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CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
I 
 
 HISTORY AND FUNCTIONS OF CENTRAL 
 LABOR UNIONS 
 
STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC LAW 
 
 EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
 
 Volume XII] [Number 1 
 
 HISTOM AND FUNCTIONS OF CENTRAL 
 LABOR UNIONS 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAMfMAXWELL BTJEKE, PH. D., 
 
 Sometime Urdveraity'^Fellow in Political Economy and Finance 
 
 PUBLISHED FOB 
 
 Columbia XHnlversttB 
 
 BY 
 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, KEW YOBK 
 
 P. 8. KIKO AND SON, LONDON 
 
 1899 
 
PREKACE. 
 
 This investigation of Central Labor Unions was suggested 
 by Dr. Thomas N. Carver, of Oberlin College, and was be- 
 gun under his direction. It was finished at Columbia Univer- 
 sity, where original sources of information are more acces- 
 sible. 
 
 The sources of the material are of necessity almost wholly 
 original, and consist of : 
 
 1st. An almost complete set of constitutions and by-laws 
 of Central Labor Unions in the United States, as well as 
 several of those in England. 
 
 2d. Reports of proceedings of the American Federation of 
 Labor, and pamphlets published by that organization. 
 
 3d. Reports of the Trades Union Congress of England. 
 
 4th. Answers to circulars addressed to Secretaries of all 
 Central Labor Unions in the United States. 
 
 5th. Personal observation in the Central Labor Unions of 
 Cleveland, Ohio, and New York City. 
 
 6th. Personal interviews and correspondence with promi- 
 nent labor leaders and officials of Central Labor Unions in 
 Cleveland, New York, Brooklyn, Chicago, Toledo, Boston, 
 and several other large cities. 
 
 7th. Newspaper clippings and files of newspapers. 
 
 The books which refer to the subject of Central Labor 
 Unions are very few in number, and the references are 
 merely incidental. For England, Sidney and Beatrice 
 Webb's History of Trade Unionism and Industrial Demo- 
 cracy, d^nd George Howell's The Conflicts of Labor and Capital 
 
vi PREFACE 
 
 and Trade Unionism, New and Old, constitute almost the 
 whole of the literature on the subject. For the United 
 States literature is not more abundant, and is greatly inferior 
 in point of accuracy and detail. It consists of Ely's Labor 
 Movement in America; McNeill's The Labor Movement the 
 Problem of To-day, and Powderly's Thirty Years of Labor. 
 
 Thanks are due, and gladly given, to the Secretaries of the 
 various Central Labor Unions, and especially to the delegates 
 of the New York Central Labor Union, who have in many 
 ways kindly aided in the preparation of this dissertation. 
 
 William Maxwell Burke. 
 
 Columbia UNrvERsiTY, June, iSgg. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 Labor Federations 
 
 PAca 
 I. In England : 
 
 A. Introduction 13 
 
 B. Definitions 13 
 
 1. Amalgamation 14 
 
 2. Federations 14 
 
 3. Webb's definition of Federation 14 
 
 4. AfEliations 15 
 
 C. Two periods 15 
 
 1. Before 1866 15 
 
 (a) National Federations 15 
 
 (b) Rise of Trades Councils . 16 
 
 2. Since 1866: 22 
 
 (a) Federations of Allied Trades 23 
 
 (b) Trades Union Congress 23 
 
 I. Parliamentary Committee 24 
 
 II. In the United States : 
 
 A. Early forms 27 
 
 1. General Trades Union of New York 28 
 
 2. General Trades Union of Boston 29 
 
 3. New England Association 30 
 
 B. National Trade Unions, 1850-1865 32 
 
 C. National Labor Union, 1866 33 
 
 I. Political action, 1872 33 
 
 D. American Federation of Labor, 1881 34 
 
 E. Principles of Knights of Labor and American Federation of 
 
 Labor compared 36 
 
 I. Rapid growth of Knights of Labor 38 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 ORGANIZATION 
 
 I. Rise of Central Labor Unions 40 
 
 A. Three Periods : 40 
 
 1. To the close of the Civil War 40 
 
 2. To 1880 41 
 
 3. To the present 41 
 
 (vii) 
 
viii CONTENTS 
 
 B. Necessity for Central Unions : 42 
 
 I. The city the natural district of Federation 43 
 
 (a) Number of laborers 43 
 
 (b) Sympathetic strikes 43 
 
 (c) Area 43 
 
 (d) Public opinion 43 
 
 (e) Weakness of local 43 
 
 (f) Preamble of Central Labor Union 43 
 
 II. Officials and Committees : 
 
 A. Simplicity 44 
 
 1. Democratic 44 
 
 2. Good will of locals 44 
 
 B. Officers and their duties 44 
 
 1. President and Vice President 44 
 
 (a) Term of office 45 
 
 2. Corresponding and Recording Secretaries and Treasurer. 47 
 
 3. Trustees and Sergeants-at-Arms 48 
 
 4. Business Agent 49 
 
 C. Standing Committees 51 
 
 A. Necessity 51 
 
 B. How appointed 51 
 
 C. Duties 52 
 
 1. Credential Committee 52 
 
 2. Executive " 52 
 
 3. Organization " 52 
 
 4. Legislative " 53 
 
 5. Grievance " 54 
 
 (a) Example of cases 55 
 
 6. Label Committee 55 
 
 7. Statistics " 55 
 
 8. Resolutions " 56 
 
 9. Agitation " 56 
 
 10. Building Trades Committee ' . . 57 
 
 D. Delegates and Constituent Unions 58 
 
 A. Qualifications 58 
 
 B. Seceding unions 59 
 
 C. Classes of men excluded from membership 60 
 
 D. Characteristics of the delegate 61 
 
 E. Duties of delegates 62 
 
 1. To the Central 62 
 
 2. To the local 63 
 
CONTENTS Jx 
 
 PACK 
 
 III. Representation, Dues and Revenues : 
 
 A. Bases of Representation 64 
 
 I. Proportional 64 
 
 J.. Progressive 65 
 
 3. Arbitrary 66 
 
 B. Dues and Revenues 67 
 
 1. Low dues 68 
 
 2. No reserve fund 68 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 Objects and Principles of Central Labor Unions 
 
 I. Objects : 
 
 A. What they are meant to show 70 
 
 B. Where found 70 
 
 C. How far accomplished 70 
 
 D. Organization 71 
 
 E. Education 74 
 
 JF. Offensive and Defensive 78 
 
 II. Principles : 
 
 A. Industrial 86 
 
 B. Organization . 87 
 
 C. Legislative 88 
 
 D. Political 89 
 
 E. Socialistic 89 
 
 III. Allied Trades Councils : 
 
 A. Compositions 90 
 
 I. Building Trades and Printing Trades 91 
 
 (a) Example — Board of Delegates 92 
 
 (b) Objects 92 
 
 (c) Membership 93 
 
 (d) Rules 93 
 
 (e) Delegates 94 
 
 (f ) Independence and Centralization of Power . . 94 
 
 (g) Advantages over general Central Labor Union. 97 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 Political Action and Socialism 
 
 I. Method of legislative enactment in foreign countries : 
 
 A. Widespread desire , 99 
 
 I. Shorter work day 99 
 
X CONTEN7S 
 
 PACE 
 
 B. In Germany 99 
 
 I. Collective bargaining 99 
 
 C. In England 100 
 
 1. National Trade Unions 100 
 
 2. Political machinery of Trade Unions ico 
 
 (a) Parliamentary committee 100 
 
 (b) Trades Councils 100 
 
 (c) Locals 100 
 
 3. Conditions necessary to success lOi 
 
 (a) Platform lOI 
 
 (b) Support of candidate loi 
 
 4. Attitude of Trades Union Congress 102 
 
 II. In United States : 
 
 A. Similarity to English conditions .... 102 
 
 B. Dissimilarity to English conditions 103 
 
 C. Three classes of Trades Unionists in regard to Political Action 
 
 and Socialism . . 104 
 
 1. Conservatives — " Pure and Simple " 104 
 
 2. Neutrals — Balance of Power 105 
 
 I. Methods of work 106 
 
 (a) Before election 106 
 
 (b) After election 108 
 
 3. Socialists — " Class conscious " Trades Unionists .... 109 
 
 1. Independent political action no 
 
 2. Kind of men 112 
 
 3. Examples of effort 112 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 THE FUTURE OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 I. Method of Collective Bargaining : 
 
 A. Subordinate questions .... 1 14 
 
 1. Insurance 1 14 
 
 2. Influencing legislation 115 
 
 B. Growth of organization iic 
 
 C. Growth of centralization 115 
 
 1. Trade sections 115 
 
 2. Allied Trades Councils 115 
 
 3. Business agent 116 
 
 D. Use of this method I ly 
 
 I. Importance 117 
 
CONTENTS xi 
 
 PAC1S 
 
 2. Authority of central bodies Il8 
 
 3. Autonomous local unions Iig 
 
 4. Incorporation . ... 119 
 
 II. Independent political action : 
 
 1. " New Unionism " 119 
 
 2. Political machinery 119 
 
 3. Hold upon parties . 120 
 
 4. Evidence of Central Labor Union constitutions and the 
 
 American Federation of Labor .... .... 121 
 
 5. Harmony between the two ideas 122 
 
 III. Dangers to be avoided : 
 
 A. Internal 122 
 
 1. Envy and jealousy . . 122 
 
 2. Lack of confidence in leaders 123 
 
 3. Lack of definite policy 124 
 
 B. External: 
 
 1. Party politics 124 
 
 2. Lawlessness 125 
 
THE HISTORY AND FUNCTIONS OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Part I. Labor Federations in England. 
 
 The Central Labor Union, while it is not the very latest 
 form of federation, is a type of that form of labor organiza- 
 tion which for the last thirty years has grown into great favor 
 with trades unionists in England and America. It is well, 
 then, before we begin the study of the Central Labor Union, 
 to see what has been done in the way of federations, amal- 
 gamations, and afiSliations of labor unions which have 
 grown with such rapidity and consolidated into such im- 
 mense organizations. 
 
 It has been pointed out by some writers that these terms, 
 federation, amalgamation, and affiliation, have unfortun- 
 ately been used interchangeably. The different societies 
 which bear the names seem to have no very clear idea as to 
 the differences, if any, between them ; and we have societies 
 of practically the same formation, constituents, and adminis- 
 tration called amalgamations as well as federations. John 
 Jarrett, president of The Amalgamated Association of Iron 
 and Steel Workers, writing in 1887, said: " These different 
 unions were federated in 1876, forming the present great 
 organization known as the Amalgamated Association of Iron 
 and Steel Workers of the United States." ' All constituent 
 unions of the American Federation of Labor are said to be 
 
 • The Labor Movement, the Problem of To-day, page 268. 
 (13) 
 
14 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 affiliated, while the Knights of Labor organization, in which 
 all local assemblies and district assemblies are subordinate 
 to the General Assembly, is spoken of as a federation of 
 labor. 
 
 If one can judge at all from the use of words in the labor 
 literature of the United States, there is practically no differ- 
 ence in these terms. Theoretically, however, there is quite 
 a wide difference, and as misunderstandings might arise, it is 
 best to define the words, and then to use them in the sense 
 defined. Amalgamation, in the labor world, means that form 
 of industrial association which ensues when two or more 
 organizations cease to exist as separate societies and are 
 merged into one, with a single set of officers, a common 
 purse, and one executive. National trade unions are ex- 
 amples of this form of association. Federation, on the other 
 hand, means the binding together of societies, which still 
 preserve their autonomy, into one organization for the 
 mutual benefit of all. This binding together is on the 
 quid pro quo basis, where the constituent unions relinquish 
 certain rights and receive certain advantages. The Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor is the one great example of this 
 kind of combination in the United States. 
 
 Mr. Webb says that " Amalgamations and Federations, 
 being definitely limited to similar or related and interdepen- 
 dent trade, are, in idea, essentially Trade Unions.'" As Mr. 
 Webb is speaking only of conditions in England, this may 
 be true ; but even then he must except the Trades Councils, 
 the members of which are not limited to similar, related, or 
 interdependent trades, while he admits they are federations. 
 In the United States it is certainly not true, for in the Amer- 
 ican Federation of Labor we find wood carvers and hod car- 
 riers, which are surely not related or interdependent. Ever 
 since 1875, the Trades Union Congress of Great Britain has 
 
 1 VVebb, History of Trade Unionism, page 103. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 
 
 IS 
 
 been trying to organize a Federation of Trades, and this does 
 not mean a federation of similar related or interdependent 
 trades, but a federation in which all trade unions shall be 
 eligible to membership. The Cotton Spinners' Federation 
 was more of an amalgamation, according to Mr. Webb's 
 idea, for the constituent unions were of one craft or crafts 
 which are very closely allied. An affiliation, finally, is a 
 very loose form of federation, easily entered into and easily 
 broken. The federations of the various American cities are 
 at present perhaps the only cases of this sort of organization, 
 although some of these belong more correctly to the second 
 class. 
 
 Both in England and the United States the labor move- 
 ment resolves itself into two almost identical periods of time. 
 Before 1866 we hear little in either country of national fed- 
 erations of labor, and since that time the history of the 
 movement is, in the main, a history of attempts, more or 
 less successful, to establish national amalgamations or fed- 
 erations. This is particularly true of the United States. 
 
 Whether we believe with Howell that trades unions are 
 the direct successors of the old craft guilds, or with Mr. and 
 Mrs. Webb that their origin cannot be traced directly to 
 these guilds, we know that it was not until the beginning of 
 the nineteenth century that the modern trade union began 
 to flourish and to grow in strength and numbers. It was not 
 very long after this new growth among working men, that 
 we find evidences of a greater ambition and a groping after 
 greater strength. This was thought to be found in some 
 sort of combination among the different trade unions for 
 moral and financial help. If unions of workingmen were 
 helpful, it was suggested to some that unions of working- 
 men's unions would be helpful also. 
 
 Perhaps the earliest recorded attempt at a general union 
 was suggested by Mr. John Gast, in 18 18, who advocated a 
 
1 6 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 general workman's organization, as distinguished from sepa- 
 rate trade clubs.' Some time before 1825, Gast formed a 
 Committee of Trades Delegates, which was the first attempt 
 to organize a federation of labor unions that finally devel- 
 oped into the Trades Council. There are of these in Eng- 
 land now about one hundred and thirty-four. 
 
 In the United States these unions are known by various 
 names, among which are: "City Federation," "Trades Alli- 
 ance," "Trades Council," " Workingmen's Union," "Work- 
 ingmen's Assembly," "Trade and Labor Alliance," but most 
 commonly of all they are known as " Central Labor Unions." 
 
 This organization in London, known as the " Committee 
 of Trades Delegates," consisted of two delegates from each 
 of the London trade unions. It was a powerful support to 
 the workingmen in their fight against the Combination Laws. 
 Just when it was organized, or how or when it died, is not 
 known.''' We know nothing of the administration or the 
 methods of this body ; in fact about all that is known is that 
 it existed. This, however, is important because, although 
 there had been loose federal organizations among unions in 
 the same craft for twenty-five years, there had been no at- 
 tempt to combine unions of different crafts or trades. At 
 about the same time and for the same purpose — to prevent 
 the re-enactment of the Combination Laws against workmen 
 — similar committees were formed in Manchester, Glasgow, 
 Sheffield, and Newcastle. After the repeal of the Combina 
 tion Laws, when the bill allowing trade societies to exist for 
 the purpose of regulating wages or hours of labor had passed 
 the House of Commons, the master ship-builders circulated 
 a handbill at the door of the House, in which they insisted 
 "at any rate that all federal or combined action among Trade 
 Clubs should be prohibited." This would go to show that 
 
 ' Webb, History of Trade Unionism, page 76, note. 
 
 ' It wa« represented at the Conference in London in 1845. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 
 
 17 
 
 whether or not there had been combined action among the 
 trades prior to 1824, the manufacturers feared such action. 
 
 We hear again of the " United Trades " of London, Man- 
 chester, Sheffield, Norwich, Hull, Bristol, Rochdale, and Yar- 
 mouth sending delegates to a convention held in London in 
 Easter, 1845, for the purpose of forming a National Federa- 
 tion of Trades. Whether the United Trades Society of Lon- 
 don was a continuation of, or direct successor to, the\jZom- 
 mittee of Delegates of 1825 J cannot be determined; but it is 
 altogether likely that from the latter date to the present 
 London has not been without a society which would corre- 
 spond to the present Trades Council. Since 1848, in partic- 
 ular, these Committees have been especially active. In 1855, 
 one of them included eighty-seven unions, and represented 
 forty-eight thousand men. In Glasgow, these delegate Com- 
 mittees were in almost continual existence until the founding 
 of the present Trades Council in that city. The Committees 
 were in general organized for particular purposes, and not 
 as a continuous body. While they did not exercise all the 
 functions of a Trades Council, yet in their formation as dele- 
 gate bodies, receiving delegates from unions existing in a 
 single town or district, they closely resemble a Trades Coun- 
 cil. Mr. Webb does not recognize these Committees as 
 Trades Councils, for he says that there were none in England 
 prior to 1848.' 
 
 In 1848 there was formed in Liverpool a Trades Guardian 
 Association, almost the sole object of which was to protect 
 trades unions from suppression by the use of criminal law 
 on the part of the employers.' From 1850 to 1857 little is 
 krtown of this society, but in the latter year it subscribed 
 nearly $2,000 to the Liverpool Cabinet Makers. It was re- 
 organized in 1 86 1 upon the model of the London Trades 
 
 ' History of Trade Unionism, page 225. 
 ' Jbid., pages 225, 226, note. 
 
l8 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 Council. The Trades Council of Shefifteld was established in 
 
 1857 under the name of "Association of Organized Trades," 
 and had a special object. Dublin and Bristol had almost 
 constantly some kind of Council of the local trades ; Man- 
 chester had a species of Central Union before 1854. From 
 
 1858 to 1867 about twelve Councils were organized. 
 
 In December, 18 18, John Gast suggested the formation of 
 a National Trades Union. His idea embraced a General 
 Committee of delegates from each trade, a centralization of 
 funds and a contribution of a penny per week. In 18 19 this 
 organization was spoken of as an accomplished fact, with 
 Gast as president. It was. however, never heard of after- 
 wards. In 1826 a union was organized at Manchester, but 
 did not extend very far or live very long. The first federa- 
 tion which was of practical value to trade unionists was 
 conceived and founded by John Doherty, an officer of the 
 Cotton Spinners' Union. This was to be a national associa- 
 tion to which all trades would be eligible. Doherty called a 
 meeting of delegates at Manchester, in February, 1830, and 
 after five months the National Association for the Protection 
 of Labor was formed. " Its object was to resist reductions 
 but not to strike for advances." ' The initiation fee for socie- 
 ties was one pound, together with a shilling for each mem- 
 ber, and the dues were a penny a week. Not long after the 
 society was established, the membership rose to one hundred 
 and fifty unions. There were represented the textile trades, 
 mechanics, moulders, blacksmiths, and even agricultural 
 laborers. It contributed the so-called "strike pay" and 
 helped in the work of organization.' This " National Asso- 
 ciation," it is said, at one time represented one hundred 
 thousand workmen, and its official organ, The Voice of the 
 People, had a circulation of thirty thousand, although it was 
 
 ' History of Trade Unionism, page ic6. 
 
 ' " Labor Federations," The Economic Journal, vol. iv., page 408. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 
 
 19 
 
 Stamped weekly and was sold at the price of seven pence. 
 About the end of the year 1831, this first really national 
 federation came to an end. It is not recorded what caused 
 its downfall, but Mr. Webb thinks that its leading spirit, 
 Doherty, quarrelled with the executive committee, and The 
 Voice of the People died. 
 
 The next federal union to appear was one of the building 
 trades, organized some time before 1832. In 1834 it con- 
 sisted of six thousand seven hundred and seventy-four 
 members.' Each local union was strictly autonomous and 
 was governed by its own by-laws, which were subject to the 
 general rules adopted at an annual delegate meeting. 
 Besides the constitution and code there was an elaborate 
 ritual, and provision was made for many weird performances 
 at the initiation of members. The first fight of the union 
 was against the system of contracting in vogue among the 
 Liverpool employers. Mr. Edwards says that " during this 
 period the building trades were better organized in England 
 than they have ever been since." '^ 
 
 The Grand National Consolidated Trades-Union was 
 organized, existed for two or three years, and collapsed in 
 1836. The principal reason of its downfall was the great 
 prevalence of strikes during the years 1833-35. Robert 
 Owen was one of the chief spirits of this union, and it was 
 owing largely to his activity that it grew with that mar- 
 vellous rapidity which has since been equalled only by the 
 growth of the Knights of Labor during the few years prior 
 to 1887. Grievous difficulties immediately beset this great 
 federation ; large numbers of workmen were locked out 
 merely for joining, or in some cases for refusing to leave the 
 union. All these workmen had to be supported, and the 
 finances of the union were not able to stand the strain. The 
 
 ' History of Trade Unionism, page III. 
 ^ The Economic Journal, vol. iv., page 409. 
 
20 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 executive in 1834 ordered a levy of a shilling per head to help 
 the fifteen hundred members who had been turned out by the 
 employers at Derby. This " turn out," together with the 
 strike of the gas-stokers of London, which put at least part 
 of the city in darkness, turned the people against the union. 
 The Government was frightened at this manifestation of the 
 dreaded power of the trades union, and began at once to 
 devise legislative measures against it. Nassau Senior, the 
 economist, was invited to advise the cabinet and made a 
 report in which he suggested certain remedial legislation. 
 According to his scheme, all solicitations, combinations, 
 subscriptions, and solicitations to subscriptions were to be 
 prohibited under severe penalties. If this should prove in- 
 sufficient for the purpose, confiscation of union funds 
 deposited in savings banks was recommended. 
 
 The alarm of the Government and of the whole country 
 culminated in the monstrous sentence of seven years' trans- 
 portation of six Dorchester laborers. Mr. Edwards, in a 
 recent article on " Labor Federations," ' is evidently mis- 
 taken when he says that these six laborers were members of 
 the National Association for Protection of Labor and that 
 it aided in securing their release. The Association was not 
 heard of after 1832, and the trial occurred in March, 1834.' 
 Its place was taken by the Grand Consolidated Trades 
 Union. What Edwards says of the former society was true 
 of the latter. The demonstration of protest which this 
 society organized is said to have been attended by more 
 than four hundred thousand people. A committee of fifty 
 thousand persons waited upon Lord Melbourne and pre- 
 sented a petition signed by two hundred and sixty-six 
 thousand persons.' After five years of work and agitation 
 
 ' The Economic yournal, 1893. 
 '^History of Trade Unionism, page no. 
 ^ The Economic Journal, vol. iii., page 408. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 2 1 
 
 a committee of London workmen — probably from what 
 then was the Trades Council — succeeded in having the men 
 pardoned and brought home. 
 
 In 1834 there occurred a series of disastrous strikes and 
 lock-outs which compelled the Grand Consolidated to levy 
 an assessment of eighteen pence on its members ; as a 
 consequence, much dissatisfaction was felt. This, together 
 with a vigorous " presentation of the document," the sign- 
 ing of which would prevent the worker from having any- 
 thing to do with unions, gradually broke up the first great 
 federal union. As Mr. Webb says, " there is no date when 
 it was dissolved, but it gradually faded away." 
 
 There appears to have been no national federation of 
 trade unions after the dissolution of the Grand National 
 until in 1845. The new federation was suggested by the 
 United Trades of Sheffield, which was the forerunner of 
 the Trades Council. The Secretary of the United Trades 
 drew up the proposals which were then laid before the 
 leading London unions. A committee was formed in 
 London, and at Easter, 1845, one hundred and ten delegates 
 assembled in London. Here there were delegates from the 
 United Trade Societies of eight cities, London, Man- 
 chester, Sheffield, Norwich, Hull, Bristol, Rochdale, and 
 Yarmouth. The result of this conference was the formation 
 of two associations. The first, The National Association 
 of United Trades for the Protection of Labor, undertook 
 the functions of a federation of to-day, i. e., labor disputes 
 and legislation, while the other society. The National 
 United Trades Association for the Employment of Labor, 
 was organized for the purpose of co-operative industry. 
 The latter did not prove successful, and in 1848 the two 
 Associations were merged into one. The co-operative 
 feature was not abandoned, but the Association needed more 
 capital and made an attempt to raise it. In this year the 
 
22 HI ST OR Y Ot CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 President and most active worker resigned, and in 1849 a 
 prolonged strike and the accompanying litigation ruined the 
 finances of the union and started its decline, which 
 culminated about i860. This was the longest-lived of any 
 general federation of trade unions in England. The 
 reasons for its long life appear to be three : 
 
 1st. The dues were higher, thus enabling the Association 
 to make longer and better fights while continuing " strike 
 pay." 
 
 2d. It had little or nothing to do with politics, considering 
 that one thing was enough at a time. 
 
 3d. Its officers were more cautious, and, on the whole, 
 more able than those of previous associations. 
 
 During the years from 1861 to 1866 the chief movement 
 in the English trade union world was the rise of the Trades 
 Councils. Most of the energy of organization spent itself 
 here, and nothing was attempted in the way of a National 
 Federation. 
 
 PERIOD SINCE 1866. 
 
 In 1866, however, the federation spirit again seemed 
 strong and a delegate conference was held at Sheffield. 
 There were assembled one hundred and thirty-eight dele- 
 gates, representing about two hundred thousand workmen.' 
 A committee was appointed to draft a set of rules which were 
 to be submitted to the local societies prior to the next 
 Trade Conference. The reason given in the preamble to 
 these rules for the formation of a national federation was 
 the growing prevalence of lock-outs. Although no attempt 
 was made to define a lock-out, it was said that the chief 
 incentive to the formation of the federation was the 
 determination to fight Ihe employers who used this weapon. 
 This finally led the organization into trouble; for no one 
 
 ^Hiitoiy of Trade Unionism, page 240. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIOXS 
 
 23 
 
 could tell what disputes were to be supported. Dues were 
 not paid regularly and some locals were constantly behind ; 
 the Executive Council was, as a result, very much hampered 
 in its work. The United Kingdom Alliance of Organized 
 Trades lasted but four years and died because constituent 
 unions kept falling away. This was the last successful 
 attempt to establish a national federation in England. 
 
 In spite of the fact that a national federation of trade 
 unions has just been formed in England, a strong, perma- 
 nent federation of unions of different trades is not likely to 
 exist in England for a long time to come, if ever. Strong 
 national trade unions are loth to admit men of other crafts 
 to a share in their government. They prefer a federation 
 of the allied trade unions into a national, and to fight their 
 battles for themselves. Experience, too, has demonstrated 
 that organizations of this kind are much more successful than 
 general federal unions, as, for example, the organization of 
 the Engineers, the Building Trades, and the Printing Trades. 
 These organizations have proved their usefulness and per- 
 manence, and would probably consent to a federal union 
 only if a solid system of finance were the foundation, and 
 then only on the conditions of a very loose bond and a strict 
 autonomy. These national trade unions of England, al- 
 though they form probably the most important part of the 
 trade union movement at present, are not generally feder- 
 ations and need not be studied here. Federations of allied 
 trades do come, in a way, under the head we are studying. 
 As we wish, however, to deal primarily with Central Labor 
 Unions, which are federations of unions not necessarily 
 allied, we shall consider the history of those only which 
 approximate to that type. 
 
 Some of the functions of a national federation are exer- 
 cised by what is known as the Parliament of Labor, or the 
 Trades Union Congress. As far as legislation goes, this 
 
24 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 body does all that a federation could do, but into other 
 fields it does not enter. This organization, like the great 
 American Federation, owes its existence to the Trades 
 Councils.' There had been a conference of the trade union 
 delegates summoned by the Glasgow Trades, and held in 
 London in 1864; but this, as well as its successor summoned 
 by the Sheffield Trades Council in 1867, was a congress with 
 a special mission, and led to no continuous organization. 
 
 In April, 1868, however, the Manchester and Salford 
 Trades Council issued a circular calling for an Industrial 
 Congress, which was held the following year for the first 
 time. The circular, which is to be found in an appendix to 
 Webb's History of Trade Unionism, laid stress particularly 
 on the necessity for efifort by working classes to prevent 
 legislation adverse to their interests. Delegates were 
 awaited from Trades Councils, Federations of Trades, and 
 Trade Societies in general. It was also expected that the 
 Congress would follow the methods of the Social Science 
 Association, from which, says the circular, " the artisan class 
 is almost excluded." 
 
 Thirty-four delegates answered this call, and claimed to 
 represent one hundred and eighteen thousand union work- 
 men. The next year the number of constituents was more 
 than doubled. Not until the Congress of 1 871, however, did 
 the real leaders of trade unionism join the new movement, 
 and in the next meeting, in 1872, three hundred and seventy- 
 five thousand workingmen were represented. It was not 
 until 1 87 1 that the Trade Union Congress became more 
 than a large debating society. 
 
 The Trade Union Congress is the only body in England 
 which approaches, in organization or functions, the general 
 federation as it exists in the United States. Its organization 
 is almost wholly in the hands of the Parliamentary Com- 
 
 ' History of Trade Unionism, page 264, note. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 25 
 
 mittee, which was first appointed in 1871. The president is 
 elected by the delegates after they have met, preferably 
 from among the delegates of the town where the Congress 
 is held. The chairman of the Parliamentary Committee is 
 to be vice-president, and the secretary and treasurer of the 
 Parliamentary Committee fill similar offices for the Congress. 
 The Parliamentary Committee is composed of thirteen mem- 
 bers, including the secretary, who receives a salary of three 
 hundred pounds. Its duties are as follows:' 
 
 First. To watch all legislation affecting labor. 
 
 Second. To initiate such legislation as the Congress may 
 direct. 
 
 Third. To prepare the program for the Congress. 
 
 Fourth. To act as a credential committee for the Congress. 
 
 Fifth. To constitute a committee of harmony with power 
 to suspend for two years. 
 
 With this Committee seems to rest all the executive power 
 of the association, while it is the means of doing practically 
 all the work for which the Trades Union Congress exists. 
 We say, practically all, for beyond passing resolutions, and 
 debating all kinds of political, industrial, and educational 
 questions, the Congress exists only to advance the interests 
 of trade unionism through legislative action. Unlike the 
 American Federation of Labor, all business is transacted 
 by the whole body of delegates without reference to special 
 committees. As the Congress grows in numbers from year 
 to year, this is a decided disadvantage. Valuable time is 
 needlessly spent in discussing points when there is no prac- 
 tical disagreement — although in this case the president has 
 power to end the discussion. The difficulty has been met, in 
 part, by revising the constitution so as to limit more strictly 
 the number of delegates sent to the Congress. The basis of 
 representation is one delegate for each two thousand mem- 
 
 ' Reports of Proceedings of the Trades Union Congress. 
 
26 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 bers or fraction thereof, provided they pay one pound for 
 each one thousand or fraction thereof, and ten shillings for 
 each delegate attending.' On this basis, four hundred and 
 six delegates attended the Congress of 1897, which would 
 make the number of union men represented eight hundred 
 and twelve thousand, while as a matter of fact, about a mil- 
 lion and a quarter were represented. A delegate meeting of 
 four hundred and six workingmen is rather unwieldy, espe- 
 cially where all business must be transacted without the use of 
 special committees. The last motion to restrict the number 
 of delegates was voted down, because, as a certain delegate 
 said, "We are going very well; let well alone." 
 
 At almost every meeting of the Trades Union Congress 
 since 1875, a motion in some way looking toward a National 
 federation has been presented and voted on. The view has 
 generally been held that such a federation was necessary. 
 Little or nothing, however, came of the resolutions until a 
 special congress was called for 1899, at Manchester, to con- 
 sider this subject fully.' 
 
 The work of the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades 
 Union Congress has been eminently successful in securing 
 the abolition of antiquated and unjust laws unfavorable to 
 workmen, and the enactment of many laws which afford them 
 greater justice and safety. They have accomplished in Eng- 
 land that for which the American workmen have as yet 
 striven in vain : the abolition of conspiracy laws, as relating 
 to labor disputes. It has not been many years since a 
 prominent labor union in the United States ordered its 
 minute-books burned because an indictment for conspiracy 
 was feared, on account of the declaration of a boycott; while 
 it is no uncommon thing to hear our judges declaring boy- 
 cotts to be conspiracies, and punishing those interested in 
 
 ' Since 1895 Trades Councils have been excluded. 
 
 ' Reports of Proceedings of the Trades Union Congress, 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 
 
 27 
 
 declaring the boycott. For nearly a century the trade 
 unionists of England fought such laws, until, largely through 
 the efforts of the Parliamentary Committee, they were finally 
 abolished. 
 
 Part II. Labor Federations in the United States. 
 
 The labor union history of the United States, prior to 
 1866, is mainly a history of local unions and national trade 
 associations. 
 
 By a national trade association is meant an organization 
 which includes among its members workers in but a single 
 craft, or, at most, the workers in crafts which are very 
 closely allied. Examples of this kind of organization are 
 the International Typographical Union, founded in 1850, 
 and the Hatters, who had a national organization in 1854. 
 None of these national unions founded before the Civil War 
 were federations, or attempts at federations. The federa- 
 tion idea was started in America as in England, not on a 
 national basis, but with districts very much smaller. The 
 local union, the foundation of all federations, amalgama- 
 tions, and associations, did not appear in America before 
 1803, when we find that the New York Society of Journey- 
 men-Shipwrights was incorporated on April 3.' The 
 House Carpenters of New York City also were organized 
 and incorporated in 1806, as were the Tailors. The aims of 
 these unions at this early date, were the shortening of the 
 daily labor time, and an increase in wages. They also took 
 a more or less prominent part in the co-operative and 
 socialistic experiments of the first half of the century. 
 
 The first form of labor federation which we find in the 
 United States is a union of the local trade unions in the 
 larger cities. It will be remembered that in England also 
 the first form of alliance between trade unions was the 
 
 ' Ely, Labor Movetnent in America, page 38. 
 
28 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 delegate trades committees of the larger towns, which 
 finally developed into the trades councils, and which have 
 had a large share in the labor movement of England since 
 1845. The first of these Trade Delegate Committees in 
 England was organized some years before we hear of any- 
 thing similar in this country. 
 
 On December second, 1833, there appeared in one of the 
 daily papers of New York,' an advertisement pertaining to 
 the proposed procession of the " General Trades Union." 
 In this order of procession, as there given, we learn that the 
 following unions constituted the General Trades Union of 
 New York City : Typographical Union, Journeymen House 
 Carpenters, Book-binders, Leather Dressers, Coopers, 
 Carvers and Gilders, Bakers, Cabinet Makers, Cord Wainers 
 — men, Cord Wainers — women, Tailors, Tailors of Brooklyn, 
 Silk Hatters, Stone Cutters, Tin-plate and Sheet-iron 
 Workers, Type-founders, Hat-finishers, Willow-basket 
 Makers, Chair Makers and Gilders, Sail Makers, and Block 
 and Pump Makers. The route of the procession was given ; 
 Robert Townsend, Jr., was Grand Marshal and James 
 McBeatty and John H. Bowie, Secretaries. The address 
 was by the President, Ely Moore, who afterwards, during 
 Jackson's second term, became the first labor representative 
 in Congress. 
 
 In the Courier and New York Inquirer of the next day, 
 we find an editorial which gives the date of the founding 
 of the society, as well as some comments on the society 
 and the address. The General Trades "Unioij was instituted 
 in August, 1833. In this general meeting there were the 
 twenty-one charter societies above named, and four thous- 
 and persons, most of them constituents. The editor says : 
 " We observed not a single individual who was not hand- 
 
 ' Morning Courier and New York Advertiser. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 
 
 29 
 
 somely dressed, the utmost harmony, order and sobriety, 
 having characterized the whole proceedings of the day." 
 
 In President Moore's speech we learn the objects of this 
 General Trades Union. "To guard against the encroach- 
 ments of aristocracy, to preserve our natural and political ' 
 rights, to elevate our moral and intellectual condition and 
 promote our pecuniary interest, to narrow the line of distinc- 
 tion between journeymen and employer, to establish honor 
 and safety of our respective vocations upon a more secure 
 and permanent basis, and to alleviate the distresses of those 
 suffering from want of employment." The right of laborers 
 to combine for the protection of their interests is vigorously 
 maintained, and the position is taken that the General 
 Trades Union will diminish the number of strikes and lock- 
 outs, and not increase them, as their opponents had claimed. 
 The extracts from the constitution, quoted to prove this, are 
 as follows : " Each trade or art may represent to the conven- 
 tion, through their delegate, their grievances, who shall take 
 cognizance thereof and decide upon the same." " No trade 
 or art shall strike for higher wages than they at present re- 
 ceive, without the sanction of the Convention."' 
 
 On January 8, 1834, about one month after the meeting 
 of the General Trades Union of New York City, the General 
 Trades Union of Boston was formed. A circular containing 
 the plan of organization was sent to the different " locals," 
 and sixteen unions responded. In March a constitution was 
 adopted, and afterwards ratified by the local unions. The 
 anniversary of Independence Day, 1834, was celebrated 
 under the auspices of this General Trades Union. Frederick 
 Robinson, of Marblehead, delivered the oration in the open 
 air on Fort Hill. In one of the toasts, our " Brethren of New 
 York," this sentiment was indulged in : " They have struck 
 the first blow at oppression : may success attend, and pros- 
 
 ' Labor Movement in America, page 44. 
 
30 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 perity crown all their lawful undertakings."' This General 
 Trades Union was still active in 1847, and had an official 
 organ called the Workingmari s Advocate, published by Mr. 
 Evans. ° 
 
 About the same time, the Baltimore Trades Council was 
 heard from in a memorial which it addressed to Congress, 
 praying that Congress should limit the hours of those em- 
 ployed in pubUc works to ten hours a day. " The memorial 
 was brought up in Congress March 2, 1836, and after a 
 short debate was tabled. "3 Again, in 1850, the workingmen 
 of Baltimore succeeded in carrying a bill through the House 
 of Delegates of Maryland, making ten hours a legal day's 
 labor, but providing for special contracts.* This was un- 
 doubtedly due to the presence in Baltimore of a Central 
 Labor Union. Outside of a very few cities like New York,' 
 Boston, Baltimore, and Philadelphia, little or nothing, how- 
 ever, was done in the work of federating the dififerent local 
 unions of the various cities, until about the end of the Civil 
 War. Although this was the eariiest form of federation for 
 unions in different trades, the movement for many years 
 after its inception seems not to have taken a very firm root, 
 br to have become very widespread until after the foundation 
 of the Knights of Labor, and of the American Federation of 
 Labor. 
 
 The first association of laborers embracing a larger district 
 than the city was the New England Association of Farm- 
 ers, Mechanics, and other Laborers, whose first meeting was 
 held in Boston in 1832.5 Of this meeting there is left no 
 account, but of the second meeting, also held in Boston, we 
 have a very good report, preserved in the First Annual Re- 
 port of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor. 
 Seventeen delegates from all the New England States ex- 
 
 ' McNeill, The Labor Movement, the ProHem of To-day, page 83. 
 
 ^/ita'., page 109. "/Wi/., page 87. ' /Wrf., page 1 1 7. => /iia'., page 78. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 31 
 
 cept Vermont attended. Who or what those delegates 
 represented is not stated ; that most of them were delegates 
 from local trade unions is evident from the fact that the 
 question arose whether the association should make the 
 adoption of the ten-hour system indispensable, or leave it to 
 the discretion of the various associations. 
 
 The meeting considered the expediency of a national con- 
 vention of workingmen, as well as the question of further 
 organization throughout New England, with a Central Com- 
 mittee for each State. Here we see for the first time sug- 
 gested and considered two ideas which have been realized to 
 such an extent during the last thirty years. What action 
 was taken, or what were the results, we do not learn. After 
 the Convention of 1834 we lose all trace of this association. 
 Eleven years later another labor association was formed in 
 New England, called the New England Workingmen's Asso- 
 ciation. This was not a federation, but merely a larger as- 
 sociation of the mechanics and workingmen of New England. 
 The object of the association was declared to be " Union for 
 power, power to bless humanity." Up to this time it was 
 the largest association of workingmen in the United States. 
 
 In the same year, 1845, the first National Industrial Con- 
 gress was convened in New York. Delegates appeared from 
 New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Massachusetts, 
 Connecticut, Rhode Island, Maine, Kentucky, Michigan, and 
 Virginia.' The plans of the Industrial Convention included : 
 First : The establishment of a society to be called the Indus- 
 trial Brotherhood, to be composed of associations of actual 
 producers upon a plan of mutual insurance similar to the 
 " Odd Fellows," and with the additional object of political 
 action. Second : An annual industrial congress, to be 
 composed of representatives of the Industrial Brotherhood 
 and all societies having the same political aim. The Indus- 
 
 1 Young America, G. H. Evans, editor, October 18, 1845. 
 
32 
 
 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 trial Congress continued to meet annually for four or five 
 years, after which period nothing is heard of it. 
 
 From about 1850 till the close of the Civil War was a 
 period of autonomous trade organizations on a national 
 basis, while little energy was spent devising or perfecting 
 federations of any kind. The International Typographical 
 Union, 1850, the National Trade Association of Hat Finish- 
 ers, 1854, the Iron Moulders' Union of North America, 1859, 
 and the Machinists' and Blacksmiths' Union of North Amer- 
 ica were all organized during this period. 
 
 Professor Ely says : " It is stated that twenty-six trades 
 had national organizations in i860."' This error is repeated 
 in the form of a definite statement by J. L. M. King.' After 
 careful investigation we cannot find one-half of that number 
 of trades having a national organization before i860. In 
 fact, Mr. P. J. McGuire, in his Sketch of the Growth, Benefits 
 and Achievements of National aud International Trade Unions 
 of America, gives but five national trade unions founded 
 before i860. 
 
 That five such unions were founded in ten years is evi- 
 dence of special thought and agitation in this particular 
 direction. This is doubtless the reason why there was no 
 effort at a general federation for more than ten years after 
 the Industrial Congress had ceased to meet. The Civil War 
 now ensued, and with a great army of productive laborers 
 turned into a great army of non-productive consumers there 
 was not that need for labor unions, either local or national, 
 which had hitherto been felt. When the war ended, how- 
 ever, and the soldiers again turned to the arts of peace, the 
 labor market was crowded and wages were in great danger of 
 falling. As a result a new impetus was given to the organ- 
 ization of labor. One of the first things which strikes our 
 
 ' Labor Movement in America, page 60. 
 
 ' The yournal of Political Economy, volume v, page 206. 
 
LAB OR FED ERA TIONS 3 3 
 
 attention at this time is the revival of a desire for a national 
 organization on the lines of a federation. 
 
 In 1866, the central unions or trades assemblies of New 
 York and Baltimore issued a call for a national labor con- 
 gress, and on August 20th of the same year one hundred 
 delegates, representing sixty-one labor organizations, met in 
 Baltimore. Among these organizations were international, 
 national, and local unions. Political, industrial, and social 
 questions were discussed, the principal topic being the eight 
 hour system. A national organization, called the National 
 Labor Union, was formed, and the next year more than two 
 hundred delegates attended its congress held in Chicago. 
 In 1868, two conventions were held — one in May, at Pitts- 
 burg, and the other in September, at New York. The latter 
 convention was called principally for the purpose of discuss- 
 ing the general movement for an eight-hour day. Here it 
 was proposed by the president to make all unions subordi- 
 nate to a central power ; but no action was taken on the 
 suggestion. 
 
 Nothing of particular importance happened in the conven- 
 tions of 1869, '70, and '71, which met in Chicago, Boston, and 
 Philadelphia, respectively. In 1872, when the convention 
 met in Columbus, Ohio, the union felt called upon to enter 
 actively into the political arena, and nominated David Davis, 
 of Illinois, for President of the United States. This was a 
 death-blow to the National Union ; for local unions one by 
 one withdrew from an organization which was entering upon 
 a course contrary to their recognized principles.' 
 
 In 1873 trades unions, like everything else that depended 
 upon industrial activity for support, went to the wall in the 
 financial panic. Wages now began to fall rapidly, and the 
 most intelligent of trade unionists thought that it would be 
 possible to stem the tide by forming a new national organi- 
 
 ' P. J. McGuire, The American Federation of Labor — its History aud Aims. 
 
34 
 
 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 zation, and to avoid in it tiie mistakes of the former one. 
 Hence, on a personal call, delegates assembled at Rochester, 
 New York, April 4, 1874. A constitution was adopted, but 
 the organization had no life. In 1875, at Tyrone, Pa., an- 
 other convention met with a like fate.' In 1878, however, 
 there seems to have been a more healthy growth of trades 
 unions, principally because the local unions were founded 
 on a more substantial basis, and also because Central Labor 
 Unions, Trades Councils, Trades Assemblies, etc., were 
 formed, which had the effect of holding local unions to- 
 gether. 
 
 In 1 88 1, a call was published, emanating from a conven- 
 tion of labor delegates from the central and western States, 
 for a convention to be held in Pittsburg about the middle of 
 November. This convention was important as laying the 
 foundation of the American Federation of Labor. The call 
 itself was peculiar, for it spoke of a federation as being the 
 form of organization necessary for trade unions. The 
 convention was organized with John Jarrett, President of the 
 Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers, as 
 chairman. One hundred and seven delegates, representing 
 two hundred and sixty-two thousand workingmen, were as- 
 sembled, and the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor 
 Unions of the United States and Canada was permanently 
 organized. Samuel Gompers, now President of the Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor, was a member of the first Congres- 
 sional Committee. Knights of Labor, as well as delegates 
 from trade unions, were present, and it was understood that 
 neither body was to change its form, and that any division 
 of organized labor was to be discouraged. Among the prin- 
 ciples adopted at this convention were the following: com- 
 pulsory education of children, abolition of child labor, uni- 
 form apprentice laws, enforcement of the eight-hour rule, 
 
 ' P. J. McCuire, American Federation — its History and Aims. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 
 
 35 
 
 restriction of contract prison labor, and the abandonment of 
 the store order system, a first Hen for labor, repeal of the 
 conspiracy laws against organized labor, the establishment 
 of a United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, the continu- 
 ance of a protective tariff for American industry, the enact- 
 ment of a contract labor law against immigration, restriction 
 of Chinese immigration, the licensing of stationary engineers, 
 governmental inspection of factories and workshops, the 
 sanitary inspection of food and wells, and an employers' 
 liability law. Several of these reforms have now been 
 adopted by the federal government and by the legislatures 
 of the separate states. 
 
 The second annual convention of this Federation was 
 held in Cleveland, November 21st, 1882, Samuel Gompers 
 being elected president. The convention issued a manifesto 
 discountenancing political action, and relating the benefits 
 of a federation as distinguished from other forms of 
 national unions. This was aimed at the Knights of Labor, 
 which organization at this time was a serious rival. The 
 manifesto is important as showing the right of the Federa- 
 tion to exist and as a defence of the federation form of labor 
 organization. It is as follows : 
 
 "We favor this Federation because it is the most natural and 
 assimilative form of bringing the trades and labor unions together. 
 It preserves the industrial autonomy and distinctive character of 
 each trade and labor Union, and without doing violence to their 
 faith or traditions, blends them all in one harmonious whole — a 
 ' Federation of Trades and Labor Unions.' Such a body looks to 
 the organization of the working classes as workers, and not as 
 soldiers (in the present deprecatory sense) or politicians. It makes 
 the qualities of a man as a worker the only test of fitness, and sets 
 up no political or religious test of membership. It strives for the 
 unification of all labor, not by straining at an enforced union of 
 diverse thought and widely separated methods, not by prescribing a 
 uniform plan of organization, regardless of their experience or 
 
36 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 interests ; not by antagonizing or destroying existing organizations, 
 but by preserving all that is integral or good in them and by 
 widening their scope so that each, without destroying their in- 
 dividual character, may act together in all that concerns them. The 
 open Trades Unions, national and international, can and ought to 
 work side by side with the Knights of Labor, and this would be the 
 case were it not for men over zealous or ambitious, who bury them- 
 selves in the destruction of existing Unions to serve their own 
 whims and mad iconoclasm. This should cease and each should 
 understand its proper place and work in that sphere, and if they 
 desire to come under one head or aiifiliate their affairs, then let all 
 Trades and Labor Societies, secret or public, be represented in the 
 Federation of Trades and Labor Unions." ' 
 
 There are, we see, two great ideas in the formation of the 
 larger unions. The first is that represented by the Knights 
 of Labor, namely that as all labor is working for a common 
 object the most unskilled should join hands and work side by 
 side with the most highly skilled artisan, and that one man 
 should have as much power as another and no more. The 
 qualifications for membership are almost as slight as those 
 for membership in society itself. All here are direct mem- 
 bers of the national organization. 
 
 The second idea is that represented by the American 
 Federation of Labor. A man is only secondarily a member 
 of this body through the local trade union to which he 
 must belong. This is a union of unions and of federa- 
 tions. The unskilled laborer may find a place here, but he 
 must belong to a union and that union must be affiliated 
 with the larger body. Unions of unskilled laborers are 
 comparatively rare, but there is a place for them in the 
 composition of the American Federation. 
 
 On December 8th, 1886, the Federation Convention was 
 called to meet at Columbus, Ohio, and trades unions which 
 were not affiliated were asked to meet in a convention of 
 
 ' Quoted by Carroll D. Wright, Evolution of Industry. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS 
 
 n 
 
 their own in the same city. After four days' joint session, 
 the Federation of Trades and Labor Unions was dissolved 
 and the American Federation of Labor took its place. It 
 began with twenty-five national organizations and a member- 
 ship of three hundred and sixteen thousand four hundred 
 and sixty-nine laboring men all told. A constitution was 
 adopted favoring the organization of local unions and the 
 closer federation of such unions through central unions, with 
 the further combination of these bodies into state, territorial 
 and provincial organizations, and the establishment of 
 national and international trade unions with reference only 
 to the same trade in one national or international union. 
 
 The American Federation of Labor is organized strictly on 
 trade union lines. The only departure from that principle 
 is that in places where there are not enough workmen in any 
 one trade to form a local union, men of several crafts may 
 combine to form what is known as a federal union. This 
 is supposed to be only a temporary scheme, the ultimate 
 plan being the formation of one or more local trade unions. 
 The objects of the Federation are: 
 
 First: To watch legislation, and to arrange, if possible, 
 that nothing detrimental to the laboring class be enacted, as 
 well as to initiate such legislation as may benefit this class. 
 
 Second : To bring about closer and more complete or- 
 ganization among workingmen throughout the country. This 
 is effected by insisting that all local trade unions should 
 join the national union in that trade, as well as the Central 
 Labor Union of the district. The membership consists of 
 four kinds of labor organizations : National Trade Unions, 
 State Federations, City Central Bodies, and Local Unions. 
 It is estimated that about five hundred thousand workmen 
 are affiliated. 
 
 Three years after the meeting of the National Congress in 
 Baltimore, an organization was founded in Philadelphia 
 
38 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 which, although of very unpretentious origin, gave promise 
 in later years of drawing all laborers of the United States to 
 its own membership. It was a secret order, and for years 
 not even its name was known. The trade union principle 
 was retained in part, but we find men of all crafts members 
 of the same local assemblies. " At the option of each 
 Local Assembly any person over the age of sixteen years is 
 eligible to become a member of the order, except employers 
 in the manufacture or sale of intoxicating drinks, and no 
 banker, professional gambler or lawyer can be admitted." ' 
 
 Founded, then, on the idea of man as a laborer and not 
 as a worker in any particular craft, this organization, known 
 later as the Knights of Labor, grew until in 1886 it reached 
 the height of its power and was said to have enrolled more 
 than five hundred thousand members. During the years 
 1885 and 1886 the growth was especially rapid, and con- 
 sisted for the most part of the more unskilled laborers, who 
 precipitated many strikes and weakened the order. When 
 this class of workmen saw that adherence to a principle was 
 necessary even at a sacrifice, and that all strikes were not to 
 be crowned with success even when sustained by such a 
 powerful organization, they rapidly fell away and the order 
 of the Knights of Labor grew weak as quickly as it had 
 before grown strong, until now in 1899 it is doubtful if there 
 are more than fifty thousand members of the order in good 
 standing. 
 
 This, then, in outline is the history of attempts, successful 
 and unsuccessful, to maintain federations of labor which 
 have for a basis more than one trade, or trades which are 
 closely allied. 
 
 Our object thus far has been to present a slight survey of 
 the obstacles against which laborers have had to contend, as 
 well as the standards and ideals toward which they are work- 
 
 1 Article XVI., Sec. 127, K. of L. Constitution. 
 
LABOR FEDERATIONS ^g 
 
 ing. All this is intended to serve merely as an introduction 
 to the real object of the monograph — a study of one kind of 
 federation, which during the last fifteen years has in- 
 creasingly made itself felt as a real factor in the closer 
 organization of laborers as well as in city and state legisla- 
 tion having for its object the improvement of the conditions 
 of the laboring class. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 ORGANIZATION. 
 
 /. Rise of Central Labor Unions. 
 
 In the history of labor in the United States there are three 
 distinct periods in the development of that form of organiza- 
 tion known for the most part as the Central Labor Union. We 
 have already stated what is known of the first period, which 
 extends from the beginning of the labor movement to the 
 close of the Civil War. Very few records have been left of 
 this period, principally because they belonged to no general 
 organization which would be interested in keeping account 
 of them. Sometiines we know that they existed by the work 
 , they accomplished, or attempted, either in legislation or in 
 organization or in assisting strikes and boycotts. In other 
 cases we hear of them through the daily press on the occa- 
 sion of a parade or Independence-day celebration. On the 
 whole, the information which can be obtained is very slight. 
 Their existence was confined to the largest cities, and here 
 it was not at all continuous. Delegate bodies would come 
 together and work with one special object in view. When 
 this object was attained, or when it was seen that it could not 
 be attained, the Committee or body of delegates would dis- 
 band, to be formed again when some glaring wrong in the 
 city or community showed itself, or when some man or men 
 more enthusiastic or with more than ordinary ability entered 
 the labor movement through the local union. 
 
 After the war, laborers all over the United States became 
 imbued with a spirit of organization, local unions by the 
 
 (40) 
 
OKGANIZA TION 
 
 41 
 
 thousand were formed, and the same thing occurred here as 
 in England at about the same time. Laboring men looked 
 for something larger and more powerful than the local union, 
 and at once the idea of a union of unions was suggested. In 
 almost all large cities in the country there were formed 
 federations, of trade unions, called by various names but 
 alike in their essential features. They were meetings of dele- 
 gates from the local unions, bound together by a loose fed- 
 eral bond for the purpose of further organization, education 
 and mutual support in all disputes with employers. Dues 
 were uniformly low. The diflferent constitutions, moreover, 
 show a great similarity. 
 
 Through factious quarrelling, caused for the most part by 
 politics, through disputes arising from the overlapping of 
 trades, and through the failure of local unions to send dele- 
 gates, there was a constant tendency for Central Labor 
 Unions to go to pieces and then to be re-organized. This 
 was the rule until after the formation of the Knights of Labor 
 and the American Federation of Labor. Under the former 
 society, the Central Labor Union was called a " District 
 Assembly," and differed in several particulars from the Cen- 
 tral Labor Union under the latter organization. 
 
 The third period begins about 1 880. From this year dates 
 the formation of Central Labor Unions which have been 
 continuous. Almost without exception, the Central bodies 
 founded since 1880 are flourishing to-day. 
 
 The call for the convention which founded the organiza- 
 tion that finally developed into the American Federation of 
 Labor, was indorsed by the six Central Labor Unions of St. 
 Louis, Cleveland, Indianapolis, Terre Haute, Boston, and 
 Chicago. Eleven such Unions were represented in this con- 
 vention. In this call, one of the reasons urged was the en- 
 couragement of the federation of labor unions into trades 
 assemblies. This has been a prominent feature of the work 
 
42 
 
 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 of the National Federation ever since. In 1884, four Central 
 Unions were represented in the convention; in 1887 ten, in 
 1888 eight, in 1889 twelve, in 1893 fifteen, in 1894 eleven, 
 in 1895 fifteen, in 1896 fifteen. In 1888 there were repre- 
 sented in the General Assembly of the Knights of Labor 
 two hundred and fifty-three District Assemblies. This does 
 not necessarily mean that all these assemblies were bodies 
 similar to the Central Labor Unions ; for some of these 
 District Assemblies were organizations of workmen of the 
 same craft. They were similar, inasmuch as they were 
 made up of delegates from local unions, but no Central 
 Union is composed entirely of men in the same trade. 
 With this distinction in view, they will be studied as being 
 in the same class of organizations. 
 
 Of the seventy-nine Central Labor Unions affiliated with 
 the American Federation of Labor at present,' eight were 
 chartered during 1895, twenty-three during 1896, thirteen 
 during 1897, «^nd twelve during 1898. Thus more than half 
 of the existing Central organizations were chartered in these 
 four years. As there were eleven represented in the Con- 
 vention which founded the National Federation, there were 
 but nineteen founded during the years between 1881 and 
 1895. It is evident, therefore, ' that this is quite a recent 
 movement, or rather a recent extension on a large scale of a 
 movement begun sixty-six years ago. 
 
 The organization of municipal federations of labor is a 
 strong sign, not only of the power of organized labor, but 
 also of the growing wisdom of labor leaders. The city is the 
 natural, proper, and convenient sphere of action of organized 
 labor. The greatest number of laborers is already found in 
 cities, large and small, and the tendency is toward a still 
 greater concentration at these centers. There are practically 
 no labor unions outside of the cities, as the natural result 
 
 'April, 1899. 
 
ORGANIZATION 
 
 43 
 
 of the paucity of skilled laborers of any one craft in the 
 villages, towns or country. 
 
 The synvgathetiC-Strike and the boycott are the two most 
 powerful weapons for offense or defensepossessed by labor 
 unions, and neither of these can be used to advantage where 
 some central organization does not exist. The most suc- 
 cessful Central labor bodies, as will be seen later, are those 
 which most frequently use, or threaten to use, these weapons. 
 
 A close federation in a larger district than the city is im- 
 practicable. A few have made the county the district of 
 federation, but only where the cities or towns were small. 
 These county federations are the smallest and weakest of all 
 Central bodies. State federations have their own place, and 
 can never do the work of the City Central. In neither the 
 county nor the state could meetings occur often enough to 
 keep all delegates actively in touch with each other, and 
 really alive to their common interests. Public opinion too, 
 which has become such an important factor in all labor dis- 
 putes of late years, can be centered on a difficulty much 
 more effectively by a central union in a city than by a com- 
 mittee of a state federation. Of course it is needless to 
 point out that the local trade union is entirely too weak to 
 fight its battles by itself. This might be possible if they 
 were obliged to contend with a single employer or with 
 employers only, who employed members of that particular 
 trade union ; but the tendency of employers to act together 
 makes it absolutely necessary that trade unions should fed- 
 erate if they would meet employers on anything like an 
 equal basis. The following, taken from the constitution of 
 one of the foremost Central Labor Unions of the country, 
 gives the reasons for founding the Central Labor Union : 
 
 PREAMBLE. 
 
 Whereas, It has been fully demonstrated by experience that 
 unity of action and organization among working people are impera- 
 
44 
 
 HISTORY OF CENTXAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 tive and essential in order to combat the ever-growing encroach- 
 ments of organized and consolidated capital, and as there are many 
 questions affecting the interest of the working classes which cannot 
 be dealt with in special and separate Trade and Labor Unions, and 
 as that end can be best attained by a central labor organization 
 through which all branches of labor may prove allies to any par" 
 ticular one that may be oppressed, and all may form a Brotherhood 
 for the defense and protection of the laboring masses ; therefore, 
 be it 
 
 Resolved, That we, the delegates of the various Trade and Labor 
 Unions here represented, do hereby form the Central Labor Union 
 of . . . , for the purpose of organizing and concentrating the 
 efforts of the working classes for their own mutual protection, 
 education and social advancement. 
 
 Having shown that federation is considered necessary by 
 union men and that the particular form of federation em- 
 bodied in the Central Labor Union is essential, let us look 
 at this Central Labor Union and see just what its organiza- 
 tion, functions, objects, and principles are, as well as what it 
 may have accomplished and is likely to accomplish. 
 
 n. Officials and Committees. 
 The organization and methods of administration of Central 
 Labor Unions are quite simple and when properly employed 
 accomplish their purpose admirably. The trade unionist in 
 general wants as little red tape as possible, and he wants a 
 voice in whatever is done in his name. The endeavor to 
 satisfy Ihese wants has wasted much valuable time for 
 Central Labor Unions ; but to the extent that it keeps the 
 confidence and good will of the local unions, it is perhaps 
 worth all that it has cost. 
 
 Officers. 
 The first officer to be considered is the president of the 
 organization. In some central bodies he is of much more 
 importance than in others, but in all this office is perhaps of 
 
ORGANIZATION 
 
 45 
 
 less importance than one would naturally think. His duties 
 practically end with presiding and signing orders on the 
 treasurer for money. The important function of appointing 
 committees, however, falls to his lot, and as the success or 
 failure of the undertakings often depends on the character of 
 men he appoints, he has power to do much good or much 
 harm. In most unions this office is filled every six months, 
 and in a few cases the same delegate is not eligible for 
 election for more than two successive terms. The New 
 York Central Labor Union elects a president at each meet- 
 ing, each union in turn having the right of nomination. 
 This does not mean that the president must be, or often is, 
 chosen from the union nominating ; is is merely aji attempt 
 to secure impartiality. As a matter of fact, the leaders in 
 the body, those men who have greater force of character, 
 more intelligence, and more ability to keep order, are elected 
 over and over again — not indeed consecutively (as this is 
 forbidden by the constitution), but in such manner that a 
 very Umited number of men hold the office in more or less 
 regular rotation.' 
 
 The reason for the failure on the part of some Central 
 Unions to elect a permanent president touches a very real 
 danger with which they have to contend and to which the 
 delegates are very much alive. That is the abuse of 
 authority and the consequent reluctance to delegate to any 
 one man more power or representative authority than is 
 absolutely necessary. A man known as the president of an 
 organization is naturally supposed to be acquainted with its 
 policy and to speak for it. For many societies, perhaps we 
 might say for most societies, it is fitting that this should be 
 so. The members are closely bound together, and the 
 
 ' Since this was written a consolidation of two central bodies has taken place 
 in New York, and under the New Constitution the president is elected for three 
 months. 
 
46 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 policy can be known definitively, and there are not apt 
 to be many varying opinions among the members. On 
 almost every subject the delegates to a Central Labor Union 
 are content to rely on the judgment of a president of their 
 own choosing. There is one question, however, on which 
 officers rightly enough must not claim to speak for the body 
 and, by imputation, for the union men whom the delegates 
 represent. 
 
 This is the question which has caused more trouble for 
 labor unions as such than perhaps all other questions com- 
 bined. It is the question of politics. As this danger to 
 Central Labor Unions will be discussed later, it is mentioned 
 here only to show one reason why some central organiza- 
 tions have no permanent president. Not only presidents, 
 but all officers of the society are subject to this accusation at 
 times. To give one example of what is meant: During a 
 spirited campaign, when it was thought that a certain elec- 
 tion would probably be very closely contested, a party paper 
 published an alleged interview with the secretary of one of 
 the larger Central Labor Unions. The secretary was made 
 to say in that report that not only all union labor connected 
 with the Central Labor Union, but also all union labor in 
 the state was in favor of a certain political party. Of course, 
 as an individual he had a right to say this if he believed it ; 
 but as secretary of a union, representing perhaps forty or 
 fifty thousand men, he did not possess that right. It turned 
 out that the man was not in a condition to know what he was 
 saying when the reporter interviewed him ; and we believe 
 he was ultimately forgiven. Sometimes, too, the president 
 may voluntarily use his office to obtain political preferment ; 
 and most bodies which have a permanent president have a 
 constitutional provision whereby he must immediately vacate 
 the office when he becomes a candidate for a political posi- 
 tion, even though it be by appointment. 
 
ORGANIZATION 
 
 47 
 
 The effect of this short term for the office of president is, 
 of course, to avert the possibility of much false representa- 
 tion, and to prevent the use of the office in behalf of some 
 individual. On the other hand, the organization suffers be- 
 cause it has no real representative when it is not in session. 
 There is, however, one Central Union in the United States 
 which has such a representative, even though the term of 
 office of the president is limited to six months. Of the 
 duties of this representative we shall speak later. 
 
 The office of corresponding secretary of the Central Labor 
 Union is not very different from the same office in other 
 organizations. He replies to all the correspondence of the 
 body; he reads in the meeting all the correspondence 
 which has been received by him in his official capacity ; 
 he must furnish each constituent union with a record of the 
 proceedings of the Central Union; and he must perform 
 other duties which the Central Union may direct. His com- 
 pensation varies from one dollar and fifty cents to two dollars 
 for each meeting. As a matter of fact, in view of the salary 
 paid, the work connected with the position is very large. 
 Frequently he must communicate with the secretaries of all 
 the constituent unions — an obligation which calls for the 
 writing of from four or five to two hundred and fifty letters. 
 Besides this, he is continually called upon to write letters of 
 information to local unions and to other Central Unions, as 
 well as to communicate with the daily papers, with employers 
 and with the city government. His duties often call for 
 considerably tact, as on the tone of the letter frequently de- 
 pends the successful accomplishment of what the writer 
 desires. The corresponding secretary has no representative 
 capacity whatever outside of the meeting ; he is merely a 
 servant of the union. In some unions he is also the statis- 
 tician, which, as far as Central Labor Unions are concerned, 
 is a name and not a reality. 
 
48 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 The office of recording secretary means simply what the 
 name implies. He is supposed to keep a correct record of 
 all the proceedings of the meetings and to attest the orders 
 for money signed by the chairman. In many Central Unions 
 this work is voluntary. Where there is any compensation, 
 it varies from fifty cents to two dollars per meeting. About 
 all that is required of a man for this position is that he be 
 accurate and painstaking. Very often the offices of record- 
 ing and corresponding secretary are filled by one man, and 
 in the smaller unions, he may sometimes fill the position of 
 treasurer also. 
 
 The financial secretary is invested with the duty of receiv- 
 ing and expending all moneys of the union, of keeping an 
 accurate account thereof and of making reports of the same. 
 In some cases these reports are made monthly, quarterly, or 
 semi-annually ; they are then printed and distributed to the 
 delegates and sent to the constituent unions. The financial 
 secretary generally receives something for his labor, but 
 never more than two dollars per meeting. 
 
 There is a treasurer who must give a bond, usually five 
 hundred or one thousand dollars. This is generally obtained 
 from one of the companies organized for that purpose, and 
 the Central Union pays the expense. It is thus simply a 
 matter of insurance for the union, with the bond as the pol- 
 icy. The treasurer deposits the money in-a bank and hands 
 the book over to the trustees. He sometimes receives com- 
 pensation, but never more than two dollars per meeting. 
 
 Trustees are generally elected, two, three, or five in num- 
 ber, and have general supervision of all property of the 
 union. 
 
 There is always a sergeant-at-arms who has various duties, 
 the most arduous of which, in some unions, is to keep order. 
 He is door-keeper and usher and has charge of the roll book 
 after the roll has been called. He also sometimes receives 
 
ORGANIZATION 49 
 
 pay up to two dollars per meeting. Generally there is a 
 small fine imposed on the corresponding, recording, and 
 financial secretaries and the sergeant-at-arms for absence 
 or tardiness without a good excuse. 
 
 These, together with a vice-president whose duties are 
 merely nominal (unless the office of president should happen 
 to be vacant) constitute, with one exception, all the officers 
 of the Central Labor Union. This exception has been 
 referred to, and consists of the office of business agent. It 
 exists, so far as we know, in only one Central Union, al- 
 though all local unions, which are strong enough, have the 
 same officer known by the name of "walking delegate." 
 The business agent is to the American union what the gen- 
 eral secretary is to the union of England — the intelligent 
 paid representative. 
 
 The following from the constitution shows the duties of 
 this officer: 
 
 To facilitate the business of the Central Labor Union, there shall 
 be elected a business agent, whose duties are herein defined. This 
 official shall be elected by ballot and serve under the merit system, 
 until the body finds it necessary to dispense with the service of such 
 agent, or until he shall resign or be deposed for cause. 
 
 The business agent shall devote his entire time, consisting of not 
 more than eight working hours of each twenty-four each day to the 
 exclusive interest of the Central Labor Union, as may from time to 
 time be directed. He shall arrange stated business hours where he 
 may be met. The compensation shall be fifteen dollars per week, 
 payable weekly. 
 
 He shall devote his time to the upbuilding of organizations affili- 
 ated with this body, and assist and instruct, upon request, new 
 organizations in routine work of Unions. He shall act as investi- 
 gator in all matters that may be submitted to him by the various 
 Committees of the Central Labor Union, and perform such other 
 duties as the body may direct. 
 
 He shall urge upon members of the Unions and others, the neces- 
 
50 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 sity of supporting the organ of the Central Labor Union, and the 
 labor press in general, and he shall be authorized to receive money 
 therefor to be turned over to the proper representative of the paper. 
 
 He shall act as statistician, gather data bearing upon the condition 
 of the workers, their social environments and wage rate in vogue. 
 
 The business agent shall also, whenever possible, gather and ar- 
 range the names of workers in unorganized trades, and arrange 
 meetings with them to discuss the advisability of organization. 
 
 The business agent shall also secure all data possible pertaining to 
 industrial and mercantile establishments in the city. 
 
 He shall keep a record of his transactions, which shall at all times 
 be open for the inspection of affiliated Unions, and he shall submit 
 a review of his labors at each meeting of the Central Labor Union. 
 
 Should the business agent fail in the performance of ascribed 
 duties or neglect the same, or should he be guilty of insobriety or 
 misrepresentation, or should he maliciously attempt to injure indi- 
 viduals with whom the Central Labor Union may have business 
 transactions, he shall be held to appear before the Central Labor 
 Union to answer for his actions, and when found guilty he shall be 
 reprimanded, fined or discharged. 
 
 Besides the duties enumerated here there are many calls 
 upon his time by committees and members of the Central 
 Labor Union. He is, moreover, the real representative of 
 the Central Labor Union, and since he receives a salary, he 
 is apt to be a man who will represent the Union well. It is 
 the opinion of members of this Central Labor Union that he 
 earns much more than his salary, and that every such organ- 
 ization should have a like officer. 
 
 An example of the weekly reports of the Central Labor 
 Union business agent is as follows:' 
 
 "Visited Malt Houses in interest of malsters, and all will sign 
 agreement with possible exception of one ; visited Cleveland Theatre 
 in interest of Window Posters. Tried to organize Shoe Workers, 
 but failed ; visited New Union of Beer Bottlers and Drivers who will 
 
 ' Cleveland Citizen, Oct. 15, 1898. 
 
OK GANIZA TION 5 I 
 
 be chartered by National Brewery Workmen's Union ; visited 
 Grocers on West side in interest of Bakers, found that Ohio Baking 
 Company offered to supply some of them with bread free of charge ; 
 visited Iron Workers Helpers, No. 6715 ; called on firm in interest 
 of Bicycle Workers relative to boycott on Stearns wheel without re- 
 sult ; visited Lyceum Theatre in interest of Window Posters ; went 
 to Lorain at request of Iron Workers Helpers' Union to adjust a 
 grievance, there being a strike of non-unionists in a Vapor Stove 
 plant, who desire to join the Union. Report received." 
 
 Committees. 
 
 Aside from the officers, the Central Labor Union is organ- 
 ized on the lines of the House of Representatives. To the 
 numerous standing committees almost all business is referred 
 before it is discussed by the whole body. Such an enormous 
 amount of work is attempted by the Central body that it 
 would be impossible for all the delegates together to accom- 
 plish it. This is attempted by the English Trade Union 
 Congress, but the results are not at all satisfactory. The 
 time is too short and the number of delegates is entirely too 
 large to allow every point to be carefully canvassed in a 
 public debate. As it is, Central Unions lose much of their 
 efficiency because the delegates insist on transacting all 
 business and discussing all matters in the entire body. 
 These unions are in danger of breaking down by the very 
 volume of business which they try to accomplish. 
 
 The standing committees are either elected by the union 
 or appointed by the president. The latter custom prevails 
 in a large majority of cases. The committees uniformly 
 exist for a period of six months, but there is nothing to pre- 
 vent their re-election or reappointment. These committees 
 vary both in number and in size. There seems to be no 
 particular rule which determines the size of the committee 
 except convenience. There are generally either three or 
 five delegates on each committee, but two delegates from the 
 
52 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 same craft are not allowed to serve on the same committee. 
 The larger unions have the greater number of committees, 
 although this is not without exception ; while in some smaller 
 unions all the work is done by the whole body of delegates- 
 No one union has more than eight standing committees, 
 but as some unions have committees for purposes entirely 
 different from those of others, the total number of different 
 committees is larger. 
 
 To show in a way what kind of questions come to the 
 Central Labor Union, let us examine the various committees 
 and their duties. 
 
 The duties of the Committee on Credentials are sufficiently 
 explained by its name. The Executive Committee generally 
 consists of the permanent officers of the union, and it is 
 their duty to represent the union between meetings of that 
 body, but only where the business affects an affiliated union 
 and where it cannot wait for the regular meeting of the Cen- 
 tral body. It must report at the next meeting any business 
 done during the interval. We see here the great reluctance 
 of the union to delegate its authority to any body of men, 
 even though this committee, as might be presumed from its 
 composition, is made up of the most trusted men among the 
 delegates. The Committee on Organization is sometimes 
 much larger than the others. For example, in the Chicago 
 Federation of Labor this committee consists of fifteen mem- 
 bers, while each of ^he others have three or five members. 
 This not only shows the relative importance of the com- 
 mittee, but proves that much more work is required of it. 
 Their duties are divided naturally into two parts : first, the 
 organization of new unions ; and second, the strengthening 
 of the Central Labor Union by inducing locals to affiliate 
 with it. The necessary expenses, and sometimes a definite 
 sum per meeting, are paid to the committee by the Central. 
 Organization is one of the principal objects of all Central 
 
ORGANIZA T/ON 
 
 53 
 
 Labor Unions, and to accomplish this end much time, labor, 
 and money are spent. The ideal condition of affairs must 
 be attained when every laborer is a member of some local 
 labor union, and when all these unions are affiliated with a 
 national federation through central labor unions. The 
 means used to further organization among the unorganized 
 are three : first, the regular Committee on Organization ; 
 second, the labor press ; and third, the Organizer for the 
 Central Union. The indirect influence of the results of 
 organization, when seen in successful resistance to a reduc- 
 tion in wages or in the attainment of a shorter work day, 
 has more to do with forming new organizations than any- 
 thing that central labor unions can do directly. When, 
 however, the desire for organization is once formed in a 
 body of men, the organizer and the Committee on Organiza- 
 tion can easily form a local union which will soon affiliate 
 with the Central Body. 
 
 The work of organization of new unions is a necessary 
 one to the life of a Central Union. For without such signs 
 of progress, interest will be lost, and affiliated unions will 
 soon drop away. Every new union formed and affiliated 
 means that every boycott will be more effective, every strike 
 less apt to fail, and every disagreement between employer 
 and workmen the more Hkely to be settled by arbitration. 
 Not only this, but the greater the number of unions repre- 
 sented in the Central Body, the more it will be respected and 
 the more weight its resolutions and protests will have. This 
 silent influence not only of Central Labor Unions, but of all 
 labor unions is one of its chief benefits to the working man 
 and to society at large. No one can estimate how many 
 strikes have been avoided or how many difficulties have 
 been adjusted simply because this organization exists in the 
 community. 
 
 The duty of the Legislative Committee is commonly stated 
 
54 HISTOR Y OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 as follows : " to use all honorable means to secure labor 
 legislation, to prepare petitions and attend public hearings 
 upon this subject, and to prepare such bills as the Central 
 Labor Union shall direct. They shall make reports of all 
 steps taken by them for approval . of the body." As a 
 working rule, every question of legislation or law which 
 arises, is at once referred to this committee which reports 
 later for the action of the whole union. Since the establish- 
 ment of the state branches of the American Federation of 
 Labor in ten states, and of the state assemblies by working- 
 men in a few others, organized almost solely for the purpose 
 of affecting legislation, this committee of the Central Labor 
 Union has not been so active as formerly in suggesting or 
 promoting legislation. All questions of law, however, are 
 turned over to this committee, which is empowered to obtain 
 legal opinions. 
 
 As to the Committee 07i Grievances and Arbitration we find 
 it stated that their duty is " to investigate all grievances pre- 
 sented by affiliated Unions, and upon request attempt to 
 amicably adjust the existing difficulties between employees 
 and employers. No strike shall be indorsed by this body 
 until a full statement has been submitted, and all attempts to 
 amicably adjust the difficulties have been exhausted or 
 proved futile. Should any member of this Committee be 
 directly interested in the affair, the president shall appoint 
 another member to serve in his place. For their services 
 they shall be remunerated at the rate of twenty-five cents 
 per hour." Not only does the Grievance Committee take cog- 
 nizance of difficulties existing between employers and union 
 men, but a great part of their work consists in adjusting 
 difficulties existing between unions affiliated with the Central 
 body or between individuals and unions. To illustrate the 
 work of this very important committee, it may be well to 
 mention a case which recently occurred in one of the larger 
 Central Labor Unions. 
 
OR GANIZA TION 5 5 
 
 The Union of Eccentric Firemen requested the Central 
 Labor Union to ask a union employer to discharge a certain 
 man because he was a non-union man or a "scab." The 
 case was at once referred to the Arbitration Committee, 
 which after investigation found evidence of persecution ; for 
 the man had always been, and was willing to be, a union 
 man, but had refused to pay an unjust fine. The committee 
 reported that the Central Labor Union should request the 
 Firemen's Union to receive the man back in their union. 
 After a good deal' of objection the man was received by the 
 union, but only after he had been charged an initiation fee 
 more than three times that of the ordinary fee. This action 
 was justified by the statement that for several years the man 
 had derived a benefit from union conditions, but had paid 
 no dues to the union. If the Firemen's Union had not com- 
 plied with the request of the Central the penalty would have 
 been expulsion, while if the man had refused to pay the fine, 
 the penalty would have been the loss of his job. This is but 
 one example out of scores of cases adjusted by the Grievance 
 and Arbitration Committee every year, and it is doubtful 
 whether the adjustment of difficulties between employers and 
 union men is more important than the settlement of con- 
 troversies between unions or between unions and individuals. 
 Without this latter service it would be impossible to keep a 
 federation of unions intact. Of the causes of these disputes 
 between unions we shall speak later. 
 
 The Label Committee exists for the purpose of securing 
 recognition and support of all authorized labels and trade- 
 marks of all unions, and in every way possible advancing 
 the sale of union-made goods. An agitation has recently 
 been started for a universal label for all union-made goods, 
 and the Label Committee has this in charge. Several Central 
 Unions have a Statistics Coinmittee, while in others this work 
 is supposed to be performed by one of the regular officers. 
 
56 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 In the Baltimore Union their duties are defined as follows : 
 "To provide, whenever possible, data of unorganized crafts 
 for the use of the organization committee. They shall com- 
 pile statistics on such legislative measures as may be directed 
 by the Federation of Labor on behalf of the Legislative Com- 
 mittee, in performance of its duty, and such other business 
 as the Federation may direct.'' The work of this committee 
 is almost entirely neglected. The Finance or Auditing Com- 
 mittee has the ordinary duties of such a committee. The 
 Resolution Committee is peculiar to a few Central Unions 
 which are more thoroughly organized. It passes on all reso- 
 lutions before they are submitted to the union. Of course 
 this does not bind the union to accept recommendations of 
 the committee, but the effect is to cut off a great deal of 
 useless debate. The Education Committee is one which ex- 
 ists in the organization of very few Central Labor Unions. 
 Its duties consist for the most part in aiding to enforce the 
 laws relating to compulsory education and child labor. 
 Sometimes its scope is broader and includes attempts at 
 education of workmen through lectures, pamphlets, lyceums, 
 and the public press. Another committee has charge of all 
 matters pertaining to communications from all sources out- 
 side of unions affiliated with the Central Union, and all 
 matters concerning visitors. This committee reports at 
 every meeting. It practically decides what communications 
 shall be read and who shall have the privilege of addressing 
 the union. It is very seldom that the report of this Commit- 
 tee is not concurred in. 
 
 The Committee on Agitation consists of men capable of 
 presenting the rights and demands of unionists, and ever 
 ready to do so, as well as to promulgate trade union doc- 
 trines. The object of this committee is to aid in moulding 
 public opinion in favor of organized labor. It is found in very 
 few Central Labor Unions, for each delegate generally con- 
 
OJi GANIZA TION 5 7 
 
 siders himself a committee for this purpose. Besides these 
 committees, there is always in small Central Unions a Com- 
 mittee on Building Trades. Taken altogether, these trades 
 are the best organized and most aggressive, and work under 
 better conditions than other trades. They often stand as a 
 unit on a question of wages or of hours or of recognition of 
 the union, and really form a class by themselves. In the 
 larger cities they have Central Unions of their own, which 
 will be referred to later on. These Building Trades Com- 
 mittees are composed naturally only of delegates who repre- 
 sent trades connected with building. They have charge of 
 disputes which may occur between any one of the Building 
 Trades and the employer. If they are unable to adjust the 
 difficulties, the matter is generally referred to the Arbitration 
 Committee of the Central Labor Union. 
 
 As a matter of further organization for the better and 
 more rapid transaction of business, several Central Unions in 
 which the number of affiliated unions is very large, or where 
 the number of delegates from each union is so great as to 
 make the Central body unwieldy, if all the questions were to 
 come up before it, we find the union divided into sections, 
 according to trades. This scheme was carried out to a greater 
 extent in the New York Central Labor Union, in the height 
 of its prosperity, than in any other. There were at one 
 time two hundred and eighty-seven local unions affili- 
 ated with the Central body, and as the constitution allowed 
 three delegates for each local, there would have been a con- 
 vention, if all were present, large enough successfully to 
 block its own business. This was really the result until the 
 division into trade sections was brought about. Provision 
 was made for ten sections, but only four were organized. 
 These were the Building Trades, the Food-producing, the 
 Metal, and the Miscellaneous Trades sections. They were 
 formed under the following clause of the Constitution : 
 
58 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 " When there are four or more affiliated Trades or Labor Unions 
 represented in this body, they may, with sanction of the Central 
 Body, form a Trade section, which shall have power to do all things 
 for the good and welfare of such bodies ; but shall in all things be 
 governed by this constitution and by-laws. There .shall also be a , 
 Miscellaneous section, which shall comprise all Trade and Labor 
 Unions other than those in regular Trades sections." 
 
 Some Centrals make provision for the affiliation of Allied 
 Trades Councils, as the following section of one of the con- 
 stitutions will show : 
 
 " Central bodies of distinct trades, consisting of delegates from a 
 number of Unions, may be represented in this Council by five (5) 
 delegates, and shall pay the same initiation and dues as a single 
 Union, except an additional ten cents per month for every Union 
 they represent, which money shall be used to forward the proceed- 
 ings of this Council to every Local under their jurisdiction. This 
 shall not prevent any of the subordinate Unions from securing repre- 
 sentation in this Council, but when all the Unions of such affiliating 
 central body are directly represented, it shall not be eligible to 
 membership." ' 
 
 The minutes of the different -sections are read to the Cen- 
 tral Union and indorsed by it. The Central Labor Union in 
 this case is a federation of Trades Councils, and is a real 
 advance in organization over the ordinary Central Labor 
 Union. Only two constitutions consulted have provisions 
 for trade sections. 
 
 Delegates and Constituent Unions. 
 The qualifications necessary for the affiliation of unions 
 and the admission of delegates are few, but they are of very 
 great importance to the life and work of the Central body. 
 In the first place, none but labor unions are eligible, and 
 the standing of these must be unquestioned. That is, there 
 must be no doubt whatever that they are what they pretend 
 
 ' Amendment to Constitution of Central Labor Council of Cincinnati. 
 
ORGAMIZA T/ON t g 
 
 to be — bona fide unions of laborers. This, of course, closes 
 the doors to all unions of employers and "bosses," whatever 
 the name, so that the responsibility for good or evil of all 
 acts of the Central Labor Union rests where it should rest — 
 "on the laborers themselves. They cannot be dominated, 
 from the inside at least, by organizations composed of men 
 who, as they think, are directly opposed to them. 
 
 In the second place, these labor unions must have been 
 in existence at least six months before they are eligible to 
 affiliation. This rule is the result of bitter experience born 
 of the days, which are not wholly past, when labor unions 
 of all kinds took political action as unions and often helped 
 prominent members to some political office. The endorse- 
 ment of a Central Labor Union, which represented from ten 
 thousand to fifty thousand workingmen, was a "consumma- 
 tion devoutly to be wished " by an ambitious local politician, 
 and it was not a difficult matter for him to form local unions 
 when all that was necessary was to have a president and 
 a secretary. These were competent to elect delegates to the 
 Central, and, as one of the delegates says, "there was no 
 authority to go behind the returns." With the help of such 
 " paper unions," almost anything might be endorsed. This 
 will be shown more clearly when we come to the question 
 of representation. 
 
 The Central Labor Union must not recognize local unions 
 composed of men who have seceded from other local 
 unions, unless the parent body agrees to this course. Fac- 
 tious quarrels and secessions are as prevalent among labor 
 unions as they are in other societies ; here they destroy the 
 work of unionism, since such action in itself is disunion. 
 Employers have no respect for so-called organized labor 
 when that labor is divided against itself. One of the avowed 
 objects of Central Labor Unions is closer organization, and 
 they are simply complying with this principle when they 
 
Co HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 refuse to recognize a secession movement. However, they 
 should go farther than this, and probably when they are 
 stronger they will go farther, and refuse to recognize more 
 than one organization in the same trade. Rival organiza- 
 tions of one craft in the same city cause more jealousy, strife, 
 and consequent disorganization than perhaps any other one 
 thing except politics. 
 
 As an example of what Central Labor Unions may do 
 with this difficulty, the following case which occurred in the 
 New York Central Labor Union may be cited. Two rival 
 unions of livery and cab drivers with the same name sent 
 delegates to the Central Labor Union, and this body was 
 called upon to decide which was the parent body according 
 to the constitution. After struggling with the question at 
 «lmost every meeting for months, the Central finally decided 
 to recognize neither unless they would join their forces and 
 send only one set of delegates, which, it is understood, was 
 done. While these two unions were fighting each other, 
 however, the employers saw their chance of reimposing the 
 long hours which the organization, when undivided, had 
 succeeded in cutting down. 
 
 At present no matter how many unions of any given 
 trade exist in the same city, if it is not represented in the 
 Central Labor Union, the first union which applies is the 
 one affiliated. Not until there is more advantage to a local 
 in joining a Central body, can it be otherwise. When the 
 time comes when a local cannot stand alone, but must seek 
 federation with other unions, the Central can dictate 
 stricter qualifications for affiliation. 
 
 As the affiliated unions must be bond fide labor unions, 
 so the delegate from these locals must be a bond fide 
 laborer. Not only must he be a wage-earner in the trade 
 which he represents, but he must have been a member of 
 the organization of that trade at least six months before he 
 
OR GANIZA TION g j 
 
 can represent it. This is another check to political ambition 
 and to the use of the Central Labor Union in the further- 
 ance of such ambition. Moreover, it is to be presumed that 
 in six months the members of a local union will know the 
 man well enough to trust him as their delegate ; while he, on 
 his part, will know the wants of the union and temper of 
 the members so that he may represent them more 
 acceptably. 
 
 The classes of men excluded by the constitutions of 
 unions which shut out any individuals, are the following: 
 public officials, professional politicians, notaries, lawyers, 
 and in general, any one who is not a wage-worker, even 
 though he be a member of the local union. As there is 
 no rule without an exception, we find that probably the 
 largest Central Labor Union in the United States is virtually 
 controlled by public officials, using that term in a broad 
 sense so as to include all employees of the city government. 
 Where this is true, the Central Labor Union is rapidly 
 degenerating into a machine, whereby the party which holds 
 control of the city government can help to continue that 
 control. This is probably the very danger which the 
 framers of certain Central Union Constitutions sought to 
 avoid. We have said enough of the second class, the 
 professional politician, to show clearly why he is not made 
 eligible as a delegate. It may be readily seen also why 
 lawyers are excluded, for they are not laborers and they 
 represent the class from which politicians most naturally 
 come. Notaries are excluded probably from an excess of 
 fear that they too may become politicians and use the 
 union for their own ends. 
 
 The delegate to the Central Labor Union is generally not 
 a typical labor union man. That is, he is not like the rank 
 and file of trade unionists. There is a certain natural 
 selection going on in the trade union world as well as in 
 
62 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 the world of nature. This selection is often made, not be- 
 cause of any inherent fitness which certain men may have 
 over others, but because in the trade union meetings he is 
 the man who speaks the most clearly or most exactly to the 
 point, and, moreover, is always ready to speak on any sub- 
 ject. He is the man who makes himself heard and felt 
 among his fellow craftsmen ; in other words he is the natural 
 leader. It is no wonder then that when some one is needed 
 to represent the union, this man who is best known and who 
 is the readiest speaker, should be elected. He may not be 
 the hardest worker or the one who gives the best advice, but 
 he is the one who, when the union is stirred by debate, 
 always come to the surface. The Central Labor Union is 
 composed of this kind of men just as a college is generally 
 composed of boys who have been conspicuous in high 
 schools and academies. And exactly the same thing hap- 
 pens in both cases. Each finds in his own environment that 
 there are others who have been trained in the same sort of a 
 school as he has been, and that there are many who are his 
 equals and some his superiors. In the Central Labor Union 
 there is a repetition of this process, with the result, as has 
 been stated, that the men of real force come to the front. 
 It is perfectly natural that the kind of men who have just 
 been described should not be the most conservative among 
 trade unionists or the ones least likely to take action on a 
 great variety of subjects, even though sometimes it is diffi- 
 cult to see their connection with the interest of labor. The 
 delegate then is not a typical trade unionist, because he is 
 more aggressive, more of what he himself would describe as 
 a " fighter " than are the majority of his fellows in the local 
 trade union. 
 
 The delegate of course is the bond between the local 
 union and the Central, and has duties to perform for each. 
 It is his business to report to the Central Union all grievances 
 
ORGANIZATION 
 
 63 
 
 which the local is not able to adjust for itself. These griev- 
 ances may be between the union and the employers, between 
 this union and another, or between the union and the indi- 
 vidual workman. He must also, so far as he is able to do so, 
 and so far as it is necessary, persuade the Central Union to 
 take adequate action upon the grievance thus presented. He 
 must be present at all meetings of the Central and see that 
 the dues of his union are paid. So important are his func- 
 tions deemed by the local that he sometimes receives a small 
 salary for performing them. His duties toward the Central 
 Union are not many, but they are essential. He must be in 
 regular attendance and must serve the society either upon 
 committees or as an officer whenever elected or appointed. 
 
 The following is the pledge he takes on becoming a dele- 
 gate : " I, , do solemnly and sincerely pledge my word 
 
 and honor as a man that I will obey the rules and regulations 
 of this Central Labor Union, and to the best of my ability, 
 perform all duties incumbent upon me as a member thereof." 
 In most unions this is the only pledge required. Under 
 another head there will be given the pledge required by a 
 very few Central Unions, which shows these unions to be 
 essentially different from the majority. 
 
 The delegate is, of course, obliged to report back to his 
 local union everything of interest to it. The independence 
 of the delegate varies with the different Central Unions and 
 also with the different locals. Very often he is instructed to 
 vote or to introduce resolutions against his better judgment. 
 This occurs altogether too often, and is simply another evi- 
 dence of the lack of trust which trade unionists show toward 
 each other. It is frequently a personal matter, depending 
 upon the popularity and general standing of the delegate 
 among his fellow unionists. 
 
 The delegate to the Central Union from the local union 
 probably receives more benefit from the organization than 
 
64 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 any one else. He learns here to discuss questions of interest 
 to workingmen, in their relation not only to his own craft, 
 but to all others. He is brought into contact, once a week, 
 with delegates of from five to sixty different local unions of 
 all trades, and his views of the industrial situation are neces- 
 sarily broadened. Here is a lyceum, in which only real 
 questions of vital interest can arise. 
 
 Representation, Dues, and Revenues. 
 
 The bases of representation in Central Labor Unions are 
 almost as numerous as the unions themselves. In fact 
 hardly any two federations of labor have, or have had, the 
 same basis. This is one of the questions which have caused 
 not a little trouble to labor leaders everywhere, and it 
 really constitutes a troublesome problem. There are three 
 principles of representation adopted by different labor feder- 
 ations : proportional, progressive, and arbitrary representa- 
 tion. Each has its advantages and its disadvantages. 
 
 Perhaps the most nearly ideal system is the application of 
 the simple proportional principle ; that is, one delegate for 
 a certain number of members in the local union. This 
 gives an equal representation to all trade unionists. We 
 find, however, two grave objections. In the first place, the 
 same difficulty arises as that which was raised by the small 
 states when the Federal Constitution was about to be framed. 
 It was feared that the larger unions with their many dele- 
 gates would completely overshadow the few delegates of the 
 smaller unions, and that their interests would, therefore, not 
 receive the attention they deserve. They might even be 
 forced out of the federation entirely. Of course it is mani- 
 festly impossible for labor unions to adopt the compromise 
 which was adopted by the constitutional convention. Some 
 other remedy must therefore be found. Another serious ob- 
 jection to the proportional system is the great number of dele- 
 
OR GANIZA T/ON 6 5 
 
 gates which would attend the Central meetings if the num- 
 ber of constituents for each member were made too small. 
 With this system, however, we have the most rational basis 
 for collecting revenue for the Central Union, for taxation and 
 representation could then be made proportional. This is not 
 true of either of the other systems in use. The Chicago 
 Central Labor Union allows one delegate for each one hun- 
 dred members. The London Trades Council, perhaps the 
 most successful Central Labor Union in the world, still holds 
 to this principle. It is not difficult there, because the num- 
 ber of constituents is put at five hundred, and the delegates 
 meet but once a month, while almost all business of import- 
 ance is transacted by an Executive Committee. 
 
 American federations of all kinds are divided between the 
 progressive and the arbitrary systems of representation, while 
 almost all have the same system of revenues, although the 
 latter often differ in amount. The progressive system is one 
 frequently adopted by Central Labor Unions. In this sys- 
 tem there is a minimum number of constituents, for which 
 the local union is entitled to a certain number of delegates. 
 If the union has more than this minimum number of mem- 
 bers, it is entitled to one delegate for each certain additional 
 number. For a good example of this system of representa- 
 tion we will take the Baltimore Central Labor Union : Any 
 organization which has one hundred and fifty members or 
 fewer is entitled to five delegates ; organizations having over 
 one hundred and fifty and fewer than two hundred and fifty 
 members may have six delegates ; organizations with over 
 two hundred and fifty members are entitled to seven delegates. 
 
 Some Central Unions do not limit the number of delegates, 
 but provide one delegate for each additional one hundred 
 members. This system is capable of great variation, and in 
 fact is varied to suit local conditions. If the number of 
 unions affiliating is liable to be small, a comparatively large 
 
66 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 number of delegates from each union is desirable ; but where 
 the number of unions is large, it is necessary to limit the 
 number of delegates from each. Again, where the constitu- 
 ent unions are large, it is necessary that the number of 
 members entitled to one delegate should be large also. The 
 size of the Central body must be kept in mind. It must 
 have a sufficient number of delegates properly to represent 
 the trade unions ; but it must not have so many that the 
 wheels of business become clogged. 
 
 This system of representation does not readily lend itself 
 justly to the prevailing method of collecting revenue from 
 the trade unions; for wherever it is used we see taxation 
 without representation. For example, under the Baltimore 
 plan all members over three hundred and fifty would have 
 no representation at all, while each member would pay the 
 same dues to the Central Union. Thus, since each delegate 
 has one vote, the smaller societies are much better repre- 
 sented than the larger ones. The American Federation of 
 Labor overcomes the difficulty nicely, by limiting the num- 
 ber of delegates to its conventions, but proportioning the 
 number of votes possessed by each to the number of trade 
 union members he represents. The number of votes in these 
 conventions varies from one to seventy-three for each dele- 
 gate. The revenue is strictly proportionate in this case. 
 The difficulty first spoken of, however, again arises, namely, 
 that the smaller trade unions may be lost sight of. 
 
 The third system of representation used by Central Labor 
 Unions fixes arbitrarily the number of delegates from each 
 society. Generally five delegates are allowed, no matter how 
 many members the local union may have enrolled. This 
 is a most unjust system, for a union of forty or fifty members 
 has exactly the same representation as a strong union of five 
 hundred or six hundred members. In at least one Central 
 Union this system was adopted as a remedy for the abuses 
 
ORGANIZATION 67 
 
 of a belter system. The second system here described was 
 in vogue, but there was no method of determining how many 
 members a union really had enrolled. Any number could 
 be sent, and if the credentials were all right, the delegates 
 must be seated. The constitution was revised, and the arbi- 
 trary system of representation was substituted. The very 
 obvious means of controlling the number of delegates by the 
 per capita tax was overlooked, and the dues were also arbi- 
 trarily fixed. This is, of course, one of the means used to 
 offset the injustice of the representation. As each union 
 had the same number of delegates as every other union, it 
 should pay the same dues. Moreover, in most Central 
 Unions where this system obtains, no legislation affecting 
 the locals may be enacted without first referring it to the 
 constituent unions for action. This must be a popular vote, 
 so that each trade unionist may record his individual opinion. 
 It is in the Central Unions which use the arbitrary system of 
 representation together with the per capita tax, and without 
 the referendum vote, that the greatest injustice occurs. 
 
 The delegates to the Central body are commonly elected 
 for six months or a year. In one case, where three 
 delegates are elected from each local union, one is elected 
 for eighteen months, one for twelve months, and one for six 
 months. This is a refinement which is not as yet appre- 
 ciated nor indeed necessary. 
 
 The quorum necessary to transact business varies from at 
 least fifteen delegates, representing fifteen organizations, to 
 five delegates, irrespective of the number of organizations 
 represented. Some of the smaller Central Unions specify 
 that one-quarter or one-third of the organizations must be 
 represented. Each Central makes its own rules lor the 
 government of the delegates and punishes non-attendance 
 by declaring the seat vacant. 
 
 The dues from the local unions to the Central are in 
 
68 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 general very low and are just about sufficient to pay the 
 necessary expenses. There are practically two methods in 
 use of assessing these dues. One is the per capita tax — 
 generally one cent or one and one-quarter cents per 
 month. This is by far the best system, as it not only does 
 justice to all, but generally insures a larger income. The 
 second system is the assessment of an arbitrary amount 
 upon each organization affiliated. This varies from fifty 
 cents to two dollars per month, more frequently the latter. 
 If it were possible to know accurately the number of 
 members in each local, this system would probably never be 
 resorted to. The membership could, in a measure, be 
 determined by making the representation and vote in the 
 Central depend upon the number of constituents paid for. 
 This plan is carried out in the Trades Union Congress of 
 England, as well as in the London Trades Council. But in 
 these cases the dues are very much smaller — in the London 
 Trades Council only four cents yearly per member. 
 
 Besides the one cent per capita tax or the arbitrary 
 monthly fee in the Central Labor Union, each local union 
 must usually pay an initiation fee of from two dollars to five 
 dollars. When trades councils are affiliated with the 
 Central, they must pay in addition to the same initiation fee 
 and the same dues of the single union, a tax of ten cents for 
 each subordinate union. When more money is necessary, 
 the Central cannot levy an assessment, but is driven to 
 expedients of doubtful advantage, like the picnic or the 
 entertainment or the sale of the right to publish a Labor- 
 day souvenir, which is a thinly veiled blackmailing scheme. 
 It is a blackmailing scheme, because the one who buys the 
 right either intimidates merchants and employers into giving 
 money for advertising, or promises them protection against 
 strikes and boycotts. Both intimidations and promises are 
 made in the name of the Central Labor Union, but generally 
 without warrant. 
 
ORGANIZATION 69 
 
 Very rarely is any provision made to carry on a strike or 
 to assist unions when striking ; there is no permanent fund 
 upon which the union may draw in times of peculiar dis- 
 tress. The dues at present are too low to admit of this, and 
 as a consequence, begging for funds to assist men on a 
 strike and appeals to affiliated unions and to the public are 
 phenomena most noticeable in the meetings and the minutes 
 of the Central Labor Union. This not only demoralizes the 
 men and the unions but guarantees no support to strikers 
 even in a most just cause. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 Objects and Principles of Central Labor Unions. 
 
 I. objects. 
 
 Every Central Labor Union publishes along with its 
 constitution and by-laws certain objects for which it exists. 
 These are ideals, rarely fulfilled completely, serving as an 
 outline which the active, healthy union is always trying to 
 fill out. 
 
 It is impossible to determine to what extent these objects 
 are accomplished. There are no statistics of Central Labor 
 Unions, even though it be the duty of an officer or a com- 
 mittee in each union to gather and preserve such statistics, 
 and the minutes of the Centrals do not furnish the material 
 necessary to determine how much has been done. In fact 
 most of the work done in the furtherance of many of the 
 avowed objects of the Central Unions would not appear in 
 the minutes at all. Often, however, by results in legislation, 
 in education, and in organization can we see the work 
 accomplished by the Central. 
 
 The following " objects " have not been taken from any 
 one constitution, but include practically all those found in 
 the constitutions of Central Labor Unions in the United 
 States. There is variation in the " objects," as published 
 but there is little, if any, variation in the real end or aim of 
 Central Labor Unions. The principal difference is that some 
 constitutions are more complete than others. Certain 
 clauses are incorporated which, though not found in other 
 constitutions, are as much a part of the work of one as of 
 
 (7°) 
 
OBJECl'S AND PRINCIPLES y j 
 
 another. All Central Unions are alike in the objects for 
 which they were founded. The principles and methods of 
 these bodies are often widely different, and will be treated 
 later. 
 
 These " objects " may then be treated as if they were all 
 adopted by a single Central Labor Union, and in general, as 
 far as this point is concerned, what is true of any one is true 
 of all. 
 
 The objects may be conveniently grouped under the three 
 following heads : 
 
 1st. Organization. 
 
 2d. Education. 
 
 3d. Industry, or means of ofifense and defense. 
 
 I. Organization. 
 
 In speaking of the committee on organization, we have 
 already referred at length to the importance of the function 
 of organization in Central Unions. Too much stress can 
 scarcely be laid upon this part of the work, for it represents 
 the foundation of all influence or value which the acts of the 
 Central body may have. Next to internal trade union dis- 
 putes and political quarrels, the neglect of the work of 
 organization is the most frequent cause of loss of influence 
 and of the value of a Central Labor Union. Small locals need 
 constant attention, for if they begin to lapse and withdraw 
 from the Central, the evil effect is cumulative. The loss of 
 each active local union means so much loss of power in any- 
 thing the Central may undertake to do. This loss of power 
 in its turn may be the cause of the withdrawal of other 
 locals, as they would reason that they would not get value 
 received for what they contribute. 
 
 The very first object in almost all constitutions of Central 
 Labor Unions is that the body was founded for the more 
 complete organization of all labor in the city or district, and 
 
72 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 " the better to enable all organized labor in the city to act 
 promptly in emergencies, and thus mutually help each other 
 in labor difficulties by bringing to bear at once the com- 
 bined influence of all labor organizations to effect a settle- 
 ment." We see from this that the organization which is the 
 object of Central Labor Unions is of two kinds : First, The 
 complete organization of all laborers in local unions; 
 Second, the uniting of these local unions into a federation. 
 Nowhere has this program been entirely carried out. The 
 most complete organization occurs, of course, in the smaller 
 cities and towns. A few Central Labor Unions have 
 reported that all local unions are affiliated with the Central 
 Union ; but there are always non-union workingmen to be 
 found even in these towns. In the larger cities by no means 
 all of the local unions are affiliated with the Central Labor 
 Union or with the similar organization, the District Assembly 
 of the Knights of Labor. Sometimes only a mere fraction 
 of the local unions are thus federated. For instance, it is 
 estimated that in New York City there a:re about five 
 hundred labor unions, while not more than two hundred are 
 affiliated with the four or five Central organizations. There 
 are several reasons for this state of afifairs. One of them is 
 found in the fact that there are several Central organizations. 
 In other words, as long as the federations of labor unions are 
 at war with each other and cannot agree upon objects and 
 methods, the local union will not affiliate with either. 
 
 The following is the testimony of an officer of a Central 
 Labor Union on the question of Central organizations : 
 
 ■'After years of experiencd with several central organizations of 
 the city almost constantly at variance, generally caused by some 
 officer or individual member dragging his organization into his own 
 petty squabbles, I have come to the conclusion that if organized 
 labor is ever going to be united in Cleveland, it must be through 
 
 ' The two largest bodies have since combined. 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES 73 
 
 one central organization, in which every subject necessary to the 
 welfare of the workers can be fully discussed and the wishes of the 
 majority carried out ; and whilst I have always believed a building 
 trades council to be a necessity, I realize that kindred trades must 
 remain in closest touch with, and be allied to the other craft organi- 
 zations bound together in one grand central body, wherein the 
 workers' interests are ever more preached and practiced. Such a 
 body is the Central Labor Union of this city." ' 
 
 Moreover, there are often several different organizations 
 in the same trade and the Central Union will recognize only 
 one of them. Oftentimes local unions which feel that they 
 have not been treated justly by the Central withdraw and 
 remain unaffiliated unless they affiliate directly with the 
 American Federation of Labor. 
 
 This organization does not require that all locals should 
 affiliate with Central Unions, but simply urges them to do so. 
 This is because the Central Labor Union has no definite 
 place in the organization of the larger federation, which is 
 primarily a federation of national trade unions. To be sure, 
 each Central Union pays its tax and sends its delegates to 
 the convention, but no matter how large the Central may be 
 it has but the one vote, while the number of votes of the 
 national trade unions is based upon membership. More- 
 over, to show the very loose form of the Federation, and the 
 way in which it looks upon the Central, it may be stated 
 that each Central Labor Union even though it has not 
 affiliated with the American Federation of Labor may send 
 delegates and have a vote. It is also true in the General 
 Assembly of the Knights of Labor, if the " Knights " are 
 represented in the Central. 
 
 In the present state of organization of labor in America 
 the Central Labor Union holds a pecular position. It seems 
 to be a federation outside of the regular lines of organiza- 
 
 ' Cleveland Citizen, Sept. 24, 1 898. 
 
74 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 tion, almost unrecognized because its constituent unions 
 have already been recognized through other representatives. 
 Yet, as far as the city or district is concerned, this federa- 
 tion is capable of wielding a greater power and of yielding 
 a far greater direct benefit than any national trade organi- 
 zation. 
 
 A national or state federation cannot have for its com- 
 ponent parts both national trade unions and small federa- 
 tions of miscellaneous local unions upon the same basis. 
 One or the other must be subordinate, and the time has not 
 come when we can have a successful federation of Central 
 Labor Unions. Indeed, the reason for any representation of 
 the Central in the conventions of national federations is not 
 at all clear. It is for the most part merely duplication. The 
 work of the Central Labor Union is in any event local, and 
 its connection with central unions of other cities is more fan- 
 cied than real. As far as organization is concerned, its efforts 
 should be confined to seeing that every workman in the city 
 is a union man, and that every local union is affiliated with 
 a Centi-al Union — and that Central Union the only one in 
 the city. 
 
 Long before this has been completely accomplished, or- 
 ganized labor will find itself in a position to enforce any just 
 demand which is not directly contrary to economic laws. 
 
 2. Education. 
 
 The second group of objects is not considered by the 
 Central Union of so much importance as the others, and less 
 time and energy are spent in their accomplishment. Very 
 often they are entirely neglected. The only importance these 
 educational objects have for the present trade unionist is as 
 a means of accomplishing the objects aimed at in the other 
 groups. They aim to educate the laborer or the public, not 
 in a general way, but only along those lines in which they 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES 75 
 
 hope to accomplish amelioration in the conditions of labor 
 or to effect certain reforms. 
 
 What they have to say in regard to general education, 
 which is for children, is not properly a direct " object " of 
 the Central Labor Union, but rather a principle for which it 
 stands in the name of all labor, whether organized or not. 
 This must be considered later on. The direct educational 
 objects are as follows : 
 
 1st. To educate all classes in the true object of the trade 
 union movement by means of lectures, pamphlets, public 
 debates, distribution of industrial literature generally. 
 
 2d. To give reliable information concerning all trade dis- 
 putes. 
 
 3th. To establish and maintain a labor press. 
 
 4th. To mould public opinion in favor of trade unions. 
 
 5th. To collect and preserve trade and labor statistics. 
 
 6th. To provide a congress of labor. 
 
 7th. "To find if possible the causes of the unequal distribu- 
 tion of the products of labor created from the natural boun- 
 ties in and on the earth." 
 
 Some of these laudable objects are attained in a measure, 
 and some are impossible of attainment by a Central Labor 
 Union. The first is generally lost sight of except when some 
 special object necessitates this sort of education, as in the 
 case of a great strike or boycott, or a political movement by 
 the Central Union. The funds of the union, as well as the 
 time of the members, are too limited to do any such work 
 on a large scale. A keen interest, however, is taken in all 
 matters of general education undertaken by the public or by 
 societies, where it is certain that it is not carried on in the 
 interest of a political party. A noted labor leader, giving an 
 address in a city where there is a Central Labor Union may 
 be sure of great enthusiasm among its members and conse- 
 quently may expect a good audience. 
 
76 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 The information on labor disputes furnished by a Central 
 Labor Union, while it may be reliable, must necessarily be 
 looked upon as coming from a source which is bound to be 
 biased. Such information is accepted as trustworthy only 
 by those whose interests are the same as those of the mem- 
 bers of the Central. Of course, the same thing is true of 
 information obtained from the other side in the dispute. 
 Thus, while the Central Union might really accomplish the 
 object in this case, it is not of so much importance as if it 
 were accomplished by a disinterested party. 
 
 Only about twenty per cent, of the Central Labor Unions 
 of the United States own or control a labor paper ; but many 
 more, if not all, have official organs. It is of much greater 
 benefit to a Central Union that there should be at least one 
 large daily paper in the city, which is in sympathy with the 
 labor movement, than that it should have a weekly paper of 
 its own. More men are reached, and especially more men 
 whom it is desirable to reach. The labor paper goes in the 
 main only to those who already believe the doctrines 
 preached ; and little is gained in this way. Moreover, the 
 spirit breathed by labor papers generally is so intolerant, so 
 one-sided, and so radical that but little is accomplished aside 
 from making the rank and file ever more radical and more 
 bitter toward all capitalists. The present industrial system 
 is the favorite theme of editors and contributors : a scientific 
 discussion of an economic question rarely appears in their 
 columns. As far as facts and news of the labor world are 
 given, the labor press is careful and painstaking and fills a 
 real want of the workingmen, but when the realm of theory 
 is entered, the reader gets only a partisan view. The litera- 
 ture disseminated by means of the union is better, but it is 
 written for the most part in the spirit of the advocate rather 
 than in that of the impartial seeker after truth. The fore- 
 going is true not only of the organs of Central Labor Unions 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES 77 
 
 but, in large measure, of all strictly labor publications. Some 
 of these, however, are of course much more conservative 
 than others. 
 
 The moulding of public opinion is accomplished more by 
 the regular work of the Central Labor Union than by any 
 special effort it may make for this avowed object. This 
 need, therefore, not be considered. Favorable public opinion 
 is a necessity to labor unions in any dispute with employers, 
 if they are to be successful ; but this favorable opinion can 
 come only after consistent and conservative action on the 
 part of the union. 
 
 We have already spoken of the matter of collecting statis- 
 tics and its almost entire neglect. This is one of the " ob- 
 jects" of the Central Labor Union whose importance does 
 not seem to warrant the outlay of any energy. It is in fact 
 quite doubtful if it is really within the province of the labor 
 union to undertake this work at all. Training, time, and 
 money with which to make a success of it are all lacking, 
 while the frequent changes of committees and officers would 
 render it very difficult. Moreover, we have state, and in a 
 few cases municipal, bureaus of labor statistics which are 
 more reliable and which can do the work very much better. 
 As an auxiliary to statistical bureaus, however, they may 
 prove of great value. 
 
 The Central Labor Union provides a congress of labor 
 where representatives may meet to " discuss and examine all 
 questions affecting the general interest of the workers." Here 
 the delegates may be lifted out of the narrow sphere of their 
 own craft and be led to look at questions which are vital to 
 trade unionism and labor generally, from different points of 
 view. Here they may see how a trade dispute in any one 
 craft may affect other workers, and how the trade unions 
 may be mutually helpful. Thus in numerous ways are the 
 ideas of the delegate broadened in industrial matters, and as 
 
78 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 he is an influential member in his local union, the local union 
 receives the benefit, the effect of which is to be observed in 
 its more rational action. 
 
 The final educational object of Central Labor Unions is 
 the most ambitious of all and is least likely to be accom- 
 plished. It is absolutely impossible for such a body of 
 laborers to deal with such a question, however desirable and 
 necessary its solution may be. 
 
 3. Offensive and Defensive. 
 
 The real objects of the foundation of Central Labor Unions 
 and those for which the foregoing are simply as means to an 
 end, are what we have put under the head of " Industry or 
 means of offense and defense." They are : 
 
 1st: To protect the rights and to defend the interests of 
 the laboring classes. 
 
 2d: To render assistance to locals in securing concessions 
 to all just demands. 
 
 3d : To guard against, and to use only as a last resort, the 
 strike and the boycott. 
 
 4th : To aid in the adoption of the union label. 
 
 5th : To further by every possible means the settlement of 
 industrial disputes by arbitration. 
 
 Many Central Labor Unions content themselves with the 
 first of these objects without specifying further. Indeed, this 
 probably states the whole question for Central Unions, for 
 they have no system of insurance or of benefits, and practic- 
 ally no social functions, such as are the foundations of the 
 local. Under such a clause as this, almost anything may be 
 discussed or attempted unless other parts of the constitution 
 forbid. It is best, however, as many unions do, to show 
 along what lines and in what manner these rights are to be 
 protected and these interests defended. 
 
 In following out this program, one of the first benefits 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES jg 
 
 which local unions expect and receive at the hands of the 
 Central Union is aid in the adoption and use of the trade 
 union label. The union label affixed to a product asserts 
 that that product has been manufactured under what the 
 unionist calls "fair" conditions. These "fair" conditions 
 include the payment of the rate of wage demanded by the 
 union, the working of a certain number of hours, also fixed 
 by the union, and all sanitary conditions favorable to the 
 health and well being of the worker as well as cleanliness in 
 the manufacture of the product. These latter conditions are 
 supposed to be determined by the union working through 
 the legislature and the Board of Health. The union label is 
 granted to an employer only after he has complied with all 
 the conditions which the union imposes. The reimburse- 
 ment to the manufacturer for any added inconvenience or 
 expense incident to such compliance is supposed to come 
 from the extra patronage he may get from the consumers 
 who buy only union-made goods when possible, together 
 with the satisfaction which comes from knowing that he is 
 treating his employees fairly. There is, of course, the added 
 benefit, which is often very considerable, of keeping the good 
 will of his employees and of being exempt from strikes in 
 his factory and from boycotts on his goods. 
 
 There are at present thirty such labels (including the gen- 
 eral union label) which are endorsed by the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor. There are also in some cities other local 
 labels, indorsed by the Central Labor Union. 
 
 The assistance which the Central can give to unions in 
 the consumption of union goods through recognition of the 
 union label, is necessarily local, and consists for the most 
 part of agitation, of education in conditions under which 
 non-union goods are made, contrasted with the fair condi- 
 tions of union-made goods, and of insistence on union con- 
 ditions wherever, as a union, it comes into contact with 
 
8o HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 dealers. Local unions often fine their members if detected 
 in the use of a non-union or "scab" product; but the Cen- 
 tral Union has not yet reached a point where it can force the 
 locals to conform to such rules. There is at least one excep- 
 tion to this rule. One Central Labor Union has a resolution 
 on its minutes to the efifect that all unions affiliated shall 
 employ no musicians except those belonging to unions 
 affiliated with the Central Body. It is not a part of the con- 
 stitution, and no penalty is attached ; and the enforcement 
 depends upon the circumstances of the individual case. 
 The musicians' union complained that it was treated un- 
 justly, when the Central voted that another local need not 
 break a contract already entered into with non-union 
 musicians, as it would cost the latter local one hundred and 
 twenty-five dollars. Unions or union men are inconsistent 
 when they employ non-unionists or non-union goods, but 
 when a Central Labor Union attempts to force the com- 
 ponent unions to such consistent action, it must be stronger 
 as a federation, and offer more advantages than it does at 
 present, or it will soon disintegrate. As yet, the trades 
 unionist has not arrived at the point where he can be forced 
 to give up his personal independence even for the good of 
 the principles in which he firmly believes. 
 
 The real aggressive work of the Central Union is divided 
 into three parts : 
 
 ist: Efforts at conciliation or arbitration. 
 
 2d : Sanctioning or ordering a strike or boycott. 
 
 3d : Support of the strike or boycott. 
 
 Let us suppose that a local union has some difficulty with 
 an employer, and is unable to settle it alone. As a final 
 resort the facts are laid before the Central Union and are at 
 once referred to the arbitration committee or to a special 
 committee. The committee visits the employer and tries to 
 adjust the dispute, and in doing so has, of course, the whole 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES gi 
 
 potential force of the Central Union behind it. This con- 
 ference very often has the desired effect for two reasons : 
 first, the committee will not be quite so prejudiced, and will 
 be inclined to look at the question in a broader light and 
 perhaps to make concessions which the local would not 
 make ; or perhaps the local committee could not gain access 
 to the employer at all, while the committee from the larger 
 organization can. In the second place, a federation of 
 unions has more influence and power than any single union, 
 and this fact is generally recognized by the employer. But 
 if the committee is not able to adjust the difficulty, it makes 
 this report to the Central, with or without recommendations. 
 Then if the case is considered of sufficient importance, the 
 Central Union may sanction a strike. 
 
 Central Labor Unions, without exception, in the United 
 States have declared, without reservation, in favor of arbitra- 
 tion as a means of settling all industrial difficulties. This 
 statement is found in the constitution of every such body, 
 and is acted upon whenever opportunity occurs. It offers 
 its services either as a court of arbitration, or to aid in any 
 manner the state or local boards of arbitration in order that 
 difficulties may be adjusted in the only sensible way. 
 
 As a necessary result of' this endorsement of arbitration, 
 the strike is discouraged in every possible way, and is never 
 resorted to, in theory at least, and so far as the Central 
 Union is concerned, in practice, until all other means have 
 failed. Many more strikes would occur among disaffected 
 workmen, were it not for the temporizing influence of the 
 Central body, and for its refusal to support them, either 
 morally or financially. This is one of the real blessings of 
 the Central Labor Union, not only for the laborer but for 
 the employer and the public. No strike receives the sup- 
 port of the Central body unless there is a well defined 
 principle at stake, and often not then, unless there is a 
 reasonable chance of success. 
 
82 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 If there is fancied wrong or oppression among a certain 
 class of workmen, the matter is brought up in the local 
 union first, and is rarely settled without the intervention of 
 the Central body. The regular delegates of that craft are 
 there as well as the general organizer to give information, 
 and the combined wisdom and experience of all the dele- 
 gates are brought to bear on the difficulty. Thus direct 
 knowledge is brought weekly to a body, large and powerful, 
 and wise enough to hold the respect, not only of the 
 employer, but of the general public as well. If the trouble 
 cannot be settled peaceably at first, arbitration is resorted 
 to, generally through the influence of a Central Union. If 
 this fails entirely and if a strike or boycott is ordered, it is 
 not for the trade union most interested to fight the battle 
 alone, but both moral and financial support is given by the 
 central and by all affiliated unions. This positive help is 
 worth much, but much more good is accomplished by the 
 fact of the simple existence of such a force in the city. 
 Employers are more careful of the treatment of their men 
 and fewer strikes and boycotts result. Much is therefore 
 saved to both employers and workmen. 
 
 The weapon of offense and defense most feared by some 
 classes of employers, and most frequently used by laborers, 
 is the boycott. This is, indeed, now prohibited by statute in 
 twenty-three states, two of these prohibiting "boycotting in 
 terms, and twenty-one having laws which may be fairly con- 
 strued to the same effect. These laws, however, like the 
 laws against blacklisting, are easily evaded, especially where 
 the difficulty is local, as a boycott on retail merchants, 
 newspapers, and manufacturers for a local trade. 
 
 Numbers count for more in carrying on a boycott than 
 in any other work of the union. Practically only union 
 men refrain from patronizing a boycotted establishment, and 
 the merchant fears only when he loses numbers of customers. 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES gj 
 
 The general public do not enter into a boycott. They 
 regard it as a quarrel in which they are not interested, and 
 have no time to look into the merits of the case. 
 
 Without the Central Labor Union, an effective boycott 
 could not be carried on in the city. If it could, it would 
 soon be abused. Without a restraining power, petty 
 grievances, real or imagined, would result in a boycott, and 
 this, too, possibly when only a small local union was 
 affected. The Central Labor Union endorses a boycott only 
 when every other means has failed, and then only when the 
 Committee on Grievances recommend and the delegates 
 vote it by a large majority — usually two-thirds or three- 
 fourths. When a boycott is declared, every affiliated union 
 is required to support it. If they do not, they forfeit the 
 right to such support when they are in a similar difficulty. 
 If any affiliated union should declare a boycott without the 
 sanction of the Central body, other affiliated unions are not 
 required to support it. Such a boycott would be so 
 ineffective that it is quite unlikely to be declared. The 
 official organ of every Central Union publishes a list of firms 
 " we don't patronize." This list contains not only the local 
 firms, but reaches to" the products of manufacturers from 
 Maine to California. The Cleveland Citizen of August 27, 
 1898, has a list of eighty-five such firms, and the Federa- 
 tionist, the official publication of the American Federation 
 of Labor, published in December, 1898, a list of ninety so- 
 called " unfair firms." Not all boycotts of one Central Union 
 are endorsed by others or by the American Federation, but 
 each one rests on the merits of the case. Thus proper 
 checks are put upon wholesale boycotting, and a resort to 
 arbitration and other peaceful means of settling the diffi- 
 culty is assured. The boycott is more often used than a 
 strike, for not only can union men in this way reach classes 
 which would be quite safe from a strike, but the method is 
 at once more convenient and less expensive. 
 
84 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 In but one constitution have we been able to find that a 
 strike or boycott may be ordered by a Central Union. This 
 order, however, carries with it no more guarantee of assist- 
 ance than a mere sanction. It is not binding on the local, 
 and practically means only a sanction. Where a strike is 
 considered, the local union must reckon not only with the 
 Central Union, but with the National Union to which it be- 
 longs, and the decision of the Central Union may be over- 
 ruled. Since, however, this is only a sanction and not a 
 binding order, no clash of authority occurs. Finally, if after 
 every means of settling the difficulty peaceably has been 
 tried and has proven futile, and if a strike or boycott, or both, 
 have been declared, the resources of the Central may be 
 strained to the utmost to carry the war to a successful con- 
 clusion. If, however, the local" union has declared a strike 
 or boycott without first consulting the Central, the latter 
 considers itself absolved from responsibility and may refuse 
 any assistance. But if the strike has been regularly declared, 
 the Central, since it has no fund for carrying on strikes, must 
 devise ways and means of raising money. All affiliated 
 unions are requested to contribute. This is not compulsory, 
 but if a local refuses to aid in supporting a strike sanctioned 
 by the Central, it loses all right to be helped in a like emer- 
 gency, unless when the call came it was itself engaged in a 
 strike. This refers simply to financial or moral assistance 
 and does not include the necessity of striking in sympathy to 
 aid the striking union. The general Central Labor Union 
 has no power to order a sympathetic strike, although if a 
 fair-minded committee from a conservative Central should 
 recommend this action, most affiliated locals would feel 
 bound to accede to the request. A special form of Central 
 Labor Union, which we shall consider later, has power to 
 order a sympathetic strike, and is accordingly more feared 
 by the employers. 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES ge 
 
 In only one case have \ve been, able to find that the 
 assessment for financial assistance has not been left to the 
 local unions ; this is in the Central Labor Council of Cin- 
 cinnati. The constitution provides : ' " If a majority of the 
 aggregate membership of the organizations represented in this 
 council vote in favor [of an appeal for financial assistance], 
 a per capita assessment shall be levied upon all such organ- 
 izations for the assistance of the one in distress." This is a 
 very notable departure from the ultra-democratic theories of 
 trade unionisrn held in the United States. Generally the 
 Central pei;forms merely the duties of an agent, and collects 
 the voluntary contributions from the local unions and dis- 
 tributes the same to the strikers. This is very important, 
 especially to the local union in a craft which has no national 
 organization to which it can appeal. Without such aid from 
 the Central Union the weak local must almost inevitably lose 
 its fight, however just the cause may be. 
 
 Various schemes for raising money are resorted to by the 
 Central ; lotteries, dances, picnics, and the subscription books 
 are favorite methods. Men are also sent out over the coun- 
 try to visit the unions of the different cities in order to extend 
 the boycott and collect funds. By these men the Central 
 Labor Unions are found most convenient, for in addition to 
 generally obtaining a donation from them, they can meet the 
 representatives of the different locals, find the time and place 
 of meeting, and enlist the sympathy of the delegates in the 
 cause they represent. Public opinion is also strongly ap- 
 pealed to through the press controlled by the Central Labor 
 Union, and through numerous pamphlets and speakers. 
 
 If the strike is of importance, as standing for a great 
 principle, a sympathetic strike may be determined upon, 
 although this is very far from probable for two reasons. 
 First, every additional man who leaves his work reduces the 
 
 ' Article 7, Section 4. 
 
86 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 possible resources with which to support the original strikers ; 
 and, second, the public is bound to be seriously inconveni- 
 enced and likely to transfer its sympathy to the other side in 
 the controversy. Very rarely indeed, then, will a Central 
 Labor Union recommend a general strike in sympathy with 
 the original strikers. 
 
 11. PRINCIPLES. 
 
 The principles of Central Labor Unionfi represent not the 
 direct and immediate aim of organization, but rather the 
 foundations of labor organization. They represent the atti- 
 tude of the Central Labor Union in regard to public ques- 
 tions. If the Central were a political party, the list of 
 principles would be called its platform ; in fact, it is so called 
 by several Central Unions, particularly those which have 
 decidedly socialistic tendencies, even when they do not, as a 
 very few do, ally themselves with a socialistic party. 
 
 These principles are divided, according as they affect the 
 laborers, into the following five classes : 
 
 1st: Industrial. 
 
 2d: Organization. 
 
 3d : Legislative. 
 
 4th: Political. 
 
 5th: Socialistic. 
 
 By industrial principles are meant those which directly 
 afifect the worker as such, and have to deal with his imme- 
 diate environment, health, wages, or working time. They 
 may be summed up as follows: 
 
 1st: Abolition of child-labor under fourteen, fifteen, or six- 
 teen years.' 
 
 2d : Sanitary inspection of mines, factories, and dwellings. 
 
 3d : Abolition of the truck system. 
 
 4th : Abolition of convict labor. 
 
 ' The age-limit varies in different unions. 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES 87 
 
 5th: Establishment of a general eight-hour work-day. 
 
 6th : Equal pay to men and women for the same service. 
 
 7th : Abolition of the tenement-house and sweat-shop 
 systems. 
 
 8th : Weekly payment of wages. 
 
 Organization principles are those which have to do with 
 qualifications of men and unions, as well as with results 
 aimed at through organization. These might as well have 
 been grouped under the objects of Central Unions, as under 
 this head. They include the following demands : 
 
 1 st : Color, nationality, or denomination should not debar a 
 laboring man from the rights of unionists. 
 
 2d : All proposed labor legislation should be discussed and 
 altered, if necessary, by the labor unions. 
 
 3d: The conditions of the laborer should be ameliorated 
 and "fair" concerns supported. 
 
 4th : The Central Labor Union claims a right to public 
 recognition along with the various commercial organizations, 
 as it wishes to co-operate in all movements looking to the 
 public welfare. In other words, according to this declaration 
 the Central Labor Union desires to be considered as the 
 same kind of an organization as a Board of Trade, for in- 
 stance, because both are working for the business prosperity 
 of the community. As a matter of fact, they are very rarely, 
 if ever, looked upon with the same degree of respect. 
 
 The legislative principles of Central Labor Unions are 
 numerous, for legislation is regarded as one of the best and 
 easiest methods of accomplishing the objects of labor unions. 
 The American Federation of Labor has a lobby in Washing- 
 ton, and each State Federation has a lobby at the state 
 capitol. The Central Labor Union has no lobby in a legis- 
 lative body, but the course of the city and state legislation is 
 carefully scrutinized, and when necessary the Law and Legis- 
 lation Committee looks after labor's interests in the city 
 
88 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 council, or even in the state legislature. As an example of 
 the active interest taken by Central Labor Unions in such 
 matters it may be stated that on April, 1896, in New 
 York State, eighty delegates appeared before the committee 
 of the American Federation of Labor state branch in the in- 
 terests of a bill calculated to benefit the bakers. 
 
 It may be pertinent to print herewith a resolution found on 
 the minutes of a large and flourishing Central Labor Union : 
 
 "Resolved, That the Central Labor Union subscribe for the 
 [the official paper of the city], and that the law and legisla- 
 tion committee review the same and report on all matters affecting 
 their interests, and that the attitude of the municipal members [city 
 council] be noted and a report made . . . , in order that at the 
 succeeding election intelligent voting could follow." 
 
 The following are the declarations of the difTerent Central 
 Labor Unions in regard to legislation : 
 
 1st: There shall be free and compulsory education of chil- 
 dren up to the age of fourteen years. 
 
 2d : Gambling in stocks and in necessaries of life shall be 
 prohibited. 
 
 3d : The fee system in payment of public officers shall be 
 abolished. 
 
 4th: The system of initiative and referendum shall be 
 adopted for all laws. 
 
 5 th : An employers' liability act shall be passed which shall 
 not interfere with the common-law right of recovery. 
 
 6th : The Australian ballot system of voting shall be intro- 
 duced in caucuses. 
 
 7th : There shall be a state apprentice law. 
 
 8th: All municipal laws shall be revised and simplified. 
 
 9th: Capital punishment shall be abolished, 
 
 lOth: Ownership of land by aliens shall be prohibited. 
 
 I ith : All indirect taxes shall be abolished. 
 
 1 2th: All beneficial labor laws shall be enforced. 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES gg 
 
 13th: Pauper immigration shall be prohibited. 
 
 14th: The workman shall have a first Hen for wages. 
 
 iSth: All conspiracy laws shall be abolished. 
 
 1 6th: The employment of armed forces by private cor- 
 porations shall be prohibited. 
 
 17th: A reform of the judiciary is necessary. 
 
 The political declarations are not many, but they are the 
 most active principles, for there is always some one to see 
 that, as far as possible, they are not violated. They are as 
 follows : 
 
 1st: No support shall be given to a political organization. 
 
 2d : Delegates or officers, as such, shall not enter politics. 
 
 3d : There shall be no politics in the municipal service. 
 
 4th : All delegates shall become citizens. 
 
 5 th: The President, the Vice-President and the United 
 States Senators shall be elected by direct vote of the people. 
 
 6th : The Central Labor Union is not a political body, but it 
 claims the right of expressing and exercising its views, rights 
 and principles on all issues affecting the right of labor and 
 the brotherhood of man, and of carrying the same into eflFect 
 in such legislative manner as the body deems beneficial to 
 the wage-earners of the community. 
 
 There seems to be among laboring men a growing tend- 
 ency, which is reflected in Central Labor Unions, to indulge 
 in a belief in socialism. This is a frequent cause of quar- 
 rels and of consequent splits in what would otherwise be 
 strong bodies. Some of them are dominated by socialists 
 but keep clear of the party, while others enter actively as an 
 organization into political campaigns. The active outward 
 growth of the socialistic Central Labor Union, however, is 
 retarded by the attitude of the American Federation of 
 Labor toward socialism as embodied in a political party. 
 The position of the federation in regard to political action 
 has often been defined by successive conventions in the fol- 
 
90 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 lowing words : " The American Federation of Labor most 
 firmly and unequivocally favors the independent use of the 
 ballot by the trade unionists and workingmen, united regard- 
 less of party." The American Federation of Labor will not 
 grant a charter to a Central Union if the name of a branch 
 of a socialist party appears on the roll of affiiliated unions. 
 This was thoroughly discussed at the convention of the 
 American Federation of Labor in 1890 at Detroit; and the 
 discussion was published as one of the American Federation 
 of Labor documents. Many of the strongest unions, how- 
 ever, are socialistic without being connected as organizations 
 with the socialist party. They may accordingly be chartered 
 by the Federation. 
 
 The socialistic declarations of the Central Unions are 
 found in the following demands : 
 
 1st. Government ownership of all means of communica- 
 tion and transportation. 
 
 2d. Municipal ownership of gas, electric lighting, water, 
 telephone, and street railroad plants. 
 
 3d. Abolition of contract labor on public works. 
 
 4th. Collective ownership by the people of all means of 
 production and distribution. 
 
 Sth. Taxation of land values irrespective of improvements. 
 
 6th. Abolition of national banks and the substitution of 
 treasury notes for bank bills. All notes and money to be 
 issued directly by the government. 
 
 7th. Establishment of postal deposit and savings banks. 
 
 Sth. Public maintenance of a public hall for every assem- 
 bly district. 
 
 III. ALLIED TRADES COUNCILS. 
 
 A special kind of Central Labor Union which yields a 
 more direct benefit to constituent unions than any other is 
 that which is known as the Allied Trades Council. The 
 name itself is perhaps as much of a description as is neces- 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES pj 
 
 sary. It suggests at least something of the composition of 
 the Union. It is, as the name implies, a council or delegate 
 body composed of representatives of a group of trades which 
 are closely allied in calling. There are but two such groups at 
 present: the Building Trades and the Printing Trades. 
 Craftsmen who would naturally belong to these may be 
 found. in, every large city in sufficient numbers to be joined 
 into local unions and federated into a Council or Central 
 Union. In many of the larger cities, and indeed, in some of 
 the smaller ones, where special industries are localized, men 
 of other allied trades are numerous enough to form similar 
 organizations, but nowhere are there such unions of the tex- 
 tile trades, or of the iron trades, or the boot and shoe trades. 
 The explanation of this is, of course, that the different 
 laborers in these trades work simply on various parts of the 
 same product, as in the case of boot and shoe workers, and 
 that there is consequently not enough differentiation in the 
 work. All interests are more nearly identical, and there- 
 fore a national union embracing all parts is the best form of 
 organization. In the building or printing trades, while the 
 workers may work on dififerent parts of the same product, 
 that product is not such as always needs the combined work 
 of all crafts, nor are all the parts considered equally neces- 
 sary. For example, a building may be complete without 
 the work of electrical workers, or tile layers, or cornice and 
 skylight makers. There is not, in other words, among the 
 craftsmen in the building or printing trades the unity of in- 
 terest which would lead to an all-embracnig national organ- 
 ization. There is, however, enough of an identity of inter- 
 est to permit a strong federation to be formed in smaller 
 districts for mutual protection ; and there is enough of in- 
 terdependence among such trades seriously to embarass all 
 the others if one trade were in difficulty with the employer. 
 One of the principal duties of allied printing trades councils 
 
92 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 as outlined by the Conference of Delegates from Allied 
 Printing Trades Councils of the United States is " to make 
 grievances of employes in one department of the establish- 
 ment the grievances of those in all other departments." In 
 addition to this, the unionist in these interdependent trades 
 sees an opportunity to wield a powerful weapon in what he 
 is pleased to call " industrial warfare," and materially to bet- 
 ter his condition through its use. This weapon is the sym- 
 pathetic strike, which has come to be much feared, espe- 
 cially by the building contractors. Ninety per cent, of the 
 sympathetic strikes as summarized in the eighth annual re- 
 port of Bureau of Labor Statistics of New York ' were either 
 inaugurated by building trades, or started to assist building 
 trades. In this same report the following definition of a 
 sympathetic strike is given : " The sympathetic strike is 
 one in which the strikers, having no grievance of their own, 
 take action out of belief that another body of workers is not 
 treated fairly, and so take up their cause." 
 
 As almost all the Building Trades Councils are alike, it 
 will suffice to describe the workings of the Board of Dele- 
 gates of the Building Trades of New York and vicinity, .for 
 two reasons. First, it is one of the oldest; and second, it is 
 one of the strongest in organization, in administration, and in 
 the results obtained. It is not true, however, that all such 
 councils are like this one. The New York Council may be 
 taken as the most extreme case. 
 
 This organization was founded in 1884, and has had a con- 
 tinuous and successful existence to the present. The direct 
 cause of the formation of the Board was to resist the com- 
 bined action of the contractors, who formed unions among 
 themselves to keep down wages, and to resist the efforts of 
 the workmen to lessen the number of hours in a day's work. 
 The object, as printed, is short and comprehensive : " To 
 
 ' Eighth Report, 1890, page 935. 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES 93 
 
 aid, by mutual support, each of the organizations represented 
 in this body." The membership is limited to bona fide 
 trades organizations in the building line, and representatives 
 must be elected to serve not less than three months. Un- 
 like most allied trades councils, this Board of Delegates is 
 composed of " walking delegates," or, according to the new 
 nomenclature, " business agents " of the local unions. Al- 
 though nothing is said in the constitution on this point, these 
 delegates are supposed to be paid representatives of the 
 locals. 
 
 The obligations and rules governing delegates are much 
 stricter than in the case of representatives to the ordinary 
 Central Labor Union. The following is the pledge taken : 
 
 " I, , do solemnly and sincerely pledge my word and honor 
 
 as a man that I will obey the rules and regulations of this Board, 
 and faithfully conform to all usages thereof ; that I will be punctual 
 in my attendance at all regular meetings and all Committees of the 
 Board ; that I will render all the assistance in my power to all other 
 delegates when ordered by this Board to do so ; that I will convey 
 and deliver all property which may be intrusted to me as a member 
 whenever ordered by resolution of the Board, and that I will 
 promptly pay my monthly dues to the Secretary of the Board." 
 
 The rules further provide that : 
 
 " Any delegate or organization having been affiliated with this 
 body, connecting themselves with an antagonistic body, shall be re- 
 fused assistance by any organization affiliated with this Board. Should 
 such organization again seek admission to this Board, they shall be 
 subject to a reinstatement fee of not less than fifty dollars." 
 
 There is also a system of heavy fines and penalties for 
 non-attendance at Board and Committee meetings. 
 
 In spite of strict rules, fines and penalties, we find that al- 
 most without exception the building trades of the city which 
 support " walking delegates" were affiliated with this Board 
 until recently, when certain unions were disciplined, with- 
 
94 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 drew, and formed the Building Trades Council. The same 
 thing in general is true of the Allied Trades Councils of 
 other cities, while, as has been pointed out, only a small part 
 of the local unions of a city are affiliated with the general 
 Central Labor Union. We need not seek far for the reason 
 for this state of things. It is found in the difference which 
 exists between the authority of the Central Labor Union 
 and that of the Allied Trades Council, in the independence of 
 action, and in the responsibility of the delegates. 
 
 To consider the last point first: The paid representative 
 of the local union must continually show reason why his 
 office should not be abolished. To do this, he must ever be 
 on the alert to take account of every grievance which occurs 
 among the members of his organization, and to use the most 
 effective means in his power to adjust the difficulty to the 
 satisfaction of the union. There is undoubtedly a tendency 
 for a walking delegate to take account of petty grievances 
 when real ones do not exist, but the amount of this has been 
 grossly exaggerated. He generally has enough to do to 
 take care of grievances which he cannot overlook. In his 
 efforts to settle the dispute in a way with which his union will 
 agree, he induces the union to affiliate with the federation or 
 council whose interests are similar, and whose power is 
 greatest. Then every grievance which is brought before the 
 Council or Board of Delegates and is satisfactorily settled 
 adds so much to the prestige of the Board, both on the side 
 of the unions and on the side of the employers. 
 
 This body, as far as local disputes are concerned, is abso- 
 lutely independent. The delegates take what action they 
 please without the necessity of referring, in any case, to the 
 different unions represented. The delegates are responsible 
 only for results ; they are not restricted by the unions as to 
 means or methods. The organization is not affiliated with 
 any other, and so is not hampered on either side. The only 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES 
 
 95 
 
 restrictions come from the national trade organizations to 
 which the locals belong, and if these are not called upon to 
 support the locals when on strike, such restrictions amount 
 to very little. 
 
 However, the centralized power vested in this body is 
 very much greater than in an ordinary Central Labor Union. 
 It has what the Central Labor Union has not, that is, the 
 authority to order a strike. In fact, as a means to an end, 
 this is its most important function. Not only may it order 
 a strike, but it may punish those affiliated unions which do 
 not support the strike when ordered. The strike ordered 
 by the Board of Delegates is not like an ordinary strike, but 
 in almost every case assumes the sympathetic form. This is 
 exactly what gives such an organization its power. The 
 following is the most important section of the constitution, as 
 it involves this sympathetic strike : 
 
 " When a grievance is brought before this Board by any member, 
 it shall become the property of the Board, and a Committee of all 
 delegates having men on the job shall be ordered to investigate the 
 grievance, and if deemed necessary, it shall have power to order a 
 strike, providing two-thirds of the Committee favor such action. If 
 said committee fail to agree, the delegate having the grievance 
 shall bring the matter before the Board at the next meeting, when a 
 majority vote of all delegates, having men on said job, may order a 
 strike. In case the delegates refuse to order said strike, the dele- 
 gate having the grievance, if he believes he has been unjustly treated, 
 shall have the right to select one delegate having men on the job, 
 and the delegates refusing to strike shall select another. These two, 
 in conjunction with the president of the Board, shall further investi- 
 gate such grievance, their decision to be final and binding on all 
 delegates haying men on the job, and any delegate faihng to com- 
 ply with the orders of either of the Committees mentioned in this 
 section, shall stand suspended, subject to section three ^ of this arti- 
 
 ' Section three referred to above makes six montlis' suspension the penalty for 
 refusing to comply with the recommendations of the Committee. 
 
96 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 cle. No grievance shall be received from non-affiliated unions, un- 
 less the members unanimously resolve to grant the request." 
 
 Several points, not to be found elsewhere, are contained in 
 this article : 
 
 First, a grievance brought before the Board becomes the 
 property of the Board. It is too late for the delegate who 
 brings the grievance to settle the difificulty unless allowed to 
 do so by the Board. Every delegate having men on the job 
 is supposed to be as much interested as he is, and these del- 
 egates by a two-thirds vote may order a strike. If they fail 
 to agree, the next step is an interesting one. The case is 
 brought before the Board and the same Committee, i. e. 
 those interested, may by a simple majority vote order a 
 strike. This is a step toward centralization, but not so great 
 as the next one. If the delegates should refuse to order a 
 strike, the delegate with the grievance may select one dele- 
 gate having men on the job, and the delegates who refuse to 
 strike may also select one. These two, who, of course, will 
 vote directly against each other, together with the President 
 of the Board, shall decide after investigation whether the 
 strike shall be made compulsory or not. This throws the 
 whole burden of the decision on one man, the President of 
 the Board. The decision is taken not only out of the hands 
 of the workmen themselves, i. e., the local unions, but out of 
 the hands of their paid representatives, and put upon an 
 official who may or may not represent men that are working 
 on the job. This is an example of centralization of power 
 of labor unions which probably does not occur again in the 
 United States. In addition to disputes about wages and 
 hours of labor, the hiring of a non-union man or the refusal 
 to recognize the Badge of the Board of Delegates constitutes 
 a grievance on the strength of which a sympathetic strike 
 may be declared. 
 
 The result that is really accomplished by the Bo^ird of 
 
OBJECTS AND PRINCIPLES gy 
 
 Delegates is that the employers see that for once at least 
 labor is really united. Oftentimes the mere interference or in- 
 vestigation by the Board is sufficient to adjust the difficulty. 
 Although the Board has one or more grievances to consider 
 at every meeting, and although a strike is taking place some- 
 where almost constantly, yet there are very few strikes of 
 long duration. 
 
 The employers' associations have several times threatened 
 a general lockout in order to break up the Board by defec- 
 tions from membership. The allied trades, however, can 
 stand it better than the employers can, and there is little 
 danger that this is more than a threat. 
 
 The AUied Trades Councils spend very little time in discuss- 
 ing or passing resolutions which have only a remote connec- 
 tion with the interests of labor and which are practically 
 without effect when they are passed. The work the Councils 
 do is directly to the point. They can therefore, more directly 
 benefit labor than the general Central Labor Unions, which 
 waste much valuable time in discussing questions of political 
 action, socialism, trade union labels, legislation, apprentices, 
 or a thousand and one other matters. Few of the questions 
 which the Central Labor Unions discuss are ever brought 
 into the Allied Trades Councils or the Board of Delegates 
 meetings. These discussions are unnecessary from the point 
 of view of the councils, for they have a very definite work to 
 perform. 
 
 The real points of difference then between the ordinary 
 Central Labor Union and the Allied Trades Councils are 
 three. The first is identical with the essential element of 
 weakness in the former, i. e., the lack of a definite program 
 consistently carried out. The Allied Trades Councils have 
 such a program and adhere to it. It consists in the demand 
 that wages of the men represented in the council should be 
 increased rather than lowered, and that the number of hours 
 
98 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 of labor should be lowered rather than increased. Thus a 
 definite work is cut out for the organization, and any question 
 which does not directly affect this program is ruled out. The 
 second point of difiference is that the composition of one 
 body is thoroughly heterogeneous and the delegates are 
 voluntary workers, while in the other the delegates have 
 much more in common and are paid representatives. The 
 third point of difference is that power is centralized in the 
 Allied Trades Council, while the Central Labor Union is 
 thoroughly democratic. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 POLITICAL ACTION AND SOCIALISM. 
 
 Ever since trade unions have existed in the United States, 
 a favorite method of accomplishing reforms of all kinds has 
 been through legislation. Of course the trade unionist is 
 not alone in this, for each separate class in the community- 
 attempts to benefit itself through the enactment of laws. 
 Hence we have all degrees of "class" legislation upon city, 
 state, or national statute books. This desire for legislative 
 enactment in behalf of trade unions is seen most clearly in 
 the continued agitation for a shorter work day, from the 
 beginning of the century when the hours of labor were 
 virtually without limit, through the adoption of the ten-hour 
 law to the passage of a special eight-hour law, down to the 
 agitation for a general eight-hour law which cannot be 
 evaded. 
 
 Hand in hand with this desire for legislative action goes the 
 method of collective bargaining. One method is not neces- 
 sarily antagonistic to the other, but often supplementary. 
 Collective bargaining is more costly to the laborer even when 
 it is more efifective, and therefore, whenever the result can be 
 accomplished by legislation,' the tendency is to adopt that 
 method. This method is almost wholly resorted to in 
 Germany through the independent political action of the 
 workingmen under the name of the Social Democratic Party. 
 This is due partly to the fact that much less liberty of all 
 kinds is given to the German than to the English or the 
 American workman ; the demands of the labor party in Ger- 
 
 (99) 
 
lOO HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 many have almost all been granted in England and in the 
 United States. The method of collective bargaining which 
 prevails to such a great extent in other countries is rarely- 
 resorted to in Germany. 
 
 In England, while legislative enactment has always been a 
 favorite method, it has grown in importance more and more 
 during the last thirty-five years until, as Webb points out, 
 " there exist great national trade unions in cotton and coal 
 industries which are really political organizations whose end 
 and aim is to procure reforms for their particular crafts 
 through act of parliament." ' Besides these two organiza- 
 tions there is in England an active political machinery which, 
 though not as eflfective as it might be, still accomplishes 
 much more than is accomplished in the United States. The 
 " Parliamentary Committee," as noted before, must " watch 
 all legislative measures directly afifecting the question of 
 labor, initiate such legislative action as the [Trades Union] 
 congress may direct and prepare the program for the parlia- 
 ment." There is no machinery by which the Parliamentary 
 Committee may at all times work harmoniously and effect- 
 ively with the great national unions. The Trades Union 
 Congress has, to a large extent, barred the way to mutual 
 understanding and effective co-operation between the Com- 
 mittee and the other class of organizations, which are neces- 
 sary to any effective political organization, by refusing ad- 
 mission to the congress to delegates from the Trades Coun- 
 cils. 
 
 As far as legislative action itself is concerned, the Trades 
 Council is of little importance when compared to the gigantic 
 national trade unions. In the way of suggesting and formu- 
 lating legislation, little is therefore lost by this break. The 
 importance of this side of legislation, however, depends 
 upon the attitude assumed by organized labor toward its 
 
 ' Industrial Democracy, vol. I., page 258. 
 
POLITICAL A CTION AND SO CIALISM i q i 
 
 own political action. If trade unionists are content to work 
 and to vote for candidates of the old parties, depending on 
 pledges for fulfillment of promises, the Trades Council has 
 practically no political work to perform. 
 
 The machinery is furnished by the political parties and a 
 trade unionist votes simply as any other citizen, for the 
 candidate who best represents his views. When, however, as 
 in Germany, and as is becoming more and more true in 
 England, the trade unionist wishes to becomes an independ- 
 ent political factor and to nominate candidates of his own, 
 the Trades Council becomes of the utmost value. It can 
 now be used as the sub-committee of what corresponds to 
 the national committee, viz., the Parliamentary Committee 
 of the Trades Union Congress. It is a ready-made nomi- 
 nating convention and an executive committee for the dis- 
 trict. It can concentrate the efforts of the trades unions of 
 the district upon the labor candidate and elect him. The 
 success of this kind of action depends upon certain condi- 
 tions which do not at present exist. In the first place, it is 
 necessary to have a platform, and in the second place, the 
 candidate, if elected to parliament, must be supported dur- 
 ing his term of office. At present, the latter condition de- 
 pends on the former. There are, at present, six members 
 of Parliament representing trades unions. The Miners send 
 five, and the Union of Seamen and Firemen, one.' These 
 are supported out of the funds of the trade unions which 
 they represent, and their first duty is to the special class 
 which elected and which supports them. The platform upon 
 which they stand is the narrow one of a particular trade 
 union. 
 
 The Trades Council might undertake to elect a candidate 
 or candidates, but under the prevailing sentiment in favor of 
 low dues, it could not possibly undertake to support them. 
 
 ' Fabian Tract, no. 49, page 20, note. 
 
I02 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 A very much closer city federation is necessary before this 
 can be accomplished. This essential step will be taken 
 when trades unions find a general platform of principles 
 upon which all can stand, so that a labor candidate will 
 represent trade unionism rather than a trade union. The 
 great difficulty in England is the strength of party affiliations 
 and the corruption of labor leaders. There can be no inde- 
 pendent political action so long as the former exists, and no 
 effective party action for labor so long as the latter obtains. 
 Strict party affiliation will cease or will at least be trans- 
 ferred as soon as the unionist discovers that he has some- 
 thing real and definite to work for along labor lines, and — 
 what is more to the point — when he discovers that he can 
 be on the winning side and vote for a labor candidate at the 
 same time. The very same causes will break up the system 
 of corruption and bribery, for there will be no possibility of 
 the labor leader delivering the labor vote to one of the old 
 parties ; as a consequence his influence will not be worth 
 buying. 
 
 It is not our purpose to discuss what this unifying doctrine 
 or platform will be, but simply to show the possible use of 
 the Trades Council under such a regime. A straw, however, 
 which seems to show which way the wind is blowing in Eng- 
 land, is to be found in the resolution passed by the last 
 Trades Union Congress by a vote of nearly two to one, seven 
 hundred and eight thousand against four hundred and ten 
 thousand : 
 
 "Inasmuch as this Congress believes that the labor problem can 
 only be solved when the land and the means of production, distri- 
 bution and exchange are made collective property, and as the opin- 
 ion prevails that political action is the best method to accomplish 
 this object, it is recommended that trade unionists render their 
 moral and financial support to the socialist labor parties." 
 
 In the United States conditions are much the same as in 
 
POLITICAL ACTION AND SOCIALISM 103 
 
 England in regard to political action. Organization in out- 
 line is the same, but there is no such general patronage or 
 affiliation with one body as is enjoyed by the Trade Union 
 Congress and its executive. Not only is there a national 
 rival to the American Federation of Labor, which is through 
 its executive somewhat analogous to the Trades Union Cong- 
 ress, but several great federations, which are not rivals, are 
 not affiliated. With this difference the lines of organization 
 are identical. With the local union as a basis both countries 
 have the national trade unions, national trade federations, 
 central labor unions and allied trades councils. Thus the 
 machinery is at hand for political purposes in one country as 
 in the other. 
 
 English trades unions, however, and more particularly 
 federations of unions, enter actively into political affairs. It 
 is as much a part of their work to see that the right men are 
 elected, and that the proper legislation is enacted, as to see 
 that labor is properly organized. That labor organizations 
 should enter into politics, nobody seems to question. It is 
 simply a question as to methods and platforms. 
 
 In the United States all this is different. It is still some- 
 thing of an open question whether trade unions should un- 
 dertake political action at all, although it is becoming more 
 and more of a struggle to keep politics out of the local, and 
 almost impossible to prevent the central unions and the 
 larger federations from entering the fray./ If it had not been 
 for the disastrous experiences with politics and politicians, 
 the labor unions of the United States would stand for politi- 
 cal action quite as much as their prototypes in England.) 
 
 A writer on trades organizations gives the following as a 
 cause of the rise of Central Labor Unions : 
 
 " The laws of all national trade organizations are strictly against 
 permitting the discussion of subjects of a political nature. So strict 
 was this rule, that when efforts were made by the legislatures of the 
 
I04 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 various states to pass laws making trades unions conspiracies, the 
 unions themselves could not consider in their meetings any plans 
 looking to the defeat of such laws. The plan adopted to get over 
 the difficulty was to organize trades assemblies, composed of dele- 
 gates from trade unions. These assemblies made their own laws and 
 prescribed their own duties, the principal duty being to watch legis- 
 lation.'" 
 
 We saw how, in 1872, the National Labor Union was dis- 
 rupted and destroyed by its action in nominating a presi- 
 dential ticket. Ever since then, national federations have 
 kept their hands off. Central Labor Unions, however, have 
 entered the field of independent politics spasmodically, but 
 never as a settled policy. The only exception has been in 
 the case of a certain small class of Central Unions which have 
 declared for socialism. 
 
 The question of political action by trade unions divides the 
 members into three classes. The first class contains the ex- 
 treme conservative element, which the socialists call the "gure 
 and simple." They believe that trade union ends should be 
 gained by trade union action, and that politics should not 
 even be discussed in a trade union meeting, still more that 
 political action should not be taken. This is a class of 
 theorists who often succeed in having their views adopted in 
 constitutions and by-laws, only to see them ruthlessly set 
 aside by vote of the union or by an arbitrary decision of a 
 president interested in political affairs, while the members 
 speak for one party or another as they please. This party, 
 also, has control of the American Federation of Labor, 
 although at the convention of 1894 held in Chicago, the 
 platform of the British Trades Union Congress was " sub- 
 mitted for the consideration of the labor organizations of 
 America with the request that their delegates to the next 
 annual convention of the American Federation of Labor be 
 
 ' E. A. Allen, Labor and Capital, page 374. 
 
POLITICAL ACTION AND SOCIALISM 105 
 
 instructed on this most important subject." The vote at the 
 convention the next year stood one thousand two hundred 
 and seventeen to nine hundred and thirteen against the prop- 
 osition. The section of the platform which caused most 
 discussion was the endorsement of the sentiment : " The col- 
 lective ownership by the people of all means of production 
 and distribution." The vote, therefore, must be interpreted 
 to be not so much a refusal to endorse independent political 
 action as a refusal to endorse such a socialistic plank. The 
 latter action, however, necessarily carries with it the former, 
 for it is almost needless to say that neither one of the old 
 parties will ever be endorsed by the Federation. It is equally 
 true that an independent political labor party which did not 
 endorse socialism would hardly be worth bringing into the 
 field. 
 
 The second class of trade unionists is that faction which 
 desires that no discussions of the platform or policy of a po- 
 litical party should take place in the meetings, but that the 
 body as a whole should support those candidates or that 
 party which will pledge themselves, or at least may be 
 deemed most favorable, to the demands of labor. This prop- 
 osition is contradictory in itself, for a resolution in a Central 
 Labor Union meeting to endorse a certain political party 
 because it is most favorable to labor would at once precipitate 
 the most violent partisan discussion. It is only the man who 
 is pleased to call himself a " class-conscious " trade unionist 
 who will stand back and smile at the war of words. And he 
 is right. There is a sort of intermittent interest in the parties 
 toward the laborer, and one is as vacillating as the other in 
 promises and in the fulfillment of promises. However mis- 
 taken in principles and methods the socialist may be, he has 
 the advantage over the other parties in the appeal for the 
 labor vote, because he at least is consistent in theory, and, 
 as far as he has an opportunity, in practice also. 
 
106 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 The great argument of this class of trade unionists is that 
 the laboring class may hold the balance of power between 
 the parties and thereby obtain all that can be done by legis- 
 lation. If this contention is true, it can be carried out only 
 by accepting pledges from candidates and political parties 
 and trusting to their honor and hope of a return to power, 
 to fulfill the pledges made. It is entirely unnecessary to call 
 attention to the almost innumerable cases where the candi- 
 date or party has remembered the pledges only as a means 
 of victory at the polls. 
 
 This has become so common, so much a matter of course, 
 that by the time a new election comes the voters are ready 
 to beheve in a new set of pledges from the same candidates 
 or parties. If, however, the trade unionists could stand as a 
 unit, the candidates and parties would find it to their advan- 
 tage not only to make pledges, but to keep them. It would 
 be something of an ideal condition, in which the trade union 
 element could put either party in power, according as its 
 wishes were carried out. But this presupposes an intelli- 
 gence and a stability hardly found in any class of voters, 
 much less in. that of the trade unionist, whose opportunities 
 for information and for education in general have been pre- 
 scribed by the narrow limits of his craft. More than this, 
 if the trade unionists were able to stand as a unit they might 
 better undertake independent political action and run the 
 risk of electing a sufficient number of legislators to carry out 
 their own program. 
 
 This second class is the one which really dominates the 
 trade unions at present, although the first class does so 
 theoretically. Whatever of political agitation and work is 
 accomplished in Central Labor Unions is along these lines and 
 in two ways: First, before the election, lists of questions re- 
 lating to legislation in which laboring men are vitally inter- 
 ested, are sent to the different candidates, and the candidates 
 
POLITICAL ACTION AND SOCIALISM 
 
 107 
 
 are supposed to answer them. These replies will show 
 which candidates are more favorable to organized labor and 
 therefore worthy of support. Silence is, of course, con- 
 sidered a negative reply. The following, the work of the 
 Baltimore Federation of Labor, serve as good examples : 
 
 Office of Secretary of Legislative CoMnrrTEE "\ 
 
 OF THE Federation of Labor. [■ 
 
 Baltimore, Md., October — , 1896. ) 
 
 Mr. 
 
 Candidate for First Branch, City Council: 
 Dear Sir: Please signify your approval or disapproval of ques- 
 tions asked hy filling out the accompanying circular and return same 
 not later than October 25 th. 
 
 1. Do you favor organized labor? 
 
 2. Do you favor all work done by the city (where practical) be- 
 ing performed by day laborers ? 
 
 3. Do you favor the abolition of any labor performed in the city 
 jail that comes in conflict with honest labor ? 
 
 4. Do you favor inserting in any contract, where contract labor is 
 necessary, a clause forbidding the sub-contracting of same in whole 
 or in part — unless to the sub-contractors named in the original con- 
 tractor's bid when opened? 
 
 Yours respectfully, Secretary. 
 
 Office of Secretary of Legislattve CoMMrrxEE -\ 
 OF THE Federation of Labor. |- 
 
 Baltimore, Md., October 26, 1895. ) 
 Please signify your approval or disapproval of the questions asked 
 in the accompanying circular by filhng out the following and retum- 
 ing same not later than the date already stated : 
 
 1. I in favor of free school books. 
 
 2. I in favor of compulsory education of all children under 
 
 fourteen years of age. 
 
 3. I in favor of day labor as against contract labor, and 
 
 in favor of all city and state work being done by day 
 
 labor. 
 
I08 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 4- I believe in the employment of Union men on all City 
 
 and State work. 
 
 5- I approve the appropriation of any money to penal in- 
 stitutions where work is performed that comes in contact with hon- 
 est labor. 
 
 6. I refuse to approve any charter of any corporation that 
 
 will not guarantee to employ Union Labor. 
 
 7. I in favor of reassessment as offered by State Senator 
 
 Thomas G. Hayes. 
 
 Candidate for • 
 
 The second method of determining what candidates should 
 be supported by laboring men is more certain, for it does 
 not lead the voter to depend on promises or pledges. This 
 is an opportunity to see clearly what kind of record the 
 man has made as a legislator. This is naturally possible 
 only when he has served at least one term, and comes up 
 for reelection. The State Federation or State Branch of the 
 American Federation of Labor, less frequently the Central 
 Labor Union, publishes a complete list of the legislators, 
 together with their record or votes on bills in which orga- 
 nized labor is particularly interested. For example, the 
 Workingmen's Federation of the State of New York pub- 
 lished in 1898 a list of bills which it had ehdorsed, and 
 whose passage it had attempted to secure. A record of the 
 vote on these bills was kept and the legislators were classi- 
 fied according to their votes, into five classes : i. Special 
 Roll of Honor; 2. Roll of Honor; 3. Favorable mention; 
 4. Lukewarm; 5. Blacklist. These circulars were sent to 
 trade unions throughout the State, and furnished a self-made 
 record for each legislator, whereby the voting trade union- 
 ist might judge of his probable action in the future in re- 
 gard to proposed labor legislation. This publication, to be 
 of value, must be compiled without any suspicion of politi- 
 
POLITICAL ACTION AND SOCIALISM log 
 
 cal bias; for it would otherwise not only furnish no true 
 basis of judgment, but work positive injustice. 
 
 The influence which such attempts exert on the vote of an 
 average trade unionist is rather doubtful. Generally he is 
 not different from other men, and the partisan spirit is 
 stronger than his loyalty to trade union principle. Thus, the 
 legislator whose name appears on the " Blacklist" is too often 
 returned to his seat in the legislature, ready to defy organized 
 labor and to vote against its interests. 
 
 The program of this class of trade unionists who want 
 organized labor to hold the balance of power, lends itself 
 readily to one of the most baneful influences in American 
 politics. The labor leader to-day who is at all active in 
 politics, must be a remarkably careful and honest man if he 
 escapes the charge of selling out to the " boss." The time 
 has come when a man cannot be a trusted labor leader and 
 a politician at the same time. If, however, the leaders of 
 the parties were not so ignorant of trade unions, the occupa- 
 tion of the labor leader who is a politician for " what there is 
 in it" would be gone. There is no class of men so critical 
 in their judgments of each other, or so reckless and free in 
 bringing charges against each other in the union meetings, 
 as the trade unionists. Moreover, organized labor is too in- 
 telligent and democratic for the leader to deliver the votes 
 as per contract, while the Australian ballot has made proof 
 of the fulfillment of the contract impossible. 
 
 As long as organized labor holds to the principle of polit- 
 ical action in connection with the existing parties, there is a 
 chance that its demands and petitions will be heard. Under 
 any other system of trade union politics, the union men must 
 fight for a place by the side of the older parties, but can ex- 
 pect no help from them in passing strictly labor bills. 
 
 This brings us to the third class of trade unionists, — those 
 who believe in strictly independent political action. 
 
no HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 What is said in regard to political action, applies for the 
 most part to the Central Labor Unions ; for this body and 
 the National Federations are the only organizations which 
 ever have taken such action. It is not likely that national 
 trade unions whose foundations and policy are benefits, in- 
 surance, and social recreation will ever attempt to elect 
 candidates of their own choice. The Central Labor Union, 
 having no such functions, may undertake to unite the inter- 
 ests of the trade unionists of the city in such a way that they 
 may elect their own candidates on their own platform. As 
 it is formed here on the same lines as in England, all that 
 was said of the English Trades Council will apply to the 
 Central Labor Union of the United States. 
 
 The latter organization, however, has an immense advant- 
 age over the former in the fact that its candidate, if elected, 
 need not be supported, nor is he under the necessity of sup- 
 porting himself. This, however, is two edged ; for while the 
 labor organization is relieved of an almost insurmountable 
 difficulty, there is still trouble on account of the number of 
 candidates and consequent factions. In other words, the 
 Labor Union takes upon itself all the troubles of a political 
 organization which has spoils to offer when victory has been 
 won. 
 
 This third group of trade unionists is the one to which 
 has been applied the term "class-conscious." They are 
 distinguished from the other groups principally by the fact 
 that they have no faith that present conditions can be much 
 altered for the better through the efforts of trade union organ- 
 ization alone. They insist that the laborers constitute a 
 distinct class, and as such they must work out their own sal- 
 vation through political organization, using the trade union 
 only as a step in the final emancipation from the present in- 
 dustrial system. Trade Unions are good as far as they go, 
 but it is impossible for them to accomplish the result aimed at. 
 
POLITICAL ACTION AND SOCIALISM 1 1 1 
 
 This result is the abolition of the wage system and its re- 
 placement by " the collective ownership by the people of all 
 the means of production and distribution." This is the es- 
 sential plank in the platform of that class which wishes to see 
 trade unions enter politics as an independent party. It means 
 then nothing more nor less than that there is a strong minor- 
 ity of trade unionists who are socialists. 
 
 The following letter, written by the recently elected Soc- 
 ialist Mayor of Haverhill, Massachusetts, sets forth clearly 
 the real diflference between a "pure and simple" trade 
 unionist and a " class-conscious " socialist. 
 
 City of Haverhill, Executive Dept., i 
 City Hall, y<2:«. 17, 1899. ) 
 John J. Pallas, Sec'y C. L. U., N. Y. Ciiy. 
 
 Your kind letter extending to me the commendation of the C. L. 
 U. of N. Y. City, gave me much pleasure. My words uttered in 
 labor's cause were but the words that every socialist who understands 
 the historic struggle of labor to emancipate itself, would have uttered. 
 I recognize the fact that the Trade Union movement is one of the 
 factors in the grand process of evolution that must go on until we 
 reach the goal for which we are all striving (industrial as well as 
 political equality). The Trades Unions play their part in the uni- 
 versal drama, but only their pari. It is incomplete without the 
 political movement. I can see but one end for which to strive, and 
 that is a co-operative commonwealth, where society in its col- 
 lectivity will organize its machinery of production and allow every 
 man the privilege to apply his labor power whenever he desires, and 
 that the product of his labor shall belong to him and that no man 
 shall take it from him. Every man has the right to work, and the 
 product of labor belongs to those who create it. Under private 
 ownership of the machinery by which this labor is performed, labor 
 is robbed of a large portion of such product, and will continue to be 
 robbed until such time when the machinery is owned by all and 
 operated for the benefit of all. As I have said, the trade-union plays 
 its part, but it is not able to accomplish this end on the old hues ; 
 they must demand the full product of their labor with their ballots 
 
112 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 as well, for by this method they will array all of their force against 
 injustice. In conclusion let me say that any Socialist party that 
 does not recognize the part that Trade Unions play, does not de- 
 serve support. On the other hand, a.iy Trade Union that will not 
 support the Socialist Party that does recognize this part, should not 
 complain of their condition. 
 
 Let us then work hand in hand, each doing its part for the estab- 
 lishment of economic equality, and the cooperative commonwealth 
 will come. 
 
 Yours for humanity, 
 
 J. C. Chase, 
 Mayor of Haverhill. 
 
 A Socialist is generally a man who has done more or less 
 thinking for himself and arrived at certain definite conclu- 
 sions. These conclusions he is apt to force on people 
 whenever he gets a chance. On this account he often be- 
 comes prominent and secures his election to the Central 
 Labor Union where he has a somewhat larger field for his 
 socialistic activities. Through the efforts of such men, 
 many of whom are quite properly leaders, a few Central 
 Labor Unions have endorsed the plan of independent action 
 in politics which, as noted above, carries with it a socialistic 
 platform. No Central Labor Union, so far as is known, has 
 worked actively in connection with the Socialist Labor Party 
 which represents the political side of socialism in the United 
 States. Several have, however, gone the full length and 
 accepted its platform. 
 
 The most notable example of independent political action 
 on the part of a Central Labor Union occurred in 1886, 
 when the New York central body circulated a petition ask- 
 ing Mr. Henry George to be an independent candidate for 
 mayor and secured more than thirty thousand signatures. 
 Mr. George was then nominated by the Central Labor 
 Union, and sixty-eight thousand votes were counted for him. 
 New York trade unionists insist that he was elected but was 
 
POLITICAL ACTION AND SOCIALISM 1 13 
 
 counted out. For this campaign the name of " United 
 Labor Party " was adopted, and the party was organized by 
 the Central Labor Union in every district in the city ; a 
 campaign committee was established and all the machinery 
 of a political party was created. This movement was spas- 
 modic, and depended for its phenomenal success more on 
 the character and the reputation of the candidate, than upon 
 the platform or the work of the Union. 
 
 The question of independent political action is the great 
 problem before the trade unionist to-day. There is practi- 
 cal unanimity on questions of organization, strikes, boycotts, 
 shorter working day, and all those controversies which di- 
 rectly affect capital and labor. But this question remains 
 totally unsettled. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE FUTURE OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS. 
 
 What was said in the last chapter leads directly to the 
 question, what is to be the future of the Central Labor 
 Union ? From the beginning to the present, the real end of 
 all its work has been to place labor on something of an 
 equal footing with capital in the matter of bargaining. This 
 is true, not alone of the central bodies, but as far as aggress- 
 ive work is concerned, it is the mainspring of all action in 
 the case of large and small trade unions alike. 
 
 Even the subject of insurance, which takes up a large part 
 of the time of the great national trade unions, and the mat- 
 ter of influencing legislation, with which the federations con- 
 cern themselves, have this object in view, viz., To put the 
 laborer in a position where he may bargain for the sale of 
 his labor with a combination of capital which is no stronger 
 than the combination of labor which he represents. 
 
 The former, or what Webb calls the " method of mutual 
 insurance," does not touch the question of competition by 
 those men outside the unions, but is simply a method of 
 evening up the wages of different men in the unions. If in- 
 dividual bargaining were the rule in all unions, certain men 
 who by reason of a large family or other necessities would 
 be forced to accept a lower wage, would then help to sup- 
 port those who are out of work because they would not 
 accept the same rate. The non-union man, however, as- 
 sumes none of the burdens and shares none of the advantages. 
 All this naturally helps to put the trade unionist in a posi- 
 
 ("4) 
 
THE FUTURE OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS i j e 
 
 tion of greater independence and thus assists his organiza- 
 tion in bargaining with the employer. 
 
 In the same way the " method of legal enactment," which 
 keeps the workman in better health as a result of sanitary 
 inspection and of laws regulating employers' liability for 
 accident, and which relieves the unions to a certain extent 
 from responsibility in regard to the labor of women and chil- 
 dren, leaves them in a much better position to insist on bar- 
 gains with employers which will not be so one-sided as 
 individual bargains tend to be. 
 
 What are the evidences that the Central Labor Unions will 
 continue in this direction ? For we must first find these before 
 we can determine what will be the probable line of devel- 
 opment. 
 
 In the first place, the work of organization is gradually 
 progressing, locals are becoming more numerous and the 
 central bodies are becoming stronger in membership as well 
 as increasing in number.' There are more real trade union- 
 ists in the United States to-day than ever before. As a method 
 of collective bargaining is useless and foredoomed to failure 
 unless a respectable percentage of the members of a particu- 
 lar craft belongs in the organization, the growth in numbers 
 among trade unionists is encouraging. ' Since about 1886 it 
 has very seldom happened that a central labor body has 
 lapsed after having once really started, and almost every 
 such union is stronger now than it has ever been. 
 
 A movement toward a closer centralization of trades is be- 
 ginning to manifest itself. It first appeared in the trade 
 sections of the Central Unions. There were soon formed 
 special city federations called Allied Trades Councils. The 
 cause of this centralization is to be found in the struggle for 
 a better basis for collective bargaining. No part of the 
 trade union organization is so well fitted to uphold this essen- 
 
 ' See above, chapter ii, page 40. 
 
Il6 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 tial principle as these councils composed of delegates of the 
 allied trades. These are also increasing in number and effi- 
 ciency, and are even forming national federations of trades 
 councils.' 
 
 Complete organization and a further development of this 
 form of federation will go far toward putting labor unions on 
 an equal footing with employers or with combinations of em- 
 ployers when it comes to the question of buying and selling 
 labor. Even now, as we have noticed before, the Board of 
 Walking Delegates of the Building Trades of New York City 
 has placed the building trades of that city in a position where 
 they do not fear any combination of employers. They can 
 make bargains now which are not favorable to one side only. 
 
 The building trades have been the pioneers in this move- 
 ment, but have been closely followed by the printing trades. 
 There is no particular reason why other trades which are 
 more or less closely allied should not follow the examples 
 thus set. The iron and metal trades and the textile trades, 
 especially in certain cities, should lend themselves particu- 
 larly well to such combinations. The beginning of these 
 may also be seen in trade sections of some of the larger 
 central unions. 
 
 Centralization of trade unions is also shown in the election 
 of a salaried agent by the Central Union. Up to a very 
 short time ago all the business of the Union was done either 
 by a committee or by the whole body, and, in all but one 
 Central Union, this is still the case. The experiment of a 
 paid business agent, however, has been such a splendid 
 success in the Cleveland Union that without doubt other 
 centrals will follow its example. The members of this union 
 are very enthusiastic over this plan, saying that " a business 
 agent can earn his salary twice over every week for every 
 
 'The National Building Trades, formed in 1898, has now two national, one 
 local and eleven building trades councils affiliated. 
 
THE FUTURE OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 117 
 
 Central Labor Union large enough to employ him." In the 
 words of the only man who occupies such a position in the 
 United States, " a business agent must be lawyer, doctor, 
 arbitrator, dictator, leader, and driver for the Union. He 
 must have an ear and eye to all things, keep his own counsel 
 and other people's secrets." In other words, this Union is 
 so centralized that the one man does all the real business, 
 while the Union itself dictates the policy and passes res- 
 olutions. 
 
 Here we would have conditions ripe for collective bargain- 
 ing if in addition there were somewhat stronger ties binding 
 the locals to the central body. The central, however, is 
 composed of such diverse elements that a stronger bond is 
 scarcely possible. The Local, the National Trade Union, 
 the Knights of Labor, the American Federation of Labor, 
 the Allied Trades Council, and in some cases the Socialist 
 Labor Party all have some sort of a claim on the delegates, 
 and some of them often have a claim prior to that of the 
 Central Labor Union. 
 
 The acme of efficiency for the purpose of collective 
 bargaining is to be found in a combination of the Allied 
 Trades Council and the salaried business agent, and this is 
 what is really to be found in the Board of Walking Delegates 
 of New York City. When the Central Labor Union has 
 reached the point where the delegates put the common bus- 
 iness into the hands of a trusted paid agent, and are bound 
 together as closely as their allegiance to their own autono- 
 mous unions will permit, it has gone about as far as possi- 
 ble on the road to collective bargaining. 
 
 The importance of this method of securing the aims of 
 labor organizations is second to none in the whole range of 
 trade union activity. It is the very last right that employ- 
 ers will concede, and it is conceded only when compulsion 
 is used. It can never be just that an employer, representing 
 
1 18 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 as he does a great accumulation of capital, should insist on 
 niaking bargains with each individual laborer. The latter is 
 necessarily at a disadvantage from the very fact that the co- 
 ordinate factor of production, capital, is represented as a whole, 
 while of the other factor, labor, he is only a part. Labor 
 must combine, and in all bargains for the sale of the common 
 commodity it must be represented by one who has authority 
 to act for it. The most equitable rule is that the labor rep- 
 resentative should bargain with the representative of so much 
 capital as is used in the employment of the laborers repre- 
 sented. This is the very essence and life of trade union or- 
 ganization, and can be abandoned only when the trade 
 unionist is ready to forsake trade unionism itself. 
 
 As has been stated above, the Central Labor Unions are 
 not organized on a plan which will enable them to do 
 this. At best, they are only loose federations with no 
 really binding laws to hold them together. The sole penalty 
 attaching to a failure of a local to abide by the decision of 
 the majority in the Central is that it loses its standing in the 
 federation, as well as its advantages. The business agent, 
 or the body itself, cannot force any local to abide by a de- 
 cision or contract. There is thus little use in making a 
 mere declaration to this efTect. In fact, as employers under- 
 stand this quite as well as the trade unionist, it is impossible 
 for a general Central Labor Union to do any collective bargain- 
 ing. Unless a radical change should take place in the organi- 
 zation of Central bodies, there is little hope that they will be 
 
 able directly to undertake this most fundamental function of 
 
 , - - - - — . ^ 
 
 trade unionism. Autonomous locals through their National 
 Trade Unions use this method of collective bargaining con- 
 tinually. ' Indirectly, in organizing and helping to keep 
 
 ' A notable example of this is the contract which the Chicago Typographical 
 Union entered into in 1897 with the Chicago Daily Newspaper Association. 
 
THE FUTURE OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS i jg 
 
 alive such locals, the Central Unions can do, and are doing, 
 a great deal to further the idea of collective bargaining. 
 
 One very potent reason why not only Central Unions, but 
 all labor organizations cannot do more in this direction is 
 that they are not incorporated, and hence cannot be forced 
 to keep their contracts, nor force their members to do so. 
 There is probably not one trade unionist in a hundred, who 
 thinks about this matter, that is in favor of incorporating 
 the Unions. The reasons are very apparent. Legal action 
 could then be taken against the Union for a breach of any 
 contract, and the Union could enforce its rules on its own 
 members, a thing which it is impossible at present to do. 
 Trade unionists in general are not willing to give up their 
 immunity for the sake of the probability of driving a better 
 bargain with the employers. In addition, as long as trade 
 unions in the United States uphold the principle of collective 
 bargaining, the Central Labor Union will be only a second- 
 ary and auxiliary body, and can assist in the work only 
 through organization, agitation, and such legislation as it 
 may be able to bring about through the political influence 
 it can exert on legislators. 
 
 The movement for what is called in England " The New 
 Unionism" has taken hold of the Central bodies in the 
 United States to a greater extent than it has of any other 
 labor organization, with the exception of those which are 
 primarily socialistic and only incidentally labor bodies. 
 This is due partly to the fact that socialistic tendencies are 
 growing among all except the wealthy classes ; but it is 
 perhaps more largely to be explained by the fact that the 
 machinery of Trade Unions in cities is particularly well 
 fitted to organize and to carry on the work of a political 
 party. Many trade unionists can discern more to be gained 
 by adopting a "method of legal enactment" rather than a 
 system of collective bargaining. 
 
I20 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 Let the trade unionists of a city be convinced that their 
 ends can be more efifectively advanced by independent 
 political organization, and nothing could suit the purpose 
 better than the system of local unions throughout the city, 
 responsible as they soon would be to the central executive 
 committee, for this is the form which the Central Labor 
 Union would assume. Should Central Labor Unions or 
 labor unions generally take upon themselves the functions of 
 independent political parties, they must necessarily stand or 
 fall, as other political parties do, by their platform and ac- 
 cording to the voters whom they can persuade to vote for it. 
 They could have no hold whatever upon other parties to 
 influence legislation. This is one great obstacle to an open 
 declaration for socialism and for an independent socialistic 
 party. The conservative leaders of to-day, seeing no imme- 
 diate advantage to be gained by giving up the hold which 
 the trade unionists have upon the old parties, stand firmly 
 against all efforts of the "class-conscious" party to force the 
 whole trade union movement into an independent political 
 organization. It is only a question of time, however, when 
 this party will dominate and when trade-unionism in the 
 United States will be upon a socialistic basis. It is not our 
 purpose to enter upon this subject, except so far as it is 
 indicated by men and measures in Central Labor Unions. 
 But the considerations just advanced show that here, to a 
 greater extent than in any other trade union bodies (except 
 the local unions, which are too small and too much bound 
 by the environments of a particular craft to be of much value 
 as indicating tendencies) is to be found an index of the drift 
 of trade union sentiment. The Central Labor Union is 
 more of a popular body than the national union, and what 
 it does is not so carefully studied out in reference to all 
 possible efifects on dififerent classes and parties. Moreover, 
 unlike the similar bodies in England, the national leaders 
 
THE FUTURE OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS jji 
 
 either are at present, or have been, intimately connected 
 with the City Central and have aided in the formation of the 
 official utterances, while on the other hand they have been 
 more or less influenced by what they have found in these 
 bodies. 
 
 There are very few, if any, constitutions of Central Labor 
 Unions in the United States which do not contain declarations 
 in the preambles or planks in the platform of a decidedly 
 socialistic character ; three, at least, go so far as to declare for 
 the " collective ownership by the people of all the means of 
 production and distribution," which is of course the essence 
 of socialistic doctrine. As an evidence of the progress which 
 the socialists are making, we may notice the prominence 
 which was given to the discussion of the socialistic resolu- 
 tions at the 1898 convention of the American Federation of 
 Labor at Kansas City. It is true that the resolutions were 
 voted down by the decisive vote of about eighteen hundred to 
 five hundred, yet for the first time in the history of these 
 conventions there was real debate on the merits of the ques- 
 tion ; and this gives the socialist faction hope. That a great 
 majority of trade unionists in the United States are to-day 
 opposed to state socialism is undoubtedly true; but it is no 
 less true that the signs of the times point toward independ- 
 ent political action by trade unionists, and we have shown 
 above that such action must necessarily be upon a socialistic 
 basis. Nothing, however, would be further from the truth 
 than that, in spite of the tendencies noted above, there is 
 any danger to be feared from the socialistic action of trade 
 unions for a long time to come, if ever. It will be necessary 
 to overcome first a party allegiance stronger than in any 
 other country of the world ; and second, an aversion to so- 
 cialism which dominates most of the intelligent American 
 workingmen. The great strength of the socialists liee in the 
 number of foreign-born members of trade unions who have 
 developed no love for party or for American institutions. 
 
122 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 There is nothing incompatible in the two ideas which 
 share the field of Trade Union sentiment and activity, viz.: 
 the method of collective bargaining and the method of legal 
 enactment brought about by independent political action. 
 The two will go hand in hand, one for the practical present, 
 and the other worked for as an ideal for the future. 
 
 There are certain well-defined dangers and faults peculiar 
 to Central Labor Unions, which, minimized or eradicated, 
 would increase the value of the work many-fold. Their 
 officers would become more efficient, the public would re- 
 pose more confidence in them and legislators would treat 
 their petitions and resolutions with greater consideration. 
 These dangers are two-fold : First, those which can be con- 
 trolled from the inside, those with which members them- 
 selves have to do. Second, those which originate without 
 the union and which can be overcome only by the combined 
 strength of the whole body. 
 
 In the former class should be placed first of all that per- 
 sonal envy and jealousy which are sure to be found in any 
 organization that has places of honor and of trust to be 
 filled. A man is found in the union with a little more in- 
 telligence or a little more executive ability than others, and 
 it is but natural and proper that there should be assigned to 
 him the work for which he is especially fitted. If there be 
 honor connected with it, so much the better for him, and so 
 much the better for the whole body ; for without it he prob- 
 ably could not be induced to undertake the work at all. 
 But no sooner is he raised to this position than some mem- 
 ber conceives the idea that he himself, or some friend of his, 
 could do the work better, and immediately begins to create 
 discord. Friction is thus increased, even if he is not suc- 
 cessful in displacing the object of his envy. Referring to 
 this matter, a lay member of a strong central union, himself 
 a keen observer, writes : " Jealousy, or a desire to pull a 
 
THE FUTURE OP CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 123 
 
 man down as soon as he seems to be getting a little higher 
 than the common herd, is one of the things which prevents 
 the Central Union from doing better work." A struggle for 
 some petty office will take up the time and attention of the 
 whole Union for hours, to the utter disregard of important 
 matters of business, while charges of all kinds are bandied 
 back and forth from one faction to another, the result being 
 of no real benefit to anybody. 
 
 Second, there is a general lack of confidence in the 
 officers and leaders selected. This lack of confidence is a 
 natural result of the experience of labor unions. Too many 
 men have abused the trust placed in them, tempted by the 
 opportunity for embezzlement, and by ofifers from employers 
 or political parties. Too great care cannot be taken by 
 those who have in charge funds belonging to labor unions ; 
 for charges of dishonesty are often recklessly made, and the 
 least mistake is magnified into a mountain by an envious rival. 
 A remedy is attempted in the shape of large committees and 
 supervising boards. This is at best clumsy machinery, and 
 is not capable of accomplishing the best results. The fact 
 is that almost every officer of a Central Labor Union as soon 
 as he is elected becomes an object of suspicion and distrust. 
 Much of his time is necessarily expended in combating this 
 feeling, and the men best fitted to lead often resign merely 
 because they have not the confidence of their fellows. 
 
 Make constitutions and by-laws as you will, place as 
 many checks and balances as possible in the government of 
 a body, it will still be necessary or expedient to place arbi- 
 trary power or authority in a small committee or in a single 
 individual. In order that the best results may be obtained, 
 this committee or this individual should be made to feel that 
 he has an undivided constituency at his back. This is one 
 reason why the agents of corporations are so powerful and 
 attain so often the ends sought. They know that what they 
 
124 HISTORY OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 do will be approved, or at least that it will not be undone at 
 once by those for whom they act. 
 
 Third, the Central Labor Union has no definite policy in 
 regard to questions which it may discuss, except the very 
 general idea that " everything concerning labor" has a place 
 in its deliberations. This term and this conception are so 
 large that there is nothing in art, literature, science, or poli- 
 tics which would not be a proper subject for discussion 
 and resolution. As a matter of fact the topics discussed are 
 taken from a field not much narrower. Naturally enough, 
 the public and the legislators to whom the resolutions are 
 addressed can hardly see the connection between a labor or- 
 ganization and many of the subjects of petitions and resolu- 
 tions which they receive. There is field for reform sufficiently 
 large if the union never went outside of its own peculiar ter- 
 ritory. In undertaking a variety of burdens the energies of 
 the organization are dissipated, and its influence with those 
 whose good will it needs is weakened. The time for discus- 
 sion of legitimate questions is all too short at most, and 
 when it is wasted by factious quarreling, the opportunity 
 for doing the necessary things is lost. What is true of all 
 popular bodies is especially true of this one. Its action is 
 impulsive and spasmodic. Whatever appeals to the dele- 
 gates at the time is acted upon, and in many cases is at 
 once forgotten. Promises are forced from candidates or 
 public officials, and it is often not known whether the prom- 
 ises have been kept or not. As has been shown before, res- 
 olutions of successive meetings may be exactly opposite in 
 sentiment, and are passed in utter forgetfulness of what was 
 done in the preceding session. A little more consistency 
 and definiteness of aim will lend much to the dignity and 
 weight of the conclusions. 
 
 Of one of the dangers which threaten the Union from 
 outside we have already spoken. On the whole, trade unions 
 
THE FUTURE OF CENTRAL LABOR UNIONS 
 
 125 
 
 are sufficiently on their guard against it. That is, the danger 
 from men who are party politicians first, and trade unionists 
 only "for what there is in it" for themselves. In the present 
 state of party allegiance on the part of trade unionists, a dis- 
 cussion of party politics, if persisted in, will wreck the 
 strongest union. 
 
 The second danger is that the union will, in its enthusiasm 
 to right real wrongs, perform acts which will make it amen- 
 able to courts of law. The laws against conspiracy have 
 been invoked over and over again on the part of the 
 employers, and in the United States the acts of labor orga- 
 nizations still come under these laws, although in England 
 they do not. It is wiser to recognize the fact that certain 
 acts constitute conspiracy, and to refrain from committing 
 the acts, rather than to sufTer the penalty and to inveigh 
 against the unjust laws. There is no reason why, with the 
 right kind of work and with a judicious use of the ballot, 
 labor organizations may not to a certain extent be rendered 
 exempt from the operation of the laws against conspiracy to 
 injure trade. 
 
 The same advice might be given in regard to what has 
 been termed " government by injunction,'' or decrees of 
 courts of equity, which have caused so much trouble for 
 labor organizations. If the power of these courts is as dan- 
 gerous as the labor leaders would have us believe, even that 
 might be curtailed by a combined effort of unionists and 
 of others whom they may be able to persuade to work in 
 harmony with them. Thanks to our democratic institutions, 
 there is little that cannot be done if it is desired by a 
 majority large enough. 
 
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