1975 B72 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY STEWART H. BURNHAM FUND Cornell University Library JX 1975.B72 The League of Nations; speech delivered I 3 1924 007 449 592 Date Due irn^f'^^^^ w Jgl'-gWh PRINTED IN (Of NO. Z3233 Cornell University Library The original of tinis book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007449592 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS The League of Nations Speech Delivered in the Senate of the United States By WILLIAM E. BORAH INDIANAPOLIS THE BOBBS-MERRILL COMPANY PUBLISHERS j'X 2 The Senate Jiad under final consider- ation the resolution of ratification of the peace treaty } The League of Nations Ti/|R. PRESIDENT, I am not mis- ^•'* led by the debate across the aisle into the view that this treaty will not be ratified. I entertain little doubt that sooner or later — and en- tirely too soon — the treaty will be ratified with the league of nations in it, and I am of the opinion with the reservations in it as they are now written. There may possibly be some change in verbiage in order that there may be a common sharing of parentage, but our friends across the aisle will likely accept the league of nations with the reservations in substance as now written. I think, 1 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS therefore, this moment is just as ap- propriate as any other for me to express my final views with refer- ence to the treaty and the league of nations. It is perhaps the last oppor- tunity I shall have to state, as briefly as I may, my reasons for opposing the treaty and the league. Mr. President, after Mr. Lincoln had been elected President, before he assumed the duties of the office and at a time when all indications were to the effect that we would soon be in the midst of civil strife, (a friend from the city of Washington wrote him for instructions. Mr. Lincoln wrote back in a single line, "Enter- tain no compromise; have none of it." That states the position I occupy at this time and which I have, in an humble way, occupied from the first contention in regard to this proposal. 2 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS My objections to the league have not been met by the reservations. I desire to state wherein my objections have not been met. Let us see what our attitude will be toward Europe and what our position will be with reference to the other nations of the world after we shall have entered the league with the present reservations written therein. With all due re- spect to those who think that they have accomplished a different thing and challenging no man's intellectual integrity or patriotism, I do not be- lieve the reservations have met the fundamental propositions which are involved in this contest. When the league shall have been formed, we shall be a member of what is known as the council of the league. Our accredited representa- tive will sit in judgment with the 3 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS accredited representatives of the other members of the league to pass upon the concerns not only of our country but of all Europe and all Asia and the entire world. Our ac- credited representatives will be members of the assembly. They will sit there to represent the judgment of these 110,000,000 of people, more then, just as we are accredited here to represent our constituencies. We can not send our representatives to sit in council with the representa- tives of the other great nations of the world with mental reservations as to what we shall do in case their judg- ment shall not be satisfactory to us. If we go to the council or to the as- sembly with any other purpose than that of complying in good faith and in absolute integrity with all upon which the council or the assembly ^4 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS may pass, we shall soon return to our country with our self-respect for- feited and the public opinion of the world condemnatory. Why need you gentlemen across the aisle worry about a reservation here or there, when we are sitting in the council and in the assembly and bound by every obligation in morals, which the President said was su- preme above that of law, to comply with the judgment which our repre- sentative and the other representa- tives finally form? Shall we go there, Mr. President, to sit in judg- ment, and in case that judgment works for peace join with our allies, but in case it works for war withdraw our cooperation? How long would we stand as we now stand, a great Republic commanding the respect and holding the leadership of the 5 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS world, if we should adopt any such course ? So, sir, we not only sit in the coun- cil and in the assembly with our accredited representatives, but bear in mind that article 11 is untouched by any reservation which has been offered here; and with article 11 un- touched, and its integrity complete, article 10 is perfectly superfluous. If any war or threat of war shall be a matter of consideration for the league, and the league shall take such action as it deems wise to deal with it, what is the necessity of article 10? Will not external aggression be re- garded as a war or threat of war? If the political independence of some nation in Europe is assailed will it be regarded as a war or threat of war? Is there anything in article 10 that is not completely covered by article 11? 6 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS It remains complete, and with our representatives sitting in the council and the assembly, and Avith article 11 complete, and with the assembly and the council having jurisdiction of all matters touching the peace of the world, what more do you need to bind the United States if you assume that the United States is a. Nation of honor? We have said, Mr. President, that we would not send our troops abroad without the consent of Congress. Pass by now for a moment the legal proposition. If we create executive functions, the Executive will perform those functions without the author- ity of Congress. Pass that question by and go to the other question. Our members of the council are there. Our members of the assembly are there. Article 11 is complete, and it 7 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS authorizes the league, a member of wMch. is our representative, to deal with matters of peace and war, and the league through its council and its assembly deals with the matter, and our accredited representative joins with the others in deciding upon a certaiu course, which involves a question of sending troops. What will the Congress of the United States do? What right will it have left, except the bare technical right to refuse, which as a moral proposi- tion it will not dare to exercise? Have we not been told day by day for the last nine months that the Senate of the United States, a coordinate part of the treaty-making power, should accept this league as it was written because the wise men sitting at Versailles had so written it, and has not every possible influence and 8 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS every source of power in public opinion been organized and directed against the Senate to compel it to do that thiag? How much stronger wiU be the moral compulsion upon the Congress of the United States when we ourselves have indorsed the proposition of sending our accredited representatives there to vote for us? Ah, but you say that there must be unanimous consent, and that there is vast protection in unanimous consent. I do not wish to speak disparag- ingly; but has not every division and dismemberment of every nation which has suffered dismemberment taken place by unanimous consent for the last three hundred years'? Did not Prussia and Austria and Russia by unanimous consent divide Poland? Did not the United States THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS and Great Britain and Japan and Italy and Trance divide China, and give Shantung to Japan? Was that not a unanimous decision? Close the doors upon the diplomats of Europe, let them sit in secret, give them the material to trade on, and there always will be unanimous consent. How did Japan get unanimous consent? I want to say here, in my parting words upon this proposition, that I have no doubt the outrage upon China was quite as distasteful to the President of the United States as it is to me. But Japan said "I will not sign your treaty unless you turn over to me Shantung, to be turned back at my discretion," and you know how Japan's discretion operates with reference to such things. And so, when we are in the 10 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS league, and our accredited represen- tatives are sitting at Geneva, and a question of great moment arises, Japan, or Russia, or G-ermany, or Great Britain will say, ''Unless this matter is adjusted in this way I will depart from your league." It is the same thing, operating in the same way, only under a different date and under a little different circum- stances. Mr. President, if you have enough territory, if you have enough ma- terial, if you have enough subject peoples to trade upon and divide, there will be no difficulty about unanimous consent. Do our Democratic friends ever expect any man to sit as a member of the coimcil or as a member of the assembly equal in intellectual power and in standing before the world 11 THE LEAGUE OP NATIONS with that of our representative at iVersailles? Do you expect a man to sit in the council who will have made more pledges, and I shall assume made them in sincerity, for self-de- termination and for the rights of small peoples, than had been made hy our accredited representative? And yet, what became of it? The unanimous consent was obtained nevertheless. But take another view of it. We are sending to the council one man. That one man represents 110,000,000 people. Here, sitting in the Senate, we have two from every state in the Union, and over in the other House we have representatives in accord- ance with population, and the re- sponsibility is spread out in accord- ance with our obligations to our 12 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS constituency. But now we are transferring to one man the stupen- dous power of representing the sen- timent and convictions of 110,000,000 people in tremendous questions which may involve the peace or may involve the war of the world. However you view the question of unanimous consent, it does not pro- tect us. What is the result of all this? We are in the midst of all of the affairs of Europe. We have entangled our- selves with all European concerns. We have joined in alliance with all the European nations which have thus far joined the league, and all na- tions which may be admitted to the league. We are sitting there dab- bling in their affairs and intermed- dling in their concerns. In other words, Mr, President — and this 13 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS comes to the question wMch is fun- damental with me — we have for- feited and surrendered, once and for all, the great policy of "no entan- gling alliances" upon which the strength of this Republic has been founded for one hundred fifty years. My friends of reservations, tell me where is the reservation in these articles which protects us against entangling alliances with Europe? Those who are differing over reser- vations, tell me what one of them protects the doctrine laid down by the Father of our Coimtry. That fundamental proposition ds surren- dered, and we are a part of the European turmoils and conflicts from the time we enter this league. Let us not underestimate that. There has never been an hour since the Venezuelan difficulty that there 14 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS has not been operating in this coun- try, fed by domestic and foreign sources, a powerful propaganda for the destruction of the doctrine of no entangling alliances. Lloyd-George is reported to have said just a few days before the con- ference met at Versailles that Great Britain comld give up much, and would be willing to sacrifice much, to have America withdraw from that policy. That was one of the great objects of the entire conference at Versailles, so far as the foreign rep- resentatives were concerned. Cle- menceau and Lloyd-George and others like them were willing to make any reasonable sacrifice which would draw America away from her isola- tion and into the internal affairs and concerns of Europe. This league of nations, with or without reserva- 15 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS tions, whatever else it does or does not do, doesi surrender and sacrifice that policy; and once having surren- dered and become a part of the European concerns, where, my friends, are you going to stop? You have put in here a reservation upon the Monroe Doctrine. I think that, in so far as language could pro- tect the Monroe Doctrine, it has been protected. But as a practical propo- sition, as a working proposition, tell me candidly, as men familiar with the history of your country and of other countries, do you think that you can intermeddle in European af- fairs and keep Europe from inter- meddling in your affairs? iWhen Mr. Monroe wrote to Jef- ferson, he asked htm his view upon the Monroe Doctrine, and Mr. Jeffer- son said, in substance, our first and 16 THE LBAGITB OP NATIONS primary obligation should be never to interfere in European affairs; and, secondly, never to permit Europe to interfere in our affairs. He understood, as every wise and practical man understands, that if we intermeddle in her affairs, if we help to adjust her conditions, inevit- ably and remorselessly Europe then will be carried into our affairs, in spite of anything you can write upon paper. "We can not protect the Monroe Doctrine unless we protect the basic principle upon which it rests, and that is the Washington policy. I do not care how earnestly you may en- deavor to do so, as a practical work- ing proposition, your league will come to the United States. Will you permit me to digress long enough to read a paragraph from a great French 17 THE LEAGUE OF NATION* editor upon this particular phase of the matter, Mr. Stephen Lausanne, ieditor of Le Matin, of Paris: When the executive eouncU of the league of nations fixes "the reason- able limits of the armament of Peru"; when it shall demand infor- mation concerning the naval pro- gram of Brazil; when it shall tell Argentina what shall be the measure of the "contribution to the armed forces to protect the signatures of the social covenant"; when it shall demand the immediate registration of the treaty between the United States and Canada at the seat of the league, it will control, whether it wills or no, the destinies of America. And when the American States shall be obliged to take a hand in every war or menace of war in Europe (art. 11), they will necessarily fall afoul of the fundamental principle laid down by [Monroe, which was that Americans should never take part in a European war. If the league takes in the world, then Europe must mix in the affairs 18 THE LEAGTJK OF NATIONS of America; if only Europe is in- cluded, then America will violate of necessity her own doctrine by inter- mixJQg in the affairs of Europe. If the league includes the affairs of the world, does it not include the af- fairs of all the world;? Is there any limitation of the jurisdiction of the council or of the assembly upon the question of peace or war? Does it not have now, under the reserva- tions, the same as it had before, the power to deal with all matters of peace or war throughout the entire world? How shall you keep from meddling in the affairs of Europe or keep Europe from meddling in the affairs of America ? Mr. President, there is another and even a more commanding reason why I shall record my vote against this treaty. It imperils what I con- 19 I THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS ceive to be the miderlying, the very first principles of this Republic. It is in conflict with the right of our people to govern themselves free from all restraint, legal or moral, of foreign powers. It challenges every tenet of my political faith. If this faith were one of my own contriving, if I stood here to assert principles of government of my own evolving, I might well be charged with intoler- able presumption, for we all recog- nize the ability of those who urge a different course. But I offer in jus- tification of my course nothing of my own — save the deep and abiding reverence I have for those whose policies I humbly but most ardently support. I claim no merit save fidel- ity to American principles and devo- tion to American ideals as they were isvrought out from time to time by 20 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS those who built the Republic and as they have been extended and main- tained throughout these years. In opposing the treaty I do nothing more than decline to renounce and tear out of my life the sacred tradi- tions which throughout fifty years have been translated into my whole intellectual and moral being. I will not, I can not, give up my belief that America must, not alone for the hap- piness of her own people, but for the moral guidance and greater content- ment of the world, be permitted to live her own life. Next to the tie which binds a man to his God is the tie which binds a man to his country, and all schemes, all plans, however ambitious and fascinating they seem in their proposal, but which would embarrass or entangle and impede or shackle her sovereign wiU, which 21 TKE LKAGTJB OF NATIONS" would compromise her freedom of action I xmliesitatiiigly put behind me. Sir, since the debate opened months ago those of us who have stood against this proposition have been taunted many times with being little Americans. Leave us the word American, keep that in your pre- sumptuous impeachment, and no taunt can disturb us, no gibe discom- pose our purposes. Call us little Americans if you will, but leave us the consolation and the pride which the term American, however modi- fied, still imparts. Take away that term and though you should coin in telling phrase your highest eulogy we would hurl it back as common slander. We have been ridiculed because, forsooth, of our limited vi- sion. Possibly that charge may be 22 THE LBAGTJB OF NATIONS true. Who is there here that can read the future? Time, and time alone, unerring and remorseless, "will give us each our proper place in the affections of our countrymen and in the esteem and commendation of those who are to come after us. We neither fear nor court her favor. But if our vision has been circumscribed it has at all times within its compass been clear and steady. We have sought nothing save the tranquillity of our own people and the honor and independence of our own Republic. No foreign flattery, no possible world glory and power have dis- turbed our poise or come between us and our devotion to the traditions which have made us a people or the policies which have made us a Na- tion, unselfish and commanding. If we have erred we have erred out of THE LBAGUB OF NATIONTS too much love for those things whiehi from childhood you and we together have been taught to revere — ^yes, to defend even at the cost of limb and life. If we have erred it is because we have placed too high an estimate upon the wisdom of Washington and Jefferson, too exalted an opinion upon the patriotism, of the sainted Lincoln. And blame us not there- fore if we have, in our limited vision, seemed sometimes bitter and at aU times uncompromising, for the things for which we , have spoken, feebly spoken, the things which we have en- deavored to defend have been the things for which your fathers and our fathers were willing to die. Senators, even in an hour so big with expectancy we shotdd not close our eyes to the fact that democracy is something more, vastly more, than •24 THE LEAGTJE OF NATIONS a mere form of govermnent by which, society is restrained into free and orderly life. It is a moral entity, a spiritual force as well. And these are things which live only and alone in the atmosphere of liberty. The foundation upon which democracy rests is faith in the moral instincts of the people. Its ballot boxes, the franchise, its laws, and constitutions are but the outward manifestations of the deeper and more essential thing — a continuing trust in the moral purposes of the average man and woman. When this is lost or for- feited your outward forms, however democratic in terms, are a mockery. Force may find expression through institutions democratic in structure equal with the simple and more direct processes of a single supreme ruler. These distinguishing virtues of a 25 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS real republic you can not conmiingle with the discordant and destructive forces of the Old World and still pre- serve them. You can not yoke a gov- ernment whose fundamental maxim is that of liberty to a government whose first law is that of force and hope to preserve the former. These things are in eternal war, and one must ultimately destroy the other. You may still keep for a time the out- ward form, you may still delude your- self, as others have done in the past, with appearances and symbols, but when you shall have conunitted this Republic to a scheme of world con- trol based upon force, upon the com- bined military force of the four great nations of the world, you wiU have soon destroyed the atmosphere of freedom, of confidence in the self- governing capacity of the masses, in 26 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS which alone a democracy may thrive. We may become one of the four dic- tators of the world, but we shall no longer be master of our own spirit. And what shall it profit us as a Na- tion if we shall go forth to the dominion of the earth and share with others the glory of world control and lose that fine sense of confidence in the people, the soul of democracy? Look upon the scene as it is now presented. Behold the task we are to assume, and then contemplate the method by which we are to deal with this task. Is the method such as to address itself to a Government ' ' con- ceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal"? When this league, this combination, is formed four great powers representing the dominant people will rule one-half of the inhab- 27 THE LEAGUE OP NATIONS itants of the globe as subject peoples — ^rule by force, and we shall be a party to the rule of force. There is no other way by which you can keep people in subjection. You must either give them independence, rec- ognize their rights as nations to live their own life and to set up their own form of government, or you must deny them these things by force. That is the scheme, the method pro- posed by the league. It proposes no other. We will in time become in- ured to its inhuman precepts and its soulless methods, strange as this doctrine now seems to a free people. If we stay with our contract, we will come in time to declare with our as- sociates that force — ^force, the creed of the Prussian military oligarchy — is after all the true foundation upon which rest all stable governments. 28 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS Korea, despoiled and bleeding at every pore; India, sweltering in ignorance and burdened with inhu- man taxes after more tban a hun- dred years of dominant rule; Egypt, trapped and robbed of her birth- right; Ireland, with seven hundred years of sacrifice for independence^- this is the task, this is the atmosphere, and this is the creed in and under which we are to keep alive our belief in the moral purposes and self-govern- ing capacity of the people, a belief without which the Republic must dis- integrate and die. The maxim of lib- erty will soon give way to the rule of blood and iron. We have been plead- ing here for our Constitution. Con- form this league, it has been said, to the technical terms of our charter and all will be well. But I declare to you that we must go further and con- 29 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS form to those sentiments and pas- sions for justice and freedom which are essential to the existence of democracy. You must respect not territorial boundaries, not territorial integrity, but you must respect and preserve the sentiments and passions for justice and for freedom which God in His infinite wisdom has planted so deep in the human heart that no form of tyranny however brutal, no persecution however pro- longed can wholly uproot and kill. Respect nationality, respect justice, respect freedom, and you may have some hope of peace, but not so if you make your standard the standard of tyrants and despots, the protection of real estate regardless of how it is obtained. Sir, we are told that this treaty means peace. Even so, I would not 30 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS pay the price. Would you purcHase peace at the cost of any part of our independence? We could have had peace in 1776 — ^the price was high, but we could have had it. James Otis, Sam Adams, Hancock, and Warren were surroxmded by those who urged peace and British rule. All through that long and trying struggle, particularly when the clouds of adversity lowered upon the cause there was a cry of peace — let us have peace. We could have had peace in 1860; Lincoln was counseled by men of great influence and ac- credited wisdom to let our brothers — and, thank heaven, they are brothers — depart in peace. But the tender, loving Lincoln, bending im- der the fearful weight of impending civil war, an apostle of peace, re- fused to pay the price, and a reunited 31 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS country will praise his name forever more — ^bless it because he refused peace at the price of national honor and national integrity. Peace upon any other basis than national inde- pendence, peace purchased at the cost of any part of our national integ- rity, is fit only for slaves, and even when purchased at such a price it is a delusion, for it can not last. But your treaty does not mean peace — far, very far, from it. If we are to judge the future by the past it means war. Is there any guaranty of peace other than the guaranty which comes of the control of the war- making power by the people? Yet what great rule of democracy does the treaty leave unassailed? The people in whose keeping alone you can safely lodge the power of peace pr war nowhere, at no time and in no 32 THE LEAGUE OP NATIONS place, have any voice in this scheme for world peace. Autocracy which has bathed the world in blood for cen- turies reigns supreme. Democracy is everywhere excluded. This, you say, means peace. Can you hope for peace when love of country is disregarded in your scheme, when the spirit of nationality is rejected, even scoffed at? Yet what law of that moving and myste- rious force does your treaty not deny? With a ruthlessness unparalleled your treaty in a dozen instances runs counter to the divine law of nation- ality. Peoples who speak the same language, kneel at the same ancestral tombs, moved by the same traditions, animated by a common hope, are torn asunder, broken in pieces, di- vided, and parceled out to antago- nistic nations. And this you call 33 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS justice. This, you cry, means peace. Peoples who have dreamed of inde- pendence, struggled and been pa- tient, sacrificed and been hopeful, peoples who were told that through this peace conference they should realize the aspirations of centuries, have again had their hopes dashed to earth. One of the most striking and commanding figures in this war, soldier and statesman, turned away from the peace table at Versailles declaring to the world, "The promise of the new life, the victory of the great himiane ideals for which the peoples have shed their blood and giv- en their treasure without stint, the ful- fillment of their aspirations toward a new international order and a fairer and better world are not written into the treaty." No; your treaty means injustice. It means slavery. It 34 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS means war. And to all this you ask this Republic to become a party. You ask it to abandon the creed under which it has grown to power and accept the creed of autocracy, the creed of repression and force. Mr. President, I turn from this scheme based upon force to another scheme, planned one hundred forty- three years ago in old Independence Hall, in the city of Philadelphia, based upon liberty. I like it better. I have become so accustomed to believe in it that it is difficult for me to reject it out of hand. I have difficulty in subscribing to the new creed of oppression, the creed of dominant and subject peo- ples. I feel a reluctance to give up the belief that all men are created equal — ^the eternal principle in gov- ernment that all governments derive 35 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS tEeir just powers from the consent of the governed. I can not get rnj consent to exchange the doctrine of George Washington for the doctrine of Frederick the Great translated into mendacious phrases of peace. I go back to that serene and masterful soul who pointed the way to power and glory for the new and then weak Republic, and whose teachings and admonitions even in our majesty and dominance we dare not disre- gard. I know well the answer to my contention. It has been piped about of late from a thousand sources — • venal sources, disloyal sources, sinis- ter sources — ^that Washington's wis- dom was of his day only and that his teachings are out of fashion — things long since sent to the scrap heap of history — ^that while he was great in m THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS character and noble in soul he was untrained in the arts of statecraft and unlearned in the science of gov- ernment. The piiny demagogue, the barren editor, the sterile professor now vie with each other in apologiz- ing for the temporary and common- place expedients which the Father of our Country felt constrained to adopt in building a republic! What is the test of statesmanship ? Is it the formation of theories, the utterance of abstract and incontro- vertible truths, or is it the capacity and the power to give to a people that concrete thing called liberty, that vital and indispensable thing in human happiness called free institu- tions and to establish over all and above all the blessed and eternal reign of order and law? If this be the test, where shall we find another 37 THE LEAGITB OF NATIONS whose name is entitled to be written beside the name of Washington? His judgment and poise in the hour of turmoil and peril, his courage and vision in times of adversity, his firm grasp of fundamental principles, his almost inspired power to penetrate the future and read there the result, the effect of policies, have never been excelled, if equaled, by any of the world's commonwealth builders. Peter the Great, William the Silent, and Cromwell the Protector, these and these alone perhaps are to be as- sociated with his name as the builders of States and the founders of gov- ernments. But in exaltation of moral purpose, in the unselfish character of his work, in the durability of his policies, in the permanency of the in- stitutions which he more than any one else called into effect, his service 38 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS to mankind stands out separate and apart in a class by itself. The works of these other great bnilders, where are they now? But the work of Washington is still the most potent influence for the advancement of civilization and the freedom of the race. Reflect for a moment over his achievements. > He led the Revolu- tionary Army to victory. He was the very first to suggest a union in- stead of a confederacy. He presided over and counseled with great wis- dom the convention which framed the Constitution. He guided the Government through its first perilous years. He gave dignity and stability and honor to that which was looked upon by the world as a passing ex- periment, and finally, my friends, as his own peculiar and particular con- 39 THK LEAGTTE OF KATIONS tribution to the happiness of his countrymen and to the cause of the Eepublic, he gave us his great foreign policy under which we have lived and prospered and strengthened for nearly a century and a half. This policy is the most sublime confirma- tion of his genius as a statesman. It was then, and it now is, an indispens- able part of our whole scheme of government. It is to-day a vital, indispensable element in our entire plan, purpose, and mission as a na- tion. To abandon it is nothing less than a betrayal of the American people. I say betrayal deliberately, in view of the suffering and the sac- rifice which will follow in the wake of such a course. But under the stress and strain of these extraordinary days, when strong men are being swept down by ^0 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS the onrusliing forces of disorder and change, when the most sacred things of life, the most cherished hopes of a Christian world seem to yield to the mad forces of discontent — just such days as Washington passed through when the mobs of Paris, wild with new liberty and drunk with power, challenged the established institu- tions of all the world, but his stead- fast soul was unshaken — ^under these conditions come again we are about to abandon this policy so essential to our happiness and tranquillity as a people and our stability as a Govern- ment. No leader with his command- ing influence and his unquailing courage stands forth to stem the cur- rent. But what no leader can or will do experience, bitter experience, and the people of this country in whose keeping, after all, thank God, is the 41 THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS Eepublic, will ultimately do. If wg abandon bis leadersbip and teacb- ings, we will go back. We will re- turn to tbis policy. Americanism sball not, can not die. We may go back in sackclotb and asbes, but we will return to tbe faitb of tbe fatbers. America will live ber own life. The independence of tbis Republic will bave its defenders. Thousands bave suffered and died for it, and their sons and daughters are not of the breed who will be betrayed into tbe hands of foreigners. Tbe noble face of tbe Father of bis Country, so fa- miliar to every boy and girl, looking out from the walls of the Capitol in Btem reproach, will call those who come here for public service to a reckoning. The people of our beloved country will finally speak, and we will return to the policy which we 42 TKE LEAGUE OP NATIONS now abandon. America disenthralled and free in spite of all these things will continue her mission in the cause of peace, of freedom, and of civilization. The End