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Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029318882 BT821 C4™" ^""'®'"^'*y ^'"""y ^"*'niii'iiiMi'iSfi!?.!^ o^ *^® doctrine of a fu olin 3 1924 029 318 882 A CRITICAL HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF A FUTURE LIFE OTHER "WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR. THE APOCALYPSE OF BARUCH.— Translated from the Syriac : Chapters L-LXXVII. from the Sixth Century MS. in the Ambrosian Library of Milan, and Chapters LXXVIII.- LXXXVII.— THE EPISTLE OF BARUCH.— From a New and Critical Text based on Ten MSS. and published herewith. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, and Indices, 7s. 6d. net. THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES.— Translated from the Latin Sixth Century MS. , the unemended Text of which is published herewith, together with the Text in its restored and critically emended form. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, and Indices, 7s. 6d. London : A. & C. BLACK. THE BOOK OF ENOCH.— Translated from Dillmann's Ethiopic Text (emended and revised in accordance with hitherto uncoUated Ethiopic MSS. and with the Gizeh and other Greek and Latin Fragments), with Introduction, Notes, and Indices. 8vo, 16s. THE ETHIOPIC VERSION OF THE HEBREW BOOK OF JUBILEES.— Edited from Four MSS. and critically revised, emended, and restored in accordance with the Hebrew, Syriac, Greek, and Latin Fragments of this Book. 4to, 12s. 6d. THE BOOK OF THE SECRETS OF ENOCH.— Translated from the Slavonic by W. R. M0RFII.L, M.A., and edited, with Intro- duction, Notes, and Indices, by R. H. Charles, M.A. 8vo, 7s. 6d. Oxford : THE CLARENDON PRESS. A Critical History OF THE Doctrine of a Future Life In Israel, in Judaism, and in Christianity OR HEBREW, JEWISH, AND CHRISTIAN ESCHATOLOGY FROM PRE-PROPHETIC TIMES TILL THE CLOSE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON BEING THE JOWETT LECTURES FOR 1898-99 BY R. H. CHARLES, D.D. PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL GREEK, TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN LONDON ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK 1899 D3 PREFACE The present work is the result of studies begun over twelve years ago, and pursued unremittingly for the past ten. This long period of preparation is partly to be explained by the fact that some of the most important books in the history of the development of Jewish eschatology had to be studied afresh and re-edited before their evidence was available for such a work as the present. After a severe and prolonged examination of the Apoca- lyptic and Apocryphal literature of Judaism, I pro- ceeded to carry my investigations backward into the Old Testament and forward into the New, and in both cases, I hope, with fresh and fruitful results. I am painfully aware, however, of the unsatisfactory treatment of some of the books in the New Testa- ment, such as the Apocalypse, and of the need of a deeper and fuller treatment of the Messianic hope of the Nation in the Old Testament. It seemed good, however, not to delay publica- tion further, and accordingly I gladly accepted the invitation of the Jowett Committee to give a course of lectures on the subject of these studies. PREFACE Throughout this work I have been obHged repeatedly to abandon the beaten track in dealing with the eschatology both of the Old and of the New Testament. This has been due in part to the method pursued ; for it became clear to me many years ago that, in order to apprehend the evidence of a passage dealing with the religious hopes of Israel, it was necessary to study it not only in its textual but also in its historical context. All scholars with any pretension to thoroughness have already recognised the duty of studying a passage in its textual context ; but very few have seen that it is just as necessary to study it in its historical context, that is, in its rightful place in the development of religious thought. Thus two writings may be composed within the same decade : yet one may be reactionary in character, and belong to a bygone period of development, while the other may be spiritual and progressive, and in the van of the religious thought of the time. In such cases it is the part of the historian to allow the definitive passages in both writings their full weight, and not to force them into unnatural conformity by spiritual- ising some or materialising others. It is only by such a scientific method of investi- gation that we can hope to arrive at any valid conclusions on such subjects as Universalism, Con- ditional Immortahty, or Eternal Damnation. Such conclusions are not to be gathered so much from PREFACE vii isolated statements in the New Testament books, which may vary in accordance with the spiritual endowments of the writer, as from the consumma- tion to which the eschatological development of the past undoubtedly points, and, above all, from that consummation foreshadowed and implied in the great fundamental truths proclaimed by Christ and variously unfolded in Apostolic teaching. As in nature, so in religion, God reveals Himself in the course of slow evolution. A learned book on the same subject as the present work has recently been published by Prin- cipal Salmond. Since, however, our method and treatment have taken different lines, I have refrained throughout from referring to the work of this well- known scholar. In order to make this book easy to consult, I have provided it with an elaborate index. This index consists of an alphabetical list of names and subjects : but it is more ; for under each subject- heading an analytical treatment is attempted, from which the reader can gather the historical develop- ment of the particular conception through the course of nearly a thousand years. Finally, I wish to express my thanks to Messrs. A. & C. Black, the publishers of the Encyclopcedia Biblica, and to its editors, Drs. Cheyne and Black, for permitting me to use my article on Eschatology in that work as the basis of the present work. viii PREFACE I would also gratefully acknowledge the many- helpful suggestions which I owe to Dr. Cheyne, as well as Dr. Black's revision of the proofs, notwith- standing the multitudinous claims on his time and energies. 17 BitADMORE Road, Oxford, September 1899. CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGES ESCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN THE OlD TESTAMENT ^-^ PRIOR TO THE ORIGIN OF THE BELIEF IN IMMORTALITY I-50 CHAPTER II EsCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL — RiSE OF THE DOCTRINE OF AN Individual Immortality . . . 51-80 CHAPTER III The Eschatology of the Nation and the Synthesis of THE TWO EsCHATOLOGIES IN THE DOCTRINE OF THE Resurrection, Doctrine of the Soul and of the Future Life among the Greeks . . . 81-15 1 CHAPTER IV Summary of Old Testament Teaching on Individual Conceptions . . . . . .152-161 CHAPTER V The Eschatology of Apocryphal and Apocalyptic Literature during the Second Century b.c. . 162-199 CHAPTER VI Eschatology of Apocryphal and Apocalyptic Literature during the First Century b.c. . . 200-241 CONTENTS CHAPTER VII PAGES ESCHATOLOGY OF APOCRYPHAL AND ApOCALYPTIC LITERATURE DURING THE FiRST CeNTURY A.D. . . . 242-268 CHAPTER VIII ESCHATOLOGY OF APOCRYPHAL AND ApOCALYPTIC LITERATURE DURING THE FiRST Century A.D. {continued) . . 269-305 CHAPTER IX ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NeW TESTAMENT — GENERAL INTRO- DUCTION : The Synoptic Gospels . . . 306-344 CHAPTER X ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NeW TESTAMENT — REVELATION, JUDE, 2 Peter, James, Hebrews, Johannine Gospel and Epistles, i Peter ..... 345-378 CHAPTER XI The Pauline Eschatology in its Four Stages . , 379-417 Index of Names and Subjects .... 419-428 CHAPTER I ESCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN THE OLD TESTAMENT PRIOR TO THE ORIGIN OF THE BELIEF IN IMMORTALITY. The purpose of this work is to deal with Hebrew, scope of this Jewish, and Christian eschatology, or the teaching of the Old Testament, of Judaism, and of the New ' Testament on the final condition of man and of the world. It is but too generally assumed that we are already fully acquainted with this sub- ject; but such an assumption is by no means justified. We have yet much to learn, and the work of patient research is still far from fruitless in this field. So far as this work bears on Old Testament eschatology, the writer is under infinite obligations to Old Testament scholars,^ but notwithstanding the fulness of their labours, he has not unfrequently been compelled in the special subject of these lectures to take new departures and pursue paths 1 Particularly to Cheyne, Stade, Robertson Smith, Schwally, Smend, Nowack, and a host of others. PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. I. of his own. The necessity for such new departures, alike in the Old Testament and the New Testa- ment, arose in connection with his attempt to grasp the whole course of eschatological development from the time of Moses to the close of the New Testa- ment. The nature of such new departures will appear in the sequel. Doctrine of From the period of Moses, the religious and of God must to poHtical fouuder of Israel, to the time of Christ, we be'^tudUed"^ Can with some degree of certainty determine the with Hebrew Teligious views of that nation on the after- world. eschatoiogy. g^^ the facts are often so isolated, the sources so often defective and reset in later environments, that, if we confine our attention to ideas of the after-life alone, it is possible to give only a dis- jointed statement of beliefs and expectations with large lacunae and unintelligible changes, and lacking that coherence and orderly development without which the mind cannot be satisfied. Now we find that we can impart some degree of coherence and intelligibleness to the subject by considering the development of the conception of God in Israel. On this conception hinges ultimately every other religious conception of the nation. Obviously, however, only the salient points in this development can be dealt with ; but these will be sufficient for our present purpose. Illustration. Let me give an illustration of the necessity of treating the conception of God in connection with that of the after-world. How comes it that in the second century B.C. the conception of the after- OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 3 world is mainly moral and retributive, whereas from chap, i. the fourth century back to Moses' time it is non- moral, being in fact a piece of pure Semitic heathenism. This change of conception is mainly due to monotheism, which, partially apprehended by the great prophets of the eighth century, and more fully by those of the sixth, was at last carried to its logical results. No part of the Universe created by God, religious men felt and religious men reasoned, could be withdrawn from His influence. Hence in due course the rejection of the heathen Semitic view of Sheol for one that was moral and retributive. Till, however, monotheism was the accepted belief of the nation, this transformation of Sheol was impossible. Before I enter on the subject I may premise oid Testament that, though I have to deal so to speak with the explained as anatomy of Old Testament religious thought, I do development. not pretend or hold it possible to explain it as a merely natural development. All true growth in religion, whether in the past or the present, springs from the communion of man with the immediate living God, wherein man learns the will of God, and becomes thereby an organ of God, a per- sonalised conscience, a revealer of divine truth for men less inspired than himself. The truth thus revealed through a man possesses a divine authority for men. In the Old Testament we have a catena of such revelations. At the Exodus God took Israel, Semitic heathens as they were for the niost part, and taught them in the measure of their PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. I. The divine name to be pronounced Yahwfe, and BOt Jehovah. capacity : revealed Himself at the outset to them as their God, the God of their nation, and claimed Israel as His people. He did not then make Himself known as the Creator and Moral Ruler of the world, for in the childhood of Israel's religious history these ideas would have been impossible of comprehension. Yahwe was Israel's God, and Israel was the people of Yahwe. Yahwe was a righteous God, and required righteousness in His people. From this stage the divine education of Israel is carried forward, till in Jeremiah and the Second Isaiah God becomes known to Israel as the Sole Supreme all-loving Creator and God of all mankind. In the following chapters our investigations will be guided by the results of Old Testament criticism. Since, however, some of these results are still pro- visional, the same provisional character will attach to some of our conclusions. We shall throughout these studies revert to the original pronunciation of the divine name Yahwe. Owing to their dread of misusing this name (Exod. XX. 7 ; Lev. xxiv. ii) the Jews avoided pronouncing it with its legitimate vowels, and supplied its vocal- isation from Adonai ; or where this word had appeared immediately before, with the vocalisation of Elohim. From an ignorance of these facts the false pro- nunciation Jehovah was introduced through a sixteenth-century scholar, Petrus Galatinus, in his work, De Arcanis Catholicce Veritatis, 1518 (see OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 5 Marti, Gesch, d. Isr, ReL p. 60). The true pro- chap. i. nunciation is attested by Clement of Alexandria (laofe) and Theodoret ('la/Se), not to speak of authorities of an earlier date. I. Preprophetic Yahwism. — We shall make no i. Preprophetic - 1 1 • 1 Yahwism. attempt to trace the various stages through which Yahwism passed before it became monotheistic, but consider it broadly as divided into two periods, namely, (i.) Preprophetic Yahwism, from Moses to the eighth century; and (ii.) Prophetic Yahwism. Our attention will be mainly confined to the former, for the possibility of understanding Early Hebrew escha- tology is conditioned by our prior comprehension of the limited scope of preprophetic Yahwism. From whatever source the worship of Yahwe^ was ulti- mately derived, it was probably through Moses that Yahwe became the God of Israel, that is, the national God. Now a nation originates not merely through the increase and extension of the tribe, but through the federation of tribes descended from the same or from different ancestors, and worshipping independent tribal gods. Such a federation may arise from a common danger or from common interests. Should the community of interest and action thus established be of lasting duration, a ^ Full information on the development of Yahwism from different stand- points will be found in Marti, Geschichte der israelitischen Religion^ 1 897 ; Kuenen, The Religion of Israel (translated from the Dutch) j Montefiore, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, 1892 ; Konig, Die Haupt- probleme d. altisrael. Religionsgeschichte, 1 884 ; Smend, Alttestainentliche Religionsgeschichte, 1893 ; Valeton in Chantepie de la Saussaye's Religions- geschichte^ i. i<^i-'^2,<^^ 1897. Davidson, Art. "God" in Hastings' Bible Dictionary, ii. 199-205. PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOIOGY CHAP. I. Was this divine name known before the time of Moses ? nation is the result. The incorporation of different tribes into a nation is a sign that the tribal con- sciousness has vailed to the consciousness of the larger community, and that in this process the tribal gods have been forced into a subordinate relation to the new god of the nation. This god had often no doubt been the god of the chief tribe in the confederacy. Wellhausen thinks that Yahwe was originally the God of the tribe of Joseph, on the ground that the ark was placed in the territory of Joseph ; and that Joshua — the oldest historical name compounded with Yahwe — belonged to the tribe of Joseph. But there are overwhelming difficulties in the way of this theory. Into these, however, it does not concern us to enter here. The origin of Yahwism is still buried in mystery. It is a moot question whether God was known under the name of Yahwe before the time of Moses. On the one side it has been argued by Smend i^Alt- testamentlicke Religionsgesck. pp. 17, 18) and others that Moses would have appealed in vain to the tribes in Egypt if he had come to them in the name of a hitherto unknown god. This, moreover, was the view of the Yahwist (Gen. iv. 26, '' Then began men to call on the nameof Yahwe "). On the other hand, in the Elohist in Exod. iii. 11-14, and the Priests' Code in Exod. vi. 2, 3, it is stated that the name Yahwe was first revealed to Moses. The latter passage runs as follows: "And God spake unto Moses, and said unto him : I am Yahwe, and I appeared unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL Jacob as El Shaddai, but by my name Yahwe chap. i. was I not known unto them." The latter view is strongly supported by the evidence of proper names. Thus the first proper name undoubtedly compounded with Yahwe is that of Joshua.^ But as this question does not closely affect our sub- ject we may pass on to more important issues, only adding that the higher teaching of Moses must have had points of affinity with pre-existing beliefs within his people or tribe. Whatever Yahwe may have been conceived whatever the in His essential nature,^ whether as God of derivation of the thunderstorm or the like, this question haveTeTn^i^s fell early into the background, and all stress f^^^^^^^^^ was laid upon the nature of H is activities unique. within the nation. Hence the character of His religion is therefore not metaphysical and dogmatic, but ethical and experiential. The very name, more- over, being so indefinite in content and free from associations which could limit its development, pre- sented a framework within which the unhampered growth of piety was possible. This fact is of especial importance for the development of mono- theism. The Tjltimate derivation of Yahwism could thus affect only the external form : its true content and character within Israel were unique. Moses, as we have above remarked, was the Faith in Yahwe the motive force ^ See Buchanan Gray's Hebrew Proper Names, 190, 191, 257, 258. in the found- Possibly it appears mjochebedj Exod, vi. 20. ing of the 2 On the various derivations of this divine name, see Smend, Alttestavie?it' nation. izche Religionsgeschichte, p. 21 ; Marti, Geschichte der israelitischeit Religion^ pp. 61, 62 ; Davidson in Hastings' Bible Dictionary^ ii. 199. PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY Religion and history of Israel inter- woven from the beginning. true founder of the nation and of Yahwism. Through his personal communion with God he reanimated an enslaved race that was perishing under Egyptian oppression. His certainty that the living God was his inspirer and stay was the im- pelling force in his action, and in this certainty he carried with him the bulk of the people. There was, however, no absolute break with the past. The traditions and spiritual limitations that Israel had in the past in common with their Semitic kindred reappear in the early forms of Yahwism. The name Yahwe formed the point of departure, and the mainstay of the religious movement thus initiated, in which Israel became a nation. It was not Israel that had chosen Yahwe to be their God, but Yahwe that had chosen Israel to be His people, and revealed Himself to Moses as the living God. This faith was the motive force in the formation of the nation. As the national God, Yahwe was the invisible Head of the nation. As such, He inspired and controlled its action and shaped its destinies. Thus the religion and history of Israel were interwoven from the beginning, and the unfailing inspirations of the former so influenced the march of the latter that Israel's spiritual development is absolutely unique in the world : for despite frequent halts and retrogres- sions, its advance. was steadily from strength to strength and truth unto truth, till at last it was con- summated in the final revelation of the personality of the Christ. OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 9 That the first revelation of Yahwe's intervention chap. i. on behalf of Israel is connected with the deliverance Yahwism a from Egypt is full of significance. His religion is redfmptk)n. thus characterised from the outset as a religion of redemption : " I am Yahwe thy God, which brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage" (Exod. xx. 2). Herein Israel found the stay of its faith, the ground of its trust, and pledge of salvation in the dawn of evil days. As the Head of the nation, Yahwe was pre- vahwfe as the eminently its Leader in battle and War-god. It is in wi^ this character that He mainly appears in the earlier days. His presence was nowhere felt so strongly and really as in the battlefield. He is, as the Hebrew poet declares, "A man of war" (Exod. XV. 3), and His people are called Israel, that is, ** soldiers of God." ^ The first altar erected in His name by Moses is named "Yahwe nissi," that is, ** Yahwe is my banner" (Exod. xvii. 15). Religious and national enthusiasm were in preprophetic times almost synonymous. Israelis enemies wer^ Yahwe's enemies (i Sam. xxx. 26); Israel's wars were the wars of Yahwe (Num. xxi. 14; i Sam. xviii. 17). He is the God of the armies of Israel (i Sam. xvii. 26, 36, 45). These considerations supply us with the original sense of the divine name "Yahwe of Hosts." That vahw^of this meant at the outset the Lord of the hosts of Israel is clear from i Sam. xvii. 45, where David 1 So Gesenius, Ewald, Kautzsch. Dillmann and E. Meyer take it to mean "God contends," Buchanan Gray {op. cit. 218) *'let God contend." I o PRIMITl VE HE A THEN ESCHA TOL OGY CHAP. I. Ark originally sanctuary of Yahwe the War -god. declares that he goes forth to meet Goliath "in the name of Yahwe of Hosts, the God of the armies of Israel." With the later significations^ of this phrase we have at present no concern. The ark was originally regarded in Israel as the actual sanctuary of Yahwe the War-god.^ As such it was borne into the field and represented Yahwe s presence (i Sam. iv. 3-1 1, v. 6 ; 2 Sam. vi. 1-12). In this connection we can apprehend the significance of the ancient prayers when the ark set forward and when it rested: *' Rise up, Yahwe, and let thine enemies be scattered, and let them that hate thee flee before thee": and, "Return, O Yahwe, unto the thousands of the thousands of Israel " (Num. X. 35, 36). But it was not merely that the interests of Israel were Yahwe s interests : the interests of Yahwe were likewise those of Israel. Thus the tribes of Israel mustered to the help of Yahwe (Judg. v. 23) : in His honour was the war cry raised, *' A sword for Yahwe and for Gideon" (Judg. vii. 18, 20). But Yahwe was not only the God of war: He On Israel's Yahw^ the God of justice and , i /^ i r ■ • i • i purity. was also the God 01 justice and right 1 In later times He was conceived not as the God of the hosts of Israel but of all powers, whether human, stellar, or angelic. This later development is due probably to Amos. See p. 86 ; Marti, Gesck. 139-141 ; Driver on Joel and Amos, 231, 232. 2 A later view of the ark as the receptacle for the two tables of stone is found in Deut. x. 1-3 ; Exod. xxv. 10-22. That the ark originally con- tained a stone, i.e, a Bethel or "house of God " (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxv. 14), is generally accepted. This fact would point to the ark as a constituent of Semitic heathenism before its adoption into the service of Yahwism. In any case the ark lost its significance on the advent of monotheism. See Benzinger, Hebrdische Archdologie^ 367-370 ; Marti, Gesch. 67-69 ; Nowack, liebrdische Archdologie, ii. yj. OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL ii deliverance from Egypt naturally followed their chap. i. internal organisation. This was carried out under the name of Yahwe, who was recognised as the central authority of justice. His sanctuary was the depository of law, and the priests were the interpreters of His will. The teaching or torah of the priests had at once a legal and a moral character. In the course of many centuries this teaching came to assume a stereotyped form in the written Law or Pentateuch. But besides being the God of justice, Yahwe was essentially the God of purity. Whilst the worship of other Semitic deities was characterised by various forms of licentiousness, none such was ever connected with the uncorrupted worship of Yahwe. Though con- ceived as a person, He had no other deity, and particularly no goddess beside or beneath Him. These important ethical elements in Yahwe s char- acter, which required justice and purity in His people, lie at the base of primitive Yahwism, and contain the promise and potency of the later mono- theism. Having now recognised two of the chief char- Sovereignty or acteristics of Yahwe, namely His warlike and His aiiy conceived ethical character, in accordance with which He ^s^Tith h'i^' moulded the outer and inner histories of Israel, we p^J'pJe"'^ ^""^ have next to touch on the views held by Israel regarding the gods of the neighbouring nations, which were in some degree applicable also to Yahwe. In these preprophetic times the actual existence of such independent deities outside Israel 1 2 PRIMITIVE HE A THEN ESCHA TOLOG Y CHAP. I. was fully acknowledged. Each nation had its own god. Milcom was the god of Ammon, Ashtoreth of the Zidonians, and Chemosh of Moab (Num. xxi. 29; I Kings xi. 33; Jer. xlviii. 46). According to the beliefs of the time, it was these gods that had given their respective peoples their territories, just as Yahwe had given Canaan to Israel. Thus in Judg. xi. 24 Jephthah sends the following message to the Ammonites^: ''Wilt not thou possess that which Chemosh thy god giveth thee to possess ? So whomsoever Yahw^ our God hath dispossessed before us, them will we possess." Not only was the power of the national deity conceived to be paramount within his own land, but all who were resident in his country were regarded as in duty bound to worship him. Thus David complains to Saul that he had been driven forth from his own land and forced to forsake the worship of Yahwe for the service of other gods(i Sam. xxvi. 19): *' If it be Yahwe that hath stirred thee up against me, let him accept an offering ; but if it be the children of men, cursed be they before Yahwe ; for they have driven me out this day, that I should have no share in the inheritance of Yahwe, saying, Go serve other gods." Thus the sovereignty and interest of the national deities were popularly held to be conterminous with the bounds of their own lands. 1 There is clearly a mistake in the text here ; for Milcom and not Chemosh was the god of the Ammonites : see i Kings xi. 7, 33 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 13; Jer. xlviii. 7, 13, 46; Nmn. xxi. 29, and the Mesha Inscription, where Chemosh is always spoken of as the god of Moab. OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 13 Again, just as Israel explained its national reverses chap. i. through the anger of Yahwe with His people, so likewise did Moab, as we learn from the Moabite Stone; for there the subjection of Moab to Israel is represented as due to the wrath of Chemosh with his people. When, however, this wrath was appeased, Chemosh restored to Moab its lost provinces through the agency of Mesha. The Moabites no doubt regarded the might of their god as superior to that of Yahwe.^ We shall point out two further analogies between certain un- Yahwe and the neighbouring Semitic deities. The in the early first of these is that certain unethical and unin- Yahw?'°^^° telligible moods appear in Yahwe just as we might expect in a national god ; for the national god is a personification of the genius of a people, the embodiment of its virtues and its vices on an heroic scale. Thus the anger of Yahwe is at times un- intelligible. It was, for example, kindled against Uzzah to his destruction when he stepped forward to prevent the ark from falling at the threshing- floor of Nacon (2 Sam. vi. 6, 7), and likewise against the men of Beth Shemesh for gazing too curiously upon it ( I Sam. vi. 1 9). David can imagine that Saul's undeserved enmity may be due to^ the motiveless incitement of Yahwe (i Sam. xxvi. 19), and the early historian in 2 Sam. xxiv. i finds no difficulty in attributing" to Him an apparently unreasonable wrath ; for he represents Yahwe as causing David ^ See the description of the Moabite Stone in Driver's Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samtiel^ pp. Ixxxv.-xciv. 14 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOG Y CHAP. I. Interests of Yahwfe and of Israel origin- ally identified. to number the people, and then as punishing the people for the sin which He had prompted. It is noteworthy that when the chronicler some centuries later was recounting the same event he assigns this action not to Yah we but to Satan (i Chron. xxi. i) : "And Satan stood up against Israel, and moved David to number Israel." Thus the anger of Yahwe in preprophetic times was not necessarily conceived as due to sin in Israel : it might spring from other causes. But this imperfect conception of the divine wrath is not recognised by the prophets. To them Yahwe's wrath is never unaccountable ; for it is always ethically conditional and kindled by the sin of the nation. The next analogy between the conception of Yahwe and that of the gods of the heathen nations is that as a national god H is interests were absolutely identified with those of His nation. Though He might become temporally estranged, He could never forsake His people. To imagine such a possibility would have been the act not merely of a blasphemer but of a madman. This was \he popular view in Israel in the eighth century, and even later. Accordingly, the reverses that Israel sustained at the hands of the neighbouring nations were to the unthinking masses so many proofs that Yahwe had temporarily forsaken His land, but to the prophetic vision they were the discipline wherewith Yahwe was educating His people. In the case of a purely heathen religion outward disasters involved OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 1 5 the people and their god in the same humiliation, chap. i. and ultimately in the same destruction, but in the very catastrophes that proved fatal to the gods of the heathen Yahwe vindicated His true sovereignty over the earth. We have now considered the chief defects that These limita- clung to the conception of Yahwe in preprophetic defects^are times. These shortcomings mark nearly all the s^^vivah in period when Israel was passinp^ from a monolatrous the domain of ^ ... Yahwism, and to a true monotheistic belief. They are clearly to as such were ,., attacked and be regarded as heathen survivals m the domam of destroyed by Yahwism, that is, in the people's conception of ^p^°p^^* Yahwe. They form the ground of Yahwe's great controversy with Israel. In this controversy Yahwe manifests in ever clearer form His will and purpose, which are directed to the spiritual enfranchisement of His people. While the heathen gods always re- mained on the same moral level as their worshippers, and so were powerless to deepen and develop char- acter, it was otherwise in Israel. To serve Yahwe aright involved spiritual effort and personal sacrifice, and consequently led to growth in righteousness. The people had hardly attained a certain religious Essential level when the messengers of Yahwe urged them Yahwism con- on to loftier heights in life and thought than their rlghttous*^^ present achievement. Thus one by one the false yahw?^^ °* views attaching to Yahwe in Israel were in the course of its divine education expelled. Hence we conclude that the essential superiority of Yahwism to the neighbouring Semitic religions lay not in its moral code, in which indeed it was unquestionably i6 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY II. Monothe- istic Yahwism, from 800 B.C. onwards. Israel's rela- tion to Yahwii ethically conditioned. superior, but in the righteous character of Yahwe which was progressively revealed to His servants. We have now touched on some of the leading characteristics of Yahwism in its first stage, when it was monolatrous, that Is, claimed to be the true religion of Israel : " Thou shalt have none other gods but Me." We have now to touch briefly on the next stage, when it is monotheistic, and its teaching then is : ** There are no other Gods but Me." II. Monotheistic Period of Yahwism. — This development appears as already achieved in the eighth- and seventh - century prophets. These prophets were not founders of religion, but reformers in a true sense. For true reform, whilst returning to earlier beliefs, is yet also progressive. Thus the prophets went back to the old essentially Mosaic thought, that the bond existing between Yahwe and Israel had been the result of a free act of the former, attested by their deliverance from Egypt. Through Canaanitish influence, however, this bond had come to be regarded popularly by Israel as a natural ow.^ in accordance with which the god and his people mutually possessed each other, and could not exist in isolation. But the prophets teach that Israel's relation to Yahwe is ethically conditioned. Israel had been chosen in order to carry out the moral purposes of Yahwe, If Israel is faithless therein, its nearness to Yahwe must entail a proportionately severer punishment. Should their disobedience prove irremediable, then Yahwe must destroy the nation, for righteousness is the measure of all OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL m things, and even the world-empires subserve its de- chap. i. crees. As Yahwe's agent, Assyria will destroy Israel. Although the preachers of the destruction of the nation of Israel, the prophets became the saviours of its religion. Through their living communion with God, they made it known, in terms that could never be forgotten, that Yahwe pursued His own righteous purposes independently of Israel. Thus it was that Yahwism did not perish with the nation, and that true religion survived the destruction of individmiisa- the state. In the religion thus enfranchised from by the national limitations, the individual becomes the ^^°^ ^^^ religious unit, and is brought into immediate com- munion with God. Thus the way is prepared for the coming of Christianity. From the period of the Exile onwards there are two parallel developments of monotheism. In the Parallel but - _ , . inconsistent truer and nobler development, as it appears in developments T • 1 11' • • , 1 , 1 • of monotheism Jeremiah and his spiritual successors, monotheism from the Exile is a living doctrine which shapes the teachings of its o^"^^^^- adherents on the religious duties and destinies not only of Israel but also of the nations. In the parallel development initiated by Ezekiel, monotheism is a living and fruitful doctrine for Israel, but not for the nations. From the legitimate scope of its blessings they are absolutely excluded. So far as they are con- cerned, it has become a lifeless dogma. Such a false conception of Yahwe's relation to the nations in due time reacted on Judaistic monotheism, and explains in large measure its subsequent barrenness. In studying a great religion the inquirer seeks 1 8 PRIMITIVE HE A THEN ESCHA TOL OG Y CHAP. I. naturally to trace an organic connection between its In universal Central conceptions and the most remote portions of religions an . , ^ r ^ ■ i organic con- its system. He expects to find a certam degree exist between ^^ logical Coherence existing between all its parts. inTthe^r°^°^ "^^^ ^'^ ^^^ expectations he is not disappointed eschatoiogy. when dealing with such religions as Christianity, Mohammedanism, or Buddhism, for in these the eschatoiogy, or the teaching on the final condition of man and of the world, follows in the main from the fundamental doctrines of these religions. But the student must not approach the early religion Thisconnec- of Israel with such an expectation; for though an w?th begird to organic connection exists between its theology and the eschatoiogy ^-j^^ cschataloQ^y of the 7tatio7i as a whole, this con- of the nation, . but not of the nection does not extend to the eschatoiogy of the individual in • !• • 7 j t t -t-^i 1 Israel. indivtdttal Israelite, 1 he eschatoiogy of the m- dividual in early Israel is not only wholly inde- pendent of Yahwism, but it actually stands in implicit antagonism to it, an antagonism which becomes explicit and irreconcilable in the subsequent developments of Yahwism, and which results in the final triumoh of the latter. At the close of this con- flict Yahwism will be found to have developed an eschatoiogy of the individual more or less con- Yahwism bad sistcnt With its own cssential conceptions. Thus tmato^he°^ it is only in respect of the nation that Yahwism can Exile. |-jg gg^j(j l-Q have possessed a definite eschatoiogy till long after the return from Exile. The expiana- The explanation of this defect in the early religion defect '^*' of Israel is not far to seek. The sphere of that religion was, like the sway of Yahwe, confined, as OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 19 we have found above, to this world, and indeed to chap. i. a small portion of it. The dominion of Yahwe being so circumscribed had no concern whatever with any future existence of man, and hence it possessed no eschatology of the individual. Accord- ingly we must look elsewhere for that eschatology. We shall deal with Old Testament eschatology oid Testament under three heads — (i.) The eschatology of the the individual individual ; (ii.) The eschatology of the nation,^ i.e. natio°n, and Israel; (iii.) The synthesis of these two eschato- ^^[hi"'^'' logics in the fourth century B.C. Eschatology of the Individual. — The ideas Primitive •11' TIT • • T eschatology that prevailed in pre-Mosaic times regarding the of the in- future life, and that were indeed current in some israeHs^"^ degree down to the second century B.C., were in many hSthen^'^^'" respects common to Israel and other Semitic nations, sources, i,e. ^ from Ancestor These were naturally not the outcome of revelation, worship. but were mere survivals of Semitic heathenism. According to Stade, Schwally, and other scholars, they belong to what is known as Ancestor Worship. Prior to the legislation of Moses this phase of religion dominated to a great degree the life of the Israelite. But Yahwism from the first was implicitly engaged with it in irreconcilable strife. For several centuries, however, many of the tenets and usages of this worship were left unaffected by Yahwism ; for, as we have already seen, early Yahwism had no eschatology of the individual, and concerned ^ As Israel in the course of history necessarily enters into relations with Gentile powers, the final destinies of the latter are naturally dealt with by the prophetic .writers. 20 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. I. Ancestor Worship. Evidence for existence of Ancestor Worship in Israel. itself only with the existence of the nation. Thus the individual was left to his hereditary heathen beliefs, and these can be best interpreted as part and parcel of Ancestor Worship/ According to this belief the dead were not re- garded as dead, but as in a certain sense living and sharing in all the vicissitudes of their posterity, and as possessing superhuman powers to benefit or injure. With a view to propitiate these powers the living offered sacrifices. By these sacrifices the vitality of the dead was preserved, and their honour in the next world upheld. A man made sacrifices naturally to his own ancestors : ^ the departed ances- tors and their living descendants formed one family. We shall now give some of the evidence for the existence of such beliefs in Israel, under the three following heads — I. The ancestors or their images, the household gods, namely the teraphim, were honoured with sacrifices, and the right of offering these sacrifices was restricted to a son of the de- parted. II. The primitive mourning usages in Israel are part and parcel of Ancestor Worship. ^ Cf. Schwally, Das Leben 7iach dem Tode, chap. i. ** Der alte Glaube," pp. 5-74, and Stade, Gesch. i. 387-427, to whom the present writer is immeasur- ably indebted on this subject ; also Marti, Gesch. der israel. Religion, 22-26. 40-43, 47-49* 193 ; Budde on Judg. xi. 37, xvii. 5 ; Holzinger on Gen. xxxi., XXXV. 8-14, xxxvii. 29-34, xxxviii. 30, and appendix on p. 269; Wildeboer on Eccl. xii. 7 ; Nowack on Hos. iii. 4. This view has been recently attacked by Frey, Tod^ Seelenglaube imd Seelenkult ij?i alien Israel^ 1 898, but on the whole unsuccessfully. His contention is that, whereas a Seelenglaube existed in Israel, it is not true that this Seelenglaube was ever developed into a Seelenmlt. Davidson, Hastings' B,D. ii. 200, 201, is disinclined to accept the view in the text. 2 Sacrifices could be offered to departed heroes of the nation, with a view to gain their counsel and advice, as in the case of Saul and Samuel. This was customary also in the Babylonian and Greek religions. OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 21 III. The beliefs regarding the departed are essential chap. i. constituents of the same cult. 1. Our first thesis, that the ancestors or their images, the teraphim, were honoured with sacrifices performed by a son of the departed, can best be treated under the following heads — (i.) The teraphim or images of the ancestors were the object of family worship ; (ii.) To these certain sacrifices were offered ; (iii.) The right of offering such sacrifices was limited to a son of the departed, that is, a son of his own body begotten or adopted ; (iv.) But since a man might die without male offspring of his own or adopted, the necessities of Ancestor Worship gave birth to the levirate law, in accordance with which it became the duty of a surviving brother to marry the childless widow of the deceased in order to raise up a male offspring to his brother for the performance of the sacrificial usages due to his deceased brother; (v.) The family formed a sacramentally united corporation. (i.) First, then, as to the teraphim. The tera- Teraphim, or ,. -i-^ household phim mentioned m Gen. xxxv. 4 were clearly gods, gods, probably Their sacred character is recognised by their burial Ancestors, under a sacred tree, the terebinth. They could be buried but not profaned, else such profanation might provoke the powers they represented. In the above passage they are called "strange gods," and their ^ Stade [Gesch. i. 467) and Schwally's {Leben nach dem Tode^ 35 sqq.) contention that these teraphim are images of departed ancestors is practically accepted by Budde on Judg. xvii. 5 ; Holzinger on Gen. xxxi. 17 ; Nowack on Hos. iii. 4, and in his Hebrduche Archaologie^ ii. 23 ; but disputed by Frey, 102-112. 22 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. I. worship is regarded as incompatible with that of Yahwe. An earlier mention of these is found in Gen. xxxi. 19, 30-35, where Rachel steals her father's teraphim. Further, they were household gods. Thus from i Sam. xix. 13, 16 it follows that they had a human form, and also that they formed part of the usual equipment of a well-to-do family — observe ''the teraphim." In the next place they are most probably, with Stade and Schwally, to be identified with images of ancestors ; for they were consulted as oracles : thus they are enumerated with the 'oboth and yidde'onlm in 2 Kings xxiii. 24. In Exod. xxi. 2-6 we have a passage attesting the worship of these gods. According to this section there was a god close to the door in private houses to which the slave who desired enrolment in his masters family had to be brought: "Then his master shall bring him unto the god, and shall bring him to the door and to the doorpost, and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl ; and he shall serve him for ever," This was originally admission to the familycult,with all its obligations andprivileges. It is quite wrong to take this door to be that of the temple with the older interpreters ; for this sacrificial action which made the slave a member of his master's family would have been meaningless unless the door, on which his ear was pierced by the awl, was that of his master's house.-^ As regards the use of the word 1 So Schwally (37 sqq.)^ who rightly rejects the older view which takes D'n'pNH to mean the judges (so Revised Version in margin). Frey, 104-110, disagrees with both these interpretations, but his own, that D'n'?^-'?^ E^'jn means no more than to take an oath, seems clearly to be impossible. His words are OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 23 **elohim," or god, here, we should remember that chap. r. the dead when invoked were termed elohim (see I Sam. xxviii. 13). In Deut. xv. 12-18 this heathen ceremony is robbed of all its primitive religious significance by the omission of the term "god," and given a wholly secular character. Later these but later teraphim were regarded as images of Yahwe (cf. [mag^es^of^ Judg. xvii. 5 and xviii. 17 sqq.\ see also i Sam. ^^^' xix. 13-16) ; for we can hardly regard it as possible that David, the champion of the religion of Yahwe, would have worshipped the teraphim in their original character as household gods. In Hos. iii. 4 and Zech. X. 2 they may retain their original character as images of ancestors, or, as images of Yahwe, they may have been used like the Ephod in con- sulting the Deity. They are represented in Ezek. xxi. 26 (ver. 21 in E.V.) as being consulted by Nebuchadnezzar. Thus this cult of household gods (Dillmann, Alttest, Theologie, 90, 98) was firmly established in the family of Jacob before it went down into Egypt, and must have been observed by Israel during its entire stay in Egypt, seeing that it flourished among the people after their settlement in Canaan, and prevailed down to the latest period of the Monarchy. (ii.) SacHfices were offered to the dead, — The sacrifices object of these sacrmces is clear trom Deut. xxvi. dead. (p. 109) : " Liegt nichts im Wege, die Bedeutung dei- Handlung nur in dem Heften des Ohres an den Thiirpfosten zii sehen, wahvend das Bringen dmSkh-'?**, wodurch der Handlung nur ein eidlicher Character aufgepragt wird, bei Wiederholung dieser Verordnung, weil nicht konstitutives Merkmal, unbe- schadet wegfallen konnte." The omission referred to in the concluding words is found in Deut. xv. 12-18, 24 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. I. 14 : *' I have not eaten thereof in my mourning, neither have I put away thereof, being unclean, nor given thereof /£?ir the dead'' ; Jen xvi. 7 (?). They are probably implied in Is. viii. 19, xix. 3 ; for when a man wished to consult the dead, he would naturally present an offering. They are referred to in Ezek. xxiv. 17 : **Make no mourning for the dead, bind thy headtire upon thee, and put thy shoes upon thy feet, and cover not thy lips, and eat not the bread of mourning."^ See also xxiv. 22; 2 Chron. xvi. 14 (see Schwally, 16, 24, 48), xxi. 19. The object of these sacrifices was to give sustenance to the dead and to win their favour.^ In later times this object was lost sight of, and these sacrifices came to be regarded as mere funeral feasts. But this does not seem to 1 I have here followed Bertholet and Toy in emending D'tyjN into D'jin. Thus, instead of the senseless "bread of men" we obtain "the bread of mourning" (cf. Hos. ix. 4). This verse refers to four of the mourning usages : uncovering the head in order to strew it with ashes, putting off the shoes, covering the beard, and eating the bread of the offering to the dead (see pp. 28-30). 2 See Schwally, 21-25; Stade, Gesch. i. 389, 390; Nowack, ^rc/^. i. 192-198; Wellhausen, Isr, v. ji'id. Gesch.^ 100, loi, 1899; Benzinger, Hebrdische Archdologie.^ 164-167. Just as in the old Semitic, so in the Greek reHgion, libations were made to gain the favour of the departed (cf. Euripides, Or. 119, 7S9 ; El. 676-683; Here. Fur. 491-494; Sophocles, El. 454. See Rohde, Psyche^'^ i. 242, 243 ; ii. 250). But the value of these is questioned in Eur. Troad. 1248- 1250, where Hector declares that rich offerings on the grave are of no service to the dead, but only minister to the vanity of the Uving. 5o/c(S 5^ rots dauoucrt. bia(j>4puv jSpaxu, el irKovaioiv ris reiJferai KT€pL x. 3), thirst (Prov. xxv. 25), sexual desire (Jer. ii. 24), 38 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. I. but also psychical affections, such as love (Is. xlii. i), joy (Ps. Ixxxvi. 4), fear (Is. xv. 4), trust (Ps. Ivii. i), hate (Is. i. 14), contempt (Ezek, xxxvi. 5).^ Indeed these are so essentially affections of the soul that they are hardly ever attributed to the spirit ; yet see p. 46. To the soul also are ascribed wish and desire (Gen. xxiii. 8 ; 2 Kings ix. 15 ; i Chron. xxviii. 9), and likewise, but very rarely, memory (Lam. iii. 20 ; Deut. iv. 9) and knowledge (Ps. cxxxix. 14). As the seat of feeling and desire and intelligence (in a limited degree) it becomes an expression for the individual conscious life. Thus "my soul" (^t&DD) = I, ''thy soul " = thou, etc. (Hos. ix. 4; Ps. iii. 3, vii. 2, xi. i). So many souls = so many persons (Gen. xlvi. 18 ; Exod. i. 5). This designation of the personality by soul (nephesh) points to the limited conception of the personality that prevailed in Israel. '* My spirit" ("'nil) was never so used. Soul leaves the (:,) The soul Icaves the body in death (Gen. xxxv. body m death. r - 18; I Kings xvii. 21 ; 2 Sam. i. 9; Jonah iv. 3). — But this did not always necessarily take place immediately, but it did so apparently on the corruption of the body. In certaia cases after outward death the soul was regarded as being still in some sense either in or near the body ; for a dead person is called a *'soul/' z.e, nephesh (Lev. 1 This Semitic view of the soul is quite distinct from that of the Greeks as it appears in Homer. There the soul is not the seat of any of the mental activities ; for these belong to the 6v/j.6s, which is merely a function of the body, and disappears on the death of the body. It is only the soul that survives death according to Homer (see Chap. HI. pp. 137-139). OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 39 xix. 28, xxi. I, xxii. 4; Num. ix. 6, 7, 10; Hag. chap, i. ii. 13), or a "dead soul," ix, no msD (Num. vi. 6; Lev. xxi. 1 1). This usage, however, can be far more satisfactorily explained from Gen. ii. 7, where the living man is called *' a living soul " (see pp. 42, 43). (4) In death the soul dies^ but not in an absolute sense, according to primitive Hebrew anthropology. — We have here to deal with a very important question, and one which brings to light in the Old Testament conflicting, and to a certain extent con- Two conflict- current, views on the nature of the after-life in some^extent Sheol. At this stage we are obliged to part v°ews''of hfe company with our predecessors in this field. ^ The inSheoi. older view {a) which originated in the period of Semitic heathenism, attributes to the departed a certain degree of knowledge and power in reference to the living and their affairs ; the later {b\ which is derived logically from the monotheistic doctrine of man's nature taught in Gen. ii., iii., but was un- known in preprophetic times, declares that there is neither knowledge, nor wisdom, nor life in the grave. We shall deal with the latter in due course. To return, according to the older view (13:), the departed The older possessed a certain degree of self- consciousness The departed and the power of speech and movement (Is. xiv.) ; tuh^twffetrt a large measure of knowleds^e, hence their name of their de- o o ' scendants, and D■^3^i^^^ *'the knowing^ ones " ^ (JLev. xix. 31, xx, 6; possess the ^ ^ power of helping them. ^ Only Stade appears to have apprehended this fact, and that but partially, so far as we may judge from his published works. 2 The departed spirit when consulted was also termed niN. A necro- mancer was said to possess an niN, or familiar spirit (Lev. xx. 2,7 ; i Sam. xxviii. 7) ; he was called *'a questioner of the mx" (Deut. xviii. '11). 40 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY Customs of this life reproduced in Sheol. Is. xix. 3) ; acquaintance with the affairs of their living descendants, and a keen interest in their fortunes — thus Rachel mourns from her grave for her captive children (Jen xxxi. 15^); ability to forecast the future, hence they were consulted by the living regarding it (i Sam. xxviii. 13-20, where observe that the dead person invoked is called elohim ; Is. viii. 19, xxix. 4). Hence the practice of incubation (Is. Ixv. 4). We have already shown that the departed were believed to have the power of helping or injuring their descendants (see p. 24). It will be sufficient to observe here that it follows from Is. Ixiii. 16 that Abraham and Israel were conceived as protectors of their descendants (see Cheyne and Duhm in loc) The relations and customs of earth were repro- duced in Sheol. Thus the prophet was dis- tinguished by his mantle (i Sam. xxviii. 14), kings by their crowns and thrones (Is. xiv.), the uncircum- cised by his foreskin (Ezek. xxxii.) Each nation also preserved its individuality, and no doubt its national garb and customs (Ezek. xxxii.) Those ^ According to the Greek religion also, the inhabitants of Hades were acquainted with the affairs of the living. Cf. Pindar, Pyth. v. 98-103 ; Olymp. viii. 81-84, xiv. 20-24. See Rohde, Psyche^ i. 201. This view is expressed doubtfully by Demosthenes, Leptln. 87, but it is presupposed in Aeschylus, Choeph. 324, 325, p6v't)ixoi rod davbvTos ov dafjid^ec irvpbs fiaXepa yvddosj and also by the words of invocation addressed to the soul of Agamem- non (139, 147, 148, 156, 157, 477-509); cf. Pi/m. 598. This knowledge of what occurs on earth is ascribed to the dead also in Sophocles, P/. 1066 sg^. ; the dead can avenge themselves on the living {Track. 1201, 1202), or help them {PL 454, 1419, 1420). Similarly in Euripides the soul of the slain father is invoked to help his children {PL 676 sqq.\ who are convinced that their father hears their appeal {^^2i)' The soul of the dead sweeps round the living, and knows all their concerns {Or. 66'j sqq.) OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 41 slain with the sword bear for ever the tokens of a chap. i. violent death in Sheol (Ezek. xxxii. 25), and like- wise those who died from grief (Gen. xlii. 38). Indeed the departed were regarded as reproducing exactly the same features as marked them at the moment of death. Hence we can appreciate the terrible significance of David s departing counsel to Solomon touching Joab : " Let not his hoar head go down to Sheol in peace " (i Kings ii. 6). In many respects the above view is identical with that of Ancestor Worship, and, though this worship had already withdrawn entirely into the background before the prophetic period, yet many of its usages still persisted in the popular belief till long after the Exile. The leading characteristic of these survivals may be said to be the comparatively large measure of life^ movement, knowledge, and Itkewise power a.ttnhuted to the departed in Sheol. The importance of this characteristic will become obvious when we deal with the later and antagonistic views of the condition of the departed in Sheol. (d) This later view, which practically denies knowledge and life to the inhabitants of Sheol, follows logically from the account in Gen. ii. 4-iii., composite according to which the material form when animated according To^" by the spirit became a living soul. *' Yahwe Elohim ^^^' "' formed man of dust from the ground, and blew into his nostrils breath of life (n^^n nomD), and man became a living soul" (Gen. ii. 7, J). The breath of life {n^^n n^m^) here mentioned is identical with the spirit of life (D"'"'n nn) in vi. 17, vii. 15 (P). 111. 42 PRIMITIVE HE A THEN ESCHA TOLOG V CHAP. I. Spirit imper- sonally con- ceived. Man a trichotomy. Soul a func- tion of the quickened body. Thus the spirit of Hfe is found also in the brute creation according to both these passages (see also Ps. civ. 29, 30). A conflation of both these phrases is given in vii. 22 (J), "the breath of the spirit of life" (D'^^'n nn-nom^), which the lower creation is said to possess. Since, therefore, **the breath of life," or "the spirit of life," is common to man and the rest of the animal creation,^ the spirit of life conceived as thus existing in all living things is life in an impersonal sense. The spirit, therefore, in man can never in this sense be the bearer of the personality. On the other hand, though the spirit is not per- sonally conceived, yet, since it remains in the man so long as he lives and forms in him a thing apart by itself, it must be regarded as forming part of man's composite personality. Accordingly, we have here a real trichotomy of spirit {nT\)y soul (ti?Da), and body (idi). But if we examine these elements more closely we see that the soul is the result of the indwelling of the spirit in the material body, and has no independent existence of its own. It is really a function of the material body when quickened by the spirit. So long as the spirit is present, so long is the soul "a living sotil" (mD3 n'^n)y but when the spirit is withdrawn, the vitality of the soul is destroyed, and it becomes a dead soul {no msD), or corpse (Num. vi. 6 ; Lev. xxi. 11). The dead body is sometimes simply termed "a 1 According to the story worked up by a late priestly writer in Gen. i. 24 (P), the brute creation is only indirectly the product of the divine creation, whereas man is such directly (i. 26). OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 43 soul" (Lev. xix. 28, xxi. i, xxii. 4; Num. ix. chap. i. 6, 7, 10; Hag. ii. 13). According to this view the annihilation of the soul ensues inevitably at death, that is, when the spirit is withdrawn. This dis- Hence solution of the personality at death is frankly extinguished recognised in Eccl. xii. 7, and the impersonal breath ^ of life returns to the Supreme Fount of Life : '*the spirit shall return to God, who gave it." Thus this anthropological view is logically and historically the parent of later Sadduceism, which taught that there is neither angel nor spirit (Acts xxiii. 8). Thus the consequences of this view were fully drawn in the second and first centuries before the Christian era, but in the three preceding centuries the logic of its representatives was less consistent. They still believed that the soul szidsisted after death, though it did not exist. This subsistence is indeed purely shadowy and negative — so negative that in it all the faculties of the soul were suspended, and Sheol, the abode of the souls, became a synonym of Abaddon or destruction (Job xxvi. 6 ; Prov. xv. 1 1, xxvii. 20). If the teaching of Gen. ii., iii. is taken as a com- Thesouiison 1 r ) • 11 this view the plete account 01 mans composite nature, the soul seat of the must be regarded not only as the vital principle "^*"^* of the body, but as the seat of all the mental activities.^ With these the spirit, which is really the impersonal basis of life in man, stands in no direct relation. ^ It is noteworthy that the soul, according to this view, corresponds to the Homeric conception of the mind {BviLbi). See p. 137. 44 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOG Y CHAP. I. From these facts it is clear that no advance in the Such a theory direction of an immortality of the soul can be made makes the . ^ , i , r • i i i 1 doctrine of a With such an anthropoiogy ; tor m death the soul [ncom:eivabie. ^^ extinguished and only the spirit survives. But since the spirit is only the impersonal force of life common to men and brutes, it returns to the Fount of all Life, and thus all personal existence ceases at death. So the Sadducees concluded, and if we start from the same premises we must inevitably arrive at the same conclusion (cf. the Pauline psychology, p. 409). Soul and spirit In the above threefold division of man's person- esslnce and ality the Spirit and soul are distinct alike in essence °"^^^* and origin. The former is the impersonal basis of life coming from God, and returning on death to God. The latter, which is the personal factor in man, is simply the supreme function of the quickened body, and perishes on the withdrawal of the spirit. This doctrine of Gen. ii., iii. never succeeded in dispossessing the older and rival doctrine.-^ Their conflicting views of soul and spirit were current together, and not unfrequently the same writers in the Old Testament have used these terms, sometimes ^ Its prevalence is attested by the Second Isaiah xlii. 5. It is pre- supposed probably by Deuteronomy, certainly by Ezek. xxxvii., and its diction and influence are conspicuous in Job and certain psalms. Thus in Job xxvii. 3 we find : *' The spirit of God is in my nostrils " ; and in xxxiii. 4, *' The spirit of God hath made me and the breath of the Almighty giveth me life " ; and in xxxiv. 11-15, " I^ ^^ cause his spirit to return unto him, and gathereth unto him his breath, all flesh shall perish together " (so Duhm emends). Similarly in Ps. civ. 30-29, "Thousendest forth thy spirit, they are created, and thou renewest the face of the earth. Thou takest away their spirit ; they die, and return to their dust" ; and in Ps. cxlvi. 3, 4, '• Put not your trust in princes, in a son of man who cannot save. His spirit goeth forth, he returneth to his earth ; in that very day his thoughts perish." OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 45 with one meaning, sometimes with another. Greece chap. i. furnishes us with good analogies (see pp. 137, 138, 141-145). Having now dealt with the later doctrine of man's personality which is taught in Gen. ii., iii., we shall now return to the earlier view with which we have already dealt at some length above. According to this primitive Hebrew view, man was Earlier composed not of three essentially distinct elements ManTotT^' — a trichotomy — spirit, soul, and body, but only of Ifd^hot'^my''^ two — a dichotomy — spirit or soul and body. The spirit and soul were really one and the same. They were synonymous in their primitive signi- fication as ''breath" or "wind." The conception . of both was arrived at in the way of observa- tion. When the breath (nephesh or ruach, ddd or nn) left the body, death ensued. Thus the principle of life was identified with the soul or spirit. The partial difi^erentiation of these two naturally arose in the course of time. The term ''spirit" was The spirit. appropriated to mark the stronger side of the soul and, as Stade {Gesch, d. Volks Israel^ i. 418) has remarked, designated the stronger and stormier emotions. When once it became customary to personify the psychical affections as nephesh, the practice began of naming the stronger expressions of this personifi- cation as spirit or ruach. Thus anger is an affec- tion of the ruach (Judg. viii. 3 ; see later). So long as a man was wholly master of his powers, he still possessed his ruach, but when he 46 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. I. became lost in amazement, as the queen of Sheba (i Kings X. 5), or despair (Jos. ii. 11), or fainted (i Sam. XXX. 12), his ruach left him, though on his reviving it returned (Gen. xlv. 27 ; Judg. xv. 19). In keeping with this view of the spirit, it is said to be the subject of trouble (Gen. xli. 8), anguish (Job vii. 11), grief (Gen. xxvi. 35 ; Is. liv. 6), contrition (Ps. li. 17 ; Is. Ixvi. 2), heaviness (Is. Ixi. 3). It is the seat of energetic volition and action. Thus the '* haughty spirit" (Prov. xvi. 18), the "lowly spirit" (xxix. 23), the impatient spirit (Prov. xiv. 29), etc. As the departure of the ruach entailed a paralysis of the will (see above), it expresses therefore the im- pulse of the will (Exod. xxxv. 21) ; the purposes of man are the outcome of the spirit, nn rch'^ta (Ezek. xi. 5) : the false prophets follow their own spirit rather than that of Yahwe (Ezek. xiii. 3) ; God tries men's spirits (Prov. xvi. 2). Further, it seems to express character as the result of will in Num. xiv. 24, *' Caleb . . . had another spirit in him." These various applications were evolved in connection with the earlier conception of ruach. Soul and I u the course of a natural development, the fn essence and ruach had bccome the seat of the highest spiritual differentiated functions iu man. To sum up, then, soul and in function. spirit are at this early stage identical in essence and origin, though differentiated in function. The primitive doctrine of the soul has already been discussed (see pp. 3 7-40). I f we compare the doctrine of the soul there given with that of the spirit, which we have just investigated, it will be . OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 47 obvious that soul and spirit at this early stage were chap. i. identical in essence and origin, though differen- Difference be- tiated in function, whereas according to the later andTatTr"^ doctrine of Gen. ii., iii. they differed alike in essence, ^^^^^' in origin, and function. According to the primitive view of the spirit as spirit could ■, 'iri i'-i ^ • 11 ^Ot descend the stronger side oi the soul, it is clear that it could into sheoi. not descend into Sheol. The soul, on the other hand, did descend, and enjoyed a considerable degree of life and knowledge there. We are now in a position to contrast the earlier state of the 11 . , r 1 1 1 • departed in and later views on the state oi the departed in sheoi accord- CUp„1 1 ingtothe •^^^^^^^ ' earlier and Thus in opposition to the older view that in interviews. Sheol there is a certain degree of life, movement, and remembrance, the later view teaches that it is the land of forgetfulness (Ps. Ixxxviii. 12), of silence (Ps. xciv. 17, cxv. 17), of destruction (Job xxvi. 6, xxviii. 22) ; in opposition to the belief that the dead return to counsel the living, the later teaches that the dead cannot return to earth (Job vii. 9, xiv. 12) ; in opposition to the belief that they are acquainted with the affairs of their living descendants, the later teaches that they no longer know what befalls them on earth (Job xiv. 21, '* His sons come to honour, and he knoweth it not ; and they are brought low, but he perceiveth it not of them ") ; in opposition to the belief in their superhuman knowledge of the future — as the ''knowing ones" — the later teaches ' Logically, as we have seen above, there could be no future life for the soul in Sheol according to the later teaching of Gen. ii., iii. 48 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. I. that all knowledge has forsaken them (Eccl. ix. 5), that they have neither device nor knowledge nor wisdom (Eccl. ix. 10). And whereas according to the older view they were called elohim in invoca- tion, they are termed in the later ''dead ones/' □"'no (Is. xxvi. 14; Ps. Ixxxviii. 10).^ Finally, the relations of the upper world appear to be more faintly reproduced, if at all ; for all the inhabitants of Sheol, kings and slaves, oppressor and oppressed, good and bad, are all buried in pro- found sleep (Job iii. 14-20). Indeed all existence seems to be absolutely at an end. Thus Ps. xxxix. 13, *' O spare me, that I may recover strength before I go hence and be no more " ; Job xiv. 7, 10, *' There is hope of a tree, if it be cut down, that it will sprout out again — but — man giveth up the ghost, and where is he ? " Departed in We have now to Call attention to one point more deslignated as bcfore leaving this subject, and this is that though fate period, ^^^ ^^'^^^ leaves the body in deaths the departed in Sheol are hardly if ever designated as souls in the Old Testament, This fact is probably to be explained by the metaphysical inability of early Israel to con- ceive the body without psychical functions, or the soul without a certain corporeity. Thus the de- parted were conceived as possessing a soul and a shadowy body. In the older days they were called 1 The term "shades," d'N£3-) (used also in the Phoenician religion; see Driver, Books of Samitel^ p. xxix), was applied to the departed by both views, but possibly with a diiference : contrast Is. xiv. 9, 10; xxvi. 14, 19, with Ps. Ixxxviii. 10 (Prov. ii. 18, ix. 81, etc.), where it is synonymous with the dead. OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN ISRAEL 49 shades (rephatm), or, when addressed, elohim. chap. i. During the later times when such a doctrine of man's being became current as that in Gen. ii., iii., the departed were called **dead ones," or "shades," as in the older days. We should probably recognise in Job xiv. 22 an instance of the later usage of designating the inhabitants of Sheol as souls: *' Only for himself his flesh hath pain, and for himself his soul mourneth." ^ Here the soul is in Sheol, with all its feeling and interests limited to itself, and the body is in the grave. In this passage Job reflects the popular eschatolop-v of his day. Furthermore, According to 1 1111- 11 the higher m XIX. 26, 27, where he abandons this eschatology, theology, the !• 1 • ri'V'-L^v i_ soul after death and rises to the expression of his highest hopes, he s.% capable of declares that without the body he will see God, that ^^g^io^^"^ is, his soul or spirit will enjoy the divine vision at some period after death. Since only the highest powers of man's soul were capable of the divine vision, it is clear that the writer had a lofty con- ception of the capabilities of the soul apart from the body. We cannot emphasise too strongly the importance of this point, since it is almost univers- ally taught that the Jew had no such conception of the soul till he came under the influence of the Greek (see pp. 71, 72). We have now done with the treatment of short r^sum^ Ancestor Worship. We have considered it only in ^ We seem here to have an idea which is also found in ancient Greek religion. So long as the body in any form still existed, the soul, though separated from it, was conscious of what befell it. This is the presupposition underlying Achilles' ill-treatment of Hector's dead body (see Rohde, Psyche^ i. 27). 4 50 PRIMITIVE HEATHEN ESCHATOLOGY its eschatological aspects, only so far as it supplied to the individual a doctrine of the future life. We have found that the individual Israelite derived from this source his views as to the nature of the soul and spirit, Sheol, and the condition of the departed there. On these questions no revela- tion was furnished by Yahwism for many centuries ; Yahwism had no eschatology relating to the indi- vidual to begin with. But with the first proclama- tion of Yahwism by Moses the doom of Ancestor Worship and its teachings was already pronounced, though centuries might elapse before this doom was fully accomplished. We have already seen partial ful- filments of this doom in the destruction by Yahwism of all life in Sheol. This step was necessary with a view to the truly ethical doctrine of the future life. In the next chapter we shall deal with the positive preparation made by Yahwism for such a higher doctrine. This preparation proceeded essentially from the new value which came to be set on the individual through Yahwism. CHAPTER II ESCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY In the preceding chapter we pointed out that it R^sum^of would be impossible to understand the eschatology of the individual Israelite in preprophetic times apart from some knowledge of his conception of God. For even a superficial study of the former is sufficient to show that down to the Exile and later the beliefs of Israel in reference to a future life were heathen to the core, and irreconcilable with any intelligible belief in a sole and supreme God. The question therefore naturally arose: Since Israel's preprophetic conception of God was not mono- theistic, of what nature was it? In our short inquiry into this question, we found that Yahwe had revealed Himself to Israel as a God of justice, righteousness, and purity, and was thereby sundered essentially and absolutely from the other Semitic deities of the time, and yet that He was not regarded by Early Israel as the sole God of the earth, but 52 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. 11. only as the sole God of Israel, whose influence and authority were in the main limited to His own people and country. As a national God, further, He was popularly conceived as being concerned only with the wellbeing of the nation, and as possessing neither interest nor jurisdiction in the life of the individual beyond the grave. Hence since early Yahwism possessed no eschatology of its own, the individual Israelite was left to his hereditary heathen beliefs. These beliefs we found were elements of Ancestor Worship. Thus the individual Israelite possessed teraphim, or house- hold gods, which he worshipped with sacrifices with a view to secure their favour or avert their wrath. This worship was performed by a son of the departed, and thus in connection with this worship arose the importance of securing a male offspring. The primitive mourning usages in Israel belonged to this worship, and likewise the beliefs entertained regarding the family grave, Sheol, and its inhabitants. Finally we discovered that we have herein a key to difficulties that have hitherto proved insoluble in relation to the conceptions of the soul and spirit in the Old Testament. For the Old Testament attests, not a single and uniform doctrine of the soul and spirit, but two essentially distinct views of these conceptions, the earlier derived ultimately from Ancestor Worship, the later from the monotheistic account in Genesis. The primitive beliefs of the individual Israelite regarding the future life, being thus derived from AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 53 Ancestor Worship, were implicitly antagonistic to chap. u. Yahwism from its first proclamation by Moses. In its subsequent developments this antagonism be- comes explicit, and results in the final triumph of Yahwism. During the progress of this conflict Yahwism annihilates all existence in Sheol, since the nature of this existence was heathen and non- moral, and could in no sense form a basis on which to found an ethical and spiritual doctrine of the future life. Thus the first stage in this conflict was eminently destructive in character, but this only with a view to a higher reconstruction. For whilst Yahwism was destroying the false life in Sheol it was steadily developing in the individual the consciousness of a new life and a new worth through immediate communion with God. Now it is from the consciousness of this new life, and not from the moribund existence in Sheol, that the doctrine of a blessed future — whether of the soul only immediately after death, or of the soul and body through a resurrection at some later date — was developed in Israel. Thus this doctrine was a new creation, the offspring of faith in God on the part of Israel's saints. A large body of the nation, however, took the provisional stage above referred to to be one of true and eternal significance. This defective view, named in later times the Sadducean, arose in the fifth century e.g., and maintained itself down to the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 a.d. When Yahwism had destroyed the false view of 54 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. Doctrine of individual retribution derives its origin from Yahwism. Preludings of the doctrine of a blessed future. Man's creation in God's like- ness not made the basis of Biblical anthropology. the future life, it began to develop an eschatology of the individual in harmony with its own essential conceptions. We have now to deal with the foundation laid by Yahwism for this higher doctrine of the future life. This foundation is based on the new value set on the individual through Yahwism. The rise of individualism in Israel must therefore presently engage our attention. But before we enter on this study we must not fail to observe certain beliefs in pre-Exilic religion, which, though they could not be regarded as forming actual stages in the development of the doctrine of a blessed future life, are nevertheless heralds and preludings of this doctrine. Regarded from the standpoint of our present investigation, these beliefs are of various worth. Of such beliefs there are four. Two of these, which ought to have had a determining influence on subsequent Jewish de- velopment, but which apparently had not, we shall discuss first. These are (i.) the creation of man in God's image and likeness in Gen. i. 26, 27. (ii.) The presence of the tree of life in the Garden of Eden (Gen. ii., iii.) We need not linger long over either of these. As regards the former, however we interpret Gen. i. 26, 27, we cannot adopt it as the foundation of a Biblical anthropology, since this doctrine of man's creation in the divine likeness^ ^ Does the likeness refer to moral qualities ? This is possible. Yet it is to be observed that Adam transmits this likeness to Seth v. 3, and that all men possess it after the fall (ix. 6). On the other hand, it is contended that the divine likeness consists in the fact that man rules all other living creatures on the earth just as God rules the universe. It is to be observed that, had the likeness been one of essence, and this view been accepted in Israel^ the AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 55 does not appear, with the exception of Gen. i. chap. n. 26, 27; V. I, 3; ix. 6, throughout the rest of the Old Testament, (ii.) Next, as to the tree of life. The presence of this tree in the Garden of Eden References to would seem to indicate that primitive man was in- in^oen. ii.,iii. tended from the outset to become immortal. But i^e'J^xr''' Budde {Biblische Urgeschichte, pp. 48-59) has shown that only one tree was spoken of in the original narrative, and that this tree was the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. Thus, according to iii. 3, there is only one tree in the midst of the Garden, and the same presupposition underlies iii. 5, 6, II, 12. We find the first mention of the tree of life in ii. 9. But the latter half of this verse, which is in itself syntactically questionable, is irre- concilable with iii. 3. Further, though according to ii. 9 the tree of life occupied the chief place in the Garden, man was not forbidden to eat of it. Yet the eating of it would, according to iii. 22, have made man immortal. But this last idea is at vari- ance with iii. 19. Man's mortality follows not from his being forbidden to eat of the magical tree of life : it rests simply on the will of Yahwe.^ Hence ii. 9^, iii. 22, 24 are intrusions in the original narrative. These passages regarding the tree of life, whether we take them as interpolations or not, were without effect on the Old Testament doctrine of a future life. Having disposed of these two apparent herald- doctrine of a future life would have been developed some centuries earlier than it actually was. ^ See Holzinger on Genesis, pp. 40, 41 in the Kicrzer Haiid-Co77imentar. 56 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. ings of a higher theology in Israel, we are now at Two beliefs liberty to deal with two beliefs which, though not which provide r-i' -i i ii-r i-ii essential lumishing in themselves the basis lor this theology, and^pre^"^^^^^ yet provide some of its essential characteristics and ^^"^doctfmlof pJ^Gsuppositions. These beliefs have to do with (i.) a future life, the translation of Enoch and Elijah; (ii.) the power of Yahwe to bring back the soul from Sheol. The former involves certain essential characteristics of the higher doctrine of the future life, and the latter one of its necessary presuppositions. Thetransia- (i.) Tke translatio7is of Enoch and Elijah. — and Elijah''^'' These translations of Enoch (Gen. v. 22-24) ^i^d es^e^nda^ Elijah (2 Kings ii, ii) are essentially miraculous S^tfdoarine ^^ character, and on such exceptional incidents, —the future therefore, the doctrine of a future life for man as life follows from present ina7i cannot be built. They are significant, how- ever, in that they teach that death does not end the full and conscious life of all, and that Sheol does not engulf every living energy. They belong to an early period in Hebrew thought when immortality was inconceivable for man if soul and body were sundered. Hence soul and body must be translated together. The belief in such translations does not controvert the ancient view of Sheol as a place whence none can return. It probably springs from a time when the authority of Yahwe was still limited to this side the grave, and the dead were regarded as beyond the exercise of His grace. The dead were beyond recall, but the living could be raised to immortality — that is, to an immortality with the body, not without it, before death, not after it. But soul from Sheol. AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 57 since these translations, though miraculous, follow chap. h. distinctively from the moral uprightness of Enoch and Elijah, we see herein an essential characteristic of the subsequent development. As it was a life of communion with God that led, though uniquely, to the translation of Enoch and Elijah,^ so it was from the same spiritual root that the immortality of all who enjoyed such communion was derived in later centuries. (ii.) The power of Yahwe to bring back the sottl a blessed from Sheol. — This view could not have arisen till presupposes monotheism had in some form been accepted. to\e^tore^°hT^ Yahwe's power now extends to Sheol, though it does not influence its non-moral character. This belief is attested in i Kings xvii. 22 and 2 Kings iv. 35, xiii. 21, where Yahwe restores the dead to life through the instrumentality of His prophets. Here again the incidents in question are excep- tional, but they are important as showing that Yahwe s power can reach the dead. With this preface we shall now turn to the rise and development of individualism in Israel. ^ What an infinite gulf yawns between the old Greek conception of the translation of Heroes to the Isles of the Blessed and that of the translation of Enoch and Elijah in Israel ! For the translation of the Greek Heroes was due, not to their moral character or merits of any kind, but to \}\€\x physical relationship to some of the gods. It is on this ground that the ** cowardly " Menelaus {/xaXdaKbs alxf^w^^i ^^' ^vii. 588) is translated {Od. iv. 561-565). See pp, 39, 40; and Rohde, Psyche^ i. 79-81. In the Babylonian religion there is one instance of translation — that of Parnapishtim and of his wife to the confluence of the waters, where they enjoy the immortal life of the gods. For this translation no distinctively ethical grounds were advanced. This place at the ''confluence of the waters" may be an island, according to Jeremias. See Jastrow, Rel. of Bab. and Assyr. pp. 488, 493, 494, 577 ; Jeremias, Bab.-assyr, Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode^ pp. 94-99. 5^ RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. No individual retribution looked for in preprophetic times. Popular seventh-cen- tury view responsibility of the in dividual. No individual retrihition looked/or in preprophetic times. — The early Israelite was not alarmed by the prosperity of the wicked man or the calamities of the righteous ; for Yahwe was concerned with the well- being of the people as a whole, and not with that of its individual members. The individual was not the religious unit, but the family or tribe. The in- dividual was, as in Ancestor Worship, identified with his family ; a solidarity existed between him and the line of his ancestors and descendants. This identification led to strange consequences. Hence it was regarded as natural and reasonable for God to visit the virtues and vices of the fathers on the children (Exod. xx. 5; Lev. xx. 5; Jos. vii. 24; I Sam. iii. 13), of an individual on his community or tribe (Gen. xii. 17, xx. 18; Exod. xii. 29), while His mercy was shown in postponing the punish- ment of the sinner till after his death -^ and allowing it to fall on his son (i Kings xi. 12, xxi. 29). This principle of retribution gave no difficulty to the prophets of the eighth century. Their message is still directed to the nation, and the judgments they proclaim are collective punishment for collective guilt. It is not till late in the seventh century that the problem of individual retribution really emerged and received its first solution in the teaching of Jeremiah. Towards the close of the kingdom of Judah the ofthe popular sentiment expressed itself in the proverb : 1 Rewards and punishments were necessarily conceived as limited to the earthly life ; for Sheol was regarded as outside the jurisdiction of Yahw^. AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 59 *' The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the chap. n. children's teeth are set on edge " (Jer. xxxi. 29). In this the people explicitly denied their own re- sponsibility in the overthrow of the nation. It was their fathers that had sinned, and they were involved as by an iron fate in their guilt. Such a view naturally paralysed all personal effort after righteous- ness, and made men the victims of despair. But im- plicitly in the same proverb there is expressed, not an humble submission to the divine judgments, but rather an arraignment of the divine method of government. The righteousness of the individual could not deliver him from the doom befalling the nation. Now in opposition to this popular statement of Criticism of the law of responsibility Jeremiah answers as follows : jeremfah, Jnd the days come **when they shall say no more, The omfneT' fathers have eaten sour gfrapes, and the children s doctrine of the o i ' individual teeth are set on edsfe ; but every one shall die for his spnnging from . . , ,) / ^^^ personal own miquity (Jer. xxxi. 29, 30). And yet the relation to same prophet had already himself declared that the children suffered for the sins of the fathers : *' I will cause them to be tossed to and fro among all the kingdoms of the earth because of Manasseh, the son of Hezekiah " (Jer. xv. 4). How, then, are we to account for this new departure in his teaching ? It is to be explained from the new relation which God would establish in the coming days between Him- self and the individual Israelite} which would 1 See Duhm, Theologie der Propheten^ 242-247 j Giesebrecht, Das Buck Jeremia, Einleit. xiii. xiv. pp. 171, 172; Marti, Gesch. d. isr. Rel. 153-156. man's need 60 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. supersede the old relation which had existed be- tween Himself and the nation as a whole (Jer. xxxi. 31-34). Heretofore the individual was related to Yahwe only as a member of the nation, and as such shared, whatever his nature and character, in the national judgments, and thus had no individual worth. The nation was the religious unit. Hence- forth the individual would step into the place of the nation in its relation to Yahwe, and the individual would henceforth constitute the religious unit. Nature of new Two great facts determined the nature of this covenant , . . , i j /-* j' determined by new relation or covenant, tx, man s need, and Kjoa s essential character. First as to man, Jeremiah affirms man's total in- capacity for self-reformation, his inability to convert himself. Just as easily might the Ethiopian change his skin or the leopard his spots (xiii. 22, 23). The law imposed under Josiah (i.e. Deuteronomy) had failed to touch the evil : it had led to a righteous- ness merely legal (vii. 4 sqq, ; viii. 9, 10), as external as the physical rite of circumcision (iv. 4), to an outward reformation which cannot stand before Him who tries the reins and the heart (xi. 20, xvii. 10, XX. 12). Hence, since the old covenant had failed to preserve, much less to redeem' Israel, Jeremiah promises the institution of this new covenant. Under this new covenant man's spiritual incapacities for obedience to God's law- would be removed ; for God would write His law in their hearts, and so beget a willing obedience. Jeremiah has arrived at this conclusion from his own AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 6i experience, his own relation to the law. To him chap. h. the law is not an external commandment provoking opposition, but the word of God written in his heart, renewed from day to day, and evoking within him a passionate loyalty and obedience. His life is fed through constant communion with God. If then God so entered into communion with him, He will likewise in the coming time redeem the nation by writing His law in their hearts (Jer. xxxi. 31-34), that is, by establishing an immediate relation with each individual, such as God has already established with the prophet. Thus in the face of the coming exile, when the nation would cease to exist and only the individuals remain, Jeremiah was the first to conceive religion as the communion of the indivi- dual soul with God. Thus each individual enters into the privileges of the prophet. Moreover, the and God's character of God led to a like conclusion. Since character. God could accept none but a true and spiritual worship (xi. 20, xvii. 10), and, since, if this is to be offered, it must spring from the heart of the in- dividual, then God must enter into relation with the individual, and make known His will to him, and hereby a personal relation of the individual with God is established. Thus through Jeremiah the foundation of a true individualism was laid, and the law of individual retribution proclaimed. The further development of these ideas led inevitably to the conception of a blessed life beyond the grave. This teaching of Jeremiah was taken up and developed by Ezekiel. In pre-Exilic times the 62 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. individual soul had been conceived as the property jerem^s of the family and the nation, but Ezekiel ^ now in°div7duai ^ teaches that every soul is God's, and therefore Ezlk^r^^^ exists in a direct and immediate relation to God (Ezek. xviii. 4). Ezekiel's individualism here receives its most noble and profound expression. Never hitherto had the absolute worth of the individual soul been asserted in such brief and pregnant words as those of the prophet speaking in God's behalf: '* Behold all souls are mine." From this principle Ezekiel concluded that if the individual is faithful in his relation to Yahwe, he is unaffected whether by his own past (xviii. 21-28), or by the sins or the righteousness of his fathers (xviii. 20, xiv. 12-20). Righteousness raises him above the sweep of the dooms that befall the sinful individual or the sinful nation. And since this righteousness is open to his own achievement, he possesses moral freedom,^ and his destiny is the shaping of his own will (xviii. 30-32). Hence there is a strictly individual retribution : judgment is daily executed by God, and finds concrete expression in man's outward lot. Thus the outward lot of the individual harmonises perfectly with his inner character. According to ix. 3-6 Ezekiel expected that no righteous man would perish in the fall of Jerusalem. This expectation naturally followed 1 Ezekiel's individualism is stated in iii. 16-21, xiv. 12-23, xviii., XXX. 1-20. ^ On the other hand, we must recognise that Ezekiel emphasises beyond all other Old Testament prophets the absolute sovereignty of God. With this he makes no attempt to reconcile man's free will. AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 63 from his doctrine of individual retribution. Only chap. h. once does he fall into forgetfulness of it, when in xxi. 3, 4 he foretells the indiscriminate destruction of the righteous and the wicked. In these statements Ezekiel has enunciated a False elements great spiritual truth, but has hampered its accept- doctrine of the ance and development by associating it with positions '"^'''^^^^^• which are demonstrably false. It is true, on the one hand, that the individual can in communion with God break with the iron nexus of his own past and that of his people, and make a new beginning which is different in essence from that past and inexpli- cable from it as a starting-point ; but, on the other hand, it is no less true that this new beginning is always conditioned in some degree by the past of the individual and that of his fathers. Ezekiel's doctrine rooted itself firmly in the national consciousness. The evil results of such a doctrine are not far to seek. Thus, since in Ezekiel's view all retribution is necessarily limited to this life, and since, further, it has mainly to do with material blessings and is strictly proportioned to a man's deserts, it inevitably follows that a man's outward fortunes are the infallible witness to his internal character and to the actual condition in which he stands before God. Thus by Ezekiel's individualism the community is dissolved into a mass of individual units, each of which pursues independently his own way wholly unaffected by the rest, responsible only for his own acts, and working out his own salvation or his own 64 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. Religious atomism of Ezekiel. Currency of Ezekiel' s doctrine in Psalms and Proverbs. This doctrine a stumbling- block to the suffering righteous, doom. But his individualism proceeds farther still. The very individual is no longer conceived in his unity, but is dismembered into so many outward manifestations of life. Righteousness is not for Ezekiel a uniform divine temper shaping the whole life in conformity to God's will, but a mass or congeries of separate righteous acts. Hence the individual act is taken to be a true expression of the whole man at the moment of its occurrence. If this act is wicked on the moment of the advent of the kingdom, then the man will rightfully be destroyed, but if righteous he will be preserved. This doctrine of a strictly individual retribution is taught and applied in detail in the great popular handbooks, the Psalter and the Book of Proverbs. Though the righteous may have many afflictions, the Lord delivereth him out of them all : all his bones are kept, not one of them is broken, but evil slays the wicked (Ps. xxxiv. 19-21 ;,see also xxxvii. 28, etc.) Similarly, the righteous and the wicked are to be recompensed on earth (Prov. xi. 31). Life is the outcome of righteousness, and this is to be understood as physical life, just as physical death is the outcome of wickedness (Prov. ii. 21, 22 ; x. 2 ; xi. 19 ; XV. 24, 25 ; xix. 16, etc.) Doubts, however, as to the truth of this doctrine are found from time to time in the Psalms. Naturally such a doctrine was a continual stumbling-block to the righteous when in trouble. So long as all went well with him, he was assured of the favour of God, but misfortune or pain AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 65 destroyed this certainty ; for as such they were chap, il incontrovertible evidence of sin. Hence the right- eous man looked to God to be justified by an outward judgment. If this was granted, then his righteousness was attested to his own conscience, and before men ; but if it was withheld, no other con- clusion could be drawn save that his case was one, not of afflicted righteousness, but hidden wickedness, now unmasked and visited with its fitting retribution. Nor was it to the sufferer alone that this doctrine and an of retribution proved an insuperable difficulty. So dranceto^'y long as the nation was convinced that there was f/ue^soMon^ a perfectly adequate retribution in this life, no true of the problem. solution of the problem ^ was possible, nor was there any occasion to question the justice of the prevailing views of the condition of the departed in Sheol, and thus every possibility of progress in this direction was at a standstill. Hence, as a preparation to the attain- ment of truer views of the after-life, it was necessary that this theory of retribution should be questioned and rejected. This was done subsequently in Job and Ecclesiastes. Now, before dealing with the later developments of the doctrine of Ezekiel, it would be of advantage to define in the briefest compass those elements in it which received the sanction of subsequent re- ligious thought, or called forth its opposition. Now whilst Ezekiel's undying merit in this respect was his assertion of the independent worth of the indi- 1 According to Ezekiel's theory, there was no problem to solve. Every man received his exact due in this life. 66 mSE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II, Erroneous elements in EzekieVs doctrine. Ezekiel's views vidual, his defects lay in two misstatements — {a) the individual does not suffer for the sins of his fathers, but only for his own ; {b) the individual is at present judged in perfect keeping with his deserts. In other words, sin and suffering, righteous- ness and wellbeing, are always connected : the outward lot of the individual is God's judgment in concrete form/ Now as regards (a), the experience of the nation must always have run counter to this statement. Indeed, subsequent Jewish literature attests the persistence of the older view, and rightly so, for the elements in every man's nature and lot which lie outside the sphere of his volition are undoubtedly shaped for better or worse in accordance with the merits or demerits of his father and people. Thus in Ps. cix. 1 3 the writer prays that the posterity of the wicked may be cut off The son of Sirach declares that such is the fate of the children of sinners (xli. 6), that the offspring of the ungodly put forth few branches (xl. 15), that the children of an adulterous wife will be destroyed (xxiv. 25). That men are punished for the iniquities of their fathers and brethren is freely acknowledged in Ps. cvi. 6 ; Dan. ix. 7, 8, 16 ; Jud. vii. 28 ; Tob. iii. 3 ; Ass. Mos. iii. 5 ; Matt, xxiii. 35 ; Baruch i. 18-21, ii. 26, iii. 8 ; Apoc. Bar. Ixxvii. 3, 4, 10. Ezekiel's second error {b\ that the individual's by^'thrwriters experience agrees with his deserts, is the corollary of Job and Ecclesiastes. i ;3oth [a) and {h) seemed to Ezekiel to follow logically from God's righteousness. AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 67 of {a). We find that this thesis gave birth to chap. h. a lengthened controversy, of which two notable memorials have come down to us, ix. Job and Ecclesiastes. Although Ecclesiastes is much the later in time we will, for convenience sake, deal with it first. Asfainst the statement in (^), that the individual Protestor • 1 1 • r 1 • • 1 1 • Ecclesiastes. IS at present judged in perfect keepmg with his deserts, the writer of Ecclesiastes enters at once a decided negative. He declares, in fact, that there is no retribution at all.-^ Thus he maintains that evil may prolong a man's days and righteousness curtail them (vii. 15), that the destiny of the wise man and of the fool is identical (ii. 14), and likewise that of the righteous and the wicked (ix. 2) : " All things come alike to all : there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked ; to the good and to the evil ; to the clean and to the unclean ; to him that sacrificeth and to him that sacrificeth not. The good man fares like the sinner, and he that sweareth as he that feareth an oath " ; finally, that the wicked attain to the honour of burial, whilst this is often denied to the righteous (viii. 10). However extravagant the attack of this writer, his book is nevertheless valuable as a counterblast to the no less extravagant and superficial doctrine of Ezekiel, ^ Tiie passages where judgment is threatened (iii. i7) xi. 9*, xii. 14) are, according to an increasing number of critics, intrusions in the text, being at variance with the entire thought of the writer, viii. 12, 13 is likewise an interpolation, or else no longer exists in its original form. Yet in certain cases the man who fears God has, he thinks, an advantage over others (ii. 26, vii. 18, 26). For a very interesting discussion of this book, see Cheyne'syijw. Rel. Life, pp, 183-203. 68 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. Job's criticism of the Ezekelian doctrine. that the previsions and claims of faith are realised in the world of sight. In the Book of Job the principal elements of Ezekiel's teaching reappear, and are dealt with in dramatic form. It is here shown that the doctrines of man's individual worth and a strictly individual retribution are really irreconcilable. The former receives in the person of Job its noblest exposition in all ancient literature, whilst in his actual fortunes the extravagance and untruth of the latter are demon- strated to the full. Conscious in the highest degree of his own worth and rectitude, Job claims that God should deal with him in accordance with his deserts. Like his contemporaries, he believes (for Job and the author of the dialogues may be identified for the present) that every event that befalls a man reflects God's disposition towards him ; misfortune betokens God's anger, prosperity His favour: in short, that there is a strictly retributive judgment enforced in this life. But this belief, Job discovers, is not con- firmed by the fortunes of other men (xxi. 1-15), for the wicked prosper, grow old and go down to the grave in peace, and their seed is established on the earth. Most of all, his own experience emphasises this conflict between faith and experience, and teaches him to conclude that in the world, governed as it is, faith may be without recognition, and the righteous be visited with the penalty of the wrong- doer. Faith, indeed, in order to be sure of its own reality, claims its attestation by the outward judg- ments of God ; yet, despite the absence of all such AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 69 attestation, Job resolves to hold on in the way of chap. n. righteousness independently of both God and man (xvii. 7-9). The world as it is is out of joint ; hence Job appeals from the God of outer providence, from the God of circumstance, to the God of faith.^ The fact that the writer does not seek to solve the anti- nomies of the problem, by making his argument lead up to the doctrine of a future life, shows that this doctrine had not yet won acceptance even amongst the religious thinkers of Israel And yet the main views and conclusions of Job The writer's , . , . . r^. 1 • 1 • 1 > conclusions point in this direction. Ine emphasis laid on mans point to the individual worth, with his consequent claims upon a [l^j^n^ofThT^^ righteous God, and the denial that these claims meet f^^^^^i^^^- with any satisfaction at the hands of the God of the wrongful present, lead naturally to the conclusion that at some future time all these wrongs will be righted by the God of faith. And this thought is not wholly absent from Job. A momentary antici- pation of it appears in xiv. 1-15. May not man revive as the tree that has been cut down ? May not Sheol be only a temporary place of sojourn,^ where man is sheltered from the wrongs of the present life till God, who had once communion with him, summons him back to its renewal ? But the time for realising this axiom of the faith had not yet ^ In keeping with the high conception of the worth of the individual in Job is that of the conscience also, which is unique as regards the Old Testament. Job accepts its verdict over against that of his contemporaries and of the outward events of Providence. 2 This idea of Sheol as an intermediate abode which is here suggested became shortly after 200 B.C. the prevailing doctrine. In xix. 25-27 also Sheol is conceived in some sense as an intermediate place. 70 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. come. It is but a passing gleam that dispersed the gloom of Job's perplexities, and the darkness speedily- prevailed as before. But what appears only as an impassioned desire in chap. xiv. rises into a real, though possibly only momentary y conviction in xix. 25-27 :-^ But I know that my Avenger liveth, And that at the last he will appear above (my) grave : jAnd after my skin hath been thus destroyed, t ■'" Without my body shall I see God : Whom I shall see for myself, And mine eyes shall behold, and not another. Although line 3 is hopelessly corrupt, the rest of the passage is clear. Job declares that God will appear for his vindication, and that after his death {i.e. without the body) he shall witness this vindica- tion, and enjoy the vision of God. But we cannot infer that this divine experience will endure beyond the momejtt of Job' s justification by God. It is not the blessed immortality of the departed soul that is referred to here, but its actual entrance into and enjoyment of the higher life, however momentary its duration. The possibiHty of the continuance, much less the unendingness, of this higher life does not seem to have dawned on Job, though it lay in the line of his reasonings. If it had, its overwhelming significance could not have been ignored through the ^ See Duhm in loc.^ who declares that, with the exception of line 3 and a slight transposition in line 2, not a single letter in the rest of the text need be changed. Dr. Cheyne, on the other hand {/.Q,R. Oct. 1897, pp. 15, 16), regards the present form of xix. 26, 27 as corrupt. His restoration removes all reference to a future life. I cannot herein follow him. Both text and thought seem to me to be against him. AN INDIVID UAL IMMOR TALITY 7 1 rest of the book. Nevertheless, the importance of chap. n. the spiritual advance here made cannot be exagger- ated. In order to appreciate this advance we have only to compare the new outlook into the future which it provides with the absolutely hopeless view that was then accepted on all hands. The Book of Book of job Job reflects all the darkness of the popular doctrine Lps whereby (see chaps, iii., vii., xiv.), and Hkewise exhibits the spirit^rosTto actual steps, whereby the human spirit rose gradu- ^^^ apprehen- ally to the apprehension that man's soul is capable of blessed life , . . . /- 7 IT- - . beyond the a divine life beyond the graver Two pomts require grave. here to be emphasised. The first is that this new view of the next life springs from a spiritual root, and owes nothing to any animistic doctrines of the soul then existing. The second is no less weighty. We have here a new doctrine of the soul. The soul a new doctrine is no longer cut off from all communion with God on voivedTherdn. death and shorn of all its powers, even of existence, as Job and his contemporaries had been taught to con- ceive it, but is regarded as still capable of the highest spiritual activities, thoitgh without the body'^ (see 1 I cannot but regard as misleading in the highest degree the statement of Gunkel [Schopfun^ iind Chaos, p. 291 note) that the rise of the resurrection doctrine cannot be traced in the Old Testament. He holds that this belief originated neither in prophetical eschatology nor in the piety of the psalmists. It is owing to the piecemeal and unhistorical method in which the doctrine of a future life in the Old Testament and in Apocryphal and Pseudepigraphal literature has been studied in Germany and England that such assertions are possible. The spiritual basis for the resurrection doctrine is laid in Job and the Psalms, which in part suggest and in part teach the doctrine of a future blessed life of the individual. When we take one step farther, and combine the hope of the individual and that of the nation together, we arrive forthwith at the doctrine of the resurrection. But, according to Gunkel, this doctrine arose in Israel neither from the previsions of faith nor from religious reflection, but was borrowed in its fully developed form from the East ! 2 Thus the new and lofty idea of the after-life has arisen, not from the old animistic conceptions, but amid their ruins. 72 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. 11. Though the Book of Job did not teach categorically the ' ' higher theology," it opliged its readers to take up a definite attitude to it. The doctrine of a blessed future of the soul in the Psalms. pp. 48, 49). We thus see that it was not necessary for Israel to borrow from Greece the idea that the soul could preserve its powers independently of the body. Though the Book of Job does not teach categoric- ally, it undoubtedly suggests, the idea of a future life. That this idea was in the aii" is clear from xiv. 13-15 and xix. 28, 29, but even if they were entirely absent, it would still be true ; for through- out the rest of this book the antinomies of the present are presented in so strong a light that the thinkers of Israel who assimilated its contents were forced to take up a definite attitude to the '* higher theology." Some made the venture of faith and postulated the doctrine of a future life ; others, like the writer of Ecclesiastes, declining this challenge of the Spirit, made the '* great refusal," and fell back on unbelief and materialism. We have here arrived at the parting of the ways. It only remains to consider the evidence of the Psalms touching a blessed future life of the soul. Those who maintain the existence of this hope in the Psalter base their view on Pss. xvi., xvii., xlix., Ixxiii. As regards the two former, the evidence fails to bear out their view. There is nothing that necessarily relates to a future life in Ps. xvi., which expresses the fears and hopes not of the individual but of the community. In Ps. xvii. likewise the psalmist does not speak as an individual (cf. the plurals, vers. 7 and 11), but as the mouth- piece of the Jewish people, who are to Yahwe as the apple of the eye (ver. 8). In fear of a foreign AN INDIVID UAL IMMORTALITY 7 3 invader (vers. 9, 13) the psalmist prays for help, chap, n. Hence instead of " I shall be satisfied, when I awake with thy likeness " we expect some reference to God's help (so Cheyne and Smend ^). The former reads *' I shall feast mine eyes when thy zeal awakes." In any case the context does not admit of a reference to a future life. But with regard to Pss. xlix. and Ixxiii. the case Psaimxiix. is different. The doctrine of a blessed future life appears to be implied. With the present text of xlix. we seem compelled to adopt one or other of two interpretations. I n vers. 14, 15 the speaker announces speedy destruction for the wicked, but complete redemption from death for himself. But who is the speaker .^ Does the '* I " here denote the psalmist as a representative pious Israelite or the righteous community? In favour of the latter it is argued that the psalmist is here speaking in the name of the righteous who are poor and oppressed over against the wicked who are rich and oppressive : and in the next place that ver. 10 states that '*all die, alike the wise man {i.e, the righteous) and the fool." Thus the immortality here expected is that of the righteous community.^ This 1 Smend, ZATW, 1888, p, 95 ; Cheyne, /^w. Rel. Life, 240 f. Duhm, on the other hand, in his new Commentary on the Psahns, maintains that no change of text is necessary. *'To behold God's face " = to visit the temple, as in Ps. xxvii. 4; and "the awaking" here mentioned means nothing more than the awaking next morning, when the psalmist will join afresh in the temple worship (cf. v. 3). 2 See Cheyne's Bampton Lectures on the Psalter, 381-425, where it is contended that the belief of a future life is implied in Pss. xvi., xvii., xlix., Ixxiii. In Pss. xlix. and Ixxiii. he finds a protest against the old Hebrew view of Sheol. Dr. Cheyne has since abandoned this view of the psalms in question. and Ixxiii, never be- comes the abode of the righteous. 74 J^ISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. is the view of Smend, Schwally, and Cheyne. But in favour of a future life of the individual it is to be argued that Sheol is represented in ver. 14 sheoi having as clearly /^^^/ iu character — a place where the penal character , . ^ . . 'ii t*!** mii inPss. xHx. Wicked rich men are punished. Ihis is still clearer from Dr. Cheyne's attractively emended text {Jew. ReL Life, 238) :— Like sheep they sink into Sheol Death rules them, terrors affright them ; They go down straight into the grave Sheol is their mansion for ever. Thus in Pss. xlix. and Ixxiii. Sheol is conceived as the future abode of the wicked only ; heaven as other penal that of the righteous. This conception of the penal oidTestament. character of Sheol is all the more credible from the fact that in the Old Testament two other places of punishment for special offenders are already de- veloped. Thus in Is, xxiv. 21, 22 the angelic rulers of the nations and the kings will be imprisoned in ''the pit" for "many days," after which they shall receive their (final) punishment. This "pit" must not be confounded with Sheol (cf. Eth. En. 54). Again, Gehenna is alluded to in Is. Ixvi. 24 as the final abode of Jewish apostates. . But apart from all emendation, Sheol appears here as the place of punishment for the wicked, and the same view returns in some degree in ver. 20. From Sheol so described the righteous is to be delivered (ver. 15). But the force of the argument will be seen best by bringing forward the salient points of the thought. Thus in vers. 7-9 bodily AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 7S death is declared to be the inevitable lot of all : chap. h. the righteous and wicked alike must physically die (ver. lo). But after death a difference in their respective lots sets in. As regards the wicked rich men, they must perish as the beasts (ver. 12) ; their bodies will be housed for ever in the grave ^ (ver. 11), and their souls descend as helpless sheep into Sheol, there to be shepherded by death ; Sheol will con- sume their phantom forms (ver. 14). But as for the righteous, though they too must die^ (ver. 10), God will ransom them, from the hand of Sheol will He take their souP (ver. 15). As a place of penal punishment, therefore, Sheol could never become the abode of the righteous. Hence in ver. 15 the righteous expect to escape it after death, and be taken immediately to heaven : '* Surely my soul God will set free; for from the hand of Sheol will he take me." In Ps. Ixxiii., as in xlix., the writer is troubled Psaim ixxm. by the prosperity of the wicked (vers. 11, 12). He is even tempted to declare that all things fall out 1 Here I follow the i.xx, Syr., Vulg. and Targum, which, by transposing two letters {nnnp for oanp), read — Their graves are their houses for ever, instead of Their inward thought is their houses for ever. 2 All must submit to bodily death is the teaching of ver. lo. Duhm, how- ever, thinks that "the wise" spoken of here are not the wise in a religious sense, but are **the wise of this world," and this, he believes, is proved by their being contrasted with "the fools" and "brutish persons" in the parallel member of the verse. But the usage of almost the entire Wisdom literature is against this view, and particularly the usage of the Psalms, which always take the terms "wise man" and "fool" in a religious and ethical sense. This misinterpretation of ver. lo has led Duhm into his impossible exposition of ver. 15 (see note 2 on p. 76). 3 '1^33 is here taken collectively of all the faithful, as in Ps. xi. i. 76 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. well with the sinner, but ill with the righteous, but from such an utterance he refrains out of loyalty to the Jewish community (vers. 13-15). Nevertheless, his trouble of heart has driven him to study this inversion of right and wrong in life, but the problem remained an unsolved burden upon him (yen 16) till he entered into the knowledge of God's secret mysteries (^N-^mTpo), and learnt the fate of the un- godly, how that they do not escape punishment, but are already the prey of self-delusion (riTNimD — so Duhm), and will become the victims of a speedy and utter destruction (vers. 17-19). From such false views of life the righteous are preserved through Gods daily chastisements (ver. 14), and enjoy His guidance continually. Their highest blessedness con- sists in unbroken communion with Him — unbroken even by death ; for after this life God takes them to Himself (vers. 23, 24). What earth or heaven, therefore, has in store for them matters not. In comparison with God all the universe is as nothing (ver. 25) : this life ended, God is the true portion of the souls'^ of the righteous for evermore (ver. 26). In interpreting this psalm as referring to indivi- dual immortality the present writer has the support of Delitzsch, Davidson, Baethgen, Duhm,^ and ^ Duhm appears to be right in striking out ^iih iia as a false variant of "I'^'s nNB" ; we should then render: *'When my flesh and my heart have perished, God is my portion for ever." 2 Duhm interprets Ps. xlix. 15 of an actual (5(?£/z{j/ "translation, on the ground that np"? has here the same technical meaning as in 2 Kings ii. 9, 10 ; Gen. V. 24 ; Ps. Ixxiii. 24. Such an interpretation is simply impossible. Indeed on Ps. Ixxiii. 24 he is obliged to abandon this view, and take the verb as simply meaning translation from this life to a higher state of being. Of what nature this state of being is we gather from Ixxiii. 26, which takes for AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 77 originally Cheyne,^ though there is great divergence chap. n. in the exposition of details. We have now done with the question of in- conclusions as dividual immortality so far as it is dealt with in doctr^e^fan the Old Testament. Its attestation is meagre. In i^^i^iduai o immortality of Job it emerges as a strong: aspiration, but falls short the righteous . , . . , . . ^r« 1 existed in the of being an abiding spiritual conviction. To the oidTestament. latter stage it has already risen in Pss. xlix. and Ixxiii. But even if the evidence of the Psalms were doubtful, the evidence of Job is in itself sufficient to prove that, amongst a few at any rate in Israel, the hopes of the individual had at last come in sight of their destined goal, even the future blessed life of the righteous. But, further, even if all such evidence The historical were wanting*, we should be oblisred to postulate f"estation of o^ o Jr this doctrine the existence of this doctrine from the logical neces- confirmed by sities of thought ; for the doctrine of the resurrection necessities of which was developed towards the close of the fourth century, or at latest early in the third, is a complex idea, and presupposes in Israel^ the prior existence of its tw^o chief components, namely, the doctrine of an individual immortality of the righteous and that of the Messianic kingdom. When once the granted the disembodied existence of the righteous after death. In Ps. xlix. also the writer is dealing with the destinies of the righteous and of the wicked after death.. Death leads off the latter to Sheol (ver. 14), whereas God takes the souls of the former to Himself (ver. 15). We should observe that juera- ridrjfJiL, which is the LXX rendering of nph in Gen. v. 24, is used in Wisdom iv. 10 of the translation of the souL ^ Dr. Cheyne now regards ver. 24 as corrupt, and reads "And will make known to me the path of glory," i.e. the divine glory which will be revealed in the Messianic age. 2 That is, unless we assume that Israel borrowed the resurrection doctrine in its completeness. But the Book of Job, supported by Pss. xlix., Ixxiii., makes this assumption at once gratuitous and groundless. thought. 78 RISE OF THE DOCTRINE OF CHAP. II. resurrection. doctrine of an individual immortality was subsumed Eariyl^er- in the larger doctrine of the resurrection, and had doarine^oV the thus played its part in the evolution of truth, it could no longer exist side by side with this larger conception, but fell perforce into the background, and for a prolonged period appears to be unknown and undesired in the thoughts and aspirations of the faithful. But with the lapse of nigh 200 years or more it again comes of necessity to the front, when the growing dualism of the times leads to the disintegration of the resurrection hope (as then conceived) into its original constituents, in order that these may pursue afresh and inde- pendently their paths of development with a view to their final synthesis in Christianity. If we should ask why the doctrine of an indi- vidual immortality so soon gave place to that of the resurrection, the answer is at hand. The common good was still more dear to the faithful in Israel than that of the individual ; in other words, the Messianic kingdom was a more fundamental article of their faith than that of a blessed future life of the indi- vidual. Hence when these doctrines were fused together, the doctrine of the resurrection, which was the direct outcome of this fusion, soon displaced that of the individual immortality of the righteous ; for the latter doctrine could never gain the full sympathies of the Jew, who loved his nation, and had his heart fixed on its blessed future. Thus the resurrection, stripped of its accidents and con- ceived in its essence, marks the entrance of the The ground for this super- session. Essential significance oi the resurrec- tion. AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY 79 individual after death into the divine Hfe of the community, the synthesis of the individual and the common good. Thus the faithful in Pales- tine looked forward to a blessed future only as members of the holy people, as citizens of the righteous kingdom that should embrace their brethren. And herein, as throughout this evolution of religion, we can trace the finger of God ; for it was no accident that His servants were unable to anticipate any future blessedness save such as they shared in common with their brethren and nation. The self-centredness, if not selfishness, that marked the Greek doctrine of immortality^ is conspicuous 1 Thus in the religious philosophy of Plato, where the immortality of the soul is set forth in its loftiest and purest form, the individual who would secure this immortality is taught to live an ascetic life : not to concern him- self with the community, but with himself (iStwreiJet;/ dWA yJr\ dri/xoaceijeLVj Apol. 32 A) ; to lead a quiet life and mind his own business, like a man who has fallen among beasts (wo-Trep €.h drjpia dvdpojiros ifiireau^v, Rep. vi. 496 D). "Human affairs are not worth any real trouble " {rk twv avdpioirwv irpdyfiara /j.eyd\'r}s ovk H^io. cttouS'^s, Leg. vii. 803 B). From these and many other passages of like import (see Rohde, Psyche^ ii. 288-294) it follows that in pursuit of his own individual good a man should ignore the interests of the community ; for that all the present life is corrupt, and the aim of the individual is to adopt a hostile attitude towards its manifold expressions, and fashion his conduct wholly with a view to his own immortality. Even in his own ideal Republic, the civic and social virtues had no independent value for the philosopher. *' Der voUendete Weise hat nicht mehr die oberste Bestim- mung, den Andern, draussen Stehenden, Pflichten zu erweisen ; sein eigenes inneres Leben reif machen zur Selbsterlosung, das ist seine wahre und nachste Pflicht " {p. 293). Thus the Greek development was one-sided. It was individualistic. And yet it could not well be otherwise with its peculiar doctrine of immor- tality, namely, its view that the soul was not only immortal but eternal, alike without beginning and end, and that it was capable of repeated incarnations in human and animal bodies. From this doctrine it follows that the present environment of the soul is only one of the many in which it exists from age to age, and accordingly this community or that can have no abiding signifi- cance. Such a soul can only consider God and itself. In Israel, however, as we have above seen, the soul was not in itself immortal, but only won such immortality through life in God. CHAP. II. 8o AN INDIVIDUAL IMMORTALITY by its absence in the religious forecasts of the faithful in Judaism. In true religion unlimited individualism is an impossibility. The individual can only attain to his highest in the life of the com- munity alike here and hereafter. CHAPTER III THE ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NATION AND THE SYNTHESIS OF THE TWO ESCHATOLOGIES IN THE DOCTRINE OF THE RESURRECTION. DOCTRINE OF THE SOUL AND OF THE FUTURE LIFE AMONG THE GREEKS. In the preceding chapters we have studied the eschatology of the individual, and in the course of this Study we have come down to within a couple of centuries of the Christian era. We have now to study the eschatology of the nation, and for this purpose we must retrace our steps and go many a hundred years back into Israel's past. Though Israel became a nation at the Exodus, it would be difficult to express what were the hopes and aspirations they cherished at that early date or for many subsequent centuries. Long before they came into existence as a nation, promises are ex- pressed in connection with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Gen. xii. 2,3; xvii. 2, 4-6; xviii. 18; xxii. 17, 18; xxvi. 3, 4 ; xxvii. 29 ; xxviii. 14 ; xxxii. 12) as to the ultimate greatness of Israel and its" destination as a source of blessing to all mankind. But since the 82 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. passages in question were, according to recent criticism, written eight hundred years or more sub- sequently to the Exodus, we shall confine ourselves in the present work to such eschatological facts and hopes as appear in the prophets. As these cluster at the outset round the familiar concep- tion, "the day of Yahwe," we may with advantage Eschatoiogy of study the eschatology of the nation in connection nation may be ... . . - , . . ^ treated as With this conception trom prepropnetic tmies down the^'concepto, ^^ the close of the Old Testament. But the day of Y^we'^^^^^ Yahwe does not in itself constitute the blessed future, but only the divine act of judgment which Eschatology of inaugurates it. Hence the eschatology of the nation centres in the ccntrcs iu the future national blessedness introduced SlsL7n" by the day of Yahwe. This future is variously con- b^ the dt^^of ceived. According to the popular conception which Yahwe. "vvas Current down to the eighth century, it was merely a period of material and unbroken prosperity Popular non- which the uation was soon to enjoy through tion'^ofthis^^^ Yahwe's victorious overthrow of Israel's national period. ioz'^. With this non-ethical expectation we shall not occupy ourselves further than to notice the con- ception of the day of Yahwe, associated with it. But this conception of the future gave place in the eighth century, at all events amongst the Prophetic Spiritual leaders of the people, to the prophetic TrTgTnemtrd doctriue of the coming kingdom. According to the community prophcts, this kino^dom was to consist of a re- existmg under Jr i ' o national forms generated nation, a community in which the divine divine will will should be fulfilled, an organised society inter- fuifiiied/ penetrated, welded together, and shaped to ever OF THE NATION 83 higher issues by the actual presence of God. This ideal chap. m. we shall henceforth, for convenience sake, designate shortly as the Messianic or theocratic kingdom. Whether this kingdom was constituted under mon- The Messiah archical, hierarchical, or purely theocratic forms was pan of this in itself a matter of indifference. Since the Messiah mentconcep- formed no organic part of the conception, He was *^°^' sometimes conceived as present at its head, some- times as absent. Two factors, and only two. Two factors n- ,. . , . *. . -p-,. . dispensable. , 4 were mdispensable to its realisation. Jrirst, it must be a community of Israelites, or of these together with non-Israelites. Secondly, it must be a community in which God's will is fulfilled. If we lose sight of either factor, our view of the kingdom is untrue. That the prophetic conception of the kingdom prevailed from the seventhXcentury onwards is admitted on all hands, but of late years there is a growing body of scholars who mVintain , that, with the exception of a single passage i-n Isaiah, no Nodghth- pro^et of the eighth century preaened the advent phet foretold of this kingdom, and that the uHtea^ing burden of l^fg kingdom their message to Israel was solely one of fast ap- ^^^^^^^h^^ proachine: and inevitable doemi. That most of the Rawing body ■■■ . ^ Z , , .of scholars. passages in Amos, Hosea/lsaiah, and Micah which promi se the advent^ pi^he Messianic kingdom and of the Messiah are intrusions in the text from a later time, may be regarded, on the whole, as a sound conclusion of criticism. But that they are all with one exception interpolations of a later date, and particularly that all the passages which tell of the Messiah are without exception of this character, 84 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. cannot be regarded as an established result of criticism, B^tthis If the folio winef pages betray at times sip:ns of conclusion is . . ^ ^ n i 1 still to be mdecision, they do but reflect the present attitude ot visiona^fy.' the Writer ; for though he has elected to follow the conclusions of the more advanced critics, it is with great hesitation that he has done so. All the following statements on the above contro- versy regarding the eighth-century prophets are to be regarded as provisional. As regards the day of Yahwe, no such critical Our study difficulty exists. Our study of the eschatologfy of the begins with . ^ -n 1 • • 1 1 • . the day of nation, therefore, will begin with this unquestioned develops into element in Israel's expectations of the future, and ome'^k^gdom trace its subsequent enlargement and various de- it introduces, velopments from a judgment of individual nations to a judgment of all mankind. In pre-Exilic times this conception constitutes all but exclusively the subject of the prophetic teaching as to the future ; but from the Exile onwards this is not so. Henceforth it serves only to introduce the eternal kingdom of God on earth. From the Exile onwards eschatological development begins to grow in complexity, for from that period the nation, no less than the individual, begins to maintain his claims to righteous treatment. Thk Day of Yahw^: tTon\e°aTe7t'o ^^^^ conception is related to the people as a the nation, whole, and not to the individual. It means essen- individuai. tially the day on which Yahwe manifests Himself in OF THE NATION victory over His foes, that is, the national foes of chap. m. Israel. Day amongst the Hebrews, as among the Arabs, occasionally had the definite signification of **day of battle." Thus in Is. ix. 4 **the day of Midian" is the day of victory over Midian. The belief in this day was older than any written prophecy. It was a popular expectation in the time of Amos. This popular conception, which was as unethical and nationalistic as the kingdom it was expected to establish, was adopted by the prophets and trans- formed into one of thoroughly ethical and universal significance. We shall now deal with the various forms it assumed in the Old Testament. I. The popular conception of the day of Yahwe Popular and as a judgment on Israels national enemies, eighth conception of century B.C. and earlier. — This conception originated, ^"^y^^^^^^^- no doubt, from the old limited view of Yahwe as merely the national God of Israel. The relation of Yahwe to Israel, in the minds of Amos' con- temporaries, was not an ethical, but, to a large extent, a natural one. They conceived themselves to be solely Yahwe's people, and Yahwe to be solely Israel's God (Am. iii. 2). Israel's duty was to worship Yahwe, and Yahwe s to protect Israel. This worship consisted in ritual and sacrifice, and to its due discharge the morality of the worshipper was a thing indifferent. Hence, as they were faith- ful in the duties of worship and sacrifice and tith- ing (iv. 5; v. 5, 21, 22), they could with confidence not only look forward to, but also pray for, "the 86 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. in. day of Yahwe " as the instrument of their vindica- tion against their enemies. The *'day of Yahwe" is thus the day of Israel's vindication against their enemies tkrott-gk Yahwe} But ''the day of Yahwe," Amos warns Israel, is no such day as they expected. The day of Yahwe, the God of righteousness, cannot for an unrighteous people be a day of salvation, but of woe ; not a day in which Israel would be vindicated against its enemies, but in which Yahwe's righteousness would be vindicated against wrong- doing, whether in Israel or its enemies. Prophetic conception of the day of Yahwe. I. Pre- Exilic period. {a) directed against Israel in Amos Amos {circa 760 B.C.) This assault of Amos on the popular conceptions of the day of Yahwe provides us, at the same time, with the prophetic conception of this day. Accord- ing to the prophets of the eighth century, this day was to be one {a) of judgment directed, first and chiefly, against Israel, In opposition to the popular view that Yahwe is Israels national God, Amos avoids the very phrase *' God of Israel," and designates Him as ''the Lord Yahwe," ^'the God of Hosts," or " Yahw6 of Hosts."' Yahwe is the Moral Ruler of all the earth. His "day,"^ therefore, is, as we have seen, the day ^ This belief that Yahw^ must save His people survived, despite the prophets, till the captivity of Judah in 586 B.C. 2 Yahwe of Hosts means in the prophets the Omnipotent, the Lord of the armies of heaven as well as of earth. See p. 9 for an earlier meaning. 3 The day of Yahw^, in its double character as a day of punishment and blessing, is also spoken of as *'that day" (Is. xvii. 7, xxx. 23, xxviii. 5, xxix. 18 ; Hos. ii. 18 ; Mic. ii. 4, iv. 6, v. 10 ; Zech. ix. \6y xiv. 4, 6, 9), "that time" (Jer. xxxi. I, xxxiii. 15, 1. 4; Zeph. iii. 19, 20; Joel iii. i), "the day" {Ezek. vii 10; Mic. iii. 6), "the time" {Ezek. vii. 12). OF THE NATION in which He manifests Himself for the vindica- chap. m. tion of Himself and of His righteotcs ptcrposeSy mtd not of Israel. In Amos, to whom we owe this new meaning of the phrase, the day of Yahwe appears only in its darker side} as directed against Israel. It will bring about the overthrow of the kingdom (v. 1-3), Samaria will be destroyed (iii. 11, 12), and Israel carried into captivity (v. 5, 27 ; vi. 7 ; vii. 11 ; ix. 4). This day is " darkness and not light " for Israel (v. 18). Other nations will feel it in pro- portion to their unrighteousness, but since un- righteous Israel is specially related to Yahwe, they will, for that reason, experience His severest judg- ments (iii. 2) : '* You only have I known of all the families of the earth : therefore will I visit upon you all your iniquities." ^ ix. 8-15, which promises a happy future for Israel and the house of David, is rejected as an ExiHc addition by Wellhausen, Smend, Cheyne, G. A. Smith, Marti, Nowack, Volz. Driver, on the other hand, defends this passage, but with some hesitation {Joel and Amos ^ 1 19-123). In this rejected passage we have the promise of the restoration of the dynasty of David in all its former splendour over reunited Ephraim and Judah (ix. 11) : — In that day will I raise up the fallen tabernacle of David, And close up the breaches thereof ; And I will raise up his ruins, And I will build it as in the days of old. The land is to be blessed with prosperity (ix. 13), and the exiles to be restored (ix. 14) : — And I will bring again the captivity of my people Israel, And they shall build the waste cities and inhabit them, etc. And Israel thus restored will never again be removed from its own land (ix. 15). The Messianic kingdom is limited strictly to Israel. The neighbouring nations, particularly Israel's ancient foe Edom, should come under the suzerainty of Israel, as in David's time (ix. 12). 88 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. HOSEA (746-734 B.C.) and in Hosea. Hosca IS of One mind with Amos.^ It is against Israel that the day of Yahwe is directed. Though the phrase itself is not found in Hosea, the judg- ment it designates is foretold. The whole nation is utterly corrupt: *' There is no truth, nor mercy, nor knowledge of God in the land" (iv. i). They have gone after Baal, and become worshippers of graven images (v. 3, viii. 4, xi. 2). Wherefore Israel ** shall fall by the sword ; their infants shall be dashed in pieces, and their women with child shall be ripped up " (xiii. 16). So dire will be their tribulation that "they shall say to the mountains, Cover us ; and to the hills, Fall on us " (x. 8). It was a fate from which there was no escape.^ ** The iniquity of Ephraim is bound up : ^ The clauses referring to Judah in i. 7 ; iv. 15; v. 5, 10, 12, 13, 14; vi. 4, II ; viii. 14; x. 11 ; xi. 12 ; xii. 2 are rejected by Marti as inter- polations. Nowack, Die klezne Propheten^ 1897, excises all these references except V. 5- 2 Most of the passages which predict the establishment of the kingdom under the Messianic King are rejected by a variety of scholars. Thus i. 10- ji. I, iii. 5, iv. 15** are condemned as interpolations by Stade [Gesch.^ 577 note). In addition to these, ii. 16, vi. 11, and most of xiv. 1-9, have been rejected by Wellhausen. The latter, however, and Nowack, defend some of the passages which promise the future blessedness of Israel. "The complete destruction of Israel is for him (Hosea) an inconceivable thought" (Well- hausen, Gesck.^ 1x6). Similarly Nowack {Die kl. Propheten^ p. 81). Nowack, notwithstanding, denies the originality of i. 7 ; i. lo-ii. i, T4-16, 20-23 ; iii. 5 ; iv. 1 5" ; vi. 1 1 ; xiv. 7, 9. The passages of a similar character which he accepts are v. 15-vi. 3 ; xi. 8 ; xiv. 6, 8. G. A. Smith adopts a like attitude to Wellhausen and Nowack. Cheyne (in W. R. Smith, Proph.^ pp. xvii. 5^^.) rejects i. 7 ; i. lo-ii. i ; iii. 5 ; iv. 15**; v. 15-vi. 4, 11 ; vii. i ; viii. 14; and xiv. 1-9 in its entirety. Marti {Gesck. d. isr. Pel. pp. 181, 182) appears to regard Hosea as the prophet of inexorable doom like Amos. Similarly Volz {Vorexilisch. Yahweprophetie^ 32 sqq.) See Driver, Introd. to Old Tesiameftt,'^ 306, 307. Taking the text as it stands, the eschatology is as follows : " At the end OF THE NATION his sin is laid up in store. . . . From the hand of chap. m. Sheol shall I ransom them : from death shall I ~~ redeem them : . . . compassion is hid from mine eyes " (xiii. 12-14). Isaiah (740-701 b.c.) {b) Day of Yahwe mainly against Judah, — In (^) directed Isaiah and Micah the day of Yahwe receives a new judah. ' application : it is directed against Judah. Like the two preceding prophets, Isaiah ^ aimed his warn- ings of judgment against Israel (ii. 6-21, viii. 1-4, First against ix. 8-20, xvii. i-ii, xxviii. 1-4). By Yahwe s wrath preceding ^"^ should the land be burnt up ; its people should be as p^°p^^^^- the fuel for fire (ix. 19) ; in one day should head and tail, palm-branch and rush be cut off (ix. 14) ; its warriors shall not be spared, nor its widows nor orphans receive compassion (ix. 17). The doom shall come like a tempest of hail, a destroying storm, as a tempest of mighty waters (xxviii. 2). And the lofty looks of man shall be brought low, and the haughtiness of men shall be bowed down, and the of days" (iii. 5) Israel will be converted and return to God (v. 15), for He will revive them from their spiritual death (vi. 2), and betroth them to Him for ever '* in righteousness, and in judgment, and in loving kindness, and in mercies" (ii. 19). And Israel will be called *'sons of the living God," and become innumei*able as the sand of the sea, and Judah and Ephraim will be reunited under one king (i. 10, 11), even under a scion of the house of David (iii. 5). And the exiles will return to their own land (xL 10, 11). In this period the earth will be blessed with fruitfulness (ii. 22), the wild beasts will become tame, and all the weapons of war will be destroyed (ii. 18). ^ In my references to Isaiah I have adopted Dr. Cheyne's critical results in his Iiitrodtidzon to Isaiah^ 1895. ^^ is due pre-eminently to this scholar that it is possible to give some coherent account of the various eschatological systems that are to be found in the composite book of Isaiah. 90 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. Lord shall be exalted in that day (ii. 11-17). And men shall cast away their idols of silver and of gold to the moles and the bats, and go into the caves of the rocks to hide themselves from before the terror of the Lord, when He ariseth to shake mightily the Judgment on earth (ii. 19-21). Thus judgment fell on Israel, and since Judah was no less corrupt, it too must be destroyed (i. 10-17, 21-26; iii. 1-15 ; v. 8-24; xxviii. 14-22; xxix. 1-4; xxx. 8-17; xxxi. 4), and all the more surely as it sought help from the neighbouring world-powers (xxviii. 14-22, xxxi. 3). The judgment on Jerusalem shall come suddenly : it shall receive doom from the Lord of Hosts with thunder and with earthquake and great noise, with whirlwind and tempest, and the flame of a devouring fire (xxix. 6 ^). Thus Isaiah was, like Amos, a prophet of doom. Isaiah once In One passagc, however, he prophesies the advent advenrof the^ of the kingdom, but in a very modest form. kingdom. j^ 24-26. *' Therefore this is the oracle of the Lord, Yahwe Sebaoth, the Hero of Israel : Ha ! I will appease me of mine adversaries, and avenge me on mine enemies ; 25. and I will bring back mine hand upon thee, and will smelt out in the furnace thy dross and will take away all thy alloy; 26. and I will bring back thy judges as at the first, and thy counsellors at the beginning : afterwards thou shalt 1 If we accept the last as it stands, the views of Isaiah as to the in- violability of Jerusalem wavered. Thus in xxix. 7, 8 ; xxxi. 5 he definitely prophesies that Zion can never be taken by its foes. This latter view is rejected by Cheyne, who pronounces xxix. 5, 7, 8 an intrusion, and xxxi. 5 to be hopelessly corrupt. OF THE NATION 91 be called Citadel of Righteousness, Faithful City" chap. m. (Cheyne's translation). The nation is thus to be restored as aforetime, but on a righteous foundation. All that was evil was to be purged out of it. It is to be observed, however, that there is no mention of the Messiah in connection with it. There is no world -judgment in Isaiah. Judg- Noworid- . . .,11 1 T-, T- 1 • judgment in ment, it is true, will be executed on Jigypt, Jtithi- isaiah. opia, Tyre, Philistia, Moab, and Syria, and all nations will be concerned in Yahwe's purpose of *' breaking Assyria." These nations, however, are dealt with by the prophet only in relation to his own people. The conception of a world - j udgment wherein every nation was to be judged inde- pendently of Israel was of a later date.^ In iii. 13, where there appears to be a reference to it, the text is corrupt.^ The idea of its uni- versality seems to be given in ii. 11 -21, but the language is poetical. Isaiah nowhere extends the blessings of the kingdom to the heathen world. Israel alone should enjoy them. Most of the Messianic passages in Isaiah i.-xxxix. are due to later interpolations.^ ^ Cheyne, Introd. pp. 53, 246. ^ Ibid. 391 note. 3 All the Messianic passages save one (Is. i. 24-26) are rejected as the work of a later age by Cheyne : also wholly or in part by Duhm, Hackmann, Marti, Volz, Bruckner, G. A. Smith, etc. The chief passages are Is. ii. 2-4, iv. 2-6, ix. 1-7, xi., xvi. 5, xix. 18-25, xxv. ^-%^ xxviii. 16, xxix. 16-24, XXX. 18-26, xxxii. i-S"^, XXXV. i-io. With ii. 2-4, xix. 18-25 we shall deal under post-Exilic prophecy. The post-Exilic date of iv. 2-6 is practically admitted by G. A. Smith (Hastings' Bible Diciionary^ ii. 488) ; likewise of xi. 10-16, xvi. 5, xxv. 6-8, and xxxv. i-io, pp. 492, 493. On the other 92 ESCHATOLOGY MiCAH (circa 723-700 B.C.) Destruction of In Micah the doom of Jerusalem is pro- NrMessianic nounced, and no hope of ultimate redemption is kingdom. hand, this scholar strongly contends against Marti, Volz, and Briickner, who deny that the Messiah appeared at all in pre-Exilic prophecy. Apart from arguments based on language and historical allusions, these writers argue that the functions of the Messiah are purely political and not religious. He is a national leader, and exercises the offices of neither prophet, priest, nor leader, and belongs therefore to the Exilic and post-Exilic periods. G. A. Smith vigorously assails this view. He contends (Hastings' Bible Dictionary, ii. 488, 489) that this national conception of the Messiah suits the pre-Exilic and not the later periods : that it belongs naturally to the pre-Exilic forms of the Messianic kingdom : that the Isaianic passages ascribe to the Messiah the duties prescribed by the time, the deliverance of Israel from the Assyrian invasion, and the establishment of a righteous kingdom over the people of Yahw^. If we accept the chief Messianic passages as Isaianic, we obtain a very striking picture of the Messiah. Thus, according to ix. 6, 7 (Cheyne's translation) : — A child is born unto us, a son is given unto us, And the government is upon his shoulders, and his name as called Wonder- counsellor, God-hero, Father of booty. Prince of Peace. Increased is the government and of peace there is no end, Upon the throne of David and over his kingdom, In estabhshing and supporting it by justice and righteousness from henceforth even for ever. The zeal of Yahwfe Sebdoth will accomplish this. In these verses we have a description of the Messiah as a great warrior and ruler. In the following verses as a righteous judge, inspired by the Spirit of Yahwe, equally great in knowledge and in practice, xi. 1-5 : — And a shoot shall come forth from the stock of Jesse, And a scion from his roots shall bear fruit, And the spirit of Yahwfe shall rest upon him, A spirit of wisdom and discernment, a spirit of counsel and might, a spirit of knowledge and of the fear of Yahwe. And he shall not judge according to that which his eyes have seen, Nor arbitrate according to that which his ears have heard, But with righteousness shall he judge the helpless, And arbitrate with equity for the humble in the land ; And he shall smite tyrants with the rod of his mouth, And with the breath of his lips shall he slay the ungodly. And righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins, And faithfulness the girdle of his reins. OF THE NATION 93 held out:^ iii. 12. '* Zion, for your sake, shall be chap. m. ploughed as a field, and Jerusalem shall become heaps, and the mountain of the house as the high places of the forest." In the above prophets the judgment of the Gentiles is never conceived independently, but only in relation to the jtcdgment on Israel or Judah, Nahum (664-607 B.C.) and Habakkuk (605-600 B.C.) When we pass from these four great prophets of the eighth century to those of the latter half of the seventh, namely Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah, we find that religious thought on our subject has in The nature of the lower creation will be transformed, xi. 6-8 : — And the wolf shall lodge with the lamb, and the leopard lie down with the kid, And the calf and the young lion, and the fatling together, whilst a little child leadeth them. And the cow and the bear shall feed, together shall their young ones lie down, And the lion shall eat straw like the ox ; And the suckling shall play at the hole of the asp, And the weaned child shall stretch out his hand to the eyeball of the basilisk. XXX. 26 : — Moreover the light of the moon shall be as the light of the sun, And the light of the sun shall be sevenfold, as the light of seven days. ^ Only chaps, i.-iii. (with the exception of ii. 12, 13, which promise the return from the Exile) are assigned to Micah. Chaps, iv.-vii. (with the excep- tion of iv. 9, 10, and v. i, 10-14) ^^^^ according to Nowack {Kleine Propheten, 187, i^Zy20^sqq.)j derived from different authors and different periods. Stade, Smend, Wellhausen, Marti, and Cheyne reject iv., v. in their entirety, and most critics since Ewald's time reject vi., vii. See Stade, ZATWj 1881, pp. 161- 172; 1883, 1-16; 1884, 291-297; Smend, ATliche Theol. 225; Driver, Introd. vii. 329-334. According to the rejected chapters, Yahw^ will again restore the kingdom to Israel (vii. 7-9). The exiles will be restored (ii. 12 ; iv. 6, 7). The Messiah from Beth Ephratah will rule in Yahwe's name (v. 2), and with His reign will begin the eternal Messianic kingdom (v. ^'1)^ ^^^ He will crush Assyria (v. 5-7), and henceforth idolatry and wickedness and warfare will be at an end (v. 10-14). 94 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. Modification of conception of day of Yahwfe in seventh cen- tury. Yahwe must intervene for Israel because Israel is risfhteous. part advanced and in part retrograded. The retro- gression is manifest in the books of Nahum and Habakkuk. In these prophets we have a modified renewal of the old popular conception of the day of Yahwe ; for they conceive it as an intervention on h^^-Ai oi righteous Israel against the ze;^^/^^^ Assyria. According to the primitive view, Yahwe was bound to intervene on behalf of His people on the ground of the supposed natural affinities existing between them, whereas according to the view of Nahum and Habakkuk^ His intervention must follow on the ground of ethical affinities ; for Israel and the Gentiles are related to each other as the righteous, pnis, and the wicked, i;mi (Hab. i. 4, 13). The grounds for this renewal in a modified form of the old view of the day of Yahwe are to be found partly in the sufferings experienced by Israel at the hands of their oppressors, and partly in the confidence which Josiah's reforms had begotten in the people that they were truly Yahwe's people. Israel's sufferings at the hands of their oppressors had given birth to unutterable bitterness and resent- ment. The pressure of foreign influences in worship and morals also naturally made the religious leaders in Judah set all the higher value on their national w^orship and ancestral customs. The religious party therefore tended to become more and more ^ Hab. i. 5- 1 1 is an interpolation according to Giesebrecht, Wellhausen, Nowack, etc. Likewise chap. iii. The former passage is probably earlier and the latter much later in date than Habakkuk. With the later date of iii. Davidson and Driver agree, but both defend i. 5-1 1. ii. 11-14 is rejected by Nowack. OF THE NATION 95 national in sympathy and aims. Nahum appears chap. m. as the spokesman of this party. He does not stand, as the preceding prophets, in opposition to the ruling party in the state, but rather gives expression to their sentiments. The cause of Yahwe and of Israel is one and the same. In the next place, owing to the reforms under Josiah, the people felt themselves to be Yahwe s people, and accordingly were confident of His help. They felt themselves to be righteous — neither in Nahum nor Habakkuk is there any mention of Israel's sin — hence over against the glaring wickedness of the Gentiles the actual Judah was regarded as righteous (see Hab. i. 4, 13). The righteous- ness of Judah was thus, it is true, only a relative righteousness. Judah could claim to be righteous only in contrast with the wickedness of the heathen- We have herein the beginnings of the thought that This the Israel is right over against the world — the begin- thfbSiefthat nings ; for in Nahum and Habakkuk this view is rfghfover applied only to the single nation of the Assyrians ^^^^1^^^^^^ and not, as in later times, to all the Gentiles. Hence the impending judgment will strike, not righteous Israel, but the godless Gentiles. Under the influence of Habakkuk's example the usage was developed later of designating the Gentiles abso- lutely as the godless, i?tn, and Judah as the righteous, pns (cf Is. xxvi. 10; Pss. ix. 5, 17, X. 2, 3, 4, Iviii. 10, Ixviii. 2, cxxv, 3. Henceforth in most subsequent representations of the future the destruc- tion of the Gentiles stands as a central thought. ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. In Nahum i.-ii. 2 we have a description of the day of Yahwe and the setting up of the Messianic kingdom. It begins with a reference to the attri- butes of Yahwe and their manifestation in nature (i. 2-6). The writer then deals with the utter end that is to be made of the enemies of His people, The Messianic particularly of Assyria (i. 7-14). The Messianic kingdom to r. J / 1 r 11 i i follow on the Kingdom is apparently to follow on the destruction Assyria in" ° of Nineveh. For the humiliation of Judah is at an Nahum. ^^^ ^i^ j2): "Though I have afflicted thee, I will afflict thee no more,"^ The hour of redemption is at hand (i. 15): "Behold upon the mountains the feet of him that bringeth good tidings, that publisheth peace.'' God will restore Israel and Judah (ii. 2) : "Yahwe bringeth again the excellency of Jacob, as the excellency of Israel." Buti. 2-ii. 2 If, however, Bickell, Gunkel, and Nowack are post-Exilic. right in their views that i. 2-ii. 2 is not a prophecy Nahum would but an alphabetical psalm describing under traditional ?e°ference°o forms the coming of Yahwe to judge the enemies of the Messianic p^is people and the establishment of the Messianic future. . kingdom,^ they will be no less right in maintaining that it is not from Nahum's hand but from a much later date. In that case the original prophecy of Nahum would deal with the judgment of Nineveh (ii. 3-iii,) and not possess a single reference to the Messianic 1 These words might be rendered : '* When I afflict, I will afflict thee no more," that is, the affliction would be thorough and final. In this case the verse would apply tO'Assyria. 2 See Gunkel, ZATW, 1893, pp. 223 sqq. ; Bickell, Sitzungsberichte der kaiserl. Aka4. der Wzss. in Wien, Abhandl, v, 1894; Gunkel, ScMpfung und Chaos, 102, 103, 1895; Nowack, A7^?V/fi Propketen, pp. 227, 231-237, 1897 ; Davidson on Nahum, pp. 18-20, criticises this view unfavourably. OF THE NATION 97 future. The real beginning of this prophecy was chap. m. according to this view thrust out when i. 2-ii. 2 was amalgamated with ii. 3-iii. In Habakkuk the only words that could be con- inHabakkuk strued as reierring to the kingdom are ii. 4, " The just shall remain in life through his integrity," at the judgment, and ii. 14, '*the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the glory of Yahwe, as the waters cover the sea."^ Zephaniah (before 621 b.c.) But whilst Nahum and Habakkuk are retrogres- sive, an important advance in the development of the idea of divine judgment is attested in Zephaniah, by whom the day of Yahwe is conceived as the judgment DayofVahw^ of the whole world resulting in the survival of a judgment righteous remnant of Israel s^vlvTfor In Zephaniah the judgment appears for the first aright time to be universal. Its universal scope is the israei. necessary corollary to the monotheistic faith of the prophet ; for Yahwe as the God of the whole earth, and pre-eminently as the God of righteousness, must summon all the nations to judgment. The judgment deals with Jerusalem (i. 8-13), with Philistia, Ethiopia, and Assyria (ii. 1-6), with all nations (iii. 8), with all the inhabitants of the earth (i. 18). It extends even to the brute creation (i. 2, 3). There is, however, a certain inconsistency in the picture. The instruments of judgment are a ^ This verse, however, is regarded by many scholars as a later addition. 7 :eous remnant in 98 ESCHATOLOGY Zephaniah first treats of the judgment of all nations. mysterious people, called "the guests " of Yahwe (i. 7) — probably the Scythians — who do not themselves come within the scope of judgment. Thus the con- ception is wanting in definiteness and comprehen- sion. Zephaniah moves in the footsteps of Isaiah in the account of the impending judgment, but, whereas, in the latter, judgment on Israel and the nations stands in inner connection with his con- ception of the divine character and purposes, in Zephaniah it is without definite aim,^ if with certain critics we reject ii. 8-1 1, iii. 8-io : its various constituents appear to represent already current eschatological expectations, while its wide sweep shows the operation of the prevailing monotheism. The day of Yahwe is a day of battle and assault on the defenced cities (i. 16), a day of trouble and dis- tress, of wasteness and desolation, of supernatural terrors, of darkness, clouds and thick darkness (i. 14- 18). The nations are to be assembled in order to be destroyed by the fierce anger of Yahwe (iii. 8). This last feature, that is, the destruction of the nations generally, appears first in Zephaniah. This idea is a further development of the earlier doctrine that only the nations hostile to Judah should be destroyed, which is found in ii. 1-7 {i.e. the Philistines, Moab, and Ammon, etc.), Jer. xxv. 15- 24 (i.e. the genuine portions), and Is. xvii. 12, 13 {i.e. the Assyrians). In the eighth-century prophets 1 ii. 8-1 1 are rejected by Wellhausen and Nowack {I.e. 275-277) ; also by Budde and Cornill. iii. 9, 10 generally held to be later. Davidson defends the integrity of the entire book. See Driver, Introd. 342, 343. OF THE NATION 99 in this connection it is the destruction of definite and chap. m. present foes that is announced,- but in the later it is that of the nations generally. Of these later pro- phets it forms a prominent and constantly recurring characteristic, as we see in Jer. xxv. 32, 33 (the addition of a reviser) ; Ezek. xxxviii.-xxxix., the fifth-century passages in Is. xxxiv., Ixiii. 1-6 ; Zech. xii. 1-3, and the much later anonymous fragments in Is. Ixvi. 16, 18, 19 ; Zech. xiv. 1-3, 12-15. The scene of this judgment on the nations, which Zephaniah leaves indeterminate, is declared by later prophets to be Jerusalem (Zech. xiv. 2, 12, 13 ; Joel iii. 2 ; Is. Ixvi. 15). At the close of the judgment there will be left TheMcssiank a small and righteous remnant in Israel (iii. 12, 13) : ^°^ °"^ *' I will leave in the midst of thee an afflicted and poor people, and they shall trust in the name of Yahwe. The remnant of Israel shall not do iniquity, neither shall a deceitful tongue be found in their mouth : for they shall feed and lie down, and none shall make them afraid." These are those who are urged in ii. 3 to seek righteousness, if haply they may be hid in the day of Yahwe. There is a wide universalism in Zephaniah if ah the nations T ... . . , .. ,«. , ,, are to serve u. II and ni. 9, 10 are origmal. n. 11. '' Men shall Yahw^, worship him, every one from his place, even all the coast lands of the nations." iii. 9. ** Then will I turn to the peoples a pure lip, that they may all call upon the name of Yahwe, to serve him with one consent." In Zephaniah, as in Nahum and Habakkuk, there No Messiah. is no mention of a Messianic king. lOO ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. Contrast between the pre-Exilic and Exilic con- ceptions of judgment. The Exile con- tributes to the individualisa- tion of religion. Jeremiah^ (626-586 b.c.) and Ezekiel (593-571 B.C.) We have now done with the pre-ExiHc concep- tions of the day of Yahwe. In pre-Exihc times divine judgment was mainly conceived collectively as one of doom on the nation as a nation : in Exilic and subsequent times the divine judgment is con- ceived as dealing with the individual Israelite, and thus as presenting a favourable or unfavourable side according to the character of the individual. As a result of this judgment a righteous community was to emerge, forming the nucleus of the Messianic kingdom. This difference in the conceptions of the two periods was brought about, at all events externally, by the destruction of the State. For the political annihilation of Israel maybe regarded from two standpoints : from the one it was the inevitable doom of the impenitent nation ; from the other, and that the one of most moment to our present study, it formed an indispensable factor in the develop- ment of religion ; for it contributed to the indi- vidualisation of religion, alike in its essential nature and its expectations of the future. Thus the eschatology of the individual becomes henceforth a factor in the eschatology of the nation. 1 Jeremiah (626-586 B.C.) belongs, it is true, to the pre-Exilic period. Since, however, his teaching on the relation of man to God is so diverse from that of his contemporaries and predecessors, and in many respects so nearly akin to that of Ezekiel (who was herein his disciple), I have thought it best to discuss their doctrines together, and treat Jeremiah as though he were a prophet of the Exile. OF THE NATION loi We have seen above that the message of the chap. m. pre-Exilic prophet to Israel was mainly one of con- contrast demnation, and that only in a few cases was the ^^xx^L^r prospect held out of a regenerated national life, p^oph^ec^^^ But with the Exile the burthen of prophecy is no fhe Messianic ^ ^ ^ kingdom. longer doom and destruction, but promise and bless- ing, and such is its unfailing characteristic till the close of the Canon. Judgment is still of necessity preached. But its character is very differently con- ceived in the succeeding centuries accordingly as we study the spiritual founders of Judaism or the large-hearted prophets who prepared the way for Christianity. According to Jeremiah and his spiri- The kingdom tual successors, the role of judgment is only vindic- a'lf thrnattons, tive with the finally impenitent : in the case of all ^{^^^^^^ ^° others its character is corrective and disciplinary. Its object is to prepare the way for the external Messianic kingdom in which all 'the nations shall participate. But, according to Ezekiel and subsequent writers For israei only, of the same school, judgment was conceived as aEzekier^^° purging of Israel from its evil elements with a view to the establishment of the eternal Messianic kingdom ; but for the nations it meant only de- struction, partial or complete, or, under the most favourable construction, absolute political subjection to Israel. According, therefore, to the eschatology of the E°ufc''concep- Exile, the Messianic kingdom was placed in the ^*°^^ f^t x forefront of both prophetic and popular expectation, and of the This kingdom was to be introduced by the day ^kingdom. ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. in. Ezekiel's synthesis of the eschatologies of the nation and of the individual. Prophecy of the Messianic kingdom by Jeremiah. Yahwe — conceived no longer merely as inflicting collective punishment fo7^ collective guilt, but as meting out individual retribution. As the result of this judgment a new and regenerate Israel emerges — the Messianic kingdom. Into this kingdom the nations e^tter by conversion, according to Jeremiah, but according to Ezekiel, even those which had siir- vived the day of Yahwe are for ever exc hided from it. We have above dealt with Jeremiah and Ezekiel's doctrine of Individualism (see pp. 59-67). The individualising of religion in these prophets was the precondition of the restoration of Israel after the fall of Jerusalem. In God's visitations only the wicked in Israel, according to Ezekiel, should be destroyed. When a new Israel was thus created, Yahwe would further intervene to vindicate His honour and sole sovereignty over the world, and Israel would be restored to its own land, and the Gentiles destroyed. In Ezekiel a synthesis of the eschatologies of the nation and of the individual is attempted wholly within the sphere of this life. We have now arrived at a new period in the development of eschatological thought in Israel. Israel is on the eve of exile. But this exile is to be only of temporary duration. Yahwe's thoughts to Israel are thoughts of peace and not of evil (Jer. xxix. 11). After an exile of 70 years^ in Babylon (xxv. 11, xxix. 10), Israel will be converted and brought back to its own land, and an ever- 1 What a fruitful source of apocalyptic systems this number became we shall see later (see pp. 171-173). OF THE NATION 103 lasting Messianic kingdom be established. This chap. m. kingdom will be ruled over either by Yahwe or His servant the Messiah. Some scholars, it is true, maintain that the references to the Messiah in this prophet do not belong to the original text.^ Although the judgment of Israel is not strictly- individualistic in Jeremiah, as it is in Ezekiel, we shall give his eschatological views with those of Ezekiel ; for the latter are built on the former. In Jeremiah the day of Yahwe is directed first and principally against Judah : the enemy will come in from the north (i. 11-16) ; the city and the temple will be destroyed (xxxvii. 6-10). But account is taken also of other nations, which are to drink of the cup of the wine of the fury of Yahwe — Egypt, Palestine, Edom, Moab, Ammon (xxv. 15-24; cf. i. 18). The further details of the judgment (xxv. 27-33, which expand it into a day of universal judgment) are interpolations from a later date. But there is a hopeful outlook. Israel will be restored (xxiii. 7, 8; xxiv. 5, 6). This restoration will be Restoration of preceded by repentance (iii. 13, 19-25). and accom- IccT^paSed panied by a change of heart wrought by Yahwe. ^Ln^*^^"^^ °^ Through this change of heart each member of the nation will know Yahwe and obey Him (xxiv. 7) : ''And I will give them a heart to know me, that I am Yahwe ; and they shall be my people, and I will be their God : for they shall return unto me with their whole heart"; cf. xxxii. 39. The same * So Volz, who rejects all the passages which speak of the Messiah in Jeremiah. See Vorexilische Yahwepropketie, pp. 78-80. 104 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. Messianic kingdom and the Messiah, the latter representing a dynasty. The nations will be con- verted and incorporated in the king- dom. promise is made, but more clearly and fully, in xxxi. 33, 34: '* But this is the covenant that I will make with the house of Israel after those days, saith Yahwe : I will put my law in their inward parts, and in their heart will I write it ; and I will be their God, and they shall be my people ; and they shall teach no more every man his neighbour, and every man his brother, saying, Know Yahwe, for they shall all know me, from the least of them unto the greatest of them, saith Yahwe : for I will forgive their iniquity, and their sin will I remember no more." When restored to their own land, Yahwe will give them a righteous Branch of the house of David to rule over them (xxiii. 5, 6) : *' Behold the days come, saith Yahwe, that I will raise unto David a righteous Branch, and he shall reign as king and deal wisely, and shall execute judgment and justice in the land. In his days Judah shall be saved, and Israel shall dwell safely: and this is his name whereby he shall be called, Yahwe is our righteousness." Elsewhere Jeremiah speaks of the rulers of restored Israel as Shepherds (iii. 15, xxiii. 4). The Messiah, therefore, is con- ceived of as a dynasty, and not as an individual. Other Messianic passages, as xxx. 8, 9, 21 ; xxxiii. 14-26, are rejected by Giesebrecht. But the blessings of the kingdom will not be limited to Israel. The nations also will be con- verted, even those who have been hostile to Israel (xii. 14, 15) : " Thus saith Yahwe : Against all mine evil neighbours, that touch the inheritance which I OF THE NATION 105 have caused my people Israel to inherit: Behold I chap. m. will pluck them up from off their land, and will pluck up the house of Judah from among them. And it shall come to pass, after that I have plucked them up, I will return and have compassion on them ; and I will bring them again, every man to his heritage, and every man to his land." And elsewhere it is declared (iv. 2) : "The nations shall bless themselves in Yahwe, and in him shall they glory" ; (xvi. 19) : " O Yahwe, my strength and my stronghold, and my refuge in the day of afflic- tion, unto thee shall the nations come from the ends of the earth, and shall say, Our fathers have inherited nought but lies, even vanity and things wherein there is no profit." iii. 17, which gives evidence in the same direction, is rejected by Giesebrecht. All the nations shall be converted, and only the impenitent will be destroyed (xii. 16, oniythefinaiiy 17); "And it shall come to pass, if they will b^deTtroyer diligently learn the ways of my people, to swear by my name. As Yahwe liveth ; even as they taught my people to swear by Baal ; then shall they be built up in the midst of my people. But if they will not hear, then will I pluck up that nation, plucking up and destroying it, saith Yahwe." The individualism appearing in Jeremiah is, as we have seen above, developed in Ezekiel to an Teaching of extreme degree. Judgment will proceed individu- ally on Israel, but collectively on the Gentiles. Yahwe will give a new heart to Israel (xi. 17-21, xxxvi. 25-32), and restore Israel and Judah to their io6 ESCHATOLOGY Messianic kingdom. The Messiah not an in- dividual, but a series of successive kings. Invasion of Palestine by Go-. This prophecy arises from an unfulfilled prophecy of Jeremiah and Zephaniah. Unfulfilled prophecy a source of Apocalyptic. Hopeless destiny of the surviving Gentiles. own land, where, as the Messianic kingdom (xvii. 22-24), they shall be ruled by the Messiah (xxi. 27), by one king, even David (xxxiv. 23-31, xxxvii. 21-28). But the Messiah is not conceived here as an individual, but as a series of successive kings (cf. xlv. 8, xlvi. 16). But after the establishment of the kingdom under - the Messiah in Palestine, the heathen powers will join in a vast confederation against it. Under Gog, from the land Magog, will they march, but will all be de- stroyed through the might of Yahwe (xxxviii., xxxix.) This is the foe whose invasion of Israel from the north had been prophesied by Jeremiah (iii.-vi.) and Zephaniah (i. 7), but whose coming had hitherto been looked for in vain. Since this prophecy had remained unfulfilled, Ezekiel edits it anew, and adjourns its accomplishment. It is of Gog that Ezekiel thus speaks: ''Thou art he of whom I spake by my servants the prophets of Israel, which prophesied in those days for many years, that I would bring thee against them " (xxxviii. 17^). This reduplication of judgment first appears in Ezekiel. To this re -editing of unfulfilled prophecy is to be traced one of the main sources of Apocalyptic. On the Gentiles which survive the final over- throw in the land of Israel, no gleam of divine compassion will for ever light.^ I have given side by side the views of Jeremiah 1 See Bertholet on Ezekiel xxxviii. 17. 2 Some scholars find in xvii. 23 a promise that the Gentiles will seek refuge under the rule of the Messiah ; but xvii. 24 shows that this interpreta- tion is unsound. The Gentiles are symbolised not by the " birds of every OF THE NATION 107 and Ezekiel, the great prophets of the Exile and the chap. m. years immediately preceding it, as the best means of displaying their undoubted affinities, and their no less indubitable diversities. This parallel presenta- Jeremiah and tion of their views will be helpful, since these two founders of prophets were the sources of two concurrent but dT^erTeTchoois very diverse streams of development. ofdeveiop- -' Jr ment. Both prophets are teachers of monotheism. With Jeremiah this doctrine was a Hving and fruit- ful principle, and teaches him to see, not in Israel only but in all the nations, the objects of the saving purposes of Yahwe. Jeremiah's universalism marks him out as the true spiritual successor of the great prophets of the eighth century. Ezekiel's particular- ism, on the other hand, shows his affinities to Nahum and Habakkuk of the seventh. For in Ezekiel mono- theism is but a barren and lifeless dogma. Though theoretically he conceives Yahwe to be the sole Creator and God of all the earth, his behef has no influence on his views as to the destinies of the Gentiles. Israel alone will experience the salvation of Yahwe : but as for the Gentiles, their end is partly destruction and partly an unblessed existence under the malign rule of an ever hostile and ever unappeasable deity. We shall deal first with those prophets who followed in the wake of Jeremiah, and developed his teaching to its legitimate consequences. In this wing" in xvii. 23, but by "the trees of the field," xvii. 24. As "the cedar," xvii. 23, represents the kingdom of Israel, so " the trees of the field " represent the Gentile kingdoms. The only object with which the latter seem to be spared is that they may recognise the omnipotence of Yahwe. io8 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. post-Exilic development (550-275 B.C.) the thought Universaiistic of judg'fnent, of the day of Yahwe, all but wholly the M^essiailic disappears before that of an all-embracing Messianic kingdom. kingdo7n — a kingdom initiated not through judgment but through the missionary efforts of Israel and the willing conversion of the nations. The Second Isaiah, xl.-lv. (545-539 b.c.) According to the Second I saiah, there is in store for Jerusalem not punishment but mercy, for already she has received double for all her sins (xl.2). Moreover the Chaldean power will be overthrown through Cyrus (xli. 25; xliii. 14; xlv.-xlvii. ; xlviii. 14, 15). Yahwe's people will then come forth from Babylon (xlviii. 20, Hi. ri, 12). All difficulties in the way of the return- ing exiles will be removed (xl. 3-5 ; xli. 18, 19 ; xliii. Restoration of 2-"] \ xlviii. 20-22; xHx. 8). Jcrusalcm and the temple rebuUding'of will be rebuilt by the help of Cyrus (xliv. 28, xlv. &mp"e '"^ 13). The desolation of Zion will be at an end, her wilderness will become like Eden and her desert like the garden of the Lord (li. 3), and Jerusalem will be built of precious stones (liv. 11, 12), and its inhabitants will be disciples of Yahwe (liv. 1 3). And the land will be too strait for its inhabitants (xlix. 18-23, liv. i). And never more shall Jerusalem be assailed nor any arm raised up against her (xlix. 24-26, liv. 8-10, 14-17). The cities of Judah shall Tonvetionof ^gain bc inhabited (xl. 9, xliv. 26), and Israel will thelrsubmi^ posscss the natious (liv. 3). Egypt and Ethiopia sion to Israel, will of their own free will submit themselves unto OF THE NATION 109 Israel, confessing : ** Only in thee is God, and there chap. m. is none beside — no Godhead at all " (xlv. 14). Yea, all the nations will become subject to Israel (xlix. 22, 21)} But the conception of Israel's purpose and future The kingdom is more nobly conceived in the " Songs of the israei and the S,))/T- T ^1 T- T" \ nations to be ervant (xhi. 1-4, xlix. 1-6, 1. 4-9, In. 13-lui. 12), established which can hardly be of the same authorship as the s^/j.°^ntof^^'' rest of Isaiah (xl.-lv.) *' They form a connected cycle Yahw^," ^ ^ ' •' ^ ^ according to of poetical meditations."^ In this poem the Servant "Songsof , , r 1 1 '-T^i 1 the Servant." IS the pious remnant 01 the people. 1 hey nave been elected by God to a special service, and this service is the conversion of mankind to the worship of Yahwe. Hence the function of this true Israel is a missionary one. Their first task is the con- version of the rest of the nation — to "bring back Jacob unto him, and that unto him Israel might be gathered" (xlix. 5). Then their work is to extend to all the ends of the earth. The Servant should become the light of the nations ; judgment shall be established on the earth, and the coast lands shall wait for His law (xlix. 6, xlii. 4). In these *' Songs " the nations are considered only as subjects of the divine mercy, and never of judgment, as in Is. xlii. 13-17. There is no thought of Israel's political supremacy. A representation of the future somewhat similar The nations 1 . , f-, 1 T • 1 .1 to put them- to that m the Second Isaiah appears in the post- sewes under the tutelage ^ In xlii. 13-17 we have a description of the day of Yah w^ in the Second of Yahwe Isaiah. In this passage it is the heathen and idolatrous world that is judged, (^s, ii. 2-4). Israel does not come within its scope (cf. li. 23). 2 Cheyne, Iiitrod, p. 305. I lO ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. Exilic passages Is. ii. 2-4==Mic. iv. 1-3, according to which the nations should of their own free will submit themselves to Yahwe. Isaiah ii. 2-4 : ** And it shall come to pass in the latter days that the mountain of Yahwe's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills ; and all nations shall flow unto it. And many peoples shall go and say, Come ye, and let us go up to the mountain of Yahwe, to the house of the God of Jacob ; and he will teach us of his ways, and we will walk in his paths : for out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of Yahwe from Jerusalem, And he shall judge between the nations, and reprove many peoples, and they shall beat their swords into plow- shares, and their spears into pruning hooks ; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more." A like conception is probably at the base of the post- Exilic Is. xi. 9 = Hab. ii. 14 (both editorial additions?), which declare that the earth shall be full of the knowledge of Yahwe as the waters cover the sea. Psalms xxii., Ixv., Ixxxvi., Ixxxvii. In the Psalms. The Same thought ^ is set forth in the Psalms : *' All the ends of the earth shall remember and turn to Yahwe, and all the kindreds of the nations shall worship before him" (xxii. 27-31) : yea, '*all nations . . . should come and worship," for God is their 1 Cf. also the addition in Zeph. iii. 9, 10. OF THE NATION m Creator (Ixxxvi. 9)/ God is said to be " the con- chap. m. fidence of all the ends of the earth" (Ixv. 5); all flesh is to come to Him as **the hearer of prayer " (Ixv. 2)? But in Ps. Ixxxvii. we have a noble con- ception which sums up in itself all the highest thought of the past in this direction. Jerusalem is to be the mother city of all the nations, '' the metropolis of an ideally Catholic Church " (Cheyne) ; whole nations should enter the Jewish. Church (Ixxxvii. 4), but as individuals (Ixxxvii. 5) ; and this should be their universal song : '* All my fresh springs are in thee " (Ixxxvii. 7). Only two more works, Malachi and Is. xix. 16-25, call for attention, but these are beyond measure re- markable. Malachi (before 458 e.g.) A wide universalism is apparently found in Mai. i. Recognition of IT, where, in regard to the surrounding nations, the ^emenUn''' prophet declares : *' From the risinsf of the sun even ^^^then ^ ^ religions by unto the going down of the same, my name is great Malachi. among the Gentiles ; and in every place incense is offered unto my name and a pure offering." Here the writer recognises the monotheism underlying the heathen religions. At this date the divine ^ Cf. also XXV. 6 in the small apocalypse in Is. xxiv. ; xxv. 6-8 ; xxvi. 10-20 ; xxvii. i, 12, 13. This Cheyne assigns to the fourth century, Duhm to the second. This later date, which is, however, impossible on other grounds, would help to explain the very advanced eschatology which appears in xxiv. 21-23, which speaks of a preliminary judgment, and then after a very long interval of the final judgment. On the latter follows the theocratic kingdom (xxiv. 23). 2 On the expectation that proselytes shall be admitted into the congrega- tion of Yahwe's worshippers, see also Is. xiv. i, xxv. 6, Ixv. 3, 6. 112 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. designation "the Most High God" existed con- temporaneously among the Phcenicians, Samaritans, and Jews. The words, however, are not to be taken in an absolute, but in a relative sense. The offer- ings of the heathen are made, though unconsciously, to Yahwe, and are more pleasing to Him than the faulty and deceitful sacrifices of Israel. That the words are to be construed in some such limited sense is clear from the next chapter (ii. lo), where Yahwe is represented as the Father and Creator of all the members of Judaism, and of these alone ; ^ for on this statement is based an argument against the taking of heathen wives. And yet, however much we limit the words, it is indisputable that in Malachi heathenism is not conceived as a power hostile to God, as it is in Haggai and Zechariah. Despite the severe visitations which the nation had experienced in the past, Israel proved again unfaithful when restored to its own land. Some seventy years earlier Haggai and Zechariah had promised the advent of the kingdom on the rebuild- ing of the temple. Within a few years the temple had been rebuilt, but the promise remained un- fulfilled. With Malachi the temple still holds this central position. Yahwe will suddenly come to it after that His messenger has prepared the way. But this coming will be for judgment ; for Israel has, alike in 1 These conflicting views show that although the monotheistic conception of God was a central article of the Jewish creed of the time, it was not a living and growing principle, and so its transforming influence on the rest of this creed was in the main nullified. OF THE NA TION 1 1 3 private morals (iii. 5, 14) and public worship (i. 6, chap. m. 14), gone back to evil pre-Exilic ways. Judgment was therefore impending, but before DayofVahwfe that "great and terrible day " Elijah should be sent ° to *' turn the heart of the fathers to the children and the heart of the children to the fathers" (iv. 5, 6). This judgment, which in Hag. ii. 5 sqq.^ 21-23, and Zech. i. 15, ii. i sqq,, vi. 1-8, was conceived as an annihilation of the heathen powers, is in Malachi limited to Israel (ii. 17, iii. 3, 5, 13 sqq,) This day will " burn as a furnace," and destroy ** all the proud and all that work wickedness." Only the righteous Oniythe will be delivered. For them there is a book of [nLrit'the^^ remembrance written before Yahwe. *'And they ^^^sdom. shall be a peculiar treasure unto me, saith Yahwe of Hosts, in the day that I prepare ; and I will spare them as a man spareth his own son that serveth him " (iii. 17); "and all nations shall call you happy; for ye shall be a delightsome land, saith Yahwe of Hosts" (iii. 12). Isaiah xix. 16-25 {pi'^<^cL 275 e.g., Cheyne) In Is. xix. 16-25 ^he hopes of Ps. Ixxxvii. reappear, but are far outbid in universality. Jerusalem, though the source of spiritual blessed- Israel, E^t. ness to Egypt and Assyria (Syria), is neither ^o^formT'^ nationally nor spiritually paramount over them ; confederacy. rather do they form a spiritual and national confederacy in which Israel holds not the first but the third place (Is. xix, 21, 23-25): **And 114 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. III. The future, according to Ezekiel and his successors. Yahwe shall be known to Egypt, and the Egyptians shall know Yahwe in that day ; yea, they shall worship with sacrifice and oblation. . . . In that day shall there be a high way out of Egypt to Assyria, and the Assyrians shall come into Egypt and the Egyptians into Assyria ; and the Egyptians shall worship with the Assyrians. And in that day shall Israel be the third with Egypt and with Assyria, a blessing in the midst of the earth ; for that Yahwe of Hosts hath blessed them, saying : Blessed be Egypt my people, and Assyria the work of my hands, and Israel mine inheritance." We have now dealt with the prophetic writers who, following in the wake of Jeremiah and the Second Isaiah, foretold the incorporation of the Gentiles into the Messianic kingdom. But con- currently with this large-hearted universalism there existed a variety of narrow and one-sided views, which held more or less closely to the particularism which originated with Nahum and Habakkuk, but especially with Ezekiel. According to Ezekiel and his successors, the future world, the Messianic age, belonged to Israel — to Judah and Israel reunited (Hos. iii. 5; Mic. v. 3^; post- Exilic) under the Messianic descendant of David (Is. ix. 1-6, xi. 1-8 ; Mic. v. 2-4; all Exilic or later) : in it the Gentiles had no share at all, or only in a subordinate degree as dependants or servants of Israel. Their destiny was subjection or destruction, generally the latter, and always so in the case of those that had been hostile to Israel. According to these teachers — OF THE NA TION 1 1 5 The day of Yahwe was to be a day of deliverance^ chap. m. initiating the Messianic kingdom on earth for Israel^ Particularistic hit (a) a period of ministry or bondage^ or (b) else the day of of partial or complete desti^uction for the Gentiles} ivTes^anlc kingdom. Some post-Exilic Fragments of Isaiah {a) In the Messianic future the Gentiles are to various escort the returning Israelites to Jerusalem,, and be- fragmemrof come their servants and handmaids (Is. xiv. i-3,^]xvi. ■^^'"^^■ i2-i6, i8''-20^): they should build up its walls (Ix. lo), and bow themselves and bec^ome subject to Israel (Ix. 14), or else perish (Ix. 12) ; they should become Israel's herdsmen, and ploughmen, and vinedressers (Ixi. 5)/ Very noble descriptions of the Messianic kingdom are given in iv. 2-6, xxvii. 6, xxix. 16-24, XXXV. I- 10, but these speak only of Israel in relation to the Messianic age. {b) But at times the partial or complete de- struction of the Gentiles predicted. In Is. xxxiv., XXXV. (450-430 B.C., Cheyne) there is a universal judgment described in which all the nations are to be destroyed (xxxiv. 1-3).^ In the fifth -century ^ Though in Haggai and Zechariah, and other post- Exilic writings, the day of Yahwe is essentially a day of destruction for the Gentiles, in Malachi, as we have already seen, its range is limited to Israel (see ii. 1 7-iii. 6, iii. 17-iv. 3). 2 Cheyne regards these verses as alien to Is. xiii. 2-xiv. 21. This idea of the nations escorting the exiles back to Zion is found also in the Second Is. xlix, 22, 23. 2 According to Cheyne, Ix. and Ixvi. 6-16, 18^-22 belong to the age of Nehemiah and Ezra. * These passages are post-Exilic, Ix., Ixi. being about 432 B.C. (Cheyne). ^ We have a world-judgment described in xiii. 6-22, though the judgment is there directed primarily against Babylon (cf. xiii. 11, 19), just as in xxxiv. it is specially against Edom. ii6 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. in. fragment lix. 15^-20 the nations hostile to Yahwe and IsraeP are singled out for destruction, while those that are spared fear the name of Yahwe (lix. 18, 19);^ whereas in another fragment of the same date, Ixiii. 1-6, which closely resembles the preceding passage in subject and phraseology, only the destruction of the Gentiles is announced. Haggai (520 B.C.) Messianic The exiles have already returned sixteen years, be^estabiished and the Messianic kingdom has not yet come.^ That pi^etk.n oTthe ^^ ^^ ^^ hand the prophet Haggai is assured. A few building of years more and it will be manifested. So he infers the temple. -^ ^ _ from the political upheavals of the time. But Israel has not done its part. The temple is still lying in ruins. When it is rebuilt, the time will have arrived. Yahwe will in a little while shake the heavens and the earth, and the kingdoms of the nations will be overthrown, and their wealth will be brought to the temple, and though all the world round about be tumbHng into ruin, peace will reign in Jerusalem (i. 8, ii. 6-9). That the dawn of this kingdom has 1 In the post-Exilic (?) passage ix. 1-7 it is the Messiah that destroys the oppressors of Israel (ix. i). This active role of the Messiah is rare in the Old Testament. 2 Cf. the world-judgment in the small apocalypse Is. xxiv., xxv. (fourth century according to Cheyne, second century according to Duhm, but latter date not possible), where after the judgment (xxiv. 18-23) the surviving Gentiles shall be admitted to the worship of Yahw^ (xxv. 6). It is very remarkable that in xxiv. 21, 22 a)i intermediate place of punishme^tt is spoken of. The judgment, therefore, is conceived as consisting of two distinct acts. It is possible that we have here some traces of Mazdean influences. See Stave, Ueber de7t Einjiuss des Parsismus aufdas/tidenthzwij 176, 177. 3 The prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel imply that the return from the Exile and the advent of the kingdom will synchronise. OF THE NA TION 1 1 7 already appeared is made clear by a prophecy de- chap. m. livered two months later. For Yahwe will presently The heathen overthrow all the heathen powers, and set on destroyed, and the throne of the Messianic kingdom a prince of chSen^to^be the house of David, even Zerubbabel, who was j^iessiah. already in their midst (ii. 20-23). Thus the establishment of the Messianic king- dom was expected to follow on the completion of the building of the temple ; ^ and the day of Yahwe was conceived to be a destruction of the heathen powers. What a falling-off there is in Haggai as com- pared with the great pre-Exilic prophets! No religious reformation of the individual and of the community is demanded by this prophet to prepare for the kingdom. They have only to build the temple. Zechariah i.-viii. (520-518 B.C.) The thoughts of Haggai are more fully developed by his contemporary Zechariah. He expects the Advent of immediate advent of the kingdom when once the kingdom^on temple is rebuilt. As in Haggai (ii. 20-22), so in [jJ'e^feJJfpie^ Zechariah there will be a day of Yahwe in which all the hostile heathen powers will be destroyed (i. 18-21). In this passage the complete heathen world is symbolised by the "four horns," Le. the four quarters of the world. Since this world was ^ For Yahw^ the temple is indispensable as His dwelling-place. This thought is apocalyptic. It is not through moral reformation, but through divine intervention, that the kingdom is to be introduced. The importance of the temple also testifies to the growing importance of the priesthood. Hence the Messiah is less important in Haggai and Zechariah than in Jeremiah. ii8 ESCHATOLOGY CHAP. in. Zerubbabel to be the Messiah and to build the temple. Entrance into the kingdom ethically con- ditioned for Jews and surviving Gentiles. hostile to Israel, which was to Yahwe as the apple of His eye (ii. 8), it must be annihilated. This destruction of the heathen powers is a precondition of the Messianic time. We have in Haggai and Zechariah further developments of that opposition between the kingdom of God and of the world- kingdoms which has already appeared in Nahum, Habakkuk, and Ezekiel, and which is presented in its sharpest features in Daniel. Zechariah agrees also with Haggai in naming Zerubbabel as the Messianic king. After the example of Jeremiah (xxiii. 5, xxxiii. 15), he names him the Branch (iii. 8, 9; vi. 12). But whereas Jeremiah designated a dynasty by this term, in Zechariah it is applied to an individual already in their midst. Zerubbabel will rebuild the temple (vi. 12)5 and thus Yahwe will dwell among them (ii. 12, 13 ; viii. 23). The exiles will return (ii. vi.) Zechariah differs from Haggai in requiring moral purity and uprightness in the members of the king- dom (vii. 9, 10; viii. 16, 17). The nations also that survive the day of Yahwe will become worshippers of Yahwe (ii. 11, viii. 20, 21, 23). Judgment and annihilation of all the Gentiles. Joel (about 400 b.c.) In Joel the enemies of Judah are not actual and present foes, but the nations generally. These are to be gathered together in order to be annihilated (iii. I, 2). The place of judgment is mentioned — the valley of Jehoshaphat — which is obviously chosen OF THE NATION 119 on the ground of the etymological meaning of the chap. m. term. Yahwe will there sit in judgment upon them (iii. 12), and all the Gentiles will be destroyed. Here we have a nearer approximation to the idea of a final world - judgment than elsewhere in the Old Testament save in Dan. vii. 9, 10. But the judgment is one - sided. Yahwe appears as an advocate for Israel against the nations (iii. 2). The day of Yahwe does not morally sift Israel, as in the pre- Exilic and some Exilic prophets, and the exceptional post-Exilic Mai. iii. 2-5, iv. 1-3, 5, but serves only to justify Israel (ii. 25-27, iii. 16, 17) against the world.^ On the other hand, it is to be observed that Israel here is not the achtal but the purified and restored Israel, a spiritually transformed people (ii. 28, 29) worthy of Yahwe's presence (iii. 21). This spiritual transformation, however, is not ex- tended to any of the nations. They are to perish irrevocably. Before the day of Yahwe all the members of the nation will be filled with the spirit of God (ii. 28, 29) : *' And it shall come to pass afterward, that I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh ; and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, your old men shall dream dreams, your young men shall see visions : and also upon the servants and upon the handmaids in those days will I pour out my spirit." Then signs of the approaching judgment will signs of the appear in nature (ii. 30,31): *'And I will show ^^° wonders in the heaven and in the earth, blood and ^ Cf. the interpolation in Second Isaiah, i.e. xlv. 25, I20 ESCHATOLOGY Jerusalem the centre of the eternal Messianic kingdom. Joel apocalyp- tic in character, fire, and pillars of smoke. The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood, before the great and terrible day of Yahwe come." Those who call upon Yahwe in Jerusalem (ii. 32) will be saved. Henceforth Jerusalem is to be holy, and there will be no heathen to defile it; (iii. 17) : *' So shall ye know that I am Yahwe your God, dwelling in Zion, my holy mountain : then shall Jerusalem be holy, and there shall no strangers pass through her any more " ; (iii. 18, 20) : '' And it shall come to pass in that day, that the mountains shall drop down sweet wine, and the hills shall flow with milk, and all the brooks of Judah shall flow with waters ; and a fountain shall come forth of the house of the Lord, and shall water the valley of Shittim. . . . But Judah shall abide for ever, and Jerusalem from generation to generation." There is no mention of the Messiah. With Joel and his successors prophecy has largely changed into apocalypse. The forecasts of these prophets do not as a rule stand in a living relation with the present and its needs, but are frequently the results of literary reflection on former prophecies. This is specially clear in Joel's *' day of Yahwe," which has no organic relation with the present, as it has in the earlier prophets. Zechariah xii.-xiv. (before 300 e.g.) According to the late post-Exilic fragment Zech. xii. i-xiii. 6, all the Gentiles will attack Jerusalem OF THE NA TION 1 2 1 and be destroyed before it (xii. 3, 4, 9), whereas in chap. m. the still later fragment xiv. it is only the hostile nations that are to be annihilated (Zech. xiv. 12, 13), and the remnant to be converted to Judaism, Thenon- and to attend the yearly Feast of Tabernacles (Zech. to be converted xiv. 9, 16-21). This fragment is further peculiar ^" ^" ^^^"'' in that divine help does not intervene till Jerusalem is in the hands of the Gentiles (xiv. 2, 3). Daniel (168-167 e.g.) We shall now touch on the salient points in the Apocalypse of Daniel, but only in the briefest man- ner, as we shall have to deal with it later at greater length under various heads. When evil reaches its when evii ^ • ^- 1,1 ii-i • . reaches its culmmation, and the need of the samts is greatest climax, God (vii. 21, 22; xii. i) (in the time of Antiochus Epi- Tnd judg^^^^^^^^ phanes), the Ancient of Days will intervene, and His '^'''^^■ throne of judgment will be set up (vii. 9), and the world-powers overthrown (vii. 11, 12), and ever- lasting dominion given to His saints (vii. 14, 22, 27), and these will *' break in pieces and consume" all the kingdoms of the world (ii. 44), and all the surviving nations will serve them (vii. 14). And the righteous dead of Israel shall rise to share in this TheMessiani Messianic kingdom, but the apostate Jews shall be ^he cast into Gehenna (xii. 1-3). With the question of ^' the resurrection we shall deal presently. The view that the world's history will terminate That the in the culmination of evil, and that Israel will be wiiitermina°7 dehvered by supernatural help in the moment of its kingdom and resurrec- tion. on the cul- mination of 122 ESCHATOLOGY evil hence- forth an apocalyptic dogma. greatest need, derives originally from Ezekiel, and after reproduction in various forms in his spiritual successors attains to classical expression in Daniel, and henceforth becomes a permanent factor in Jewish Apocalyptic. The doctrine of a new heavens and a new earth an interpola- tion in Is. Ixv. 17 and Ixvi. 22 {from Maz- dean sources?) Isaiah Ixv., Ixvi. (before 400 b.c.) In defiance of historical sequence I have reserved the consideration of the composite chapters Is. Ixv., Ixvi. to the last. These call for special treatment, because apparently they present a new development as regards the scene of the Messianic kingdom: it was to be a new heavens and a new earth. In Ixv. Jerusalem is to be especially blessed : it is to under- go a spiritual, but not a physical transformation ^ — there appears to be no question here of the New Jerusalem : it is the same material Jerusalem as before, but supernaturally blessed. They still build houses and plant vineyards in it (Ixv. 21, 22), sinners are still found in it (Ixv. 20), and death still prevails. Hence Ixv. 17, where a novel doctrine is pro- claimed — the creation of a new heavens and a new earth ^ — seems impossible in its present context. In ^ The word Nin does not appear to imply a physical or actual creation in Ixv. 18, therein differing from its sense in Ixv. 17. 2 The older doctrine was the eternity of the present order of things. This doctrine is attested in Ps. civ. 5, *'Who laid the foundations of the earth, that it should not be removed for ever"; Eccl. i. 4, "The earth abideth forever." See also Pss. xciii. i, xcvi. 10, cxlviii. 6. This was the received view in Palestine down to the close of the second century B.C., with the exception of a few passages in the Old Testament, which we shall deal with presently. About or after 100 B.C. the destruction of the present heaven and earth was taught in Eth. En. xci.-civ., and some decades later this doctrine, together with the creation of a new heavens and a new earth, in Eth. En. xxxvii. - OF THE NATION 123 the Messianic age here foreshadowed men live to a chap. m. patriarchal age, and the animal world, as in an earlier prophecy (xi. 6-9), loses its ferocity, and shares in the prevailing peace and blessedness (Ixv. 25). In Ixvi. 6-16, 18^-22 we have a fragmentary apocalypse (see Cheyne, Introd, to Isaiah, 374-385) which describes the judgment of the hostile nations (Ixvi. 16, 18^, 19). Those of the Gentiles who escape are to go to the more distant nations and declare to them the divine glory (Ixv. 19). There- Ixx. In this last book the doctrine of a new heaven and a new earth is set forth for the first time in Jewish literature with logical consistency. In the Old Testament passages where such a view appears, it is, as we have seen above, at variance with other eschatological features therein described. Is. li. 16, which apparently speaks also of a new heavens and a new earth is, as Cheyne (introductmt^ p. 303) and Duhm {Isaiah.^ p. 359) have shown, a piece of mosaic interpolated at a later date. Hence the doctrine of a new heaven and a new earth appears to be adopted eclectically in the Old Testament, and is thus of the nature of a foreign element. It may there- fore be a loan from Mazdeism, as Kohut has pointed out [ZDMG, xxx. 716, 717). On the other hand, it must be recognised that the way for such a doctrine was prepared for in the Old Testament by the post-Exilic view that the present heavens and earth should be destroyed. Thus in Is. li. 6 this view is expressed, not indeed as an eschatological doctrine, but purely poetically. Not only the inhabitants of the world but the world itself will perish ; only God's salvation and God's righteousness abide for ever. *' The heavens shall vanish away like smoke, and the earth shall wax old like a garment, and they that dwell therein shall die in like manner, but my salva- tion shall be for ever, and my righteousness shall not be abolished." The further dissolution of the heavens and earth is pronounced in a distinctly eschatological passage of a late date, i.e. Is. xxxiv. Thus in ver. 4, " The heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll, and all their host shall fade away." Finally, in Ps. cii. 25, 26, which, according to Baethgen, was prob- ably, and, according to Duhm, was certainly, written in Maccabean times, the destruction of the present heaven and earth, and their creation anew, are poetically described : " Of old thou hast laid the foundation of the earth, and the heavens are the work of thy hands. They shall perish, but thou shalt endure : yea, they shall all wax old like a garment : as a vesture thou shalt change them, and they shall be changed." The important thought here, it is true, is not the transitoriness of the world, but the eternity of God : though heaven and earth pass away, God abides. But if this psalm be Maccabean, we have probably here the reflection of the new doctrine of the future heaven and earth, though there is no other reference to it in the literature of the second century. 124 SYNTHESIS OF THE TWO ESCHATOLOGIES CHAP. III. upon the latter are to go up to Jerusalem, escorting the returning exiles. This apocalypse concludes with the promise : ** For as the new heavens and the new earth, which I will make, shall remain before me ... so shall your seed . . . remain " (Ixv. 22). This verse is all but unintelligible. Does the new creation take place at the beginning of the Messianic kingdom, or at its close? By neither supposition can we overcome the inherent difficulties of the text. If the new creation is to be taken literally, it can only be supposed to be carried out at the close of the Messianic kingdom ; but this kingdom has apparently no close. Either, then, the expression is used loosely and vaguely ; or, and I incline to this view, Ixvi. 22 is a later intrusion.^ We have now completed the study of the escha- tologies of the individual and of the nation, in their concurrent and separate developments, from pre- prophetic times to the fourth century before the Christian era and somewhat later. Down to the period of the Exile these developments pursue an independent course, but from the Exile onwards they begin to exert a mutual influence on each other. This mutual interaction, however, does not lead to any true synthesis till the close of the fourth century or the early decades of the third, when they are both ^ Is. li. 16 and Ix. 19 can hardly be quoted in support of Ixv. 17, Ixvi. 22 ; for in the two last passages the language is obviously meant to be literal, whereas in the former it is metaphorical. It is possible that the idea is derived from the Persian religion. The renewal of the earth, according to this faith, was to follow after the final judg- ment and the destruction of the evil powers. Yet see note on pp. 123, 124. IN DOCTRINE OF THE RESURRECTION 125 seen to be the two complementary sides of a religious chap. m. system, that subsumes and does justice to the essential claims of both. Thus, when the doctrine of the blessed immortality of the faithful is connected with that of the coming Messianic kingdom, the separate eschatologies of the individual and of the Synthesis of nation issue finally in their synthesis : ^ the 7'ighteotts eschatologies individual^ no less than the righteous nation, will ifon of the^^^^' participate in the Messianic kingdom, for the ^l^^li^^^^ risihteotts dead of Israel will rise to share therein. Messianic ^ -^ . Idngdom. We have considered the question of the day of ^ Yahwe and the Messianic kingdom in relation to \ Israel and the Gentiles as they were conceived by ) pre-Exilic, Exilic, and post-Exilic writers. We ' have seen that whereas the advent of Yahwe to \ exercise judgment meant all but universally a crisis of doom for Israel in the pre-Exilic period, in sub- sequent times it came all but universally to be regarded as marking the advent of Messianic blessedness for Israel Concurrently with the establishment of the Mes- sianic hope in the national consciousness the claims of the individual had, as has already been shown, pressed themselves irresistibly on the notice of religious thinkers — so irresistibly, in fact, that no representation of the future could ultimately hope for acceptance which failed to render them adequate ^ A synthesis of these two eschatologies was attempted by Ezekiel wholly within the sphere of this life. But this reconciliation was achieved only through a misconception and misrepresentation of the actual facts of the problem. And yet this theory of retribution gave such general satisfaction that the need of a theory that did justice to the facts of the problem was not experienced, save by isolated thinkers, till the era of the Job literature. 126 RESURRECTION OF THE CHAP. III. satisfaction. Thus naturally these two questions came to be considered as essentially related, as in fact they were. The righteous individual and the righteous nation should be blessed together — or rather the righteous individual should ultimately be recompensed — not with a solitary immortality in heaven or elsewhere, but with a blessed resurrection life together with his brethren in the coming Messi- anic kingdom. We saw above how the doctrine of an individual immortality failed to establish itself per- manently in the Old Testament, and the grounds for such a failure were not far to seek. But the objections against thfijbelief, in_a ^blessed irmnortalit^ISL-the^ righteous man apart from the righteous community^ are actual arguments in favour of the resurrection of the righteous to share in the Messianic kingdom. The obvious lesson in such a development is that the individual should not seek to be blessed apart from his brethren — nay, rather that his blessedness, his highest well-being, is impossible of realisation except through the common life. The doctrine of the resurrection is clearly enun- ciated in two passages of great interest : as a spiritual conception in Is. xxvi. 1-19, and as a mechanical conception in Dan. xii. 2, 3. Doctrine of the Is. xxvi. 1-19 forms an independent writing, spHtuTiiy" according to Cheyne, composed about 334 b.c.^ He calls it *'a Liturgical Meditation." conceived in Is. xxvi. 1 Smend {ZA TIV, 1884, pp. 161 s^(^.) and Kuenen assign chaps, xxiv.- xxvii. to the fourth century ; Driver to an early post-Exihc date ; Duhm {Das Bzuhjesaia^ p. xii.) to the close of the second century B.C. RIGHTEOUS IN ISAIAH 127 The writer looks forward to the setting up of the chap. m. kingdom, to the city of strength, whose walls and bulwarks are salvation, and whose gates will open that the righteous nation may ** enter in '* (xxvi. 1,2). And since the nation was but few in numbers, the righteous dead shall rise and share the blessedness of the regenerate nation (xxvi. 19). This notable verse should, with Duhm and Cheyne, be read as follows : ''Thy dead men (Israel!) shall arise, and the inhabitants of the dust shall awake ^ and shout for joy ; ^ for a dew of lights is thy dew, and the earth shall produce the shades." In this passage of Isaiah, as we have above criticism of remarked, there is a true synthesis of the escha- tologies of the nation and of the individual. A true synthesis, and yet defective. A true synthesis ; for justice is done to the claims of the righteous nation and the righteous individual, and the blessedness of the individual and that of the nation receive their perfect consummation together. A defective syn- thesis ; for the righteous who die before the advent of the Messianic kingdom are, till that kingdom appears, committed to the unblessed existence of Sheol,^ where they are shut out from the life of God. 1 The designation of death as a sleep did not arise from the resurrection hope ; for it is found in books that were unacquainted with this hope. Thus death is described as "sleep" in Gen. xlvii. 30; Deut. xxxi. 16 ; Job vii. 21, xiv. 12 ; as *' the eternal sleep " in Jer. li. 39, 57. Hence in later times, when the belief in the resurrection was firmly established, and the state of the departed is described as a "sleep," the word must in no case be taken in its literal meaning. 2 vn' and ^rhi"^ are omitted by these scholars as interpolations, and instead of osni lu^jDH they read ^ani '^^'''pTS^. ^ In this synthesis Sheol on the one hand maintains its primitive heathen 128 RESURRECTION OF THE c?iAP. in. The doctrine that only the righteous are raised a genuine pro- Yet if we are to disregard this defect, which was inevitable under the circumstances, this passage of Isaiah presents us with a truly spiritual doctrine of the future life ; for that life stands in organic and living relation to the present life in God, which the faithful enjoy on earth. And since the faithful alone stood in this relation, only the resurrection of the righteous was conceivably possible. This limitation of the resurrection to the righteous is the primitive form of this conception. It is the genuine product of Jewish inspiration, and not derived from any foreign source. For even if the Mazdean doctrine of the resurrection of the righteous and the wicked be of an earlier date, it could not be the parent of the higher spiritual form with which we have just dealt. This spiritual form of the resurrection doctrine is the genuine product of Jewish inspiration ; for all its factors are indigenous to Jewish thought. The duct of Jewish ^^y ^^g prepared for it, as we have seen, in the inspiration. ■' ^ ■*■ i i • r i • independent and concurrent eschatologies of the m- dividual and the nation, the synthesis of which could not admit of any other resurrection save that of the righteous. But long before any such synthesis was effected the idea of a spiritual resurrection had character in that it is still an unspiritual, godless region ; but on the other it undergoes a certain transformation in that, though heretofore the eternal abode of all the departed, it henceforth becomes only the intermediate abode of righteous Israelites, though it continues to be the eternal abode of all else. Thus for the time being the progress achieved by the writers of Pss. xlix. and Ixxiii. Is lost sight of. These, we remember (pp. 72-77), held that death could not break off the communionof the righteous with God, and accord- ingly that the soul of the faithful could not descend into Sheol, as popularly conceived, but must be taken home to God. RIGHTEOUS IN ISAIAH 129 established itself in Israel. Thus in Hos. vi. 2 chap. m. (possibly of Exilic or post-Exilic origin) a religious The idea of a transformation of character is described as a spiritual resurJ^eaion— resurrection : "After two days will he revive us : on °href°sources— the third day he will raise us up so that we shall live f'^^^^ ■' ^ ^ ^ familiar to before him." This is done on a large scale in Ezek. Judaism xxxvii. The resurrection there described of the dry and Ezekiei. bones imports, no doubt, a political restoration of Israel, but it is a restoration ethically conditioned. The people so restored are to be God's people (xxxvii. 13); they will be cleansed from all their sins and transgressions (xxxvii. 23); they will walk in the statutes and judgments of God, and be ruled by the Messiah of David's line (xxxvii. 24, 25) ; God will make an everlasting covenant of peace with them, and dwell with them for ever (xxxvii. 26, 27). Hence the resurrection in Ezekiei, though national, postulates a moral regeneration of the people. This harmonises with the view enforced elsewhere in Ezekiei that the conversion of the individual Israelites is the pre- condition for the restoration of the kingdom. We have on an earlier page (see pp. 78-80) Determination referred to the thought underlying this spiritually thoughfunder- conceived doctrine of the resurrection. We must !f'!?f-^^^^ doctrine. here deal with it more closely. According to Is. xxvi. the righteous individual is at some period after death to be restored to communion with God and with the righteous community. This double restora- The resurrec- tion to com^minion with God and to comm^union with double restora- the community of the faithful after death constitutes re^u^ratton to the resurrection in its essential aspects. That there 9 communion I30 RESURRECTION OF THE CHAP. in. should be any delay to this restoration to commtmion with G^, and wttk God dit^v death in Is. xxvi. is, as we have above righTeous^^ seen, due to the imperfect thought conditions of the community. ^j^^^^ jjlj ^^^ Messianic kingdom was established, even the righteous must abide in Sheol apart from God. In later times, however, when this heathen idea of Sheol was displaced by the doctrine of Paradise, or heaven, as the abode of the faithful immediately after death, death made no breach in («) Restoration the communion of the faithful with God. Hence with°G^ToT the first constituent of the resurrection doctrine is conditioned ^^^ really subject to any time-conditions. The because un- sccond constituent, however, restoration to com- broken by . , . , death. munion with the community of the righteous, seems {b) Restoration at first sight to be so conditioned ; for this second with°th™^^°" requirement cannot he fully realised till the kingdom righteous f God is Consummated either in this world or in the community is temporally next. In Other words, the blessedness of the in- conditioned .... . as regards its dividual is Conditioned by that of the com^m^inity as a consummation, r ^ rr ' i ir*- whole. But lurther. it m the dehnition "restora- tion to communion with God and to communion with the community of the faithful after death " we but not as omit the words '* after death," we have in what spmtua/*^ remains a description of the spiritual change which thrspidtu°ai the faithful must already experience in the present resurrection jjf^ ^^^ which rcallv forms in itself the essence of can be experi- ' ... enced in the the resurrection. Such a spiritual change constitutes, in Pauline language, a spiritual resurrection. Thus it appears that man can appropriate the spiritual side of this doctrine already here : can, through abjuring the life of self and sin, enter into the new life of God RIGHTEOUS IN ISAIAH 131 and of the community of the faithful. Thus the chap. m. spiri^ua/ resurrection can already be experienced by the faithful on this side of the grave. But we may press on farther, and ask : If Moreover. this Old Testament doctrine of the ^zme of the of the faithful resurrection of the faithful is manifestly based on ^avet'hT the faulty conceptions of that age, when do the ^°[51"^o'*d°rnd faithful rise to the resurrection life beyond the the faithful ^ ,-«i . , • 1 1- 1 r 1 departed, this grave? The answer is clear m the light of later life is the developments. Since the life of the faithful be- ufe, though yond the grave consists in communion with God beginnings. and communion with the faithful who form the kingdom of God, though but in its beginnings, then the faithful in a certain degree enter into the resurrection life immediately after death, into the true resurrection life, though not indeed into its consummated form ; for that cannot be realised till the consummation of the righteous community, or the kingdom of God. Thus it is only from the standpoint of its consMnimation that the second essential factor of the resurrection can be said to be temporally conditioned. The currency of the doctrine of the resurrection Prevalence oi is attested in Ps. Ixxxviii. ro, where, indeed, the doTtrine'°" resurrection of the righteous is only mentioned in a"fest^ed!^ order to be rejected : '*Wilt thou show wonders to the dead ? Shall the shades arise and praise thee ? " That this psalmist should reject the resur- rection hope is not to be wondered at ; for in the Psalter this psalm stands solitary and alone as the expression of a pessimistic despair. A similar 132 RESURRECTION CHAP. Ill, Doctrine of the resurrection mechanically conceived. The resurrec- tion doctrine has already degenerated into lifeless dogma. rejection of the resurrection doctrine may possibly be found in Ecclesiastes vii. 14. We must assume that a considerable period of time elapses between the promulgation of this doctrine in Isaiah and the next and final form in which it appears in the Old Testament, i.e. in Dan. xii. 2 : ** And many of them that sleep in the land of dust shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt." Here there is an absolute transformation of the resurrection doctrine. Heretofore it was the sole pre- rogative of the righteous Israelite ; now it is extended to the pre-eminently good and bad in Israel. Accord- ingly, between the rise of the doctrine enunciated in Isaiah and that in Daniel there must have been a considerable interval — an interval sufficiently long to account for the loss of the original significance of the resurrection as a restoration to the life of communion with God which had been broken off by death. During this interval, at all events within a small circle of pious Israelites, the spiritual doctrine has passed into a current and somewhat lifeless dogma, in which the real essence of the conception has been forgotten ; for without any consciousness of impro- priety, the writer of Daniel can speak of the resur- rection of the wicked. ^Xhe^xesurrection is thus /severed from the spiritual root from which iTsprangT / and transformed into an eschatological property or V. device, by means of which all the members of the ) nation are presented in the body before God for \ judgment. IN DANIEL 133 Thus the doctrine of the resurrection must have chap, m, been familiar to the J ews for many generations previous to Daniel ; unless we are to assume that the later conception in Daniel is due to Mazdean influences. But though the possibility of extending the resur- Grounds for 1 • 1 1 • 1 1-11 1 this extension rection to the wicked is to be explamed by the of the lifelessness of this article of the faith, we have not ^^°^ ^° ^^^ resurrec- ) tl wicked. as yet learnt why the writer was obliged to resort to this idea. The ground for such a necessity is clearly to be discovered in his belief that Sheol is still exempt from the divine sway, and that, though God can raise souls from thence, He cannot influ- ence them for good or evil so long as they are there. Hence, if any inhabitants of Sheol are to be re- warded or punished, they must first through resur- rection return to earth and come within the bounds of the divine rule. Thus this new application of the resurrection conception ^ in Daniel follows logically from two beliefs of the writer — the doctrine of Gods retribtitive righteousness^ and the heathen conception of Sheol? It is most noteworthy that this doctrine of the resurrection of the wicked ^ is attested only three or, ^ This doctrine of a partial resurrection of the wicked is taught also in Eth. En. i.-xxxvi. (see Chap. XXII.) This section maybe earlier than Daniel. A general resurrection of all Israel is found probably in 2 Mace. xii. 42, 43, and Eth. En. li. i. 2 Sheol is still the " land of dust," Dan. xii. 2. 3 This resurrection to punishment, or a belief perfectly akin, is found in contemporary work, xxiv. ; xxv. 6-8; xxvi. 20, 21 ; xxvii. i, 12, 13, afragment- "ary apocalypse of 334 B.C. (Cheyne), a date which seems too early, as that of Duhm [Das Btick/esaiaj-p.x\\.)^i.e. 128 B.C., is much too late. Thus in xxiv. 21, 22, the "host of heaven," i.e. angelic rulers of the nations, and the kings of the earth, are to be imprisoned in the "pit," and " after many days to be visited " 134 DOCTRINE OF RESURRECTION CHAP. III. at most, four times in Jewish literature prior to the Christian era. In these two conflicting doctrines of the resurrec- tion we have the parents of all subsequent specula- tion on this subject in Judaism and Christianity, Resurrection We have uow traced the rise and development of 19 the the doctrine of a blessed future so far as it appears in XXVI jewis'hk°spira- the Old Testament. We have seen how thoroughly sin'^eborro"^^^ native to the Jewish genius has been the nature of from Mazde- this development. It is therefore a matter of surprise that some scholars have sought to affiliate this doctrine on that of the Mazdean religion, and to treat it accordingly as borrowed from the teaching of Zoroaster. But in the case of any religion such a method of explanation is mechanical, and only to be admitted when it is clearly proved that the elements for an internal and organic development were wanting. In the case of Israel, however, these elements were present, and that in a very high degree, and were slowly but surely shaped under the influence of the supreme and formative idea of God. Further, even were the resurrection doctrine in Israel the exact equivalent of that in Mazdeism, the evidence would not justify us in concluding that the former was borrowed from Mazdeism, but only that the latter exercised a formative influence in shaping the Jewish doctrine. But as a matter of fact the with punishment. This punishment of the angelic rulers of the nations and the kings is found also in Eth. En. liv., xc. 25. According to later views, God did not punish a nation until He had first humiliated its angelic patron (Shir, rabba xxvii.'') Moreover, the future judg- ment of the Gentile nations will be preceded by the judgment of these angelic chiefs (Tanchuma, Beshallach 13) ; see Weber, L. d. Talmud,^ 170. IN ISAIAH NOT BORRO WED 1 3 5 Jewish doctrine, as it appears in its earliest form chap. m. in Is. xxvi., is essentially different from the Maz- dean. Thus (i.) Whereas the former is spiritually conceived as the prerogative of only the righteous in Israel, the latter is a mechanical and ethically in- different dogma, in accordance with which good and bad alike are raised. Thus whereas the former is specifically the result of right conduct, the latter has no relation to conduct at all. (ii.) According to the former, only a limited number — the faithful in Israel — are raised ; according to the latter, all men of all nationalities and of all times, (iii.) According to the former, the resurrection was at the beginning of the Messianic kingdom ; according to the latter, at its consummation in connection with the final judg- ment. Thus we see that the resurrection doctrine in Is. xxvi. cannot in any sense be derived from that of the Mazdean religion. We may observe here, in the way of anticipation, that this spiritual form of the resurrection is the prevailing one in Judaism down to the Christian era. But as regards this doctrine as it appears in Resurrection Daniel, the case is very dissimilar. There are Daniel has several points in common between Daniel's doctrine aSL with of the resurrection and that in Mazdeism. Thus — (i.) ^azdeism both alike teach a resurrection of the righteous and the wicked ; and (ii.) both alike combine it with the final judgment. Since there are some other points of contact between the eschatologies of the two, it is not impossible that we have here traces of the influence of the Mazdean religion. On the other 136 ESCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL CHAP. III. but in other respects is strongly at variance with it. Grounds for a short study of the Greek doc- trines of the soul and the future life. hand, we must recognise that certain differences exist. Thus the resurrection in Daniel is not ex- tended to all Israelites, but is limited to the martyrs and the apostates, whereas in Mazdeism it is abso- lutely universal. Again in Daniel, Sheol — the inter- mediate abode of the saints and apostates — preserves its ancient godless character, whereas in Mazdeism the intermediate abode of the souls of the righteous and of the wicked are respectively heaven and hell. Finally, in Daniel the final judgment is at the beginning of the Messianic kingdom, in Mazdeism at its close. Thus even in Daniel's eschatology the influence of Mazdeism was, on the most favourable assumption, but slight. We conclude, therefore, that though Mazdeism may have exerted some influence in shaping the mechanical doctrine of the resurrection in Daniel, the evidence is wholly against the assumption of any such influence on the spiritual doctrine of the resurrection as taught by Is. xxvi. Judaism, as we are aware, came under Greek influences as early as the third century B.C. It is a matter, therefore, of great moment to ascertain to what extent these influences operated in the forma- tion of the Jewish doctrines of the soul and of the future life. It has long been the fashion to exaggerate these influences, and to derive from Greek sources certain undoubtedly indigenous developments. Such exaggerations have been due in many instances to indefinite ideas both of Judaism and of Greek religion. Their best refutation will AMONG THE GREEKS i37 be to append to our history of Jewish eschatology chap. m. a short sketch of Greek reUgion in so far as this relates to the soul and the future life. Doctrine of the Soul and the Future Life among the Greeks^ Only one part of man's composite nature sur- Homeric J T ^1 1. TT r^y . ^1 doctrine of the vived death accordmg to Homer. Ihis was the soui. soul (-v/^ux^). But the Homeric conception of the soul is peculiar. It enjoys an independent and secret existence in the body, and on the death of the body independently withdraws itself. It exer- cises no function of the human spirit, whether of thought, will, or emotion. These belong to the ''mind" (^u/ao?), which resided in the diaphragm (0/)ez^e9, //. xxii. 475). The ^y/^o? is the most comprehensive expression in Homer for the various mental activities. Now this Qvixo^, and such faculties of the mind as are represented more or less de- finitely by 1/009, /A€z/09, or physical expressions such as r)TQp, KapMrjy Krjp, arrjOo^, etc., are all functions of the body and not of the sottl, and disappear with its resolution into its original elements.- Homer never 1 The present writer is indebted beyond measure in this sketch of Greek religion to Rohde's Psyche,^ 1898. He has also used Zeller's History of Greek Philosophy, likewise that of Ueberweg, Campbell's Religion in Greek Literature, 1898, and Fairbairn's Studies in the Philosophy of Religion, 168- 230, which, though written over twenty years ago, is valuable and suggestive. Dieterich's Nekuia has occasionally been found helpful. 2 Only once is the ^u^6s said to descend into Hades (vii. 131); but this can only be an oversight or carelessness of expression. In Od. xi. 221, 222 the 0u/t6s and ■\\/vxh are distinguished. The latter alone goes down to Hades. 138 ESCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL Conflicting views due to survivals of Animism in the Homeric poems. ascribes any activity to the soul in the living man. The soul is not mentioned till its separation from the body is impending, or has actually taken place. Accordingly after death, or rather after entrance into Hades/ the soul loses consciousness and thought (//. xxiii. 103, 104); it knows naught of the upper world ; it cannot return thither ^ (//. xxiii. 75, 76) ; it cannot exert any influence on the living ; it is as incapable of anguish as of affection. Wherein the personality consists in Homer is difficult of comprehension. At times the body, as opposed to the soul (//. i. 3-5), is described as the person, at times the soul (//. xv. 251, where it is the soul that speaks). The person fully conceived appears to be the living man, that is, the combina- tion of the visible body and the invisible soul. Such is the normal, and all but universal, view of the soul in Homer.^ On the other hand, passages are occasionally to be met with in the Odyssey which ^ The soul possessed a certain degree of consciousness and thought before it entered Hades (//. xxii. 65-67). 2 Hence the Homeric world had no ghosts. The living were at rest from the dead, ^ The Homeric conceptions of the soul and of Hades find an excellent parallel in the fourth- and third-century views of these in Israel. In the case of the latter this result was brought about, as we have seen, by the action of Yahwism directly and indirectly. The soul in Sheol possessed in early Israel a certain degree of energy and power to benefit or injure the living — an idea which was derived from a primitive Ancestor Worship, but in the course of 1000 years this idea was overcome by Yahwism, the soul reduced to all but annihilation in Sheol, and Sheol itself transformed into a synonym for de- struction and death. In Greece, on the other hand, the Homeric conceptions were the result of very different influences. What these were it is perhaps impossible to enumerate exhaustively. Amongst them, however, undoubtedly was first the separation of the Ionic Greeks from the land of their forefathers, where were the ancestral graves — the temples of the dead. A further cause was the adoption of the custom of burning the dead. By this means the soul was confined at once and for ever to Hades. AMONG THE GREEKS i39 assign a larger degree of consciousness, thought, chap. m. and vitality to the shades. These passages attest belated survivals of Ancestor Worship. They are to be found especially in books x. and xi. of the Odyssey, In these books the poet attributes the restoration of the consciousness of the shades to their enjoyment of the blood of the slaughtered animals ; but this is a pure misapprehension of the poet, who lived in an age that had forgotten the original significance of these rites. The shades, even according to these books, possess the faculties of thought, will, and action before drinking the blood. The blood is simply an offering to the souls of the departed to comfort and feed them, but not to restore to them faculties which they had never lost. Moreover, the poet s account provides us with an exact and detailed description of a sacrifice to the dead (see Rohde, i. 55-59). Hence, according to the specific view of the Homeric times, the soul had no consciousness in Hades ; but occasional survivals of the older view belonging to Animism are reproduced in the Odyssey without any consciousness of their true significance. We have now to ask : How are the Homeric immortality views related to the question of immortality ? The through °rans- soul, as we have seen, when it had once descended EfyXmor into Hades could never return. Hence if immor- ^^^yp"^' f^' cording to tality was to be vouchsafed to any individual man, Homeric , , . . views. it had of necessity to be given to him when living through translation into Elysium (as in the case of I40 ESCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL CHAP. III. Further sur- vivals of Animism in Hesiod. Menelaus) or heaven (as in that of Ganymede). Thus this immortality was mainly a material im- mortality, and such was the immortality of the Homeric gods. Moreover, as immortality was of necessity a privilege limited in the main to mortals who were physically related to the gods, it is of no service in preparing the way for a doctrine of human immortality as such. From Homer we pass on to Hesiod, but in this connection we shall only pause to draw attention to the vigorous survivals of Animism which are apparent in his poems. Souls cannot exist outside Erebus and possess consciousness in Homer ; yet such is Hesiod's belief. Thus, according to his Works and Days, 109-201, the men of the golden age became after death haip^ove^ liTi')(Poviot, watchers over mankind in a good sense, and endowed with large powers. Similarly, men of the silver age became Sat/^ove? viro'^Oovioi (not in Hades). Men of the bronze age (namely of Hesiod's own time) became phantoms {eUcoXa) in Hades, Now these views regarding the two earlier ages are not inven- tions of Hesiod, but survivals in the outlying Boeotia of a worship of souls which had existed long anterior to Homer; and that such views pre- vailed with regard to earlier generations and not to the later is due to the fact that in Hesiod's age the Homeric doctrine had become supreme. Such views as to the conscious and independent activity of souls after life were undoubted helps to the formation of a doctrine of immortality. Certain AMONG THE GREEKS 141 classes of souls in the past belonging to the gold chap. m. and silver ages could, it is true, become immortal, but this was not possible for members of the bronze age. The first real contribution towards this doctrine Doctrine of the comes from the Dionysiac cult in Thrace. Under- Dionysiac lying this cult is the presupposition of the original *^^^^' kinship of God and man. This being presumed, man could through certain ritual ceremonies and ecstasies become one with the gods. In such experiences the soul burst, as it were, the fetters of the body. But even so, the old Homeric view of the indispensableness of the body to the soul is not yet fully transcended. The soul has an a vigorous eternal existence, but not apart from the body. A apart from the full and divine life apart from the body for men in iJTconcdvabie. general was still inconceivable. Hence the doctrine Hencedoctrine - - • • r 1 r .of transmigra- 01 the transmigration 01 souls was 01 necessity a tion adopted. factor in this belief. The soul could maintain its immortality only through successive incarnations.^ With the Orphic teaching we enter on a new Transforma- stage of development. So far from the body being Dionysiac the necessary complement of the soul, the union of soui and 0°/ body and soul has become an actual bar to the con- transmigration ■' m the Orphic summation of the latter. And this is easy to under- teaching. stand ; for when the conviction that the soul and body can exist independently rises into a belief in the godlikeness and immortality of the soul, as opposed to the transitoriness of the body, the distinction 1 For a full treatment of the Dionysiac, cult in Thrace and Greece, Rohde, Psyche^ ii. 1-69. 142 ESCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL Hades be- comes an intermediate abode and a place of moral distinctions. between soul and body naturally leads to an antagonism of both. Thus the body comes to be conceived as the prison-house {pea-^oiTrjphov) or tomb of the soul {(Twixa — arj^a, Plato, Crat. 400 c), and the connection of the soul and body to be regarded as a punishment of the former. Under this view the tenet of transmigration changes of necessity its character. It is no longer the means whereby the soul preserves its vitality, as the Dionysiac religion conceived it, but has become a spiritual punishment and discipline of the soul, and the soul does not attain to its highest till it is freed from this cycle of necessity or rebirths {kvk\o<; avdyKrjf; or rpO'^o<; rrj r 1 1 *i 1 ^ eternal — with- in the speculative systems oi the philosophers to ©m beginning which we must now turn, the term '* soul " assumes a °^^'^'^' new meaning, and becomes a comprehensive designa- ^^^hTrto^^L tion for all the human powers of thought and will. I,^''"? '^u^^ -C^ o by the philo- From the fifth century onwards it is used in this sophers. No room in their sense in prose writers and non-philosophical poets, systems for the When the soul was thus absolutely identified with the soui after the mind, its individual existence after death was ^f^er meaning. inconceivable in the speculative systems of such "oj'yetmits ^ J new. philosophers as Thales of Miletus, Anaximander, Anaximenes, Heraclitus. Indeed, such a question would have been meaningless ; for the soul was in their philosophies conceived merely as a function of the various elements of the body or as a transient individualisation of the one primitive substance or force, and this individualisation terminated at death. In the pantheistic theories of the Eleatic philo- sophers Xenophanes of Colophon, Parmenides, and Zeno, there is no room for the future individual existence of the soul. And yet Parmenides quite inconsistently taught the pre-existence of the. soul and its survival on the death of the body/ but this he did as a disciple of the Orphic and Pythagorean schools. According to Pythagoras, the soul of man is Pythagoras- immortal, and is confined in the body only in sour"^°^^^^ ^ See Ritter and Preller's Historia Philosophiae, § 1 5 1 , /cai ras "^vxo.^ Tri/Mireiv -TTOT^ fxh iK ToG ifM4>o-vovs ds t6 diS^s, work S^ dvaTroKiv (ptja-LV. This view, however, is disputed by Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philosophy^ i. 604 (English transl.) 144 ESCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL CHAP. III. the way of punishment. It has no inner connection with the body in which it dwells ; any soul may live in any body. It possesses a divine knowledge through memory (Dieterich, Nekuiay-^, 122 ; Rohde, Psyche, ii. 186 note). When death separates the soul from the body, the soul must after an interval of purification in Hades return to the upper world, and be reborn. Its conduct in the earlier life determines the nature of its new incarnation. Finally, after a series of transmigrations, it is raised from the earthly life and restored to a divine existence. Empedocies. Empedocles' doctrine of the soul is peculiar. The office of the soul, which is a stranger in the world of sense, is neither perception nor thought, which are merely functions of the body, but the philosophic vision into the complete truth of being and becoming which it brings with it out of its divine existence in the past (Rohde, /^^j)/<;/^^, 185, 186). The faculty of thought (7^009) and the daimonic being which we may call soul (though Empedocles never uses this term) thus exist side by side in man, the former of which perishes with the body, while the latter is not immortal, indeed, but longlived. This dualism in the inner life which appears in Homer thus reappears in Empedocles, and later in Plato and Aristotle. The doctrine of transmigration naturally formed a part of his system ; but between the various incorporations of the soul it did not, as in the Orphic or Pythagorean belief, descend into an underground Hades. Finally, when all the elements and powers AMONG THE GREEKS US return into their original unity, all souls and even the chap. m. gods will be reunited in the divine universal spirit, in order again to come forth In individual existence in a newly restored world. The immortality of the soul was inconceivable from Anaxagoras' principle of an allrpervading mind. For though this mind individualised itself in certain Anaxagoras. material combinations, it retired into itself on the dissolution of these. The views of Pindar on the soul and the after-life Pindars form an interesting study. Side by side we find two vilw^on the distinct and irreconcilable views on these questions, destiny."^ '^^ Thus at times — (i.) his poems reproduce the old Homeric doctrine of the soul and of Hades, the everlasting abode of the shades, combined with certain elements of soul worship ; (ii.) at others they present us with a theology of an essentially Orphic type. In the former he uses the language of the popular (i.) The theology of the day, which was a medley of Homeric p°p^^^^ ''"^'^' and animistic elements. This was indeed practically at all times the orthodox belief. Thus the soul departs after death to Hades {Pytk. xi. 19-22 ; OL ix. 33-35), where it is still acquainted with the affairs of the living (Pyth, v. 96-104). No rewards await it save the praise its virtues have won on earth. If indi- viduals were to enjoy a blessed life, they were translated in the body, as in the Homeric view a perfect life was otherwise inconceivable. Yet instances of deification after death were also acknow- ledged, as of Semele. 10 146 ESCHATOLOGY OF THE INDIVIDUAL CHAP. III. The second view is closely connected with the (ii.)Th7 first. The soul is, as in the former, the invisible pSdar's^'ow^ double of the man. It is to a large degree dormant — though not wholly, as in Homer — during a man's living activities on earth. Soul is never used by Pindar in its philosophic meaning {see above). Thus far, therefore, Pindar's conception corresponds mainly with the Homeric, but to this conception he adds, with the Orphics, that it is of divine origin, *' an image of eternity" {alcovo<; elScoXop), and springs from the gods only [fxovov ix 0€O)v, Frag, 131). Its descent into the body is due to ancient guilt. After death retributive judgment follows in Hades, and the con- demned are plunged into Tartarus {OL ii. 57-60). The soul must be embodied at least three times before it can hope for an end of its earthly course. The past life determined the conditions of the present, and the present those of the future. After a final course of nine years in Hades the purified soul could '* ascend the path of Zeus" and enter *'the Isles of the Blessed" {OL ii. 69-75) ^"^^ become heroes.^ Aeschylus Aeschylus reproduces the old Homeric concep- pop^^arvfews tions of Hades and the soul, but he goes beyond these in speaking in a few cases of a judgment beyond death in Hades. This judgment, however, is only a completion of the retribution which is generally executed on earth {SuppL 230, 231, 416 ; Bum, 273-275 ; Choeph, 61-65). O^ the other hand, the belief in the community of interests existing 1 According to certain tomb-inscriptions of the fourth century found near Sybaris the blessed become gods (see Rohde, Psyche^ ii. 217-221). of the soul and of Hades. AMONG THE GREEKS i47 between the living and the dead is reflected strongly chap. m. — in other words, an essential factor belonging to Ancestor Worship (see p. 40 note). This same belief is attested also in Sophocles and Euripides, though the latter does not himself accept it (see p. 24 note). The immortality of the soul was not originally a Piato at first part of Plato's system.^ We have in the Repiiblic popular views. the various stages through which his views passed before he arrived at his maturest convictions on the subject. It is not necessary to our present purpose to do more than give a few of the salient points in the later Platonic doctrine of the soul. The soul is a His own , ...,,. T- 1/)/ doctrine of the purely spiritual being, it is uncreated (afy€y?;T09, soui. Pkaedr. xxiv.), apparently eternal^ (ai'Sto?, Rep, x. 611 b). In compliance with a universal cosmic law, according to the Timaeus (41 d sqq.\ or else in consequence of an intellectual declension of the soul from its original destiny, according to the Pkaedrus ^ This has been established by Krohn, Der Platon. Staat, p. 265 ; Pfleiderer, Platon. Frage, pp. 23, 24, 35 sqq. ; Rohde, Psyche^ ii. 265-267, Thus no trace of this doctrine is to be found in the oldest part of the Republic^ iii. 368-v. 460 C. The next portions that were composed were v. 460 D— 471 c, viii., ix. (all but 580 D-588 a), x. (608 C to end). In this part the doctrine of immortality is introduced and discussed, and further established in the third part, v. 471 c-vii., ix. 580 D-588 A, x. 595-608 B. Books i.- ii. 367 were finally written as an introduction to the whole. In this intro- duction a harmonising of the above parts is attempted. This statement is drawn from Rohde. ^ Plato's doctrine of the soul's immortality and pre-existence are bound up together. The mythical representation of the Timaeiis^ where the creation of souls is attributed to the Demiurge, cannot be allowed any weight in the face of his frequent assertions that this pre-existence had no beginning (cf. Phaedr. 245 c, ^^xtj Trao-a d^dparos. The soul is dpx^? Kivr}(j eta's, dpxv Sk dyivTjTOV . . . ^^ avdyKT]^ Q.y^vr)Tbv re Kal dddvarov ^vxv dp exi). See Zeller, Plato J 398, 399, 405 (English transl.) 1 48 ESCHA TOLOG Y OF THE INDIVID UAL CHAP, III. Soul, accord- ing to his earlier views, a trichotomy of reason, courage, and desire. Afterwards held to be purely rational. Courage and desire added to the soul on its birth in the body. (246 sqq,) and the Phaedon (246 c), it enters into the body. In the body the soul Hves as in a prison. However closely united, there can never be any true harmony between them. Yet this connection with the body can become the cause of unlimited impurity and degradation. In his earlier speculations, Le. the Phaedrtts^ Plato had ascribed a trichotomy of reason (to Xor^i- aTtfc6v)y courage (to OvfioetSi^;), and desire {to iTrt- dvfMTjTCKov), to the soul in its pre-existent state, and explained its fall by the presence of the two latter. Subsequently, however, the thought that such lower powers were indissolubly connected with the soul became inconceivable, since this conjunction would have logically involved the soul in a never-ending cycle of rebirths, and, henceforth, the soul was re- garded by him as simple and indivisible, a power of pure thought (Xoytarc/cov ^). According, therefore, to his later speculations in the Timaeus, it was not until a soul was enclosed in the body that courage and desire were associated with it, these being proper to the body only. Though the passions are on this view left behind by the soul at death, yet the associa- tion of the soul with these in the body produces an inward deterioration of the soul — an idea by means of which Plato explains its desire for rebirth in the body. ^ See Zeller, Plato mid the Older Academy , 391, 392 (English transl.) ; Lewis Campbell, Religion in Greek Literature ^ p. 353. 2 When the entire content of the soul came to be regarded as \oyi