrilineal society 129 
 
 Schuiz II, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 23 
 
 secret societies 125, 127, 136, 137, 156 
 
 sel 84 
 
 semivowel, compensatory Si. 54 
 
 frequency 27 
 
 intrusion 49 
 
 Ser 14, 17 
 
INDEX. 
 
 l8l 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 sh negligible 27 
 
 shell money 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 135, 140 
 
 shield 16, 36 
 
 sibilant 27 
 
 Sikaiana, Polynesian community. . 155, 169 
 
 Sinaugoro linguistics 163, i68 
 
 16 
 
 153 
 
 10 
 
 smgmg 
 
 sirih culture 
 
 Sissano, contamination 
 
 discovery history. 
 
 vocabulary 
 
 skull 
 
 cult 
 
 snout 
 
 9 
 
 19 
 
 13, 14 
 
 134 
 
 85 
 
 Solomon Islands, betel people 129 
 
 culture 151 
 
 Speck, F. G 140 
 
 speech phychology 43 
 
 spirant 27 
 
 spirit 13, 14 
 
 spirit house 13, 14 
 
 Suau linguistics 167, 169 
 
 suavai 81 
 
 subsidence Waropu lagoon 12, 13 
 
 suffix, possessive 22 
 
 suk 84, 144 
 
 Sukwe 76, 125, 129 
 
 Sulka pig 80 
 
 surf riding 17 
 
 swimming board 17 
 
 sword 16 
 
 syllabification 23 
 
 t vanishing 34 
 
 t-k mutation 91 
 
 t-ng mutation 60 
 
 t-s mutation 87 
 
 tabu, circumcision period 14 
 
 removal price 78 
 
 Solomon Islands 129 
 
 Tagula linguistics 166 
 
 Tahiti bow 140 
 
 tama 50, 1 15, i33 
 
 tamate society 79, 129 
 
 tameng 86 
 
 Tanna, kava 124, 125, 135 
 
 tape 86 
 
 Taupota linguistics 165 
 
 Tauu, Polynesian conmiunity 155, 169 
 
 Tavara linguistics 164, 165 
 
 tear greeting 17 
 
 teeth blackening 15 
 
 tenan 87, 145 
 
 Tikopia, betel culture 124, 128, 132 
 
 kava culture. .. . 127,130,132,133 
 
 pig 80 
 
 Polynesian conmiunity.... 155, 169 
 
 sago 123, 139 
 
 tin 87, 146 
 
 Una 87, 133. 145 
 
 to 88, 146 
 
 toe grasping 17 
 
 tola 88, 146 
 
 Tonga bow 140 
 
 Tongafiti migration 143, i44 
 
 Torres Islands, culture 156 
 
 kava 124,125,126 
 
 PAGB. 
 
 Torres Straits migration 
 
 32,73, 155. 162, 164, 168 
 
 totemism, Solomon Islands 129 
 
 trade-wind, canoe sailing 15s 
 
 Trobriand Islands linguistics.. 160, 161, 162 
 
 Tuamotu bow 140 
 
 Tubetube linguistics. 163, 164, 165, 167, 169 
 tur 89 
 
 ua 95, 146 
 
 Ulawa, betel people 129, 133 
 
 Polynesian influence 154 
 
 ule 87, 146 
 
 ull 89 
 
 ulo 63, 120 
 
 'ulu 89 
 
 Uluthi 17 
 
 Uni linguistics 163 
 
 unmarried belt 14 
 
 uta 73 
 
 V phonetics 23 
 
 vai 81 
 
 va'a 99, 147 
 
 Vanikoro, betel 124, 128 
 
 kava 126, 128 
 
 pig 80 
 
 Vanmisi 76 
 
 Vaturanga, Polynesian influence. . 154, 15s 
 
 Verge islands 137, 153 
 
 viti 92 
 
 Viti Stream 159, 173 
 
 Vitiaz Straits 73 
 
 vocabulary, errors 20 
 
 extent s 
 
 vopun 92 
 
 vowel fixity 41 
 
 vum 22, 95 
 
 vus 95, 146 
 
 w phonetics 20, 23 
 
 Wakel 12 
 
 wampum 140 
 
 Wango, Polynesian influence iS4, i55 
 
 Wanimo 17 
 
 Waropu II, 12, 13, 14, 16 
 
 water supply 12 
 
 weaving 15, i57 
 
 Wedau linguistics 165 
 
 weliak 20 
 
 wesch 97. 147 
 
 wok 99, 147 
 
 women, battle duty 16 
 
 circumcision tabu 14 
 
 clothing feast 16 
 
 hair 15 
 
 hat 14 
 
 houses 14 
 
 potters 16 
 
 wounded 16 
 
 Wundt, Wilhelm 43 
 
 Wutung 17 
 
 yaim... 22 
 
 yellow paint 14, 15 
 
 Ysabel, matrilineal society 129 
 
j. Sinaugoro 
 
 -■—V Galoma 
 
 Papua, Gulf Coast: VI, Melanesian. VII, Polynesian. 
 

 
 1-5 
 
 6-15 
 
 16-25 
 
 26-35 
 
 3&.45"»»»»-<"> 
 
 46-65 
 
 66-66 0-=-.^— o 
 
 vm 
 
 
 DC 
 
 Papua, South Capb: VIII, Melanesian. IX, Poljmesian. 
 
Kiviri 
 
 '^ -'Sariba 'l 
 
 Tubetube 
 
 Papua, East Coast: X, Melanesian. XI, Polynesian. 
 
T&vara* 
 
 \ \ 
 
 
 
 Sariba •■•-^\V'Tubetabe ""-":" 
 
 ■"'-^^ .Misima 
 
 ■^^,^ 
 
 xn 
 
 
 ttmx*.' 
 
 Suau *"•--'-■-""" "-..v. •:7r..-r:..'::i.7r. 
 
 Sariba Tubetube 
 
 Fanaieti 
 
 ^.Misima 
 
 "■■■■■^x:^ 
 
 xra 
 
 Papua, Louisiades Region: XII, Melanesian. XIII, Polynesian. 
 
W/'^0^%, 
 
 " W^ -'if